Hegels Hegel's Philosophie Des Philosophy of Subjektiven Subjective Geistes Spirit
Hegels Hegel's Philosophie Des Philosophy of Subjektiven Subjective Geistes Spirit
Hegels Hegel's Philosophie Des Philosophy of Subjektiven Subjective Geistes Spirit
subjektiven Subjective
Geistes Spirit
BAND 2 VOLUME 2
Hegels
Philosophie des
subjektiven Geistes
UND ERLÄUTERUNGEN
von
M. J. Petry
Professor der Geschichte der Philosophie an der
Erasmus Universität in Rotterdam
BAND 2
ANTHROPOLOGIE
WITH AN INTRODUCTION
by
M. J. Petry
Professor of the History of Philosophy,
Erasmus University, Rotterdam
VOLUME 2
ANTHROPOLOGY
TYPE SET IN ENG LAND BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS LTD., BECCLES
HEGEL'S PHILOSOPHY OF SUBJECTIVE SPIRIT
Volume One
INTRODUCTIONS
Volume Two
ANTHROPOLOGY
Volume Three
ANMERKUNGEN 431
REGISTER ZUM TEXT 635
A.
~ n t br 0 " 0 {0 g i c.
~ i test t ( t.
§. 388.
~er ~tI(t ift "fIS Me m3a6r~tit ber matur 9 tttJor btn.
~ut}erbem, bat} in ber ,3bee tl&er~aupt bili 9tefultQt bie
~ebeutung bel' m3Q~r()eit unb uielmebr be~ ~rflen gegen
b4~ Sl3orbergel)enbe [)elt, bQt bM ru!erben ober Uebtrge~en
im ~tgrijf Me &tflimmtere ~ebeutung be~ fr eie n U r~
t~ eHe. SOer geworbene ~eifl bQt bQber ben einn, bQP
~ie matur an ibr fel&ft a(e ba6 Unwabre fiel) aufbe&t, unb
ber ~eifl fo ficb a(tS biefe niel)t mebr in (ti&licber Clln&tln;
~elt Qujusficb,fe\Jenbt, fonbmi in ibrer (oncretion
unb ~otQ[jtdt ein fa el) t leUgemeinbeit uorau6fe~t, in IVcl,
d)n er e e eie, nod) nld)t ~eift ift·
§. 389.
~ic eeele 1ft nid)t nur ftlr {id) immaterlea, fonbern
I>ie a"gemeine ,3mmQteriQlitdt btr mQtur, beren elnfad)t5
'bttU~ feben. eie 1ft ble eu b fh n &, fo bit a&folutr
Wrunb(age aUer ~efonbtrung unb Sl3ereinbdun9 bte ~tt/
fite, fo bQj er In i~r aUen etojf ftiner ~eflimmung ~at,
47 unb fit bit burd)bringenbe, tbentlfd)e .3beQlitdt berreiben
bleibt. leber in biefer tlod) obftracttn ~eflimmutlg ifl fit
nur ber e c6 [a f be6 ~cifle'; - ber pa ffi u mus bel
~riflotdctl, lVel~cr ber ml69 n ~ ft U nQ~ llUef 1ft.
~'t \jragt um bit .3mmattrl"litAt bef etde r"nll
nur bann nocb ein ,3l1tmfft ~Qbtn, wenn bit ID?Qurtt
AI. ein ~ß a bre. tlnerfdttl, unb bn QSdjl altl dn i' t t1 g
+ AnbcmicihJ "orgtjltUt roirb. eosar bcm 'Pbl>{ifer fit
Aber in neunn Selten btt ID?aterie uuter ben ~&nben
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 3
Anthropology
TIte Soul +
§ 388
§ 38 9
Not only is the soul for itself immaterial, it is the
universal immateriality ofnature, thesimple ideal 15
nature of the life of nature. It is the substance, that
is to say, the absolute basis ofall the particulariz-
ing and singularizing of spirit, so that spirit has
within it all the ntaterial of its deterntination, and it
rentains the pervading identical ideality of this 20
deterntination. In this still abstract determination
i t is however only the sleep of spiri t; - the passive
nous of Aristotle, which is the possibility of all
things. +
The question of the immateriality of the soul 25
can still be ofinterest only ifa distinction is drawn
in which matter is presented as true and spirit as a
thing. Even in the hands ofthe physicists however,
ntatter has beconte subtler in more recent times,
4 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
f. *
mr ball Ddtntdkn ~ffd6e et~1t nrie ~CIU ;)llUIlGterleUr. &111
fdJtd6e., Me fit 9fricr, fu*'ntfdI uftb «&rollte ""11tH. ~itre
em~tu"8e~ift ~enfd)te atlcf) in ber \7ormQligen .rta'~"fif.
e. bkfd6t ,"be~ ben ~ett"fQ~ brt IDleltmeUm unb 3m-
.....meileR einm unü&e~btblt~e1t ~telt, fo ~", 1k bflts
feie. ~'" Clnbertrftite ~ell'U't[offl' lBtlfc ~um, tDwbtr aUf,
~ti pe bit eede AU dmm ~lnße, f\71gli~ ab ~ae 8t"lf PA
~~klt, aM gltidJ",oN foglrilt IIIdJ finnlt~n ~m,ä(trdffcn
0eftimmten mad7te. ~if~ tf)at fene gda,'mu bIn'tfJ i~te Wtoac
na«, beln Si. bet ~efe, - 'Oabutcf7 fe~te fie biere in bett Bh um,
- cbenfe bllrd} t~re ~age n(l~ baR Cf1ttflc~1t l1nb ~cfJtvilt~en
ber €tde, ~ ~bllf~ t\'urbe Weft in ~ 3eh gefet., - uab
hittme bt1fdt l'ft ~rQge nadJ ben ClfgellfdJllfttll 'Ocr \Seele; -
~CIIJl bGbci _ toie Seele 4116 rin mU~CllteEl, Wtftte I 01" brt
51 Mfllübfenbe ~unrt bitfer ~eftimmungell ~drQd)td. VlII~ l'et~·tf~
~(lt 'Oie Seele al8 rilt ~ing bdrad)tet, Inbem tr bleftlbt, "'ie
aUe~ UrbrlBe, Aur Donabf macf1k; bie gona~r ift fin ebenfo
9lu~m'Oee, .,tr ~ins, unb bft Sanae Untnfd)ir'o a\\'tfcf)fn 'Der
~Ie unb 'Oem Uaterldlm beftr~t nacr, ~ribni~ nur barin, bCl~
bit eftle rint et\\\ae "arm, eltttvicfeltne DonaDe i~, al~ bit
ü&tige 11lakrif; - eine morfleUung, burtf1 ~ltf)e ba~ rolaterltlk
&\t\nr tf~o&t!1t, bie Stek aber Ille~r au rinem 9aterldlelt l)erlln.
ttrgrfe~t oIe batlon unterf~leben ",ht.
Uckt biefe ganse b[o_ rtflectinnbe ertrQd,tung",ooft crl}fM
lIne fdton bie fpeclIlatttle ~ogif, fnbtm pe aeiOt, ba; aUr feilt
auf Ne Seele Qnge",anbten ~ttimmungen, - ~(e ~tn9, <iln'
fatt,~eit, Unt~dlbarfdt, tiine - in i~m abfh'actrn lutfllffung
nid;t ein m(l~rtG ffnt, fonbefn in i~r ~egentl}fil umftt,logclI.
l>1~ '~iltlfo~~ie be" ~ifte" abn ff~t bieren efl~d~ brr Un,
~d~rt,tft fold)er merfhmbeGfQtegorien baburcfJ fort, bQ; ~e bat'
t~lIt, wie lluttf) 'oie 3beaUtöt beG @elftt& aUe fefte eeftlmmuII9fn
fn bemfelben Qufse~oben finb.
ma" nlln bit anbere Seite bt~ frQgtkf)fn QJegenfQ~tI, nö.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 11
°
lid) bie galerie betrifft, f ~ht, ~ie fdJon btmerft, bft 'tU-
ßel'lid}ftit , ~mfnAelung, mfd~cft al~ 'ofe fe~e ~tjtimmllng btt,
fetben angeft~tn, bfe ~fn~eit 'ofefel5 miden bCl~tr UUf fCtt ein
oMfldd}Ud)e~ ~anb, für eine 3ufammenfeeung, bemnad) aUe8
IDlilteritUe für trennbar nfldtt. Wlkr'tling8 mu; augegd!f11 ttlet<
bell, '0"" ttlii~renb beim @d~e bit tonertte ~tn~eft baG Weftnt<
lid)e, Wb ba8 mttle rin Sd}efn f~, bri ber 9RalfTie bRG Umgc<
fe~t1e ~att finbd; - (f~a8 I ttlo\)on fd10n 'oie alte !llna~'~~f
dne.~nuftS atigtc, inbem ~e ftagte, ob '008 ifne obn- '008 mitte
brim @ei~e 'o~ ~tfle fe". :l)a, aber ble leu;erlfct,feit lIn'o ~(d.
~eit kr !Raterle \)on ~tr matur nid,t ftben~unbrn tt'ttbclI f&1t 11 c,
i~ efllt mOfQII8ft~UIl9, 'oie ~ir auf IInfmm 6ti1n'o~llIIftt, Mif
~m ehtn'o~unft 'ocr fvccllla!i\)C1t ~~flofov~ie, ~Itr längfl o(~ eilte
nicfJtige !In 9ti\den ~abell. ~ie 9lQtut'\'~ilof~ie ltl,rt 11Il~, lt'ie
52 __ Rotur ~re leujnfi"t ftufett~fe ou~&t, - ttlie bfe 9a~
tme fel)on bUTeI) 'oie es d) ttl Cf e 'oie eelbftflAnbigkit b~ «ifnaelnelt,
mietm "'ibalegt, - uub ~ie biefe burel) 'oie I5cfJtvere unb nOd}
_~r burel) boe uittrenn&ote, clnfo. ~ i eI) t &egonnene 9Bfoerle~
gung butcfJ 'oae t~lerff. ~e&eft, bUTeI) ba~ <flllJfinbenbe \)oUen,
~t nrirb I bG blefe~ un8 bfe QgegelttVort ber ~inen <Stde in
CIIIea ~ften i~t'tf ~bUeI)frit, romit '0418 ~ufge~obmre"n 'oe8
Wu;errinonber ber geaterie offen60rt. 3nbem fo ctUe~ IDlaterieUe
htcfJ ben in 'oer 9latuf ~hfmbm an ~ fiel> ~ fet>en'oen @eilt Qufge~
,.n mrb, un'o biere ~uff>ehng in 'oa Subfiana 'oer See Ie fid}
"oUenbet, tritt 'oie Seele QI~ 'oie 3bealttit a ({ e8 !JtaterieUell, al~
Cl1 l e 3mmaterfolität ~or, f ° 'ca, 1Ue8, ttla~ gaterle ~ei~t, -
fo rt~r f~ ber ~orfkUlln9 Sdflfijtänbigkft ~orf~iegdt, - 01.
ein gtgtn 'Dm QSeijt Unftl&ftftänbiget trfunnt ~ir'o.
!>a 8tgtnfae \)on Seele un'o .Rö."er mu, freili<f1 gema<f1t
1Mbm. Sottlie 'oie unbeflimmte oUgemeine Seele fiel) be~immt,
tiel) iitbi'Oibllaliftrt, - fo~ie 'oer @eijt eben 'oaburd} ~et\)u,t~
~n ~Ir'o, - unb 'ooau fd}reitet er not~~en'oig fort, -- fo jteUt
er tiel) auf bcn Stanb~unft 'oe~ @egenfaee8 feiner felbft un'o fei~
.1Itt 'nberen, - Cl'fd>eint i~m fein 'n'om~ 018 ein 9tcalee, ale
rin f~m un'o fia, fel&tr @(eu~trlf~e8, ale ein IDlaterieUee. ~uf
biefem Stan'o~unfte fjt bie ~age nael) ber IDlöglicfJfeit 'oer @e~
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 13
* Griesheim Ms. SS. 70-72; vgl. Kehler Ms. SS. 53-54: Der Materialismus ist
auch Philosophie aber er hat dieß äußerliche Nebeneinander, aber diese
Einheit, daß das Materielle keine Wahrheit habe, dieser spekulative Begriff,
der allerdings mehr oder weniger getrübt, mehr oder weniger auf der
Oberfläche ist, ist bei Descartes, Malebranche, Leibnitz, Spinoza und auch
beim Berkeley Materialismus, da heißt es z.B. wir sehen alle Dinge in Gott.
Descartes hat andere Verhältnisse aufgestellt, es sind nämlich Dinge, aber
diese ausgedehnt nennt er causa occasionalis, die äußerlichen Dinge wirken
nicht auf die Seele auf den Geist, und was eigentlich Empfindung hervor-
bringt ist Gott, indem unter Gott verstanden wird, diese allgemeine Einheit
in der die Materie als ideell gesetzt ist, wie es in Gott, im Denken ist. So ist
auch bei Spinoza dieß ein Wahres, die Identität des Ausgedehnten und des
Denkens, dem Ausgedehnten ist bei ihm auch keine Realität zugeschrieben.
Leibnitz hat der Schwierigkeit so abgeholfen, daß er Hypothesen (71)
gemacht hat, diese bestehen nämlich darin eine Grundlage zu machen, so
oder so, für diesen bestimmten Zweck. So hat Leibnitz die Atome als Monaden
bezeichnet und zwar als vorstellend und daß so eine Monade sich nun in
sich reflektirt Alles, jeden Punkt, die Seele hat es nur mit sich zu thun, da ist
keine Einwirkung auf Anderes, sondern es bleibt alles innerhalb seiner selbst
eingeschlossen, Gott nun ist die Harmonie, die sogenannte preestablirte
Harmonie, die Harmonie dieser Evolutionen. Jeder Punkt des Körpers ist
für sich, jedes bleibt in sich eingeschlossen, Gott bewirkt die Harmonie, daß
indem die Vorstellung in mir entwickelt, sich dieß auch im Andern entwick-
elt. Auch hier ist beseitigt diese Einwirkung von Seele auf Körper, von
Körper auf Seele, so daß es nur die Identität und nur Evolutionen innerhalb
ihrer selbst, nicht in einem Fremden sind.
Wir haben hier also das Verhältniß erwähnt unter dem man sich vor-
zustellen pflegt, wie sich Körper, Materie zum Geist verhält, wir haben
erwähnt daß dieß von Descartes, Spinoza, Leibnitz u.s.w. aus spekulativem
Grundbestimmt ist und daß dieß nur so sein kann daß das Geistige das Herr-
schende ist, in welchem das Materielle durch uns nur ist als ein Aufge-
hobenes, als ein Ideelles. Die Vorstellung, wir haben alle Dinge in Gott, die
äußeren Dinge sind nur gelegentlich, Gott vermittelt alles, ist dasselbe als
das was oben gesetzt ist. Bei solchen Vorstellungen ist die mangelhafte
Methode auszusetzen und besonders daß die Materie und die Seele als
beständig und Gott als die Mitte genommen werden, aber Gott ist in der
That das Wesen und die beiden Extreme sind nur Formen die nicht das
Selbständige sind. Wir haben also ein solches Verhältniß, eine solche Frage
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 17
* Criesheim Ms. pp. 70-72; cf. Kehler Ms. pp. 53-54: Materialism too is
philosophy, concerned though it is with external collaterality. This unity
however, which is that of material being's possessing no truth, this specula-
tive Notion, more or less dimmed and superficial though it is, is the material-
ism of Descartes, Malebranche, Leibnitz, Spinoza, as also of Berkeley. Here it is +
formulated, for instance, as our seeing all things in God. Descartes has ad-
duced other relationships. Although, for hirn, things are, he calls their being
extended causa occasionalis, external things having no effect on the soul, on
spirit. It is God that brings forth sensation proper, since God is understood
to be this universal unity in which matter is posited as being of an ideal
nature, as it is in God, in thought. For Spinoza also, the identity of what is +
extended and of thought is a true being, and as with Descartes, no reality is
ascribed to what is extended. Leibnitz removed the difficulty by formulating +
hypotheses, (71) the specific purpose of which consists in establishing some
sort of basis. He took atoms to be monads, presentative monads moreover,
such a monad being intro-reftective in all, at every point. The soul is con-
cerned only with itself, there being no effect upon another, all remaining
enclosed within itself, and God being the harmony, what is called the pre-
established harmony, the harmony of these evolutions. The body's every
point is for itself, each remaining enclosed within itself. It is God that effects
the harmony of the presentation's developing itself within another as it de-
velops itself within me. Here also this effect of soul upon body, of body upon
soul, is avoided, all that is being identity and the evolutions, not within
anything alien however, but within self. +
Mention has been made here of what is usually presented as being the
relationship through which body or matter relates itself to spirit. It has been
observed, that Descartes, Spinoza, Leibnitz etc. determine it on a speculative
basis, which can only be so in that what is spiritual is that which is in control,
and within which material being, through us, has being only as a sublated-
ness, as being of an ideal nature. The presentation of our having all things in
God, of external things being only occasional, of God's mediating all, is the
same as thatjust assessed. The defective method employed in such presenta- +
tions has to be exposed, especially that of matter and soul being regarded as
subsistent and God as the middle. God is in fact the essence however, the two
extremes being merely non-subsistent forms, and we have therefore avoided
18 . Regels Philcsophie des Subjektiven Geistes
any such relationship, any such enquiry into the connection between body
and soul. What is corporeal has no truth for spirit; its significance is however
that spirit presupposes an idealism, and that spirit is ununderstandable unless
this idealism (72) is mastered. -f
* KehleT Ms. pp. 18-19; cf. Griesheim Ms. pp. 27-28: Spirit is essentially that
which has being through coming to itself by means of nature, or rather by
means of the sublation of the onesided form through which the Idea is as
nature. (Griesheim i'Vfs. p. 27 line 21. KehleT, "nature is as Idea".) This be-
coming is spirit's proceeding forth from nature, and, at this juncture it
appears as a product, a result, this transition being its necessity in that it is
posited as that which necessarily progresses into this shape. We stop at this
point; for itself it is a generally onesided standpoint however, and if it is
taken only (19) in this way it is moreover wholly false, and can give rise to
the mistake of regarding spirit as a product. It has often been asserted for
example, that it is only what is material, sensuous, natural, that is real and
true. Spirit has been regarded as a certain combination of natural relation-
ships, a certain arrangement of natural parts, activities, forces, it being
thought that what is spiritual arises on ce they have refined themselves to a
certain degree. This is what is called materialism, the presenting of what is
spiritual as being a mere resuIt of combinations, a kind of refinement of
20 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
§. 390.
~ie eeele äff Duerff
a. in i~ra unmittel&aren maturhjlimmt§eit, -
bie nur fe\] cnbe, n at t\ rl i cf} t eeetc;
b. tritt fie 4(' in bi\) i bu eI ( in b4tS ~erbMtnij DU bies
fem i~rem unmittelbaren et\]n unb fit in beffen sr,el
* ftimmt~eitcn a&,lract f t\r ff cf) - f tl b(e nb e eee(e;
c. ift baffcl&e 4(11 i~re 2ei&licf}ftit in fit dnse&ifbet, uu&
fit barl n a(tS mir rli cf) c ecc(e.
s.,... ~r in biejem ~GrllßrG~~en Gltgege&ene, bie nut
f.nbe, nGtidtcf)e Seele umfaffenbe er fl t $ ~ eU bet Int~ro\lo'
loP aetfiUt fdnetfeitf ~iebenun IR bte i ., fcf} 1\ i tt e. - 3n
bcm n~n .fcf)nitt ~Q&en ~ft ef aUIIAcf}fl mit ber ROcf} gana
altJclndnen, unmittelbaren Su&flana bef ~eiflef, mit bem eiafGe
. . ~(flnn, bem &(o~en Sid)-in, ncf)' regen bn See(e au t~un.
31\ biefem trfltn gtijtigcn ~ebtn ift llOd) fein Unttrfcf)icb gefrot,
55 ~btt "on 3nbi"ibua(itdt gegen tmst.rin~eit , nocr, "Oll Serie
§ 39°
••
" ,e _ t\ • 11 r I i ~ e e ee( f.
§. 391.
~ie allgemeine eule muD nicf)t cd' mJeltruh
tldcf1fam ah~ etu E5ubject fi~irt merben, benn fie iff nur bit
allgemeine E5 u b ff an &, meld)e i~re mirflid)e lBabrbett nur
* al_ '! i n&e( n ~ ei t, E5u&jecti\litAt, bat. E50 beigt fie fiel)
et_ einadne Aber unmittelbAr nur Cd6 re" en be E5eelc, mell
4e mAturbelUmmt~citen an i~r bAt. ~iefe ~I\ben, fo iU
57 flgen, bin te r ibrer ~beAlitAt fr eie '!Jiffeni, b. i. fie finb
f4r bas 0emujtfel}n m"turgegenjtAnbe, iU benen aber bit
eec(e als fold}e fid) nid}t Als &U Aujerlid)en "er~Alt. eie
* 1827: Als sich besondernd tritt sie, vorher nur innere Idee, in das Daseyn.
In diesen Bestimmungen zeigt sie sich als seyende ...
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 25
a.
* 1827: Formerly only internat Idea, it enters into determinate being in that it is
self-particutari<:ing. In these determinations it displays itself as being ...
26 • Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
§. 392.
!)er ~eitt lebt 1) tn feiner eub(tAn51 ber ttAtt1rlicf)en
eede, b4f aOgemeine planetarifcf}e feben mit, ben Unter,
fd)teb ber .Ilim4te, ben m3ed)fe( ber .3a~ref&citen, ber t41
sefieiten, u. bSI. - ein m4tutlc&cn, b4f in i~m ,um t~cil
.ar iU trll&cn 0timmunscn fommt.
* Criesheim Ms. S. 77; vgl. KehleT Ms. S. 58: Es ist eine alte Vorstellung daß
der'Mensch der Mikrokosmos sei gegen die unentwickelte Welt als Makrokos-
mos, so daß dieselben Bestimmungen die in der Natur als Gestaltungen
entwickelt sind, als Momente, als einfach qualitative Bestimmtheiten sich an
ihm finden; gleichsam wie wir in einem Spiegel eine Landschaft sehen, so
sind die Bestimmungen des Weltlebens auch im Geist, aber als einfache
Bestimmtheiten. Aber sofern sie unmittelbar natürliche Bestimmtheiten sind,
gehören sie zum Bewußtlosen des Geistes, die er noch nicht empfindet, wir
sind dieß ohne ein Bewußtsein davon zu haben wozu uns erst die Reflexion
führt.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 27
a) Natural qualities
* Criesheim Ms. p. 77; cf. KehLer Ms. p. 58: There is an ancient presentation
of man's being the microcosm opposed to the undeveloped world, the
macrocosm, ofthe same determinations as are developed in nature as forma-
tions or moments occurring in hirn as simple qualitative determinatenesses;
just as we see alandscape in a mirror, so the determinations of the life of the
world, though as simple determinatenesses, have a further being in spirit.
In so far as they are immediate natural determinations however, they pertain
to the unconsciousness of spirit, spirit as yet having no sensation of them.
Although we are what they are, we are not conscious ofit, it being reflection
which first makes us so.
28 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
Kultus, den die Aegypter dem Apis erwiesen haben. Später sei sie in den
Widder getreten, damit hänge zusammen, daß eine andere Religion gekom-
men sei, die des Lammes ... Solche Zusammenstellungen mehrere, aber die
Mächte des Sonnensystems sind Abstraktionen des Raumes und der Zeit,
die Mächte des Sonnensystems sind Schattenrnächte, keine Mächte für den
Geist; der organische Körper macht seine Zeit sich wesentlich sich selbst, Ort
sich selbst; der animalische Körper hat seinen Verlauf der Entwicklung,
verschiedene Lebensdauer, aber dies ist sein eigenes Maaß, nicht ein Gegen-
bild von jener Bewegung des Systems des Himmels.
* KehleT Ms. S. 80; vgl. CTiesheim Ms. SS. 110-1 I I: Diese Veränderungen
sind also die Stimmungen, die zum Theil hervorgebracht werden durch
Jahreszeiten, Tageszeiten, es sind unmittelbare Sympathien, bewußtlose
Sympathien des endlichen Seins mit solchem Naturleben. Thiere und Pflan-
zen sind mehr daran gebunden als der Mensch; die Fische steigen die
Flüsse hinauf, um zu leichen, die Thiere haben so Brunftzeiten, die Vögel
ziehen, es gehört hierzu beinahe Alles, was man den Instinct der Thiere
nennt, ein höchst unbestimmter Ausdruck. Man findet zu gewissen Zeiten in
der Leber aller Haasen Eingeweidewürmer, die zu anderen Zeiten nicht
vorhanden sind. In der menschlichen Seele als Naturseele ist auch eine solche
Sympathie vorhanden, die Stimmungen in den verschiedenen Jahreszeiten
sind im Ganzen verschieden, doch sind die gebildeten Menschen weniger an
dergleichen Bestimmungen gebunden, als die im Naturleben befangenen
Völker. Der alte, sehr geistreiche Prinz de Ligne, welcher große Güter in den
Niederlanden besaß, wurde zur Theilnahme an einer Rebellion aufge-
fordert, und erwiderte: "Im Winter rebellire ich nicht." Im Sommer ist
mehr das Herausströmen des Menschen, er ist geneigt zu Reisen und Wan-
derungen, reiche Leute reisen in die Bäder, das Volk wallfahrtet, und
Volume Two: Anthropology . 37
this as the basis of the cult dedicated by the Egyptians to Apis. The subse-
quent shift into Aries he connects with the advent of another religion, that of
the Lamb. Various connections of this kind have been indicated. The forces
of the solar system are the abstractions of space and time however, they are
shadow-forces and not forces of the spirit. In essence, the organic body
creates its time for itself, as it does its place. The animal body has its course
of development, various spans of life, but this is a measure of its own, not a
counterpart ofthe motion ofthe celestial system.
* KehleT Ms. p. 80; cf. Criesheim Ms. pp. 110-1 I I: These changes are there-
fore the general moods brought forth in part by the seasons and times of
day, finite being's unconscious sympathies with this life of nature. Animals
and plants are more closely bound to this life than man is; fish move up the
rivers in order to spawn, animals have rutting-seasons, birds migrate. What
is called animal instinct is very vaguely defined, but nearly everything that
is ascribed to it belongs here. At certain times, intestinal worms, which are
absent at other times, are to be found in the livers of all hares. Such sym- +
pathy is also present in the natural aspect of the human soul. The general
feelings in the various seasons of the year are broadly different, although
cultured persons are less bound to such determinations than peoples involved
in the life of nature. The old Prince de Ligne, a very shrewd person who
owned large estates in the Netherlands, when he was urged to take part in a
rebellion, replied that he, "did not rebel during the winter." People stream +
forth more during the summer, which is the time for journeys and hikes, the
time when the wealthy visit the spas and the people go on pilgrimages.
38 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
U.
tungm. jldd) ~tternad)t flerben bie meifien IDlenflf1enj Ne menflf1<
!ldtut mag ba ni~t nod) einen netten Xag anfangen. Xlie
Xagetadten fte~en aud) in einer geroiffen ~eaie~ultg aum ~tfent.
ttd}en ~eben ber mülfer. !I>ie molfeuerfammlunRen ber, me~r al~
* Kehler Ms. SS. 80-81; vgl. Griesheim Ais. S. I I I: Von den Tageszeiten
wissen wir, (81) daß sie verschiedene Stimmungen mit sich führen, von
gewissen Geschäften stellt man sich vor, daß sie morgens nicht verrichtet
werden können; z.B. mit dem Comödiengehen; es fällt niemand des Morgens
ein. - Der Geist ist des Morgens eingehüllt, ruhig, nüchtern, im substan-
ziellen Leben, der Tag gehört der Arbeit, der Abend der Einbildungskraft,
der Thätigkeit des Lebendigen, die Mitternacht gehört der Einsamkeit des
Lebendigen. Die meisten Menschen sterben nach Mitternacht, die Natur
kann keinen Tag mehr machen. Die römischen und griechischen Volksver-
sammlungen waren des Morgens, in China sind die Festlichkeiten, selbst
Feuerwerke des Morgens. Die englischen Parlamentssitzungen verziehen
sich meist bis auf den Abend, oft spät in die Nacht; ein Umstand, Unter-
schied, der in der verschiedenen Disposition, verschiedenen Bildung der
Reflexion seinen Grund hat.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 41
* Kehler Ms. pp. 80-81; cf. Griesheim Ms. p. I I I: We know that the times of
day (81) give rise to various moods. There are certain activities which one
does not regard as being suitable for the morning; for instance, it never
occurs to anyone to go to a comedy at that time of the day. In the morning
the spirit is involved, calmly and temperately, within the substantiality of
life. The day is the time for work, the evening for imagination, the activity
of living being, midnight however is the time of its solitude. Most people die
after midnight, nature being unable to make another day. The morning was
the time for the public assemblies ofthe Romans and Greeks, as it is in China
for festivities, even fireworks. The English Parliamentary sittings usually +
continue on into the evening and often deep into the night; this is a situation,
a variation, which has its basis in the variegated disposition and cultivation
of reflection.
42 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
§. 393.
$t)"s AUgemeine planetarifd)e 2e&tn belS 9l4turgciftts
2) befonbert ~cf) in bie ,on,reten Unterfcf)iebe bel' Cfrbe unb
ACl'fAUt in bit .-b e ion b er n m"
tut' gei fte 1', bie im @ans
icn bic m"tur bel' geogl'apbifd)en ~e(tt()et(c aU6bl'üden, unb
bie 9t" c: e n \) er f cf) i e b c n ~ eit auemeut)en.
§ 393
* Kehler Ms. SS. 64-65; vgl. Criesheim Ms. SS. 87-89: Die Racen sind an
Locale gebunden, und hängen davon ab, daher kann man nicht einen
Schluß machen auf die ursprüngliche Verschiedenheit. Die Frage von der
Racenverschiedenheit hat Bezug auf die Rechte, die man den Menschen
zutheilen sollte; wenn es mehrfache Racen gibt, so ist die eine edler, die
andere muß ihr dienen. Das Verhältnis der Menschen bestimmt sich durch
ihre Vernunft, indem die Menschen vernünftig sind, sind sie Menschen,
darin haben sie ihre Rechte, weitere Verschiedenheit bezieht sich auf unter-
geordnete Verhältnisse; die partikuläre Verschiedenheit macht sich überall
geltend, dieser Vorzug beschränkt sich aber nur auf die besonderen Ver-
hältnisse, nicht auf das, was die Wahrheit, Würde des Menschen ausmacht.
Also eine müßige Frage, ohne inneres Interesse. Die schwarze Farbe durch
das Klima, bietet sich gleich dar; die Nachkommen der Portugiesen sind,
auch durch Vermischung, schwarz, wie die eingeborenen Neger. Keine
Farbe hat einen Vorzug, es ist bloß Gewohnheit; aber man kann vom
objektiven Vorzug der Farbe der kaukasischen Race sprechen gegen die der
Neger. (65) Kaukasier, Georgier u.s.f. stammen von den Turks; die schönsten
Geschlechter finden sich unter diesen Völkern. Die schönste Farbe ist die,
wo das Innere am sichtbarsten ist, die von innen heraus animalisch bestimmt
ist; die Thiere sind behaart, der Haarwuchs gehört dem vegetativen Proceß
an; sind empfindungslos, wachsen fort wie die Pflanzen; wachsen auch
stärker und schwächer, nach der Nahrung, wie Bart und Haar durch
Pomade. Wo das Animalische auch in der äußeren Oberfläche durch die
innere Energie mächtig wird, da verschwindet des Haarwuchses Reichthum;
bei den Frauen ist so der Haarwuchs stärker, wie bei den Männern. Die Haut
nun für sich, die Oberhaut, ist so zu sagen, eine articulirte animalische
Lymphe; ein Durchsichtiges, Durchscheinendes, Farblose, eine weiße
Haut ... ; durch dieses Durchscheinende kündigt sich bei der Fleischfarbe
die Lebendigkeit des inneren Organismus an; das rothe Blut der Arterien
macht sich sichtbar auf der Haut, oder theilt der Oberhaut seine eigen-
thümliche Erscheinung mit; dadurch kann das Geistige, Affection, Gemüth,
sich um so leichter erkennbar machen. Dieser Umstand, daß das Innere,
das Animalische und geistige Innere, sich mehr sichtbar macht, ist der
objective Vorzug der weißen Hautfarbe.
Volume Two: Anthropology . 47
* KehleT Ms. pp. 64-65: cf. Griesheim Ms. pp. 87-89: The races are connected
with and dependent upon localities, so that no conclusion can be reached
with regard to there being an original difference between them. The question
of racial variety bears upon the rights one ought to accord to people; when
there are various races, one will be nobler and the other has to serve it. The
relationship between people determines itselfin accordance with their reason.
People are what they are in that they are rational, and it is on account ofthis
that they have their rights, further variety being relevant to subordinate
relationships. Particular variety makes itself evident everywhere, but such
superiority confines itself solely to particular relationships, not to what
constitutes the truth and dignity of man. Enquiry into it is therefore of no
import or intrinsic interest. Blackness is the immediate outcome of the cli-
mate, the descendants ofthe Portuguese being as black as the native Negroes,
although also on account of mixing. No colour has any superiority, it being +
simply a matter of being used to it, although one can speak of the objective
superiority of the colour of the Caucasian race as against that of the Negro.
(65) Caucasians, Georgians etc. are descended from the Turks, and it is
among these peoples that the finest species are to be found. The finest colour
is that in which what is internal is most visible, the colour which is determined
outwards, in an animal manner, from within. Animals are covered with hair,
the growth ofwhich pertains to the vegetative process. Hair is without sensa-
tion, grows forth as plants do, and more vigorously or weakly in accordance
with nutrition, pomade influencing the growth of the beard and the hair.
Where animal being, through internal energy, also becomes powerful on the
outer surface, hair ceases to grow with exuberance, which is why the growth
ofhair in women is more vigorous than it is in men. Now the skin itself, that +
is to say, the epidermis, may be regarded as an articulated animallymph, a
transparency, a translucency, a colourlessness, a white skin ... In what is
flesh-coloured, the liveliness of the inner organism gives evidence of itself
through this translucency; the red blood of the arteries makes itself visible
in the skin or imparts its own appearance to the epidermis, so that spirituality,
affection or disposition are so much the more easily recognizable. It is this
condition, that of wh at is internal, of animal being and spiritual inwardness
making itself more visible, which constitutes the objective superiority of the
whiteness ofthe skin. +
48 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* KehLer Ms. p. 66; cf. Criesheim Ms. p. 90: Certain imaginary lines have been
drawn, the angles of which have been regarded as demanding particular
attention. Camper has made specific observations. In the case of the line
from the brow to the upper lip or the root of the nose, and from there to
the aural cavity, the angle is very sharp in animals. In humans it partly
opens out into a right-angle, and the finest profiles are taken to be the Creek,
in which the line has been found to be almost a right-angle. It is also in
accordance with this angle that difference between races has been brought
into evidence. In Negroes this lower part is more protrusive, so that the line
deviates more from the right-angle. Blumenbach has pointed out however, +
that this angle is not all there is to it, and that many further factors have to be
taken into consideration. His main suggestion has been that the skulls should
be placed next to one another so that the cheek bones in particular form a
horizontalline. By looking down upon them, he can then see ... from the
form ofthe skull where thejaw protrudes in respect ofthe brow, and to what
extent the cheek bones are protrusive or not. In Negroes the mouth protrudes,
the front teeth projecting more to the fore; the zygomata also stand out,
whereas in the Caucasian ra ce they are narrower and recede. In Coethe's +
half-length sketches the jugal bones recede noticeably as compared with
other physiognomies. +
52 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
68 *
:,tnben ~ufrtgu1tg 'Oie fürd}tniicf)1lm ~QU(amfdten. ~i( ~a~iQMt
AUf 8I'oulIg ~Cll nid}t abauf.,redJtn; fit ~a6cn nicfJt RUf ~iet
ab " bat if)riftmt~WIt mit 'oer 9TÖptat ~nfbatfeit angenoms.
IDen, ub 11ft 9l1ifJruns »on Ü)m bUTcf) bttTelk nadJ lllRQer Qlei,
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 53
!foM t,
!Birfllcf)fcit gelangt. 3n biefer 3bentitiit be~ @djte" adt bn
bit ~a~re ~df}eit nid)t möglief}. 1)er !Ylenfcf) fonn
~ier ROd) nid)t aum ~,tfe\)n feiner $erfönlid)frit fomnun,
~ilt in feiner 3nbi\)(buCllftdt llod) gor feineIl mert~ unb feine ~c#
ud}nßU118, - ,"ber bei ben 3nblem, llod) bei ben «l,inefcn;
~e fqcn i~u .ttnbcr o~ne aUe' eebmfen al1~, ober bringen
~efclbtn gerilbcau um.
70 fIrft in bn' fGu!llfifcfJcn 9t,UdollU11t bet' @eijt ,Uf Gbj'olu:
tea ~ mit fIdJ fek, - erfi ~ier tritt bct @dft in \X)UfoDlm1
*
.. f1cscnfat 8911 ~at1itlicf)fcit, nfajt er ffcf) in feinet ab,
rfluten Se~i8ftit, cntRitt er fIdJ ~.. ,pmabct l uub .oin~
i6crf_nfcn ~on Ciinem CbtmI &UIIl aD~, sdllllSt im St~
"~""""" AUt (JJl~idlun8 feimt reift, UlIb bringt babUfcfJ bie
IBdtacr.tc ~Ot. ~ie Bo.ltn ~ben, llie fd)ou caHf)nt,
.. ttraa ~ - bie Md) "ujcn jtürmenbe ~ti9fctt dntT
r"
Uekrf","ml1lUJl8, ~ie i!d) fcfJmU, \»le fie atrammen l{t, ~ie,
Volume Two: Anthropology . 57
bt iuro~ .'t
gea "" ftt1n GOgandaen @runbfA.en GUe; unb btr etQat fleUt
ober \l)enigtr ~te ber mJiDfür etne' !Dff,öten
maoannene <lntfGltung unb mertDtrftt~ung ber \Jt'ei~ett burd)
..uinftlgc 3ltftltutionm bar.
3n &trcff aber enbUd) 'Der urr"rünglid)en Im er ifan et ~a$
kn "'lt &u lIe..erfen, bG, bieftlben ein »erfd)winbenbe' fd)~G~e.
tlerd)ltef}t tlab. 3tt MGncf1ett xt,eilen amerifll'~ fanb fid) awar aur
Seit bft' (fntbecfung beffelllen eine aiemli~e ~il'Dung; btefe war
jeb'" .tt 'Der euto.atf.n .Iultur nicf1t au 'Oergleid)en, lIn'D i~
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 6 I
* Criesheim Ms. pp. 84-86; cf. Kehler Ms. pp. 62-63: On the whole, the Ameri-
can ra ce is quite evidently a weaker species, which has attained to a higher
culture only through the Europeans. It exhibits a more or less multifarious
variety, especially in respect of language, for although its languages are
confined to small tribes, these tribes in their turn also possess completely
different tongues. America displays itself as a dumping ground for the na- +
tions of Europe, as a result of which the natives are being more or less
destroyed. The inhabitants of the West Indies may be regarded as already
destroyed, for the original population either no longer exists at all, or only as
mixed with the immigrants. It is the same in North America, which the
English and other peoples have taken over and colonized. The original
inhabitants have been as good as annihilated by the immigrants, and only
continue to exist in small tribes. Where they pursue their own way of life,
their numbers are very sm all ; Europeans, and especially the English, have
entered into contact with them for trading purposes, but very few people
in habit the vast forested areas, and they are of little significance. In North
America it is the Europeans who are established. In South America however,
the true Americans or Indians are more numerous. There are several mil-
lions of them, and toward the south pole there are moreover nations which
are active and physically robust. On the whole however, what one has been +
able to discover of South American Indians, especially in Brazil, indicates
that they are dull, stupid and indolent. Brazilians have recently been (85)
brought to Europe, but they have shown themselves to be dull-witted and ill-
bred, (Kehler: witness the examples brought back by the Prince of Neuwied
and Spix and Martius) their long connection with Spain and Portugal having +
hardly brought them on at all. An Englishman who lived for ten or twelve
years in Brazil, where he owned estates and of which he has a very good
knowledge, in an interesting account he has given of his res iden ce there, says
that there are quite a number of Negro physicians, artists, clergymen and
craftsmen, that Negroes show themselves to be capable ofacquiring European
64 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
§. 394.
~ifrer Untfrfef>ieb gebt in bit ~Arti,u(AritAtfn (,in4uf,
bit m4n 20 C41g f i ft ernennen '41111, unb bie fief> in ber
Aujerlid)fll 2e&ens4rt, satfd,Aftigung, forperlid)er saUbull9
unb ~ifpofition, A&er nod) me~r in innmr ~enben~ unl\
~ffA~igung belS intelligenten unb fittlicf)en (~ar4fter6 btt
tJ6lfer icig.n.
anzueignen, aber von Indianern hört man so nichts und einer der Geistlicher
geworden, ist in der Jugend schon gestorben, es sind wenig Beispiele anzu-
führen wo sie sich geschickt gezeigt haben. Im Inneren von Brasilien haben
sich in Paraguai vornehmlich Jesuiten angesiedelt und daselbst ein Reich
gestiftet, sie führen eine väterliche Regierung über die Indianer und nach
allem zu urtheilen ist dieß das Beste was man ihnen gewäh ren kann. Diese
Mönche machen die Väter aus, so daß die Einwohner verpflichtet sind für
sie zu arbeiten, Baumwolle zu pflanzen, das Land zu bauen u.s.w. Die
Produkte dieser Arbeit werden in Magazine geliefert und von da ausgegeben
was zur Subsistenz der Einwohner nothwendig ist. Es scheint dieß die
angemessenste Weise zu sein, denn alle Beschreibungen können nicht genug
davon sprechen daß die Indianer nicht zu einer Vorsorge, auch nur für den
folgenden Tag zu bewegen sind, sondern durchaus nur für den Augenblick
leben wie die Thiere. Alles was Thätigkeit, Ordnung, Vorsorge für die
Zukunft u.s.w. betrifft, thun sie nur indem es ihnen aufgetragen ist; der Tag
ist eingetheilt zum Gottesdienst und zur bestimmten Arbeit und es fand sich
sogar nöthig des Nachts um 12 Uhr die Glocken zu läuten um sie zur
Erfüllung der ehelichen Pflichten anzuleiten. Die Völker die in spanischen
Ländern die Unabhängigkeit erringen sind Nachkommen von Europäern,
Kreolen, von einem Europäer und einer indischen Frau, oder von einem
Indier und einer europäischen Frau. Für sich selbst sind die Amerikaner für
eine (86) geistig schwache Nation anzusehen, die mehr oder weniger das
Schicksal gehabt hat, sich nicht zu europäischer Kultur erheben zu können,
sondern sie nicht aushalten und vertragen kann und so weichen mußte.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 65
§ 394
This difference expresses i tself in particularities
i.e. in spirits which may be said to be localized and
which are apparent in the extern al way of life,
occu pation, bodil y build and dis posi tion ofpeoples,
but to even greater extent internally, in the pro- 5
pensity and capacity of their intellectual and
ethical character. +
skills. One does not hear this of the Indians however. One became a clergy- +
man, but he died young, and there are very few examples of their having +
shown an aptitude for anything. In the interior of Brazil, in Paraguay, the
settlers have been mainly Jesuits, and have founded a country. They rule
the Indians in a paternal manner, which by all accounts is the best way of
doing so. These monks are the fathers, and the inhabitants are duty bound to
work for them, to plant cotton, cultivate the land etc. The products of this
labour are stored in magazines, from which whatever is necessary for the sub-
sistence of the inhabitants is distributed. This is evidently the most appropriate
way of doing things, for all accounts emphasize time and again that the Indians
are not to be motivated into taking care even for the following day, but live
entirely for the moment, like animals. I t is only when they are enjoined to,
that they will do anything involving activity, orderliness, care for the future
etc. The day is divided between divine worship and specific jobs, and it has
even been found necessary to ring the bells at about twelve o'clock at night
in order to induce the fulfilment ofmatrimonial duties. The peoples who are +
assuming independence in the Spanish territories are the descendants of the
Europeans, the Creoles, those born of a European and an Indian wife or of an
Indian and a European wife. The Americans themselves are to be regarded
as a (86) spiritually weak nation, which has more or less had the fate ofbeing
unable to rise to European culture, and on account ofits having been unable
to hold out against and bear it, ofhaving had to give way to it.
66 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* Kehler Ms. SS. 66-67; vgl. Griesheim Ms. S. 9I : Europa (67) hat in sich auch
viele Unterschiede; das Naturell ist etwas so bestimmt Verschiedenes, das
durchaus an den Boden sich gebunden zeigt. Die alten Gallier, wie sie
Cäsar schildert, und die neueren Franzosen, trotz der Veränderung, fast
dieselbe Natur. Die Araber sind noch immer dieselben; volle Freiheit,
Unabhängigkeit, Mangel an Cultur, Großmuth, Gastfreiheit, räuberisch,
listig. Ihre Religion hat keine Veränderung in die Art und Weise ihres
Naturells gebracht.
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 67
universal differences, and so falls apart into the multiplicity
of local or national spirits. The detailed characterization of
these belongs partly to the natural history of man and partly
to the philosophy of world history . The first of these sciences
is concerned with the disposition ofnational character as it is 5
naturally determined, and deals with the bodily build, the
manner of living and occupation of nations, as weIl as with
their particular intellectual and volitional propensities. It is
however the world-historical significance of peoples that
constitutes the subject matter of the philosophy of history. 10
This significance, when we take the word 'world-history' in
its widest sense, will be the highest development attained by
the original disposition of the national character, the most
spiritual form achieved by the natural spirit residing within
the nations. Here in philosophical anthropology we cannot 15
enter into the detail to be dealt with by the two sciences just
mentioned. At this juncture we have to take national charac-
ter into consideration only in so far as it contains the germ
out ofwhich the history ofthe nations develops. +
It can be noticed in the first instance that national dif- 20
ference is as unchangeable as the racial variety of men. The
Arabs of today for example, still answer completely to the
earliest descriptions of them. The changelessness of the +
climate and the general state of the countryside in which a
nation has its permanent habitat, contributes to the settled- 25
ness of its character. A desert, the proximity or remoteness of
the sea, are all circumstances which can influence national
character. * Access to the sea is, in this respect, particularly
* KehLer Ms. pp. 66-67; cf. Griesheim Ms. p. 91. In Europe (67) there are also
many differences; the distinct variety of natural disposition in the continent
displays itself everywhere as bound to the soil. Despite the change that has
taken place, the nature ofthe ancient Gauls as described by Caesar and ofthe
French of more recent times, is almost the same. The Arabs are the same as +
they have always been; completely free, independent, lacking in culture,
generous, hospitable, rapacious, cunning. Their religion has wrought no
change in their nature and manner oflife.
68 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
~.n .tbc
ft« Ntrlft, fo ift berfefbc ~ ber afrifanlfcflca gmf~nrllce tm
me'oeutellb, uab tritt ftf6ft ki bcr riseutltdJ otw
tiflJat 9l4" »felll'enleer, GI. Wbat ~ J)mK, in ~cf,
dien btf f)dfl erfl auf fdner ..,~ ~ aUt eldf4l1
tlteu _ ber eeronbml1l8 ge(aagt. lDir 'NUea beJ~(& ~ier
1IUf fII. bca fa fi4J »erfeftfekncn *aftn bu mo~fdjen Ji4.
tioam rl'ttdJen, unb unter bmfelben audJ biqeaieen miffn, ~eWJe
JcrJ ..,*dtUcfJ brdJ Ü}tt .c(teef"4~ tRolle '0011 eUtan'oer
1Uttnf~, - nAlilidJ 'oie 8riecfJm, "e fUaaer ulb bW Q)«I
IIt41lCn, - nidJt in ir,rtr se9Cftfdtfeeft ~{~un8 dJarGfttr{fiua;
'ciej 8tf.~ __ ll'ir b« '~Uof'''~ic btr GfefdtidJte AU ü6cr~
I"fi'en. t)a8~tn finnen ~itr ~ie llllterfcfJtcbc a~beu ll'CrDelt,
75 ll)(1cfJe fuf1 inncrf)41b 'on srWdJifdJen 9llltfon, unb unter ~n lIle~r
oUt \leuig« »on gtrm~nifd)tn ijlemelltell ~rd)'orunilen(Jt d)ri~:
U•• mölfan (iuro~'~ f}eroOl'getfJlln ~4bell.
QBd bit @riedJeIl anbelQnst, (0 unterfd/dben ffd) ~it in
bel' $erio'oe i~m »oUtn ll'dtsefd}id)tlid}m (htmidlung unter il}nen
bcfonbu' ~er~on49tn)en ~Ifer, - 'oU ~acrbimollicr 'eil ~~t:I
* eTiesheim Ms. pp. 92-93; cf. KehLeT Ms. p. 67: The Ionie philosophy is the
philosophy of nature, the absolute within it being what is natural, wh at is
deterrnined as water and as the material atoms. In the Italie Pythagorean
philosophy the inwardness ofthe subjeet was grasped, numerieal forms being
the prineiple by whieh the thought determinations were eomprehended.
Among the Athenians on the eontrary, the philosophie Idea emerged in its
spiritual unity and peeuliarity, mediating between the extreme of mere
72 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
diesem anderen Extreme der natürlichen Weise und Form. Ebenso findet
diese auch in Europa selbst im Umkreise eines Volkes statt, so ist in Deutsch-
land im Norden mehr die Philosophie des Innerlichen, Fichte ist in der
Lausitz geboren, Kant in Koenigsberg, das Prinzip der subjektiven Reflexion
formeller Innerlichkeit; im südlichen (93) Deutschland dagegen bestand
diese Form der Philosophie nicht. DieB sind solche Züge die man mannig-
faltig aufzeigen kann, Partikularitäten, Verschiedenheiten des Naturells die
aber als Grundbestimmung den Zusammenhang der Nothwendigkeit
enthalten.
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 73
formality and that of natural mode and form. The same also occurs in
Europe itselfwithin the compass ofa single people. In Germany for example,
the philosophy of the north is more that of inner being, of the principle of
subjective reflection, formal inwardness, Fichte being born in Lausitz and
Kant in Königsberg. In southern (93) Germany, on the contrary, this form
of philosophy has never gained ground. Although numerous tendencies such +
as these may be cited, particularities, variations of natural disposition, they
contain the connectedness of necessity as their basic determination.
74 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
.. fhfI "eil
. . . . Bn tf}un ~t, nid}t _gi't, fottbmt brnftl&m ft4d)ttt
~Il tvo~lllIoUmb beadSt. !Ble bm ClinaelMlt,
ft __ . . ,.lffmIt ~CIt bit ~Clnaorm, - f~ fle etoGN1
mlltllft, .ftftftter ober @fI~tte, - in eUm i~ftn ~ClftblIlJlgm
_ lBafnI bie Gd)ftt1t~\)oUftt "ufmdtfOlllfeit. !Docf1 i~ bftft
8tClCf1tuna ber grimnlg InbereT 4lkrWJlg' mftldttn In bat <!tre1
Mt CIIItgiCtttd, lla jtben ~', - fcl&tt ouf .lofktt bn ."",
f)dt., - AU aefaUm. lucf1 ~btGIe _ e4ft!i~ fittb an' bier
fm etnkft mtflan'om. lBa' okr ble Wmtaofm flr ba' l1cf1aftt
gitftf, GUgmrin 8'l gtfoUett, onfe~ft, i~ !DCI'jenige, ~. fie
esprit mnntlt. ~rtf esprit kfd1rbft 114 in o~acf1licf)m
WClhlftll auf tat (io.inirtn eiltGnbet fern motftdfulf-
fitgtlt~t
sm, ~i1'O GM fit gti~R Dit'ltlft1t, ~te a.~. !}lontttq1dm
u~ ~oftafrt, bunt, boe 3ufammmfafl'tn be' l'Om merflOttbt ~
trmnten su rifter smiafen Sonn be' &münfttgm; beIln 'l)af
79 knüttftigt ~ e6t1l btej 31ifoMenftffnt au ftiftn kl'tftlltlfcr,tn
!!ftHmmung. .~t bkfe Sonn bd mtmAnftigm t~ n~ nicl}t
bff lIt' btgmftrtbm <ltftttnnt.; Nt ticfm, geifh'tid)tlt ~e'oQltrtn,
* ~~ bei ffl.n IDMnnem, !Die ~it BenanRte", ~tlfäUia ~nbttt,
_etbm nicfJt QU~ Qfnml aUgmeinen QJelJettlfeu, au~ t>tm ~tg1'fff
bei ea4Jt tn_flclt, fonbern 1lllf tvie "n.e~ill9ffd1lellbtft. ~if
Volurne T wo: AnthropoloKJ . 77
'*
~ Nt tBafttiW ht Wttaaorel fffmliot1 ,~ in M JIIar-
unb "tfldt ~rd 1bibaMf" ab fcfJdftH... .~.
brIhff. ~ ~It ftmtatkl 8leselit 1IlltfM.tftne e,rad)e eht·
~ ber ßdJmll DnItng unb 8inbfgfdt ~tet (MaRlen. Xii'
... fi'" bie wmaor- 8U Duftma ber ~ttf~ uub jurftHf.n
~ gtrl70fotn. "'" au~ IR .."" .,olftlfd)m .oaftblun~
attt . . fbfI Ne 6f)4rft ~ Ikrfhmbet RkfJt ~ntl1. 9Jlittm
111 Sbana bcr r~oluttonanu ~"ft 'cU ~d) I~r ~Rb
in ba Cintfd)febm~t geadgt, mit lltdd)et fie bfe oOmonriltsuna·
btf _en flttUd)m IBdtoftRUIIß 9fSm beft -"SCn tblä ber
~.n .nl)ingn btf WlteR bufcfHJcf"t, - alle ••1IlCftte
bcf •• ~lnbm Rmn "tlitff'" Nm. Ra" ....nber Ot
btmt ertrmfkr eefämmtfJdt ullb beCßCll9eftt~t wnmI'.
f)den. tJerabe, Inbem tic jene . . . . GUf ble e,ttt ber Itn.,
fddtfdt triekn, - jebe' dnfdtlge "oUttr. ,*d" .,. au fri-
. . le.tat .afequmam "erfolsteß, - {inb fit burcf} Ht !DIa.
Idd' ba lltdtaerd)tcf}tltd)en tBmunft &11 einem ,olitifd)en ßlIpanbt
gef6~rt ,"M, in "er.... aUe frIfIrten Ciinftlttgfdten bef
Staat'leben. auf9t~obm nr"nftt.
!Die ClRS' an ber 16nnte DIGit bat fBolf ttr InttUtctutUtn
"'fdJmmns .enntl, Sie edennm bat tBmtbfttec "miStf Ilt
bcr Wot* bn Dsemdtt~tlt, GI. t. bcr ~et linaclnf)tit. ~11f)er
~ U)n !DkfJt" llteit ~&f)cf, a(' _re '~"ofo,,~m. &1 ben
(I.glinbern tritt ble .origlnallt!t ber 'nfön(f~t fhn'f l)mof.
~h .t)ris'nafftAt ilt a'« nid)t akfGttgen Ud llatürltcfJ, fon.
bel'll cntf"rfngt ll1If bem ""tn, auf bm IBflkft. 3)Gf Jw-
~i,ibUUl nrifl ~iCf in jebet '8ra",ung auf ~ _'rn, ~cfJ nur
80 b~ f- ~ibnlttfJfdt ~nb1n'd) 4Uf bd UtClldne kaie•
.,.. ad bicfaa (Im", ~t bie ,olilif. 5re~ hi bm fhe.
Iidml ".m." bfe "alt "oa ~\)iltefm, \)on ,"pcad)ten,
.t
n~t ad alfsaadnen fJebanftn a~.itetm 8l~tm. !DaJ bie
"einen IIIQlifdJen GJemefnm unb ~raff.ften !I)qutirte tn'f
"'CllIltnt ftfJfckn, ~t kaU auf h(onbmn ~glen,
auf allgaadnen, tonfequmt ~u~efüfJrim ~nnabf4ten.
"mingf ifl ~r inglänber auf bie (f~re unb ~e ~ feiner
sonaen .don ftola; aber ftln 9lGtfonalttota ~t "m~(cfJ bat
Volume Two: Anthropology . 79
r.
fdtt tf't . . . . , ... fit
~ ~f81aa8..... Sn btr
~ bet ~ 1ekQ, . . . . bfe ~. . . .
u..r sn ... ttm Srm ... !lcbfl&tfeit scf,J04m, fIab
der oft .......... bicfer ttm f,,-ddIrn _ ....
I" kblsm pfClt, foUmt ... ßCSm .... U1Ib .tatfer bit
.....cbuR~. . . . . . nur .. ~~m an-
~, cbHt tIr kIa etaat pa .... , ....... U1Ib . ,
hf4*t ~ ~ Itcfmuas .0..
It. Imtc . . ~.
U., eckn"'- aereut der Itr ,01Ulf~ ctdtI, ftft •
talaabtUck ~ nt4t f4r Icknbfg \Mt, fo fIü tIc ""
feit ~ Seit .. dttaR G~i" ltafaIIeaa . . )er
~ cbtct Gd.... StdIas kfcdt unb bcr Ddune Pr..,
bat . . ab bcr ~I . . . MI 1RGnn, . . baa Untcrf.
bct $itdf flanc bfc ~ bcr tar-- ab ~ -fe(.
kR f4ufo1ae .~ faJ ta ... l1li- .......er ~,
n_
~ ds-tfm "crbm; ~ bie ~. . ba dllC U4cr-
-rala flab, bit IR . . . ur an bei &4t bcr
nadJ dlln laugcn ~iflc \ton trClllC1l dat ~ fbabct.
e,...1ct
§. 395.
!Die ecele ift 3) ~um inbhibudten eu&jcct.
,ercin~c(t. !i)icfc eubjecti"itAt fommt aber ~ier nur allS
82 !3ereinac(ung bcr ma tu r &e fU m m t ~ cit in ~ettad)t.
°
eie ift allS bcr ~ b u tS beG "erfd)icbcnen \temperamentf,
~Q(cnttS, O:~arafterf, 'P~lJjiognomic unb anbmr !nifpofit
donen unb 3biofIJncrajiell "0ll WamiUen ober bell jingulA,
rtl1 ~llbi"ibuCll.
§ 395
* Kehler Ms. p. 69; Criesheim Ms. pp. 94-96: One cannot say that an indi-
vidual is determined by this particular temperament; the main thing is
however, that in a cultured and rational environment these particularities
become less prominent. The phlegmatic person is stimulated on all sides, has
to concern himself with a multitude of things, his substantial being having
divided itself into a great host of particular forms and relationships in which
he has to interest himself; he is gripped and stimulated in many ways by the
lively business ofthe world. Necessity is imposed upon a sanguin person, who
also has to stick to a particular business, job, duty. The melancholy person is
driven into snapping out of himself, sensitivity's inner broodings not being
tolerated by a cultivated milieu. The choleric person has to check his out-
bursts, adapt his activity, his effectiveness, to the laws, the relationships of
prevailing custom. In a cultured nation therefore, particular traits dwindle
into insignificant peculiarities. Many peculiarities are a matter of confirmed +
90 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
eeu._
lcd. . . m«) .~ gnfcr ßuteck otfcdGft bcr .mf~
.,. ..Jen, if}R . - fit anM't lIlGtf1mben ~Q
frine 3'"* dfren tanerlt~ ~tt f~D, ~
nfter; _
fdn ~ bie abfolute ~ bet 3akItt 1I1lb M foraadlm
+ Erziehung, z.B. das Stottern, es kann natürlich sein, aber vornemiich ist es
Trägheit sich zu exponiren, die inne hält, sich besinnt, stehen bleibt und
endlich dazu kommt daß es feste Gewohnheit wird. Es giebt eine unendliche
Menge von natürlichen Besonderheiten, die Kinder lernen viel von ihren
Aeltern, besonders ist dieB in Demokratien (Kehler: Reichstädten) und
Aristokratien der Fall, wie z.B. in Bern, da hat jede Familie ihren eigen-
thümlichen Charakter und ihre eigenthümliche Richtung gehabt und fort
gewirkt. Die Eine hat sich mehr auf Politik, auf das Recht, die andere auf
Reichthümer, hohe Würden u.s.w. gelegt und hat sich darin erhalten. So
haben sich auch die Zünfte leichter fortgeerbt, indem die Kinder gerne bei
der Zunft der Aeltern blieben, auf diese Weise haben (96) sich immer
gewisse Geschmäcke, Eigenthümlichkeiten fortgeerbt, dieB ist einerseits
Naturanlage, andererseits Resultat bestimmter Verhältnisse und es kann
leicht sein, daß so etwas vollkommen fest wird. Man kann sich vorstellen, daß
bei Kindern die einem europäischen Volke angehören schon eine gewisse
Regsamkeit statt findet gegen Kinder eines wilden Stammes, so daß man
versichert daB ein Kind aus einem gebildeten Volke mit einem Naturell das
dem gebildeten Zustand angemessen ist, unter einem wilden Stamm versetzt,
sich unter ihm auszeichnet, sein Naturell geltend macht.
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 91
habit, of having been carelessly brought up; stuttering for example, which
can be natural, but which is usuaHy a sluggishness in expressing oneself. This
sluggishness holds back, deliberates, does nothing, and finally reaches the
state of being a fixed habit. There is an infinite number of natural traits. +
Children leam a great deal from their parents, especially in democracies
(Kehler: 'imperial cities') and aristocracies. In Beme for example, each
family acted in accordance with its particular character and propensity, one
conceming itself more with politics, the law, the other with weaIth, social
standing etc., and they kept to this. Crafts were also passed on more easily
from one generation to another if children wanted to carry on the trade
practised by their parents, and it has always been by means of (96) this that
certain manners, peculiarities, have been passed on. On the one hand this is a
natural aptitude, while on the other it is the resuIt of certain relationships,
and it can easily become something completely fixed. One can weH under- +
stand that there should al ready be a certain responsiveness about the children
of a European people which is lacking in those of a savage tribe, so that one
hears that a child from a civilized people with a natural disposition proper
to a civilized state, will distinguish itself and make this disposition evident if it
is transferred to a savage tribe.
92 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
Ga
,,*. foU.
IBiUmt baItkIca 1IQ
bt@C8CIl
fo _
foadt
\!er" n lauter
lOIIfotuIm
I) m CI c II r f i ß) e !8 c r A n b e run gen.
§. 396.
lCn ber eeele at, ~ n bi'O i b uu m 6tftimmt, finb Me
Unterfd)iebe ,,16 !8 er An ber u n9 en (\n ibm, bem in ibnen
&e~4rrenben (finen @5ubjecte unb al6 (fntrotdlun96 mo men te
'e[elben. ~Il fie in <tinem pb\)~fd)t unb gti~ige Unttr,
fd)iebe finb, fo ware ftlr beren conmtm S8t/limmung ober
0efd)reibuna bit ~enntnjti btlS 8e~ilbttfl1 @ei/lt5 i" antc,
",iren.
ef. ~nb 1) btr natl1rlid)e ~ tr l Cl u f be r 2e&en dl
4 (t t r, UOI1 bem .t i 11 be al1, bem 1n ~d) eingebtlUten ~ci/le,
burd) ben entroicfe(ten @egenfa.f?, Me e"annutlg einer fclbjt
l1od) fubjecti'Ocn ~Ugemeil1()eit, ~beil(e, (finbilbul1gcn, eolJ
88 ren, ~olfllun!Jen u. f. f., gcgen bit unmittelbare (iin~cln,
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 95
ß) Natural changes
89
tuQSI r.
CIattuna • ti4 BU ~et"Q)frffi4ctt; fdae unatttdkre, f~nbe, 4b-
ftrClctc .....fIc'J bleibt ituler tII IBtberf'rucfJe mit feiner tht-
Wcfelbe nicr,t weniger »Oft flcr, Clut, CIlt tu ~cr, da.
~ur4 blcfe fane Unf\\fMfdt &Uf »ollfollUllmm ~1IU1l1J bcr
81ttane g4t bae UUf ~ebenbfge au 8runbt. !l)ie ~ottu1l9 er-
~, fi4 an "1ft 4lt eine llacr,t, »or ~ bcrffelM lIetrcr,ntfn-
bea" 31ft ~bt bcG ~fbuum' foMt ~ bie <hUung
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 97
-
9a
-- ... efe.
~. . der ~ *fc~, bI ~dk
- ...... tüWoueIrea . . tlIttfI*t, - no4 bie "re
~ bcftd in bic 3dt. e. ~
., ..... 1IIdaf~ 3uftiabca, • • bat ~
. . '" ftl4d b~, - . , 80fac , .. Uataf4fcbat,
-- af4t . . bfc Wcttiefdt bcr IR bat tcrf4'" "rcOca-
. . . . . baa IlCldoaafadtlml tmf. . . 1IIlIdttdhmt U.,
taMIdt W lIIgaRdam Watartdtkt ,*", r.1bern a . .
.. -fdha ~btofo_ alt ""'be, GI. .. dnabcr ihr,
....... err...
äfe ... 'on URtcrf~d 3uflinbea 1ft bfc std6c bcr
!e.en •• ltcf.
~ ..... alt ber ulUldttclNma, nocf) unterf_Io-
fca ..... "' ...... unb bcr ~'ibualUit, - mit baa
. , . . ~ bcr 1I1IIIIttc1kml fIlnaelqdt, litt ber @}e,
"'n
hrt bet ~, ab eQiet 11ft ber ttüft'ounS ber Clat-
.... fI __ liwatlqdt, ober bicfer in iGe, - arit bell • •
bcr ......... bIe ~, lIit bct _ _11
bcr ..,.., - litt _ ~
... - ~ cft ftI4aa bie
.OU •• 8 1ft, bAt 1ft
- ....
bfe __ 8adaftfp . . . . . "'-S
__ mnnin'U 8feU; bena bIe -.etang ~ r40n
bcr tn.ren ag"
. . . 3D ,","er ..... bct ...... ab bct tBerdafdae.
D9 ber . ., ~ bfc i1I lIaIIIf .., 2tkataltcr "ort1'CI
.......... CIf...... llen • *(ca ....f ,. -
90 \ticfdabctl .,~~~r.u &ränbmlngen bei 3nbi»ibuumG cntf'"'
... ~ ~.8 litt tJelftieea unb ~~,fif'" ift
, . die ",tne, al' Ni ben .tcmerfd)ltbcn~ften, ,»ir"0
cf ur lIit _ .ue-tnen feflcn Untcrfd)ieben beG 9lGtutsdfld
.. .. ..,.. feflm '~~tifcf)en 1lntcrf_n ber Denf" AU
. . . . . ., .Witftnb 'ier bie ~ känbcr-sen ber aa'
VolulTUJ T wo: Anthropology • 99
* Criesheim Ms. SS. 102-103; vgl. Kehler Ms. SS. 73-74: Beim Kind ist
vornehmlich die natürliche Unschuld, Lieblichkeit, Schönheit, die uns
anzieht und man kann oft hören daß das Kind das Ideal des Menschen sei, wir
schauen darin die ungetrennte Einheit seiner Natur, dessen was sein soll und
dessen was das Subjekt ist, eine Einheit die sich ebenso in der Pflanze findet,
Volume Two: Anthropology . 107
* GriesheimMs. pp. 102-103; cf. KehleT Ms. pp. 73-74: Itismainly the natural
innoeenee, loveableness and beauty of the ehild that attraets us, and one
often hears it said that the ehild is the ideal of the man. We see within the +
ehild the undivided unity of its nature, of that whieh ought to be and that
whieh the subjeet is, a unity whieh also oeeurs not only in the plant but also
!O8 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
wie auch im Thiere, beide sind was sie sein sollen, ihr Begriff und das was sie
als Subjekt sind ist nicht verschieden. Aber diese Unschuld muß aufhören,
denn der Mensch muß nicht von Natur was er sein soll, sein Zweck, seine
Bestimmung, sein Substantielles muß durch seinen Willen sein, muß Gegen-
stand seines Bewußtseins sein und er muß diese Einheit seiner Subjektivität
und dessen was an und für sich ist, durch sein Bewußtsein, seinen Willen her-
vorgebracht haben, weil er geistiger, nicht animalischer Natur ist. Das Kind
ist in dieser Einheit weil es nicht nach Zwecken handelt, nicht das Bewußtsein
hat vom Allgemeinen, vom Substantiellen, nicht im Gegensatz vor beiden
steht, nicht Erkenntniß des Guten und Bösen hat, der Mensch ist aber nur
Geist insofern er diese kennt, indem er kennt was an und für sich sein soll
und das Partikulaire. Das Kind ist noch im Paradiese aber dieß muß ver-
loren gehen. Die Schlange im Pa (103) radiese sagte den ersten Menschen:
+ Ihr werdet Gott gleich werden wenn ihr die Erkenntniß habt, und Gott
zeiht sie nicht Lügen denn er sagt: Siehe Adam ist worden wie unser einer
denn er hat die Erkenntniß des Guten und Bösen. Dieß ist das was dem
Geistigen angehört. Das Kind ist noch nicht zur geistigen Existenz gekom-
men, die Unschuld muß daher verloren gehen.
Volume Two: Anthropology . lOg
in the animal, both of which are what they ought to be, there being no dif-
ference between their Notion and that which they are as subject. This inno-
cence has to cease however, for it is not on account ofnature that man must
be what he ought to be. By nature he is spiritual not animal, so that his pur-
pose, his determination, his substantial being has to have being through his
will, has to be the general object of his consciousness, and he has to have
brought forth this unity of his subjectivity and of what is in and for itself by
means of his consciousness, his will. The child is within this unity because it
does not pursue purposes, has no awareness of what is universal, what is
substantial, and. does not stand in opposition to these, has no knowledge of
what is good and what is evil. Man is only spirit however in that he knows
this, in that he knows what ought to be in and for itself and what is particular.
The child is still in Paradise, but Paradise must be lost. The serpent in (103)
Paradise spoke as follows to the first men, "Ye shall be as God when you have
this knowledge," and God did not give it the lie for He said, "Behold, Adam
is become as one of us, for he has knowledge of good and evil." This belongs +
to what is spiritual. Since the child has not yet reached spiritual existence,
the innocence has to be lost.
I 10 • Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
da lOa 1IdCrft4nbfera
r•• ba
'Abos..
~C' kfh\nbigtf Saf,
Jtia~ .um tlöfo.nirrR ~rt _mm; babUfCfJ
rrtaItm bicfc killt dIDd 9lafäDdfcf. Udofnat maf N' cfemc
bn ea.
~ bcr .ttiaM", . . . ; _ . . barf bfr . .
i~\'CGI untdfm, dtdcIl . . . . a'''t !Jkdt PR-
. . ~ 'oie dar edtc ber 1qf4aa - blc .8 u" t -
Wrtft, fo 1ft bcm .IIWm ni"t au aeftattca, baj ft' fl4 fdar•
. . edfckll ~bl9.; ft' mu; 840r4cn, .. gätdm au Irr-
... k fl40rfCllll ., ~ W.fae aller lBelt~; brnn but"
balfdka Ii,t ber bat 1Bqrr, bat ajccti\tr nod) nl"t da-
. . unb au fd_ .8medc ..... , bcJ,aa, no" ni"t ~r"
W r~ uub freir, »fdJI4t unfmfat lBiUe bm 'on
...... "a . . . .bcn N1ßbftigal IDfIIm In fi" gdtm, ab
. . . bicfm ..... ab .... au -- frinfecn. ir(wt mClll bt-
. . . bal .t!abaa IU ~., . . ~1lCR fJcWt, - Hgr't ...
ao4 . .da bIc ~~rit, i~nra .rA* fir "rc edlafsfdkll
.. bfc ~ IU edlen; fo MfiIt ... Ia _fe r~ !lBrifr
ber firaic~ung, - fo cntfktt in bm .Itabma . . . . . . .~
. . et.....fm in kjo.... ed''', In dr~ •
f~t, in fclfiji"tigtf 3ntmfc, - 'oie IDuqd GIk. eJ-
fCL 180n _otuf 1ft bat .linb weber Ufc • .", sat, H cf ...
fäeU6I weber ••m (hkll .." .... 8Jfra dnc ~
!DIcfc unnritrmbr U.fdJuro f6r dn 3bcGl IU . . . ab IU ~f
'at.
fI4 audi&flur.,.. ~r ~,tf" ret.; birfdk fft o'ar IBm,
nQ ... fuqCf 5>Gucf. &l'o ~ut flcf) iII atQc ~ llem",",
unb N' ~Jrc ~er. ~irfa "'_iUc . , bUfCfJ 'oie 3u"t
ge'*", - bfeftr Jtdm btf eafr. burcfl biefc. »md"tet ~n.
3n ecang GUf 'oIe anbm edtc 'ocr "tc~ung - bcn Ua,
tnrf"t, fft IU "lIeden, N' Mfdk ..wnft(scrwcifr mit bca
97 Ibflradeftea 'eginnt, ba~ \)0. ftnbli4m '-'rifte gefa;t ~m
fann. ~le; flnb 'oie ~u"jlokR. !Dlefelbm feem einr Ibflradioa
"orau~, au toc("er ganae ~ölfcr, aum erif,fe(, fogGt bir WJf,
nefen ni"t gefommen flnb. !Die Ei,radJe i1ber~QU,t fft 'oie; tuf'
tige (f(ement, 'oie; finnli", UnfinnUdJe, bur" beifen fid1 cmd-
ternbe .Imntnt; \lrr (8etft b~ .linbc~ immn me~r im bat
Eiinnltd1e, (ffnaelne anm Ugentdnen ~ .um !Dmfcn erf)oHn ~irb.
Volume Two: Anthropology . II3
UcMrpg ta',
'~Wftmehn~"'" ..
bqtn nur Idt d-
kf~ • •10; fit ~ fek ..,
(lcgmttAnben
. , foU bn &um Banne .~ ~, inbm n ta',
• •4e ieM tritt, fit tfnbm ~tfg f~a ub tlcfJ mit fIt..-
~ ~ffm. eo fdJr ~tcJ nu ta ber 9latur btr &4e
liest, - bei, l)tnR ae~nbelt \1)e. foU, &um ifnadnn fort-
sesan. . " n am', - fo faan ball BmfcfJm bte hglnn.
~"'ftfgung lIit Cituaeln~citm bodJ fe.r Jdn(ldJ f",", ullb bie
UmlÖgIidJfcit einer uftlftitte(&aren IknDitfftdJung fdner 3beGk ~n
.,podJonbrifdJ mad)e.. ~iefn .p,~o.brie, - - un('"
3e f"'.
Hf tlt lUd) Ni mitlta fet}n mag, - aatgdJt 1licfJt lef.t 3nnClIlb.
bn DcafdJ to1l ~r bcfaUm ll)irb, wn bt~o hbmfli.
"" . . ~re e.mptolllt. ed fcf}WCldJm 9laturm fGnn flll ble,
fdk _ bat flnae ithn ~burctaf4m. 3n biefn h~aftm
e...... .m btr Bmfll fdne eüjedf'OitAt 1lidJt GUfs-,
taIIa8 bm ~en gegm bie IBtrftidJfcit ntcfJt au üme.
ben, ab kPbd tid) ekn baburd} in bm ßuftctnbe rdan_
U1l~tsfdt, ble kilfJt au dlln .irfltcfJm UnfilJi8feft .irb. 8iD
".n • Dcafd) nicfJt u1ltugt~n, fo am; er ble !Bell a(f dne
fe.abigt, tut !Btfentfi4en fertige Clfttrknnen, - bit \)on btr-
100 fdkn ... ~ ~glU1gm Clftne"m, uab i~m e.,dbig-
feit ~ UrinSCll, _ n fit ficf1 feIG ... ltW. ßu
••t'
blefer 8Igf1lllfdt SIGÜt ficf1 btr 9Imfet tn btr !lesd nur COI'
~ au mitrm. 3n 1Bq~ der .., blefe fltqdt
11ft btr 8dt afcfJt Glt da ~t; btr .~, f.nbaR GI.
....... ""t
Mt 'OmIInfttac ~ nfcuutt ~ ~af 1tmdnftIse,
bfc _folute Ballt, tI4 au ~. ., uab
.. M Ifl jqer ,otaractt. et i_ nfcfJt f. o.nm4cfJtfg, cf bt'
., lIf - ",n fdner ~uns \l)Gmlt~. !I)ie
Bdt .. blefc Ikntirflicf}ung bcr slttUcfJm .....ft; nur auf
... DaJicfIc ~cfJt bd Spiel -.unaftI.fer 3Df4Ue. eie
Iaa ~ ...... 11ft eMft*lunb »>,.. -04 11ft sr~
"'-lila ...,
.. !Iatte, aft bat a- Banne ~be ~roawn, bk
fIr futIe ab f~ AU geIte.; ab bcr
......... ~ 8Clft& tmIiIflftJ, tabtII er ben ~nan dner
................... bcr lBdt bfaIt, .Il~ fdat perfid. .
Volume T wo: Anthropology • II 9
3wa1c, ~ ab
.. bIe 8dt ._ ~
IU . . . ., ~ ab f~~ ~ tkfe.
"t.
3atmft'm nUf ta rCmn Inf~
.uIJ fo ,leibt . . . . . .
_n _
~, .tgIdIJ bfc lBdt alt f1I 1BcfmtUcf)at fftti8 hcrfclut
. . . .." fo fft " llolJ !dn ~tee, fdn ufolut~,
foubcm, - "ie bct icknfln'"",, - dn M tleueaa
~, dn, - tubm rt fit!) 1UIf ~t, - a1lßld4
lortf4Mtmbcf. 3D biefer ~ ~ß1l1l9 lIub lßd,
~g bcr lBdt hMt ble Ilhit brt !lhnrt. Bk Sn-
.. ~ darrfdtt feem, bo; bcr gGnu ur ~d ~otkilet,
. . fcr,n bei" ~dtt., f~ hr4 f-:u,Adgfdt
QUer, • WtrtfcfJritt MD&ft.... • ~CIf &emtckn bcf
lBdt sefdJld)t nur in unec~1lftIl . $ 1IU rillt "' ift dun
... e... brt ~org. .er,tm auf. 8emt bn !RGRn uefI
funh~rign Mdt GUf fdne &rgClllßcqeit auti6licft, ~
er bGe Wortf"relten feflon erfcnnen. ~iefc fidcnntnij, fomic bie
fiin~eflt in ~ie ~erniblftisfcit bct iBelt Nfrdt ft)n 1'on bct ~rGun
101 'Über ble ~nmg ftiner ~Gle. IOd in bierm ~a1en "G'r
i~, n~ fld) in btr 4'ttlftfflf)cn ~tigfcit; nur b4& Unm~te,
bie leeten .~Gctionen muj fit!) bet 9.llaRn ~itm. !Dn Um.
flUls unb bie ftd fdn~ ~1f)Aft' fGRR f~r l'trfefliekn f~.;
Gber bd Sub~Gntiene ift in aUm aaenf"licr,m @efd)iften !Daffelbe,
- dmlilf) boG me~tIi"e, bae Sittli4Je unb boG 9leligiöfe. !Die
Dmf4Jen Snum bG~er in aUen <S~~ären ~m ~raftiflf)m ~
tigfelt &friebiQung unb <fl1re 1inben, .mn fie ücra1I !Ddienige
kipe., "d tu ber befonMcn S~äre, .eldJn fie bUfIf) ßufaU,
. . . . ~t r... _cr,m
....~ ...... audl, alt ~ au '~CIl "'' 'nf)dt
gc.
J:)renftlR1lt aur Ufh'caetca
. . . . b« (~ Itaa. ., - a- !lo_e - fortg~t.
e. fffJlicjt fiel) M QJcr(QUf b« Nclltaltcr bet BntfcfJctt
.. dftat burd) bell etgriff . . . . !lotaIUat ..,. 8~
103 sm a6, bfe bord} ben $1'0", ber Q)adunS mit bft' littatln~t
~rnOfgebrQd)t .abrn.
mJte 6ei bn ed}ilberun9 ber macenMfd}ieben~ittlt bn gm-
f.n, unb 6ei ber ~~Qrllfterifb'wt9 ~ 9llltionalsrijle~ 1 ~
mr aud}, 1UIl "Otl bem &lauf bn Mentalter ~ menfcfJU"
3nbmibuuld Gllf eine beftimmte tBdfc f4'~ AU föanen, Ofe
.IeltRud' td in ber Int~r"ologic "'" llicfJt au 6elrtcfJtena
COItU_ fJciftet, - ba berfel6e in imcn (lnt.t.qt,toce;
~t I - Ilntid,iren, uno "on ~ief" .lmtttnt; fit bie Unters
f~ung ber Mfcf)iebenen etufen ienet ~ouffet ~ ma-
4m1rittfm.
§. 397.
2) ~~~ g,nomel1t be~ mUen QSegcl1f!l~es be~ ,3nbiui,
buumlS gegen (iel) felbft, fo bau elS fiel} in einem an be r 11
3nbiuibuum fuel}t Ullb finbet; - balS @ ef el} ( ed) t IS U e r,
C) at t n i U, ein m"turuntcrfel}ieb eillerfeits ber ~ubjecti\)il
tat, bie mit ~d) einig in ber 'fmpfinbullg ber eittliel}feit,
!!iebe u. f. f. bleibt, nid)t bum <htreme bes 2fUgemeinell
iu 3\uecren, ~taRt, ~tffmid)aft, ~unft u. f. f. fOftgCC)t,
an b er e r i etu ber '.tl)atigfdt, tie fiel} in fid, bum @egen/
ral? aUgeme.iner, objecthm ~Iltmffen gegen bie ~orl)al1bene,
feine eigene unb bie Quöerliel}: weltUd)e, 'f~illenb !"pannt,
Hilb jene in biefer 3u einer er{t beruorgebrael}ten <!:inbeit
llcrroirfliel}t. ~(l~ Q;efel}(eel}t~uerbQltni~ erlangt in ber W~
III Cl ie feine gei{tige unb fittU~e ~ebeutun~ "nb lall
ilimmung..
Volume Two: Anthropology . 125
§ 397
i. 398.
Wh I ft er,.
r.,hretJenUI> et hgegenIjlfid)ba"Al"
3) ~A_ Unterfd)etben be~ ,3nbi,lbaellttAe als
f
~
il
e e" en ber, AI" unmittel,
nu~
(f rlU d) • n be~
e.ele, ",~Icl>.1S i~1
fem in fid) ,erfcf)lotTenen 9lAturle&en iunAd)jl als maturl
t,jlimmtbdt unb 3 u ft a n b, einem 3ujlanbe, bem e cl> I a fe
jegeI1l1&trtrftt. - ~1l1S (trm4d)en 1ft nicf)t nu~ f II fun •
• ~tf Au"rU" ,om <e;d)letf' untel'fcl>ieben; elS f'(&ft Ijl bilIS
U rt ~e tl be~ inbl\libueUen eule, beren Wllrficl>fe,n fllr fie
104 ~ie ~eite~ung ~iefrr ibl'er ~elt1mmung "uf ibr ee"n, b4S
Unterfd)eiben ibl'er fel&jl ,on ,~rel' tlod) ununtel'fd)iebenen
lCUgemeinbeit 'jl. ,3n bnlS m3acf!fel)11 fAUt ll&er~auJlt IlUC
fel&jl&ellmjte unb \lermlnftige ~ bAt i 9 fe' t belS fllr fi~
fevenben Unterfd)eibens belS ~eijlelS. - ::Der ed)lllf ift 0e,
frAftigung biefer ~bAtigfeit ntd)t allS &lOIS negati"e ~u~e
uon b.rfelhn, fonbern allS 9tlldfel)l' aUf bett m3clt bel' ~ e,
1UmmtbcUen, "UIS bel' 3erfireuung unb bem Wejlmerben
in ben tinie1nbeiten, il1 hs "Ugemeine ®efen bel' eU&1
j.cti'itAt I I\1dd).s bie eu&tlani jenu ~eftimmtbeitcn IUlb
'mn dfohttc 9)?"d)t ift.
§ 39 8
3) Individuality, distinguishedfrom themere being
of its immediate and primary component as
being-for-self, constitutes the awakening of the
soul, which first confronts its self-absorbed natural
life as a natural determinateness, as one state 5
confronting another i.e. sleep. - It is not merely
for us, or externally, that waking is distin-
guished from sleep; it is itself the primary com-
ponent of the individual soul, the being-for-self of
which is, for it, the relation of this its determination 10
to its being, the distinguishing ofitselffrom its still
undifferentiated universality. Generally, the
waking state includes all the self-conscious and
rational activity of spirit's distinguishing itself as a
being-for-self. - Sleep invigorates this activity, not 15
simply negatively, as rest from it, but as withdrawal
from the world of determinateness, from the diver-
sion of becoming fixed in singularities, into the
universal essence of s u bj ecti vi ty, w hich constitutes
the substance and the ab sol u t e po wer of these de- 20
terminatenesses.
terr_
~ (ftae SafIicd ctf"nt, bfc a ~ ~meteQcn UnI
ober ..r Wnbemgtn, folglhfl ll1lf fl ft Jen bt, nid1t
..... Untcrf~cbe tinb, - 1IÜ ,""ftnb b09Cgen im @el
f~~tatj bd 3nb~tbllUlll aa eilt.. fefttn Untafd1tebe,
pa mIIca -..rate gtgtn ' " fck hmatt, ab btc "'Alel
.... Nt 3n~ ouf bft a ttaa felcf ~tfgc thttuIg AU
dM ~ cwf • 3abhaaa mtgcgcngefetten @efd1kd1t~
"' ~, - ,",ab calfo bort btt dllfacfJc (lin~cU, ~itf
\)« fe'c "egUlfot .,o~atfcfJt, - fe""llJft In ba tnN."btR
ecdt ci. lli"t 'Ioj dufa., *,.~r dne burd1 ben @egmf~
laIIittdtc ltqi4ns 'ocr Seele auf ~, in biefCIII \JitticfJr~n
"' ecde der bell UntetfdJieb weber alt dllen fo fIi",bcn,
. . iII t8nIa1If bcr ~cknealta, nocfJ ale einm fo Mttn, teie
.. "'f~tafj, fonbm alt bat Gn (flnfll unb bcms
ftlka 3nbllt'ollul ~cfJ ~orbriftsmbm bauelaben ~fel ba
3. . bct ecfJlafmt unb maclJa'· !Dft 9iot~",eft~frit bet
bWdtif4m 80ttgugt "Oll QJqd1Icc6~tj ault irwaclJen
bcr eeae Ikst akt ~ bGrin I baJ, iabclR itbd 'ocr AU einem·
M ta gcf~~ &,"'g fte~bm ~bibum, froft ~ra
."""r... ~ftt, in btm Clnbmn flcfJ rek ""bnflnbCt,
btc &dc _ ~ "'flcfJr~n aUIR W6rflcfJf"n, - bat f)ri,t
. . , - QUf ~ ~ aUIR ~ gdClngt. .aI On
Volume Two: Anthropology . 131
~~al.a~~~",-""""
_ litt ~r e.ttaa In ll1IIIittdNar iiar,dt McImbe, ab
dRe in bett @egtaf.. 89Il ~e ellitlaa ~ edjectf,
,itAt, -1W f;l 111 btr ~ eme Nftbliat, . . foarit
107 bie Weftigfdt feinet f}esmfa;ef "«loren, unb jene Wlüftlgfdt »cf
Unterfd}iebf e~tm, bUfd} ~eld}e !Datrelbc au 6(~ 3uttbbCll
~irb. !!>er Ed} (0 f fft ba 3uttanb bet tBerfaknftqn. ber eee(e
in U,re unterfd}kb.lofe ifnl}dt,- ba' lBad}tn bascsen ber 3u-
ftanb bee (ltngcsansenftqn. ber Seele in bm .smfa. 8egell
bicfc dn~~. !Da' !laNd•• bee 8dfke ~t ,tcr nod}
fein &flc~; bmn 06gldd} bie ertk Uudttdktfdt bft Sedc
~ cuafs"- U1Ib nun au ei.ena Wofm 3uftcanbe ~
fett ift, fo etfd}eint bod} ba' bur4 Ne 9lcsotfon imer U.Iltttel-
hrfdt au etanbe pnunene ~f~n ber e5«k sldd}faII' llOd}
In ber 8tflalt dnet r,(~ 3uttonbef. !Dd W6rficfJftqn, bfe
Saijedi'ottGt bft eccre ift nodJ nid}t mit i~m an' fld} 'fC\1Cftbm
eUfiontlalit6t aufammmscfaJt; &dbe eeflimnam8cn etfd}dnc.,
ttod} GlI clnabft cmef~, fld} or,~d}fc(1Ibc 3ufYnbc. Ucr~
~ f6Ilt in bat Bad}ftqn bie lHI)q4ft gdftfse ~tiskit, -
oer IBUle unb bie 3ntcUIgenH in bicfer conmun eebaltung 'GI
bfn mit lebod} bat lBad}fd>n 'ier no~ ni~t au ktta6Jten, fon.
bem nut cüt 3uftca1lb, folgUd} alt cf\1)Q' »OIR SUlelt unb 'Oll
ber 3nteDigma ~mtUd} Untetfd}iebene.. !!>Cl; der ber itt fcf,
ner Sqr'dt 41. mne ~tfgfdt au faffenbe 8dfi Oie 3utt4ftl)e
bct Sd}{afeaf uab !Bo.n. Qn fid} 'l1t, tü~rt bG»01t ~, baj
bcrfdbf QUcr, eeclc ift, unb alt Se cl e fld} au ber Woftll einet
Watiidid}elt, eine' Unmlttckelt, einet 2dbe1lben ~ett. 3ft
blefer @}eflGlt crhib'ct bcr ~cfft nur fdn ~lMbc.. ..n
fcntn ba~er faam, bat CinDa4en ..,. MbuTCfJ &ttttdt, baJ bft
"1ft bcr SUiccti*4t bie SOIll ber Unlllittdhrfcit -. .ifld
b.~e. _ fcutn fhf1 - frde.., • I. . . . . .
kttfnullm; ~Icr in ~ • •"I'ßk idntf)tca .ir Ihr bat
~ 1IUf ta fofmt, alt et dn fItf.~, .... AlDClf bI4
nOd} ßIIIl unNflltntte <Icf. .n .. , ba; bcr 8dfl ~ feh
i"
ullb dnc " .. ~ IBclt ~ finbct; - da
es fin be n, bd 1Uuld}fl1Ult aur "bug fvrtf4rdtet / aller
Volume Two: Anthropology . 133
flItH..
"",,unfdt bie ~ollt ben Untnfllle'o 'on ~Ingf; un'o mie bat
bat SIII»onficr,feI&mmtnfcr,ri'oen 'on Sedf 'oClrfkl!t,
fo lAjt bat 2fcfIt 'oet ~cf 'oIe Untnfcr,te'oc 'ocr ~lnae f)er,
lortmm.
tIkr nillt nur in bn V~"fUCllif4en 9ICltur, fon'oem ouer, inI
. .rcr,fi.n "'sonitmut fin'oft flcr, ein Unterrcr,le'o, meIer,n 'ofm
ll1ltnfcr,if'of 'oef Scr,lafent un'o ma~nt 'on Sede entf~ricr,t.
... animCllir. . "'sani,mu' ttl wffentlfcr, 'oie Seite fdncf 3D,
iicr,&lcikd IOn 'on SeIte fdnet ~ericr,tftfC'>n8 gegen In'omf
au ntnfdJeibcn. !H er, a t ~at 'oie erftere Sdte 'oa8 0 r 9a nl f 61 e
~, 'oie lettm 'oa' animalifcr,e ~e&en senannt. 3um or,
QUircr,en ~c&en red)nd er 'oa' stqrobUetionfft1{tcm I - 'oie fans
'oClUU1lß, 'oe1t lHutmnlauf, 'oie !lranf,fratton, bat .~men. ~te;
~fka bculert tat SdJlafe fort; cf en'otgt· nur mit 'oem !lobe. ~a8
onillGlfrclJe ~ 'ollßestn, - au welcfJem nadJ !HdJ at bat S'>tlem
'oet StafWifttit ob 'on 3rrita&tlftit, bie X~4dsfrit ber 9lmen
• Dutfdlt 8e~art, - 'oie, t~eordlf'" unb ,raftif~ na~ o~en
~mer,tctf~n ~ört im Scr,laff Guf; ~GI& fd10n bie IUen 'ocn
Ser,laf unb 'oe1t Xob al. ~rii'on bargcfteUt ~Q&en. ~ie dnalge
!Beife, .,ie jlcr, 'on animaUfcr,e "'gan{f1lUl8 im SdJlaff nocr, auf
'oie l.n~1t &eaie~t, itl '006 It~men, 'oie; gana a&tttade kl
~ltnlj aum untcrfdJie'o'lofen (fInnente 'on ~uft. 3ut ~ortIadQl
rifitten tlmjcrlicr,fdt ~ingegen fle~t 'on gefunbe "'ganifmut bcf
9)lenr~ im SdJlafe In fdna ~aie~ung me~r. !Denn bllf)er
109 'oer IDltnfcr, im <5d)lafe nadJ au,m tl),hill \l)ir'o, fo irt er franf.
!Die, finbet bei ben <5d){a(Q)an'olnn ftntt. !Diefdbtn bewegen ftd)
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 135
eo.
beibm Seiten biefee mecIJfe('. Inbm \)etr,Glt ~dJ ~ingegen 'oie
in &aug auf bae !Denlen, In fofcm baft"e[&e oIe eine un-
tnfc:f1fe'ome Wom bn gdfHgen ~f1itigleit ben \Inbmn Wonnen bef
8dtw gegenübertritt. 3n bftfelll einne ~&rt bo, l>enfen ÜR
SdJI4fc un'o im ~raume ouf. merthmb unb 8mtunft - 'oie
metfen 'oeG etgentftd}en l>enfene - ~n'o nur im .elJen ~ttg.
Cirfl fat metftanbe ~at 'ofe btr emad)mbm Seele ,ufommen'oe @,
fhadt 8cfttmatung 'oeG Sic:f1felbfbmttrfclJei'ome 110m 9latiir(ic{,en,
1I0n "m unttrfel)ie'oelofen Subjtana unb llon 'on lu;mn>dt, i~re
inhnfi~e, conmte eebe1lnIRg, '0" 'oet ~anb ba' unenbli.
3nticfJfC\)n ift, tl)elel)e' fldJ aur ~talitat enttl)i6U unb eben ba,
'ou'" fid) 'on 'on (itnaelqcit bn lu;en.,elt frei gcmadJt ~at.
iBmn aber bClt 3d} in fiel) felber frd 1ft, macfJt e' QUcfJ bie
.gtllJAn~ »on femn <5ubjedi'Oitit unabl)ingis, bctracfJtet ee
bitfelben gfdd)fant ale ~ota(ititell un'o al' QJlleber einn ne aUe
umfaft"enben ~otalitat. Im leu;mi'" ifl nun bir ~otalitat
nidJt aI. freie ~, fonbmt al' Bufanne.ng ber ~ 0t ~ ~ en,
'0 i 9fc U. l>lefn obi«tiue Bufammenl)ang ifl ~a'jeni9t, n>obut'if>
fiel) bie lIolfkUungen, 'oie \»ir im mac:f1m ~ben, rDtfentlid} \)on
benen uRtnf.~n, 'oie im ~fCUUle entfte~en. &gegnet mir ba-
'>er im iBacf)cn <itn>Qf, beifen 3ufamnwnl)Qng mit beat öriQn
112 Buttonbe ber Iujenn>dt id} nod} niel)t AU entbe6n ~mnag, fo
fann id} fragen: tl)QcfJe 1c:f1 obn traume ier" 3111 ~raume 1In,
~alten n>ir une nur \)orfteUenb; ba ttIeI'Oen unfne morfleUungen
niel)t 1Ion bm ,tategorien bef !Berfbuabct be~mfd}t. ~at blo;c
morfleUcn rei;t akr 'oie l)tngc aue ~ftIIl (oneteten 3ufanunen~
~ge \)önig ~mlut, Meinaclt 'ofcfelben. l>~et fUe;t fm ~raume
lUe3 otdnan'on I burel)frcu&t ~" fn tl)ilbet Unorbnung, 1Ietlfe'
ftn bie 8egcnftinbe AUen not~tl)cn'oi9en, o~fect&!cn, "'rftGnbfgen,
M1dinf'tigen 3ufanunen~ang, unb foIuIen nUf in eine gana o~n
fläcfJlf., auf&Uige I fuijKtille lJminbung. eo sefc:f1iqt e&, ba;
_ (lb1)Q', baG _ im SdJlafc ~mn, tu einen g4ßi anberm
Volurne Two: Anthropology . 141
_Je ,
aI6rt tl4 bmrdha bImfJ bea __ !l)d _~ rol,," ~
r.. tBottIdIunem •
a.nbe ber . . nicfJt ~ fIt-"-f"mbe :lotcditAt '1
~ 1ÜßUef), lltdl in biefaa
mit
wcIcr,er berfelk i a " , alle feine i~en, Inf"un-
. . ab tBotjUlIungat M'ßId,,*, 1111 auf ber UekrdnfHammng
ober ~nftiaummg ber dIqdnm ~flabungen, .nfdJa..,
.... ab tBotfttUt.'1tgen mit fdm fb .. flIJ.f",1lbm ~otalitat
.., l>tjedttit6t ober 9«dJt"iedi~at iatet ~Itt au erfmnen.
.." ~ fann alMt ber Dear"fiII tu. ber Wafeln gCUl&
kma, fuijecttlm ~otPcllungC1l tkrIafI'ea; """R er Per Mt
. , . .fIt ~tloren l)at, '"' er 1191ehfJ, ~ \liefe tBotfkl•
..... Rar tBorfteUungen fbrb, l»dI fic 11ft feiner ~rmtm ~.
tatitit III lBtberf~nlll) ,...
eloJ ~ anb ba finbct tief) hI ~ linfaet, bat dRell
afallicf)m 3ufClllUltn~ang mit ber lBttflillfdt 'aL 9lamentlidJ
stIt ~ \)Oll ben ~raU1lltn »or Dittmla"t; in bfefc~ Innen
bie tBorflrUungm nod) einfgmnaa;ell »On ber IBftflidJfdt, aal
WDClcfJer .ir uuf am !toge befdJ4fdet .... , in .DrbIlUllß aufam.a
113 mengt'alten .nben. Um IDlittemadJt f~, .fe bit !!)itbe rc~r
gut .iffen, ber Sd)laf am fe~ftm; ba ~at tidJ bit Seele »Oll
aUn S\)Onnu11ß gegen bte !lu;enk\)eIt in ttdJ aurücfgeaogm. 9lacfJ
iJHttemadJt .etten bie Xräume nodJ .iUfürlicfJcr, al' \)o*,.
9ttunter fü~lm .ir iebodJ im Xraume (ihNI "orau., bat Mt
in ber 3crflreuung bet .ad)enben ee."tf"nt nidJt kmerfen.
So rann r"k\)ete' talut im mlenfdJm bit kftfmmte (5jef6~1 einer
.lraalf)eit erregen, \)on k\)eld}er n im ma.n n,,~ gar nidJtf
geqllt ~t. (l6enfo fann man butdJ ben ecrudJ eine. fef).e~
knben .tiq,ert im Sd}Illfe au Xräumen »on Weuertb_n an-
gmat ~en, bie erft einige !tage I14dJ~er aum Vlu.&rud) !omllen,
* unb auf Men ~oraeidJen k\)1r im Sad}en nf~t geadJtet ~.n.
* eTiesheim
Ms. S. 129; vgl. KehleT Ms. S. 95: Im Allgemeinen ist dieB der
Zusammenhang der Träume; der besonnene Mensch träumt auch, aber wenn
Volume Two: Anthropology . 143
* Griesheim Ms. p. 129; cf. KehLer Ms. p. 95: This is the general connection in
dreams; the self-possessed person also dreams, hut he is none the wiser when
144 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
er wacht weiß er nichts davon, und es ist nichts langweiliger als das Erzählen
der Träume. Jean Paul schläfert sich ein und so auch Kinder indem er
ihnen einen tollen Roman vor macht, ohne allen Zusammenhang, Bilder
ohne Verstand, Zufälligkeiten, an diesen Bildern die so sind wie die des
Traumes geht er fort, macht man sich da hinein, so giebt man seine Beson-
nenheit mit Willen auf und bringt sich so zum Schlaf. Kinder kann man leicht
so unterhalten und einschläfern. Man kann dieß so an sich beobachten,
kann ein doppeltes, ein waches und ein schlafendes Bewußtsein haben und
so dem Taumel so zu sagen zusehen.
* KehLer Ms. S. 96; vgl. Griesheim Ms. SS. 130- I 32: Das Leben ist ein Proceß,
der in sich seinen Verlauf hat, zu diesem gehören die Organe, und das
andere ist das animalische Leben, äußere Gliedmaßen, Sinneswerkzeuge ;
im Wachen sind wir in der Differenz gegen Andere, aber wir sind selbst das
Differente, es sind zweierlei Foci des Lebens, der organische Kreislauf, und
die Thätigkeit nach außen. Wir sind in uns als bewußter Geist ein Reichthum
von Vorstellungen, von diesem Charakter. Dieses sind wir, abgetrennt von
der Weise, wie wir uns zu den einzelnen Gegenständen verhalten und
zerstreuen; der Schlaf ist dies, daß diese beiden Mittelpunkte, Kreise in Eins
zusammenfallen, daß diese Trennung aufhört, und die nach außen gehende
Richtung in das Substanzielle zurückgenommen wird. Dies Zurückgenom-
mensein ist es, worin das Bekräftigende, Stärkende beruht ... Kraft, Stärkung
hat das Bestimmte das mit sich Identische, das Starke ist das mit sich zusam-
menhaltende, was nicht von einem Äußeren abhängt, und die Stärke ist der
Zusammenhalt in sich zu beweisen, manifestiren gegen Andere. Dieser
Zusammenhalt in sich wird im Schlaf hervorgebracht, wiederhergestellt, und
dieß ist die Bekräftigung, die im Schlaf liegt, die Erholung von der Arbeit,
sich in sich zusammengehen zu lassen von dieser Spannung. Hat man sich
geistig angestrengt, zerstreut sich mit Anderen und kommt wieder dahin
zurück, so findet man das viel leichter, die Schwierigkeiten schwächer, der
Geist hat leichtere Arbeit, als wenn er seine Beschäftigung etwa fortgesetzt
hätte. Dies ist die natürliche Rückkehr aus der Differenz, Spannung, Bethäti-
gung des Wachseins ; es ist die Rückkehr zum Anfang, der Natürlichkeit über-
haupt, und das was natürlich ist, ist der langweilige Kreislauf anzufangen, wo
man schon gewesen ist. Die Rückkehr im Begriff zur Identität, die Rückkehr
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 145
he awakes, and there is nothing more tedious than the recounting of dreams.
Jean Paul willlull hirnself and children to sleep by spinning a strange tale
without any bearing, images without significance, chance sequences. The
images in which he indulges are as they are in dreams, and if one enters into
them, one is wilfully abandoning self-possession and giving oneself over to
sleep. This is an easy way to entertain children and to get them to sleep. One
can observe it in oneself, have a double consciousness, a waking and a sleeping
one, and in this way, watch the revelry as it were. +
* KehLer Ms. p. 96: cf. Griesheim Ms. pp. 130- 132: Life is a process which has
its course within itself, and the organs pertain to this course; its other aspect
is the animallife, the external members, the organs of sense. Although we are
differentiated from what is other than we are when we are awake, we are
ourselves the differential, for there are two foci to life, the organic circulation
and the activity outwards. Within ourselves, as conscious spirit, we are a +
wealth of presentations of this kind, and we are this regardless of the way in
which we engage and dissipate ourselves in respect of the singularity of
general objects. Sleep is the merging into one of these two foci or circles so
that there is no longer a division, so that the orientation outwards is with-
drawn into the substantial being. It is through this withdrawal that sleep
envigorates and strengthens ... Vigour, strengthening, has that which is self-
identical as its determinate being, what is strong being that which keeps to
itself, that which is not dependent upon an external being. Strength consists
of giving proof of being inwardly collected, of manifesting it in the face of an
other. This inner collectedness is brought forth in sleep, and constitutes the
envigorating power of it, recovery after work, returning into oneself, dis-
engaging from the tension. If one taxes oneself spiritually, dissipates oneself
within what is other than oneself, and then returns once more to sleep, the
task will subsequently be much easier, the difficulties less challenging, the
work of spirit lighter than it would have been had it simply persisted in its
involvement. This is the natural return from out of the differentiation, ten-
sion, occupation ofthe waking condition; it is the return to the beginning, of
naturality in general, it being natural to begin the tedious circulation from
where one has al ready been. Return to identity within the Notion, implicit
146 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
1) (! n1 p f I n b u n g.
§. 399.
ed)(afen uub mJ"d)en finb aunad}f[ aWRr ftid)t 6(L'pe
.Jeran~trUngen, fonbern Wecf> fe In be Suftänbe, ('J)rogre6
Inf Unenblid>t). ~n birfem ibrtm forme"tn ne9ati~tn
mtr~Altl1iÖ 1ft eben fo febr bas a ff i r m" ti \l e \lorbanbtn.
3ft bem ~tlrfufJfelJn ber wacbtn ®eele fft balS ®ClJll altS
ibeeUeG ~oment entbalttn; fie f in b e t fo bit ~nbaltlS/~e'
ttimmtbtittn fbrer fcf>lafenbm matur, wdd}e al6 In tbrtr
eubjtallb "" f i cf> tn berfelbell linb, in f i cf> f tl b ft unb
awar fur lid>. ~16 ~tf[immtbdt iit bip ~efollbere \'on btr
~bentltQt belS ~tlrfidJftlJnG mit fid), unttricbitbell unb &u:
114 gleid} in belTen ctlnfQd}bcit einfad, '"tblliten, - tm I' f i 11'
bung.
'Y) Sensation
§ 399
0'
gotf»lt4t UJrer unmUtel60ren ~efllnummgen. So erft ~t bft
Seele I're '" f~ 0f t e 3nbl,ibuolUAt ermd>t. ~fefer fubiedf»e
~unft ber etde ~~t ie.t nfd)t IIt~r obgefonbtrt, gegenti&er bn
Umadtkl&adcit b«fel&en, fonbem mOcfJt ftcf) in bem !nonnigfol~
tigen geltmb , bot in jener U,.ittelNdfft, ber 1I&gliel)frU na"',
en~ltnl ffl. l)le nRltflnbenbe etde fe.t bot lIonnigfoltige in
"re 3anerIicfJfeit ~inefn , fle ~&t olfo ben ~egenfo, i~rt8 \Jifs
~d)f~n' ober ~rtr eubjeetf»UAt, U1tb ~rer UrJRitttl6arfeit ober
I,", fubflontfeUen .n~cfJf~n' auf, - ieboel) niel)t auf bie
Seife, bca' , ",fe beim 9lti"gong 'oe. inDllcf}en. in ben tS~lof,
if)t ~rtl"f~n fetnem ~e8ent~f(, jenem blo;m .nfllf1f~n, ~(o,
-cfJte, fonbem f 0, boJ t~r \Ji\rfi41fel1n tn ber !Jm\nberung, in
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 149
§. 400.
!Die <lmp~lIbung 1ft bie ~orm be~ bumpfen ~ebtn6
117 be' ~dllelS in feiner beroupt I unb "er/lanbloftn ~nbi"il
bUAU,At, in ber All e ~ell'mmt~eit 110d) u n mit tel bar
ift, nad) i~rem ,3nQa(tc wie nad} bem ~egenfa~e eine'
t'>bjecti"en gegm balS eubje~t untntwidelt geft~t, allS fel,
ner bc fon be r ft e n, tUlttlrlid)en (f i gen bei t angtl)6rig.
:J:)er ~lIb"lt belS (fmpfinbentS ill eben bamit be f d) t &n f t
unb "ortlbergebmb, weil er bem naulrlid)ell, unmittclb,,,en
ee"n, bem qualitati"en alio unb enblld}en angcb6rt.
ligt eli unb feine einfeitfg fubjeeti'Oe tjorm begTÜnbet. ~Ie Sub.
i et t I" i i ä i ber im\)~nbung mu; nicIJt unbefiimmte~ife barin ~W
fu"t mer~en, 'oa; ber IDlenfd) 'ourd) '00' <impfinben (lma' in
fid) fett, - bemt am!, im ~nftn fett er etma' in fid), - fon#
bem befiimmter Darin, oa; er (it\\)Q~ in feine natürlid)e, unmit#
telbare, einadne I - nid)t in feine fteie I geifijge, allgeacine Sub.
iemttUät fett. 1)iefe n a tür (i d) e Subj«U\)ftAt ifi eine ~dJ ROd)
nicfJi felbfi befiimmenbe I i~rem eigenen @}efe,e folgenbe, auf not~
""nbise Seife fid) bet~ätigen'oe,. fonbent eine "on au,en &e#
tHmmte, an '0 je fe n mOUnt unb an '0 i efe 3eit gebunbene, uon
Volurne Two: Anthropology . 157
§. 401.
* Sa' bie empfinbtnbe eede in fi~ finbet, ift eiunreif'
bat! nattlrlid)e Unmittelbare, altS ill ibr iheU unb ibr bUl
eigen gemad)t. :2(nbmrjttttS wirb umgett~rt batS urfptalngl
* 1827: Wird auf die aus der Einheit, welche Empfindung ist, nachher sich
entwickelnden Unterschiede vom unmittelbaren Seyn der Seele und ihrem
Fürsichseyn Rücksicht genommen, so wird letzteres als in sich vertieft Ich des
Bewußtseyns und freier Geist, hingegen das erstere zur natürlichen Leiblich-
keit bestimmt. Hienach unterscheidet sich ...
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 159
... 1827: If one takes into consideration the differences which subsequently
develop out of the unity constituted by sensation, those between the im-
mediate being of the soul and its being-for-selJ, the latter is determined as in-
wardly deepened, as the ego of consciousness and free spirit, while the latter is
determined into natural corporeity. It is on account of this ...
160 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* 1827: Die äußern Sinne werden längst für sich als Beziehungen leiblicher
Gebilde auf ihre besondern Empfindungen, betrachtet, nämlich auf deren
unmittelbaren Inhalt, z.B. Licht, Farbe, Ton u.s.f. Ein Anderes ist die
weitere zunächst oberflächliche Vergleichung und Empfindung der Angem-
essenheit. ..
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 163
* 1827: It is long since that the externat senses have been considered for them-
selves as relations of bodily formations to their particular sensations, that is to
say to their immediate content, e.g. light, colour, sound etc. Another factor
is the further and initially superficial comparison and sensation of the
correspondence ...
164 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
...
bcr edte ~m 3tmcrfidJfdt faUm fie in ba' ~id bn ~f,,~
licIJ
~"ß finb bie 4u~nli.n crm.,fiQungen auef~lftfi~
fJtsatttab ba ~ro.,olosie.
~d !lidJfte, ~. ~it ü&er bie tI~finbun8cR bn Itot8e~
nGlUltal 8rt au fogen ~.n, - ift, baJ ~lt bkfel&en burd}
bie MfcJ,fcbentn Si nn e n~alten. 1)a. _finbenbe 1ft ~iedlei
»on cntfat &efämmt, - bCl' ~ri~t, - frine ~iblidJfdt ~iTb ~on
etlN. leuJcrficfJem beftimmt. ~ie MfcfJicbencn IDrifen biefe6
lkftimmijft1d -6Ien bie Mfefltebenen äuJertn ~ml'finbungtlt
ClU'. 3e'oe fol. lIctf~benc !Beife ift eine aUgemeine IDlöglid)~
ftit be. ~d, ein ,lrei. \)on einadDen C!ml'finbun~
sen. So entf,alt, aum ~fl'id, bClf Se~en bfe un~mmte 9)lög<
li~frit 'Oielfo.cfJet f}cfidJt'elllJlf{nbungcn. ~ ClUge_ine 9latur
'Oe' Hf"lten 3nbitli'Duumf ,eigt ~~ aucf1 barin, 'Da; 'DClffdbe in
123 lien bepimmten 2Bdfm be~ C!m~~nbtn8 ni~t an d~a~ ~inid~
ne~ gebunben ift I fOnbetll rinen .itrei6 tlon ~inatltl~eitm umfajt .
.t~nnte i~ ~ingegm nur ~Iaue~ fef)en, fo ~äre liiefe ~efd}rän:
fung eine .Qualität tlon mir. ~ber bCl id}, im CBtgtnfate 9~gen
bie notüdid)en Xlinge, t-a~ in ber lBejlimmt~eit bei fi~ felber
fe"enbe WUgemdne bin, fo fe~e id) ilbel'~aupt garbigee, ober ~iel:
me~r bte fämmtlid)en ~erfcf1ieben~eittn be~ tjaT&igen.
1)ie Cllrgemeinen 2Btifen 'De~ ~ml'~nben6 beaief)en fid) auf
bie in bcr 9latur~~ilofo~l)ie ale not~~enbig an er~eifenben i)er~
f"'iebenen ,~~fifCl(jfd)en unb d)emifd)en ~eftimmt~titen be~ ~Cl'
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 165
llcn, - n&mltdJ 'oie mär Itl e. ~uref) biefe mir'o 'oie f\)edfifdJe
Slf1mm unb 'oie (io~änon ber .Iö"n \)etAn'on1. ~icfe ~erdnl
bemng betrifft fomtt ~lleienige, mobufdJ 'ocr .Iörvet mefentliclJ
.Iö~r i~. 3n fofnn fllnn man ba~tr fllgtlt, 'oll; aud,) in ber
Itfection 'on manne 'oie scblcgene .töq,etUef)feit für 'oae <8eft1~1
fetJ. tin'oltd) fdUt nod) 'oie @ eft Cli t nCld) t~ren brei ~imenfionm
'oem QJe~1 4n~lm; 'oma t~m ge~ört ibn~au"t 'oie nwef)llnifdpe
~t~ett "oUftöabig att.
lu;er ben angegebenen qua Ii t a tf \) Cn Unrerfd}it'Oen ~l1ben
'oie Sinne Iluef) eine q11 antU 11 ti\) e ~frimmung 'Oe~ (imvfinben~,
dne Starre o'oer Sd)ma"'e beffelben. ~ie Quantität erftf}C'int ~ter
128 r
lIot~mmbig ClIIS in te n b e (3röJe, meil 'oie Claq,fin'oung eiß
CiinfCld)elS ift. eD ift, aum ~eifviel, 'oie (illQ)finbung belS \)on
einet ~mmten IDlaffe Iluf ben Qtefü~llSfinn QuegcDten ~tucfe~
_aO ~ntenn'Oe~, obgleidJ biej 3ntenfitle lludJ menjil), - nlld)
DClIl;en, ~fun't'cn u. f. \1). - eriftitt. ~ie qUllntitllti\)C 15eite
'on Ciml>finbung bidet aber ber v~ilofov~ifd)en 0etrllef)tung, felb~
in fofem fein 3ntereffe bilr, ale jene qUllntitati\)e ~cftimmung
lUd) qualitllti\) mirb, unb bllburdJ ein 9 CI 11; bilOet, iber melcf)e~
'inaulS 'oie (fm\)finbung &U ftatf u~ ba~r fdJmetalidJ I - unb
unkt tveld)fln fit unmalkr k»itb.
micf1tig fiir 'oie \l~Uofov~licf1e .n~"ologie k»itb bagegen
'oie ~&ie~u1tQ 'Oer du;ercn tillQ)finbungen auf bat 3nnm 'oee
_finbenben 6u6ieete. ~ieJ 3nnne ift nid)t etu 'ou.' Un,
~tee, Ununterfcf1ietene.. Scf10n barin, 'Oll; 'oie (8röje 'on
w.fin'oung eine intcntbc ift u~ ein gek»iffclS Ball; ~ mu;,
Deal eine ~iebung ber Itfection auf ein In f unb s fiir f iidJ ' ~el
itiJmntfe\1n bee Subit'*', - eine gek»iffe ~inun*,t 'oer im-
.fiabfamfeit 'oeffelben, - eine 9Iellction ber Suijeeti\)ität gegcn
'oie leujerlief)feit, - fomit ber Jteim ober ~9inn ber inneren
~ung. ~utdJ biefe innmt. ~~eit 'oe' 15uijcct~
untcrfcf1eibd fief) &ereitG '00' ciujcre tim\)finbm 'oe' Denf.n
lIC~r ober tveniget ~on bem bet ~~im. !Diefe rönnen aum ~ll
in pifftn ~n~dltni1ft1l ~finbu1tQen ~on ctmo~ Icu;erlicf)em
~n, bilIS fiir 'oie mmfcf1üdJe Qm\)~nbun8 nocf) ntef)t \)or~cmben
ijt. 150 foUen, ._ ~f"'el, bic JtQlllcelc fd)on mcllentvelt Quels
Im unb Ströme tiedJeR.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . I 75
.t
teUigma mftau~itfen br"u~te, rine innere &'oeutung \)nfldil'ft.
~urdJ biere &'oeutung nmt 'oie dujcdid)c iaq,fin'oung all ch\)ilf
130 S,.hltfdJc.. !I>Gki fit je'oodJ au _eden, '0", ~ier nocfJ
chi e'1_ol in 'oCf rigtntffd)cn lk'oeutung biefet ~ortet \)or,
fJIn'om 1ft; 'oenn, fUmg genonunm, ge~.rt &um S'1mbol rin \)on
uat unterfdJie'oener du;trfidJer GJegtnft"n'o, in ~eIdJem tuif une
...,t
darf innmid)cn ~t~eit be~ujt nterbtn, ober ben tuir übtr~
auf dne fold)c "eftimmtf)rit bcaie~tn. ~ei 'oer burdJ rine
aq;m.. bl'fin'oung tmgten !5ttmmung \)t~Gften tufr une aber
.." ni4t au einem "on une unterfdJie'omen du~di~n GJegen~
, . . , iIn'o tuir nodJ nidJt &l\)U,trtt1n. SolglidJ etfdJeint, ~ie
erfoet, "" 'oa' «5'1m&olifd)c nodJ nidJt in feiner rigentlfd}m @eflaft.
~ ~ bit f'1mbolifd)e 9latur 'oet 91ffectionen erregten gei,
ttigal S,nq,atf)iun fin'o nUll etlDClf fe~r tuo~l 0tfanntee. ~it
~ 'oetgld'" \)on Salben, ~nen, @tn1dJen, @efdJmäcfen,
ab au" \)on ~enfgell, ~d füt 'oen GJefü~lefinn f~. -
!IBaf bit Salben betrijft, fo g"t et emfte, frö~lidJe, feurige,
fGlk, ttmige unb fanfte Wanen. !ROll tuä~(t baI,tt btftimmte
~ Qff ,3dd)en 'oet in unf \)orf)an'oelten Stimmung. So
..... lIGn fit 'ocn .ut'otutf Da !traua, Der inntren mer'oüfte-
nIII9, 'ocr UmnadJtung 'oef @dftet 'oie Sarbe 'oer 9lad)t, 'oet
.... !fcfJt nidJt erI)dltm \Jfnfterm, bat fa1'blofe Sd)l\)aq. \lud)
bic ~t un'o lBiitbe l\)fr'o burd) 6d)tuata be&eid)net, roeil
iIl bmftlMt 'oaf S,iel ter ,3ufdUigfeit, IDlanniafaltigfeit un'o
ci'
källbafkfJftft frine SteUe finbet. ~d reine, lid)t'OoUe I ~eittre
IB ntf~ bogegen 'oer Cfinfad)r,ett unb .pefterfdt 'oer ltn~
* f"aI'o. !I>ie dgmtlid)en Sarben ~a6en, fo au fagen, eine ton~
mtm ~na Gle Sdltuara unb !Btij. So ~at bat ~ur,
," not ~ \)on idIct fit bie lönigli. wme geßt'lten; benn baffdbe
ift 'oie madJtooUfte, f6r bat trugt angrrifmbfte \jatbe , - 'oie l)UtdJ$
* Griesheim Ms. S. 15I; vgl. Kehler Ms. S. 108: ... daß das Weiße etwas ein-
+ faches ist davon hat man ein bestimmtes Gefühl trotz Newton, der weiß aus
sieben Farben macht.
Volume T wo,' Anthropology . 179
* Criesheim Ms.p. 151; cf. Kehler !v/s. p. TOB: One has a definite feeling that
white is something simple, and not composed of seven colours as Newton
maintains.
180 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
I.
IDlattfgfdt, je nadjbem ef, aum &if,iel, an 2eineU!anb, an !Baum,
~Ik ober an Seibe erfdjeint; unb fit bclf S"mbolffcf1e biefel
tlllttrfcf)ieb~ trifft mall bel ~iden ~6(fem ein 6eftimmteö @efü~
ben Warben ~nb e.f 6tfonbert bie Xöne, t\)tldje eine
entf,red)enbe Stfmmuug in unf ~moNrineen. mome~mUdj gUt
1>ie, "on b~r menfdJlidJen S ti mme; benn biere ~ bit ~~t#
\Wife, me ber DenfdJ fein 3nnem fullb t~ut; U!of er i~, ~a~
legt tl' in feine Stimme. 9n bem m~lllcange btrfelbm glQuben ",tr
bQ~ 'oie e;djön~eit bn Emle ~ S~ben, - in bn 9tau~8'
feit feiner Stimme eil!. ro~ef @efü~( mit Sid1er~t AU erfennen.
60 wirb butd) ben Xon in bem ~mn \JOlle unfne S'>IIl,at~ie,
hl bellt le~term unfm ~nti.,at~ie tm(dt. eefonber' aufmerf,
fam auf baf ~mbolifd)e 'oer menf~li.u Stimme ~Ilb bie elfn-
'Den. (if "'irb f~!lar \)crfuf)ert, baj biefelben bie fö~f<f)e ecf/3n#
l)rit b~ DenfdJen Cln bem mO~mange fdntr StillUllt nfettllm
U!oUe1t, - ba; fie fel&~ bie ~ocfennmigfdt an einem (rifm
S"re~ butd) bie ~afe au ~ören 'OmIlelnen.
So ~( ü6a bie &.ie~ung 'oer au j er l i<f) en <lJIll)flnbtaa1
gen auf 'oQ~ gei~ge 3unm. ScfIon bei ~trCl<f)tnng biefer &afe#
()ung ~G&tll U!ir gefelJen, 'oa; ba~ 3nnere b~ (im~nben'ten feilt
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 181
,a. ....
~. fdltt ~mn »ennittelfl ber 8ehtbe bfe 8lfeber
;e. am"'tdm,
feinet - 'Die tH",at ~ ClUf,
.,... - ....if4m MeII', - bat 8eflcfJt, btc .oanbe uab
bIe 8ije, - 8""t; fo -ftCn "segm bfe 81kba' tet nadJ
t •• en . . . , .... , ble r•••
nnten eblen itn~, "or,
.....,arc ... bfe Crpe beaddtnet l1Ift'Om, in ""'" fit bCl'
. . , . . edjed f diet, - Bi"t not,menbig fir tlnbm,
bte tumn ctm,finbungm befehl cmf umnittdbare, un"'Ulfür-
_BdftM~
~ ~"". .n btefer t8erlri'li"'ung tinb einClll Se,
baa r..... bic e,ra. Wannt, bie ban16er mlan., eilt-
., W fIr tafm~m 3rrtf)- nidJt "'0" nflArt ~n
r... ..... aaß kmaft ll'trben, ba~ bie innmn
135
~
. . , . . . . fo"'" ba' ecdt GI. bell SClnsm ~, *""'
autrißlid}, t~ci(' f"ibli~ unb rogar \tmmficfJ fe\.ln fönnen. .pril
baIjadßca $9"
alt Ua~, Glfo .. !JtctJfObucttontr9flaac, folg"" tn
flcfI MItIH"t, -«Jet bU neS4tt~ 9b1cf,
••t'
, . bet cndIIIaltf. . E)uijcdet IU fl~ relkr b4tfleUt. - !I)a
unb ber 30ra bGgegm, - bieJ negati\)e !lael),aujen,
~qn Qt8Gl due fm* araft, gtgen eine une ~önnbe
18af4ae, - ~ fdaett lI1IIIritteken
~, _
S" in ba tmqt, im
Dtttell'1UIfte bn 3rrita&ifitAt, bee neg4ti\)en (;in-
Cl1IttftIed. 31ft 30m fcfJlist bae (;m, mr'O b4G 0lut ~e"
Jet, fWet bieJ tn'e ~t, unb fltClnllen ficfi bie 9Jluefdn. !I)elI
hl, - kfon,,", kim Waga, "" bn 30rn me'r innedi~ Weibt,
alt friftf9 fidJ Cldtobt, - faRn aUer'Ofnge bie fel)on bmt !Jttf
Jablldiontf9ftane ange~önnbe @4Ue ükrlaufen, uGb Ir»Gt ia
_ @rabe, baJ @elbfu~t entflc~t. Cle muJ aba b4TÜba be-
1DCIft werben, ba~ bie @41le gleidJfam bd 8 eurig e ij!, bur~
befrm Cfrgftjmtg b4e 9lel'l'l'budionef'1., fo au f4gen, fef:,
um 30m, feine 2rritabilität an btn Sl'tifen 4uG(ä~t, biefd~
kn, umer !Jlftt»irfuntl beG \)on ber $anfre4f 4uegef~üttettn
anilll4lif~tn IB affere Ilu~öfi unb \)aae~rt. - !I)if mit bem 30m
nql'ftm4nbte S eI) am "erleibfiel)t fiel) gfridJfllUe im ~(utft,)fkm.
Sie ifi tin beginnenba, ein kfel)efbtna 30m bri Denfel)en üba
fiel) feh; ~enn fit entl)dft rine stellet!on gegen ben IBfbafltruel)
meina (frfdJeinung mit ~em, md icl) fe\)n foU unb f~n nnll,
- 41fo eiJw ~f1cibi8unQ meinet ~naen fJfseft _ine una~
137 stmeliene Clrfel)einung; !I)feJ seiftiae !lad) ~ 4.n. @erfcl)tdfe~1t
'Oedeibltel)t ~ b4burcl), ba; bae elut In bat fJethfJt getrieben
mfr'O, bG' follft ba Denfel) mJt'et unb Cluf blcfe !Brife frine
(lrfel)ebllins inbat. 3m @esenfa. gegtR Die SeI)am iu;ert fiel) ba
e ~ re cfe n, - bie~ 3nihf1aufGmmenfal)nn ber eeele 'Oor einem
I,r un66amlnbUeI) fd)cfnenben 9legGti'Otn, - burel) ein 3mücf$
",eicl)en beG eInteG GuG ben !JGngen, burel) irl!f4lien, fomic
burcl) iratttem. menn bagtgen bie 9l4tur bie fBet1e'rt~rit k-
gcl)t, einige tYlenfel)en au fd)4fi'en, bie 'Oor S~ erbleid)en,
unb ~or Wurel)t mötf1cn; fo batf bie milienfd}aft fiel) burcfJ folcfJe
~confequenaen ber 9latur nt~t \)~in'oem (alien, bae @egm-
+ tf1cU bleu UnrcgeImä~igfdten Gle QJqq 4l1Aunfmntn. - .u~
bae !I) en fe n enbIicfJ, in fofern eG ein 3eitlicfJet 1ft un'o ba UI1-
Volume Two: Anthropology . 191
a"
9Ba8 bie geiffige Seite jener <nfd)einungen betrifft, fo \l)ifl
fen \l)ir in ~eaug auf N~ ~ en, b~ baffeI&e DUtd) einen fi~
unnritU"af J}et"Oort~uenben !ßibttj))md), - butd) cttva8 fid) fofort
138 ia fein @egentf)eil merfc~renbe8, - fomit burcf} dtt\Q" unmitttil
Mf füfJ feI&j't ~ernid)tmbef craeugt \l){r'o, - 'OoTQu"gefeet, 'oa~
",ir in Wefem nicfJtigen 3n~Qlte nidJt fel6ft fleeten, i~n nid)t a"
~n unferigen ~trad)ten; benn fü~Uen ~r burd) 'oie Berj'törung
jenet3nl)alte un" fd&er 'O~, fo "ün>cn "'r \l)elnen. ~enn,
Ag eet{',id, ein j'to(a ~inf)errdJrritenbet fäUt, f0 faIln barü~er
hdJen entftt~ft, ~iI 3enct an feiner Mon 'oie einfad)e !Dia$
leftif crfG~rt, baj mit i~m 'oa" Cintgegengefe.te !Defftn 8efd)ie~t,
." _ Cf ~a~cfte. !Dot ~ad)enemgenbe t»a~rl>Qfter .tomö'oin
* Kehler Ms. SS. 1°7-108; vgl. Griesheim Ms. S. 150: Dies Negative in uns
empfinden wir als Schmerz. Das Gefühl der Vernichtung eines Theils
unserer Welt; fühlen wir diese Welt verletzt, so weinen wir, es ist eine
Forderung unserer Existenz, eine Regel, es soll dies sein, es ist dies angekün-
digt, und es ist mit einer Weise ausgeführt, daß es durch die Art der Ausfüh-
rung zerstört wird. Das ist auch bei der scherzhaften Empfindung. Wir lachen,
wenn wir solche Zerstörung, Inhalt als etwas betrachten, was außer uns sei,
dies vor uns haben, aushalten können, daß sich dieß zerstört. Darauf kommt
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 193
* KehleT Ms. pp. 107-108; cf. Oreisheim Ms. p. 150: Within ourse!ves, we
sense this negative as pain, as the feeling of the annihilation of apart of our
world. We cry if we fee! this world to be violated. Our existence demands
something, there is a rule, this has to be, something is augured and then comes
about so that it is destroyed through the manner in which it occurs. The case
is the same when we have the sensation ofsomething comic. We laugh ifwe
consider such destruction, such content, to be extern al to us, (108) ifwe have
it before us as something which can be annihilated without affecting uso It is
194 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
es an, als ob der Mensch weint oder lacht, er lacht, wenn er diesen Inhalt
nicht als den seinigen (lO8) hat, sondern aber diesen Verlust als eine äußere
Geschichte ansieht. Der ist freier, der mehr lacht, der Verlust berührt ihn
nicht, weil er nicht darin ist. Thiere können weinen, Pferde, Kamde,
Elephanten, lachen kann nur der Mensch, der Affe kann grinsen.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 195
this that decides whether a person laughs or cries, - he laughs when the
content is not part of hirn, when he regards the loss as something in which he
is not involved. To laugh more is to have more freedom, one is not con-
cerned at a loss because one is not involved in it. Animals such as horses,
camels, elephants can cry, but although the monkey can grin only man can
laugh. +
196 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
elf nid}t _~r gcllld}t ~abcn. ~(l& \lidc ~ad1fn t,alt man mit
!Red}t fit ebtelt ee~d& bft \Jab~it, dlte& ~örid}ten einne&,
l»dd}er für a1Jc gtojm, ~a~r~(lft fub~altticUelt 3tttercffelt fha~f
itt, Ultt bfefe"'lt al& i~m Qu;erlid}e unb ftembe betrad)tet.
~em ~ad}clt ift befanntlid) baf !B ef n eIt elttgegftlsefe,t.
iBie fit ime. bie auf .IofhJr, be& lid}erlid}elt @esenf'toltbc& em,
.,funbme 3ufammeltf'tbuwns be& Subjecf& lift ~d} felber au i~rer
&rf~lid}u1lfJ rommt; fo äu;ert fid} im !Seiltm bic butd} ein 9ICl
sati\le& brmrfte innerlid}e 3 err tff en ~ eit bcf Cim.,ffnbenbelt, -
btr ed}mera. ~ie ~ränelt finb ber fritifd1f .&fd}las, - alfo
nid}t bio; bie Weu;eruns, fonbern ausleid) bie <lntäu;erunt 'oef
ed}merae& ; fie ~trfelt baber bei "or~anbenem bebcutenbemeee-
lenlefbelt auf bie @efunbf)cit ebenf0 tvo~lt~ädS, tvie ber nid}t in
X~rdltelt acrfliejenbe ed)mera flir bie ~unb~eit unb boG ~n
\)ft'bcölid} ~ fann. 3n ber X~rölle \\)iTb ber Sd)mera, -
ba& @efü~( be& fit ba& @emüt~ einscbrungenen acrni;enbelt ~
gcafa,e& au lBaffer, au eincm 9leutra(en, au einem 3nbfffermtclt;
unb bie; Itcatrale ~terieUe fefbft, fit ~eld)e~ fid) ber Sd)mera
"",,"ltbclt, ""r'o »on Der Seele QUf f~ftr ~e-(bliAfafeit au&gef~e$
bcn. 31t biefer Wu&fd}cibung, "'tc in jener ~~lid}ung liest
bie Urfa. Der ~fa",elt ~irfuns bd IDdnent. - ~; aM
gerClbe bic Wuselt Da-'jenfge nrgan finb, au~ ~ ber fit
~r6lten fid} erstc;enbc Scf)mera f1er\!or'orbtgt, - ~ie; liegt barin,
Da; bat Wuge bie bO\l."lte llcfti_ultg ~at, eillerfdtf bell .orß4Jl
bef Se~clt~, alfo bef ~ffnbcaf äujer{icfJa @tgcntlAnbc, URb
&\Uffttnf ber nn au r~lt, '"' -efImt fidJ ble &de auf bie
140 efnfQ~ile !Bdfc otfmhrt, ba ber "ufbnle! bte luget bat ~üd).
tigt, g(eicfri"olR ~inge~aud}te 8emäl'De ber enle bllrfteUt; - \Ue;s
~ofb _ bie genfd}elt, Ulft tid} 8tgmfeitig au erfennen, dltdnl
bcr auatt in bie WUQClt ft~tn. 3nbcm nun ber 9Renfcf> bUTd)
bat fa Sd}mera e...funbent !legoti\le in feiner X~öti9feit ge'
~, au einem ~eibenben f1era6gef"t, bie 3beaUtöt, bQ~ 2i cf> t
feiner &eIe getriibt, bie ferte Ciinf)eit berfdben mit ~d) mcl)t ober
.,..ign Qufgdöft ~ir'o; fo \!erldb(~t ficfJ biefer Sfelen~uftQnb
bUld} dne Xnibung bcr Wugen, unb nod} Ile~r bur~ ein ~t.ucl)tJ
lMkn berfdben, t1)t(~ee auf bfe Wultctlon bt~ St~tne, auf biefe
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 197
* Kehler Ms. p. 107; cf. Griesheim Ms. p. 149: When a person is very dis-
turbed, a great deal is gained if he manages to turn his disturbance into
poetry. Goethe says he has rid hirnself of afHiction, forlornness, hy making
poetry out ofit. He wrote 'The Sorrows ofWerther' for example, in order to
overcome a personal afHiction. It hrought many sensitive souls to the point
of committing suicide, since they thought Goethe was also disposed to this,
hut he surmounted the crisis and cheered up. +
202 • Begels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
§. 402.
1)te ~snpfiatbull9fn trnb, um i~rer Uttmittel&arhit uQb
DltS QScfuubenfel)nlS IviUen, ei 11 ae '11 e unb ur Il& er gel
ben b r ~eftimmungen, t1erallberungen fu ber eu&ftontlas
UtAt ber ee.ele, gefc~t iu i~rem'mit berfrl&cn ibcntifcben
~4\'iicbfe9n. ~&cr*biefelS Wt\l'fi~fe"n ift nicf)t &109 ein for s
meUrs ~oment belS (fmppnbenlS; bie eeel, ift 011 fief) tCI
flertirte ~otalttAt Uffel&en - (tmpfinbtn btt totalcn e>u&:
ltilnliAlitAt, bi~ fic An fief) iit, in fidJ, - falb lenbe
eede.
Saf...
'''-OcR
!I>~ !l>aejcnigt, '"' ia ,,~ ...
gqqt ",nen 1ft, ~ lW bell rtftca ~ ber
••~IOSlc ,o&Qd. flDtt ~tkn cf in ~CIl Sf)cUc ,anft
litt NI' sema er aal i t. t i, hftinuItcn Scdc, o~cr 11ft bcr ecele
• ..-1I1UIittdNml equ_~it iU t~lIn. ~d7 bcu {.anen,
143 ten \Jort9lln9 M Cinttvicfltmg unfmß @egcnflanbcß ~n~ "'ft au{c;t
aN ber, t~tC ~tftimmt~tit i bce l( fe~enben, bllrfn au frdJ felbet
&utücffe~tcnben unb füt frd) \\)erbcnben, - bllß ~d~t, - ~ur
eml'ftnbenbcn tnb(\)(bueUen Seele gdommcn. ~iermit 1ft ber
Ue&crgllng an bcm eknfo fd)"'lerigen "'ie (nfereff'anten alU d te n
Xr,cUe bel' .n~,o{o9(e gegeben, in "'eldJtm bit Seele frd) i~rer
* 1827 ... die Wahrheit des Einzelnen und Vorübergehenden ist das Allge-
meine; die empfindende Seele ist in sich reftectirte Totalität des Emp-
findens, - Empfinden der totalen Substantialität, die sie an sich ist.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 203
* 1827: ... the truth ofthe singular and transitory is the universal; the sen-
tient soul is the intro-reflected totality of sensing, - the sensing of the total
substantiality wh ich it is implicitly.
204 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
AM. ~~ B\\)el ift babei ber, ba' fü r f fe, ober für ben
f)rift ~bt, \\)a~ berfel6e an f i d1 ift, - baj ber (1 n ff d1 im
+ Q)dfte mt~ltme .to~mo~ in ba~ ~ e\\)u,tfe~n beffelben trete
luf bem etQnb~unft ber eeele, b~ n~ ni~t frtfen @ei~e~
finbet aber, \\)ie g{eid1faU~ f~on bemnft, !rin 0 bj u tt \) e~ ~tl
\\)u;tf~n, !rin miffen \)on ber lBelt a~ riner \\)irftid1 a u ~ mir
~euu .gef ce tn ftatt. ~ie fll~ (enb e Stele \)erft~rt &10;
mit t~ten in ner li cf) en ~nQen. ~er f)egmfae i~rtr
felbft un'O !l)efienigcn, \\)Q~ ftt fit tft, bleibt nod] in fte ringe~
fd]loffen. (ltft \\)enn 'Oie Seele ben mannigfaltigen, unmUtdhttn
2n~1l1t i~tcr inbi\)fbueUcn mklt negali\) gfre,t, i~n AU einem ~in<
fad)en, ~u einem abrtr aet 9Hl gemei n en gtma~t ~at, -
\\)cnn romit ein 9an a ~ ({ gemein t ~ für 'Oie I{{ge mein ~ ei t
ber Seele t~ lInb biere ~d] eben 'ollburcf) ~u 'etm f fi r fi cf} f el bii
f c\1 enb tn, f id) fd &~ 9egc n ftdn'o li d]e n ~ ~, 'tiefem ~d]
148 cwf ~ kaf4cnben \)oUfommen IOgtlltinen, e~lelt ~at, -
eint InftDtcnunS I \\)cI. 'Ocr Sedt ~ fold)er n.od1 fc~(t, -
ntt GIro na~ QmidJung biefe~ Bicl~ fommt 'ofe etde QUf ~
teil fdiectben \Jll~hn aum ~q~ft obitethen ~e.
\l)u;tfe~D; benn etft bat für iidJ#felbft'f~nbe, \)On bem un#
llitttlknn Stoff auna~tt ~nigftm~ auf _fttade iBrife befreite
3~ lc\;t QU~ belll Stoffe 'oie Wreu,eit bef ~efle~n~ au; er bem
~. !Bat ~ir ba~ bif aur <md~lIllg biere' Btelet au beI
tfQ~tca ~ben, bat tft ber eefrtfunQffanq,f, \\)Cld)en 'Oie Seele
gtgCD ~ UllIlittdNr&it ~ref fubftanaieUen 3n~tf bur~au'
ft4ttll ~t, UIß ibrer fdbft \)onfommen lIlidltig unb ~rclß ~,
ri tJdf,rcd)enb au \\)erben, - UIll ficfJ AU !Dem au IIlCl••,
'Hf fie ca n f i cf) ober if1rem ~ e9riffe nadl 1ft, na_ au ber
.. 3~ attHnnben fi~ Cluf ~dl beaiebenben cinfa~en SUbf
jectbUit. !Die <it~t&ung au Ntfem (intll)icftung~.unft tunt
eine 80Ige \)on brei Stufen bar, 'Oie ~ter \)ttfi~crung~\\)Cife
ba ltorcnt. angtsc6en \\)crben fönnen.
Waf 'ocr nften Stuft feben "'ir bie Seele in belll ~urd]$
tdulIltll anb I~nen if1re8 toneuten ~aturlcbcn~ ks
fcmecn. Uaa ba' iBunbcrbarc biefcr in neuerer Beit allgClllM
kodlktcR Seelenform au begreifen, IllÜfrell ~ir feft~tn, bo;
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 2 I3
b.
* ~ t c f &\ ~ 1e n b e e e e 1 t.
§. 403.
t ~a~ ftl~renbe .3tlbl~ibuum ift bit einfame 3bea(f1
tat, eu&jectiuit4t bes ~mpfillbel1s. (fs ilt barum oU tbult,
bau es feine eu&jtanti,,!itat, bit nur a 11 f i cf) feQet\ilC (fr:
ftlUuI19 als eubj~cti\1itAt fe ~t, pd) in ~eii~ nimmt, I1l1b
altS Me ro~ad)t feiner felb(t ftlr fieb mlrb. $Oie eede ilt
altS- ft1blenbe ntd)t mc()r &lotS nauirliebe f fonbern il1lmlid)e
.3nbi»ibualiti\t; biU ibr in ber nur fu&jtal1tieUen ttotalitat
b.
The feeling soul*
§. 404.
~I~ t n b i ~ i b u e11 i~ bie eede Cl u • f cl) (lt Be nb 11ofr,
~4upt unb ben Unterfcbicb in fi d) fe~enb. ~a5 UOll i{)r
unterfd)iebcn ",erben be fjl 1I0cf} lliebt ein QUjim6 :ObJtct
luie im S};croufjtfe\Jl1, fon~em e. finb bie ~ejlimmul19tn
ibrer emp~lIbenben <totalitiit. eie tft in biefem Urtbeile
eu&ject uberbClupt, H)r :Obiect tjl il)re eu b jl a 11 b, tl>tlcf}e
lugldcf} tbr sprAbicClt i{t. ~icft eubjlCll1b tjl nid)t bel' ~11:
~cdt i~res ffi4turlebm5, fonbern ClI. ~n()4It bel' inbiutbue(,
len ~on ~mp~l1bung erfllUten eule; ba fie aber b4rin
iu9leicf} oefon b ere i(t, i(t er ibre oefonbert m3e1t, info,
fern biefe Cluf implieite ~eife in ber ~belllitAt belS eubl
jectlS tingefcf}!ojfm f(t.
§. 405 •
.r~a) ~ie fll~(enbe ~nbt",ibu(\UtAt bunad}ft 1ft btuQr eiu
152 monQbifebetS ~nbi"'tbuum, Aber allS u n mit tel b" r noeb nid}t
a(1S Q':6 fe I b f(, niebt in ~d) rt~cctirrelS eubjtct unb barum
4) a Hi \). eomit ift btffell f cl b ft i f d) t ~Ilbi\)ibu!llitat ein
~on ibm \)rrfd)itbene~ eubject, ball !lud) al~ allbert6 ,3n,
bl",tbl;um ftlJll fIlIIn, "'Oll bejfm eelbftiid)fcit e6 iltIS eine
0ubftalli, weld)e nur unftlbjljlAnbigt6 'Ptabicilt ijl, burcf)I
iittert unb Auf eine burd}g&ugig wibrrf1anb6lofe m3eifc bel
1bmmt wirb; bill eubject fQnu fo beITen @ en i u tS gCI
nAnnt werben.
telbaren ._rfung
Bit in Na GIlgefiil)rten lAUen bie Dagie in riner unmit:
bet @eijtt. auf einen anberen @eijt bette~t,
f. 'Gi ~t)ci ber Dasie ober Sauberd, - fdbft Wenn
biefe fid) GUf br~ ßatürlidJe Q)esenfiänbc, wie Sonne unb gonb
NaOß, - _er bfe morfkUung ~orgefcf)tDebt, ba~ 'oie Sauberei
wcfcntlicf) burc& 'oie unmittelbar ~irfenbe CBewalt 'oee @eifte' gcs
.
f.~, - un'o AtDar nid)t 'ourcf) 'oie Dacf)t 'oe' 9ött li cf) en,
1. ~d Xtdumen.
ScfJon bei 'oem im S. 398 abge~an'odten (i rw 11 dJ en btr inl
'oi'Oibudkn Seele I unb a~at na~et, bei \jtftfe.ung ~ btt)bnm,
kft U1IkrfcfJie'o' aWifdJen <5 dJ (Cl f en unb tih ~ en I ~aben wit
t\o. . ."i~n'o \iom natüt1i~en Xtäumen fl'fed)en IRÜffen,
wef( boffelbe riß IDioment 'oef i5~(QfeG tft unn »on einer obet$
fl3dJ((dJm Wn~d)t afe ~eWtif bef (!inerf~eit bee Sd)laftn.
un'o 'ote ~Q~mf Qngefe~tn ~efnen fann; gegen ~ddJt Dbet$
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 233
Dreaming
I.
.n baG eine ein l1) (rU d) e~ , für, nd) , felbft, f~nbe~ Selbft
{ft, \t4~nnb bat· anbere roenfgftenf rin formelle" iJih1i~
fe"n· ~ot uub "'" bem l1)irf(i~n Würfld)fe~n immer me~ a..,
na~ ~t b{e ~~({ofo"ifd)e ~etracfJtung altt,61t ~e unßCJ
mnnte Sedenein~rit aber 11m fo menfgn dl1)Qf Unbegnlflid)ef,
ale baG Sel6ft bee .tinbe~ btm eelbft bn' !Rutttf llod) gilt
feinen ~Ib.nb mtgcgenaufe,en »mI4'Ig, fonbn'n Otm unmit-
telbaren <iinl1){rfen ber SeeIe ber IDlutter \\ö"ig geöffnet i~. ~ief(
160 <iinl1){tfung offenbart ncf) in bcnjenfgen irfd)tfnunsen, l1)dcf)e
man Duttermale nennt. !Jlan~, l1)ae man bo~in gmcf)net
~Qt , fann aUminge eine b{0 , Of SQ n( f cf) e Urfad>e ~o&en.
!tücfficf)tlicf) \\itlcr ~~'1fiologifd)tr <irfd)rinungen borf aber nicf)t
geal1)etfelt ,,"ben, ~a; biefelben burd} bie <imvßnbuns bcr !Rutter
sefe,t ttnb, bo; i~nen olfo eine Vh cf) i fcf) e Urfacf)e au <lJmnbe
lieSt. So l1)irb, aum ~eifVitl, bericf)tet, ba, Jtinber mit bel
fcf)Qbistem Irm &ur ~elt gerommen ßnb, \~il bfe IDbltter ndJ
enb~bcr l1)irflid) ben Irm gebrocf)en, ober l1)enigftelle benfel&en
fo ftor! getto;tn ~otte, bo; iie i~n gebro~n au ~Qben fürd)tdt,
- ober enblid), - l1)eü iie butd) ben InbUt! beG Irmbmd)~
* einet Inberen nfd}retft l1)or'oen l1)or. Vle~nlicf)e ~f.,ide iinb
* Kehler Ms. S. 114; vgl. Griesheim Ms. SS. 158-159. Dies ist constatirt, wenn
ein erwachsener Mensch über solchen Unglücksfall erschrickt, hat er dies
Gefühl der Verletzung in diesem Schrecken, der wird aber kein Armbruch,
aber das Kind im Mutterleibe ist so schwach, daß bei der Mutter sich dieser
Schreck nicht so verleiblicht, aber am Kinde. Die Mutter ist in diesem
Verhältnis nicht fähig, diese Empfindung nicht leiblich werden zu lassen,
weil sie ein zweifaches, verdoppeltes Leben ist. Ein merkwürdiges Beispiel ist
das zweier Geschwister, ein junger Arzt, den Hegel kannte, der ein Kakerlak
war ... (Griesheim: Ein Kakerlak ist bekanntlich ein Mensch der eine besondere
Schwäche der Iris hat, sein Auge ist roth, die Haare weiß u.s.w.) ... hat in
seiner Dissertation dies beschrieben, und gibt an, wie er und seine Schwester
dazu gekommen ist, seine Eltern waren gesund, sein Vater war protestant-
ischer Geistlicher in Steiermark, seine Mutter, eine gesunde Frau, im siebten
Monat, als im Winter die Gegend mit Schnee bedeckt war, und die Sonne
schien, trat sie in eine Scheune, die finster war, in dem einen Winkel befand
sich ein Haase, so daß durch eine Ritze im Dach ein heller Sonnenstrahl
auf das Auge des Haasen fiel, heftiges Dunkel, und in dem erblickt sie helles,
glänzendes Auge; diesem Blick schrieb sie, und ihr Sohn mit Recht zu, daß er
als ein Kakerlak geboren ist; später geborene Kinder, (die nächste Tochter
noch etwas) waren vollkommener gesunder Leibbeschaffenheit gewesen.
Volume Two: Anthropology . 237
* KehleT Ms. p. 114; cf. Criesheim Ms. pp. 158-159: It is evident that when
an adult person is frightened by such an accident, he has the feeling of the
injury in the shock without breaking his arm. The unborn child is so weak
however, that although the shock is not corporealized in the mother, it is in
the child. In this relationship, the mother is unable to aIlow the sensation to
remain uncorporealized on account of her being a geminate, a duplicated
life. There is astrange case of two siblings. A young doctor Hegel knew was
an albino ... (Criesheim: As is weIl known, this is a person with a particular
weakness in the iris, his eye is red, his hair white etc.). This doctor has de-
scribed the state in his Dissertation, in which he gives an account of how he
and his sister came by it. Both his parents were healthy. His father was a
Protestant clergyman in Styria. When in her seventh month his mother, who
was in good health, went into a barn. It was winter, snow had fallen in the
area, and although the sun was shining, it was dark in the barn. In one
corner there was ahare, and a beam ofbright sunlight fell upon its eye from
a crack in the roof. In the dark depths of the barn she caught sight of a
bright and gleaming eye, and she and her son quite rightly take this to
account for his having been born an albino. Although the child born next, a
girl, also had something of the albino about her, aIl the children born after
this were completely normal. -f
238 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
!)ie '0 rit t e m3eife, \-eie 'oie menfd)lid)e Seelt aum @efü~(
t~m ~otalhat fommt, ift bae ~eT~äUni, 'oee ~nbi\)ibuum~ AU
feinem @en i u6. UnteT bem @eniue ~aben ~ir 'oie, in aUen
~a9en unb ~eT~dltnilfen be6 rolenfd)en über 'oefien ~~un Ult'o
Sd}idfal entfd>eibenbe ~ efon '0 er ~ ci t beWeiben au \)er~e~en.
3d) bin nAmlid) dn ß ~ i efad) e6 in mir, - einerfeit! !)a!,
ale \t'a! id) mid) nad) meinem äu ~ er li ~ en ~eben unb nad)
meinen allgemeinen morfteUungen ~ei~, - unb anbererfdt6
~a~, WaG id) in meinem auf be fon Der e m3eife be~mmten
~lt neren bin. ~iefe ~ef"llber~eit meinte ~nneren mad}t mein
~et~ängni~ aue; benn fie ift Da! Drafel, \)on beffcn ~u!$
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 239
§. 406.
I~ $DA' .•'f4'1.lc~ca Alt i.orm, SUjlAllb bH
feI6ft&e",upten, gt&tlbcten, &efonl1tllcn ~)ltnfd)en ift clne
.IrAnf~eit, in I>tr bAS ,3nbi"tDuum fid) u n " cr mit tel t au
bem conc:reten ,3nbalte feiner ftl&ft "erbAlt, unb bClbon fein
&efonnencs ~e",uptfe"n feiner unb bts "erjlAnblgtn m3e1ts
iuf4mmcnbangs 416 einen b""on unterfd)icbenrn SuftAn!> ~Qt,
°
- mag n et if d) er e mn Cl m &u I i 6mu t$ unI> mit i'm
"erwQnbte SultAnbc.
• 1827: ... daß sie ihm immanent ist; und zwar nicht blos als die abstracte
Concentration, welche dessen Charakter, Bildung u.sJ. heißt, sondern diese
seine allgemeine Bestimmtheit als concret, identisch mit der lebendigen
innern Subjectivität, wie auch mit seinen empirischen Particularitäten,-
der Genius, wie es vorhin genannt worden ist ...
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 245
* 1827: ... which is immanent; and moreover not only as the abstract con-
centration which is called its character its formation etc., but as this its
universal determinateness as concrete, as identical with living internat sub-
jectivity as weIl as with its empirical particularities, - genius, as it has pre-
viously been called ...
246 " Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* 1827: I pass over the more specific modification of the speech of the other
with whom the somnambulant is in rapport also being externat to hirn, and
of his hearing it, as he does that of others, although only of those who are
set in rapport with precisely this person. It has also to be observed however ...
252 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
S-f... 3m .sufa. au I.
~ ~oben ~it gefast, ~(lJ
a"'efuhf Wonnm be~ magffcfJen ~etbä(tnfffe~ ber füblen"
ben Seele au untnfcfJdbtn f~m, unb ba; bie er ~e bieret Wotl
men bfe fotlltellt Eiubitdi\)UAt bee ~e&ene genannt "'erben
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 253
.......
ea, abemfdtt dae an »Olt 1MtJ1Wäf.. 3attI* fi4t.
172 ~I. 4ft btr @abd mlt&d'oen .pänbtn ge~llften \tIirD, llnb r'd1
mit i~rer 6~i,e llacf1 ben eben rma~nten QJegen~än'Den l)in~
untabtegt. ~~ ~trfte~t nd1 babel "on ftfbft, ba, biere ~e\tlei
gunS bt~ .f)olAet nicf)t in biefem ftlbtr irgen'D",ie i~rtn @tttnb
~at, fonbem aUein 'Durd) 'oie (imp~nbun9 'Dt~ 9Jlenfd1en beftimmt
* ",irt>j gleidl",ie aud) bei 'Dtm fogenannten ~enbuliren, - ob~
* Kehler Ms. SS. 83-85; vgl. Criesheim Ms. SS. I 13- I 15: In neuerer Zeit
haben besonderes Aufsehen erregt Campetti, aus der Gegend des Lago
Maggiore und Pennet aus Mailand, die von wissenschaftlichen Männern
beobachtet wurden. Ritter ist besonders auf den ersteren aufmerksam
gewesen, hat ihn auf Antrieb der Akademie mit nach München gebracht,
diese hat sich jedoch der Sache nicht weiter angenommen. Ritter hat diese
Erscheinung Siderismus genannt, und genaue Versuche an beiden zeigen
überhaupt, daß wenn solche Individuen über Wasser oder Metall gehen, sie
eine eigene Empfindung haben, sie fühlen eine Schwere in den Beinen, so
daß sie Mühe haben, weiter fort zu gehen. Die Empfindungen gehören
eigentlich noch nicht hierher, aber die Stimmungen können Empfindungen
werden, die Empfindung der Schwere hat ihren Grund in der Empfindung,
und so ist es ein Zusammenhang, der hierher gehört. Obgleich man bei den
Versuchen alle mögliche Vorsicht gebrauchte, so haben die genannten
Individuen doch Metalle aufgefunden, die man verborgen hatte. Ritter hat
am Lago di Garda (84) lange Gräben machen lassen, und nur an verschie-
denen Stellen darin Metalle verborgen, der Graf Salis in Mailand versteckte
Metalle in einem frisch umgegrabenen Garten, und sie fanden sie augenblick-
lich. Ritter bemerkt, daß Campetti leichter Wasser finde, als Metall, und
wieder oxidirbares leichter als anderes. Man hat zwar diese Versuche
vielfach angegriffen, aber Ritter und Salis sind verständige Männer.
Campetti ist gesund, und von guter Leibesbeschaffenheit, doch hat die
Witterung auf ihn bedeutenden Einfluß; besonders ist die körperliche Dis-
position wesentliche Bedingung. Sonst sind Personen dieser Art im ganzen
schwächlich, besonders ist Nervenschwäche nicht zu verkennen. Es ist nicht
eine höhere Gabe als das, was der Mensch im gesunden Zustand vermag, es
ist eine Depression des Geistes, die das Körperliche zugänglich macht der
Volurne Two: Anthropology . 261
* Kehler Ms. pp. 83-85; cf. Griesheim Ms. pp. 113-115: Of recent times,
Campetti, who came from the Lago Maggiore area, and Pennet who came
from Milan, have attracted particular attention, and have been observed by
scientists. Ritter made a study of them, particularly the first, but although
he brought the fellow back at the instigation of the Academy, this body has
encouraged no further research into the matter. Ritter called the pheno-
menon siderism, and careful experiments with both men have made it pretty
evident that such individuals have a distinct sensation when they are walking
over water or metal. They feel a heaviness in their legs, so that they have
difficulty in walking any further. Strictly speaking, this is not the place for
sensations, but general feelings can become sensations, and since it is in
sensation that the sensation of heaviness has its ground, it is a connection
which belongs here. Although every precaution was taken during the experi-
ments, these individuals still located hidden metals. Near Lago di Garda,
Ritter (84) had long trenches dug and only concealed metals in them at
certain points. In Milan, Count Salis concealed metals in a newly dug
garden and they discovered them immediately. Ritter noticed that Campetti
located water more easily than he did metal, and oxidizable metal more
easily than any other. These experiments have certainly been called in ques-
tion for various reasons, but Ritter and Salis are capable people. Campetti is
healthy and well-built, although he is particularly susceptible to the weather.
Bodily disposition is an essential condition here, and on the whole persons of
this kind are generally weakly, nervous debility being particularly noticeable.
The gift is nothing higher than what a healthy person is capable of, but is a
depression of spirit which makes what is corporeal accessible to the strength
262 • Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
of such connections. It has been observed that epileptics and those with
nervous debilities are capable of the same sort of feeling. The great efficacy
of metal, or iron, will be considered in the treatment of animal magnetism.
The healthy person, the healthy human organism and consciousness, has torn
itself away from nature and the Earth in a particular manner. It is a fact
that there is in man a general mood of sympathy with natural changes, with
such elementary differences as water and metal, and that these are the
general objects to which such sensitiveness responds. Water is what is not
singularized, not individualized, but among individualized bodies metal is
what is compact. In general, therefore, this is the nature of such changes.
This is even more pronounced in the case of animals. Horses scent the Nile
many miles off, monkeys and dogs sense springs a half day's journey away.
The capacity is, however, most pronounced in the ship of the desert, the
camel. AnimaIs also have premonitions of the weather. They will feel earth-
quakes when nothing can be detected in the atmosphere and the ground;
herds will break up and scatter in all directions as horses and steers bear up
against the Earth. Such sensations give evidence of themselves as a sympa-
thetic (95) community offeeling with what is going on in the Earth.
264 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
f..-r-."
~... , auf BtrcmfWtung ~ .ratet, t;mfp eine .lette bQa-r.n
~ !Ptrfonm ia tBmfnbung . , . ltat. SolcfJet itm~
ikfstnt ,on !l)enien(g'1l, in .ldJen c8 eat~anb, Guf
lBdft kfct,rieka ~... ~ r. ~"rtlllm,
.n
baJ fit bAt "eafläabc innult .. fc~en; ober fit "_ten,
ce r. . ".., alt ob S!:a'lea 'on btn 8tseaftUbea autgW
.......,Je.
b-, btR
* ble tmiltnte ktrttung bc8 8tr".GcU
ein fi nn anklangt, fo f)at _an ~f,lele, baß
,",onen bie S,d;cn gef~lIIfclt ~n, Die man ~nen Guf bett
• _ . . kate.
* KehLerMs. S. 124; vgl. Griesheim Ms. S. 171: ... man nennt dies auch
Sinnesversetzungen, aber es ist dies nicht ein eigentlicher Sinn, sondern das
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 267
* Kehler Ms. p. 124; cf. Criesheim Ms. p. 171: Although these are also said
to be transpositions of the senses, they do not involve a proper sense. Feeling
268 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
is something whoBy general. When we see aB these particulars with the eye,
it is feeling as such which is the general factor. Despite the particular feelings
then being realized or particularized in particular organs, feeling still remains
what is general to them. Consequently, the particular feeling, which other-
wise only has being for particular parts and is withdrawn from what is
general, can also replace the general feeling.
* KehleT Ms. pp. 124-125: cf. GTiesheim lv1s. pp. 172-173: The feeling subject,
the genius, feels itself, not something else. The genius's self-awareness is a
content with which the wakingly conscious self-possessed person has to be
provided, which he has to have before hirn in the proper connection of
understandable things. In that genius feels itself however, self-possessed
consciousness is sublated. Although visions and suchlike belong here, the
merely delusory visions of an empty delusion of the imagination, despite their
progressing into the mode of feeling, of an ordinary affection of the senses,
do not. Such appearances are merely the general side effects of an illness,
and although we can give free play to our imagination when waking and
sleeping, this is not (125) the place for this either. Such imaginings might be
270 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
gehört nicht (125) hierher; man könnte glauben, daß diese hierher gehörten,
+ das nicht Träumerei bliebe, sondern Einbildungen, die als Gesichter ersche-
inen, als wären sie wirklich. (Griesheim: aber diese Einbildungen gehören
nicht dem Genius, dem wirklichen Subjekt an, daß in sich als fühlend con-
centriert ist.) Nicolai hat dergleichen Visionen gehabt und sein Geistesver-
wandter Kriegsrath Scheffner, haben Bewußtsein gehabt, zum Fenster
hinausgesehen, und Menschen gegrüßt, und dergleichen, haben gewußt,
daß dies bloß Phantome sind, in Ansehung der Gegenwärtigkeit des Sehens
konnten sie nichts einwenden, aber ihrer Besonnenheit, dem Zusammenhang
widersprachen diese Erscheinungen, sie sahen ihnen zu mit dem richtigen
Bewußtsein, daß sie nur Einbildungen sind. Oder innerlich haben wir eine
Vorstellung vor uns, dies Vorsichhaben ist ein Moment der Leiblichkeit,
und diese kann durch Krankheit gesteigert werden, daß ein förmliches Sehen
wird. Das Auge wird starr, hat zu wenig Kräftigkeit, und unterscheidet
nicht mehr das Wirkliche von dem Vorgestellten. Die Katzen sehen bei
Nacht; es gibt Umstände, daß Menschen mit dem Licht ihrer Augen sich
bei Nacht die Gegenstände umher erleuchten. Der Geheimerath Schulz hat
diese Seite sehr studiert, nimmt an, es sei ein Phosphor im Auge, und es gibt
Umstände, daß dieser Phosphor, der sonst nur schwach ist, gesteigert wird,
um nach außen zu leuchten. - Nicolai bei seiner Verständigkeit, Gelehrsam-
keit hatte nur bestimmte Zwecke, Philosophie ... , Poesie, waren der Prosa
seiner Natur entgegen, da ist die Poesie an ihn gekommen, Nicolai ist curirt
worden durch Blutigel an dem Podex, da ist ihm die Poesie abgezapft
worden. (Griesheim: Goethe erwähnt dieß in seinem Faust.)
Siehe auch Notizen 1820-1822 ('Hegel-Studien' Bd. 7, 1972: Schneider
I5 IC).
Volume Two: Anthropology . 271
* Griesheim Ms. pp. 174-175; cf. Kehler Ms. p. 126: A person has parents,
siblings, other relations, friends etc., all ofwhorn pertain to his actuality, and
are not rnerely people out there, external to hirn, but constitute this content,
his concrete actuality, the actual heart of hirn. When such people (175)
die, apart of his actuality dies. Re can be so firm and powerful of heart that
the wound heals, and he rnerely senses the loss without being broken by it;
these circles can also be so firrnly apart ofhis actuality however, that when a
part ofthern passes away he does in fact lose part ofhis liveliness, his strength.
The rnain thing is the clear presentation that the actuality which appears as
rny external circle is essentially rny own. +
See also Notes 1820-1822 ('Regel-Studien' vol. 7, 1972; Schneider 158d):
Inner unity - loss of loved ones through death.
274 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
... KehleT Ms. SS. 125-126; vgl. Criesheim Ms. SS. 173-174: Bekannte Erschein-
ung, daß Fieberkranke im Stande sind, fremde Sprachen zu sprechen,
Kenntnisse zeigen, die man ihnen ganz und gar nicht zugetraut hat, und die
sie nicht fähig wären, im gesunden, besonnenen Zustand zu äußern. Man hat
ganz auffallende Geschichten z.B. ein Bauer ist in späten Jahren krank
geworden, hat hebräisch gesprochen, als er gesund war, kam es heraus, daß
er als ein Junge öfter einem Unterricht in hebräischer Sprache beigewohnt;
aber er hatte es complett vergessen, erst in diesem Zustand fiel es ihm ein. Es
ist also der Fall, daß wir hier von etwas wissen können, wovon wir nicht wissen
nach der verständigen Weise, der Vermittlung des Bewußtseins; wir haben
solche Kenntniß im Schacht unseres Innern niedergelegt, aber haben sie
nicht, indem wir nicht Meister darüber sind. (126) Doch bringt sich dies wie
zum Dasein, ohne die Weise der Vermittlung, vermöge der ich solche
Kenntnisse in meinem Bewußtsein habe. In der Krankheit kommen oft
Erinnerungen (Criesheim: der Jugendzeit) vor, die in unserem Inneren
geschlafen haben.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 275
* Kehler Ms. pp. I25-I26; cf. Criesheim Ms. pp. I73-I74: There is the well
known phenomenon of people who are suffering from fever being able to
speak foreign languages, displaying knowledge one would never have
credited them with, and which in a healthy and self-possessed condition they
could never have given expression to. There are certain remarkable cases of
this, such as that ofthe farmer who in his later years fell ill and spoke Hebrew.
When he recovered, it turned out that in his youth he had often been present
at Hebrew lessons, although he had completely forgotten this and only
called it to mind on account of his illness. There is therefore the case of our
being able to know something not known to us by means of the und erstand-
ing and through the mediation of consciousness. Although we have deposited
such knowledge in the abyss of our inner being, we have no power over this,
and are therefore not in possession ofit. (I26) It is on account ofmy having
such knowledge within my consciousness however, that it dispenses with the
mode of mediation in bringing itself forth into determinate being as it were.
Recollections (Criesheim: of our youth) which have gone to sleep in our inner
being, often come forth during illness.
276 . Hegets Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* KehleT Ms. S. 126; vgl. GTiesheim Ms. S. 174: Puysegur behandelte einen
Jungen, der gefallen war, und stumpfsinnig, daß er im Stande war, die
Umstände seines Falls zu erzählen, nach und nach so ihm die frühere Erinne-
rungen gekommen sind.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 277
* KehLer Ms. p. 126; cf. Criesheim Ms. p. 174: A youth who had become dull-
witted on account of a fall, was so treated by Puysegur that he was able to
give an account of the way in which he had fallen, and by and by to recover
earlier recollections.
278 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
hftlk r40ll bie Wom d1tef 3 nner If ef) en, alfo rine' i~m
'Uef)tfuabell, einet tBmafttelten baburcf) au er~tm Clngefan~
p, " ' fIe auf 9ClnA o&iectbe Irt "on einem anbuen eu~~
tme SC...,t ~, a';'ffcf)m ~l4em unb bem fcf)oumbtn 3n,
Nltbua dne ro "oUftAnbige eee(endn~it betk~t, '00' ~'ienfge,
'"' i1l baD oij«tt»en ee~u~tfet1n bef firftmn ift, auef) in 'oie
ecde bd ~tmn einbringt. !Die burd) boe ee..u'tfe\}lt efne.
Gnbnn eUjeet. "",,,füdte Wom 'oe' SlJwent ~Q&en "ir
ttft f,öter, hi bell eigentlid)en mQgnetffd}fn SaftGnbe, au k~
ttacIJten. ~ier bCIfJegen mitTen "ir uut mit bem n~er~&~n~
teil WaU bef bnrcf)aat "nm U t( un g.1o f eR IBffftn' "Oft rAm.
1111 ferneR Au'erlfcf)en lkgeknfJdten kfcfJAftfgen.
'-'tffviele "on biefer mrife 'oe' ecf)ouen' foanntn in Alteren
Seiten, - in Seiten thie. me~r feelen~aften 2e&en., - »tel ~äu'
tiQer \)or, GI. in ttr neumn 3eit, ~o 'oie StI&fijtänbfQfelt 'oe'
179 M1ta"'igen ~_tf~lt' fIfJ ""'t ~t cnMfctdt ~at. 1)it
ntd)t fdrdJ"'eg bee ~~1Uft1 k bft !6flt au 8ri~enben alten
~~rotlttett trAa~lm Iftancf)ett ~ ac~ötfg'n 8cl1J. ~(bem
'~Iltlt bt. im !Retum Intfmtten fanlt fibrigenG, ~Ib eitt bunfte'
tef, 'illb ritt ~eaere' ee~""fetJn flottfinben. !Diefn mJed1fel fn
ber Mlet"tit btt C!cfJaume Idate fief), aum eeif,fr(; Oft dntm
gabcfleti, bi' , O~1tt ~, fic bIl ~.n 3uftonbe (lhMe bo\)on
"'' 'te, dnen"mbtt m e,onlett f)Gtte, unb bte in t~tclft oOtU,
fe~n, 4nfonge nut UhbeutlttIJ, bann der beutlfcf) biefen "rubtt
in e{11m e,itale fo~, - barauf benfeffitn tobt unb gt&ffttd i -
n~~er jebo~ "feber leknkltg au n&licfett glClUbtc, - unb - ..ie
~tf} r.,atn trgd - bCtttIl ticfJtia Befe~en ~otte, bO' i~r "tuber
n1ltf1td} aUf 3dt ieme Scf)ouen. in einem e~ftl1l fn !Bi1aabdl~
gf~fen ~r; - ,,~r,nb fit ~ bagegen b4tin, bCl' fit bmfd.
ben tobt au fcl)m meinte, geim ~atte, bo nfd7t blcfcr tmlbcr,
fonbern ,Ine ClIlbctt ~erron neben bemfel&en au fener Seit aePor6
bttt WIlt. - 3n e,canfcn unb 3toUen, "oba' !latutldt11 bet
DellfcfJen ClUgeMelner ijl, 111' ~ef une, fint> rol. @efief)te, "'ie
ba' ekn mDa~te, tuimetttltd} hi 8tllUen unb \Jrtunben, il1 t9f.
aug etltf etttfmd. ßTeunbe unb ""tten, "*' 9lJefltfdtentt.
fftcnfo, ~te k bie ecbinßUng be' Shuac., n~t ~cf7
Volume Two: Anthropology . 279
d)en "'11ft ftd, fo oft tQufdJen, ijt ga1ij natüTIidJ; benn tie fdJauen
ein ßufiinfdge~ nut natf1 i~tet ga1ij unbeftimmten, untet biefen
Umftanben f 0, untet anbeten UmftAnben anbet~ btftimllten au'
fälligen (fmllfinbuns alt, unb legen bann ben geftf1auten ~~alt
auf ebenfo unbetHmmte unb anfällige tileife au~. Inbmrftit~
"nn allet'oingf ieb~ bQ~ QJotfommen nd) ~irflfd) &e~liti9cnber
182 'ie~et 8e~ör'8cr, ~ö"fl ~unberkm ."ungen unb iBifionen
ht.... nid)t QfleUQnet ~etbcn. So finb ~erfoncR bur~ bie
~nulß bd RadJf)er ~irlli~ ctfolsenbcn Clin~r'ef einef .paufea
ob« daer ~cfe ClUfs-"* unb ._ mtrlatren be~ 3immet. obet
bei 6aufef getrieben ~o,",. Eo follen au~eUen au~ ed)iftU
»on btIn nicr,ttauf.nbc" .orsefii~t cine' 5tume' befallen ~r.
ad.-
ben, toB . . . . . N' "er(länbige "e~u;tfe"n n~d) gaf fein ln-
&merft. lucr, ~itb &e~aulltet, ba; \lieIe genfd)en ble
5tunbe i~ft' Xobef \)or~et sefast ~a&en. iOoraü8litf1 in ben
fcfJottir.n .pocr,lanben, in .poUanb unb in tile~~aten finben
~ ~iutise "'tflltele \lon I~nungen bc~ ßufiinfdgen. ~er08#
bet. bei ben fd)ottif.n Q)ebirg'be~o~nem ifl ba' QJermögen bef
fogeRannten a~eUen Q)efidJt. (second sight) nod)
jett ~tt eeltenef. alt bierem mermögen begabte ~etfonen
fe~1 fi~ b0 " " eI t, er&U«en fid) in QJet~ftniffen unb ßuftan.
~It, '" -..un fie erfl fllatet fe"n ~erben. ßur tJrflärung biefe'
~u,,'Detkten ~f}dnonaen' fann \Jolgenbe~ gefagt ~erben. tilie
Ulon bellnft ~at, ifl ba, seeemd sight bi 5d)ottlaltb frül)et~in
* 'Oie( ~äufi9et g~efen, al' ;e.t. Wilr bat (inijte~en beffelben fd)cint
* KehLer Ms. S. 128; vgl. Criesheim Ms. SS. 176-177: Ahndung im Voraus,
des eigenen Todes, des Todes von Freunden, Vorahndung aber auch vom
Tode anderer Personen, die ganz gleichgültig, dies kommt noch vor an
Individuen in Westschottland und den Hebriden, und früher häufiger, das
zweite Gesicht genannt, auch kam dies in Westphalen vor. Engländer haben
dies untersucht, alle Data sorgfältig gesammelt, in Kiesers Archiv Auszüge.
Bei diesem zweiten Gesicht wird bemerkt die Erscheinung, daß die Augen-
lider des Sehenden aufgerissen sind und seine Augen ganz starr sind, so
lange er das Gesicht hat, es sind aber nur ganz einzelne Individuen, die dies
haben, sie sehen einen Leichenzug, oder eine Leiche auf einem Tisch ...
(Criesheim: u.s.w. Es wird ein Fall erzählt wo ein solcher Seher) 13 Lichte auf
einem Kirchhof (sah), und nach einem Sturm ist ein Schiffscapitän mit 12
Mann todt an den Strand geworfen und da begraben worden, die also nicht
Volume T wo: AnthTopology . 285
* KehLeT Ms. p. 128; cf. CTiesheim Ms. pp. 176-177: Certain individuals in the
west of Scotland and the Hebrides have premonition of their own death, of
that of friends, and even of persons who are a matter of complete indiffer-
ence to them. This is called second sight, and used also to be commoner in
Westphalia. The English have investigated it and carefully collected all the
data, extracts from which are to be found in Kieser's Archive. It has been +
noticed of people who are actually in possession of it that their eyelids are
wide apart and their eyes quite fixed. Only a very few individuals possess it
however. They might see a funeral procession or a corpse on a table (Criesheim: +
etc. There is a case on record of one who saw) thirteen lights in a churchyard,
and after a storm a ship's captain and twelve men were washed ashore and
286 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
buried there. They see people, therefore, who do not belong to their irnrne- +
dia te circle. This foreknowledge of what is contingent is curious; the presenti-
rnent of death, of one's own or that of strangers, is confirrned by a host of
instances. Winkelmann, who was rnurdered near Trieste in 1769, sensed it
beforehand; he (Griesheim: said in his letters that he) did not feel weB, was
unable to bear the situation, and had a prernonition that sornething was
about to happen to hirn. +
288 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
envisioning has a very wide range, and can at the same time
attain to considerable clarity and distinctness. However,
clairvoyants are only able to give a completely distinct and
correct account of their bodily condition when they have had
a medical training, when in their conscious and waking state 5
they have an exact knowledge of the nature of the human
organism. CompletelY correct anatomical and physiological
accounts are not to be expected from clairvoyants with no
medical training. On the contrary, such persons will have
the greatest difficulty in transposing the concentrated in- 10
tuition they have of their bodily condition into the form of
understandable thought. They are confined simply to raising
wh at they have envisioned into the form of their own awak-
ened consciousness, which is more or less confused and unin-
formed. - However, just as the individual clairvoyants vary 15 +
greatly in their immediate knowledge of their bodily condition,
so also do they differ widelY' both with regard to form and
content, in their intuitive knowledge of their spiritual in-
wardness. Since the substantiality of the soul is manifest in
the state of clairvoyance, in noble natures it reveals a wealth of 20
noble sentiments, the true self, the better spiritual side, and
often appears to them as a special guardian spirit. It is a +
state in which base natures reveal their baseness however, and
abandon themselves to it unreservedly. Finally, mediocre
individuals, in astate of clairvoyance, are often ethically at 25
odds with themselves, since in this new life, this serene inner
vision, there is an emergence of the more important and
nobler aspect of their character, which turns destructively
upon their failings. +
* Criesheim Ms. p. 176; cf. Kehler Ms. p. 127: Exarnples ofthis are legion
in the history of animal rnagnetism, and Privy Councillor Kluge has col-
lected a great number of thern. An old friend told me of a young and vera-
cious doctor who was dispositionally so elose to his sister, that when sep-
ara ted frorn her he was troubled and disturbed as soon as she fell ill and
longed for his presence. Descottes had under his care two young wornen who +
were very much attached to one another, and each of whom knew several
days ahead what the fate ofthe other, as weIl as the features ofher own and
the other's illness would be. Cases such as this are by no means uncornmon,
particularly in astate of magnetic somnambulism.
292 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
t Kehler Ms. p. 136; cf. Criesheim Ms. p. 188: Puysegur and others (Criesheim:
Frenchmen) have gone so far in respect ofsuch an apparatus as to magnetize
trees, fixing lines to them wbieh several hund red patients have taken into
their hands. Some of them fell into a sleep and others did not, but the mag-
netie eure ran its course in many of them. +
2g8 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
~tr~altnt~ barauf an, ba~ cin Subjtct auf ein i~m ein ~rtll)eit
unb Sdbftftänbigfeit bt~ m3ilItn~ n a ~ jt t l) en be~ ~lIbi1)i[)uUnl
\uirf~. Se~r fräftigt Drganifationtn üben blll)er übet f~road/t
!laturen bit gtö~te, - oft eine fo un\\li~etftel)li~e @eltlalt aUf,
ba~ bie le~tmn, ~e mögen \\loUen ober nid}t, rurd} tie Hfkrert
aum magndif~en S~{af gebr~t roerOtn rönnen. ~ue bem tben
angegebenen &runbe finb ~Qrfe DAnner Aum !nagnetiftwl weib,
* lid}er ~erfonen befen'cere geeignet.
* Kehler Ms. SS. 133-134; vgl. Criesheim Ms. SS. 183-185: Die Hervorrufung
dieses Zustandes durch einen Anderen, wie ist sie zu fassen? Diese Stimmung
muß angesehen werden als diese Tendenz so in sich zusammenzufallen,
zusammenzugehen, die Energie, Differenz des Bewußtseins so in sich zusam-
menfallen zu lassen. Wenn diese Tendenz vorhanden ist, so ist sie näher
so zu bestimmen, daß wenn sie zum Dasein kommt, das Individuum sich
befindet in der Weise einer substanziellen Einheit mit sich, in sich con-
centrirt ist. Am Organismus haben wir zu unterscheiden, die Animalität
überhaupt, die animalische Lymphe, dies animalische Wasser, das die
Quelle aller besonderen Gebilde ist, die sich darin unterscheiden lassen, in
die sie alle zurückgehen, und aus der sich alle nähren. Das Individuum ist so
(Criesheim: nun) in der Disposition zu dieser Neutralität seines Bewußtseins
und seines physischen Zustandes, gleichsam die Weise eines Duftes, Schattens,
wie man sich Gespenster vorstellt, Erscheinendes, sich Vermittelndes, und
doch Ununterbrochenes, Körperloses in sich, Atmosphäre, das ist dann die
Weise der Existenz, die Disposition dazu ist vorhanden, und wird durch
das Magnetisiren nicht hervorgebracht, sondern nur hervorgerufen, zur
allgemeinen Weise des Daseins gebracht. Der Duft diese physische Seelen-
haftigkeit ist vorhanden, und der Magnetiseur setzt sich nur mit dieser in
Beziehung. Er selbst ist als lebendiges Individuum an sich, auf substanzielle
Weise diese fühlende Identität mit sich, die ununterbrochene Einheit seiner
Körperlichkeit (134) worin ebenso sein geistiges Bewußtsein vorhanden ist.
Das ist das Gemeinsame zwischen beiden, das Allgemeine, die ununter-
brochene Continuität der Animalität. Der Magnetiseur stellt sich in diese
Athmosphäre hinein, das fließt zusammen, denn es sind Ununterbrochene,
das nur sich zu berühren braucht, um Eine Einheit auszumachen. Was das
Nähere betrifft in Ansehung der Vermittlung, so kann dies sehr mannigfaltig
sein, zu Mesmers Zeit, und sonst auch hat man den eigentlichen Magnet
gebraucht, und es gibt Dispositionen, wo die Application eines Magneten dies
stille Insichsein hervorruft. Der Magnet, das Metall ist das Gediegene, sich
selbst Gleiche, nicht Organisirte;... (Criesheim: gleichsam die Schwere für
sich, es ist das Schwere, das Unorganische, nicht in sich Differenzierte. Alles
andere ist schon zur Differenz) materielles Fürsichsein, Discretion gekom-
men. Die Application des Metalls, und das magnetische Eisen ins besonders
ist homogen mit der Art der Disposition, die angegeben ist; aber die eigent-
liche magnetische Manipulation ist nichts als das Nahekommen einer
Volume Two: AnthTopology . 301
* KehLeT Ms. pp. 133-134; cf. Griesheim Ms. pp. 183-185: How is the calling
forth of this condition by means of another person to be grasped? The gen-
eral mood has to be regarded as this subsiding or withdrawing inwards, as
thus allowing the energy, the differentiation or consciousness to subside into
itself. This tendency is to be determined more precisely when it is present,
as the attaining of determinate being, as the individual's finding itself in
substantial unity with itself, as concentrated into itself. In the organism, we
have to distinguish general animality, the animallymph or water, the source +
of all the particular formations which allow themselves to be distinguished
there, that into which they all return and out of which they all nourish
themselves. It is thus that in this disposition the individual (Griesheim: now)
has being in respect of this neutrality of its consciousness and its physical
condition, in the mode of an aura as it were, a shade, as ghosts are imagined
to be, as something appearing, self-mediating, and yet uninterrupted, in
itself incorporeal, an atmosphere. This is then the mode of existence, the +
disposition to it being present, not elicited by the magnetizer but merely
called forth, brought into the general mode of determinate being. The aura,
this physical soul-like being, is present, and the magnetizer merely sets him-
self in relation to it. As a living individual, he hirnself is implicitly the sub-
stantial mode of this feeling self-identity, the uninterrupted unity of his cor-
poreality, (134) within which his spiritual consciousness is also present. I t is
this that the two have in common, that is general, that constitutes the un-
interrupted continuity of animality. The magnetizer immerses hirnself in
this atmosphere, which ftows together, for there is present an uninterrupted-
ness which only has to be touched in order to constitute a unity.
There is a great variety in respect of the more precise nature of the media-
tion. An actual magnet was used in Mesmer's time, and has been since, and
there are dispositions from which this still being-for-self is called forth by the
application of a magnet. The metal of the magnet is compact, homogeneous, +
without organization;... (GTiesheim: gravity for itself as it were, for it is
gravity, what is inorganic, lacking in inner differentiation. Everything else
has already assumed differentiation), material being-for-self, discretion.
Although there is homogeneity in the application of the metal, and par-
ticularly of magnetic iron, to the disposition already mentioned, the mag-
netic manipulation itself is nothing but the mutual approaching of both
302 • Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
atmospheres. Very litde is needed in order to maintain this unity, the placing
of the hands upon the head or the procardium, stroking downwards without
touching being enough... +
* Criesheim Ms. pp. 192-19'3: Kehler Mr. p. 139: (Criesheim: A friend ofmine,
he attended my lectures some time ago, and is now an eminent statesman in
the Kingdom of the Netherlands, has made many observations, which are
also to be found in Kieser's Journal). He teIls how, while a female patient
was sleeping, he slowly took a pinch of snuff without her being able to
see hirn do so, and she sneezed violently and complained of a tickling in
her nose. On another occasion he did the same with a peppermint-drop and
a glass of Hollands geneva. She said that the bitter taste of the geneva she
had in her mouth was very unpleasant, but although she still had the taste,
she knew nothing about this after she had awakened. She was given another
peppermint drop and found it far too sharp. She also tasted other things
with hirn when he ate.
304 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
.f
in ben S cfJ I a f. ~af (iinneten beffelben h&dtf)nd ben ~egfnn
bct IIICIgnetifdJe. 3uftanbe.. ~ebod) ift 'oer edJlaf ~ierbd nid)t
bllhflau. not~nttRbiR; aulf) o~nt t~Jt föanen Inagnetifd)t .tuten
cuttecfi~rt 1Mbm. ~ier notl1Yoenblg ~att~nbt1t mu; I -
~o"~ RUf ~ E>eI6~ftan'oiOnHtben 'off na,Jnben'oen EieeIe,
191 'oie $ n n nun 9 'onfdben \Ion bm \lennittdten I ucrftänt-igttl 'lk
um;tffl>n. lla. 3~eite I \Va' ~it ~iet AU betrad)ten ~aben, bel
trifft bie '~t>fiol09ifd)e Seite o~er ~a~e bef magndifd)en Bu<
flanbet. -6iefÜber mu; gefagt lNrben, '00; in j(ll(m 3uftallbe
bit $~Atigfeit 'Der na d) au; tn gerid)teten ,[)rgane an 'oie i nll e•
rt n ,[)rgone llbergel)t I - '00; 'oie im 3ufton'oe 'oet \~ad)ell unb
\lnftänbigen ~t~uftfe\}nf \10m @e~ ir n au'geübte X~äti9hit ~d~.
tenb 'oe' ma9lietifd)en Somnambuli.mu. bem 9l e"t 0bu et ion' ,
hftem an~eimfäUt, ~dl in biefem 3uflan'oe 'oa' ~e~lI;tft\)n aur
einfad)en, in ftd) ununtnfd)ie'oenen 9latütlid)feit 'oe'
Seelenleben' ~ernntergefe~t ~it'o, - biefet einfa~en 9lo,
t1'hlidJhit, ~iefem einge~üllten 2eben aber bi( nad) au,en
ge~enbe Scnfibilitdt ~iberf"ri~t; ~oge9tn bat nadJ innen
9de~tte, in ben eillfadJften animalifd)en ,[)rganifationen uor~m"
fcf)en~e unb bie Wnimalitdt übtf~ouvt bil'oen'oe 9tevrobuc,
t ion' f" ft eIR \Ion imem finge~üUten Seelenlem. burcf)auf un·
trmlWot ift. Wut biefem @runbe taUt alfo ~d~renb bet magndi.
f~en Somnambulitmuf 'oie Wir!famfdt 'oer Seek in bae @e~irn
'oe' nVTOhethHn S\}~emt, - nämlid) in 'oie @anglien,
biefe \lidfacf) ~mnotden Unterleibtneft'en. lla; llem fo fe\), ~at
\) a n -6 er mon t em"~tn'oen, nad)bem er n~ mit Solbe \Ion ~ iI ,
fe n f fa u teingerieben unb Saft \Ion "irfem .troute eingenommen
~atfe. &iner ~(f~reibllng nQ~, \Vor i~m au IDlut~e, al' ge~
Volume T wo: Anthropology 305
* Kehler Ms. SS. 122-123; vgl. Griesheim Ms. SS. 169-170: Solche Zustände
sind die, die durch Gehirn betäubende Mittel hervorgebracht werden
können. Zaubertränke und Zaubermittel, narkotische Getränke, schwarzes
Bilsenkraut, Hexensalbe, mit denen sich solche Leute in Zustand einer
äußeren Erstarrung setzen, wodurch die innere Vorstellung, die sonst in
+ ihnen fixiert war, beweglich wurde. Van Helmont hat Versuche an ihm
selber angestellt; er hat Absud von Digitalis ver-(123)schluckt, und be-
schreibt, es sei ihm gewesen, als ob sein ganzes wesentliches Denken vom
Kopf in die Brust und dann in den Magen gegangen sei; er habe die klare
Vorstellung gehabt, er denke in der Gegend des Magens, und mit einem
besonders angenehmen Gefühl.
Siehe auch Notizen 1820-1822 ('Hegel-Studien' Bd. 7, 1972: Schneider
IS8 d).
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 307
* Kehler Ms. pp. 122-123; cf. Criesheim Ms. pp. 169-170: These are con-
ditions which can be elicited by brain-numbing substances, magic draughts
and potions, narcotic doses, Black Renbane, unguent of Enchanter's Night-
shade, by means of which such people put themselves into a condition of
external torpescence, so that the internal presentation which was otherwise
fixed within them becomes mobile. Van Helmont performed experiments on
hirnself; he drank extract of Digitalis, and describes how it seemed to hirn as
though the whole of his essential thinking moved from his head to his chest
and from there to his stornach. Re had the clear presentation of his having
thought in the region of his stornach, and it was accompanied by a par-
ticularly pleasant feeling. +
See also Notes 182o-18!n ('Regel-Studien' vol. 7, 1972: Schneider 158d).
308 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* Criesheim Ms. S. 18g; vgl. Kehler Ms. SS. 136-137: Der Zustand kann wie
gesagt beim Schlafe stehen bleiben, aber er kann auch weiter gesteigert
werden zum Zustand des Hellsehens d.h. daß der Magnetisirte in seinem
Schlafe Bilder, Anschauungen, Vorstellungen, wie"Träume hat und daß er
dann davon spricht. Meistentheils ist es Zufall wenn ein magnetisch Schla-
fender sich in dem Zustand des Hellsehens befindet, es ist meistens der Fall
daß sie nun selbst anfangen zu sprechen und dann bei der weiteren Unter-
suchung antworten. Mesmern selbst ist das Hellsehen nicht be,kannt gewesen,
er ist noch nicht darauf aufmerksam geworden, erst Puysegur sein Schüler,
ein Oberster von der Artillerie, ein edler braver Mann, hat es beobachtet
und hat seine Bemerkungen und Erfahrungen in mehreren Schriften
bekannt gemacht.
t Criesheim Ms. SS. 182-183; vgl. Kehler Ms. SS. 132-133: In dieser Rück-
sicht ist zu bemerken, daß der Zustand des animalischen Magnetismus
gewöhnlich ein hervorgebrachter Zustand (183) ist, aber er kann auch auf
natürliche Weise vorhanden sein, selbst bis zum Hellsehen. Die Seele ist in
dieser Weise in ihrem Gefühl concentrirt, geht über zum besonnenen Bewußt-
sein und fällt wieder zurück in jenen Zustand. Der Mensch kann wochen-
lang in demselben sein, er kann darin perenniren, sich bewegen, essen,
trinken, sprechen, arbeiten und doch nicht bei sich sein, er ist scheinbar bei
wachem Bewußtsein, in der That ist er es aber nicht. Dieser Zustand tritt
besonders ein bei jungen Frauenzimmern, es ist eine Hemmung die vorz-
üglich bei den Entwicklungsperioden statt findet und die Persönlichkeit ist
dann eine gedoppelte. Man hat Beispiele von Personen die längere Zeit in
einem solchen Zustand waren. Herr von Strombeck, Oberappellationsrath im
Hannöverischen hat einen solchen Fall beschrieben, wo ein junges Frauen-
zimmer sechs Wochen lang in diesem Zustande war, sie that dabei alle ihre
Geschäfte, und obgleich sie etwas verstört war, so nahm man sie doch für
besonnen, nach Verlauf der Zeit erwachte sie zum Bewußtsein und hatte
keine Erinnerung davon. Ein solcher Zustand kann also natürlich entstehen
und gewiß sind viele Personen die man für verrückt genommen und in
Irrenhäuser gethan hat nichts anderes gewesen als in einem solchen somnam-
bulen Zustande.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 309
* Criesheim Ms. p. 18g; cf. Kehler Ms. pp. 136-137: As has been observed, the
condition can remain as a sleep. It can also be heightened into that of
clairvoyance however i.e. the magnetized person can have images, intuitions,
presentations, as weIl as dreams, and then talk about them. For the most
part, it is by chance that a person in a magnetic sleep finds hirnself in astate
of clairvoyance. It is usually the case that such persons begin to speak of their
own accord, and then answer in the course of the subsequent conversation.
Even Mesmer knew nothing of clairvoyance, for he failed to detect it, and it
was his protege Puysegur, a colonel in the Artillery, a gallant and noble
person, who first noticed it and made his observations and experiences known
in a number of writings.
t Criesheim Ms. pp. 182-183; cf. Kehler Ms. pp. 132-133: It is to be observed
in this connection that although the condition of animal magnetism is
usuallyelicited, (183) it can also be present in a natural manner, and even
as clairvoyance. The soul is here concentrated into its feeling, passes over
into self-possessed consciousness and then falls back into the former condi-
tion. A person can be in this condition for weeks, perenniating in it, moving
about, eating, drinking, speaking, working, and yet not all there; although
apparently in a condition of waking consciousness, not so in fact. This con-
dition is particularly incident to young women, it is a lapse which takes place
temporarily during their developing periods, during which time they have a
dual personality. There are examples of people having been in such a con-
dition for an extended period. Mr. von Strombeck, a judge of the Hanoverian
high court of appeal, has described a case such as this in which a young
woman was in such a condition for six weeks. During this period she did all
her jobs, and although she was somewhat disturbed, she seemed self-pos-
sessed. She awakened consciously in due course, and could recollect nothing.
Such a condition can therefore occur naturally, and it is quite certain that
many persons who have been regarded as deranged and placed in madhouses
have simply been in such astate of somnambulism. +
310 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
11m, fo finnen bfere 3nbb)~ucn bocfJ tlon ~mt "firm, nHlt fit
oll oijccd'OCf ~u;tfetn finb. ,Oft f,re'" fle babcJ »on ~ma
~ ~ultft\Jn AU4 "fe »on dnn anberen ~ctfOR.
IBmn bat .oeUfdJm tid1 kft{aunta mnoi&fcU I geHn bie mague-
tifd}m terfoncn (frflöruugen ükr il)Ttn Id&lid1en 3upanb unb
Der i~r gd~igtf 3nnm. 3~fe Clmpfinbungen finb akr fo unf
nar, '* bie tBorptOungm, \te14e ber l'on beIß Untctf4ieb 'orf
.orDen ullb 1),mfdtll Rid1tf llliffen'or ~Unbt ~on ben lu~n\'in9tn
193 r,at; baf fm .oeDfe.,u fJrf4aute "irb oft e~ uad1 dnigm tagtn
narrr, - 1ft jrbodJ nie fo beudid1, ba_ bCltfelk nid)' crft 'orr
W,,~(egung &rbürfte, ~ie ben mag1tCtifd)rn ~erfonen aNr au.ucll
gä nalid1 miJglüdt, oft \ten~enf fo f".&olifd1 unb fo bqaff au~.
röUt, baj birfrlbe i~"1'fri~ llIiebtr eine lu'legung bur" baf
'Derfhinbige ~elllu;tfe"n bef 90gnetifeurf n6~fg moef}' ; buge.
ftott, ba_ bo' (fnbTefuitat bcf magnetifd)en edtaum. md~e~lf
AU' dnn mannfgfacf}m 9ifd111ng \)on ~lf'" unb 9lief}tigem
bepe~t. ~odJ llijt tid1 anbmrrdt~ nicf)t leiug1tCn, bClj bie 06eU.
fe~ellben Illllldlen bie 9lCltur unb ben tBerlouf I~m .tmnffJdt fe~r
kftlmmt augebm; - baj fie gftl)ö~ulid1 fe~r gCftAU "'Iren, '»Clun
U,re ~on,'men eintreten llICTben, - "au ab "ie loftge pe
be' magnetif.n Sd}lof' kbürftn, - "fc lCl1tße U,re .traT bCluern
llIirb; - unb baj btefd&en enblief) mitunttr einm bcm l'eqt4nbf.
gen &llI..,tfrt1n 'DieDeid1t nod1 un&efannten 3ufo~ns 1"1.
f4Jen einem .priImtttd unb bmt burd} btefet 111 &efdögenkn Uebel
mtbt&fcn, fomit rine bem Ir,t f.np fd1_imge .priIuuSlrid}t 1114'
.n. 3" biefeT ~ie~un9 fann mon bie .()cllfe~nbtn lrit ben
~~itrm 'Dtrglritf1en, ba biere bunf) ~n 3nfHnft • bie i~nen
~Ufamen ~tn8e kle~rt 1Mbtu. !Ba. abn btn llIdtmn 3n",,*
be' üfidJtlid) mesten o6ellf"cn' an&dGnst, fo mud1m """ fGua
au kmcrfm, boj bt biefem, - ~ie im nat6di4m 06eDfcr,m, -
~ie Seele mit btr IDio9tngruk au Icfen unb IU ~öffn Mlll4ß.
9har .3 Wein le i "oUen _Ir ~imct nodJ .mor~&m; ncimfi4
nfhn', bCl; ~otleRise, Wo, ouJtr bell 3ufammm~ange be'
fdP4ßthllcn 2c&en' ber mGgnetifd)m ~on liegt, burd1 btn
fOllnambufen .3u{tonb ni"t &erii~rt \ti1'o, - ba; tid) ba~T bat
.orDre"n, aUII &ifpiel, nid)t ouf bat ~1tCIl btr .mit einem (Ic.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 3 I I
*"
ab tidJ bGna iII lBo.n ber !trAume erinnern. lud) I«;t fidJ
morf~ a- ~ dne (friRIlCfUIIß an bat (i)cf~te k~
widm, unb A'»Gt ll~r auf bh IBdfe, baJ ber .rat ben .Ir,""
Im ~rcQ ~nt ~ .autta.t aufgibt, fidJ bat &l)altm
bct • 1IICIßIIdifcfJen .authmbe "Oll ~nen Ci_nbenen fett ,>o~
an.....
4. . . .,hrhn' ben engen 3ufammen~4Ing wb
bie 1"Anglghh bCf magnetifdJen 'ufon "on bem
gag R eti fe Uf ktrltft, f0 ifl, au;'r bem in ber tlnmnfung &11
.. 406 unter 'bu_er d in '-'etreff ber (e i &li dJ en Stite jeltet
ßufG1lllAC"'g. Q}efogttn, ~ nodJ anauf1l~ren, baJ bit ~eU"
fr~ 'erfOR a~tt bl06 btn gagntdfeur, anbere 3nbi\)ibueR
tCII .,ör
aber nur bcnln, ,"nn blefe mit ienem in 9la~\)ort flt~It, &U~,
tmIIOß, - &u~m febod) beI~ "fe b4G .~d)t gÖJlaUd)
Mfiert, - _ baJ fmet, bei blefem au'fcl)lie,rldJen ~tkntau,
f~gc ber .ognedf.n 'erfon lIit bell D09lUdfeur, ber
erttmn bGG tlcni~rhDerben \)on rinn brittclJ ~ott ~ÖdJft ge-
fä~", lM'ben, «On\)Ulfiomn unb .tatQ(tl>~e eraeugea '4nn. -
9lAdticl)tHd) bd Ill'ifd)en bell 9Jlo9ndifeut ultb ben ma9"dlf~
~onelt kfte~nben 9ef fU 9en 3ufQllUl1C~9~ akr, fonnm
wok It~ mtl6~ntn, ba,
'oie ~dlfe~btn oft burdJ bQ~ au _
a,rigcll nmtenbt ~fffm bef Dagnetifrutt 'oie 81l~f9ftit n~a(tt1l,
Volume T wo: Anthropology 3I 3
8l.
unter au&gefromte 1Bd~t,eU ; fe~r ~du~9 gt~ört ~iefe 9Bei~~eit
efgentftcfJ nid)t ben mognetifclJelt ~erfonm, fo. bem mft t~nen
in SfI1\',ort fidj befinbenben 3nbi'Oibuum on. - bfefer QJe.
meinfomfeit bre mt f fe n e fann, - ~ronbcrt bei längerer Sort,
fe,URg bee .f)eUfef)ene, - bie magnctifdje "erfon au bem aagne.
tifm aud) in fonttige geifüge etale~ungm fOllDlm, - in er,
ale~ungen, bei ~1d1en ee fid1 um gonier I idbmfcfJcaft uab 11)0,
rafter ~an'oelt. moraüglidj fann 'oie (litelfeU 'on .f)eUfef)en'om
leidjt erregt mer'oen I mettn mon ben We~ler ~ge~t I fie glllu6m
&u macfJm, 'oa; man i~n !Rebelt gro;e tBi4tfgfcit Nilege. !Dann
mer'om 'ofe Sonmombu{en "on ber Sltd)t befoUen, ii~r mw
un'o 3ebee alt f~red1en, oudj .mn fit bo\)on gG1' frine tntf,,,e'
.n'oen Infd1auungm t,abm. 3n biefem SaU ~at 'Oae .f)eDfe~m
'oUfd)aU~ trinen 9lu.en, 'Oielme~r ~'rl) 'oaffdbe 'oann au eimae
~ebenf(id)em. ~o~er 1ft unter ben !Ragnttifeuren "ldfacf1 Ne
St"cage kf,rod)en morben I ob man bca. .f)eUfe~n, - menn te
'Oon fdkr ent{tan'oen 1ft, - auebilben 1mb erf)a(tm, - entgegm.
gefetten SaD~ obficf1tlhr, ~erbrifü~ren I - ober 06 mon im @C.
gmtt,ri( baffelbe au "er~lnbern ftrekn Iml;. 8fe ftf}On enva~nt,
'ommt bca" .f)eUfe~en 'ourcf1 me~tfa.e QJefrllgtmerbm 'on magD,.
tifd1tn ~rfon aum morfcf1ein unb aur (lhtmidlung. lBfrb nun
na" bm 'Oerfdjie'oen~rn QJegmflQn'oen gefragt, [0 fllnn 'oIe magD"
tir. $erfon ~dJ leid)t AerftrtUen, 'oie 9Ud1tung auf fi" feiM
me~r ober ~nlger lIerlieren, fomit aUf ~'Adcf1nung l~ .trollf-
~it, fomfe aUf Ingabe ba bagegC1l au ge6roud)enbm !Rittel minI
ber fä~ ~er'o,n I - ebett 'oaburcfJ oM bic ol;ri(ung ~'oeutmb
\)eraÖQem. ~e;1)o(6 tRU; 'on 9)tognrtifeur M frillen Sragen ba~
~rrtgm ber Wteffrit un'o ber 3erftreuung 'on maanet(fcr,m $erfOIt
mit 'on grijtcn morjidjt ~ermel'oen. momAadid) "Nt tatf ~er
196 _agnetifeur fidJ nicf1t fdnerfcite in ein mtr~A(mt; 'oer 'b~Qngi9'
Volume Two: Anthropology . 3 1 5
* Kehler Ms. p. 144; cf. Griesheim Ms. p. 198: This seems to have been the
case with the patient handled by Mr. von Strombeck. Everything was done,
great care was taken to please her, and in the end she was asking for the most
fantastic things.
t Griesheim Ms. p. 196; cf. Kehler Ms. p. 142: (Kehler: This dependence has
a limit, for on the whole a magnetized person is ethically and religiously dis-
posed to a considerable extent), the condition being one in which people are
inwardly collected. Being so disposed assurnes many forms for the imagina-
tion, particularly that of the person taking herself to be und er the guidance
of a guardian spirit, having the feeling of being dependent. In religious
feeling this becomes dependence upon a higher being, an angel. A clair-
voyant in Strassburg maintained that Gellert was her guardian spirit. She
said that they conversed together, and that she had received rem inders and
admonitions from hirn. It is often their deceased parents or such persons as +
they have looked up to who appear to them, to whom they make their re-
quests, and from whom they receive directives as to how they ought to
behave in respect of their ethical activity, their religion, even in respect of
3 I 8 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
illness and the curing of it. With many individuals, magnetic treatment has
had a fine effect in respect of their religious feelings, their peace of mind. The
magnetizer has to go along with these, and his own disposition in this respect
is of great importance. Puysegur magnetized a young woman, told her what
to do, and jokingly ordered her to flap him with a fly-brush, which, re-
luctantly, she did. He then said that she was obliged to do everything he
wanted her to, and that he might, for instance, ask her to undress. She
replied, "No, your power does not extend so far. Vou will never force me to
take off my clothes, although I did hit you against my will, because you
ordered me to."
• Griesheim Ms. pp. 198-199; cf. KehLer Ms. p. 144: Now we still have to say
something of healing by means of animal magnetism. The way in which this
takes place is to be grasped as the same as in disease in general. In every
disease there is a stoppage, whereby one moment, one organ, one activity
of the whole system assumes an independence of its own, and instead of
being only a moment of an ideal nature, becomes refractory. Within the
living organism, this stoppage is an isolating ofits single moments, but it can
also include within itself a general opposition, - the feeling subject in its
totality so entering into the stoppage on the side of the self-isolating moment,
that it isolates itself from the healthy, self-possessed and free consciousness.
The diseased organism is still a living organism, still a totality, and a totality
which also contains self-possessed consciousness. Outside this totality how-
ever, there is also a moment which is stopped, and this (KehLer: initially
physiologieal, anthropologieal) moment holds within itself the whole of the
sentient soul.
Restoring to health, as also in respect of the general mode 01 illness,
consists in so breaking down this stoppage, in so establishing the universality,
transparency, ideality of the soul, that there is no non-fluid moment. In
respect of healing therefore, animal magnetism brings about a collecting
together of subjectivity, of feeling subjectivity, within itself. This collecting
together involves dividing, through which it heightens the division between
the feeling and the self-possession, the health of subjectivity.
320 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* Kehler AIs. S. 118; vgl. Criesheim Ms. SS. 163-164: Windischmann, 'Ueber das
was Noth thut in der Medicin', fordert, daß der Arzt ein Priester sei, ein
frommer Mann sei (Criesheim: ein gut katholischer Christ), in dem physischen
Sinn, daß körperliche Krankheit nicht etwas so äußerliches sei dem Geist,
sondern daß der Arzt, als einer der Körper kuriren müsse, sich an die Seele
wenden müsse, sich ein Verhältniß geben müsse zum Mächtigsten im Geist,
dem Religiösen im Menschen, was er sich nur geben kann, daß er selbst
religiös wird. Dies Verhältniß findet daher statt auf einer Stufe der Bildung,
wo der Geist sich gegen seine Leiblichkeit noch nicht auf diese Weise sich in
sich reflectirt, frei gemacht hat, in unserer Zeit wo das Subject reflectirter ist,
sind die Krankheiten körperlicher und leiblicher, daher kann man sich nicht
wundern daß wie Windischmann sagen würde, die Heilart geistloser, gottloser
ist, auf körperliche Wirkungsweisen bedacht ist. Man kann sagen, die
Medicin ist nicht einer Ungehörigkeit anzuklagen deshalb, weil diese
Trennung des Leibes und der Seele stärker ist. Aber es ist auch ein Kranker
gesetzt, wo die ganze in die Körperlichkeit versenkte Seele, das Gefühlsle-
ben, die fühlende Seele, die Seele, die ihre Realität wesentlich in ihrer
Leiblichkeit als solcher, ihrer unmittelbaren Leiblichkeit hat, sich unter-
scheidet, entzweit von dem Geist, nicht bloß vom Geist als solchem, sondern
von der Leiblichkeit, die Organ des Geistes ist. Wir unterscheiden also
Körperlichkeit, die der Seele durchgängig ist, und die es nicht ist, so ist
es ein Unterschied der Leiblichkeit mit einer Seele und dem leiblichen Geist,
sofern es der Geist ist, der sich in der Leiblichkeit geltend macht.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 321
* KehLer Ms. p. 118; cf. Griesheim Ms. pp. 163-164: Windischmann, in his
work "On that which is Necessary in Medicine", requires of a doctor that
he should be a priest, a devout person (Griesheim: a good CatholiC Christian).
He is thinking here of what is physical, and maintains that since bodily ill-
ness is not something external to spirit, a doctor has to take account of the
soul if he is to cure the body, has to cultivate a relationship with what is
mightiest in spirit, with what is religious in man, and that he can only do this
in that he himselfbecomes religious. This relationship is therefore established
at a level of culture at which spirit has not yet reflected itself into itself in
this way, has not yet liberated itself. The subject in our time is more reflected,
illnesses are more corporeal, more a matter ofthe body, and it is therefore not
surprising that, as Windischmann would say, the mann er of healing should be
less spiritual, less godly, concerned with bodily modes of operation. One can
say that this sharper division between body and soul is no reason for accusing
medicine of an inappropriate approach. A person is also ill however, if the
soul which is wholly immersed in corporeality, the feeling soul, the soul
which has its essential reality in its corporeity as such, in its immediate
corporeity, distinguishes itself, separates from spirit, and not only from spirit
as such, but from corporeity, which is an organ of spirit. It is because of this
that we distinguish between the corporeality which may be permeated by
the soul and that which may not. There is therefore a difference between
corporeality with a soul, and corporeal spirit in so far as this is spirit which
makes itself effective in corporeity. -t
322 • Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
+ r) e e ( & t1 9 e f II b l.
§. 407,
oa) ~fe ftlMenbe ~otQ!it&t ill al~ 3nbi~fbuQlitat I~es
fentlief) biji, fief) i.n ~d) felbf( oU untcrfd,eibm unb 3u m
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 323
ß) Selj-awareness +
Zusatz. Die fühlende Subjektivität ist die Totalität allen Inhalts und
die Identität der Seele mit diesem ihrem Inhalte, frei ist sie nicht, auch
nicht gebunden, es ist nur eine Schranke für sie vorhanden. Was wir
Genius geheißen haben ist instinktartig, ist thätig auf bewußtlose Weise,
ist ein Gegensatz besonderer Bestimmungen. Andere Gegensätze fallen
in die Reflexion, in das Bewußtsein. - Vor uns haben wir hier die
fühlende Subjektivität, sie realisirt sich, ist thätig, geht aus der einfachen
Einheit als Lebendigkeit heraus, diese Thätigkeit gehört zur Bestimmung
der Lebendigkeit, sie erweckt den Gegensatz in ihr selbst, aber sie hebt
ihn auch auf und bewährt sich dadurch, giebt sich das Selbstgefühl,
giebt sich ein Dasein. Diese Thätigkeit ist die Äußerung des Triebes,
der Begierde, ihre Bestimmung, ihr Inhalt wird Trieb, Neigung,
Leidenschaft, oder welche Form er erhält.t
§. 408.
* PfJ) Um ber U n mi tt cl b a rf e tt, in ber bael '\~d&ll'
gefalbl nOd) befUmmt ill, b. i. um beel ro~oments ber ~cibl
Ud}rei~ luiUen, bi, barin nod) ulIgefct,iebel1 \)on ber @eiflig/
feit ifl, unb inbem auc() baG @efllbl felbfC ein beron~ercf,
~iemtt fine particulAre ~trleiblicbung ilt, ill bas obgleicb lum
199 "crIlAnHgen5ael1luätfel)ngcbilbm e;ubj W, noef) be: .t •. a n fs
~ eit fAI)ig, baD es in ehm 5a efon b CL' () e i t feilles eelbfl'
geft\()16 &eb,men bleibt, luelef)e e6 nicl)t iur 3bca(it1t iU
t \)erarbeiten unD iU tiberwinben tmmag. ~a5 erfl\Ute
o e I bott beG \lerllAubigeo 5aenHltjtfel]nG ill bas eubject
Gis in fid) cOl1fequenttG, naef) fe"ler Inbi\)itlueUen eteUun9
unb bem SufammenQange mit ber Au~el"ll, ebenio inner.
~alb ibm geo~bncten m3elt fi~f) orbnenbes unb baltenbes
5l;eluuptfel]n. ~n einer befonbern )l;tt1immtbeit ober &el
fangen bleibenb weist e6 fold)em ~nbalte nid}t bie tlerflAl1I
~igi: eteUe unb bie Unterorbllung an, bie t~m in bem
\nbiuiblleUen IBcltf1J\lrme I wt!d)el1 ein eubjeet itt, iuge:
t6rt. ~G~ eu&;ect &efinbet fid) Guf biere ~tife Im m311
, Ir fp ru d) e feimr in ftlnem faewufitfelJn ft)fhmatiflrren
~otQlitAt, unb ber bcfonbern in berrelben nid)t flllifigen
unI> 11idlt ein I unb untergeorbneten faellimmtbeit, - b't
lhualdt b eU.
* 1827: Die Krankheit des Subjects in dieser Bestimmung ist, daß es gegen sein
verständiges Bewußtseyn im Selbstgefühle und damit in der Besonderheit einer
Empfindung beharren bleibt, ...
t 1827: Was im vorherigen §. als abstractes Selbstgefühl bestimmt ist, ist im
concreten Menschen (wie §. 406.) das erfüllte Selbst seines verständigen
Bewußtseyns, - das Subject als in sich ...
Volurne T wo: Anthropalogy . ~2 7
§ 4°8
2)* On account of the immediacy within which +
self-awareness is still determined, i.e. on account of
the moment of corporeity there which is still un-
detached from spirituality, and since feeling itself is
also a particular and hence a specific embodiment, the 5
subject which has developed an understanding con-
sciousness is still subject to disease in that it re-
mains engrossed in a particularity of its self-
awareness which it is unable to work up into ideality
and overcome. t The conscious and understanding 10
self has its fulfilment in a conscious subject which is
consistent in itself, and which governs and conducts
itself in accordance with its individual position and
the connection with the external world, which is no
less a matter of internalorder. In that it remains 15
constrained within a particular determinateness
however, it fails to assign to such a content its approp-
riate and understandable place in the ordered scale
of the individual world system of a subject. The sub-
ject therefore finds itselfinvolved in a contracliction 20
between the totality systematized in its consciousness
and the particular determinateness which is not
ßuidified and given its place and rank within it. This +
is derangement.
shows itself in the most diverse ways. They know, for ex-
ample, that they are in an asylum. They know their atten-
dants, and they also realize that those about them are fools.
They make fun of one another's folly. They are given all
kinds of tasks, and on occasions are even appointed as over- 5
seers. Yet at the same time they are in a waking dream, spell- +
bound by a particular presentation which cannot be united
with their objective consciousness. Although this waking
dream has an affinity with somnambulism, it also distinguishes
itself from it. In somnambulism there is no communication be- 10
tween the two personalities present in the one individual,
somnambulistic and waking consciousness being so segregated that
neither is aware of the other, and duality of personality also
appearing as a dual state. In derangement proper however,
the two personalities occur not in two but in one and the same 15
state, so that the two mutually negative personalities, the soul-
like and the understanding consciousness, are in mutual
communication and know of each other. The deranged subject
is therefore with itself in the negative, which me ans that its
consciousness has the negative of itself immediately present 20
within it. The deranged person does not overcome this nega-
tive, there being no unification of the duality into which he
falls. Consequently, although such a person is implicitly one
and the same subject, he is aware of hirnself as a subject
which tends to diverge into two personalities rather than accord 25
and inwardly cohere with itself.
The specific import of this disruption, of spirit's being with
itself in the negative of itself, stands in need of a further de-
velopment. In derangement, this negative assurnes a more
concrete significance than that appertaining to the negative 30
of the soul in our preceding exposition; and, similarly,
338 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
"&
f8«fleUung Qebr~t 1ft unb 'l'on i~m gmujt ll'lrb, - ntd)t'~
beftoll'enlger on feiner faffd)en morfkUußQ fe'; fo unterfitgt
&nüdtr~n eine' fo(d)en !Jlenfd)m fdRem 3~lfel.
lu' 'oem eben 8efogten fo(st, t-a' lt1(Ul 'oie '0 er rücfte mor-
flieUU1IQ eine »om merrüdtm fir ~G' ((ollnett' unb mtl'r~
u"ee aaaef~ne (eere W&~r4Ctfon unb blo'e g~alfcf)'
hit nennen fGnn; bemt, ll'it "'ir seft~en ~a6m, ~rb eHn in
jener ~otftelbmg »on 'on co ner et t1l !ß Irf It dJ ft i t bcf mn·
riilcen obpf4~irt. !,lenK, a. tt , td,l, ber id) tin .tönig 3"
208 fe\111 wa* e1ltftmt bin, beMOd) mld) für einm .Iönlg l)aUe; fo
~at biefe ber !tota(itAt meinet mlrftid)feit ll'i'oerfl>re~n'oe 118'0
bej~Q(b 'OeRÜdte WortleUung burd)au8 feinen an'omn @runb unb
3nf)alt, a(8 'oie unbe~lm mte a ({ gemei ne IDU gfi a,feit, 'o11j,
- bG überf}:1u.,t ein 9JltnfdJ ein .lößig ft\)n fann, - gerabe
'dI, - biefer kpiatmte !Reufd), - ein Jtönig tt)Qre.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 343
* Griesheim Ms. p. 239; cf. KehLer Ms. p. 171: A (KehLer: son ofthe) Prince of
Conde often found it impossible to prevent hirnself from barking like a dog.
Since this sort of thing was not acceptable at the court of Louis XIV, he
used to go to the window, and without barking aloud, puH faces as ifhe were
doing so. +
346 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
pology, since in this state what is soul-like, the natural self, the
ahstract formal suhjectivity, gains control of the ohjective, rational
concrete consciousness, while the consideration of the ahstract,
natural self has to precede the exposition of concrete, free spirit.
However, in order that this progression from something 5
abstract to the conerete whieh eontains it as a possibility may
not appear to be somewhat singular and therefore suspeet, it
might be helpful to remember that a similar progression has
to take plaee in the Philosophy of Right. There too we begin
the scienee with something abstract, the Notion of the will, and 10
subsequently progress to the aetualization of the still abstract
will in an external determinate being, the sphere of formal
right. We then proeeed to will reflected into itself from out of
external determinate being, the field of morality, and eome
thirdly and lastly to the ethical will, whieh unites within itself 15
both these abstract moments and is therefore concrete. - In the
ethical sphere itself, we begin onee again with what is immed-
iate, with the natural undeveloped shape of ethieal spirit, the
family, proeeed to the sundering of the ethieal substanee in
civil society, and finaHy reach the unity and truth of both these 20
onesided forms of ethieal spirit in the state. - The proeedure
employed here in no way implies that we have attempted to
present what is ethical as oeeurring later in time than right and
moraliry, or to aecount for the family and civil sociery as some-
thing which actually precedes the state. On the contrary, we 25
know very weH that what is ethical eonstitutes the foundation
of right and moraliry, and that the weH ordered distinetions of
thefamily and civil sociery already presuppose the presenee ofthe
352 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
i'
~ine \\leitete 9)lo'oi~catton 'oer in 9ltbe fte~tn'oen er~en 4}aU\)1'
form be~ \lerriicf1en 3ujlan'oee 'oie .3 er ~ re lt 1~ ei t. ~efdbe
bejlt~t in etnem Wid)tI"iffeft "on ber unmittelbaren 8e-
9 en \\l art. ()ft bilbet 'oit~ 9licfJt\'Utffen ben infnng bee ma~n
finn~; 'ood) gibt te au~ eine, ~om 2Bqnfinn ft~r mtfcrnk,
ß\'O~arti8e .3aflretlt~eit. ~tefe fann eintreten, \\lenn bcr @djl
Volu7TUI T wo: Anthropology . 357
Absent-mindedness
is a further modifieation of the first main form of the state of
derangement now under discussion, and eonsists of not 30
knowing what is in the immediate vicinity. This non-awareness +
often takes the form of incipient insanity, although there is
also a lofty absent-mindedness which is very far removed
[rom such astate. This can be brought on by profound medi-
358 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
"ur
ber \)mitften tBorftcllung. ~ic Wanen 'aben bc;'a{6, - ne f
* Criesheim Ms. S. 225; vgl. Kehler Ms. SS. 162-163: Es ist nicht leicht zu
erkennen ob Menschen verrückt sind oder nicht, weil sich die fixe Idee oft
sehr versteckt, häufig sind kluge Leute darüber getäuscht. In England ist der
Zustand der Verrücktheit sehr häufig und es giebt da eigene Ärzte die sich
nur auf seine Behandlung legen und doch kommt oft der Fall vor daß sie
verschiedener Meinung sind. Ueber den Zustand des Lord Portsmouth waren
z.B. die Ärzte sehr im Widerspruch, daß er nicht klug war, ist wohl zugege-
ben, die Behandlung die er sich von seiner Frau gefallen ließ, seine Liebha-
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 363
* Criesheim Ms. p. 225; cf. Kehler Ms. pp. 162-163: It is not easy to decide
whether people are deranged or not, for the fixed idea is often by no means
evident, and even experts are frequently deceived. The state of derange-
ment is very common in England, but although there are special doctors
there, concerned exclusively with the treatment of it, they will often deliver
differing judgements. The doctors expressed very conflicting opinions on the
condition of Lord Portsmouth for example. It was admitted that he was some-
364 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
what odd, this was evident from what he put up with from his wife and his
fondness for ringing heUs, particularly at funerals, for which he even accepted
the pence he had earned, hut it was difficult to prove hirn a fool. +
366 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
gung aUIll ~eben, fon'oent auIV 'oie .«ranf~eit 'oe~ @ti4e~ ~Ie'oer;
'oenft er 409 ienem ~Iener bei 'oeffen mel'abfd,ie'o.tng a~ef !'pence
ab, ~eil 'oaret&e o~ne ben ~efe~l feille~ .pmen ben fraglilVen
Stfiä anfcl)nitten ~atte.
~n eben gefcl)ll'oeTten, aUe ~ eb en'o Ig fci t ab tö bten 'Den
unbe~lmmten &tfhdt 'oea l)errüäten Seelen~uft~'oe~ fle~t eiltt
mit lehn'olgen ;'sntnejicn un'o rogar mit ~d'oenfd)aft
l)(;bun'oene nnen'olid}e IDlenge einen l) er ei n; elt en 3n~aU ~a,
ben'oa ~an~dttn gegenüber. l)iefer 3n~alt fJällSi t~tl(~ l)on 'oer
be fon '0 eft n 1! ci '0 e1\ r d} Q ft ab, alt! 1l'C' '"
~ie 9tanl]eit ~n'
220 '\)OfQtsangtn iP; er fann je'oocfJ aud) aufälligerlueife 'ourd) d\Va~
anbm~ bepimmt fe"n. ~er n~ne ~aU \Virb , aum ~eif\Jid,
bei 'oenjenlgen 9lanen allgenommen \Verben miiffen, 'oie ~d} f1lr
@o tt, ~'r <.a. ~ r i p11 ~ ober für einen jU n t S ~~altm ~aben.
I
"CU Ullb burd) Sieperion ellt~icfelten Xt leb e ba~ ~odJ 'ocr \)Oll
'Dem ~ a4 r~Clftallsemeinen iniUen all~s(4entm fittlid)en
~efeee ab, - ba ~ell fols'id> bie fillftmn, unttrirblfd)en
9lJa"te ~e~ -6traen~ frei. :l)ic Cirgrhmnli)cit hr iBIlI,Ilf!lllliotn
222 mrb oft au dnn fötmftdJen euer, t, Inbtren AU f er, ab en, -
iG fOßGt au lI"n ~lö,"cfJ m»Cl4)ellben DOfblu~, ~eldJe 'oie
'oClt'on ifgtiffenen, - tro. be~ e~ in i~nen \)~Clnbenen Vlbß
f...tt \)or 'oan Rof'oe, - mit utrmiberfkl,UdJer QJcn,alt a~in9t;
fri6ft !l)irfenisen _I~rinsm, 'oie \)on ",nen fon~ adrtlicfJ geliebt
lDefben. - !Ble fo eben ansebeutd, f4)lltjt iebodJ 'oIe ~~artt9~
fdt 'on ".nfgen morollfd)e unb ~ttlidJe @}efü~le nl",t au~;
\)Ielme~r fönnen biere Q)efü~le, - eben wegen 'oet UnSlütH ber
BG~II~nnisen, ~gen be~ in biefen ~mrd)enben un\)ermfttel,
tell Q)egenfGoe., - eine er~J~te S,annuns ~a~n. $tnel
f"St GU'briidllcfJ: er ~be nirsenb' liebe\)ollere ®atten unb tBäfer
gcfe~m, al' im XolII)Clllfe.
Sa. 'oie ,"h fIf d) e eeite be~ lBa~n~nn' betrifft, fo adgt
"dt ~fis ein 3ufGlmltn~ang 'oer Irfd)dnung beft'e~n mit afb
gemeinen tlCltmdnbtrungen, nClmmtllcfJ mit bem ~ M
+ @JoBne. ee~r ~~ ob fe~r falte 3a~tefaeft 6bt In 'oiefn ee-
aid)ung befonberen (ifnpu; au.. .u6) ~Qt man ~~r9mommm,
MJ bti .nn6~ungeR \)on <Sninntn unb bei ßT~en <temnge-
wecfJffln \)orüberge~cnbe f8ellnru~isunsen unb tfuf'1taUungen ber
* lBa~nfinnfgfn erfolgen. ~ tfnfe~uJt9 ber ~~R~,a:ioben Abn
i1l 'oie ~obG~tuJt9 stm««)t \\)oTben, ba; ber ma~Jtfinn \)or bellt
funfae~nkl1 ~11~ft ni«)t dnautreteR ,flcgt. srücftid>dtcfJ 'on fon$
ftigen fÖl'\)trlid)tn meTfd>ieben~iten ',d; man, ba; bd 11lR'fm,
lIu'falöfen Dmfd)cn mit fd)~Qt'atn .paaten 'oie InfAUt t!on
9tofmi SenJ~icfJ ~efti9er ~nb, al~ bei bfonbtn 'erfoRen. -
3R ~R okr bfe meTriicft~t mit dnn Unsef:mb~t bf'
~mmf~~em~ &ufammcn~än9t, - ~ftj f11 ein ~unft, *1cf1er
bem 8W be' \)on au;eu betracfJtmbm "rate~, \me bef "nato~
IMn , fRtge~t.
* Criesheim Ms. S. 234-235; vgl. Kehler Ms. S. 169: Die Heilung des Wahn-
sinns ist theils phisiologisch theils ganz medizinisch, aber sie hat auch eine
andere Seite die psychische, und beide müssen mit einander verbunden sein,
indessen können sie auch getrennt angewendet werden und doch vollkommen
wirken. Die medizinischen Mittel gehen uns hier nichts an, obgleich die
Heilung oft ganz medizinisch sein kann. Es kommt dabei Aderlassen, Pur-
giren, Tauchbäder u.s.w. vor. In England wurde vor einiger Zeit über eine
Irrenanstalt eine Untersuchung angestellt wegen des schlecten Zustandes, es
befand sich dabei ein Aufseher der zugleich Arzt und Apotheker war und der
hatte nichts weiter angewendet als vierteljährlich eine allgemeine Purganz. -
Es giebt hierbei gewaltsame Mittel z.B. ein plötzliches ins Wasser Werfen, es
sind die sogenannten heroischen Mittel, Tauchbäder auf den Kopf um einen
frappanten Effekt, einen Schreck heranzubringen. Solche Mittel haben
zuweilen geholfen, zuweilen aber auch getötet, sie sind manchmal zufällig
eingetreten und haben geheilt, z.B. Blödsinn. Der berühmte AIonifaucon war
in seiner Jugend blöde und stumpfsinnig, er fiel eine Treppe herunter und
auf den Kopf und von der Stunde an ging ihm der Witz auf. Coxe, ein
Engländer, erzählt (235) von einem Menschen welcher wahnsinnig, bei
Volurne T wo,' Anthro/Jolo.f!Ji . 373
* Criesheim Ms. pp. 234-235; cf. Kehler Ms. p. 169: In part, the healing of
insanity is physiologieal, entirely medicinal. There is also a psychical side to
it however, and both aspects need to be combined with one another, although
they can still have a complete effect ifthey are applied separately. Although
healing can not infrequently be entirely medicinal, we are not concerned
here with the medicinal means, which involve blood-letting, purging,
plunge-bathing etc. In England, some time ago, a lunatic asylum was in- +
vestigated on account of the bad conditions prevailing in it. There was a
supervisor there who was also doctor and apothecary, and who did no more
than purge all the patients four times a year. - There are some violent
means available, such as suddenly throwing the patient into water, the so-
called heroic means of ducking the head in order to produce a telling effect,
fright. Although means such as these have been helpful on occasions, they
have also proved fatal. They have occasionally healed imbecility, for ex-
ample, after occurring by chance. The celebrated Montjaucon, who was
imbecile and dull-witted in his youth, changed in no time at all after he had
tumbled downstairs and fallen on his head. Cox, an Englishman, gives an
account (235) of a person who, although he was insane, combined derange-
374 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
ment with extreme artfulness and astuteness. He was a locksmith, and- was
able to open any kind of lock, even where one would never have thought it
possible. One night, he got out of his room, climbed onto the roof, and fell
off it, breaking a leg and injuring his head, and from that time on he showed
not the slighest trace of insanity. +
* Criesheim Ms. pp. 235-236; cf. KehLer Ms. p. 169: The primary concern
is the psychic treatment, of which one has become aware in our time, and
which has been applied with understanding. This has been due to a great
extent to the work of PineL, Privy Councillor Langermann (KehLeT: in his in-
stitution at Bayreuth) having had the merit of being the first to follow hirn
(KehLer: in Germany). Psychic treatment can be applied to fools, but not to +
imbeciles and cretins, within whom it is impossible to encourage the spark
of the living power of consciousness. In the case of folly however, the psychic
method of treatment is of the greatest importance. The basis of it is that the
insane, the deranged, fools, melancholics, hypochondriacs, are still rational,
moral beings, capable of the moral relationship, of imputation, of being
appealed to, and of being dealt with at this point of their knowing what is
right and ethical.
376 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* Kehler Ms. S. I 72; vgl. Griesheim Ms. SS. 239-240: Boerhaave, daß allge-
meine Epilepsie in einer Pensionsanstalt epidemisch geworden war; (bei
Irrenanstalten ist oft eine ganze Reihe von Geistlichen, die um die Irren
waren, in eine Schwachsinnigkeit des Geistes befallen). Epilepsie ist zwar
keine eigentliche Verrücktheit. Boerhaave sah, daß es mehr von der Vor-
stellung ausging, ließ nach vielen Versuchen, die Drohung (Griesheim: der
Mädchen) machen, daß er Kohlenbecken und eiserne Zangen vorteuschte,
und sagte, er werde die erste, die epileptische Anfälle haben würde, damit
zwicken. (Griesheim: Die Furcht davor machte dem Uebel ein Ende.) In
einem Kloster hielten sich die Nonnen für Katzen und fingen an gewissen
Stunden an zu schreien, wie Katzen, der Vorsteher drohte, er werde Gren-
adiere kommen lassen, und die erste, die schrie, von ihnen durchpeitschen
lassen, (Griesheim: diese Drohung bewirkte die Heilung durch Angst vor den
Grenadieren, jetzt mögte dieß Mittel vielleicht nicht mehr helfen.)
Siehe auch Notizen 1820-1822 ('Hegel-Studien' Bd. 7, I972: Schneider
I s8d) : Anstekung der Epilepsie: Mädchen, Börhave: auch durch Vermittlung
der Vorstellung.
Volume Two: Anthropology . 379
* Kehler Ms. p. 172; cf. Griesheim Ms. pp. 239-240: Boerhaave gives an account
of a general epilepsy which became epidemie in a boarding-school. Inci-
dentally, it is not uncommon for a whole series of clergymen attending
the patients in a lunatic asylum to become weakminded. Epilepsy is cer-
tainly not really a derangement. Boerhaave saw that it derived from the
presentative faculty, and after numerous attempts to eure it, threatened
(Griesheim: the girls). He placed a brasier and iron tongs before them, and
said that he would use the tongs to pinch the first one who had an epileptic
attack. (Griesheim: Fear of this put an end to the trouble.) The nuns in a +
certain nunnery regarded themselves as cats, and at certain times of the day
began to miaow. The warden threatened to bring in grenadiers to lash the
first one who made such a noise again (Griesheim: and this threat, by invoking
fear of the grenadiers, brought about the eure, although such a means might
not be of any help today). +
See also Notes 1820-1822 ('Regel-Studien' vol. 7, 1972: Schneider 158d):
Epilepsy catching: girls, Boerhaave: also by means ofpresentation. +
380 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* Criesheim Ms.
S. 235; vgl. Kehler Ms. S. 169: Coxe hat besonders die Mittel
der Schaukel und der Trille angewendet, besonders wenn die Narren
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 381
* Griesheim Ms.
p. 235; cf. KehleT Ms. p. 169: Cox has made particular use of
the swing and the shaker, particularly when fools are delirious or raving. -t
382 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
tobsüchtig sind oder rasen, diese Anfälle von Tollheit werden dadurch
beschwichtigt, der Kranke wird schwindlich, die bestimmte Vorstellung
vergeht, Furcht tritt ein und die Heftigkeit verschwindet. (Kehler: Bei dem
vorigen König von England, dem man immer mit der größten Achtung
begegnete, zwei starke Pagen, gegen die und seine Ärzte er oft sehr unartig
war, festgeschnallt auf einem großen Stuhl, da ist er in die Höhe gegangen
und richtig geworden.) Das Physische ist so ein eigner Kreis, die Mittel sind
dabei nicht zu berechnen. Das Blutlassen kann z.B. helfen aber es kann auch
schaden.
* Criesheim Ms. SS. 241-242; vgl. Kehler Ms. S. 173: Eine große Anzahl von
Verrückten wurde es sonst, jetzt nicht mehr, durch religiöse Vorstellungen,
die Hauptsache bei ihrer Heilung war ihnen diese vergessen zu machen, sie
für anderes zu interessiren, Bibel und geistliche Bücher zu entfernen und sie
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 383
These attacks of madness are quietened by these means, the patient becomes
giddy, determinate presentation is eliminated, fear sets in and the violence
disappears. (Kehler: The former king ofEngland, who was always treated with
the greatest respect, but who was often very rude to his attendants and doc-
tors, was strapped by two pages to a great chair, and the rage he then fell into
cured hirn.) The physical is therefore a particular sphere, the means of +
which are unpredictable. Blood-letting, for example, can be helpful, but it
can also do harm.
* CTiesheim Ms. pp. 241-242; cf. KehleT Ms. p. 173: Although this is now no
longer the case, a lot of people used to become deranged on account of
religious presentations. The main factor in curing them was getting them +
to forget these presentations, to take an interest in something else, to deny
them access to the Bible and devotional books and bring them into contact
384 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
lo~ ~ar unb nid}t~ effen ~oUte, erlangte feinen merftanb auf
'0 i e 2Beife ~iet>er I 'oa~ man, fd)einbnr in feine ~an~dt einge:
~enb, i~n in einen Sarg legte unb in eine @ruft ~radJte, fit
\~dd)er ftd) ein a\Witer Sarg un'o in 'oemfdbfn ein anbmr IDlmfd)
befan)l, ber altfan9~ ~dJ tobt ~eUte, ba(b aber, na~bem er mit
jenem memictten aUein gdaffen ~ar, ~d) aufrid)tde, biefem fein
~e~agtn baTÜ~er allebrüctte, 'oa, er jeot @efeUfd1aft im Xobe
~abe, - enblid) aufftan'o I »on \)Or~anbenen S~dfen aJ, unb
'Dem ~d) 'ollfÜbtr "'tf~ull'oembtn merrüctten f49te: er fe~ fd)on
lange tobt un'o ~iffe ba~er, ~ie ce 'oie Xobten mlld1en. l)er
meniictte beruf)tgte fid) bei bitftr \lJerfid1eruu9, a, unb tranf
ßleid)fIlU~, lIn'o ~urt>e gd,dlt. - IDlitunttr fann 'oie 9lani1t1t
228 AU'" burd) ba~ u nm i tt el ba r auf 'oie morfteUllng ~irfenbe
mort, - burd) einen 2BiO, - ge~eilt ~er'oen. SI' genne,
B. ~., ein ~d) für ben ~ej(jgen @ei~ ~altenber 9larr babllrd),
ba; ein anbmr 9lClrr &u i~m fagte: \uie fann~ benn ~u ber
~emge @ei~ feun Y ber bin ja id). (lin ebenfo intmjfantee ~ei:
fpie( ift du U~rmad)er, ber ftd) einbilbete: er fe~ lInfd)ul'oig guil:
(otinirt ~or'oen, - ber 'oarüber !Reue eml'ffnbenbe !Rid)ter ~abe
btfo~len, i~m feinen jfol'f ~iebtr au geben, - burd) eine 1m.
glüctlid)e memed)felung fetJ il)m aber ein frember, »lei fd1(ed1te:
m, Au,etft unbraud)baret jfo~f aufsefeet ~orben. ~.((e biefer
Watt dnft 'oie ~tgenbe »ertl)eibigte, nad) ~dd1et bet ~ej(jge
~on"ftu~ feinen eigenen abgefd)lagenen Jto~f gero~t ~at, - 'Da
entgegnde i~m ein anbeter 9laTr: ~u (iranarr, - tl'omlt foU
benn ber ~ef(fge X>ion~ftue gero,t ~aben, - dtl'a mit feinet
an neue Gegenstände zu bringen. Durch das (242) Interesse was sie dafür
fassen, wird ihre Verwirrung, die geistige Seite der Krankheit, dieß Grübeln
zunächst entfernt. Aber die Widerlegung kann auch direkter statt finden. Es
ist eine bekannte Geschichte daß in Göttingen ein Narr sich einbildete er
habe Beine von Glas und nicht gehen wollte indem er fürchtete sie zu
zerbrechen. Haller leitete die Kur so ein, daß er den Kranken beredete sich
in einen Wagen tragen zu lassen und mit ihm spaziren zu fahren, mit
mehreren Studenten war verabredet den Wagen als Räuber anzufallen,
dieß geschah, Haller sprang aus dem Wagen und entfloh, als der Kranke
dieß sah, folgte er ihm und lief über das Feld bis er aus dem Gesichte der
vermeintlichen Räuber war, so war er durch eigenes Schrecken widerlegt
und geheilt.
Volume Two: Anthropology . 385
with new general objects. Their confusion, (242) the spiritual side of their
illness, their brooding, is removed by means of their new interests. Such a
change round can also be brought about in a more direct manner however.
There is the well-known case from Göttingen of the fool who imagined that
he had legs of glass, and who refused to walk because he was afraid of break-
ing them. Haller managed to eure hirn in the following manner. He per-
suaded the patient to allow hirnself to be conveyed by coach and to go out
with hirn for a trip, and arranged with certain students that they should
attack the vehicle, pretending to be robbers. When the attack was launched,
Haller leapt out of the coach and ran off, and on seeing hirn do so the patient
followed suit, running across a field until he was out of the sight of the sup-
posed robbers. In this way he was refuted and cured by his own fright. +
386 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
r) ~ i e Q) e tu ., t u ~ c t t.
§. 409~
* !D4~ ee(&llgefal~( in bie 0efonber~dt ber ~eft1()(e
(elnfocf)er (fmpfinbungen, tuie bel' S8egitr~en, ~riebe, feil
~enfd)Aftcn unb bmn S8efriebiglillgen) »crfenft ij[ unullter,
fd)teben ~on il)ncn. 1(ber bOG eelbj[ ij[ All fiel) einfQcbc
~eblebung bel' ~~ealitlit auf fief) I formene ~Ugemein()eit,
unb biefe ifl m;alnl)dt biefes $l;eiollbern; al6 biefe 2(ngel
mein~eit ifl bas e elbfl in bieiem (Sefü()lsleben oU fe~en;
fo 1ft Cf Me »on bel' $l;cionberl)tit ~d, unterfd>eibenbe falr
fieb ft"tnbe 2(1(gemellll)eit. ~iefe fit nidJt bie ges
~AIt~oUe m3obrE)eit bel' be{limmten ~mpfinbungen, megiw
ben u. f. f., benll bel' ~n()alt bet·ielbcn fommt ~ier noeb
nicf)t in $l;etracf,t. ~ie ~eionberbeit ift In biefer S8elliml
mung ebenio formen I unb nur bos be f 011 b er e e e" n
* 1827: Das Selbstgefühl als solches ist formell, und setzt die Bestimmungen
der Empfindung überhaupt zwar in seine Subjectivität, allein in deren
abstracter Einzelnheit nur so, daß sie darin zufällig überhaupt und vorüber-
gehend wären. Das Selbst aber ist als einfache Beziehung der Idealität auf
sich formelle Allgemeinheit. An der in ihm gesetzten besondern Empfindung
wird deren Unmittelbarkeit, d.i. die Leiblichkeit der Seele aufgehoben und
erhält die Form der Allgemeinheit. Diese ist aber in Beziehung auf die
natürliche Einzelnheit nur Reflexions = Allgemeinheit (§ 175), und die
Einbildung der Empfindungen nach dieser Ihrer Leiblichkeit (das Selbst ist
schon an sich die Gattung derselben) erscheint daher als eine Wiederholung,
wodurch das Selbst sich dieselbe zu eigen macht. Das Selbstgefühl hebt
eben darin sein formelles, subjectives Fürsichseyn auf, erfüllt sich und macht
sich an ihm selbst zum Objectiven, so daß dieses in sich bestimmte S~n der
Seele ebenso schlechthin ideelles, das ihrige ist. So ist das Selbst allgemeine
durchdringende Seele in ihrem Empfinden und in ihrem Leibe für sich,
Subject in demselben als dem Prädicate - Gewohnheit.
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 387
y) Habit
§. 410.
* ~ag bie ~ee(e M> fo Al!m aBt1ractcl1 aUgemeinen eet)1I
mad)t, unI> eilt) m~fol1bm btr IScftH)le ((IlId) beG ~elt)uBt:
§ 4 10
* Inhabit, the soul tnakes an abstract universal
being of itself and reduces what is particular in
* 1827: die Leiblichkeit, welche in der unmittelbaren Einheit der Seele natür-
liches Mittel (vgl. §. 208.) des Willens und seines Vorstellens ist, so zum In-
strumente gemacht. ..
Der Rest des Paragraphen 1830 weitgehend verändert.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 395
will. - 3) In habitual skill, the abstract being-for-
self of the soul has to be not only maintained, but
also made effective as a subjective purpose within
corporeity, which it subjects and completely per-
meates. Corporeity is determined as immediate 5
extern al being, and as limit in the face of this
inner determination of the subjective soul. Conse-
quently, the breach between the soul as simple
being-for-self in itself and its primary naturalness
and immediacy is now more determinate. The soul 10
is therefore no longer a primary and immediate
identity, but in that it is external, has first to be
reduced to this state. What is more, the embodying
of determinate sensations is itself a determinate
possibility with a determinate purpose (§ 401), and 15
unmediated corporeity a pa rti cular pos si bili ty,
that is to say a particular aspect of corporeity's own
differentiation, a particular organ of its organic
system, with a determinate purpose. The formula-
tion there of such a determinate purpose is accom- 20
plished by so positing the ideality ofthe implicit
ideality of material being in general and of de-
terminate corporeity, that the soul can exist in its
corporeity as substance in accordance with the
determinateness of what it presents and wills. 25
The skill* then permeates and instrumentalizes
corporeity in such a way, that if I have within me
the presentation of aseries of notes for example,
the body will express them correctly in a ready and
fluent manner. 30
The form of habit includes all kinds and stages
of spiritual activity. The individual's standing
upright is its most external, its spatial determina-
tion, and is made habitual by its will; it is an
unmediated, unconscious posture, and always 35
remains a matter of the persistence of the indi-
vidual's will. Man stands only because and in so far
as he has the will to, and only as long as this will is
unconscious. It is the same with sight and the
* 1827: corporeity, wh ich in the immediate unity ofthe soul is a natural means
(cf. § 208) for the will and its presenting, is therefore made the instrument ...
The rest of this Paragraph was changed considerably in 1830.
39 6 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
Sufca,. ~it pnb all bie ~ 0 r ~ eil U11 9 'cer (ij e \~ 0 fJ 1\.
beit gc\'\)öbnt; beunod) i~ bie ~eftimntUl1g be0 ~egriff0 'cer-
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 397
fel~ f~mierig. lu~ biefem @runbe ,,,,,((cn wir ~itt no~ dnige
WrlAutnungen iene~ ~griffee geben.
3U'OörbeTft mu, 'oie 9l 0 t~ men '0 i grei t 'oe~ bi GI er tI f ~ en
iJntSQllge "on 'oer (I. 408 ~ctrad}tden) ~errüdt~eit au
°
'ocr (in 'oen 55. 409 un'o 41 0 abge~an'odttn) @) cm ~ n~ ci t ge'
aeigt mn'otn. 3u bem Wnbe mnnern wir baran, 'oap im ~ Q~ns
finn bie Seele 'oaf fBejlreben ~at, ~d, auf bem &mif~cn i~rcm
234 06jedi\)ftl eCll'lI,tfn,n unb f~m fi,ren ~ortkUllnß \lod'1lI1benen
mtberf"ru~ aUf \!oUfollhntncn tnnnen ~anlonie bct 8ei~eG ll'tel
bn ~nallfteUen. ~iefe ~ieber~ttfteUuns 'ann e&tnfo roo~( mijs
tingen, mit erfolgen. \JÜf bie tin&dne Seele erfdJeint iontit
ba' CldmtglD alm freitn, tn ficfJ 'amloniflf1en Sel&fteefü~( alf
etrDaG 3ufilUge.. In ft4 on t~ baG abfo[ute Wrciwerben
be. eclb'8tfü~le , - bat UHgejt6rte 8effid1fe'1n ber Seele in
aUn &f~U i~reG 3D~It., - etroae bur~aue ~ot~",ens
biet.; benn an fieft i' bfe eetle ble Ilbfo(ute 3bealitit, bae
Uchrgnlfm'oe Abcr aUe i~re "~ten; 1mb in t~rem tB c $
in "r
fel6m tnDd~, - ba; ne ba' no4 UlLlI1tttelhre, Se'1enbe
au elner &(o;en Wigenf4aft, au einem b(o;m ~omente
~oft.t, um bur~ biefe a~fo(ute .tgatton al~ freh 3nbhi s
buClIUU für fief) felhr au rocr'oeR. ~un r,t&m ",ira",arfd)on
ta baR ~tnl; 'ocr menfeftll4en eetlt au i~rem 8enlu' ein
~fC9n w etl&ftee au betra4tcn ge"'&t. ~ort ~mte ieboef)
bttJ &IttlcW"n no~ 'oie WOfIR bcr .. tu ; er li eft h lt, bn Xrens
1l11li8 In altd Snbl\llbua(Uittn, in • k'ttrfef)mbtf unb ein &es
f)mf4tet eclbIt; un'o a"'ff~en biefen htben Selten fanb Iod)
Ida catf~r 8cgellfa., fein IBthrhru~ flatt, fo ba;
ber . . . , blefe beftimmte Snnml4klt, unse~inbert ft4 in
_ 1IItIlf4U4t1l Snbl\)lbuum aur flrfd)clnung brad)te. .uf bcr
Stafe bGgcgtn, &lf au "'dcfJer "'fr je.t bie Wnt\l)hflung bef fu~
ie*n QJdfW fortsefü~rt f)Um, follUlle1t ll'ir au eincm ~ef)$
fqn bn eecle, ba' "om ~eß\'lff bnfelkn bur" Ueberwilt,
buIg bct fn 'ocr ~enü~elt 1)or~m fnneren tHU bets
n, tu '" • beI (ltlfte. , bUTCfJ .. u" tb un8 ber 9an ali '" en
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 399
für this reason that we now want to define this Notion some-
what more carefully.
We have first to indicate the necessity of the dialectical
progression from the derangement considered in § 408 to the
habit treated in §§ 409 and 410. In order to do so we shall 5
recall that in insanity the soul has as its goal the overcoming
of the contradiction presented by its objective consciousness
and its fixed presentation, the restoration of the complete
inner harmony of spirit. This restoration is just as likely to
fail as it is to succeed. To the single soul therefore, the attain- lO
ment of free and inwardly harmonious self-awareness, ap-
pears to be a matter of chance. Implicitly however, the absolute
liberation of self-awareness, the undisturbed self-communion
of the soul in all the particularity of its content, is entirely a
matter of necessity; for implicitly the soul is absolute ideality, 15
that which overreaches all its determinateness, and it is the
implication of its Notion that through the sublation of the
particularities which have become fixed within it, it should
make its unlimited power over them evident, that it should
reduce to a mere property, a mere moment, that within it which 20
still retains the immediacy of being, in order to assurne through
this absolute negation the being-for-self of free indiuiduali~y.
Now we have already had to consider a being-for-self ofthe
self in the relations hip of the human soul to its genius. There
however, the being-for-self still had the form of externality, of 25
division into two individualities, into a dominant and a
dominated self; and between these two aspects there was as
yet no decided opposition, no contradiction, so that the determi-
nate inwardness of the genius manifested itself unhindered in
the human individual. However, at the stage to which we 30
have now conducted the development of subjective spirit,
we reach a being-for-self of the soul brought about by the
Notion of the soul through the ouercoming of the inner
contradiction of spirit present in derangement, through the
400 .
SCf rl ff e I,
Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
t U bet eelbfte~ au
Stoa" gebfod)t 1ft. ~ej
~ei,~d)'fck'f~n nennen tDit 'oIe "e"'o'l~dt. 3n biefn
~t bie ald)t lIe.r an eine 1Iur fubjedt\)e hf.nben m.t{tdlag
er-ate ab burcf) birfdk QU~ bm 9Iittd})unft I~fn coRndm
235 ®idliel)feit ~erlldserüdte 'Seele bm an ~e gdommencll unmit,
tdbaren unb umlnatlten :;)n9alt in 19rt 2\!eaUtiit fo »oUftänbfg
aufsmommm un'D fi~ in i9n fo \)itUig eingt\\lo9nt, ba; ~e
fiel) in i9m mit ijr ei 9 d t be~egt. m!d~rtn'D nämUd) bei 'on
blojen ~m,,~nbung mief) aufällig balb ~ftfe~, balD :;)eRe~ affidrt,
un'D bei 'Dtrfdbm / - ~ie aud) bei an'Dmn gei~igen !t9dtigfei$
tm, fo (ange biefe 'Dem Subitd nod, ttl\la~ ltnge~o9nte~ linb,
- t-ie Seele in i9ren :;)n9alt \H r fe nft ift, ~d) in i9m »er $
(ier t, nid)t H,r conmte~ <5db~ em"pfin'Ddj - »er9dlt fief) 'Dagegen
in 'Der @e\"009n9eit ber rolenfd) nief)t au einer auf ä II iSen ci n I
aelnen ~mvfin'Dung, morfteUung, ~egitr'oe u. f· f·, fonbern au
f i d) f cl ber, au einer feine :;)nbi\li'[lualitöt all~maef)tIt'[len, burd)
i9n felber gefeßten unb i9lR ei 9en ge~lIrbentn a lIg emd ne 11
m!eife be~ !t9un~, un'D trfd)eint eben 'De'9alb alG frti. ~ae
~agemeil1e / auf ~elel)e0 fid) 'oie Sede in 'Der @e~oI,ngeft beaief)t,
ift jebod), - im Unterfef)ieoe »on 'Dem er~ für ba~ rtine ~enftn
»or9anbenen, ftef) fdbfl beftjmmen'Den, (oneret ~ {(gemeinen,
- nur 'oie auG '[Ier m!lebu90lung »leIer tiinadngetten
burd) 9hflerion get»orgebrocf)te a&fhacte Illgemcin9tit.
~r &U '0 ie f er \Jorm 'Dee IUgemdnen fann 'oie mit 'Dem ttlllnit,
telbaren , alfo bem (lfnaetnrn, fiel) befd}iiftigenbe natürltcf)e eeele
gelangen. ~a~ auf 'Die elnan'Der iiu;erlicf)en (lfnaeltl~eiten beao,
aene ~ßgemeine ijl a"(r b(l~ 9l 0t ~"' e1\ '0 f9 e. .obgldd} 'Daf>er
'Der IDlenfd) burd) 'Die @e~o~n~eit finerfeit~ frei \t'irtl, fo mllcf)t
if)n bierdbe 'Docf) anbernfeft~ au f~rem S cl Q\) f 11, unb 1ft dne
~\t'ar nid)t u n mit t tI bQ Te, er jl e, »on 'Der <iin&elngeit 'ocr (im-
~~nbungen be~rrfef)te, 'Oleb.e~f 'Oon 'Drt Seele 9 efe 0te, am ci te
matur, - aber becf) imllln eine 9latur, - ein 'Die QSe~alt
eine~ Unmittelbaren C1nne~melt'De0 ~efeOtee, - eine felber
no~ mit 'Dn ~orm be~ <5 e11 ne bel}aftete :;) '0 eall tat 'Dee e~enl
'Den, - folglid} et~af bem freien ~ijle 9lid)tentfpredJellbeG, -
et~iI& bio; er n t~ TI) 4' oloSi f ~e~.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 40 I
3nbm ~ie eetle auf bie OHll GUgtQcknc Irt buf4 u.r,
236 "'nblng i~fn 3errfffcn~eit, i~re~ inneren miberf,rlUf)~ aur filfl
cwf t14 bcafe~entcn ~bealftat gelUorben tP, ~Clt fie ~re ~1U~er
unmfttelbar mit i~r ibentifdJe ~cfb(f"!eit \)on ti" abgcfd)fcbcn,
Inb ilbt angle!" eilt r.em f0 aur Unmittdbarfc(t entlatfenen ~efb"
UdJen bie .traft i~rcr ~eClIitdt auf. !tuf biefem Stan'o~unft ~Q$
ben lUfr 'Da~er nfcfJt 'oie unbefHmntte Ibtrennung efnef 3nneren
~t \)on einer \)orgefun'oenen meu, fon'oem baf Untemw
fcnlUcf'oen jener @ei<dJftit unter ~Ie -6errr"aft ber Seele au be,
tl'a«1ten. ~iefe ~ä~tfßung 'oer 2elbU"!eit bilbet bie ~e'oin~
gung 'oet ~efU)fr'oen' t-er Seele, i~tt~ @elangen~ aum objedl\)en
~elUu'tfel}n. WUerbing~ iP ble in'ol\)f'ouelle Sede an f Id) f(i)on
föq,erlicfJ a~efdJlotfen; alt Itbtn'olg ~abe i" einen organiflf}en
,,",","; un'o 'oieftr i~ mir ni~t ein \jtem'oef; er ge~ört \)id$
me~r lU meiner ~ '0 ee, i~ 'oa~ unmittelbare, än~lf~e ~afe~n
.refne' ~tgrfff~, malf}t mein tinaclne' 9latudeben aut. !}lan
mu; 'oa~er, - beiläufig gefagt, - für \)ollfommen Icer 'ofe mor$
tltanng ~crer erffAren, lUfllf}e meinen: elgentlidJ rollte 'oer mlenrdJ
klntn organtf.n ~fb ~aben, ~I Cf 'our«1 'oenfdben aur Sorge
fit 'oie "efrie'oigung feiner \)~~ftrdJen ~e'oürfniffe genöt~igt, romit
\)Oft feinClll rein geiftigen ~eben abgeaogen un'o anr lU(l~ten ~ej,
f)eit unfä~ig lUer'oe. . ~on 'oitrer ~o~len IInfidJt bleibt fdJon 'ocr
unbefangene rellgiöfe IDlenid} fern, 'n'oma er 'oie ~efriebiguug
fdner leiblidJen ~e'oürfl1iffe für lUür'ois ~a(r, @egenpan'o feiner
an @ott, 'Den elU i gen@}e i ~, gerid)teten ~itte au lUerben. ~ie
~~Uofo,,~ie' abrr ~at AU erfennen, lUie ber @eift nut ba'ourdJ
fir fidJ feIber ift, b", er ndJ bat !}laterielle, - t~d(e
al' frine cl ßen e ~i.lidJkit , t~l' 81' ebte ""~nlUdt ü~rf
~,t, - entsesenf~t, un'o 'oie; fo UllterfdJie'ocne au 'oer burdJ
ben Q)esenfae un'c 'ourd) Wu~ebuns beffelben \)ermittelten <Bin.
'eit ..ft ~~ auriicffü~rt. 3lUlfdJen 'Dem QJdjte unb bctren else"
nem ~ ~n'oet nattirli~dfe eine nodJ lnniguc tBerbinbWts
Jltt, aff &U)lfdJen 'ocr fonftigen .~lUelt uRb 'oem QJdfte. Cftcn
lUCsen biqcO lI~t~~mbigcn 3ufammclI~(1ng' meinet ~d~e' mit
237 meiner Seele 1ft 'eie ~'on 'oer ltotmn gtgen 'otn erptTtn ,,"mit,
telbar au~s;:ü6te X~atiSfcit feine en'olid,r, feine blo~ Rtsatl\)c.
Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 403
own activity that man first masters his body. At first, the
human soul only pervades its body in a wholly indeterminate
and general way, so that training is required if this pervasion
is to become determinate. In the first instance, training reveals
the body to be intractable to the soul, for its movements are 5
uncertain, the effort it puts into them being either too great
or too small for the given purpose. It is only when man re-
fleets in a specific manner upon all the multifarious circum-
stances of the externality in which he intends to actualize his
purposes, and adjusts all the singular motions of his body in 10
accordance with them, that the right degree of effort is forth-
coming. This is why it is only to the extent that it has been
technically trained that even a decided talent will adopt the
right approach as a matter of course. +
Frequent repetition will make the bodily activities to be 15
carried out in the service of spirit conform to it to an ever
higher degree, for by constantly increasing its familiarity with
all the circumstances to be considered, the soul finds itself at
home in its expressions to an ever greater extent, and so achieves
an ever-increasing capacity for immediately embodying its 20
inner determinations. It is therefore continually appropri-
ating more of the body, transforming it into the instrument
of its use, and it is thus that there occurs the magical relation-
ship of the body's succumbing to the immediate effect of +
spirit. 25
Yet since repeated exercise confers upon the activities of
man the character of habit, the form of what is taken up into
recollection, into the universality of spiritual inwardness, the
soul introduces into its expressions a general manner of
acting which mayaiso be transmitted to others, - a rule. 30
This universal is so concentrated in its simplicity, that when
acting in accordance with it I am no longer conscious of the
particular differences of my single actions. We can see that
408 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
c.
§. 411.
!nIe eede 1ft in t~rer bttref)gt&Ubtten unb fad) all eil
gen sem(ld)ten fetblicbfdt (I(~ e t n 6tIn e f eubject ftlr ficf),
uU!) bit ~clblld)Eeit ift fo bit l( eu Ii er It d> feit (I(tS 'Pdbt,
(at, tll wtlcbtm batS eubject fid) nur auf fief) &t&tebt.
st>lefe ~eufjtr1tcf)fett lleUt ntd)t fief) \)or, fonbnn bit eee(e,
240 unb ift beten S t t cf) e n. !.DIe eeele 111 al6 bleft ,3bel1titat
be~ ~mlfrn mit btm ~(eI1Bern, ~a6 jenem unterworfen tjl,
mt r fit cf); pe bat an tbrer ~eiblief)hit i~re frete @'Illllr,
in bel' fte fici) fllblt unb fief) äu ftl~ltl1 gl&t, ble allS baI
.!ul1~l\)crf ber ®ede me n f cl) It cl) e11, plltbosnomifd)clJ un'
"bl)~091l0mifef)el1 1.(u6bcud ~4t.
e.
* 1827: weil der Geist identisch mit seiner Aeußerlichkeit Allgemeines für
sich und darum eben so frei darin ist, dieses aber zugleich die Unvollkom-
menheit hat, ein unmittelbares und natürliches zu seyn, und darum Zeichen
ist, den Geist hiemit zwar, aber zugleich als ein Aeußerliches, nicht wie er für
sich selbst als allgemeines ist, vorstellt.
t 182 7: Oder für den Geist ist sie die erste Erscheinung desselben, weil sie
seine erste, noch in der Sphäre der Unmittelbarkeit versenkte Wirklichkeit ist.
- Der Geist ist also in diesem seinem Zeichen schlechthin endlicher und
einzelner; es ist zwar seine Existenz, aber ...
Volume Two: Anthropology . 411
* 1827: for spirit, identical with its externality, is for itselfuniversal heing,
and therefore to the same extent free within it, while this at the same time
has the imperfeetion of heing something immediate and natural, and is
therefore a sign. It is certainly spirit, hut presented at the same time as an
external heing, not as it is for itself, as heing universal.
t 182 7: For spirit, it is rather the initial appearance of the same, since it is
its initial actuality, still sunk within the sphere ofimmediacy. - Spirit in this
its sign is therefore simply finite and single; it is indeed its existence, hut ...
4I 2 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* Criesheim Ms. pp. 252-253; cf. KehLeT Ms. pp. 179-180: The human shape
is both the artistic work of the soul and a natural body. Everywhere in the
natural shape there is evidence of how the being-for-self of the soul deter-
mines itself concretely. Although it is by means of his shape that man dis-
tinguishes hirnself from the animal, it is difficult to say what the physio-
logical difference is, and physiologists have as yet been unable to point out a
significant and incisive one. For a long time (253) the difference was taken
to be man's lack of the intermaxillary bone, but this is an insignificant and
minor difference, and al ready thirty years ago, after examining a skull in the
Jewish cemetery, in Venice, Coethe showed that there is in fact no difference at
all, that the basic structure of the feature is also present in man, although it
only shows itself later. The earlobe also distinguishes man, but he is not +
characterized as being distinct from the animal by such features. The main
difference is what the soul does in the body, the formulation ofthe soul within
4 I 6 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
Körper, so daß er ein Zeichen der Seele ist und dieß ist es was der äußeren
menschlichen Bildung das Ausgezeichnete giebt. Es gehärt hierzu die
aufrechte Gestalt überhaupt, die Bildung insbesondere der Hand, als des
absoluten Werkzeugs, des Mundes, des Lachen, Weinen u.s.w. und der
über das Ganze ausgegossene geistige Ton, welcher den Körper unmittelbar
als Äußerlichkeit einer höheren Natur kund giebt. Der Mensch steht nur mit
seinem Willen, hört dieser auf so fällt er zusammen, diese Stellung ist daher
von innen heraus gesetzt, die Natur des Menschen als geistig hat es gemacht.
Diese Stellung ist so die erste Gebehrde des Menschen, die Pflanze hat sie
von Natur, aber der Mensch hat sie weil er sie will. An der Hand sieht man
es besonders daß sie etwas Eigenthümliches ist, die kleinste Bewegung des
Kindes mit der Hand kündigt sich als menschlich an.
Volume Two: Anthropology . 417
the body so that it is a sign of the soul. It is this that constitutes the dis-
tinguishing feature of the form of the human exterior. The generally upright
shape, the formation ofthe hand, as the absolute tool, ofthe mouth, oflaugh-
ing, crying etc., also belong here, as does the spiritual tone diffused through-
out the whole, which immediately shows the body to be the externality of a
higher nature. Man stands only by means of his will, and if it lapses he falls.
This posture is therefore posited outwardly from within, man's spiritual
nature has brought it about, and it is therefore the primary gesture of man.
The plant has it by nature, but man because he wills it. Human peculiarity is
particularly noticeable in the hand, the tiniest movement of a child's hand
being evidence of humanity. +
4 I 8 ' Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* Kehler Ms. p. 181; cf. Griesheim Ms. p. 255: One hears that when a person
dies, his physiognomy reassumes the appearance it had when he was a child.
422 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
* Criesheim Ms. SS. 256-257; vgl. Kehler S. 182: Man darf die Worte "Hüthe
dich vor den Menschen die Gott gezeichnet hat," nicht misverstehen als ob
Gott Züge U.S.w. ausgetheilt habe, denn so sehr auch die Seele sich verleib-
licht im Körper, ebenso sehr ist auch der Geist unabhängig vom Körper.
Socrates (257) war bekanntlich sehr misgebildet, als ihm dieß vorgeworfen
wurde, gab er zu daß böse Neigungen in ihm gewaltet hätten, aber er hätte
sie durch Reflexion überwunden und darin liegt das Allgemeine was über
die physiognomischen Urtheile zusagen ist. Das Geistige ist unabhängig für
sich und auch von seiner Naturanlage und deren natürlichen Ausdruck, der
Geist kann sie überwinden, die Ausdrücke, Züge können bleiben und der
Geist ein anderer werden als der den sie bezeichnen. Merkwürdig ist es daß
Socrates keine griechische Gesichtsbildung hatte, er der die Umwandelung
gemacht hat aus der wie ich es nenne unbefangenen Sittlichkeit, der durch
seine Reflexion einen Bruch in die griechische Welt und den griechischen
Geist gemacht hat.
Volume Two: Anthropology . 423
* Griesheim Ms. pp. 256-257; cf. Kehler Ms. p. 182: The saying, "Beware of
those whom God hath marked", ought not to be misunderstood to mean that
God has distributed features etc., for despite the extent to which the soul
corporealizes itself in the body, spirit is independent of the body to no less an
extent. As is well-known, Socrates was extremely mis-shapen. When he was
reproached for this, he admitted that evil tendencies had made themselves
apparent within hirn, but that he had overcome them by reflection, and in
this lies the general judgement to be passed upon what is physical. What is
spiritual is independent both for itself and according to its natural con-
stitution, and this is why it can overcome the natural expression of spirit.
The expressions and features can remain, and spirit become something other
than what they signify. It is strange that the form of Socrates' face should not
have been Greek, for it was he who made the transformation from what 1
call an unaffected ethics, who brought about a rift in the Greek world and
spirit by means of reflection. +
424 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
§ 4 12
Matter in its implicitness has no truth within
the soul,* which as a being-for-self separates itself 5
from its iImnediate being and places this over against
itself as a corporeity incapable of resisting its
formativeness. Soul which posits its being over
against itself, having sublated and determined
i t as its own, has lost the significance of being soul, 10
the immediacy of spirit. The actual soul, in its
habitual sentience and concrete self-awareness,
being inwardly recollected and infinitely self-
related in its externality, is implicitly the being-for-
self of the ideali ty ofits determinatenesses. In so far 15
as the soul has being for abstract universality, this
being-for-self of free universality is its higher awak-
eningt as ego, or abstract universality. For itself, the
soul is therefore thought and subject, and is in-
deed specifically the subject ofitsjudgement. In this 20
judgement the ego excludes from itself the natural
totality of its determinations as an obj ect or worId
externat to it, and so relates itself to this totality that
it is immediately reflected into itself within it.
This is consciousness.+ 25
das existirende wirkende Subject ist. Die Seele also überhaupt, so wie z.B.
das Erwachen, der Verlauf der Lebensalter, Somnambulismus, Verrücktheit,
Einbildung in seine Leiblichkeit, haben den Geist, seine Vorstellungen,
Zwecke u.s.f. zu ihrem Inhalte, ein Inhalt, der aber als ihm selbst angehörig,
sich erst in der Betrachtung seiner selbst producirt; vor ihm aber müssen die
Stufen der Seele und des Bewußtseyns betrachtet werden, weil der Geist nur
als solcher Wirklichkeit hat, daß er in der Idee sich diese Voraussetzungen
und aus ihnen sich wirklich macht.
Volume T wo: Anthropology . 427
subject. Consequently, both the soul in general and, for example, waking,
the course of the ages of life, somnambulism, derangement, formulation
within its corporeity, have spirit, its presentations, purposes etc., as their
content. As belonging to spirit itself however, this is a content which first pro-
duces itself in considering itself; the stages of the soul have to be considered
before spirit is however, because spirit only has actuality in that in the Idea it
makes these presuppositions for itself, and from out of them makes itself
actual.
4 28 . Hegels Philosophie des Subjektiven Geistes
2, 24
For 'dem Physiker' read 'den Physikern'. The general meaning, as weIl
as the rest of the sentence, require that the subject here should be plural.
3, I
This use of the word 'Seele' could give rise to misunderstandings. Hegel is
not using it, as Aristotle did ('De Anima' 412 a 27-412 b 6), simply to mean
animation, since at this level he has already dealt with the predominantly
physical aspect of animal life ('Phil. Nat.' §§ 350-76). Nor is he using it, as
did many of his contemporaries, with reference to the subject-matter of
psychology (see §§ 440-81), which he defines as presupposing the rationality
of self-consciousness (§§ 424-39). The 'soul' is the subject-matter of anthro-
polog) in that this science is concerned with psychic states, closely dependent
upon but more complex than purely physical ones, and not yet involving
the full self-awareness of consciousness (§ 413). In modern terminology it
might therefore be quite accurately defined as the sub-conscious.
Since Hegel treats the soul as spirit's initial sublation of the self-externality
ofnature, and since his much fuller discussion ofthis in the Phil. Nat. (§ 248)
involves reference to the dyad and the monad, it may be of interest to call
attention to the allegorical interpretation of the myth of Cupid and Psyche
put forward by F. Creuzer (1771-1858) in his 'Symbolik und Mythologie
der alten Völker' (2nd ed. 1819/22) p. 574. Cf. J. Hoffmeister's article in
'Deutsche Vierteljahrschrift' 8, 1931.
The death of natural being closes the Philosophy of Nature (§ 376), and
so leads easily into a consideration of the 'simple universality' of the soul.
It is perhaps, only natural that this transition should have given rise to a
discussion of psychic immortality: G. H. Schubert (1780-1860) 'Die
Geschichte der Seele' (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1830) pp. 628-54; J. V.
Snellman (1806-81) 'Versuch einer speculativen Entwicklung der Idee der
Persönlichkeit' (Tübingen, 1841) pp. 5-7. Cf. A. S. Pringle-Pattison (1856-
1931) 'Hegelianism and Personality' (Edinburgh, 1887).
3,6
Within the whole Hegelian system, i.e. 'within the Idea in general',
spirit both precedes logic and nature, and has them as its presuppositions.
At this particular juncture, the immediate presupposition of spirit i.e.
43 1
432 . Hege!'s Philosoph} oJ Subjective Spirit
nature, also sublates itselj in giving rise naturally to the soul i.e. also 'has the
more determinate significance of a free judgement.'
In order to underline the distinctness and yet emphasize the inter-
dependence of the Notional and natural aspects of this transition, Hegel
makes use of the literal meaning of the German word for judgement. Cf.
the Logic § 166.
3, 13
In the Philosophy of Nature, spirit is presupposing itself as the universality
of corporeal singularity (cf. § 248). In this sphere it is dealing with a subject-
matter more closely resembling, but not yet identical with itself. Although
the 'Anthropology' constitutes the first major sphere of the Philosophy of
Spirit, it is only the third major sphere i.e. Psychology, which initiates
spirit as such (§ 440).
3, 24
'De Anima' 429a 18-22. Cf. note I. 1I, 39.
5, II
On the materiality of heat and light, see Phi I. Nat. II.232, 302. For
contemporary theories concerning the essential materiality of living being,
see]. F. Ackermann (1765-1815), 'Versuch einer physischen Darstellung
der Lebenskräfte organisirter Körper' (2 vols. Frankfurt/M., 1797, 1800)
vol. I eh. 4, who postulates a vital ether (Lebensäther ) consisting of electrical
matter and oxygen, and Georg Prochaska (1749-1820), 'Physiologie'
(Vienna, 1820) sect. 3, who attempts to account for living being by means
of, 'the laws of the electrical process.'
5,35
Hobbes' attempt to reduce psychology to motion and Locke's sensational-
ism evidently inspired many of the materialistic interpretations of the soul
put forward in the eighteenth century: see]. O. de La Mettrie (1709-1751)
'Histoire naturelle de l'ame' (The Hague, 1745), P.-H. T. d' Holbach
(1723-1789) 'Systeme de la Nature' (2 vols. London, 1771). Much of this
writing was directed against the mind-body dualism of Descartes and his
followers, which had become involved in theological matters.
Descartes himself had suggested that the pineal gland might be the seat
of the soul: see]. Z. Young's physiological appraisal of his genius in 'Philo-
sophy' vol. 48 pp. 70-74 (1973). The most outstanding German anatomist
ofHegel's day, S. T. von Sömmerring (1755-1830), put forward the theory
(1796) that the vapour occurring in the ventricles of the brain constitutes
the organ of the soul, and during the next thirty years a great variety of
similarly fatuous suggestions appeared in print: see note 5, I I ; Phil. Nat.
Notes to Volwne Two,' Anthropology . 433
5,3 8
Hegel discusses this in Hist. Phil. 11.305-6, and indicates that his sources
are Cicero 'De Divinatione' II. I 7 and 'De Natura Deorum' 1.8.
7, 18
In Hist. Phil III. 325-48 Hegel is rather critical of Leibniz, and the
exposition provided there should be consulted for the full background to
these remarks.
In this passage, the gist of his criticism is evidently as folIows: Since the
monad involves no distinction between matter and mind ('Prineiples' § I),
God or the monad ofmonads can eertainly be regarded as ereative (§§ 12,13).
In respect of the created monads however, i.e. the basie created parts
(Urtheile), body or soul are interdependent but distinet, while such monads
are not simply one with the Creator (§§ 4,5), Their identity bears the mark
of their origin in the artificial distinetion between the finitely analytical
truths of reason and the infinitely analytieal truths of fact ('Monadology'
§ 33), and the resultant doctrine of sufficient reason ('Principles' §§ 7, 8).
Such a distinetion and such a doctrine, arising as they do out of the attempt
to reconcile the extensional and intensional approaches in logic, simply
connect subject and predicate through the assertion of being, i.e. 'merely
resemble the copula ofthejudgement.' 'The Monadology' (1714), 'Principles
ofNature and ofGrace, founded on Reason' (1714). Hegel evidently used
434 . Hegel's Philosophy of Su~jective Spirit
the edition by P. Desmaizeaux (1666-1745) 'Recueil de diverses pieces sur
la philosophie' etc. (2 vols. Amsterdam, 1720) vol. 11. Cf. G. H. R. Parkinson
'Logic and Reality in Leibniz's Metaphysics' (London, 1965).
In his 'Logic', Hegel treats the various forms ofjudgement as presupposing
the universality, particularity and singularity of the Notion (§§ 160-65), and
as finding their fulfilment in the fuH triadicity of the syHogism (§§ 181-93).
Since this exposition is foHowed by a criticism of Leibniz's monadology
(§ 194), and Hegel refers he re to the 'absolute' syllogism, he must have in
mind the syHogistic exposition of his whole system which concludes the
Philosophy of Spirit (Enc. §§ 575-77).
7, 3 1
Cf. Phil. Rel. 11.70-82.
7, 33
Cf. Rist. Phil. 111.252-90.
9, 12
Cf. Hist. Phil. 1.319-49.
I I, 7
Good contemporary historical surveys of this are provided by D. Tiede-
mann (1748-1803), in 'Untersuchungen über den Menschen' (3 pts. Leipzig,
I 777/8)pt. II, and C. F. Nasse (1778-1851) in 'Zeitschrift für die Anthro-
I I,13
J. H. Abicht (1762-1816) 'Psychologische Anthropologie' (Erlangen,
1801) p. 27: 'Die Seele ist ein Ding, aber eben darum kein Körper.' Cf.
note 1. 99, 2.
I I,27
'Principles of Nature and of Grace' (1714) §§ 3, 4; Hist. Phil. II1.338.
Regel is probably underrating the significance of Leibniz's thought on this
subject, possibly on account of Wolff's 'Psychologia Rationalis' (Frankfurt,
1734), which he rightly regarded as pedantic and formalistic (Rist. Phil.
111.354). Though §§ 12-14 ofthe 'Principles' and §§ 20-29 ofthe 'Monado-
logy' are not dialectical, as a theoretical restatement of Aristotle's treatment
of the soul and as a criticism of the subjectivism of Cartesianism, they are
fuHy in harmony with what Regel accomplishes in the Phi!. Sub. Sp. Cf.
221, 16 and note 247,35.
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 435
11,37
Logic § 47. In §§ 97-101 the category of the unit is exhibited as passing
over into that of a plurality of units and so into qualiry; in §§ 125-30 the
category of the thing as passing over into matter and form, and so into
appearance. Since at this stage the speculative or dialectical method has already
exhibited the sublation of these categories, the soul is not to be grasped
through the application of any such abstractions (note 7, 18). It is not the
finit'! categories constituting the subject-matter of the Logic which adum-
brate the Philosophy of Spirit, but the speculative procedure by which they
have been assessed and superseded, and it is by means ofthis procedure that
the 'ideality of spirit' now exhibits the limitations of both the applied cate-
gories and the soul itself.
13, 10
Logic § 98. Cf. the analysis ofPlato's 'Parmenides' in Hist. Phil. II. 52-62,
and the criticism of Leibniz in the L. Logic 169-70.
13, 22
Phil. Nat. §§ 262, 276, 351. See the final summary (III.213): 'Let us
briefly survey the field we have covered. In the primary sphere of gravity,
the Idea was freely deployed into a body which has the free heavenly bodies
as its members. This externality then shaped itself inwardly into the proper-
ties and qualities belonging to an individual unity, and having an immanent
and physical movement in the chemical process. Finally, in animation,
gravity is released into members possessing subjective unity.'
14,34
Literally translated - 'coalesced', which would appear to be the wrong
tense.
15,30
Nicholas Malebranche (1638-17 I 5) 'De la recherche de la verite
(1674; ed. A. Robinet, Paris, 1958) 252: 'Nous ne voyons aucune chose que
par la connaissance naturelle que nous avons de Dieu. Toutes les idees
particulieres que nous avons des creatures ne sont que des determinations
generales de l'idee du Createur.' Cf. 437,445,450.
When this work was published, Malebranche still conceived of the ideas
we see in God as particular, finite, created beings. Simon Foucher's (1644-
1696) criticism led him to reject the doctrine of the creation of the eternal
truths, and to conceive of what is seen in God as the unique idea of in-
telligible extension, - infinite general and uncreated, but capable of
representing the essence of all material things: see A. Robinet 'Systeme et
existence dans l'oeuvre de Malebranche' (Paris, 1965); R. A. Watson 'The
Downfall of Cartesianism' (The Hague, 1966) ch. IV; R. W. Church 'A
Study in the Philosophy of Malebranche' (London, 193 I) ch. II.
436 . Hegel's Philosophy qf Subjectü,e Spirit
17, 2
p.~ov: 'Timaeus' 48e-53c; Plotinus 'Enneads' 1,8, 7; 11,4, 3; 111,6, 6;
Robert Fludd (1574-1637) 'Philosophia Moysaica' (Gouda, 1638) 1,3, 2.
Cf. Logic §§ 128-30, Phil. Nat. §§ 262-4, 1.300. C. Baeumker 'Das Problem
der Materie in der griechischen Philosophie' (Münster, 1890).
17, 14
For Hegel's detailed assessments ofthese thinkers, see Hist. Phil. 111.220-
95, 325-48, 364-9.
17,20
See Meditation VI: 'There now only remains the inquiry as to whether
material things exist. .. I at least know with certainty that such things may
exist in as far as they constitute the object of the pure mathematics, since,
regarding them in this aspect, I can conceive them clearly and distinctly.'
Meditation 11: 'What, then, was it I know with so much distinctness in
the piece of wax? ... Nothing, except something extended.'
'I now admit nothing that is not necessarily true: I am therefore, precisely
speaking, only a thinking thing, that is, a mind (mens sive animus).'
Meditation VI: 'Whence it is quite manifest, that notwithstanding the
sovereign goodness of God, the nature of man, in so far as it is composed
of mi nd and body, cannot but be sometimes fallacious.'
Meditation V: 'It is certain that I no less find the idea of a God in my
consciousness, that is, the idea of a being supremely perfect, than that of
any figure or number whatever.'
T. M. Lennon has recently pointed out that occasionalism is not central
to Descartes' thinking, but a by-product ofhis theory ofmotion and develop-
ment: 'Canadian Journal of Philosophy' supplementary volume no. 1 pt. 1
pp. 29-40, 1974. Although Hegel is right to connect the doctrine of the
causa occasionalis with Descartes' sharp distinction between what is mental
and what is physical, it was in fact developed and named by his followers.
Accepting Descartes' rejection of the possibility of there being any direct
causa I relation between the mental and the physical, they proposed the
theory that God is the intermediary link. They suggested for example, that
my moving my finger is the occasion for God to make my finger move, that
an object's being within my field of vision is the occasion for God to produce
a visual appearance in my mi nd etc. See L. de la Forge (fl. 1661-1677)
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 437
17,22
'Ethics' part 11, Definitions, Axioms, Propositions I, 2.
17, 33
See 'The Monadology' (1714): hypotheses and monads, 1-6; presentation
and intro-reftection, 7; self-enclosure, I I; the soul, 19; God's harmony,
47-48; pre-established, 5 I; the body, 6 I; presentation, 62-63; criticism of
Descartes, 77-8 I.
17,4 1
Descartes, 'Discourse on Method' pt. IV: the ontological argument
enables hirn to discuss God, 'I found that the existence of the Being was
comprised in the idea', and the perfection of God, 'plainly teils us that all
our ideas or notions contain in them some truth' about the external, material
world.
Spinoza, 'Ethics' pt. I: God is defined as, 'a substance consisting ofinfinite
attributes', among which (pt. 11), of course, one can include body, 'that
mode which expresses in a certain determined manner the essence of God'
and the human mind, which, 'is apart of the infinite intellect of God.'
On Malebranche and Leibniz see the preceding notes.
Berkeley 'Principles': since material objects cannot, 'possibly exist other-
wise than in a spirit or mind which perceives them' (73), and since, 'the
existence of God is far more evidently perceived than the existence of men'
(147), 'to an unbiassed and attentive mind, nothing can be more plainly
legible, than the intima te presence of an all-wise Spirit, who fashions,
regulates and sustains the whole system of being.' (15 r).
19, 2 I
In the 'Phenomenology' of 1807, Hegel established the context ofthe telos
from which 'Spirit' might be dialectically structuralized. Since the sphere
of Spirit presupposes the less complex spheres of Nature and Logic, the
'Phenomenology' provides the overall standpoint i.e. the 'idealism' neces-
sary for also viewing these spheres in the light of the final dialectical telos.
In the mature system of the 'Encyclopaedia' (1817, 1827, 1830), Logic,
Nature (body) and Spirit (soul) are treated as complementary levels of
complexity, triadically inter-related by means of the dialectical method.
438 . Hegel's PhiloJop~y of Subjectiz'e Spirit
21, 18
Cf. note 5, 35. This faseinatingly balaneed and appreeiative assessment of
materialism should have given rise to a better treatment of the subjeet in
Hist. Phil. III.393-4. Hegel never mentions A. L. C. de T. Destutt (1754-
1836), P. J. G. Cabanis (1757-1808), or indeed any of the 'ideologues' as
ideologues, although he almost eertainly has them in mind here. Destutt
attempted to analyze all ideas into the sensory elements of whieh he be-
lieved them to be composed, and held that Ideology was a braneh ofzoology:
'Elements d'ideologie' (4 vols. Paris, 1801/15). Cabanis thought it neeessary
to reduce the study of man to physiology and physies: 'Traite de physique et
de morale de l'homme (Paris, 1802). Cf. F. Pieavet 'Les Ideologues' (Paris,
1891); C. H. V. Duzer 'The Contribution of the Ideologues to Freneh
Revolutionary Thought' (Baltimore, 1935); 'Westminster Review' vol. 5
p. 150 (Jan. 1826).
21,35
The 'neeessity of spirit's proeeeding forth from nature' is simply the
natural strueture and development of the human body as the necessary pre-
eondition of there being any human awareness. Unlike Hegel, we now see
this strueture and development within the wider eontext of their being pre-
eonditioned by the evolution of the face: cf. Phil. Nat. 1.25-26, III. 366-70.
The mind is the 'truth' of the body i.e. Spirit is the truth of Nature, not
only in that it has it as its natural preeondition, but in that it is eapable of
eomprehending it. It does so most eompletely in Philosophy, whieh, by
working systematieally through the whole eyde of the philosophieal seiences,
makes it fully apparent that Nature is not primary but determined i.e. that it
presupposes the eategories of the Logie, and is teleologieally struetured as
the immediate presupposition of Subjeetive Spirit. The apparently primary
nature of Nature therefore turns out to be an illusion.
The L.Logie bk. 2 eh. I (pp. 394-408) is most useful for throwing light
upon Hegel's thought at this juneture, - the eorresponding paragraphs in
the Ene. (§§ 11 2-14) are less so.
23, 6
Ene. §§ 88-95. Taking the Logie and the Philosophy of Spirit as parallel
struetures, the transition from Being to Determinate Being eorresponds to
that from the Natural to the Feeling Soul (§§ 402-10), not to §§ 391-401.
Hegel is not suggesting that the strueture of the Logie regulates the exposition
here, but that it eonstitutes the universal statement of a transition of whieh
this happens to be a partieular instanee. It is perhaps helpful to plaee Hegel's
observation in a slightly wider eontext by noting that the eategories ofBeing
also tend to predominate throughout the whole of the Philosophy of Sub-
jeetive Spirit if it is compared with Objeetive and Absolute Spirit. They do
so not beeause they regulate the seleetion of subjeet-matter or manner of
Notes 10 Volume T wo: Anthropology . 439
23,23
AIthough Hegel realized that the stars probably involve fairly complex
physical factors (Phil. Nat. II.16, 36), by and large he kept to the infor-
mation provided by the empirical science of his day and regarded their
existence as merely entailing 'the physical abstraction of light' (II.15, 15).
For hirn, their individuality was apparently that of the dispersed subsistence of
light. In the case of the natural soul or soul of nature however, he regards
this subsistence as lacking, and such a soul as having actuality only in the
natural changes which occur within individual souls (§§ 396-8). The
categories that predominate here are those of the one and the many (§§ 96-
g8) rather than those of essence.
It should perhaps be noted, that this passage is not in itself a criticism of
the concept of a world soul, aIthough the distinction was not always drawn
with complete consistency and clarity: see]. C. Sturm (1635-1703) 'Epistola
ad H. Morum, Cantabr, qua de ipsius principio hylarchico, s. spiritus
naturae' (Nuremberg, 1685); J. F. Pierer 'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch'
val. 8 p. 672 (Altenburg, 182g).
27,2
Cf. the previous note. Although individual souls certainly have natural
qualities in common, this should not lead us to postulate a "'VX~ cbraVTwv or
anima mundi. Such a concept adds nothing to the clarity and little to the
true spirituality of the Philosophy of Nature, and blurs distinctions and
relationships essential to this part of the Philosophy of Spirit.
Hegel was clearly no panpsychist. In Hist. Phil. he refers to the world-
soul pos tu la ted by the Gnostics, but the subject was evidently of no great
interest to hirn: Cf. F. W. J. Schelling 'Von der Weltseele, eine Hypothese
der höhern Physik' (Hamburg, 1796); G. T. Fechner (1801-1887) 'Ele-
mente der Psychophysik' (Leipzig, 1860); R. H. Lotze (1817-1881) 'Mikro-
kosmus' vol. I (Leipzig, 1856), J. Royce (1855-lg16) 'The World and the
Individual' (London and New York, 1901); A. Rau 'Der moderne Pan-
psychismus' (Berlin, 1901).
27,8
In the macrocosm of nature, the motions of the planets (§ 270), the
course of the seasons (§ 287), the variability of the climate (§ 288), physical
geography (§ 339) the constitution of the body (§ 354) and the stages of life
(§ 374) have a free existence of their own. Once the ego has asserted itself
as a distinct subjectivity (§§ 413-39), these free existences become part of
the general objectivity of nature. Here in the Anthropology however, they
440 . Hegel's PhilosolJ~Y of Subjective SjJirit
appear as the natural qualities and changes of the soul (§§ 392-8). The
microcosm of the soul mirrors the macrocosm of nature. Cf. Phil. Nat.
III.108,4·
One might have expected Hegel to make more of these traditional con-
cepts, since they accord weil with his general manner of thinking. Cf. Phil.
Nat. § 352 (III.108, 4). 'Cosmos' can mean both universe and order, so
that a microscosm can be anything that reftects the whole of which it is a
part. For an excellent discussion of their importance in early Greek philo-
sophy, see W. K. C. Guthrie 'A History of Greek Philosophy' vol. I (Cam-
bridge, 1971). They had been regarded as the leading theme in
encyclopaedic work on human psychology during the seventeenth century, see
N. Wanley (1634-1680) 'The Wonders ofthe Little World' (1678; ed. Wm.
Johnston, London, 1806), but were completely out of fashion in Germany
by the beginning of the nineteenth century: G. P. Conger 'Theories of
Macrocosm and Microcosm' (New York, 1922).
28, 24
Enc. 1827 p. 370 li ne 6, 'wunderbar scheinende Voraussetzungen'
(presuppositions) corrected to 'Vorausahndungen' (premonitions) - p. 544.
29,2
Phil. Nat. II.29, and the sources indicated in the corresponding note.
Mesmer's 'De planetarum influxu in corpus humanum' (Vienna, 1766) and
W. Falconer's (1744-1824) 'Remarks on the Inftuence ofClimate' (London,
1781) were the most inftuential.
Gravitation, light, magnetism and electricity were the cosmic forces
thought to have an inftuence upon the life of man. The supposed inftuences
of the heavenly bodies and the Earth were often mentioned in the literature of
the time relating to animal magnetism (cf. § 406) : J. W. Ritter (1776- I 8 IO)
'Der Siderismus' (Tübingen, 1808); D. G. Kieser (1779-1862) 'Das siderische
Baquet und der Siderismus' ('Archiv. f.d. thier. Magnetismus' 18195 ii pp.
1-84). In this article Kieser emphasizes that siderism is subordinate to
tellurism in respect of inftuence, 'since it is not every star but only the Earth
which engenders and sustains man, and which possesses the power per-
taining to it as the mother of mankind.'
29, 7
Phil. Nat. II.29, 51; III. 141-51.
29,35
Bearing in mind the context here, it seems reasonable to suppose that this
is a reference to Hippocrates' 'On Airs, Waters and Places' (Eng. tr. London,
1734). Cf. Kurt Sprengel (1766-1833) 'Apologie des Hippokrates' (2 pts.
Leipzig, 1789-92); F. A. Carus (1770-1807) 'Ideen zur Geschichte der
Notes to Volurne T wo.' Allthropology . 44 1
Menschheit' (Leipzig, 1809) pp. 123-40. It was this work which first called
Herder's attention to the inftuence of climate and environment upon man,
see A. H. Koller 'Herder's Conception of Milieu' ('Journal of English and
Germanic Philology' vol. 23, 1924).
Nevertheless, it is just possible that Hegel has in mind Hippocrates' theory
of 4>vat" the vis medicatrix naturae or spiritual restoring principle, the manage-
ment of which he regarded as essential to the art of the physician. Cf.
Joseph Schumacher 'Antike Medizin' (Berlin, 1963) pp. 177-2 I I.
3 1 , 25
Note 29, 2.
3 1,34
Phil. Nat. L20g (§ 248).
3 1 , 35
Phil. Rel. 1.270-349; II.I-I22 i.e. 'natural religion', in which the Deity
is conceived of in terms of the powers of nature.
33, I
Evidently a reference to the mirroring involved in the mlcrocosm-
macrocosm concept (note 27, 8). It is tempting to suppose that Boumann
must have added 'modern' to the text, possibly on account of his having
had in mind Schelling's distinction between natura naturans (physiophilosophy)
and natura naturata (natural science).
33, 15
Phil. Nat. § 270; 11.13.3; 14, 11, (space); 38, 27; 71, 11 (time); III.IIg,
32 etc.
33, 21
Note 283, 27.
33,3 6
This extract indicates that although Hegel gave good reasons for rejecting
astrology as superstition, he also dealt sympathetically with the history of the
subject.
The priests of BabyIon were bäre or 'inspectors', - they ascertained the
will and intention of the gods by inspecting the liver, the seat of the soul of
the sacrificed animal, or the stars, the clearest evidence of the divine govern-
ment of the world. In the Old Testament a 'Chaldean' is not only a native
442 . Hegel's Philosophy rif Su~jective Spirit
of Babylonia but also a magician (Daniel 1.4). Babylonian astrology began
to be known in the West during the fourth century B.C., and although for
both the Greeks and the Romans a 'Chaldean' was a charlatan, the basic
concept of astrology, that is to say the idea that the macrocosm has a bearing
upon the fate of the microcosm, was a leading principle of Greek thought.
Aristotle's world-view involves a physical universe in which thert; is hier-
archical interdependence of moving causes, in which the heavenly bodies
have an important role to play in the events of the sublunar world. The
concept of 'something more universal being brought to bear upon the
singular' is therefore common to both cosmologies.
In the Greek treatment of the Zodiac, each sign was supposed to govern a
certain part ofthe human body, the Ram the head for example, Cancer the
breast, Pisces the feet etc. : see Manilius 'Astronomica' bk. 11 ch. 12; Ptolemy
'Almagest' bk. 111 ch. 12; Firmicus 'Mathesis' Astronom. bk. 11 ch. 10.
Astrology and Aristotelianism therefore became integral parts of mediaeval
medicine in both the Christian and Mohammedan worlds: see the account
of Abu Ma'shar of Bagdad (C. 9th) in L. Renou 'L'lnde classique' (Paris,
1947/53) § 1266 et seq.
Since the influence of Aristotle upon mediaeval Christian philosophy carried
with it the intellectualjustification ofastrology, it was not until his authority
declined that the drawing up of horoscopes degenerated into mere char-
latanry or superstitition. Although the modern attitude developed strongly
during the seventeenth century, Brahe, Kepler and even Huygens still
indulged in astrological speculation. In England, it was Dean Swift's
'Prediction for the Year 1708, by Isaac Bickerstaff Esq.' which finally dealt
the 'science' its death blow.
As in the case of the macrocosm-microcosm concept, Hegel evidently
regarded astrology as a primitive 'shadowing forth' of important philo-
sophical ideas: see J. F. Pierer 'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch' vol. I pp.
469-75; A. Bouche-Leclercq 'L'Astrologie grecque' (Paris, 1899); Franz
Boll 'Die Erforschung der antiken Astrologie' ('Neue Jahrbücher für das
klassische Altertum' vol. xxi sect. 2, pp. 103-26); A. L. Thorndike 'A History
of Magic and Experimental Science' (8 vols. New York, 1923-58) vols. 1-4;
J. Lindsay 'Origins of Astrology' (London, 1971).
35,4
Phil. Nat. 111.218.
35, 15
The Fathers of the Church regarded astrology as a misuse of the heavens,
and condemned it as amortal sin: Tertullian 'De Idololatria' (C.2 11) I c.9;
Augustine 'Confessions' IV.3, VII.6, 'De Civitate Dei' V. 1-8. Later attacks
on astrology had to contend with its being associated with Aristotelianism,
Notes to Volu7Ilc T wo: Anthropology . 443
35,27
Charles-Fran~ois Dupuis (1742-1809) gained his first public appointment
through the patronage of the Duke of La Rochefoucauld. After graduating
and taking Holy Orders he began to teach at the College of Lisieux, but in
1770 he left the church for the law, and some five years later he married.
At about this time he began to work on comparative religion, and in 1781
he published a short work summarizing his views on the subject. Promotion
followed. He was appointed Professor of Latin Oratory at the College de
France in 1787, and in the foHowing year elected member of the Academie
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. He came fuHy into his own during the
revolutionary period, being appointed Director of Public Education in
1790, and Secretary to the Assembly in 1795.
Dupuis admitted that: 'The genius of a man capable of explaining re-
ligion seems to me to be of a higher order than that of a founder of religion.
And this is the glory to which I aspire.' As Hegel notes, his 'explanation'
was reductionist. He displayed vast erudition in indicating the connections
between religious beliefs and practices and uranography however, and his
main work, 'Origine de tous les Cultes, ou Religion UniverseHe' (1989 pp.
4 vols. Paris, 1795), diffuse, dogmatic and repetitive though it is, con-
stituted areal advance in its field, in that it was one of the earliest attempts
to interpret an erudite and sympathetic understanding of various religions in
the light of a central idea. Dupuis published an abridged version of it in 1798,
and the work had a great inftuence upon early nineteenth century atheists
and unitarians. For the critical reception of it at this time see: J. P. Estlin
(1747-1817) 'The Nature and Causes of Atheism' (Bristol, 1797); J. Priestley
(1733-1804) 'A Comparison of the Institutions of Moses with those of the
Hindoos' (Northumberland, Penn. 1799); J. F. van Beeck Calkoen (1772-
1811) 'De waare oorsprong der Mosaische en Christelyke Godsdiensten'
(Teyler's Stichting, 'Verhandelingen' pt. 19, Haarlem, 1800); A. L. C.
Destutt de Tracy 'Analyse raisonnee de l'origine de tous les cultes' (Paris,
1804); F. A. Becchetti 'La Filosofia degli anti,chi popoli' (Perugia, 1812);
C. H. de Paravey 'Illustrations de I'astronomie hieroglyphique' (Paris,
1835).
Hegel is evidently referring to the following passages (1795 ed.): 'La
premiere de ces formes du culte Solaire est celle d' Ammon, ou du Dieu
Soleil, pare des attributs du Belier celeste, lequel pendant bien des siecles,
precedoit immediatement le premier des signes, alors le Taureau, signe
444 . Hegel's Philosophy of Su~jective Spirit
35, 36
Kehler aetually wrote 'Dubois Dupuis' and, later on, 'Dubois'. Cf.
Griesheim p. 80. 'A Frenchman Dubois Dupuis' and, later on, 'Dubois'.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 445
This slip evidently originated in Hegel's notes: see those of 1820/22 ('Hegel-
Studien' vol. 7, 1972, Schneider 154 a), 'Dubois. Dupuis religion universelle
- Taurus, Aries, the Lamb, precession of equinoxes.'
J. A. Dubois (1765-1848), the French missionary, was well-known by the
1820'S on account of his 'Description ... of the People of India' (London,
1817), and his 'Letters on the State ofChristianity in India' (London, 1823).
37,29
Phil. Nat. § 361.
37,35
CharlesJoseph, Prince de Ligne (1775-1814) 'Fragments de I'Histoire de
ma Vie' (written c. 1796; ed. F. Leuridant, 2 vols. Paris, 1928) vol. 1 p. 314:
'Les sots rebelIes flamands m'invitent pour me mettre a la tete de la revolu-
tion Oll j'aurais eu beau jeu. Je leur fis dire que je ne me revoltais jamais
pendant l'hiver et je me donnai pas le peine de repondre a Vandernoot.'
Joseph II's reforms alienated certain interests in the Austrian Netherlands.
On I I th December 1789 the people of Brussels rose against the Austrian
garrison, and sixteen days later the states of Brabant declared their in-
dependence. The other provinces followed this lead, and on 11th January
1790 the whole formed itself into an independent state under the leadership
of a lawyer H. N. C. Vandernoot (1731-1827). The Austrians reasserted
their authority in November 1790, but the country was overrun by the
French in 1792, and de Ligne's estates in Brabant were confiscated.
See Paul Morand 'Le Prince de Ligne' (Paris, 1964) pp. 325-34 for a
bibliography. The complicated manuscript and publication history of these
'Fragments' is dealt with in detail by Leuridant (I, xxvi-lxvi), - it is not
at all certain what Hegel's source could have been. The general factors
involved in the precipitation of revolutions evidently interested hirn, for he
noted the following comment on the current insurrection in Portugal which
appeared in 'The Morning Chronicle' ofDec. 16th 1826, 'So far from man-
kind in general being fond ofrevolutions, it may be safely said that the great
body are always averse to changes. They hate to be driven from wh at they
have been accustomed to.' ('Hegel-Studien' vol. I I p. 48, 1976).
39, 2
Latin penus, eatables, food. The Roman gods of the store-room and kitchen,
often mentioned by Hegel. Their worship was forbidden by an ordinance of
Theodosius in 392 A.D. On their supposed origin, see Macrobius 'Saturnalia'
111+ There are Germanic counterparts: J. de Vries 'Altgermanische Re-
ligionsgeschichte' (2 vols. Berlin, 1970) § 135.
446 . Hegel's Philosophy rif Su~jectil'e Sp,:rit
39, 13
This was much discussed at the time: E. Martene (1654-1739) 'De
Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus' (3 vols. Antwerp, 1763/4); E. F. Wernsdorf
(1718-1782) 'De originibus Solemnium Natalis Christi' (Wittenberg, 1757);
J. C. W. Augusti (1771-1841) 'Denkwürdigkeiten aus der christlichen
Archäologie' (12 vols. Leipzig, 1817/31); A. J. Binterim (1779-1855) 'Die
vorzüglichsten Denkwürdigkeiten der christkatholischen Kirche' (7 vols.
Mainz, 1825)'
39, 17
Phil. Nat. 1H.147, I. K. F. Burdach (1776-1847), 'Die Physiologie als
Erfahrungs-Wissenschaft' vol. 3 (Leipzig, 1830), had no doubt about the
influence of the moon upon the insane, but J. M. Cox (1762-1822), in a
work consulted by Hegel, 'Practical Observations on 1nsanity' (London,
1804, Germ. tr. Halle, 1811), denies it. See 2nd ed. (1806) p. 16, 'I am
decidedly of the opinion, after much attentive observation, that the moon
possesses no ... power of regulating returns of the paroxysms of diseases of
the mind.'
39,3 6
Notes 357, 27; 371, 22.
4 1 ,4
John Selden (1584-1654) 'Table-Talk' (1686; Everyman ed. no. 906)
98 (p. 74): 'The Parliament Party do not play fair play, in sitting up till
two of the Clock in the Morning, to vote something they have a mind to.
'Tis like a crafty Gamester that makes the Company drunk, then cheats
them oftheir Money. Young men and infirm men go away.' Cf. 'The Times'
21st June 1975 p. 13 col. 6.
During the 1820'S, Hegel followed British Parliamentary events through
the reports in 'The Morning Chronicle' ('Hegel-Studien' vol. 1I, 1976).
Cf. K. Rosenkranz 'Psychologie' (2nd ed. Königsberg, 1843) p. 17.
41, 16
Phil. Nat. § 361.
4 1 ,33
C. L. J. de Guignes (1759-1845), 'Voyages a Peking, Manille, et l'tsle de
France, faits dans l'intervalle des annees 1784 a 1801' (3 vols. Paris, 1808)
1. 416: 'Mais, s'il fut etonne d'apprendre que nous eussions autant d'habilete
que ses compatriotes, nous l'avions ete bien davantage en voyant l'empereur
et ses ministres ... a faire tirer des feux d'artifice en plein jour, ou par un
beau cJair de lune.' Cf. 'Quarterly Review' H. 262 (November 1809).
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 447
43, 5
In 479 B.C. the Spartan regent Pausanias decisively defeated the P.ersians
under Mardonius near Plataea in Boeotia, and saved Greece from foreign
invasion. Orades and sacrifices evidendy played an important part in the
decision-making on both sides during the preliminary campaigns. See
Herodotus bk. IX, 'Once more, as they were about to engage with Mardonius
and his men, they performed the ritual of sacrifice. The omens were not
favourable; and meanwhile many of their men were killed ... Later the
sacrifiical victims promised success. At this, the Spartans, too at last moved
forward against the enemy ... ' etc.
Cf. G. Blecher 'De Extispicio Capita Tria' (Giessen, 1905). Hegel had
E. Clavier's (1762-1817) 'Memoire surles Orades des Anciens' (Paris, 1818)
in his library (List no. 656).
45, 4
On the merits of the 'Anabasis' as 'original history', see Phil. Hist. 3,
World Hist. 14. On Xenophon's attitude to orades, sacrifices and auspices,
see Hist. Phil. 1.424.
45,10
See 'Hegel-Studien' vol. IO pp. 21-2 (1975) for Hegel's lecture-notes
relating to the material dealt with in this Addition.
45, 24
Gottfried Reinhold Treviranus (1776-1837), 'Biologie, oder Philosophie
der lebenden Natur für Naturforscher und Aerzte' (6 vols. Göttingen, 1802-
1822). Although this is the only reference to the work in the printed part of
the 'Encydopaedia', Hegel often mentioned it in his leetures on the organic
sciences (Phil. Nat. III.405). He was probably attracted by the darity and
broadly 'speculative' nature of its general lay-out, and the wealth of empirical
detail with which Treviranus backs up his arguments. The work provides
an admirably comprehensive survey of the botanical and biological studies
of the time: - vol. I is concerned with the principles of botanical and
zoological classifieation: vol. II (1803) with the distribution of living beings;
vol. III (1805) with their history; vol. IV (1814) with plant and animal
nutrition; vol. V (18 I 8) with physiology, the motions of living beings and the
nervous system; and vol. VI with the connections between the physical and
the intellectual worlds.
In the second volume, mentioned here by Hegel, Treviranus begins by
calling attention to the 'reciprocal action' between the individual organism
and the 'organism of its total environment' (p. 3). He notices that living
beings are distributed all over the Earth, but that certain regions such as
the southernmost tip of the Americas are less favourable to life than others
(p. 28). He then enters upon an extended and analytical survey of plant
448 . Hegel's Philosophy of Suqjective Spirit
geography, and claims that the facts adduced make it evident that, 'in
respect of its distribution, the plant kingdom may be likened to a tree, the
trunk of which derives from the polar lands of the north, and the branches
of which spread forth over the Earth to the south, since they separate to an
ever greater extent as far as the southern limits ofthe warmer zone.' (p. 126).
The same general pattern is found in the distribution of the animal kingdom
(p. 20 3).
Treviranus notices the ostensibly prime importance of warmth and light
in determining the organism, and then asks how it is that the fauna and
flora of the southern hemisphere differ to such a great extent from those of
the corresponding climatic belts of the north (p. 437). It is at this point that
he draws upon the physics of his day and formulates the theory referred to
here by Hegel. He notices that there is a 'reciprocal action' between oxidiz-
able bodies consisting mainly of a modification of their chemical affinities,
arelease of negative and positive electricity, and an emergence of galvanic
polarity, that this reciprocal action is greatest between metals, that it is in-
creased by an increase in temperature, and that it has an effect upon living
being (pp. 440-2; cf. 'Phi!. Nat.' II 201). He suggests that the same reciprocal
action subsists between heavenly bodies such as the Earth, the Moon and
the Sun (p. 443), and then makes use of these postulated connections in
order to provide a solution to his original problem, '1fthis is so, it is probable
that this cosmic galvanism will be different in the northern and southern
hemispheres to the extent that there is a difference in their lay-out and
structure. And it is not difficult to see that there is a difference, the surface
of the northern half of the Earth consisting for the greater part of dry land,
and that of the southern half of sea-water. In the warmer zone of the
southern hemisphere moreover, there is a far greater abundance of precious
metals than in any other part of the Earth. Gold and silver are nowhere as
plentiful as they are in the hot regions of south America, Asia and Africa,
while iron and copper are more common in the northern half of the Earth.
Is it not likely that a force which shows itself to have such an effect upon the
living body on a small scale, should also have the most powerful influence
upon the whole of living nature? And is it not also likely that the differing
modification of this agency in the two halves of the Earth should be the
cause of the difference between the living products of the two hemispheres?'
(p. 45 1).
It is perhaps significant that although Hegel referred to this theory in the
1817 edition of the 'Encyclopaedia' (§ 312), and scarcely altered this part
of his text in the later editions, he seems never to have enlarged upon it in
the lecture-room. He may have felt that it involved too much physics to be
wholly valid at an organic let alone an anthropological level, that it was
probably being outdated by advances in palaeontology, and that although it
provided a possible explanation of an obviously important aspect of human
Notes 10 Volume T wo: Anthropology . 449
45, 29
This could be a reference to one of Kant's less fortunate attempts at
'philosophizing' upon this subject, see 'Muthmaßlicher Anfang der Menschen-
geschichte' ('Berlinischen Monatsschrift' 1786 vol. VII pp. 1-27), especially
the conclusion.
The treatment of Adam and Eve as historical personages was still fairly
common at this time, and still played a part in the conclusions reached in
scientific reasoning: J. F. Pierer 'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch' 1.70-75
(1816); J. S. T. Gehler 'Physikalisches Wörterbuch' IV. 1300/1 (1827);
J. E. von Berger (1772-1833) 'Grundzüge der Anthropologie' (Altona,
1824) p. 30 7.
45,35
Sir William Lawrence (1783-1867), in his notorious and frequently
pirated lectures (1816/19): 'I deern the moral and intellectual character of
the negro inferior, and decidedly so, to the European; and as this inferiority
arises from a corresponding difference in the organization, I must regard it
as his natural destiny, but I do not consider hirn more inferior than the other
dark races.' Quoted by P. B. Duncan (1772-1863) 'Essays and Miscellanea'
(2 vols. Oxford, 1840) II.276/7. Cf. C. Meiners (1747-1810) 'Ueber die
Natur der afrikanischen Neger und die davon abhängende Befreiung oder
Einschränkung der Schwarzen' ('Göttingischen historischen Magazin' VI.
385), who also emphasizes the inferiority ofthe negro and the unnaturalness
of treating hirn as the equal of the white man.
As Hegel notes, this attitude drew support from the idea that we are not
all descended from one couple: C. F. Werner 'Die Produktionskraft der
Erde, oder die Entstehung des Menschengeschlechts aus Naturkräften'
(Leipzig, 1819); A. Desmoulins (1796-1828) 'Histoire naturelle des races
humaines' (Paris, 1826); Nasse's 'Zeitschrift für die Anthropologie' IV.335-
60 (1826). It was quite common therefore, for those who were interested in
furthering the cause of negro emancipation, also to be intent upon es tab-
lishing the essential truth of the Biblical account of the origin of humanity.
J. C. Prichard (1786-1848) is an excellent example of a contemporary
anthropologist who combined such motivations: see his 'Researches into the
Physical History of Mankind' (1813; 3rd ed. 5 vols. London, 1836/47) I.
215/6: 'It may be affirmed that the phenomena ofthe human mind and the
moral and intellectual history of human races afford no proof of diversity
of origin in the families of men; that on the contrary ... we may perhaps
say, that races so nearly allied and even identified in all the principal traits
of their psychical character, as are the several races of mankind, must be
regarded as belonging to one species.'
450 . Hegel's Pltilosophy of Subjective Spirit
47,21
Peter Camper (1722-1 789) 'Sämmtliche kleine Schriften' (3 vols. Leipzig,
178I/go), 'For what makes us brown? ... What makes the Portuguese
families that have lived in Africa for many hundred years so like the Negroes
in colour? It is the climate, in so far as climate is taken to include both way
of life and diet.' Cf. Herder's 'Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte' (4 pts.
Riga and Leipzig, 1784/91) bk. VI iv; Kant 'Bestimmung des Begriffs
einer Menschenrace' (1785); J. E. von Berger 'Grundzüge der Anthro-
pologie' (Altona, 1824) pp. 260/1.
On the development of the Portuguese in Brazil, see the fascinating study
by G. Freyre 'The Masters and the Slaves' (London, Ig63).
47,33
Phil. Nat. II 1. 149, IgI. These ideas on the skin and the hair were in-
ftuenced by Goethe's 'Theory of Colours' vol. I § 655; § 669. Cf. C. F. Nasse
(1778- I 85 I) 'U eber das Physiologische in der Färbung der Menschenracen'
('Zeitschrift für die Anthropologie' 1825 ii pp. 220-90).
47,4 2
These curious remarks provide us with the key to Hegel's conception of
the interrelationship of the races. Whiteness of skin is superior to any
stronger pigmentation in that it shows forth what is internal or spiritual
with greater clarity and completeness. Although this somewhat forced con-
ception clearly has its roots in Hegel's general philosophical system, it also
owes something to the aesthetic classification championed by Herder : see
H. B. Nisbet 'Herder and the Philosophy of Science' (Cambridge, 1970)
pp. 229-30, and Camper: see note 51, 30.
Any idea of a development or evolution from the more primitive to the
more advanced seems to have been completely alien to Hegel's thinking on
this subject. The observation that the Caucasians and Georgians are de-
scended from the Turks indicates, however, that he entertained the possibi-
lity of the Caucasian area's being the cradle ofhumanity. This was a widely
accepted theory, the popular credibility ofwhich was inftuenced by attempts
to locate the site ofthe Garden ofEden. W. Liebsch (d. 1805) for example,
in his 'Grundriß der Anthropologie' (2 pts. Göttingen, 1806/8) pt. I p. 31 I
also discusses the beauty of the Caucasians and Georgians, and adds, 'that
Noles to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 45 I
there are a number of good reasons for supposing that the original abode
of our first parents, and the cradle of the human race, was in this area.' J. C.
Adelung's (1732- I 806) researches in comparative philology led hirn to a
similar conclusion: 'Mithridates, oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde' (3 vols.
Berlin, 1806/12).
For Hegel, therefore, racial variety was possibly the result of the de-
generation of an original white race under the influence of the climatic
differences between the regions into which it had migrated. He seems to
have shown little interest in the subject however, almost certainly because
the research of the time had failed to establish anything that might have
been regarded as a body of basically uncontroversial knowledge. Cf. E. A.
W. Zimmermann (1743-1815) 'Geographische Geschichte des Menschen'
(3 vols. Leipzig, 1778/83) 1.23.
48, I I
For 'Welt, hat' read 'Welt hat,'.
49,21
John Leyden (1775-181 I), 'Historical Account ofDiscoveries and Travels
in Africa' (ed. H. Murray, 2 vols. Edinburgh, 1817), gives an account of
the many endeavours, 'to penetrate into the depths of that mysterious world
in the interior, which, guarded by the most awful barriers of nature, in-
closed as with a wall, the fine and fertile shores of northern Africa.' Two of
Blumenbach's pupils, U. J. Seetzen (1767-181 I) and Heinrich Röntgen
(1787-1813) had distinguished themselves in the exploration of Africa by
the early years of the last century. R. Hallett 'The Penetration of Africa'
(London, 1965). Hegel regarded the account of Africa in his colleague
Karl Ritter's (1779-1859) 'Erdkunde' (Berlin, 1822) et seq. as the best
available: World Hist. 176.
49,35
This is little more than arestatement of the treatment of physical geo-
graphy in Phil. Nat. § 339 (III.23-24). Cf. 'The natural context or the
geographical basis of world history' , translated by H. B. Nisbet 'Hegel.
Lectures on ... World History' (introd. D. Forbes, Cambridge, 1975) pp.
152-196, and 'Philosophische oder vergleichende allgemeine Erdkunde'
(2 vols. Brunswick, 1845), by the Hegelian geographer Ernst Kapp (1808-
1896). H. M. Sass 'Die Philosophische Erdkunde des Hegelianers Ernst
Kapp' ('Hegel-Studien' vol. 8 pp. 163-81 , 1973).
5 1 ,30
On Pieter Camper (17 22- 1 78 9), see Phil. Nat. II1.35g. Hegel is referring
here to his 'Dissertation sur les varietes naturelles qui caracterisent la
physionomie des hommes des divers climats et differens ages' (tr. H. J.
452 . Heget' s Philosop~y oI Su~jective Spirit
J ansen, Paris and The Hague, 179 I). Most of Hegel's observations seem to
be drawn from this work, which is notable for its aesthetic approach to
comparative anatomy, Camper acknowledges the influence ofJ.J. Winckel-
mann upon his research es, and for the beautifully executed plates by means
of which he illustrates the geometrical terms in which he conceived of the
science of craniometry.
'En pla<;ant a co te des tetes du Negre et du Calmuque celles de l'Euro-
peen et du Singe, j'apper<;us qu'une ligne tiree du front jusqu'a la terre
superieure, indiquoit une difference dans la physionomie de ces peuples,
et faisoit voir une analogie marquee entre la tete du Negre et celle du Singe.
Apres avoir fait le dessin de quelques-unes de ces tetes sur une ligne hori-
zontale, j'y ajoutai les lignes faciales des visages, avec leurs differens angles;
et aussitöt que je faisois incliner la ligne faciale en avant, j'obtenois une
te te qui tenoit de l'antique; mais quandje donnois acette ligne une pente en
arriere, je produsois une physiognomie de Negre, et definitivement le profil
d'un singe, d'un Chien, d'une Becasse, a proportion queje faisois incliner plus
ou moins cette meme ligne en arriere. Voila les observations qui ont donne
lieu a cet ouvrage' (p. 12).
Thomas Pownall (1722-1805) 'New Collection of Voyages' (London,
1767) II.273, was the first to attempt to classify the ra ces by the shape of
the cranium.
5 1 ,3 8
On Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752-1840), see Phil. Nat. II I. 348.
Hegel is referring here to the general programme of anthropological re-
search laid down in his 'De Generis Humani Varietate Nativa' (Göttingen,
177 5). In the revised and extended 178 I edition of this work, the nisus
formativus, degeneration, climate, diet, hybridization are all taken to be
relevant to an understanding of racial differences, and an attempt is made
to enumerate the various features of humanity which distinguish it from
the animal world. The study of the cranium is part of a general study of the
head (§§ 48-64), which in its turn, is simply one aspect of anthropology as
a whole. Nevertheless, Blumenbach recognized that it was an important
aspect, and while Hegel was delivering these lectures, he was still engaged
in publishing his 'Collectionis suae craniorum diversarum gen ti um' (8 parts,
Göttingen, 1790- I 828), a description of sixty crania.
5 1 ,40
Evidently a reference to Goethe's own profile: see G. Schmid 'Goethe und
die Naturwissenschaften' (Halle, 1940) pp. 104-6.
52, 17
For 'Race' read 'Racen'.
Notes to Volume T wo,' Anthropology . 453
53,3
Sir John Chardin's (1643-1713) 'Travels into Persia and the East Indies'
(London, 1686; French, Amsterdam, 1711, reissued Paris, 1811) was at this
time the main source of information concerning the peoples inhabiting the
supposedly original homelands of the Caucasian race. Chardin had em-
phasized the beauty of the Georgians and Circassians. Attempts to locate
the site of the Garden of Eden strengthened still further the general view of
them as the original prototype of humanity, from which the other races had
degenerated: 'Göttingischen historischen Magazin' 11 no. I p. 110, no. 2
p. 270; J. F. Blumenbach 'Bildschöner Schedel einer Georgianerinn' in
'Abbildungen naturhistorischer Gegenstände' 6tes Heft no. 51 (Göttingen,
1802).
See Wilhelm Liebsch (d. 1805) 'Grundriß der Anthropologie' (2 pts.
Göttingen, 1806/8), who suggests that rice, corn, oxen and horses all origi-
nated in the Caucasian area, and (p. 297) that, 'The Caucasian race is to
be regarded as the central race, that which most closely approximates to
the prototype, and which has degenerated the least. It grades off into the
two extremes ofthe Mongolian formation on the one hand, and the Ethiopian
on the other. Between these two extremes and the central formation lie
the other two: the American race between the Caucasian and the Mon-
golian, and the Malayan between the Caucasian and the Ethiopian.' It is
quite evident from what follows that Hegel accepted this general classi-
fication. Liebsch's book is extremely useful, in that it provides a survey of
the other classifications of the races current throughout the eighteenth
century. J. C. Prichard's 'Researches into the Physical History of Mankind'
(2nd ed. 2 vols. London, 1826) is also useful as a general survey of the field.
53, 19
Liebsch (op. cit.) pp. 324-7 recognizes the Malays as aseparate race,
constituting the transition from the Caucasian to the Ethiopian. He is of
the opinion that the South Sea Islands could not have been populated
from America (p. 329). In some of his lectures on Anthropology, Hegel
mentioned the Islamic 'empire' ofJava (CI5th-CI8th): see 'Hegel-Studien'
vol. 10 p. 22 (1975), probablyon account of an acquaintance with Sir
Thomas RafHes' (1781-1826) 'History of Java' (2 vols. London, 1817),
and Wilhelm von Humboldt's work on the Kavi language ('Abh. d. Kgl.
Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin.' Aus dem Jahre 1832. Berlin, 1836. Th. 2-4).
53, 20
The population of the world at this time was estimated at between 500
and 900 million. See 'European Magazine' vol. 65 p. 476 (June, 1814):
Europe 170 million, Africa 90 million, Asia 380 million, North America
30 million, South America 20 million, islands 20 million. Cf. Ludwig
454 . Hegel's Philosophy of Su~jective Spirit
53, 3 1
Phil. Rel. 1.295.
53,33
Friedrich Bird (1791-1851) 'Bemerkungen über die Bedeutung des
Körperlichen für die Seelenthätigkeit' (Nasse's 'Archiv für die Anthropologie'
1826 iv p. 265): 'All the Europeans who have had anything to do with
Negroes are agreed that the Negro is a person with a strong propensity to
rage and revenge.' Cf. S. T. von Sömmerring (1755-1830) 'Ueber die
körperliche Verschiedenheit des Negers vom Europäer' (Frankfurt1M.
1785), Phil. Nat. III.316.
53, 34
The inherent spiritedness of the Negro was noticed by Jeronimo Lobo
(1593-1678) 'Historia geral da Ethiopia a Alta' (ed. B. TeIles, Coimbra,
1660), and the extensive use of this work throughout the eighteenth century
influenced the appreciative attitude to the race expressed in such a fine way
by Herder in his 'Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte' (1784/91) bk. VI iv.
Blumenbach made a point of emphasizing that we have 'enough examples
of talented Negroes' to prove that they are not ineducable: 'Bey träge zur
Naturgeschichte' pt. I p. 93 (Göttingen, 1806), 'Abbildungen' (Göttingen,
1810) no. 5: see 'The Anthropological Treatises' (tr. T. Bendyshe, London,
1865). Cf. Hume's 'Essays'; James Ramsay (1733-1789) 'An Essay on the
Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies'
(London, 1784); Thomas Clarkson (1760-1846) 'An Essay on the Slavery
and Commerce of the Human Species' (Dublin, 1786); Richard Nisbet
(1736-1804) 'The Capacity of Negroes for Religious and Moral 1mprove-
ment' (London, 1789) p. 10: 'We find hirn (the Negro) then in astate,
little differing from astate of nature; immersed in that ignorance of refine-
ment and of science, in which it pleased the Supreme Creator of us all, to
suffer countries now the most exquisitely polished, to remain for ages in the
earlier date of the world. 1t must still be observed, that we find hirn with all
the feelings and attachments of a rational being, nor with any peculiar
marks of depravity about hirn.'
55, 2
On 9th May 1801, Toussaint Louverture (1743-1803), the 'Buonaparte
of St. Domingo', the negro liberator of Haiti, issued a constitution for the
new state, the sixth article of which reads as follows: 'La religion catholique,
apostolique et romaine y est la seule publiquement professee. ' Naturally
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 455
55,4
World Hist. I 74-g0, 216-20, where Hegel cites specific examples and
mentions some of his sourees.
55, 17
World Hist. 156-9, 193, where such invasions are related to the basically
nomadic way of life. Cf. Phil. Hist. 169-72.
55, 25
Phil. Rel. 11.57-65. Cf. Phil. Hist. 169-72.
55, 33
Phil. Hist. 116-72; Aesthetics 1.74; Phil. Rel. I. 335- 11.65 Hist. Phil.
1.117-47·
57,28
Cornelius Pauw (1739-1799) 'Recherehes philosophiques sur les Egyptians
et les Chinois' (Berlin, 1773; Germ. tr. 1744) estimated that 30,000 children
a year were left to die of exposure in Peking alone. C. L. J. de Guignes
(1759-1845) 'Voyages a Peking' etc. (3 vols. Paris, 1808) 11.286, while not
denying the occurrence of infanticide in China, thought that Pauw had
grossly exaggerated its frequency. G. L. Staunton (1737-1801), 'An Authen-
tie account of the Earl of Macartney's Embassy' (2 vols. London, 1797,
Germ. tr. 1798), a work referred to elsewhere by Hegel (111.183, 36),
estimated that 2,000 were exposed each year in the capital. Cf. Sir John
Barrow (1764-1848) 'Travels in China' (London, 1804; Germ. tr. Weimar,
1804) p. 169; 'Quarterly Review' 11.265 (Nov. 1809).
In India in 1802, the Governor General in Council passed aresolution
prohibiting the sacrifice of children in the provinces of Bengal, Behar,
Orissa and Benares, and declaring the practice to be murder, punishable
with death. See Edward Moor (1771-1848) 'Hindu Infanticide' (London,
18 I l ), who also makes mention (p. 84) of the Chinese practice.
Cf. J. J. M. de Groot 'The Religious System of China' (6 vols. Leiden,
1892-1910) 11.679, IV.364; W. Crooke 'The Popular Religion ... of
Northern India' (Westminster, 1896) 11.169.
456 . Hegel' s Philosap~y qf Subjective Spirit
59,9
Phil. Re!. 11.209-18; see Otto Päggeler 'Hegel's Interpretation ofJudaism'
('The Human Context' vol. VI, no. 3 pp. 523-60, Autumn, 1974). Although
Mohammedanism is not treated separately in the Phil. Re!., Hegel does
compare and contrast it withJudaism (II.198) and Christianity (III.143/4).
61,35
Most general accounts of the American Indians made mention of their
apparent lack of virility: 'The beardless countenance and smooth skin of
the American seems to indicate a defect of vigour, occasioned by some vice
in his frame.' W. Robertson (1721-1793) 'The History of America' (2 vols.
London, 1777) IV.290 ; cf. W. Russell (1741-1793) 'TheHistoryofAmerica'
(2 vols. London, 1778) 1.353. A. von Humboldt estimated, at the turn of
the century, that there were about six million of the 'copper coloured race'
in the Americas: 'Personal Narrative of Travels' (Paris, 1814; Eng. tr. 7
vols. London, 1818/29) bk. III eh. ix p. 213.
61, 37
Phil, Hist. 81-7. A. von Humboldt (op. cit.) bk. III eh. ix p. 208: 'The
barbarism that prevails throughout these different regions is perhaps less
owing to a primitive absence of all kinds of civilization than to the effects
of a long degradation.'
Cf. S. J. Baumgarten (1706- 17 5 7) 'Allgemeine Geschichte... von
America' (Halle, 1752); J. F. Marmontel (1723-1799) 'The Incas' (2 vols.
London, 1777); A. de Solis (1610-1686) 'Historia de la conquista de Mexico'
(Madrid, 1684; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1750).
63,3
In Phil. Nat. (III.24, 16), Hegel characterizes America as, 'an incomplete
division like that of a magnet, separated as it is into a northern and a
southern part,' and he probably has this in mind when he mentions these
peoples from the two opposite extremities of the continent. It was assumed
that they had been driven into these inhospitable regions by the more powerjul
and capable tribes inhabiting the more congenial areas nearer the centre of
the continent: E. A. W. Zimmermann (1743-1815) 'Geographische Ge-
schichte des Menschen' (3 vols. Leipzig, 1778/83) 1.73; Kant 'Zum ewigen
Frieden' (1795; 'Werke' 1923, VIIL365). This view was current throughout
the nineteenth century: see C. W. F. Furlong's article in 'The Geographical
Review' III. i (1917), and has only been qualified of re cent years. G. J.
Butland, 'The Human Geography ofSouthern Chile' (London, 1957) p. 42,
has pointed out that the Yamana people, who live to the south of the
Alacaluf, have a much higher level of culture than their northern neighbours.
The Pescherois were the tribe inhabiting Dawson's Island in the Strait of
Magellan. They were first named by L. A. de Bougainville (1729- 18 I I)
Notes to Volurne Two: Anthropology • 457
'Voyage ... autourdu Monde' (Paris, 1771; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1783) p. 147.
John Byron (1723-1786) described them as, 'the poorest wretches I have
ever seen', Capt. Cook as, 'the most destitute and forlorn, as weIl as the
most stupid of all human beings' (Kerr's Voyages, 18 vols. London, 1824)
XI1.59, 65; 407/8. Darwin, 'Journal' (London, 1839) ch. X: 'I believe, in
this extreme part of South America, man exists in a lower state of improve-
ment than in any other part of the world.' In Germany 'pescherois' came
to be synonymous with wildman, troglodyte, caliban, aboriginal: 'Berliner
Monatschrift' 1.496 (1783), H. Steffens (1773-1845) 'Die gegenwärtige
Zeit' (2 pts. Berlin, 1817) 1.193.
Hegel's knowledge ofthe Eskimos was drawn fromJohn Ross (1777-1856)
'A Voyage ofDiscovery' (London, 1819): 'Berliner Schriften' p. 710; Phil.
Rel. 1.294. Cf. D. Cranz (1723-1777) 'Historie von Grönland' (2 vols.
Barby, 1765).
63,6
C. D. Rochefort (d. c. 1690) 'Historie ... de l'Amerique' (Rotterdam,
1658; Germ. tr. Frankfurt, 1668; Eng. tr. London, 1666), notes that the
Caribs, 'have not found anything so strange in their encounters with the
Ellropeans, as those Arms which spit Fire, and at so great a distance wound
and kill those whom they meet with.' (p. 272). On p. 308 he gives a detailed
account of the occasions for their drunkenness and debauchery. On their
sorry state at the end of the eighteenth century, see A. von Humboldt op.
cit. bk. IX ch. xxv.
63,8
This is predominantly but not entirely true. The first presidents of Mexico
and Colombia were Indians. What is more the Indians rose against the
Creoles in Upper Peru (Bolivia) in 1780, in Mexico between 1810 and 1815,
and in southern Chile between 1823 and 1830. S. de Madariaga 'The Fall
of the Spanish American Empire' (London, 1947); John Lynch 'The
Spanish American Revolutions 1808-1826' (London, 1974).
63, 19
See J. S. Vater 'Untersuchungen über Amerika's Bevölkerung' (Leipzig,
1810).
63,33
Certainly a reference to the Patagonians, about whom many taU stories
were told: see G. F. Coyer 'An Abstract of the relations of travellers of
different nations, concerning the Patagonians' (Brussels and London, 1767);
'Philosophical Transactions' vol. LVII p. 75 (1767); vol. LX p.20 (1770).
The first really reliable account of their physique was provided by John
Hawkesworth (1715 ?-1773) in bis much criticized but frequently reprinted
458 . Hegel' s Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
'Account of the Voyages ... in the Southern Hemisphere' (3 vols. London,
1773; Germ. tr. 3 pts. Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1775). See the description of
Capt. Samuel Wallis's voyage (1766/8), 'As I had two measuring rods with
me, we went round and measured those that appeared to be taUest among
them. One of these was six feet six inches high, several more were six feet five,
and six feet six inches, but the stature of the greater part of them was from
five feet ten to six feet. Their complexion is a dark copper-colour, like that
of the Indians in North America; their hair is straight, and nearly as harsh
as hog's bristles: it is tied back with a cotton string, but neither Sex wears
any head-dress. They are weIl-made, robust, and bony; but their hands and
feet are remarkably smaU.' Cf. Robert Kerr 'A General History and Col-
lection of Voyages and Travels' vol. XII p. 128 (London, 1824); Thomas
Falkner 'Of the Patagonians' (Darlington, 1775); E. G. Cox 'A Reference
Guide to the Literature ofTravel' vol. 10 p. 283 (Seattle, 1938).
63, 38
Prince Maximilian of Neuwied (1782-1867) was inspired with an interest in
anthropology by J. F. Blumenbach. He is well-known for his scientific
expeditions to Brazil (1815-1817) and Missouri (1832-1834), both ofwhich
were thoroughly prepared and successfully carried out, and gave rise to two
carefuUy written and informative works: 'Reise nach Brasilien' (2 vols.
Frankfurt/M. 1820/1), and 'Reise durch Nordamerika' (1828/41). Cf. P.
Wirtgen 'Zum Andenken an Prinz Maximilian zu Wied, sein Leben und
wissenschaftliche Thätigkeit' (1867); H. Plischke 'J. F. Blumenbachs Ein-
fluss auf die Entdeckungsreisenden seiner Zeit' (1937).
Hegel is evidently referring to the Botocudo the prince brought back with
hirn ('Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie' vol. 23 p. 560, 1886). The prince
made a careful study of the language and customs of this people (op. cit.
vol. II ch. I and pp. 302-30). They were then usually known as the Aimores,
and had come into conflict with the whites at the elose of the 18th century
when diamonds were discovered in the Minas Geraes area.
J. B. Spix (1781-1826) and K. F. P. Martius (1794-1868), 'Reise in
Brasilien' (3 pts. Munich, 1823, 1828, 1831), give an exhaustive list of the
fauna and flora they brought back from Brazil (III p. 1387), but make no
mention ofhaving brought any natives. Hegel may have noted the foUowing
(I pp. 213-14): 'Der allgemeine Ra<;ezug, hinbrütender Stumpfsinn und
Verschlossenheit, der sich besonders in dem irren trüben Blicke und dem
scheuen Benehmen des Americaners ausspricht, wird bei dem ersten Schritt
in die Reflexionsstufe durch den ihm noch ganz fremdartigen Zwang der
Civilisation und des Umgangs mit Negern, Mestizen und Portugiesen bis
zu dem traurigsten Bilde innerer Unzufriedenheit und Verdorbenheit
gesteigert. '
Cf. 'Phil. Nat.' II. 298-300.
Notes 10 Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 459
65,7
Although it seems natural enough to treat national (§ 394) as particu-
larizations of racial (§ 393) characteristics, and both as having their immedi-
ate origin in the natural environment (§ 392), such a sequence was by no means
common in the works on anthropology published during Hegel's lifetime.
A notable exception is J. E. von Berger's (1772-1833) 'Grundzüge der
Anthropologie' (Altona, 1824), in which the 'Localgeister der Erde', an
uncommon expression at that time, are also mentioned (p. 304).
65,9
Note 47, 42. This remark confirms the view that Hegel was uncertain
about the degeneration theory and had no conception of evolution: cf. Phil.
Nat. 111.22, 33. See the opening sentence of Milton's 'History of England' :
'The Beginnings of Nations, those excepted of whom Sacred Books have
spoken, is to this Day unknown.'
Had the genetics and embryology of the time been more advanced, and
had Hegel known more about these subjects (Phil. Nat. 111.229-32), his
emphasis upon the importance of environment, which might profitably be
compared with that of Lysenko, would almost certainly have been rather
more carefully qualified.
65, 18
Henry Koster sailed for Brazil from Liverpool on 2nd November 1809, and
finally left the country to return to England in the spring of 1815. He rented
a sugar plantation at Jaguaribe, four leagues north ofRecife in the province
of Pernambuco, and had a modey crew of Indians, mulattoes, free negroes
and slaves working for hirn. He published an account of his experiences
during these years, 'Travels in Brazil' (London, 1816; 2nd ed. 2 vols.
London, 1817), and Hegel is evidendy referring to the following passage in
it (pp. 120-1; 2nd ed. vol. I pp. 189-90): 'Some of. .. (the Indians) are
resolute, and sufficiently courageous, but the general character is usually
supposed to be cowardly, inconstant, devoid of acute feelings, as forgetful
of favours as of injuries, obstinate in trifles, regardless of matters of im-
portance. The character of the negro is more decided; it is worse, but it is
also better. From the black race the worst of men may be formed, but they
are capable likewise of great and good actions. The Indian seems to be with-
out energy or exertion, devoid of great good or great evil. Much may be
said at the same time in their favour; they have been unjustly dealt with,
they have been trampled upon, and afterwards treated as children; they
have been always subjected to those who consider themselves their superiors,
and this desire to govern them has even been carried to the direction of
their domestic arrangements. But no, - if they are a race of acute beings,
capable of energy, of being deeply interested upon any subject, they would
460 . Hegel's Philosop/!V of Subjective Spirit
do more than they have done. The priesthood is open to them, but they
do not take advantage of it. * I never saw an Indian mechanic in any of the
towns; there is no instance of a wealthy Indian; rich mulattoes and negroes
are by no means rare.'
Koster's account of the racial characteristics of the negroes and Indians
is confirmed by the Prince of Neuweid (op. cit.) vol. 1. p. 78. Since Hegel
read 'The Quarterly Review', it is possible that he is referring here to the
review of Koster's book which appeared in this journal in January, 1817
(no. XXXII pp. 344-87). See esp. p. 366, where the passage quoted is
mentioned, and the review er comments on it as follows, 'This is a melancholy
picture, drawn as it is by one who would willingly think better of the race
if he could. But without inciining to the preposterous system of Helvetius,
it may be affirmed that all this is the effect of unfavourable circumstances,
and wretched education, degrading the parents generation after generation,
and thus by moral means producing a physical degeneracy. The fault is in
the mould, not in the materials.'
Since Hegel mentions 'ten or twelve years' as the length of Koster's stay
in Brazil, and other accounts of the South American Indians, he mayaiso
have had in mi nd the book by the Berlin doctor Philip Fermin (1729-1813)
'An Historical ... View ... of Surinam ... By a Person who lived there for
ten years' (French, 2 vols. Amsterdam, 1769; Dutch tr. Harlingen, 1770;
Germ. tr. Brunswick, r 776; Eng. tr. London, 1781). Fermin gives an ex-
tensive and detailed ac count of the Indians which is in substantial agree-
ment with Koster's (1769 ed. vol. chs. iv-ix). Cf. John Luccock (I77o-r826)
'Notes on ... Brazil, Taken during a Residence of Ten Years in That
Country from 1808 to r818' (London, 1820), a work which contains refer-
ences to the 'ignorance or negligence of the Brazilians' (p. 359), and to the
employment of negro seamen on the slave-ships (p. 592), but which does
not deal with racial characteristics in any detail.
65, 19
The Prince of Neuwied (vol. I p. 78) evidently gives more details than
Koster concerning this case, 'In Minas Gerac"s there was a priest who was an
Indian, and who came, moreover, frorn one of the more uncivilized tribes.
He was universally respected, and lived in his parsonage for a number of
years; then, suddenly, he was rnissing, and it was discovered that he had cast
off his vestrnent and run off naked into the jungle with his brothers, where
he cohabited with a number of wornen, after having seemed for many years
to have thoroughly assimilated the doctrines he had preached.'
* I heard, from good authority, that there are two instances of Indians having been
ordained as secular priests, and that both of these individuals died from excessive
drinking.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 46 I
65,33
Cf. WOJ'ld Hist. 164-5. Between 1610 and 1760, the Guarani Indians
inhabiting the southern grasslands and river plains of Paraguay were ruied
by theJesuits. In order to protect the tribe from the rapacity ofthe colonists,
the fathers established economically self-sufficient settlements capable of
self-defence. The paternalistic theocracy they established proved to be
immensely successful: 'The missionaries had the prudence to civilize the
savages in some measure, before they attempted to convert them. They did
not pretend to make them Christians, till they had made them men. As soon
as they had got them together, they began to procure them every advantage
they had promised them, and induced them to embrace Christianity, when,
by making them happy, they had contributed to render them tractable.'
G. T. F. Raynal (1713-1796) 'L'Histoire ... des etablissements ... dans les
deux Indes' (4 vols. Amsterdam, 1770; Eng. tr. 6 vols. London, 1798) III. I 74.
When Charles III issued the decree banishing the Jesuits from his
dominions in 1767, the seventy-eight missions were responsible for the
welfare of 2 I ,036 families, and owned 724,903 cattle, 230,384 sheep, 99,078
horses, 46,936 oxen, 13,905 mules and 7,505 asses. Once the Jesuits had
gone, the settlements were soon plundered, and fell into decay. The
capital Candelaria had 3,064 inhabitants in 1767, and only 700 in 1814.
P. F. X. de Charlevoix 'Historie du Paraguay' (3 vols. Paris, 1756; Germ.
tr. Nuremberg, 1768); J. de Escandon and B. Nusdorfer 'Geschichte von
Paraguay' (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1769); P. F. Pauke (1719-1780) 'Reise
in den Missionen nach Paraguay' (ed. P. J. Frast, Vienna, 1829); G. E.
Schulze 'Psychische Anthropologie' (3rd ed. Göttingen, 1826) pp. 70-1.
67, 19
Hegel emphasizes the geographical factors determining world history in
World Hist. 152-96. The discussion of national characteristics which follows
here is such a commonplace in the literature of the time, that there is no
point in attempting to indicate specific sources 01' influences. The teleological
arrangement, ending with the Germans, is Hegel's, but since the Germans
too are subsequently treated, together with all other peoples, as individual
subjects (§ 395), subject to natural changes etc. (§ 396 et seq.), the world-
historical significance of this should not be exaggerated.
The topic was evidently ofpersonal interest to Hegel, see 'Berliner Schriften'
pp. 7 1 5-8.
Hume's essay 'Of National Characters' 01' perhaps Goldsmith's 'The
TravelleI" , seem to have initiated the vogue of relaxed philosophizing on
the subject. J. G. Zimmermann's delightful 'Vom Nationalstolze' (Carls-
ruhe, 1783) became a best-seIler, Kant, quoting Hume, considered national
characteristics at some length in his lectures on Anthropology, and by the
462 . Hege!'s Philosophy of Suhjective Spirit
turn of the century discussion of this kind had become a well-established
literary and philosophical genre in both England and Germany.
It may be worth noting that C. F. Pockels (1757-1814), in 'Der Mann'
(4 vols. Hanover, 1805/8) 11.52-103, considers the national characteristics
of the Greeks, Romans, Italians, Spaniards, French, English and Germans,
in that order, and that his characterization of the Germans resembles Hegel's.
67,23
C.-F. Volney (1757-1820), 'Travels through Syria and Egypt' (2 vols.
Dublin, 1793) 11.541/2, quotes Hippocrates on the character of the Asiatics
of his time, and then comments that: 'This is precisely the definition of the
Orientals of our day; and what the Grecian philosopher has said of some
particular tribes, who resisted the power of the great king and his Satraps,
corresponds exactly with what we have seen of the Maronites, the Curds,
the Arabs, Shaik-Daher, and the Bedouins.' Cf. pp. 530-57; 'Quarterly
Review' vol. 23 pp. 279/80 (1820).
67,33
'Commentarii de bello Gallico'. De Tocqueville makes the same point
in 'De I' Ancien regime.'
69,5
See World Hist. 159-61, where Hegel waxes almost Iyrical on the subject
of the sea. Cf. H. Tinker 'A New System of Slavery. The Export of Indian
Labour Overseas 1830-1920' (Oxford, 1974).
69, 28
Phil. Hist.: the major divisions being the Oriental, the Greek, the Roman
and the German worlds.
71 ,28
Phi!. Hist. 258-71; Hist. Phil. I. 166-487, 11.1-453.
73, 17
This observation is such a complete contradiction of what nearly all the
numerous travellers of the time had to say about the love-life of the women
of Italy, that it must either be based upon 'Romeo and Juliet' or personal
experience.
Hegel had J. B. Dupaty's 'Sentimental Letters on Italy' (Rome, 1788;
Eng. tr. London, 1789) in his library (see nos. 1242/4)' and this work is
explicit enough: 'Love among the Roman women is an amusement, an
intrigue, or a caprice, and but for a short time a kind ofpropensity; for they
wear it off extremely fast.' (Letter LXIII.)
73,34
Hegel, born in Stuttgart, was lecturing in Berlin.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 463
75,33
The Spanish Inquisition was instituted with Papal approval by Ferdinand
and IsabeIla in 1479. It was abolished in 1808, reintroduced in 1814, and
finally suppressed in 1820. The subject was therefore in the news at this
time, see: J. B. White (1775-1841) 'A Letter upon the mischievous Influence
of the Spanish Inquisition' (London, 181 I); 'Quarterly Review' XI1.313-
57 (December 181 I) ; J. LavalIee 'Histoire des inquisitions reIigieuses d'I talie,
d'Espagne et de Portugal' (2 vols. Paris, 1809); J. A. Llorente 'Histoire
critique deI'Inquisition d'Espagne' (4 vols. Paris and Würzburg, 1817/18).
In order to grasp the full force of the adjective 'African', see the frightful
examples of inhumanity discussed in World Hist. 182-90.
75, 36
When Cola di Rienzi (c. 1313-1354) led the Roman revolution in May
1347 and then extended his power throughout Italy, Petrarch addressed
a Latin letter to hirn in wbich he congratulated hirn on his achievements,
calling hirn the new Camillus, Brutus and Romulus, and urged hirn to
continue his great and noble work. Cf. the 'Edogues' no. 5. The letters
Petrarch addressed to Charles IV during the four years preceding his
coronation in Rome on 5th April 1355 are an expression ofthe same political
ideals: see M. E. Consenza 'Petrareh and the Revolution of Cola di Rienzo'
(Chicago, 1913); J. A. Wein 'Petrarch's Politics' (Thesis, Columbia Univ.,
1960).
77,39
F. A. Carus (1770-1807) makes many ofthe same points about the French
in bis 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) pt. 11. See p. 137: 'The French-
man's wit derives from his naivety and superficiality, and a consequent
facility of combination. This facility is apparent in his whole mental make-
up, in the ease with which his vindictiveness turns to satire or repartee.'
79, 26
It is perhaps worth observing that many of the English books of the time
devoted to the subject-matter dealt with in these lectures, were adorned
with quotations from English poets: see, for example, William Pargeter's
'Observations on Maniacal Disorders' (Reading, 1792; Germ. tr. Leipzig,
1793). We were regarded by our German colleagues in these fields as
individualistic in approach, see E. F. W. Heine's introduction (p. V) to his
translation ofWilliam Perfect's 'Annals of Insanity' (1803; Hanover 1804),
and as practical and empiricist in our methods: F. C. A. Heinroth 'Lehrbuch
der Störungen des Seelenlebens' (2 pts. Leipzig, 1818) 1.136; F. A. Carus
op. cit. pp. 142-3.
79,37
See Hegel's article on 'The English Reform Bill' (1831).
464 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
81,6
J. F. Fries (1773-1843), 'Handbuch der Psychischen Anthropologie' (2
vols. Jena, 1820/1) 1.289-95, deals in detail with 'The Passions of Com-
mercial Life' i.e. covetousness, imperiousness, diligence, thrift, avarice,
greed etc. Hegel had]. B. Say's 'De l'Angleterre et des Anglais' (Paris, 1815)
in his library (list no. 1192).
81,25
Cf. Phil, Right § 216. Shakespeare 'King Lear' (1605/6) I.iv. 347:
'Striving to better, oft we mar what's weIl.'
81,28
Logic §§ 120-3.
83, 20
Cf. Carus op. cit. pp. 147/8, whose characterization of the Germans is
similar. Madame de Stael's 'De l'Allemagne' (1813) was the most important
literary contribution to the general European view of Germany and the
Germans at this time: 'Quarterly Review' X.355-409 (January 1814).
These paragraphs on national characteristics should be compared with the
treatment of 'The Modern Time' which concludes the lectures on World
History (pp. 412-57).
85,21
Cf. the transitionfrom thefamily to civil society in the Phil. Right §§ 181-2.
85,27
This definition of natural disposition or 'Naturell' is in substantial agree-
ment with the accepted usage of the time. Nevertheless, by using the origin
of the word, and treating such a disposition as the immediate antecedent of
temperament and character, Hegel does manage to give a preciser meaning
and clearer significance to what is under consideration, - the major transi-
tion from nature to the soul being exactly paralleled or reproduced in this
minor one.
]. Hillebrand (1788-1871) 'Die Anthropologie als Wissenschaft' (Mainz,
1823) pp. 385-96: 'Das Naturell. Jeder Mensch trägt in seiner bestimmten
Beschlossenheit von Anbeginn oder ursprünglich eine Grunddisposition seines
Wesens, welcher gemäß sein Seelenleben nothwendig, d.h. ohne sein Zuthun,
eine bloß ihm angehörig Richtungs- und Aeußerungsweise in seinem natürlichen
Entwickelungsgange offenbart ... Weil diese Basis des psychischen Lebens
eines Jeden ihm mittelst der unbegreiflichen Verbindung und Ordnung des
Daseynlichen selbst gesetzt wird, ist sie zu betrachten als zugetheilt von der
Natur im weitern Sinne, d.h. durch die ursprüngliche Einrichtung der Dinge.
Daher auch der Ausdruck Naturell, den man mit Naturanlage vertauschen
kann.' Kant 'Anthropologie' (1798) pt. 2 A I.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 465
85, 28
'Anlagen' or endowments are therefore specific aspects of the basic natural
disposition. Genetics would now be used in order to reach an understanding
of them, but the subject had scarcely been developed a century and a half
ago, and Hegel seems to have known next to nothing about it (Phil. Nat.
III.229-32). J. C. A. Heinroth (1773-1843) 'Lehrbuch der Anthropologie'
(Leipzig, 1822) p. 149: 'The word 'endowment' signifies propensity for a
certain activity. In respect of simply natural things, this propensity is a seed
if it pertains to a plant, an instinct if it pertains to an animal. The word
'endowment' is only used of human beings, who are capable of generating
freedom, and ought to develop freely.'
'Experience teaches us that one person will grasp, leam, comprehend or
copy something more easily than another; that he will acquire abilities,
more rapidly and with less effort, and often of his own accord and without
any help, which another is incapable of acquiring even with the best in-
struction and the greatest effort. For example, one person will find it quite
impossible to distinguish aseries of notes, or even reproduce one note
correctly, while another is capable of reproducing whole musical composi-
tions after having only heard them once. It is these accomplishments of
human nature, on ac count ofwhich it may be easily educated in one respect
or another, that we call endowments or aptitudes.' J. F. Pierer 'Medizinisches
Realwörterbuch' I.276 (Leipzig and Altenburg, 1816).
Cf. J. G. Steeb (1742-1799) 'Ueber den Menschen, nach dem hauptsäch-
lichen Anlagen in seiner Natur' (3 vols. Tübingen, 1785); P. A. Stapfer
(1766- I 840) 'Die fruchtbarste Entwickelungsmethode der Anlagen des
Menschen' (Bem, 1792); K. H. L. Pölitz (1772-1838) 'Populäre Anthro-
pologie, oder Kunde von dem Menschen nach seinen sinnlichen und
geistigen Anlagen' (Leipzig, 1800); D. T. A. Suabedissen (1773-1835) 'Die
Grundzüge der Lehre von dem Menschen' (Marburg and Cassel, 1829) pp.
325-34.
85, 32
The widespread discussion of this distinction between genius and talent
in Germany during Hegel's lifetime, seems to have been an extension of the
earlier English debate: see the bibliography provided by C. P. Pockels
(1757-1814) in 'Der Mann' (4 vols. Hanover, 1805/8) III.398: Edward
Young (1683-1765) 'Conjectures on original composition' (London, 1759);
William Duff (1732-1815) 'An Essay on Original Genius' (London, 1767);
Alexander Gerard (1728-1795) 'Essay on Genius' (London, 1774); Hugh
Blair (17I8-1800) 'Lectures on Rhetoric and BeIles Lettres' (3 vols. Dublin,
1783).
'Anthropologists' were generally agreed that genius and talent were natural
endowments (Pierer op. cit. III.505-9, 1819). Kant 'Anthropologie' (1798)
§§ 57-9 defined, 'the genius of a person as the exemplary originality of his
466 . Hegel's Philosop~y 0/ Subjective Spirit
talent,' and, as is evident from Hegel's observations, the concept of unbridled
genius soon gave rise to the natural re action of pointing out that the re-
alization of such exemplary originality involved ratiocination and hard
work. F. A. Carus (1770-1807) 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) 1.260-
74; H. B. von Weber 'Handbuch der psychischen Anthropologie' (Tübingen,
1829) pp. 160-4; O. Pöggeler 'Hegels Kritik der Romantik' (1956).
87, 19
Cf. 317, 16-23. Vera (1.158 note 3) discusses apparent difficulties here.
He refers to the Socratic question of whether or not virtue can be taught,
and concludes: 'que l'enseignement ne saurait engendrer la vertu si les
germes n'en existaient pas dans l'esprit, mais qu'en meme temps la vertu ne
saurait accomplir son oeuvre, se realiser, sans l'enseignement, quels qu'en
soient d'ailleurs la form et le degre.'
For Hegel, virtue is an aspect of objective, not of subjective spirit, an
essentially social matter: see § 5 I 6: 'The ethical duties of individuals are the
relations between them in the relationships into which the substance parti-
cularizes itself. Virtue is the ethical personality, i.e. the subjectivity which
is permeated by the substantial life.'
87,27
Since Hegel is daring enough to reinstate the four elements of air, fire,
water and earth in his 'Physics' (Phil. Nat. §§ 282-5), one might have
expected hirn to make more of their' equivalents at this level. Cf. 'Hegel-
Studien' vol. 10 p. 23 (1975). The doctrine of the four temperaments was
first elaborated by Galen (d. c. 200 A.D.), who accepted the generalization
of the elements into dry, hot, wet and cold, the four qualities, and then found
its physiological counterpart in the doctrine of the four humours, - blood,
choler, phlegm and black bile. His theory of the four temperaments, - sanguin,
choleric, phlegmatic and melancholy, is a reproduction of this physiological
doctrine at a psychologicallevel. Cf. Aristotle 'De Anima' 404b; R. E. Siegel
'Galen's System ofPhysiology and Medicine' (Basel and New York, 1968); E.
Schöner 'Das Vierer schema in der antiken Humoralpathologie' (Wiesbaden,
1964) .
On account of its simplicity, clarity and adaptability, and, it must be
admitted, on account of the general stagnation of the psychological sciences,
this doctrine not only survived into the eighteenth century, but was actually
elaborated and developed by as distinguished and accomplished a teacher
and physician as H. A. Wrisberg (1739-1808): see his edition of Albrecht
von Haller's (1708- 1777) 'Grundriß der Physiologie' (ed. H. M. von
Leveling, Erlangen, 1796; 4th ed. 1821).
This work, together with Kant's treatment of the subject (note 89, 9),
provided the basis of most of the expositions that appeared during the
opening decades of the last century. Although, as Hegel notes, there was
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology • 467
89, 1
Aesthetics 1227, where French and Italian drama are mentioned. Ben
Jonson's (1572-1637) comedy of humours is a good English example of
what Hegel has in mind.
89,8
Plato 'Republic' bk. 4: wisdom, fortitude, temperance and justice; St.
Thomas Aquinas 'Summa Theol.' I-II qu. 61.
89,9
'Anthropologie' (Königsberg, 1798) pt. 2 A II. Kant notes the physio-
logical and psychological aspects, evidently enjoys contemplating the various
distinctions and combinations, provides some excellent character studies in
468 . Hege/' s Philosoph). of Sukjective Spirit
89, 37
This viewing of the temperaments in the light of their social context
contrasts sharply with the physiological approach predominant at the time
(note 87,27).
90, 21
The following passage, 'z.B. das Stottern ... ' etc., IS taken from the
Griesheim manuscript.
9 1 ,24
See P.]. Schneider (1791-1871) 'Fragment ... betreffend meine Methode
Menschen ... von den Uebel des Stotterns ... zu befreien' (Cologne, 1835).
9 1 ,34
Hegel spent three years in Berne, 1793-1796, as a private tutor: see H. S.
Harris 'Hegel's Development' (Oxford, 1972) ch. III.
93,3
Cf. the various references to character in the Aesthetics (p. 1246). G. H.
Schubert (1780- 1860) in 'Die Geschichte der Seele' (Stuttgart and Tübingen,
1830) pp. 476-89, relates character to natural endowment and tempera-
ment in much the same way as Hegel does. It was more usual, however,
to regard it as an acquisition rather than an endowment: see H. B. von Weber
'Handbuch der psychischen Anthropologie' (Tübingen, 1829), where it is
taken to be the sublation of the passions, and it is observed that, 'durch die
Natur schon gelangt der Mensch nie zu dem Character, sondern nur und
zwar allmälig (sic) nur durch eigene Kraftanwendung, durch freie und
lebendige Aneignung' (p. 349)' Cf. F. A. Carus (1770-1807) 'Psychologie'
(2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) II.I2I-5; D. T. A. Suabedissen (1773-1835) 'Die
Grundzüge der Lehre von dem Menschen' (Marburg and Cassel, 1829)
pp. 334-46.
93, 12
Hegel probably derived this information indirectly from 'Second Treatise
Declaring the Nature and Operations of Mans Soul' (London, 1669) pt. II
pp. 187-8 by Sir Kenelm Digby (1603-65), ' ... the strange Antipathy which
the late King James had to a naked sword; whereof the cause was ascribed
to some Schotch Lords, entring once ~iolently into the Bed-Chamber of the
Queen his Mother, while she was with child of hirn, where her Secretary,
an Italian, was dispatching some letters for her: whom they hack'd and
kill'd with naked swords, before her face, and threw hirn at her feet ... I
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 469
93, 14
In treating idiosyncrasies as of 'a still more individual kind', Hegel was
probably influenced by F. A. Carus (1770-1807), who distinguished broadly
between general, special and individual psychology, and placed idio-
syncrasies within the third category, 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808)
vol. 11 p. 349. The distinction between physical and spirital idiosyncrasies
was not at all usual, although it is by means of it that Hegel gives the word
a connotation closely resembling its English meaning.
The German text-books of the time usually confined themselves to the
discussion of physical 'idiosyncrasies', see the definition given by G. H.
Richerz (1756-1791) 'Antipathy or idiosyncrasy is a permanent, not a
temporary sensitivity, which gives rise to our experiencing extremely un-
pleasant sensations on account of certain things generally recognized as
being innocuous. Awareness ofthese things can also give rise to odd changes
in the body and peculiar involuntary movements. The objects of these
antipathies vary almost as much as the people in whom they are to be
observed, and there is perhaps nothing in nature which is not offensive to
someone in this way.' L. A. Muratori (1677-1750) 'Ueber die Einbil-
dungskraft' (Leipzig, 1785) pt. 11 p. 246. J. F. Abel (1751-1829), 'Samm-
lung und Erklärung merkwürdiger Erscheinungen' (Frankfurt and
Leipzig, 1784) pp. 178-9, lists a number of such cases concerning nutmeg,
cinnamon, honey, snuff etc.
Muratori (op. cit. p. 253) explains antipathy to cats in physical terms: 'It
is very likely that in many cases these curious reactions are elicited by the
fine efHuvia emitted by cats, which can only be sensed by certain noses.'
D. Tiedemann (1748-1803) 'Untersuchungen über den Menschen' (3 pts.
470 Hegel's Philosophy of Subjeetive Spirit
Leipzig, 1777/8) I pp. 2S8-9 raises the possibility of its being a matter of
associated ideas however; cf. C. A. F. Kluge (1782-1844) 'Versuch einer
Darstellung des animalischen Magnetismus' (2nd ed. Berlin, 181S) § 20S.
Hegel may be representing 'idiosyncratic' illness: 'What we call idio-
syncrasy is the capacity possessed by those who are ill for identifying precisely
the objects which are inftuencing them in this way, and giving rise to the
unpleasant feelings.' F. Hufeland (1774-1839) 'Ueber Sympathie' (2nd
ed. Weimar, 1822) p. 9S.
93,20
Cf. the heading ofthis main seetion (2S, 18). Hegel evidently has in mind
the corresponding position of the categories of quality in the Logic (§§ 86-g8).
9S,22
§§ 481-2, i.e. as the immediate antecedent of the treatment of the will in
§§ 4-16 of the Phil. Right.
99,6
§§ 371-S (Phil. Nat. IILI93-210).
99,3 2
In death, the universality of the genus predominates over the singularity
of the animal (§ 37S)' In the act of dying however, it is not the genus, but
the animal itselj which exhibits the passing of the singular into the universal
i.e. its own individuality. At the physical or natural level this is an abstract
individuality however, the complete fulfilment of which involves the whole
course of the Philosophy of Spirit. Within the individual anthropologically
considered, the universality ofthe physical genus has its spiritual counterpart
in the universality of rationality. At this level however, this is nothing more
than the parallel of the physical development.
101, IS
'Räsonnement' has the added connotations of being facile, shallow,
showy, superficial.
101, 18
'Avec l'äge on devient sage.' Cf. 1.117, 30.
101,22
Among Hegel's notes from the Berlin period, there is an extract from the
review ofJohn Evelyn's 'Memoirs' published in April, 1818 in 'The Quarterly
Review' (vol. XIX p. 30 lines 40-2). In his 'Fragment on the Philosophy
of Spirit' (LII9, 3), he refers to Evelyn while discussing precocity, and it
seems reasonable to suppose therefore, that he intended to illustrate the
phenomenon with Evelyn's account of his son Richard, quoted on p. 28 of the
review: '16S8. 27 Jan. After six fits ofan ague died my son Richard, S years
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . -471
and 3 days old onely, but at that tender age a prodigy for witt and und er-
standing. .. at 2 years and halfe old he could perfecdy reade any of ye
English, Latin, French, or Gottic letters, pronouncing the 3 first languages
exacdy ... The number of verses he could recite was prodigious, and what
he remember'd of the parts of playes, which he would also act; ... he had a
wonderful disposition to mathematics, having by heart divers pro positions
of Euclid that were read to hirn in play, and he would make lines and
demonstrate them.' Cf. 'Memoirs illustrative of the Life and Writings of
John Evelyn, Esq. F.R.S. (ed. William Bray, 2 vols. London, 1819) vol. I
pp. 299-300; see also the ac count of William Wotton (1666-1727) vol. I
pp. s08-9·
Several similar ca ses might have been cited: Christian Heinrich Heinecken
(172 I - I 72S), C. von Schoeneich 'Merkwürdiges Ehren-Gedächtniss von ...
Heinecken' (Hamburg, 1726) ;Johann Philipp Baratier (1172 I-I 740),]. H. S.
Formey 'La Vie de M. Jean Phillippe Baratier' (Frankfurt and Leipzig,
17SS); J. H. F. K. Witte (1800-1883), K. H. G. Witte 'Karl Witte, oder:
Erziehungs- und Bildungsgeschichte desselben' (Leipzig, 1819). The best
known mathematical prodigy ofHegel's day was the American Zerah Colburn
18°4-184°), who was first exhibited by his father in 1810. The extraordinary
calculating abilities of J edidiah Buxton (17°7- 1772) were also well-known
in Germany, see C. P. Moritz and C. F. Pockels 'Magazin zur Erfah-
rungsseelenkunde' vol. S ii pp. IOS-9 (Berlin, 1787).
Hegel would probably have mentioned Mozart, William Crotch (I77S-
1847) and Mendelssohn as examples of musical precocity bearing fruit in
later years.
See Adrien Baillet 'Des Enfans devenus celebres par leurs etudes et par
leurs ecrits' (Paris, 1683); G. F. Schulze 'Psychische Anthropologie' (3rd
ed. Göttingen, 1826) pp. 243-4; Theodor Heuss 'Schattenbeschwörung'
(Tübingen, 1960) pp. 55-64 (A. L. von Schlözer); 'Hegel-Studien' vol. 10
p. 23 (197S)·
103, 32
Like the treatment of national characteristics (§ 394), the treatment of
the 'natural course of the stages of life' formed part of most of the textbooks
on anthropology published during Hegel's lifetime. Since to the best of my
knowledge there is no general survey of the literature, it may be of value to
indicate the main features of the background material against which the
merits of Hegel's work are to be judged.
It seems to have been Pythagoras's distinguishing of the four stages of life
which provided the initial inspiration: K. P. ]. Sprengel (1766-1833)
'Versuch einer pragmatischen Geschichte der Arzneikunde' (S vols. Halle,
1792- I 828) § 66. Bacon's 'Historia vitae et mortis', 'Works' (London, 1763)
III.375 was sometimes quoted as a classic text, together with P. Villaume's
472 . Heget' s Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
105,9
On the difference between vegetable and animal life in respect of in-
tussusception, see Phi I. Nat. §§ 344, 351 (111.47, 26; 104, 9). Cf. the Aris-
totelian distinction between vegetable, animal and spiritual animation
(LII, 24); F. A. Carus (1770-1807) 'Psychologie' (Leipzig, 1808) 11.43.
105,3 1
Phil Nat. § 343 (111.46, 31).
10 7,3
Phi!. Nat. §§ 350-2 (111. 102-9).
107,6
It is difficult to see in which respect the child's body is more perfeet than
that of any other animal organism. Hegel must have the moral and intel-
lectual potential of the child in mind: see, John Gregory (1724-1773) 'A
Comparative View of the State and Faculties of Man with those of the
Animal World' (1766, London, 1785); 'History of the Development of the
Intellect and Moral Conduct of an Infant during the first twelve days of
its existence' (W. Nicholson 'AJournal ofNatural Philosophy' vo!. XV pp.
42-5°, 1806).
10 7,17
Not so Lear (IV. vi. 187):
'When we are born, we cry that we are come
To this great stage of fools.'
Hegel derived his observation from Herder via J. C. Reil: see, 'Berliner
Schriften' (1956) p. 692.
10 7,26
F. A. Carus op. cit. p. 47: 'Hat das Kind nach Etwas und dann dies
selbst gesehen, so fängt es auch an nach etwas Bestimmten zu greifen, dem ein
biosses Ausstrecken voranging.'
1°7, 3 1
See William Cheselden (1688-1752) 'An account of some observations
made by a young gentleman who was born blind' ('Phi!. Trans. Roy. Soc.'
vol. 35 p. 447, 1728). In describing his successful operation of iridectomy
474 . Hegel's Philosophy of Suqjective Spirit
upon this boy, Chelselden notes that the sensation of touch is basic to our
judgement of distance, and that, 'the ideas of distance are suggested to the
mind by the ideas of magnitudes of objects.' Cf. Robert Smith (I 68g- 1768)
'A Compleat System of Opticks' (Cambridge, 1738) pp. 42-7°. It was on
the basis of these accounts that Herder formulated the theory of blending,
which was well-known in Germany by the turn of the century: see 'An-
fangsgründe der Sternkunde' (1765, Weimar Mss) p. 8; 'Kritisches Wäld-
chen' no. 4 (1769; 'Werke' ed. Suphan IV); H. B. Nisbet 'Herder and the
Philosophy and History of Science' (Cambridge, I 970) p. 153; G. Berkeley
'A New Theory of Vision' (I 709) XLV; G. E. Schulze (1761-1833) 'Psy-
chische Anthropologie' (3rd ed. Göttingen, 1826) p. g8. Cf. I6g, 32-17 I, 6.
10 7,34
Wordsworth's 'Intimations of Immortality from Recollections of Early
Childhood' (1802); Novalis 'Wo Kinder sind, da ist ein goldnes Zeitalter'.
'Werke' (ed. U. Lassen, Hamburg, n.d.) p. 344.
108, 35
Griesheim wrote 'hat', not 'habt'.
lOg, 8
K. A. Gräbner 'Ueber das Hervorkommen und Wechseln der Zähne bei
Kindern' (Hamburg, 1766); Phil. Nat. IH. 184.
lOg, 9
Note 4 15, 17.
lOg, 15
Phil. Nat. § 351.
lOg, 18
On language see § 459, on egoity § 412. These levels are simply being
referred to in order to illustrate these characteristics of childhood, they do
not find their systematic placing here.
lOg, 36
Genesis HI.5, 22.
I I I, 5
There is an excellent treatment of the significance of games and play in
the best book on child psychology then available in German, J. C. A.
Grohmann's (I 769- I 847) 'Ideen zu einer Geschichte der Entwicklung des
kindlichen Alters' (Elberfeld, 1817) pp. 146-57.
The overall significance of Hegel's remark about playthings opens up
wide fields of speculation. Grohmann has a tendency to sentimentalize
Notes to Volurne Two: Anthropology . 475
für Gelehrsamkeit' 1787). Goethe: 'Wenn die Jugend ein Fehler ist, so legt
man ihn sehr bald ab', 'Maximen und Reflexionen' 991.
115, 37
Hegel was headmaster of the Grammar School at Nuremberg from 1808
until he took up the professorship at Heidelberg in 1816. He was therefore
an experienced and evidently successful schoolmaster, and during the first
four years of the Berlin period his professional duties involved a certain
amount of responsibility for education in the schools. The most useful work
on this aspect of his interests and activities is Gustav Thaulow's 'Hegel's
Ansichten über Erziehung und Unterricht' (3 pts. Kiel, 1853/4); see also:
F. L. Luqueer 'Hegel as Educator' (New York, 1896); W. M. Bryant 'Hegel's
Educational Ideas' (Chicago and New York, 1896; reprint New York,
197 I); M. Mackenzie 'Hegel's Educational Theory and Practice' (London,
1909), A. Reble 'Hegel und die Pädagogik' ('Hegel-Studien' vol. 3 pp. 320-
55, 1965); F. Nicolin 'Hegels Bildungstheorie' (Bonn, 1955); E. Meinberg
'Hegel in der Pädagogik des 19. Jahrhunderts' (Diss., Cologne, 1973).
117, 15
See Schlegel's rendering of 'Hamlet' I v 189:
'Die Zeit ist aus den Fugen: Schmach und Gram,
Daß ich zur Welt, sie einzurichten, kam!'
I17, 35
It is tempting to regard this paragraph as a commentary on Hegel's own
changing attitude to the ideals of his youth: H. S. Harris 'Hegel's Develop-
ment' (Oxford, 1972) pp. 104-17.
II7,37
Since Hegel evidently mentioned 'heroes such as Alexander' in this con-
nection ('Hegel-Studien' vol. 10 p. 25, 1975), his basic attitude may not
have been so anti-idealistic as might appear from Boumann's text: see Phil.
Nat. 1.232, 30. Cf. C. L. Michelet 'Anthropologie und Psychologie' (Berlin,
1840) p. 156.
121, 36
Cf. the transition from morality to ethicallife in Phil. Right §§ 141-57.
122,35
For 'Bergangene' read 'Vergangene'.
123,2
World Hist. 201-9.
Notes to Volume T wo.' Anthropology • 477
12 5,9
Phil. Nat. §§ 374-5. Cf. Benjamin Rush (1745-1813) 'Medical Inquiries
and Observations' (2 vols. Philadelphia, 1793) II.295-32I ; E. Valli (1755-
1816) 'Entwurf eines Werks über das hohe Alter' (tr. S. Bonelli, Vienna,
1796).
125, 13
'Hegel-Studien' vol. 10 pp. 21-2 (1975)'
12 5,34
Hegel deals with the physical difference between male and female in Phil.
Nat. §§ 368-9. In the treatment of the stages of life (§ 396), the boy, the
youth and the man are mentioned, but not the girl, the maiden and the
woman. In the Heidelberg Encydopaedia (1817) §§ 314-5, no mention is
made of the psychological difference between male and female, the subject
is absent from Hegel's lecture-notes ('Hegel-Studien' vol. 10 pp. 23-4, 1975),
and was not touched upon in the Summer Term of 1825, when he made
the unusual transition from the stages of life to the subject-matter of § 392
(Kehler Ms. pp. 79-80).
This is certainly a curious omission. Kant dealt with the subject at great
length in his 'Anthropology' (1798), quoting other learned bachelors such
as Hume on the psychological characteristics of the fair sex and the state of
matrimony. During the early years of the century several massive works on
the subject had made their appearance in German : see]. L. Moreau (177 1-
1826) 'Naturgeschichte des Weibes' (1803; 4 vols. Leipzig and Altenburg,
1805/11), C. F. Pockels (1757-1814) 'Charakteristik des weiblichen Gesch-
lechts' (5 vols. Hanover, 1797-1802), and by the time Hegel was lecturing
at Berlin, it was quite usual for the general text-books on anthropology to
deal with the differences between male and female psychology in con-
nection with racial differences and the stages of life: ]. C. A. Heinroth
'Lehrbuch der Anthropologie' (Leipzig, 1822) pp. 104-13; J. Hillebrand
'Die Anthropologie als Wissenschaft' (Mainz, 1823) pp. 396-412; G. E.
Schulze 'Psychische Anthropologie' (3rd ed. Göttingen, 1826) pp. 490-5-2.
Amongst Hegel's notes from the Berlin period. there is an extract from
W. ]. Burchell's (1782-1863) 'Travels in the Interior of South Africa' (2
vols. London, 1822) 11.563, in which the universal psychological character-
istics of the female sex are noted: 'I remarked nothing in which theirs
differed from the general female character of other nations ... etc.' I t may,
therefore have been this work which led hirn to insert this in the 'Anthro-
pology'. He seems however, never to have lectured upon it.
C. L. Michelet, 'Anthropologie' (Berlin, 1840) p. 126, noting the omission
from the lectures but not the insertion of this §, suggested that the subject
ought to be dealt with as the sequent ofracial differences and the antecedent
478 . Hegel's Philosophy qf Subjective Spirit
12 5, 36
Cf. §§ 518-22, and Phil. Right §§ 158-81.
12 7,26
A. Corradi 'Memorie e Documenti per la storia dell' Universita di Pavia'
parts II and III (Pavia, 1877/8). Napoleon had numerous contacts with the
university (II1.468), and had it entirely reorganized as from 23rdJune 1800
(II.44-46). There were three faculties - philosophy, medicine and juris-
prudence, so the 'ideology dass' must have been a sub-section ofphilosophy.
Cf. J. H. Rose 'The Life of Napoleon' (2 vols. London, 1904) 1.96.
12 7, 35
In the Organics (Phil. Nat. § 361), Hegel indicates the natural or instinctive
nature ofwaking and sleep, they: 'are not the result ofa stimulus originating
in something external. They are an unmediated participation in nature and
its changes, occurring as internal rest and retrenchrnent from the outer
world.' It is at the end of the Anthropology (§ 412) that the ego of con-
sciousness finds its systematic placing as the immediate antecedent of the
succeeding sphere of Phenomenology.
These natural and phenomenologicallevels have to be distinguished when
dealing with waking and sleep at this juncture, for although these states still
involve 'unrnediated participation in nature', they now occur within a sub-
jective or individual soul which is however, not yet conscious of itself as distinct
from nature. In falling asleep, this soul subsides into its 'universal essence' ,
by waking it distinguishes itselffrom this essence as a subject. Although it is
not yet conscious, its drearning involves presentations of the external world
acquired through consciousness. Consequently, if we fail to grasp the differ-
ence between the two levels of the soul and consciousness, we shall become
confused when attempting to distinguish between consciousness of the
external world and the dreams it gives rise to.
12 9, 17
Cf. § 455.
129, 41
'Critique of Pure Reason' B278/9: 'From the fact that the existence of
external things is a necessary condition of the possibility of a determined
consciousness of ourselves, it does not follow that every intuitive representation
of external things involves the existence of these things, for their representa-
tions may well be the mere products of the imagination (in dreams as weIl
Notes to Volume T wo,' Anthropology . 479
13 1, 7
Logic §§ 2, 49-51, 68.
133,8
Cf. Aristotle 'On Sleeping and Waking' 457 b 2: 'Sleep is a sort of con-
centration or natural recession inwards.'
133, 14
Aristotle op. cit. 456 a-458 a discusses at some length the physical factors
conducive to sleep, such as food and narcotics. The Physiological analysis of
the state predominated during Hegel's youth: see, J. D. Metzger (1739-
1805) 'Medizinisch philosophische Anthropologie' (Weißenfels and Leipzig,
1790) pp. 150/1; W. Liebsch (d. 1805) 'Grundriß der Anthropologie' (2 pts.
Göttingen, 1806/8) II.801 et seq., in which the earlier view is criticized and
a new approach is advocated: 'Consequently, the same vital process presides
over both sleeping and waking; sleep is animal life in a predominantly
objective form, waking is the vital process in a predominantly subjective
form; the unity of life is common to both conditions. In the waking state
it is the system of sensitivity which determines the vital process, in sleep it is
the blood-vessel or assimilativc system, the materiality of the blood, which
is the detcrmining factor.' (p. 847).
133, 22
§§ 453, 473-8 i.e. complex levels of psychology, presupposing consciousness
(§§ 4 1 3-39).
133,29
Hegel employs this phrase on several occasions, usually when he wants
to emphasize the significance of a complex unity the constitution of which
he can locate but not analyzc: 'Erste Druckschriften' (cd. G. Lasson,
Leipzig, 191 I) p. 90; Phil. Nat. III. 22, 35; Phil. Sub. Sp. 11.429, 2. He
evidently borrowed it from Schelling's 'Zeitschrift für spekulative Physik'
vol. 11 pt. ii p. I 16 (Jena and Leipzig, 180 I).
135,4
It should be noted that in this first paragraph, Boumann has summarized
the reasons Hegel gave for dealing with sleep and waking at this stage in the
dialectical progression. If we are to judge from the 1825 lecture-notes, and
during that Summer Term Hegel devoted no less than four lectures to the
480 . Heget' s Philosophy of Subjeclive Spirit
135, 13
Phil. Nat. II.29, 28; cf. III.146.
135, 27
Phil. Nat. § 355 (III.3 IO, 3'7); cf. note 187, '7.
135, 28
Iliad xiv 231; Hesiod 'Theogony' 756; Virgil 'Aeneid' vi 278; see M. C.
Stokes 'Hesiodic and Milesian Cosmogonies' (Phronesis VII, 1962 p. 12).
The famous chest of Cypselus (d. 627 B.C.) was evidently adorned with a
representation of Death and Sleep in the arms of their mother Night (Pau-
sanias V, 18, i). Cf. Leibniz 'Nouveaux Essais' (Everyman ed. p. 155),
Matthew IX.24.
On the last page of the book by C. A. F. Kluge (1782- I 844) referred to by
Hegel 303, 20, the vignette on the title-page is explained as follows: 'Die
Nacht, als die Erzeugerin alles Schönen und Furchtbaren, Dunkeln und
Geheimnisvollen, und daher die Mutter der Brüder Schlaf und Tod, weilt
mit diesen ihren Söhnen auf dem öden Gipfel eines wolkenumhangenen
Berges, welchen Aeskulap unter Leitung des am südlichen Himmel glänzenden
Sternbildes, des Compasses, aufgefunden hat, und nun bemüht ist, den dem
Schoosse der Mutter schon entrückten Schlaf aus seiner dunkeln Hülle
hervorzuziehen und mit sich fortzuführen.'
Cf. F. A. Carus 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) vol. 11 p. '78; P. B.
Shelley ('792-1822) 'Queen Mab' (1813; 1816) lines 1-2.
135,33
Phil. Nat. § 282 (11.35-8). In the 1825 lectures (loc. cit. p. 9 I) Hegel
made the point that light and sight constitute the essential relation of the
waking organism to the external world.
137, 3
See the instances mentioned 265-7.
137,22
Phil. Nat. III.129-3I.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 48 I
137,33
Cf. 359, 29·
J41, 18
§ 422 (Understanding), §§ 438-9 (Reason), §§ 465-8 (Thought and
Understanding) i.e. all these levels are more complex that that of the soul.
141,26
Cf. the notes on the association ofideas and Kant's distinction (lU. 159, 16;
11.129,41). In that Hume, for example, had no philosophical conception
of this 'connectedness of necessity', he could have had no corresponding
conception of the difference between waking and dreaming.
J41,3 1
Categories of the understanding in that, as in Kant, their formulation
involves the subject-object antithesis, not the systematic treatment of the
Logic: see Logic § 3.
143,3
Cf. Artabanus' advice to Xerxes (Herodotus VII): 'I, who am older
than you by many years, will tell you what these visions are that float
before our eyes in sleep; nearly always these drifting phantoms are the
shadows of what we have been thinking about during the day.' Aristotle's
opinion is very similar: 'On Prophecy in Sleep' 463a 8-22; 'On Dreams'.
Hegel's attitude is so similar to this, that it seems reasonable to suppose that
it was based upon these Aristotelian works, probably indirectly: see the
notes 'Zur Psychologie' (1794).
143,5
F.A. Carus 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1805) II. 274/5: 'The nightmare
is a physical oppression accompanied by anxiety and the inability to move
the body. The imagination takes the reason for this agonizing condition to be
a frightful apparition, a weight bearing down upon the body, a terrifying
situation. Although the person's eyes are often open, he feels that he has no
control over himself. The pressure of the cramp causes his visions to assume
a degree of distinctness approaching that of actual experiences. He is often
aware of himself, and yet unable to speak or even to cry out.'
The 'mare' element in the English word signifies an incubus or demon,
and the apparition is sometimes known as the 'night-hag' or the 'riding of
the witch'. There is a German equivalent, 'Mahr', but the more usual term is
'Alb' i.e. our 'elf'.]. A. E. Goeze (1751-1793) 'Natur, Menschenleben und
Vorsehung' (7 vols. Leipzig, 1789/94) vol. III pp. 487-94, V pp. 353-8;
W. Rowley 'Praktische Abhandlung' (Breslau, 1790) pp. 260-4; E. Jones
'On the Nightmare' (London, 1931).
143,21
Cf. note 285, 1I.
482 . Hegel's PhilosOpky oJ Subjective Spirit
143, 29
Cf. note 133, 14; Aristotle 'On Dreams' 461 b.
143, 33
This treatment of dreams is notable mainly on account of its sobriety and
matter-of-factness. Hegel's attitude has much more in common with that
of those who were attempting to cure people of the nightmare by means of
carbonate ofsoda ('European Magazine' vol. 70 pp. 327/8, Oct. 1816), than
with the elaborate theorizing then beginning to get under way in central
Europe: see 1. D. Mauchart (1764-1826) 'Vorschlag zu einer neuen Be-
handlungsart der Onirologie' (C. C. E. Schmid's 'Anthropologisches
Journal' vol. 4 no. iii pp. 187-245); P. Lersch 'Der Traum in der deutschen
Romantik' (Munich, 1923); P. Ritzla 'Der Traum in der Dichtung der
deutschen Romantik' (Diss. Zürich: Berne, 1943); Olga König-Flachsen-
feld 'Wandlungen des Traumproblems von der Romantik bis zur Gegen-
wart' (Stuttgart, 1935)'
G. H. Schubert's fascinating 'Die Symbolik des Traumes' (Bamberg,
1814) is a theory oflanguage and poetry rather than a treatment ofdreams.
145, 16
Hegel met Jean Paul (1763-1825) in Heidelberg in theJuly and August
of 1817, and the origin of this observation is probably to be dated from this
period. It was well-known that Jean Paul had a way with children, and we
have a delightful account of Hegel's reaction to the banter which ensued
when it was suggested at a party thatJean Paul should co-opera te with hirn
in producing a philosophy for young girls: see Eduard Berend 'J ean Pauls
Persönlichkeit in Berichten der Zeitgenossen' (Berlin, 1956) pp. 69, 167,
300; G. Nicolin 'Hegel in Berichten seiner Zeitgenossen' (Hamburg, 1970)
nos. 2 I 2-3 I.
A whimsical or playful associating of ideas was evidently a characteristic
of Jean Paul's general manner of conversation: see the ac count given by
Hegel's colleague Heinrich Voss (1779-1822) ofthe visitJean Paul paid to
another Heidelberg professor, F. H. C. Schwarz (1766-1837), on 8th July
1817, 'We lunched with Schwarz yesterday, and had a thoroughly pleasant
and enjoyable time, together with the children. J ean Paul is hirnself a child,
and has a great deal of fun with them ... He has a remarkable way with
hirn. Every word spoken gives rise to a new idea, which like 'harmless
lightning' (the phrase is Shakespeare's) passes gently across the mi nd for
the moment. Hence the infinite copiousness of his conversation. When in
company at large, he will seI dom speak connectedly, but leaps about from
one thing to another ... ' See Berend op. cit. p. 163; Voss was Professor of
Philology, and then engaged on translating Shakespeare, hence this reference
Notes to Volume T wo,' Anthropology . 483
145, 22
Bichat's distinction, note 135, 19·
147,5
Cf. note 135, 13. The alternating states constitute a negative relationship
in that they are not reconciled. It is only formally negative however, since
the affirmative or reconciliatory factor of the sentient soul is already present.
147,9
Sensation was not clearly distinguished from feeling (§§ 403-10) in the
general usage of the time, see J. F. Pierer 'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch'
vol. 2 p. 566 (Leipzig and Altenburg, 1818). Hegel, influenced perhaps by
J. N. Tetens (1736-1807) 'Philosophische Versuche über die menschliche
Natur' (Leipzig, 1]77) I.2I4, makes use of the original and literal meaning
ofthe German word, i.e. ent-vinden, what onefinds within, in order to establish
a clear difference between the two words and what they refer to.
147,35
The treatment ofsleep, waking and dreams was concluded in this manner
in the I825lectures. The 'unity ofthe two aspects' was then taken to be the
immediate antecedent of sensation. By this time, therefore, Hegel had already
formulated this transition as it appears here in the 1830 edition of the
Encyclopaedia. He was teaching on the basis of the 1817 edition however,
so that there was a marked difference between the printed version of §§ 3 I 7-
8 and the commentary in the lecture-room. Several works on the subject
had been published at Berlin during this period, and it might be worth
investigating whether they influenced the development of his ideas on the
subject: see N. Weigersheim 'Dissertatio de somni physiologia' (Berlin,
1818); G. A. Gottel (b. 1797) 'Somni adumbratio physiologica et patho-
logica' (Berlin, 1819); Heinrich von Buchholz 'Ueber den Schlaf und die
verschiedenen Zustände desselben' (introd. C. W. Hufeland, Berlin, 182 I);
C. G. O. Westphal 'Diss. inaug. de somno somnio, insania' (Berlin, 1822).
15 1, 17
Cf. I.I23, 20.
15 1,26
An 'Urtheil' or 'primary component' is also a 'judgement': see the pro-
gression from judgement to syllogism in the Logic §§ 166-95. In this case
sleep is the major premiss, waking the minor, and sensation the 'conclusion',
sublating and mediating its antecedents.
484 . Hegel' 5Philosophy 0/ Subjcctive Spirit
153, I I
Literally, 'a subdued wealling'. Cf. II I. I 17, 22. Originally 'weaving'
simply meant 'moving about', - the association with clothmaking came
later. Both meanings have been preserved in modern German, as they have
to some extent in modern English, and on account of Luther's translation
of Acts XVII. 28, have given rise to such associations as Hegel seems to
have in mind here. Cf. Plato 'Republic' 617; Goethe 'Faust' 508-9; Thomas
Gray 'The Bard' (1757) II i I, 'The Fatal Sisters' (1761).
153, 19
Logic §§ 84-98. Quality is the most basic ofthe three major sub-categories
ofBeing.
155, 12 .
Cf. §§ 413-8 on the ego of consciousness, § 481 on the freedom of rational
spirituality; Phi!. Right §§ 129-40 on conscience; note 95, 22 on will and
character.
155, 25
Matthew XV.I9.
155, 34
It is already apparent from Hegel's early writings that there are two as-
pects to his assessment of the heart: '1t is inherent in the Notion of religion
that it is no me re science ofGod ... but a concern ofthe heart.' (1793; Nohl
p. 5, H. S. Harris pp. 481-507). On the other hand, in the Phenomenology
of 1807, the law of the heart: 'Shows itself to be this inner perversion of
itself, to be consciousness gone crazy', to be on the brink of tottering into
'the frenzy of self-conceit' etc. (Baillie pp. 39 I -400).
The criticism of the heart at this juncture quite evidently refers to its being
overvalued in political and religious contexts: § 471; Phi!. Right § 2 I; Phi!.
Re!. 11.331-2. However, it is also clearly related to the censuring of Pesta-
lozzi and Froebel (note I I I, 36): see the former's 'Geist und Herz in der
Methode' (1805; 'Werke' ed. E. Bosshart, IO vols. Zürich, 1944/9) vol. 9
p. 341, in which he advocates 'the subordination of all education in the
humanities to the education of the heart'. Cf. J. K. Lavater's (1741-1801)
poem 'Das menschliche Herz' (1789), in which it is said to be the source of
all 'innocence, love, goodness, gentleness, compassion, magnanimity' etc.;
H. B. Weber 'Anthropologische Versuche' (Heidelberg, I8IO) pp. 204-29.
155, 38
Phi I. Nat. §§ 351,357.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 485
159,25
In the 1817 Encyclopaedia (§ 318) there is no attempt to define sensation
as distinct from feeling. In the 1825 lectures however (Thurs. 16th June-
Frid. 17th June), the subject is given a lengthy and elaborate treatment,
most ofwhich is incorporated in the present text. The friction with Schleier-
macher on matters of religion probably led Hegel to reconsider his already
well-formulated exposition of sensation in the Phil. Nat. (111. 103-4, 136-7),
and then to the realization that it was relevant to a more carefully formu-
la ted treatment of this part of the Anthropology.
159,26
Note 147,9.
160, 19
For 'der Organe' read 'oder Organe'. Cf. 1827 ed. 377, 17.
162, 3
For '817' read '317'. Boumann reproduces this error (121, 13). 'Deter-
minate' light, in that unlike light as such (Phil. Nat. §§ 275-8), it is deter-
mined by a complexity ofphysical factors (Phil. Nat. §§ 317-20; 111.380-2).
163,8
Phil. Nat. 11.161-4,82,96.
163, 15
Phil. Nat. 111.162, 18, where the physiological aspect is investigated.
163, 27
When the composure of a person's disposition (Ruhe des Gemüths) was
disturbed by a pleasant or unpleasant presentation (Vorstellung), his dis-
position was said to be 'moved', a 'dispositional motion' or disturbance
(Gemüthsbewegung) was said to take place. If this motion remained con-
fined to the soul, it was called a feeling (Gefühl), if it influenced the body
it was called an affection (Affekt). During the eighteenth century, no clear
distinction was drawn between affections and passions (Leidenschaften), but
as the result of a work by J. G. E. Maaß (1766-1823) 'Versuch über die
Gefühle, besonders über die Affecten' (2 pts. Halle, 181 I I I 2), reference to
the difference soon became a commonplace: see F. A. Carus (1770- I 807)
'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) 1.434-94; G. E. Schulze (1761-1833)
'Psychische Anthropologie' (3rd ed. Göttingen, 1826) pp. 345-8; L. Chou-
lant (1791-1861) 'Anthropologie' (2 vols. Dresden, 1828); D. T. A. Suabe-
dissen (1773-1835) 'Die Grundzüge der Lehre von dem Menschen' (Mar-
burg and Cassel, 1829) pp. 224-5. An affection was said to be a particularly
486 . Hegel's Philosophy qf Subjectil'e Spirit
165,8
Phil. Nat. § 355, where Hegel's sources in the physiological literature of
the time are mentioned.
167, I
On the background to this procedure see Phil. Nat. III.327-8.
16 7, 36
On the elose relationship between smell and taste, particularly in Swabia,
see Phil. Nat. II.161, III.139.
16 7, 38
The senses here are arranged in order to make the transition from the
relative abstraction of sensation to the relative concreteness of feeling, - sight,
in this respect, being the most general and abstract, and touch the most
specific and concrete. In § 358 however, they are arranged in the converse
order, in accordance with the extent to which their external equivalents
approximate, through them, to the inwardness and expressiveness of animal
being, touch in this case being the most general and abstract, and sight and
hearing the most expressive of this inwardness. (Phil. Nat. II I. I 38-40).
Cf. III.13 1, 3.
Such attempts to arrange the sens es in a 'rational' sequence were common
enough at that time in works devoted to Anthropology: J. D. Metzger
'Medizinisch-philosophische Anthropologie' (Weißenfels and Leipzig, 1790)
pp. 74-8 I ; J. Ith 'Versuch einer Anthropologie' (2 pts. Berne, 1794/5) II. I 7-
70; Kant 'Anthropologie' (Königsberg, 1798) §§ 15-25; W. Liebsch 'Grun-
driß der Anthropologie' (2 pts. Göttingen, 1806/8) pp. 390-481; F. A. Carus
'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) I. 124-69; F. von Gruithuisen 'Anthro-
pologie' (Munich, 1810) pp. 305-415; G. H. Masius 'Grundriß anthro-
pologischer Vorlesungen' (Altona, 1812) pp. 102-14; D. T. A. Suabedissen
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 487
169, 13
Phil. Nat. §§ 275-78.
169, 17
Phil. Nat. § 320.
169,3 2
Cf. note 167, 38.
171, 6
Cf. note 107, 31.
171, 10
Phil. Nat. §§ 300-1. Cf. the note on terminology (111.69, 10). By using the
word 'Ton' (tone), Hegel may be emphasizing the subjective aspect here,
although in 1825 (Kehler Ms. p. 102), he evidently used 'Schall'.
173, 14
Phil. Nat. §§ 321-2.
173, 32
Phil. Nat. §§ 295-9.
175,5
Phil. Nat. §§ 303-7.
175, 7
Phil. Nat. §§ 310-5. Since Hegel mentions Aristotle's 'De Anima' as the
'sole work of speculative interest' on the general topic of the soul (§ 378),
attention should, perhaps, be called to the treatment of the senses in bk. 11
of this work. As here in the Anthropology, a beginning is made with sen-
sation, and sight, hearing, smell, taste and touch are then considered in that
order. Cf. Aristotle's 'De Sensu' (Loeb no. 288 pp. 205-83).
175, 19
Logic §§ 86-106; Aristotle 'De Anima' 426a 28-426b 9; J. F. Pierer
'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch' vol. I pp. 112-3 (Leipzig and Altenburg,
1816).
488 . Hegel's Philosophy oJ Subjective Spirit
175,29
Note 163, 27.
175,35
Phil. Nat. § 361.
177, 29
37,4 et seq.
177,34
It should be noted that it is we who have brought the development of the
soul to the present stand point, not the soul that has developed i.e. that the
progression involved is essentially Notional, an intellectual assessment of a
given difference in degree of complexity, triadically interpreted in the light
of the final telos (§§ 574-7), not a natural development. Cf. Phil. Nat. 1.25-6,
§ 249; note 205, 16.
178, 34
Griesheim wrote 'Neuton' .
179, 12
§ 457-8. Cf. the extensive and detailed treatment of symbolism in the
Aesthetics (p. 1285). It is just possible that Hegel also has in mind the then
outmoded use of the word in 'chemical' contexts. 'Elements' were said to
'symbolize' i.e. to combine, unite and harmonize, - as exterior sensations
do in the soul. J. F. Pierer 'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch' vol. VII p. 807
(Altenburg, 1827).
179, 15
On physical sympathies, see Phil. Nat. II I. I 28, 146. Cf. F. Hufeland
(1774-1839) 'Ueber Sympathie' (Weimar, 181l; 2nd ed. 1822); F. D. J. M.
Dehier 'Essai sur la sympathie' (Paris, 1815).
181,3
See the fascinating historical study of this by M. Reinhold, 'History of
purpie as a status symbol in antiquity' (Brussels, 1970).
181, 7
Hegel is more specific in the Aesthetics 842: "In accordance with this
symbolism, when the Virgin Mary is portrayed enthroned as Queen of
Heaven she usually has a red mande, but when she appears as a mother,
a blue one".
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 489
181, 19
Herder 'Plastik' (1769; 'Werke' ed. Suphan VIII.IOI) seems to have
brought the subject of the symbolism of colours into general discussion.
Goethe's 'Zur Farbenlehre. Didaktischer Teil' (ed. Matthaie, Weimar,
1955) sect. VI 'Sinnlich-sittliche Wirkung der Farbe' and §§ 915-20 was
almost certainly Hegel's main source of inspiration: Phil. Nat. 11.153. He
treats the subject again, at great length, in the Aesthetics 838-50. Wilhelm
Wundt (1832-1910), in his 'Grundzüge der physiologischen Psychologie'
(5th ed. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1912) praises Goethe as the 'founder of the im-
pression method', i.e. as the first systematic investigator of the influence
colours have upon feelings.
185, 25
§§ 483-571. Philosophy (§§ 572-7), evidently, does not involve feeling.
185,3 8
§§ 440-82, the Psychology.
187, 7
§ 41 I.
18 7, 17
M. F. X. Bichat (1771-1802), 'Recherches physiologiques sur la Vie et
la Mort' (Paris, 1800; tr. F. Gold, London, London, 1815) eh. I pp. 7-8;
see Phil. Nat. § 355 (111.310, 317). It is interesting to note that Schopen-
hauer also praises Bichat for having drawn this distinction: 'His observations
and mine confirm one another. His provide the physiological commentary
on mine, mine the philosophical commentary on his, and the best way to
understand us both is to read us together.' 'Die Welt als Wille' bk. 2 ch. 20.
Bichat was in substantial agreement with the animism of G. E. Stahl
(1660-1734) in his analysis ofthe basic principle ofliving matter: see Phil.
Nat. 111.230, 375. Cf. M. Laignel-Lavastine 'Sourees, principes, sillage et
critique de l'oeuvre de Bichat' ('Bulletin de la Societe franc;aise de philo-
sophie' 46, 1952, I).
18 7, 27
Literally: 'a thousand-year error'.
189, 26
Phil. Nat. § 250.
189, 33
The etymological history of 'heart' (Herz) is better than that of 'head'
(Haupt, Kopf) in bearing Hegel out on this. The latter simply derive from
the words for skull or cup, whereas already in Old Indian, the former is
490 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
associated with disposition or courage: F. Kluge 'Etymologisches Wörter-
buch der Deutschen Sprache' (Berlin, 1963). For a useful survey of the
associations embedded in Indian and Greek in this respect, see W. Biester-
feld's article in]. Ritter's 'Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie' (Darm-
stadt, 1974) vol. 3 pp. 1099-1 I I. Cf.]. D. Metzger (1739-1805) 'Ueber den
menschlichen Kopf in anthropologischer Rücksicht' (Königsberg, 1803).
190 ,35
For 'dieer' read 'dieser'.
19 1, 3
Phil. Nat. § 354. Hegel distinguishes between the nervous, the sanguine
and the digestive or reproductive systems. This was quite normal at the time.
The 'reproductive' were therefore quite distinct from the sexual functions
of the body (§ 368). On diseases of the reproductive or digestive system, see
F. W. Wolf (d. 1837) 'Ueber die Natur, Erkenntniß und Cur der Krank-
heiten des reproductiven Systems' (Berlin, 181 I). Sorrow and grief were
said to give rise to cramps, stoppages, inflammations, disturbances and in-
terruptions of regular functions in the abdomen, and also to affect the
breast, the mother's milk for example: K. H. Dzondi's (1770-1835) article
on affection in Pierer's 'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch' I p. 112 (1816).
19 1, 17
Phil. Nat. § 365; III.338: cf. J. Maclury 'Experiments upon the human
bile' (London, 1772); G. Goldwitz 'Neue Versuche zu einer wahren
Physiologie der Galle' (2 pts. Bamberg, 1785/9).
19 1,3 0
Phil. Nat. III.162, 17 and the reference to S. T. Sömmerring's (1775-
1800) explanation of blushing and turning pale, III.345.
193,4
Phil. Nat. § 355.
193, 29
See the excellent discussion of this in Alexander Crichton's (1763-1856)
extremely influential 'An Inquiry into ... Mental Derangement' (2 vols.
London, 1798; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1809, 2nd ed. 1810) p. 153: 'All moral
causes which make us laugh, occasion a sudden transition from one series
of ideas, to others which are not only dissimilar, but contradictory to the
former. This kind of contradiction is either, Ist. A contradiction between
words and their more obvious meanings, or, 2dly. A contradiction between
the sentiment which the words convey, and certain peculiar modes of think-
ing. 3dly. It consists in actions which are contradictory, inasmuch as they
Notes to Volume Two: Anthropology . 491
are apt to occasion two very opposite emotions at one and the same moment
of time ... To the third class belong the vast variety of objects, such as the
tricks and gestures of stage-fools, and clowns, in pantomime entertainments,
whose faces and gestures display the most sudden transitions from seriousness
to a broad grin; from crying to laughter, from awkward obsequiousness and
ceremony, to excesses offamiliarity, and disrespect; from terror and appre-
hension, to foolish intimacy and security.'
For similar discussions, see: S. A. Tissot (1728-1797) 'Sämmtliche zur
Arztneykunst gehörige Schriften' (4 vols. tr. J. C. Kerstens, Leipzig, 1779/81)
IV § 137; D. Tiedemann 'Handbuch der Psychologie' (Leipzig, 1804) 84;
C. F. PockeIs 'Psychologische Bemerkungen über das Lachen' (C. P. Moritz
'Magazin zur ErfahrungsseeIenkunde' vol. III pt. i pp. 8g-106); H. von
Keyserlingk 'Anthropologie' (Berlin, 182 7) § 37.
195,4
Aesthetics 1167.
195, I I
Delightfully enough, Hegel presents comedy as the eulmination and dis-
solution of the whole sphere of art (Aesthetics 1235). HAa߀CTTOS "lAos, Sir
Thomas Browne's 'unextinguishable laugh in heaven', eases the dialectieal
transition from art to religion: 'The modern world has developed a type of
comedy whieh is truly comieal and truly poetic. Here onee again the keynote
is good humour, assured and careless gaiety despite all failure and mis-
fortune, exuberanee and the audaeity of a fundamentally happy eraziness,
folly, and idiosyncrasy in general.'
195, 19
Thomas Brown (1778-1820), 'Leetures on the Philosophy ofthe Human
Mind' (Edinburgh, 1824) no. 58, diseusses Hobbes' famous definition of
laughter as, 'a sudden glory, arising from a sudden coneeption of some
eminency in ourseIves, by comparison with the infirmity of others, or with
our own formerly.' Cf. Franeis Huteheson (1694-1746) 'Thoughts on
Laughter' ('Hibernieus's Letters' Dublin, 1725/7); E. A. Nieolai (1722-
1802) 'Abhandlung vom Lachen' (Halle, 1746); Denis-Prudent Roy
'Traite medico-philosophique sur le rire' (Paris, 1814).
195, 23
8aKpVO€V ,,€Aaaaaa. Iliad VI.484. Hector, Andromache, the child, and the
thought of the future:
'Soft on her fragrant breast the babe she laid,
Hush'd to repose, and with a smile survey'd.
The troubled pleasure soon ehastis'd by fear,
She mingled with a smile a tender tear.'
(Pope).
492 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
195, 3 1
Plutarch ascribes this to the inftuence of Anaxagoras: 'Peric1es acquired
not only an elevation of sentiment, and a loftiness and purity of style, far
removed from the low expression ofvulgar, but likewise a gravity of count-
enance which relaxed not into laughter, a firm and even tone of voice, an
easy deportment, and a decency of dress, which no vehemence of speaking
ever put into disorder.' Born about 490 B.G., he entered politics at about
the age of twenty.
195, 37
See the instances collected by A. von Haller (1708-1777) in his 'Elementa
physiologiae corporis humani' (8 vols. Lausanne, 1757/66) vol. V bk. 16
sect. I § 16.
197, 29
Phil. Nat. § 284 and III. 128. Those indefatigable analysts A. F. Fourcroy
(1755-1809) and L. N. Vauquelin (1763-1829) were diligent enough to
analyze tears chemicalry: 'Examen chimique des larmes' ('Annales de chemie'
vol. X p. 113): 96% water, the rest cooking salt, natron, phosphates of
natron and lime. Cf. Kant 'Anthropologie' §§ 76-9.
For arecent survey of work on the social significance of 'eye contact',
see M. Argyle and M. Cook 'Gaze and Mutual Gaze' (Cambridge, 1975).
199, 22
Among the Romans, the libitinarii or professional undertakers attending
a funeral usually inc1uded a prae.fica or mourner who sang the nenia or dirge,
and a number of assistants who made responses to the singing, while weep-
ing, beating their breasts and tearing their hair. See Servius's commentary
on the 'Aeneid' bk. VI line 216.
199,34
Phil. Nat. III.19 1, 5.
201, 13
On Swabian funeral customs, see Anton Birlinger 'Aus Schwaben' (2 vols.
Wiesbaden, 1874) II.314. Cf. E. Hoffmann-Krayer and H. Bächtold-
Stäubli 'Handwörterbuch des Deutschen Aberglaubens' vol. VIII cols.
985-91 (Berlin and Leipzig, 1936/7).
201, 16
'Dichtung und Wahrheit' (tr. John Oxenford, London, 1864) vol. I p.
240 (bk. VII): 'And thus began that tendency from which I could not
deviate my whole life through; namely, the tendency to turn into an image,
into apoern, everything that delighted or troubled me, or otherwise occupied
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 493
me, and to come to some understanding with myself upon it, that I might
both rectify my conceptions of external things, and set my mind at rest
about them.'
201,25
Phil. Nat. III.128, 164, 318. With regard to the diaphragm, see A. von
Haller (17°8-1777) 'De Diaphragmatis' (Leipzig, 1738).
201,3°
This § is, in some essential respects, arestatement at the anthropological
level of §§ 354-5. Bichat's distinction (note 187, 17), and his assessment of
the importance of the sympathetic nerve (Phi!. N at. III. I 30, 10) is therefore
basic to the whole exposition.
201, 37
111.129, 19; 'Gespräche mit Eckermann' 2nd ]anuary 1824, 17th March
1830. Cf.]. Schumacher 'Melemata' (Mannheim, 1967) pp. 129-42; K. R.
Mandelkow 'Goethe im Urteil seiner Kritiker' I.27-88 (Munich, 1975).
2°3,20
Note 147,9.
2°5, 16
Cf. note 177, 34. Although the progession is essentially Notional, the
differences it deals with are given i.e. the soul 'raises itself'. The philosophy
of Anthropology is the procedure involved in the intellectual grasping of
the various levels ofthe soul's approximation to consciousness (§ 413 et seq.).
208,7
For 'gleichgiltig' read 'gleichgültig'.
209, 12
'Convolution' is an unusual word in Hege!. He may be using it here in
order to emphasize the fact that these determinations are 'rolled together'
in our intuition and experience as weIl as in the objective world. The Latin
root 'volvere' applies to the rolling up of a script for example, as weIl as to
the turning over of thoughts in one's mind.
21 I, 7
Note 23,23
21 I, 26
Note 247, 17·
212, 3
Insert a full-stop after 'trete'.
494 . Heget' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
215, 18
It is important to note that Hegel only fuHy clarified his terminology at
this juncture at a very late date, and that his treatment of the sensation
and feeling involved in intuition (§§ 445-50) and practical spirit (§§ 47 1-2)
can easily lead to confusions unless we keep these various levels in mind
while discussing his expositions.
In the 1817 Encyclopaedia (§ 319) he makes no mention offeeling at this
level, and the differences between the 1827 and 1830 editions show that the
present headings were not decided upon until the very end of his teaching
career, probably as the result of the preparations he made for the lectures
on 'Psychology and Anthropology' delivered during the Winter Term of
182g/30.
Despite the lingering uncertainties apparent in these late alterations
however, the material published by Nicolin and Schneider in 'Hegel-
Studien' vol. 10 pp. 26-8 (lg75) seems to indicate that he had grasped the
importance of distinguishing between sensation and feeling in this context
by the time he was delivering the 1822 lectures on 'Anthropology and
Psychology'. By 1825 the mature treatment ofthe transition from sensation
to animal magnetism is already apparent in both the structure and the
subject-matter of the lectures. He devoted three afternoon sessions to it (Fri.
24th June-Tues. 28th June) , during the third ofwhich he discussed Windi-
schmann's book (note 321, 39).
In his 'Philosophische Aphorismen' (2 pts. Leipzig, 1784) II.649, Ernst
Platner (1744-1818) claimed that, 'Weftel heat in so far as wejudge there
to be a physical basis for the feeling in the hot body; we sense it in so far as
it is pleasant or unpleasant. In so far as the object affects my condition,
feeling passes over into sensation.' He then went on to quote the Berlin
Academy (1778), Lessing, Mendelssohn, Sulzer and Garve in support of
these definitions, and to criticize Kant for reversing them. It was, however,
Kant's reversal of the traditional usage which came to determine philo-
sophical consideration of the distinction during the opening decades of
the last century. Hegel's mature treatment of sensation and feeling is there-
fore in tune with the progressive developments of his time, and the stages
by which he developed it provide us with a first-rate case-study of the
essential features ofhis philosophical method. He took his time about accept-
ing the implications of Kant's linguistic revolution, and his caution was
clearly justified by the difficulty of the subject-matter with which he was
dealing.
Before Hegel had started at Stuttgart Grammar School, D. Tiedemann
(1748- I 803), 'Untersuchungen über den Menschen' (3 pts. Leipzig, 1777/8)
H. 162-go, 216-41, had noted that 'a sensation always involves an exterior
object' (163), whereas feeling is the positive element in the subject. J. H.
Abicht (1762-1816), 'Psychologische Anthropologie' (Erlagen, 1801) pp.
Notes to Volurne T wo: Authropology . 495
21 7, 14
This striking image of the ego as a featureless abyss or shaft seems to be
peculiar to Hegel. Cf., however, J. H. Campe (1746-1818) 'Kleine Seelen-
lehre für Kinder' (I 779; 3rd ed. Brunswick, 180 I) p. 68, "0 Kinder, unsere
Seele ist ein unerschöpflicher Quell von wunderbaren Kraften und Fähig-
keiten." The significance of Hegel's adjective may derive something from
the fact that the shaft (Schacht) of a mine was originally the rod used for
measuring its depth (Kluge, Etym. Wört.). Cf. III.IS3, 8; 203, 30.
219, 10
The sphere in which the ego is treated (§§ 413-39) succeeds that of the
'feeling soul', that of 'the real extrinsicality of corporeity' (§§ 337-76)
precedes it.
'219, 12
On 'materiature', see Phil. Nat. 11.306.
219, 19
Notes I I, 27; 247, 35.
220, 32
In 1827 (381,31), this appeared as 'noch nicht undurchdringlich, wider-
standloses' ; and was corrected (544) to 'noch ein widerstandloses'.
496 . Hegel' s Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
221, 14
There is a useful exposition of the important point being made here in
Murray Greene's 'Hegel on the Soul' (The Hague, 1972) pp. 103-6.
223,4
In the German of Hegel's day, 'Genie' was applied to Leonardo da Vinci,
Michael Angelo, Mozart etc., 'Genius' to the atmosphere of a locality,
tutelary spirits, Descartes' demon etc. In using the latter word in this con-
text, Hegel is therefore stretching its normal meaning somewhat: see Pierer
op. cit. III.505-9, 550-2 (1819).
223, 24
Note 163, 27. Cf. J. F. Fries (1773-1843) 'Handbuch der Psychischen
Anthropologie' (2 vols. Jena, 1820/1) 1.249.
223,27
Phil. Nat. III.70, 275-7.
223,35
'Magical' simply in the sense that we are unable .to explain its intrinsic
nature. Cf. Phil. Nat. 68, 27; 205, 33; 206, I; J. S. Halle (1727-1810)
'Magie, oder die Zauberkräfte der Natur' (4 vols. Berlin, 1784/6); G. C.
Horst (I 769-c. 1840) 'Von der alten und neuen Magie' (Mainz, 1820). Cf.
407,24.
225,33
Cf. § 400. This equating of 'heart' with 'disposition' corrects the bias in
Hegel's earlier observation (note 155, 34). There are several instances in
which the words or their roots are interchangeable in both German and
English: 'er ist ganz Gemüt', 'he is all heart'; 'sich ein Herz fassen', 'pluck
up courage' etc. Cf. Ritter's 'Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie' vol.
3 cols. 259-62 (1974)·
225,43
This observation turns upon the fact that 'Gemüth' (disposition) has given
rise to the adjective 'gemütlich' (good-hearted). The subject was much
discussed in the anthropologicalliterature of the time: J. H. Abicht (1762-
1816) 'Psychologische Anthropologie' (Erlangen, 1801) pp. 87-111; C. F.
Pockels (1757-1814) 'Der Mann' (4 vols. Hanover, 1805/8) II pp. 1-11;
D. T. A. Suabedissen (1773-1835) 'Die Betrachtung des Menschen' (3 vols.
Cassel and Leipzig, 1815/18) vol. 2 pp. 468-9, 'Grundzüge' (1829) p. 230;
P. C. Hartmann (1773-1830) 'Der Geist des Menschen' (1819; 2nd ed.
Vienna, 1832) pp. 41-2; L. Choulant (1791-1861) 'Anthropologie' (2 vols.
Dresden, 1828) II pp. 9-10.
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology • 497
229, 16
Shakespeare 'King Lear' (1606) Act I Scene iv lines 28-9. The teacher
whom Hegel most admired at the Stuttgart Grammar School had given hirn
a German translation ofShakespeare (J. Hoffmeister 'Dokumente zu Hegels
Entwicklung' p. 13), probably that by JohannJoachim Eschenburg (1743-
1820): see 'Willhelm Shakespears Schauspiele' (23 vols. Strassburg and
Mannheim, 1778-1783) vol. 14 pp. 38-9:
Lear. Kennst du mich, Freund?
Kent. Nein, Herr; aber ihr habt etwas in euren Mienen, das ich gern meinen
Herrn nennen möchte.
Lear. Und was ist das?
Kent. Ansehen.
A. W. von Schlegel and L. Tieck 'Shakespeare's dramatische Werke' (9
vols. Berlin, 1825-1832) vol. 8 pp. 298-9, also translate Shakespeare's
'countenance' as 'Miene', and arejustified in doing so, since the word meant
'mien', 'demeanour', 'bearing', as well as 'face', and this would appear to
be its most likely meaning here: see 'King Lear' (ed. K. Muir, London,
1963) p. 37. Hegel's word, 'Gesicht', can also have both meanings.
Cf. Carl Stark 'König Lear. Eine psychiatrische Shakespeare-Studie'
(Stuttgart, 1871).
229, 20
Hegel has not remembered this incident with complete accuracy. He has
in mind Leonore Dori D'Ancre (d. 1617), the foster-sister ofMarie de' Medici
(1573-1642), who was tried for gaining power over the queen regent by
sorcery, and executed on July 8th 1617. At her trial she maintained that,
'Mon sortilege a ete le pouvoir que doivent avoir les ames fortes sur les
esprits faibles.' See 'La Magicienne etrangere' (Rouen, 1617); Jean-Baptiste
Legrain (1565-1642) 'Decade contenant l'histoire de Louis XIII' (Paris,
1619); 'Biographie Universelle' vol. I pp. 643-4 (Paris, 1843); F. Hayem
'Le marechal d'Ancre et Leonora Galigai' (Paris, 1910); A. Franklin 'La
cour de France et l'assassinat du marechal d'Ancre' (Paris, 1913).
498 . Hegel' s Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
From the account Hegel gives of it, it looks as though he probably came
across this incident in John Brand's (1774-1806) 'Observations on Popular
Antiquities' (ed. Henry EIlis, 2 vols. London, 1813) vol. II pp. 375-6: "The
Wife of Marshai D' Ancre was apprehended, imprisoned, and beheaded for
a Witch, upon a surmise that she had enchanted the Queen to doat upon
her husband: and they say, the young King's picture was found in her
doset, in virgin wax, with one leg melted away. When asked by her judges
what speIls she had made use of to gain so powerful an ascendancy over the
Queen, she replied, 'that ascendancy only which strong minds ever gain
over weak ones'." This may have been the book sent to Hegel by F. W.
Carove (1789-1852) on Sept. 27th 1820: 'Briefe von und an Hegel' II p. 242;
cf. 'Quarterly Review' no. XXII p. 259 (July, 1814), and the reference to
D. Webster's book (note 285, 31).
There seem to be no other French cases with which he might be confusing
the trial of Leonore D'Ancre: see M. Formey 'Recherches sur les anciennes
procedures contre les pretendus Sorciers' ('Nouveaux Memoires de l' Aca-
demie Royale des Sciences et BeIles-Lettres' 5 November, 1778 pp. 299-3 I I) ;
R. Yve-Plessis 'Essai d'une Bibliographie ... de la Sorcellerie' (Paris, 1900).
He may have had either of two English cases in mind however. Joan of
Navarre (1370-1437) was arrested on Ist Ooctober 1419 for 'avoit compassez
et ymaginez la mort et destruction de nre dit Sr le Roi (Henry V), en le
pluis haute et horrible manere' ('Rotuli Parliamentorum' 7 vols. London,
1767-1832 vol. iv p. 118), and in 1469 J acquetta of Luxemburg was accused
ofusing witchcraft on Edward IV in order to make hirn marry her daughter
Elizabeth Woodville ('Rot. ParI'. vol. vi p. 232).
229,35
Note 379, 29·
229,3 6
J. B. Helmont (1577-1644): note 307, 34; Phil. Nat. III.287-9·
23 1,3
See J. F. Pierer's (1767-1832) artide on magic In his 'Medizinisches
Realwörterbuch' vol. 5 pp. 23-39 (Altenburg, 1823).
23 1,20
Genesis III.22-24; cf. 107, 32 et seq.
23 1,3 1
Had Hegel had a higher opinion of the theory of racial degeneration
(note 47, 42), he might have treated Schelling's 'Ueber Mythen, historische
Sagen und Philosopheme der ältesten Welt' (1793): 'Werke' ed. M. Schröter,
vol. I pp. 1-43 (Munich, 1958) with more respect. Cf. Phil. Nat. 1.294.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 499
Towards the end of the seventeenth century, the traditional conception
of a golden age or godlike past, which had been inherited from Hesiod and
the Bible, was criticized by Hobbes and Vico, and satirized in such works
as Thomas Parnell's (1679-1718) 'Essay Concerning the Origin of the
Sdences from the Monkeys in Ethiopia' (1713). Rousseauism gave it a new
lease of life however, and Schelling's publication was only one of many of
its kind to appear in Germany towards the elose of the eighteenth century:
see C. G. Berger (d. 1795), the esperantist, 'Antediluviana' (Berlin, 1780),
F. Bouterwek (1766-1828) 'De historia generis humani' (Göttingen, 1792);
D. Tiedemann (1748-1803) 'Ursprung des Glaubens an einen ehemaligen
paradiesischen Zustand der Menschen' ('Berlinische Monatsschrift' Dec.
1796 pp. 505-21); M. Engel (d. 1813) 'Versuche in der scientifischen und
populären Philosophie' (Frankfurt, 1803) no. 7; F. A. Carus (1770--1807)
'Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit' (Leipzig, 1809) pp. 158--214.
Fichte would have none ofthis: 'BeJore us lies what Rousseau, in the name
of the state of nature, and every poet, under the appellation of the golden
age, have located behind us.' 'Werke' (1966) I, iii, p. 65. Saint-Simon was
of the same opinion: 'De la reorganisation de la societe europeene' (1814;
ed. A. Pereire, Paris, 1925) p. 97, as, quite evidently, was Hegel: cf. his
excerpt from the 'Morning Chroniele' 22nd September 1826, 'Hegel-
Studien' vol. H, 1976.
The development of contemporary opinion on the subject in France was
very different: see the various editions of A. Y. Goguet's (1716-1758) 'De
L'Origine des Loix, des Arts, et des Sciences' (3 vols. Paris, 1758), and
P. S. Ballanche's (1776--1847) grandiose scheme of degenerative history,
'Palingenesie Sodale' (Paris, 1827).
H. Levin 'The Myth of the Golden Age' (London, 1969); W. Veit
'Studien zur Geschichte des Topos der Goldenen Zeit' (Cologne, 1961 );
H. J. Mähl 'Die Idee des goldenen Zeitalters im Werk des Novalis' (Heidel-
berg, 1965); Colin Turnbull 'The Mountain People' (London, 1973).
232,9
For 'Zähnebebekommen' read 'Zähnebekommen'.
235, 18
This distinction almost certainly owes something to Aristotle's 'On
Prophecy in Sleep', and to the long tradition of oneirocritical works it
initiated. See Sir Thomas Browne, 'Religio Medici' pt. H eh. 11, 'we are
somewhat more than our selves in our sleepes, and the slumber of the body
seemes to bee but the waking of the soule.' 'Philological Quarterly' vol. 28
pp. 497-503 (October 1949).
Contemporary German literature on the subject is not extensive (note
143,33). Cf. J. C. Reil (1759-181 3) 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) pp. 66--9;
J. D. Brandis (1762-1845) 'Ueber Psychische Heilmittel' (Copenhagen,
500 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjectirc Spirit
235, 18
The inclusion of an account of this state in a discussion of anthropology is
by no means peculiar to Hegel. J. c. A. Heinroth (1773-1843) for example,
in his 'Lehrbuch der Anthropologie' (Leipzig, 1822) pp. 44-56 treats it at
some length, and J. Müller's 'Zur Physiologie des Fötus' (Nasse's 'Zeitschrift
für die Anthropologie' 1824, ii pp. 423-83), gave rise to a lively exchange
of views in this periodical during the next year or so.
Cf. Joseph Ennemoser (1787-1854) 'Historisch-psychologische Unter-
suchungen über den Ursprung und das Wesen der menschlichen Seele
überhaupt und über die Beseelung des Kindes insbesondere' (1824; 2nd ed.
Stuttgart and Tübingen, 185 I).
237,9
A much-discussed subject at that time, the general opinion being that the
psychic state of the mother could have a physical effect upon the unborn child:
K. Digby (1603-1665) 'Of Bodies and of Mans Soul' (London, 1669) pp.
415-31 (note 93, 12); Daniel Turner (1667-1741) 'De Morbis Cutaneis'
(London, 1714) ch. xii; L. A. Muratori (1672-1750) 'Ueber die Einbli-
dungskraft' (2 pts. Leipzig, 1785) 11. ch. 12; P. Pinel (1745-1826) 'Traite
Medico-Philosophique' (Paris, 1801) pp. 301-2 (note 331, 24); J. D.
Brandis (1762-1845 'Ueber Psychische Heilmittel' (Copenhagen, 1818) pp.
53-6; Kluge (note 303, 20) § 224.
For the opposite view, see J. A. Blondel (d. 1734) 'Dissertation physique
sur la force l'imagination des femmes enceintes sur le Fetus' (Leyden, 1734).
237,38
Georg Tobias Ludwig Sachs (1786-1814) is the young doctor Hegel is
referring to. His dissertation 'Historia Naturalis duorum Leucaethiopum
auctoris ipsius et sororis eius' (Sulzbach, 1812) was weil known at the time,
and was translated into German just prior to Hegel's having mentioned it in
his lectures, see J. H. G. Schlegel 'Ein Beitrag zur nähern Kenntniss der
Albinos' (Meiningen, 1824) pp. 7-142. It need not necessarily be the case
that Hegel actually knew hirn therefore, although he was teaching at the
University ofErlangen during the greater part ofHegel's Nuremberg period.
All the details mentioned here by Hegel are to be found in Sachs' book,
although Sachs informs us that he was born in the village of St. Ruprecht
in Upper Carinthia, not in Styria.
The mother must have had the experience at the beginning of March
1786: 'Quae, cum prim um foetum fere viginti et novem hebdomales a)
utero gesserat, e serenissimi diei hyemalis claritate meridiana niveque aucta
nihil-opinans in conclave intravit plane obscurum, ad cuius tenebras paucis
Noles to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 501
239, 23
This is a widespread and fairly common theme in folklore, mythology
502 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
and epic poetry: see M. A. Potter 'Sohrab and Rustem. The epic theme of
a combat between father and son' (London, 1902); T. P. Cross 'A Note on
Sohrab and Rustem in Ireland' ('Journal of Celtic Studies' vol. I p. 176).
Hegel probably has in mind Hildebrand's slaughter of Hadubrand. The
'Hildebrandslied' was first printed by J. G. von Eckhart (1664-1730) in
the second volume of his 'Commentarii de rebus Franciae' (2 vols., Würz-
burg, 1729), and was re-edited by J. L. C. Grimm (1785-1863) in his 'Die
bei den ältesten deutschen Gedichte' (Cassel, 1812). Cf. E. V. Utterson's
(1775-1856) edition of the metrical romance 'Sir Degare' (c. 1300), in his
'Select Pieces of early Popular Poetry' (2 vols., London, 1817) vol. I p. 113.
242, 29
Insert 'haben' after 'gesehen'. Cf. 1827 ed. 383, 26.
242,30
For 'diesen' read 'seinen'. Cf. 1827 ed. 383, 27.
243,2
Cf. notes 223, 4; 289, 22. The subject formed part of the normal medical
literature of the time, see the articles on 'Dämonen' and 'Genius' by J. F.
Pierer (1767-1832) in the 'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch' II.295-9 (1818),
III.550-2 (181 9).
243,4
The 'Besonnenheit' or self-possession referred to here, and throughout
these lectures, is evidently the cardinal virtue of soundness of soul (awcppouVV7J)
defined in the 'Charmides' : H. North 'Sophrosyne, self-knowledge
and self-restraint in Greek literature' ('Cornell Studies in Classical Philology'
vol. 35, 1966).J. C. Reil (175g-1813), in 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) p. 98,
a book almost certainly used by Hegel, gives a fuller definition, 'Selj-
possession is closely related to self-consciousness. It is a property of the soul
which has self-consciousness as its basis as it were, and which in its turn
links up with attention. Self-possession takes note of objects, while attention,
for its part, holds fast to what has been noted. Self-possession may be regarded
as the compass in the sea of sensuousness, as that which guides the activity
of the soul to its purpose, which is happiness. Without it, the soul would
either comply with the law of constancy and stick to one general object, or
reel about in the universe without a load-star. In that self-possession holds
the middle, both of these extremes are avoided.'
Michael Wagner (1756-1821), 'Bey träge zur Philosophischen Anthro-
pologie' (2 vols. Vienna, 1794/6) I pp. 130-1, distinguishes between internal
and external self-possession, 'To be internally self-possessed is to be conscious
of all that one is doing, to pay attention only to what one wants to observe,
to bear in mind decisions reached, and not to forget them when external
circumstances change. Lack ofself-possession is therefore less noticeable when
Notes to Volurne Two: Anthropology • 503
it is internal than when it is external. If a person tries to move a cartload of
hay in order to reach his friend, he may be seen and laughed at, but someone
who finds himself at a door and does not know why he is there can easily
get himself out of the fix without looking foolish. Consequently, if a person
is incapable of concealing this lack of internal self-possession, or has become
so, he is not only said to be, but usually is, an outright fool.'
Cf. J. F. Fries (1773-1843) 'Handbuch der Psychischen Anthropologie'
(2 vols. Jena, 1820/21) vol. I p. 79; H. B. Nisbet 'Herder and the Philosophy
and History ofScience' (Cambridge, 1970) p. 269.
243,4
'Das Gefühlsleben'. Although the 'life of feeling' is not often referred to
in the literature of the time, it is the direct outcome of a widely accepted
distinction, and is by no means a concept or turn of phrase peculiar to Hegel:
see D. G. Kieser (1779-1862) 'Das zweite Gesicht', in 'Archiv für den
thierischen Magnetismus' (12 vols. Leipzig and Halle, 1817-1824) 6 iii pp.
93-4 (1820), 'Consequently, when man's life qf feeling sees at a distance in
time and space, this is parallel to the Lift qf reason' s doing so. Both pro-
cedures are therefore properties of the human soul, the former being afeeling
at a distance, the latter a cognition at a distance; the former is however an
attribute of the nocturnal aspect and of the sLeeping soul, while the latter is
an attribute of the daytime aspect and of the awakened soul.' Kieser goes on
to say that the explanation of second sight and related phenomena is im-
possible unless this distinction is borne in mind. Cf. J. Salat (1766-185 I)
'Lehrbuch der höheren Seelenkunde' (Munich, 1820) pp. 189-93.
Such distinctions in respect of the human soul were congenial to Hegel's
general manner of thinking in that it involved the attempt to establish
qualitative differences, and had long been commonplaces wherever Aris-
totle's 'De Anima' was studied and known: see note 1. I I, 39; Max Dessoir
'Geschichte der Neueren Deutschen Psychologie' (2 vols. Berlin, 1902) I pp.
7-8 et seq.; C. Weiss 'Untersuchungen über das Wesen und Wirken der
Menschlichen Seele' (Leipzig, 181 I) p. 50; 'Archiv' op. cit. 2 ii p. 130 (1817);
6 i p. 101 (1819).
Those who claimed that animal magnetism provided us with glimpses of
'higher truths', naturally objected to Hegel's identifying it with the 'life of
feeling'. See F. X. van Baader (1765-1841) 'Ueber die Abbreviatur' etc.
(1822; 'Gesammelte Schriften zur Philosophischen Anthropologie' Leipzig,
1853 pp. 107-14), 'So z.B. stellte Prof. Kieser, nach ihm Hegel und dessen
Schule die Hypothese auf, dass in magnetischen oder ekstatischen Zuständen
der Mensch in zwei Hälften, nemlich in die Gefühl und in die Erkenntnis-
seite sich geschieden finde ... Die von Hegel aufgestellte Behauptung, dass
im Magnetischen ein (thierischer) Instinct wirksam sei, (ist) völlig grundlos.'
(pp. 110, 112).
504 . Hegel's Philosoph), of Subjective Spirit
243, 3 1
Since the critical procedure involved in Hegel's eXpOSItIOn of animal
magnetism is particularly effective, it may be of value to examine the back-
ground to these observations in some detail. 1t is certainly worth noting
moreover, that this is one of the very few sections of the 'Encyclopaedia'
for which we have direct documentary evidence of the way in which the
fundamental conception of the subject-matter was arrived at (note 303, 22).
There is nothing novel about the standpoint from which Hegel criticizes
the non-philosophical attitudes current at the time, - those who dis miss
animal magnetism as delusion and imposture are confusing categories, and
in this case the confusion leads them to question the factual aspect (das
Faktische) of the matter. Reason must look for the identity of particular and
universal, of content and form, must attempt to assess the subject-matter
in accordance with its level of complexity, to place the factual aspect in its
coherent context. The understanding fails to do this, since it simply applies its
own arbitrary categories to an unassessed subject-matter, and so allows
particular and universal, content and form to fall apart (Enc. §§ 71, 80, 81,
226,467).
We have already noted that Hegel's fundamental assessment of animal
magnetism is that it is an aspect ofthe life ofjeeling (note 243, 4). He recog-
nizes that it is effective at a physicallevel (Phil. Nat. III.207, 34), but he
evidently regards attempts to explain it in predominantly physical terms as
an unwarranted form of reductionism: see A. C. A. Eschenmayer (1768-
1854) 'Versuch, die scheinbare Magie des thierischen Magnetismus aus
physiologischen und psychischen Kräften zu erklären' (Stuttgart, 1816);
Stephan Csamidy 'Medicinische Philosophie und Mesmerismus' (Leipzig,
1860). On the other hand, he also criticizes those who overvalue it,
and regard it as capable of providing direct revelation of religious or
philosophical truths: see G. H. von Schubert (1780-1860) 'Ansichten
von der Nachtseite der Naturwissenschaft' (Dresden, 1808); J. Ennemoser
(1787-1854) 'Der Magnetismus' (Stuttgart, 1819); Ferdinand Runge
'Die Genesis des menschlichen Magnetismus' ('Archiv für den thierischen
Magnetismus' 8 ii pp. 1-60, 182 I) ; J. F. Mayer 'Blätter für höhere Wahrheit'
(Frankfurt-on-Main, 1818-1822); F. X. Baader (1765-1841) 'Ueber
die 1ncompetenz 'unsrer dermaligen Philosophie zur Erklärung der
Erscheinungen aus dem Nachtgebiete der Natur' (Stuttgart, 1837).
1t was such overvaluations of animal magnetism which encouraged the
reductionists to dismiss it outright as a bogus phenomenon: see C. H. Pfaff
(1773-1852) 'Ueber und gegen den thierischen Magnetismus' (Hamburg,
1817); J. Stieglitz (1767-1840) 'Ueber den thierischen Magnetismus'
(Hanover, 1814); reviewed in 'Kieser's Archiv' 2 iii, 5 ii, 8 ii. Although he
criticizes such works, Hegel must have realized that their sceptical approach
was not entirely without its merits, and the uncompromising vigour with
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology • 505
246, I
1827: 'ihren Faden', corrected (p. 544) to 'ihre Fäden'.
247,3
'so daß er auch in sich so abstürbe'. Boumann (170, 20) changed the verb
to the simple present ('abstirbt') i.e. 'he too dies internally ... '
247, 16
Plutareh 'Cato the Younger' 69; Lucan 'De Bello Civili' 11 380/3. Al-
though there is no particular reason why we should not regard Hegel's
interpretation of Cato's suicide as original, it should perhaps be noted that it
has several counterparts in the psychologicalliterature of the time. L. Auen-
brugger (1722-18°9) for example, in a work on suieide, 'Von der stillen
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 507
247, 17
Swiss doctors first introduced the consideration of nostalgia or home-
sickness into medical and nosological works, and throughout the eighteenth
century it was usual to illustrate the malady with Swiss examples: see
Johann Jakob Harder (1656-1711) 'Dissertatio medica de NOGTMYUX oder
Heimwehe' (Basel, 1678); Friedrich Hoffmann (1660-1742) 'Medicinae
rationalis systematicae' (4 vols. Halle, 1718-1739) vol. III sect. ii, ch. 5,
§ 22; U. von Salis. 'Bildergallerie der Heimweh-Kranken' (2 vols. Zürich,
1800).
Attempts were made to explain the phenomenon physiologically, see C. F.
Heusinger 'Zwei Beobachtungen organischer Fehler des Gehirns bei
Personen, die an der Nostalgie gestorben' (Nasse's 'Zeitschrift für die
Anthropologie' I pp. 493-504, 1823; 'Journal de Medecine, Chirurg. et
Pharm. milit.' VIII p. 179, 1820: XI p. 284, 1822). A. C. Lorry (1726-
1783) 'De Melancholia et morbis melancholis' (2 vols. Paris, 1765; Germ.
tr. ed. C. C. Krausen, 2 vols. Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1770, 11 p. 73) vol. 11,
pt. ii, art 2 took it to be principally a neurological weakness.
Most writers were in agreement with Hegel however, in that they treated
it as a psychic malady arising out of the interrelationship between the in-
dividual and his natural environment. A. von Haller (1708-1777) con-
sidered it to be dosely related to the moping or pining away of animals
isolated from their kind and to the misery of unrequited love, 'Elementa
physiologiae corporis humani' (8 vols. Lausanne, 1757-1766) vol. V p.
583, bk. 17, sect. ii, § 5. Cf. F. B. Sauvages (1706-1767) 'Nosologiamethodica'
(2 vols. Amsterdam, 1768) dass 8 genus ii; Thomas Arnold (1742-1816)
'Observations on ... Lunacy or madness' (Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1784/8; 2nd
ed. London, 1806 pp. 207-212) vol. I sect. iii, no. 13; William Falconer
(1744-1824) 'A Dissertation on the Influence of the Passions' (London,
1788; French tr. Paris, 1788; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1789) genus 106; G. A.
Andresse 'Diss. inaug. psychica nostalgiae adumbratio pathologica' (Berlin,
508 • Hegel's Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
247,22
Hegel could be referring here to the insanity incident to women who are
{Jing-in, see C. G. Carus (1789-1869) 'Zur Lehre von Schwangerschaft und
Geburt' (Leipzig, 1822) pt. I; G. M. Burrows (1771-1846) 'Commentaries ...
on Insanity' (London, 1828; Germ. tr. Weimar, 1831) pp. 362-409; J. B.
Friedreich 'Systematische Literatur der ... Psychologie' (Berlin, 1833) pp.
276-80. It is more likely however, that he has in mind the widely recognized
connection between menstruation and states such as paralysis, somnambulism
and clairvoyance. In bis library ('Verzeichniß' etc. Berlin, 1832 no. 1485)
he had a copy of the account of Auguste Müller (b. 1792) given by Wilhelm
Meier (1785-1853): 'Höchst merkwürdige Geschichte der magnetisch-
hellsehenden Auguste Müller in Karlsruhe' (Stuttgart, 1818); ed. Karl
Christian von Klein (1772-1825); reviewed D. G. Kieser 'Archiv' 3 iii pp.
110-25, 1818; 'Allg. medic. Annal.' October, 1818 p. 1380. This girl had
been perfectly healthy and normal until 1804, when her menstrual periods
began. They 'developed' incompletely and ceased in 1811. She came under
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 509
the treatment of Dr. Meier on 2nd April 1814, and by using magnetic and
dietetic means, he had completely restored her to health by 1817. Her
extraordinary clairvoyant powers became apparent during this period of
illness. On 2nd October 1814 for example, she was in contact with her
brother in Vienna. Two days later, remarking that she was, 'at that moment
present at it', she gave an account of a death taking place fifteen miles away.
The initial onset of menstruation during puberty, and subsequent irregu-
larities in the discharge of the menses, were often taken to be the basic and
direct causes of mental disturbances of various kinds: J. L. Lieutaud (1703-
1780) 'Historia Anatomico-Medica' (2 vols. Paris, 1767) vol. I p. 320 obs.
1369; William Rowley (1742-1806) 'A Treatise on female ... Diseases'
(London, 1790; Germ. tr. Breslau, 1790) ; John Ferriar (1761-1815) 'Medical
Histories and Reflections' (2 vols. Warrington and London, 1792/5; Germ.
tr. Leipzig, 1793/7) pt. 11; John Haslam (1764-1844) 'Observations on
Insanity' (London, 1798 p. 110; Germ. tr. Stendal. 1800 p. 71), 'From
whatever .cause ... (insanity) ... may be produced in women, it is considered
as very unfavourable to recovery, if they are worse at the period of men-
struation, or have their catamenia in very small or immoderate quantities.'
Cf. A. C. Savary (1776?-1814) 'Paralysie suite de la suppression du flux
menstruel compliquee d'accidents' ('Journal general de Medecine, de
Chirurgie et de Pharmacie' 1808); A. C. A. Eschenmayer 'Versuch die
scheinbare Magie' etc. (Tübingen, 1816) §§ 6-8, 68; C. M. Clarke (1782-
1857) 'Observations on the Diseases of Females' (London, 1814); J. C.
Prichard 'A Treatise on Diseases of the Nervous System' (London, 1822)
ch. V; Robert Gooch (1784-1830) 'Account ofsome ofthe most important
diseases peculiar to Women' (London, 1829; Germ. tr. Weimar, 1830).
It was realized that the sexual development, menstruation, pregnancy
and lying-in of women had to be taken into consideration in any compre-
hensive survey of their legal and political status: see H. B. von Weber
'Handbuch der psychischen Anthropologie' (Tübingen, 1829) p. 381.
247, 3 1
, ... das aber nicht bis zum Urtheil des Bewußtseyns fortgeht. . .' Cf. § 413
et seq.
247,35
In referring thus to the literally sub-conscious individual, Hegel was almost
certainly influenced by Leibniz's doctrine that all created monads exhibit
a grading in degree of clarity on account of their perceptions being more or
less confused by the passive element or materia prima they involve.
References to the wider metaphysical implications of Leibniz's doctrine
are to be found in the 'anthropological' literature of the time. Ernst Platner
(1744-1818) for example, in his 'Anthropologie' (Leipzig, 1772) pp. 22-4,
while discussing the problems involved in defining the immateriality of the
5I0 • Heget' s Philosoph) of Subjective Spirit
249,4 1
Plato 'Timaeus' (ed. R. D. Archer-Hind, London, 1888) 70d et seq.;
cf. A. E. Taylor 'Commentary on Plato's Timaeus' (Oxford, 1928) p. 512.
Hegel is referring to 'Platonis opera quae extant omnia' (3 vols. Geneva ?,
1578), the magnificent edition of the Greek text with a Latin translation
prepared by Henri Estienne (1528-1598), and subsequently re-issued by
F. C. Exter andJ. V. Embser (11 vols. Biponti, 1781-1787) and C. D. Beck
(Leipzig, 1813-1819). As is often the case with Hegel, even the passages
placed between inverted commas are summaries and paraphrases, not
accurate translations of the original.
A fuller analysis of the 'Platonic presentations of enthusiasm' is to be
found in the treatment of Plato in Hist. Phil. II.89. Cf. Friedrich Hufeland
'Ueber Sympathie' (2nd ed. Weimar, 1822) p. 227.
The notes on § 392 (29, 32) make it evident that Hegel associated the
passage in Plato with the observation at the beginning of Cicero's 'De
Divinatione', 'lt is an ancient belief, going back to heroic times but since
confirmed by the unanimous opinion of the Roman people and of every
other nation, that there exists within mankind an undeniable faculty of
divination. The Greeks called it mantike, that is the capacity to foresee, to
know future events, a sublime and salutary act that raises human nature
most nearly to the level of divine power. In this respect, as in many others,
we have improved upon the Greeks by giving this faculty a name from the
word God, divinatio, whereas according to Plato's explanation the Greek
word comes fromfuror (mania from which mantike is derived).' Cf. J. c. L.
Ziermann 'Geschichtliche Darstellung des thierischen Magnetismus als
Heilmittels' (Berlin, 1824); R. Flaceliere 'Greek Orades' (Paris, 1961; tr.
D. Garman, London, 1965); H. W. Parke 'The Orades of Zeus' (Oxford,
1967).
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 5 I I
253,6
If justified in respect of the true nature of the subject matter, this systematic
exposition of 'animal magnetism' within the general sphere of 'Anthro-
pology' , should have enabled future research to reach universally valid
conclusions with regard to the effective employment of the state in curing
psychic diseases. Although it was a commonplace after about 1820 to treat
animal magnetism as an aspect of 'Anthropology': J. F. Fries 'Handbuch der
psychischen Anthropologie' (2 vols. Jena, 1820/1) pt. ii, J. C. A. Heinroth
'Lehrbuch der Anthropologie' (Leipzig, 1822) pt. ii, Joseph Hillebrand
'Die Anthropologie als Wissenschaft' (Mainz, 1823) pt. ii pp. 348-77, H. B.
von Weber 'Handbuch der psychischen Anthropologie' (Tübingen, 1829)
ii, 4, this generally accepted classification did not involve any such critical
assessment of the phenomenon as that provided here by Hegel. Those who
recorded in detail the iffectiveness of it failed to provide any satisfactory
explanation, and those whose 'scientific and spiritual categories' were in-
ade qua te tended either to ignore it or to attempt to prove that it was a
bogus phenomenon.
The great bulk of the literature on the subject produced during Hegel's
lifetime was in French and German. The best general surveys of it are to be
found in J. P. F. Deleuze 'Histoire Critique du Magnetisme Animal' (2nd
ed. 2 vols. Paris, 1819); C. A. F. Kluge 'Versuch einer Darstellung des
animalischen Magnetismus' (2nd ed. Berlin, 1815); D. G. Kieser 'System
des Tellurismus oder Thierischen Magnetismus' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1822).
The details of the varieties of approach and interpretation mentioned here
by Hegel may best be studied in the following periodicals: 'Annales du
magnetisme animal' (ed. Montferriar etc. Paris, 1814-1816), 'Bibliotheque
du magnetisme animal (8 vols. Paris, 1817-1819); 'Archiv für den thierischen
Magnetismus' (ed. J. L. Bockmann, 8 vols. Carlsruhe, 1787/8), 'Archiv für
den thierischen Magnetismus' (ed. A. W. Nordhoff, Jena, 1804), 'Archiv
für den thierischen Magnetismus' (ed. A. C. A. Eschenmayer, D. G. Kieser,
512 . Heget'.> Phitosophy of Subjective Spirit
253,3 8
Cf. A. C. A. Eschenmayer 'Versuch, die scheinbare Magie des thierischen
Magnetismus aus physiologischen und psychischen Gesetzen zu erklären'
(Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1816); reviewed 'Archiv für den thier. Magnet.'
1817 I, i pp. 145-66.
255, 23
'das Seelenhafte' see Phil. Nat. III.3I7.
257, I I
Cf. Phil. Nat. §§ 371, 372. Hegel almost certainly formulated his theory
of organic disease first, and then found that it also helped hirn in his treatment
of the soul. For the subsequent fate of a very similar theory to that pro-
pounded here, see A. L. Wigan 'A New View of Insanity. The Duality of
the Mind proved by the structure, functions and diseases of the brain'
(London, 1844).
257, 29
All these 'diseased' states involve, 'the merely soul-like aspect of the
organism appropriating the function of spiritual consciousness', and are of
course deeply involved in physiological factors. In order to analyze effectively
Notes to Volume Two: Anthropology . 513
the validity of Hegel's assessment of them, one has therefore to bear in mind
the precise significance he assigns to animal physiology (Enc. §§ 350-76),
the soul, and 'spirit' (§ 387). On sleep-walking, catalepsy and the period oJ
development in girls see notes 267, 18; 357, 16; 247, 22.
It is clearly his definition of bodily disease as, 'the isolation of an organ
or system in opposition to the general harmony of the individuallife' (Enc.
§ 371), which led hirn to treatpregnancy as a disease: cf. § 405 sect. 2. John
Conolly (1794-1866), 'An Inquiry concerning the indications of Insanity'
(London, 1830) p. 234, elaborates upon the physiological complications
incident to pregnancy, 'During pregnancy, partly perhaps from an undue
circulation in the brain, and partly from a morbid state of the brain itself,
explained by its sympathy with the states of the uterus, the mental faculties
and moral feelings sometimes undergo singular modification.' Hegel's
friend P. G. van Ghert (1782-1852), see note 303, 22, noticed that whereas
menstruation gave rise to greater sensitivity to animal magnetism, preg-
nancy gave rise to less, 'Mnemosyne' (Amsterdam, 1815; Germ. tr. 'Archiv
f.d. thier. Mag.' 1818,3 iii pp. 1-97) Germ. tr. p. 62. In Halmstad, Sweden,
in 1817 however, a young married woman was told by a magnetizer that
she was pregnant before she knew herself: C. G. Nees von Esenbeck (1776-
1858) 'Geschichte eines automagnetischen Kranken' ('Archiv. f.d. thier.
Mag.' 1822, 10 ii pp. 121-7). It was also realized that great care had to be
taken when magnetizing pregnant women on account of the danger of
bringing on a miscarriage: A. A. Tardy de Montravel 'Journal du traitement
magnetique de Madame Braun' (Strassburg, 1787; Germ. tr. Nordhoff's
'Archiv' I ii p. 26). Pregnant women were also cured ofmadness by being put
into the magnetic state: 'Bibliotheque du Magnetisme animal' 1818 vol. 5
pp. 241-6, cf. E. Gmelin (1761-1809) 'Materialien für die Anthropologie'
(2 vols. Tübingen, 1791/3) vol. I p. 90; J. C. Prichard 'A Treatise on
Insanity' (London, 1835) pp. 306-17.
In Hegel's day there was much uncertainty as to the definition, classifi-
cation and diagnosis of St. Vitus's dance. Since he mentions it in conjunction
with 'the moment of approaching death', it may be worth noting that St.
Vitus was invoked against sudden death as weIl as chorea, and that he
plays an important part in the Christianized folk-beliefs of Central Europe,
being the patron of Bohemia and Saxony and one of fourteen 'protectors'
of the church in Germany: see J. H. Kessel 'St. Veit, seine Geschichte,
Verehrung und bild liehe Darstellungen' ('Jahrbücher des Vereins von
Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande' 1867 pp. 152-83). Chorea was often
confused with ergotism (Kriebelkrankheit, raphania): see J. G. Brendel
(1712-1758) 'Praelectiones academicae' (ed. H. G. Lindemann, 3 vols.
Leipzig, 1792/4) vol. 11 p. 86; S. A. D. Tissot (1728-1797) 'Nachrichten von
der Kriebelkrankheit' (Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1771); J. F. K. Hecker (1795-
1850) 'Die Tanzwuth, eine Volkskrankheit im Mittelalter' (Berlin, 1832;
514 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
Eng. tr. London, 1835). In Britain it was usual to classify chorea together
with lameness, palsy and paralysis: Thomas Dover (1660-1742) 'The
Ancient Physician's legacy to his country' (London, 1733); Richard Mead
(1673-1754) 'Monita et praecepta medica' (London, 1751; Germ. tr.
Hamburg and Leipzig, 1752); cf. John Andree (1699?-1785), 'Cases of
Epilepsy, Hysterie Fits, St. Vitus's Dance' (London, 1746), John Ewart
'Dissertatio de Chorea' (Edinburgh, 24.6. I 786). Earlier physicians had
classified it as form of raving: Felix Platerus (1536-1614) 'Observationum
in hominis affectibus plerisque' (3 vols. Basel, 1614) bk. I p. 788; Nicolas
Tulpius (1593-1678) 'Observationum medicarum' (3rd ed. 4 vols. Amster-
dam, 1672) bk. I obs. 16.
In steering a middle course between these two classifications and treating
St. Vitus's dance as closely related to animal magnetism, Hegel was prob-
ably influenced directly or indirectly by J. E. Wichmann (1740-1802),
'Ideen zur Diagnostik' (3 vols. Hanover, 1794-1802; 3rd ed. 1827) vol. I
p. 135, who no ti ces that in patients suffering from the disease there is, 'oft
ein Zustand von Außersichseyn, von Somnambulismus vorhanden.' Cf. A.
C. A. Eschenmayer (1768-1854) 'Versuch die scheinbare Magie' etc.
(Stuttgart, 1816) pp. 146-7. The disease was certainly cured in ways that
might have encouraged Hegel to classify it as he did. Purely medicinal
eures such as that employed for many years at the Bristol Infirmary were
fairly widely used: John Wright 'Cases of. .. Chorea Sancti Viti (treated)
with flowers of zinc' ('Memoirs of the Medical Society of London' vol. 3
pp. 563-8, 1792), but the use of electricity in curing the disease had been
discovered quite early in the eighteenth century: see]. F. FothergiH (1712-
1780) 'Account of the eure of St. Vitus's Dance by electricity' ('Phil. Trans.
Roy. Soc.' 1755 vol. 49 p. I), and in Hegel's day magnetic eures were weH
documented: C. A. F. Kluge 'Animalischen Magnetismus' (Berlin, 1815)
p. 433; K. C. Wolfart (d. 1832) 'Jahrbücher für den Lebens = Magnetismus'
1820 vol. 3 sect. ii VIII p. 230; Franz Dürr (Baden) 'Das siderische un-
magnetisirte Baquet als Heilmittel gegen den Veitstanz' (Archiv. f.d. thier.
Mag.' 1822, IO iii pp. 1-68). Cf. W. F. Dreyssig (1770-1819) 'Handbuch
der Pathologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1796/9 vol. I pp. 335-47.
On the 'soul-like awareness' (das seelenhafte Wissen) associated with the
moment of approaching death, see J. c. Passavant (1790-1857) 'Unter-
suchungen über den Lebensmagnetismus und das Hellsehen' (Frankfurt-
On-Main, 1821) pp. 253-9 'Hellsehen in der Nähe des Todes', 'Zu allen
Zeiten gab es nun Menschen, welche an der Grenze des Grabes, wenn die
Seele die Anker lichtet nach der neuen Welt, sich in heiliger Begeisterung
über die irdischen Dinge erhoben, hellsehend Vergangenes und Zukünftiges
im inneren Lichte erschauten, und somit gleichsam ein höheres Dasein
anticipirten.' Hegel almost certainly used this book (note 265, 3). Passavant
refers to the deathbed visions of a certain Johann Schwertfeger who died
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 515
near Halberstadt about 1733: see 'Die Geistliche Fama' (30 pts. Phila-
delphia, 1730 et seq.) vol. I no. 3 p. 40; vol. 11 no 13 p. lOS. Such cases
attracted considerable attention in Germany at that time: see 'Archiv f.d.
thier. Mag.' 1817 I i pp. 3S-So, I ii pp. 1-16S.
Georg Franck de Franckenau (1644-1704) 'Dissertatio de Vaticiniis'
(Heidelberg, 167S) collected many instances of the oracular power of the
dying. Shakespeare's dramatization of the death of Gaunt ('Richard 11' 11 i)
probably accounts to a considerable extent for the interest in such matters
shown in England during the eighteenth century. Defoe's 'The Dumb
Philosopher' ; (London, 17 19), which contains an account of the Cornishman
Dickory Cronke, who acquired the power of speech just before his death
and prophesied concerning the fate ofEurope, was widely read, and Smollett
is supposed to have written to a Northumberland clergyman just before his
death, forecasting the American and French revolutions: 'Wonderful
Prophecies' (3rd ed. London, I 79S). See]. C. Spurzheim 'Observations
on ... Insanity' (London, 1817; Germ. tr. Hamburg, 1818) p. 206, 'Like
old persons, who sometimes a short time before their death show increased
activity of their powers, many insane, before the end of their days, show
often a sudden restoration of reason. The mind of Dean Swift awoke from
its long repose in fatuity in consequence of an abscess in one of his eyes. Dr.
Percival (Thomas Percival 1740-1804) relates an instance of a woman, who
lived from her infancy to the thirty-fifth year of her age in astate of fatuity
and died of a pulmonary consumption, in which he discovered a degree of
intellectual vigour that astonished her family and friends.'
259,3
After the revocation ofthe edict ofNantes in 1685, the attempt was made
to convert the Huguenot peasantry of the Cevennes by force, and for some
years after 1702 this gave rise to organized military resistance. Pope Clement
XI issued a bull against the 'execrable race of the ancient Albigenses' and
the French government, enlisting the service of the Irish Brigade which had
just returned from the persecutions of the Waldenses, adopted a policy of
extermination, burning 466 villages in the Upper Cevennes alone, and
putting most of the population to the sword. Louis XIV finally announced
the complete extirpation of the heresy on 8th March 17 I 5.
F. M. Misson (c. 1650-1721), 'Le Theatre sacre des Cevennes' (London,
1707), provides us with most of our information concerning the spiritual
manifestations in the Cevennes mentioned here by Hegel: see the evidence
given by Guillaume Bruyuier (p. 30), 'J'ai vu a Aubessaque trois ou quatre
enfants, entre l'age de trois et de six ans, saisis de l'esprit. Comme j'etais
chez un nomme Jacques Boussige, un de ses enfants, age de trois ans, fut
saisi de l'esprit et tomba a terre. 11 fut fort agite, et se donna de grands
coups de main sur la poitrine, disant en meme temps que c'etaient les
516 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjectiue Spirit
peches de sa mere qui le faisaient souffrir.' Another witness speaks of a
fifteen month old child acting in the same way.
The best general history of the Camisards available to Hegel was Antoine
Court's 'Histoire des troubles des Cevennes' (3 vols. Villefranche, 1760;
2nd ed. 1819). See also Alexandre Bertrand (1795-1831) 'Du Magnetisme
Animal en France' (Paris, 1826) pp. 351-65; 'Archiv f.d. thier. Magn.'
1821, 8 ii pp. 150-4; 'Bibliotheque du Magnetisme anima!' (Paris, 1819)
vol. 8 pp. 261-74; A. E. Bray 'The Revolt ofthe Protestants ofthe Cevennes'
(London, 1870). The first full-scale psychological approach to the his tory of
the Camisards is to be found in Revault d'Allonnes' 'Psychologie d'une
religion' (Paris, 1908); cf. Jean Benoit 'Les Prophetes Huguenots. Etude de
Psychologie Religieuse' (Thesis, Montauban, 1910); R. Yve-Plessis 'Essai
d'une Bibliographie ... de la Sorcellerie' (Paris, 1900) nos. 67 1-7.
259,7
Theodore Bouys (1751-1810), 'Nouvelles consideration pUlsees dans la
clairvoyance instinctive de l'homme' (Paris, 1806), was the first to call
attention to Joan's voices and visions as a matter of psychological interest,
and since he published, no comprehensive account of her career has lacked
a consideration of her psychology: 'Annales du Magnetism animal' I 24-7
(1815); 'Archiv f.d. thier. Magn.' 2 iii pp. 130-3 (1818); J. B. Friedreich
'Systematische Literatur der ... Psychologie' (Berlin, 1833) p. 27.
By the men of the enlightenment, Joan was generally regarded as at best
a skilfully manipulated pawn and at worst a fraud: see Voltaire 'La Pucelle
d'Orleans' (Paris, 1755)' What reputation she enjoyed in France prior to
the revolution tended to rest upon her having been instrumental in the
crowning of the king, and it is not surprising therefore that her stock should
have been very low indeed during the revolutionary period. It was toward
the close of the eighteenth century however, that historical research began
to throw new light upon her 'purity, simplicity of soul and patriotic enthusi-
asm.' Hume 'Hist. of England' ur p. 357 speaks weIl of her; see also C. F.
de l'Averdy 'Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque du roi'
(Paris, 1790); C. B. Petitot 'Memoires concernant la Pucelle d'Orleans'
(Paris, 1819); W. H. Ireland 'Memoirs ofJeanne d'Arc' (London, 1824).
On 30th January 1803 Napoleon ordered the restoration of the annual
fete held at Orleans on 8th May in celebration of the raising of the English
army's siege of the city in 1429: 'Le Moniteur U niversel' 10 Pluviose, an.
XI. After 1815Joan came into her own in France as a symbol ofa monarchy
backed not by the nobility but by the people, and of military and religious
traditions more acceptable than those of the recent past. Historians and
poets idealized her: Jacques Berriat-Saint-Prix 'Jeanne d'Arc' (Paris, 1817);
P. A. Lebrun des Charmettes 'Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc' (Paris, 1817),
'L'Orleanide (Paris, 1820).
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 5I 7
261,5
D. G. Kieser (1779-1862) 'Das siderische Baquet und der Siderismus'
('Archiv f.d. thier. Mag.' 1819 5 ii pp. 1-84) p. 36 mentions that rock salt
is one of the substances which is 'sidereally effective'. F. Fischer 'Beobach-
tungen über thierischen Magnetismus und Somnambulismus' (Reil's
'Archiv f.d. Phys.' vol. 6 sect. 11 pp. 264-81) p. 276 mentions the case ofone
of his friends, who put a patient into a magnetic sleep and then tasted salt,
which was immediately also tasted, without physical contact, by the patient.
Cf. C. A. F. Kluge 'Animalischen Magnetismus' (Berlin, 1815) pp. 142-68.
262,38
Kehler wrote 'Heerden' .
26 3,4
Schelling, in 1807, was evidently first to call Hegel's attention to water-
divining and pendulation ('Briefe von und an Hegel' ed. Hoffmeister I no.
83), and this lengthy exposition (1825) indicates how carefully Hegel sub-
sequently thought about the matter.
The origin of this general interest in what might be regarded as a re-
latively unimportant subject, has to be sought in the theorizing which
developed as a result of the discovery that evidently inorganic factors could
have a direct and perceptible effect upon apparently organic phenomena.
Experimentation had shown, for example, that electricity could motivate
'dancing' figures, that galvanic activity could move frogs' legs and even
're-animate' corpses, and that magnets could induce trances (Phil. Nat.
11.174,30 ; 199,39; 201, 29: 111.207, 34)·
Schelling was encouraged to draw certain fantastic conelusions from this,
and to build his physiophilosophy around them: 'The whole idea of it is to
equate the three stages of the dynamic process (in the realm of what is
organic: sensibility, irritability, reproduction; in what is inorganic: mag-
netism, electricity, chemical process) with the three dimensions of matter'
(letter to A. C. A. Eschenmayer, 22nd September 1800). In his letter to
Hegel (I IthJanuary 1807), he calls attention to the elose connection between
metal-/water-divining and pendulation, and urges hirn to perform certain
experiments illustrating a polarity which he assurnes to be not exelusively
subjective: 'It is an actual magie incident to the human being, no animal
is able to do it. Man actually breaks forth as a sun among other beings, all
of which are his planets.' Cf. Schelling's anonymous account of Ritter's
experiments with Campetti, 'Merkwürdiger physikalischer Versuch'
('Morgenblatt für gebildete Stände' Ist year, no. 26 p. 100, 20th January
1807).
A few months after receiving this letter, Hegel heard from T. J. Seebeck
(1770-1831) about the conelusions then being drawn from Ritter's experi-
ments: 'The latest conelusion is that the will of the experimenter can be the
518 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
complete substitute for external stimulations, without involving any ancillaries ...
This constitutes capital confirmation of a proposition which has been evident
in physics and physiology for some time now, viz. that stimulation of the will
is as important as what is simply physical.' See 'Briefe' op. cit. I no. 100; J. W.
Ritter (1776-1810) 'Der Siderismus' (Tübingen, 1808), listed no. 1409 in
the catalogue of Hegel's library (Berlin, 1832).
Hegel differs from both Schelling and Seebeck in considering it essential
that the nature of the substances being located should be taken into con-
sideration when attempting to explain divining: for his views on the nature
of water and metal see Phil. Nat. §§ 284, 334. He also differs from them in
that he takes the bodily disposition of the diviner to be decisive in deter-
mining susceptibility (Phil. Nat. § 371). Ritter's observations as to the
influence of metals upon people with nervous diseases and the efficacy of
sulphur in inducing cramps (op. cit. p. I I), almost certainly influenced him
in respect of both these points. Although his assessment of the will as a level
of'Psychology' (§ 468) ruled out the possibility ofhis accepting in its entirety
the interpretation of divining mentioned by Seebeck, he shows that he
endorses the substance of it by taking it to be self-evident that 'the wood
moves solelyon account of the person's sensation'. Sensations are also
assessed in the 'Psychology (§§ 447, 448), but at this stage in the 'Anthro-
pology' sensation is already apresupposition (§§ 399, 400), and Hegel is
therefore certainly justified in rounding off his exposition by observing that
it is in sensation that the sensation of heaviness experienced in divining has
its ground.
Newton's proposition that, 'Every particle of matter in the universe
attracts every other particle with a force that varies inversely as the squares
of the distances between them and directly as the products of their masses'
('Math. Princ.' bk. I prop. I xxvi cor. iii and iv), was taken by Carlo
Amoretti (1741-1808) as the starting point ofhis investigations into water-
divining: see the opening paragraph of his 'Physikalische und historische
Untersuchungen über die Rabdomantie oder animalische Electrometrie'
(tr. K. U. von Salis, notes J. W. Ritter, Berlin, 1809). This work was based
upon articles first published early in the 1790'S: see 'Opuscoli scelti di
Milano' vols. XIV, XVI, XIX, XX, XXI; 'Memorie della Societa Italiana'
vol. XII; cf. 'Elementi di Elettrometria animale del Cavaliere Carlo
Amoretti' (Milan 1816); D. G. Kieser 'Die Rhabdomatie und die Pendel-
schwingungen' ('Archiv f.d. thier. Mag.' 1818 3 ii pp. 22-35). The experi-
ment by Count Karl Ulysses von Salis-Marschlins (1760-1818) mentioned
by Hegel is almost certainly to be found in his 'Ueber unterirdische Elek-
trometrie' (Zürich, 1794), which was in fact a translation of 'Resume sur les
Experiences d'Electrometrie souterraine faites en Italie et dans les Alpes
depuis 1789 jusqu'en 1792' (2 vols. Milan and Brescia, 1792/3), by Pierre
Thouvenel (1747-1815). An excellent survey of the research being carried
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 5 I 9
out in this field at the beginning of the last century is to be found in C. von
Aretin's 'Beiträge zur literärischen Geschichte der Wünschelruthe' (Munich,
1807); cf. C. A. F. Kluge 'Animalischen Magnetismus' (Berlin, 1815) pp.
248-9·
On 21st November 1806 J. W. Ritter left Munich, with an interpreter, in
order to test the divining powers of Francesco Campetti, who lived at
Gargnano on Lake Garda. The experiment with the metals mentioned by
Hegel, in which zinc, iron and copper were used, was performed on 12th
December 1806. Ritter was convinced that Campetti possessed a genuine
power, and brought hirn back to Munich in theJanuary of 1807. He wrote
the account of hirn subsequently published in 'Der Siderismus' (op. cit.)
during the following summer, and on 19th August 1807 his researches were
investigated by a committee set up by the Bavarian Academy of Sciences.
This committee, which consisted of Maximus von Imhof (1758-1817),
Professor ofMathematics, Physics and Chemistry, the anatomist and physio-
logist S. T. von Sömmerring (1755-1830) and the physicist J. M. Güthe,
came to the conclusion that Ritter's method of investigation had been un-
satisfactory, and refused to confirm the validity of his general conclusions:
see 'Denkschriften der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
München' 1808, Geschichte, p. XLIII.
Although Ritter is said to have admitted, shortly before his death, that
Campetti was probably a charlatan ('Briefe' op. cit. I p. 467), this was not
the general view, and research into rhabdomancy (Greek paß80S (rod)
+ p.aJIT€la (divination)) had extended into detailed historical and medical
studies by the time Hegel was lecturing on the subject in Berlin: see H. E.
Katterfeld 'Spuren magnetischer Erscheinungen in der nordischen Ge-
schichte' ('Archiv f.d. thier. Mag.' 1820, 6, ii pp. 163-9); Johann Friedrich
Weisse (1792-1869) 'Erfahrungen über arzneiverständige Somnambulen'
(Berlin, 1819) pp. 75-84; cf. 'Archiv' op. cit. 1820,6, iii pp. 150-2.
On the animal's 'sympathetic community of feeling with what is going
on in the Earth' see Phil. Nat. II.51; III.146-7.
Cf. F. Nicolin 'Hegel als Professor in Heidelberg' ('Hegel-Studien' vol.
2 pp. 71-98, 1963) pp. 87-91.
263,8
For the evident origin of Hegel's interest in pendulation see note 263, 4.
Experiments with a ring and a glass of water were evidently performed by
the ancients, and were certainly recorded during the seventeenth century:
see Dr. Schindler (practising physician at Greiffenberg) 'Ueber die rab-
domantischen Pendelschwingungen' (Nasse's 'Zeitschrift für die Anthro-
pologie' 1825 i pp. 79-112); M. E. Chevreul (1787-1889) 'Examen d'ecrits
concernant la baguette divinatoire, le pendule dit explorateur, et les tables
tournantes' ('Journal des Savants' 1853/4); C. G. Carus (1789-1869) 'Ueber
520 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
Lebensmagnetismus' (Leipzig, 1857) ch. III. It was, however, C. Mortimer's
(d. 1752) ac count ofStephen Gray's (d. 1736) experiments which initiated
the eighteenth and early nineteenth century interest in the subject: 'Take
a small iron globe, of an inch and half diameter, which set on the middle of
a cake of rosin, of about 7 or 8 inches diameter, having first excited the
cake by gently rubbing it, clapping it three or four times with the hands,
or warming it a little before the fire. Then fasten a light body, as a small
piece of cork, or pith of elder, to an exceedingly fine thread, 5 or 6 inches
long, which hold between the finger and thumb, exactly over the globe, at
such a height, that the cork, or other light body, may hang down about the
middle of the globe; this light body will of itself begin to move round the
iron globe, and that constantly from west to east, being the same direction
which the planets have in their orbits round the sun.' ('Phi!. Trans. Roy.
Soc.' vol. XXXIX p. 460 no. 444 (1736)).
Something very similar to the experiment mentioned by Hegel is analyzed
by Carlo Amoretti (1741-1808) in 'Elementi di Elettrometria animale'
(Milan, 1816: Germ. tr. Kieser, 'Archiv' 1818,4 ii pp. 1-119) § 23 ('Archiv'
pp. 33-4): 'Einige glauben, daß der Pendel, in einen Becher oder ein
anderes Gefäß gehalten, nicht allein an die innern Wände desselben
anschlägt. .. sondern daß er auch so viele Schläge giebt, als man in diesem
Augenblick Tagesstunden zählt. .. (Es ist) sehr wahrscheinlich, daß, wenn
auch nicht der bestimmte Wille, doch wenigstens eine von dem Vorher-
wissen abhängende Bewegung hier Einfluß hat. Es wäre daher zu wünschen,
daß derjenige der diesen Versuch macht, nicht allein die Tageszeit nicht
wußte, sondern auch Augen und Ohren verschlossen hätte, damit die Ein-
bildung keinen Einfluß haben konnte ... .'
A. W. Knoch (1742-1818) 'Bemerkungen über einige electrische Versuche,
deren Erklärung schwierig schien' ('Gilberts Annalen der Physik' vol. 24
pp. 104-12 (1806); cf. vol. 57 pp. 360-88 (1817)) also drew attention to the
danger of self-deception in the experiment. D. G. Kieser 'Das magnetische
Behältniß' ('Archiv f.d. thier. Mag.' 1818, 3 ii pp. 28-9) noticed that the
ring does not swing if connected to inanimate objects, and emphasized the
importance of its being of gold. Dr. A. J. Greve of Gütersloh 'Ueber Pen-
delschwingungen und siderisches Baquet' ('Archiv' 1820, 6 ii pp. 155-63)
performed Amoretti's experiments and was 'fully convinced that something
which could not be categorized as any known substance, was emitted from
these inorganic bodies.' Dr. Groß of Jüterbogk 'Noch etwas über Pendel-
schwingungen' ('Archiv' 1821, 10 i pp. 168-72) expressed the view that the
motion originated in the hand. Dr. Schindler (loc. cit) attempted to mediate
between these two points of view by establishing the following points:
i) That there is a natural force which works on an object held in the
human hand, be it a pendulum or a divining rod.
ii) That the human will works in the same way as this natural force, and
Notes to Volurne Two: Anthropology . 521
265,3
The ultimate source here is a work by Jean-Baptiste Panthot (c. 1640-
1707), a graduate of Montpellier and physician at Lyon: 'Traite de la
baguette, ou la Recherche des veritables usages ausquels elle convient pour
la decouverte des voleurs, des meurtriers, sur la terre et sur les eaux, des
bornes, des tresors' (Lyon, 1693)' On 5th July 1692 a Lyon wine merchant
and his wife were murdered with an axe in their cellar, and their money
was taken. Since there was no evidence as to who might have committed
the murder, a peasant by the name ofJacques Aymar, a man who was well-
known locally for his use of the divining rod in discovering water, metals,
boundary stones, thieves, murderers etc., was brought to Lyon and taken
to the cellar. 'As he entered it he was disturbed, his pulsebeat was what it
might have been had he had a violent fever. The rod which he held in his
hands twitched violently, and all these motions became twice as pronounced
when he came to the place where the body of the dead woman had been
found.' He then left the cellar and followed the right bank of the Rhöne to a
spot where the murderers had had lunch. The rod indicated where they had
buried the axe, the beds they had slept in, a boat they had used, the point
at which they had separated. One of the accomplices, a nineteen year old,
was traced to the prison in Beaucaire, and as Hegel notes, the others were
pursued 'to the boundaries of the kingdom. '
J ohann Gottfried Zeidler (d. 171 I) gave an account of this case in his
'Pantomysterium, oder Das Neue vom Jahre in der Wündschelruthe, als
einem allgemeinen Werckzeuge menschlicher verborgenen Wissenschaft'
(ed. Christian Thomasius (1655-1728), Halle and Magdeburg, 1700) pp.
336-418; cf J. C. Passavant (1790-1857) 'Untersuchungen über den
Lebensmagnetismus und das Hellsehen' (Frankfurt-on-Main, 182 I) pp.
131-8;J. C. Colquhoun (1785-1854) 'An History of... Animal Magnetism'
(2 vols. London, 185 I) ch. 68 vol. II pp. 280-4.
Hegel's remark about the dog and its master may have been influenced
by the seventeenth century Italian case mentioned by J. P. F. Deleuze (1753-
1835): see 'Annales du Magnetisme anima!' vol. I sect. 16 pp. 150-71;
'Archiv' 1818, 2 iii pp. 113-4. J. A. L. Richter 'Betrachtungen über den
522 . Hegel's Philosophy of Su~jective Spirit
265, 12
If the assumptions behind this remark are to be understood, thefour main
levels at which the senses are dealt with in the 'Encyclopaedia' have to be
borne in mind. It is pointed out in § 316 (Phil. Nat. II.1I6-121), that it is
only possible to carry out exact and discriminating work in the more com-
plex fields ofphysics because 'physical totality exists for sensation' (II. I Ig, Ig).
In §§ 355-8 (Phil. Nat. III. I 26-40), the physiological factors involved in the
functioning of the senses are dealt with. In § 401, emphasis is laid upon
exterior sensations. In § 448 the interior sensations are assessed, the psychological
significance of the sens es being presented as an aspect of intuition.
Hegel does not mention the 'general sense' (Gemeinsinn) in any of these
contexts, although it obviously approximates fairly closely to the sense of
feeling as defined in § 401. The peculiarity of his terminology here almost
certainly arose from the desire to avoid a reductionist interpretation of what
he considered to be a distinct phenomenon. The fact that he uses a word
often taken to be the equivalent of Aristotle's KOLV~ atu(JTjut, ('De Anima'
III, 2), should not lead us to ass urne that at thisjuncture alone he is invoking
the Aristotelian doctrine of an internal sense constituting the common bond
of the five 'specific' senses, although this doctrine certainly ac cords with
what he is saying here. If he has a specific philosophical doctrine in mind at
this juncture, it is probably Thomas Reid's (17IO-17g6) 'common sense',
as this was used to refute Hume's postulation of the essential unconnected-
ness of 'particular perceptions': see Hist. Phil. III.375 et seq. where the
'An Inquiry into the Human Mind on the Principles of Common Sense'
(1764; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1782; Edinburgh, 18IO) is referred to; cf. Max
Dessoir 'Geschichte der neueren deutschen Psychologie' (2nd ed. Berlin,
I g02) I pp. 408-9.
Hegel evidently also spoke of 'general feeling' (Gemeingefühl) in this con-
nection (26g, 27), and in doing so he was adopting the normal terminology of
his day: see J. C. Prichard (1786-1848) 'A Treatise on Insanity' (London,
1835) p. 432, 'According to this hypo thesis the operations of the brain and
the system of cerebral and spinal nerves being suspended during the mag-
netic somnambulism, the nervous structure connected with the ganglions,
and appropriated generally to the functions of physicallife, assurnes vicari-
ously the office of the brain, and becomes a new sensorium. Specific
sensation through the organs of sense ceases to exist, but the 'Gemeingefühl,
or common feeling, taking its centre in the epigastrium near the gastric
Notes to Volurne T wo: AnthropobJgy . 523
system of nerves, becomes capable through its exaltation of all that belongs
naturally to the cerebral structures, and in many instances in a higher and
more intense degree.' This explanation of animal magnetism began to gain
ground in Germany about 1814: see Johann Stieglitz (1767-1840) 'Ueber
den thierischen Magnetismus' (Hanover, 1814); C. A. F. Kluge 'Animali-
schen Magnetismus' (Berlin, 18IS) pp. 226-31, 264-8S.
For the speculative background to the concept of 'general feeling' or
coenaesthesis, see Phil. Nat. 111.326. Friedrich Hübner's 'Coenaesthesis,
dissertatio inauguralis medica' (Halle, 1794; tr. J. F. A. Merzdorff, Halle,
179S) seems to have initiated the general interest in the concept among
German psychologists: see J. C. Reil 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) p. 2S9;
J. Ith 'Versuch einer Anthropologie' (1794/S; 2nd ed. 1803) p. 289; I. P. V.
Troxler (1780-1866) 'Versuche in der organischen Physik' (Jena, 1804)
p. I 26ff; W. Liebsch 'Grundiß der Anthropologie' (2 pts. Göttingen, 1806/8)
pp. 378-89; A. C. A. Eschenmayer (1768-18S4) 'Allgemeine Reflexionen
über den thierischen Magnetismus und den organischen Aether' ('Archiv
f.d. thier. Mag.' 1817, I i pp. 1-34) p. 27, 'Wir können den Gemeinsinn den
specifischen Differenzen der Sinnen gegenüberstellen, wie die Einheit den
Brüchen. In dem Gemeinsinn wirkt der organische Aether frey, in dem
verschiedenen Sinnenapparat ist er gebunden oder vielmehr getrübt.'
J. P. F. Deleuze in 'Bibliotheque du Magnetisme animal' vol. V pp. 13-63
(Paris, 1818); P. C. Hartmann 'Der Geist des Menschen' (1819; 2nd ed.
Vienna, 1832) pp. 168-70; J. C. Passavant 'Untersuchungen über den
Lebensmagnetismus' (Frankfurt-on-Main, 1821) pp. IOS-6.
The Rev. T. Glover's 'Extraordinary case of a blind young woman [Miss
M. M'Evoy] who can read by the points ofher fingers' (T. Thomson 'Annals
of Philosophy' X 1817 pp. 286-g) stimulated general interest in what had,
until then, been treated as a predominantly theoretical or academic matter:
see 'Bibliotheque Universelle des Sciences' VI, 1817 pp. 305-1 I; VII, 1818
p. 155; 'Gilberts Annalen' LVIII, 1818 pp. 224-32; 'Journal de Physique'
October 1817 p. 320; 'Archiv f.d. their. Mag.' 1818 3 i pp. 103-13, ii pp.
98- 109.
26S, 22
On the effect of diet upon the 'magnetic state' see Arnold Wienholt (1749-
1804) 'Heilkraft des thierischen Magnetismus nach eigenen Beobachtungen'
(3 pts. Lemgo, 1802/6) pt. I § 14.
26S, 26
Several cases of people composing to music when in the magnetic state
were recorded at that time. F. K. Strombeck (1771-1848), in a work listed
in Hegel's library catalogue (no. 14IS), 'Geschichte eines allein durch die
Natur hervorgebrachten Magnetismus' (Brunswick, 1813), records the
following of a young woman born in 1793 (p. 8): 'She used to say, when
5\!4 • Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
my wife played on a pianoforte placed in the vicinity of her room (in order
to try the effect of music): "0 blessed angel, how heavenly is thy music!
Godlike, rapturous! There is nothing like it to be heard on earth! - If only
all my friends could be gathered here!'" George Baldwin (d. 1826), British
consul-general in Egypt, gave an account of a kitchen-boy who improvised
an Italian poem when magnetized to the sound ofa harp: 'Bibliotheque du
Magnetisme animal' 1819, 7 pp. 146-64; 'Archiv f.d. thier. Mag.' 1821 ii
pp. 127-9. Dr. Nick of Stuttgart, 'Darstellung einer sehr merkwürdigen
Geschichte' ('Archiv' 1817 I ii pp. I I 5-6) , gives a touching account of
hymns sung when in a magnetic trance. Bende Bendsen (1787-1875)
'Tagebuch einer lebensmagnetischen Behandlung der Wittwe A. M. Petersen
zu Arroeskjöping' ('Archiv' 1821, 9 ii pp. I I 0-2, 124-5) recorded three
hymns on death, parting and suffering before God, composed when in a
magnetic state. Cf. 'Archiv' 1822, 10 ii pp. 127-56. Mesmer hirnself recog-
nized the effectiveness of music in heightening the magnetic state, and used
to play to his patients on a harmonica or a pianoforte: 'Lettre sur le secret
de Mr. Mesmer' ('Gazette de Sante' 1782 nos. 19-20); C. A. F. Kluge
'Animalischen Magnetismus' (Berlin, 181 5) p. 45.
Hegel's friend P. G. van Ghert (1782-1852) noticed that music might have
a direet ejfeet upon the museles: see 'Sammlung merkwürdiger Erscheinungen
des thierischen Magnetismus' ('Archiv' 1818, 3 iii p. 92); cf. ]. D. Brandis
(1762-1845) 'Ueber psychische Heilmittel und Magnetismus' (Copenhagen,
1818) pp. 34-5; Dr. Spiritus ofSolingen 'Beobachtungen über die Heilkraft
des animalischen Magnetismus' ('Archiv' 1819,5 iii pp. 83-4).
The effectiveness of music in helping to eure nervous and mental diseases was
widely recognized at that time, and evidently gave rise to some extra-
ordinary experimentation: see]. C. Reil (1759-1813) 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle,
1803; 2nd ed. 1818) p. 205, "I remember having read somewhere of a eat
clavier. The animals were selected according to the scale, and ranged in a
row with their tails stretched behind them. A key-board enabled the tails
to be struck with sharp nails, each cat yielding the note required of it. A
fugue performed upon such an instrument, especially ifthe patient could see
the physiognomy and grimacing of these animals, could hardly fail to cure
even Lot's wife of her catalepsy."
See the account of the swine organ devised for Louis XI ofFrance by the
Abbot of Baigne in the 'European Magazine' vol. 68 p. 226 (Sept. 1815)'
Cf. Adam Brendel (d. 17 I 9) 'Dissertatio de curat. morb. per carmina et
cantos musicos' (Wittenberg, 1706); E. A. Nicolai (1722-1802) 'Von der
Verbindung der Musik mit der Arzneigelährtheit' (Halle, 1745); J. J.
Kausch (1751-1825) 'Psychologische Abhandlung über den Einfluss der
Töne und insbesondere der Musik auf die Seele' (Breslau, 1782); S. A.
Tissot (1728-1797) 'Medicinisches, praktisches Handbuch' (tr. C. F. Held,
3 pts. Leipzig, 1785/6) vol. III pp. 364-70; C. L. Bachmann (1763-1813)
Notes to Volurne T wo: AnthTopology . 525
267, 18
The following works contain many instances and observations similar to
those retailed here by Hegel: L. A. Muratori (1672-175°) 'Della Forza
della Fantasia Umana' (Venice, 1766; Germ. tr. 2 pts. Leipzig, 1785);J. C.
Hennings (1731-1815) 'Von den Träumern und Nachtwandlern' (Weimar,
1784); N. Wanley (1634-1680) 'The Wonders ofthe Little World' (ed. W.
J ohnston, 2 vols. London, 1806) vol. 11 pp. 386-9°. F. A. Carus (177°-
1807) 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) vol. 11 pp. 275-85.
On the two specific instances he mentions see: a) Henri de Heer (1570-
c. 1636) 'Observationes medicae' (Liege, 1631) bk. lobs 2 pp. 32-3; and
the anecdote relating to Prof. A. G. Wähner (1693-1762) of Göttingen,
cited in C. P. Moritz and C. F. Pockels 'Magazin zur Erfahrungsseelen-
kunde' (10 vols. Berlin, 1783-1794) vol. 3 no. I p. 88: b) D. Tiedemann
(1748-1803) 'Handbuch der Psychologie' (ed. L. Wachler, Leipzig, 1804)
p. 344; Carus loc. cit. p. 282; and J. C. Prichard 'A Treatise on Insanity'
(London, 1835) pp. 406-7.
267, 22
In order to test a female sleepwalker's ability with regard to seeing by
means of the procardium, Eberhard Gmelin (1751-1808) pressed playing
526 . Hegel's Philosophy 01 Subjective Spirit
cards against this part of her body, and she identified them with remarkable
accuracy: 'Materialien für die Anthropologie' (2 vols. Tübingen, 1791) vol.
II pp. 72-132. For similar cases see: P. F. Hopfengärtner 'Einige Bemerk-
ungen über die menschlichen Entwicklungen' (Stuttgart, 1792); J. Com-
stock ofSouth Carolina 'A case ofa very singular nervous affection' ('London
Medical and Physical Journal' September 1808); Rev. T. Glover's ac count
ofMargaret M'Evoy (b. 1799), who became blind in June 1816, "She says
that she has not been taught by any one to distinguish colours by her fingers;
but that, when she first perceived colours by this organ, she felt convinced
that they were such and such colours, from the resemblance of the sensations
to those which she had formerly experienced by means of the eye." (Thom-
son's 'Annals of Philosophy' 1817 vol. X pp. 286-9).
On experiments designed to test the ability to hear by means of the pro-
cardium see: J. N. Petzold (1739-1813) 'Versuche mit dem thierischen
Magnetismus' (Berlin, 1798) nos. 19 and 20; J. H. D. Petetin (1744-1808)
'Ueber die Phänomene der Catalepsie und des Somnambulismus' (A. W.
Nordhof 'Archiv für den thierischen Magnetismus' vol. I pp. 9-50, Jena,
1804); this article was first published as 'Memoire sur... le Somnam-
bulisme' (Lyon, 1787).
Petetin's experiments were almost certainly the source of Hegel's obser-
vation that it is possible to taste by means of the general sense: see the
'Memoire' (1787) pp. 16-30, where the 'concentration ofelectric fluid' in the
stornach is used to explain the fact that if one places, "une substance
alimentaire sur l'epigastre, la malade sentira aussit6t dans l'estomac la
saveur de cette substance, et la nommera." (p. 29). Cf. 'Electricite animale'
(Lyon, 1805) pp. 29-30; 'Allgern. medizin. Annalen vom Jahr 180?, p.
995 no. 7·
J. C. Colquhoun (1785-1854) 'Isis Revelata' (2 vols. Edinburgh, 1836)
vol. Ich. iii notes that the stornach is the principal centre of nervous sym-
pathy; cf. P. Pinel (1755-1826) 'Traite' (Paris, 1801) Eng. tr. p. 17, "From
the centre of the epigastric region, are propagated, as it were by a species
ofirradiation, the accessions ofinsanity, when all the abdominal system even
appears to enter into the sad confederacy"; W. P. Alison (1790-1859) 'On
the Physiological Principle of Sympathy' ('Trans. of the Medico-Chirurgical
Society of Edinburgh' vol. II); J. M. Cox (1762-1822) 'Practical Obser-
vations on Insanity' (2nd ed. London, 1808) pp. x-xi; C. A. F. Kluge
(1782-1844) 'Animalischen Magnetismus' (Berlin, 1815) pp. I I I, 127, 13I.
26 7, 29
Hegel may be confusing two separate experiments here. Reading by means
of the procardium, and a chain of people holding hands linked to the person
holding his hand on the page of a book, is recorded by Kluge op. cit. p. I 15,
who gives the Strassburg paper 'Niederrheinischer Courier' 1807 no. 32 as
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 527
his souree. Hegel is, however, almost eertainly referring to the following
experiment, deseribed by J. H. D. Petetin (1744-1808), in his 'Memoires
sur la deeouverte des phenomenes que presentent la eatalepsie et le som-
nambulisme' (Lyon, 1787) p. 46, "Si plusieurs personnes forment la ehaine
en se touehant seeulement par les mains, que la premiere place le doigt sur
le ereu de l'estomac de la malade, et la derniere qui peut en etre fort
eloignee parle dans sa main; la malade entendra, repondra a toutes les
interrogations, executera ce qu'on lui demande."
Petetin studied at Besanc;on and then Montpellier, where he graduated
in medicine at the age of twenty. He praetised for a while in Franche-Comte
and then settled in Lyon, where he stayed for the rest of his life. He beeame
president of the Medical Society of the town, and published several praetieal
works on public health. His earliest publications on animal magnetism were
the 'Memoire' mentioned in the previous note, and the 'Memoires' quoted
here. He subsequently published 'Nouveau meeanisme de l'eleetrieite
(Lyon, 1802) and 'L'electricite animale' (Lyon, 1805). In these works he
tried to explain animal magnetism by postulating an electric fluid whieh
might be conducted with greater facility by means of iron wire and inter-
rupted by means of sealing wax (op. cit. p. 47). A. Lullier-Winslow (c.
1780-1834) criticized this theory in J. N. Corvisart's 'Journal de Medecine'
vol. 18 October 180g. J. P. F. Deleuze (1753-1835) 'Histoire Critique du
Magnetisme Animal' (2nd ed. 2 vols. Paris, 181g) vol. 11 p. 244 criticizes
Petetin for mistaking magnetic for electric fluid and ignoring the fact that
it is the will which sets it in motion. A similar criticism is to be found in
A. M. J. C. de Puysegur (1751-1825) 'Memoires pour servir a l'histoire ...
du magnetisme animal' (I 80g; 2nd ed. 2 pts. Paris, 1820) pp. vii-xx. It is
almost certainly such criticisms which gave rise to Hegel's remark that the
experiment mentioned was carried out 'when animal magnetism was still
unknown at Lyon.' Cf. Edwin Lee (d. 1870) 'Animal Magnetism' (London,
1866) p. 2g0.
26 7, 33
Johann Heinecken (1761-1851) 'Ideen und Beobachtungen, den thieri-
sehen Magnetismus ... betreffend' (Frankfurt and Bremen, 1800) pp. 124-6,
"Everything in front of my eyes is bright, and it is as if lightning were
flashing sporadically before them; although I am unable to see anything
with my eyes, I am aware of everything that comes before me; it is as if I
were perceiving by some means other than sight; my feeling, whieh is very
distinct, is particularly helpful." Cf. Kluge op. cit. p. 116; 'Hegel Briefe'
I p. 318 (22 June 1810).
A. M. J. C. de Puysegur (1751-1825) 'Du Magnetisme Animal' (Paris,
1807) p. 205, "Dans le somnambulisme, cette clarte, cette optique preliminaire,
qui, dans l'obscurite, lui fait apercevoir les objets exterieurs, n'est precedee
528 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
269, 13
'in der Fieberhitze' i.e. the cauma. See Phil. Nat. III.201; John Quincy
(d. 1722) 'Lexicon Physico-medicum' (1717; 11th ed. revised by Robert
Hooper (1773-1835), London, 1811).
269,21
Christoph Friedrich Nicolai (1733-181 I), the author and bookseller,
whose father founded the famous Nicolaische Buchhandlung: see 'Briefe
von und an Hegel' II I. 105, 312; IV.17, 175 for Hegel's contacts with it
during the Berlin period. Nicolai first made his name as an interpreter of
English literature, and it was this interest which won hirn the friendship of
Lessing and Moses Mendelssohn. From 1765 until 1792 he edited the
'Allgemeine deutsche Bibliothek', the organ of the so-called 'popular
philosophers', who warred against authority in religion and what they
considered to be extravagance in literature. Nicolai showed hirnself to be
incapable of understanding the new movement headed by Goethe, Kant,
Herder, Schiller and Fichte, and made hirnself ridiculous by his misrepre-
sentations of its aims. Hegel made excerpts from Nicolai's 'Beschreibung
einer Reise durch Deutschland und die Schweiz' (1785) in August 1787:
see H. S. Harris 'Hegel's Development' (Oxford, 1972) p. 20. Cf. M. S.
Löwe 'Bildnisse jetzt lebender Berliner Gelehrter' (Berlin, 1806); L. F. G.
von Göckingk 'F. Nicolai's Leben und literarischer Nachlass' (Berlin, 1820);
J. G. Fichte 'Friedrich Nicolai's Leben und sonderbare Meinungen' (ed.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 529
A. W. Schlegel, Tübingen, 180 I), a violent attack on 'unser Held' for having
criticized Fichte.
Nicolai's ac count of his visions was first published in the 'Berlinische
Monatsschrift' (May, 1799), 'Beispiel einer Erscheinung mehrerer Phantas-
men'. He had read a paper on the subject to the Royal Society of Berlin on
28th February 1799: see 'A Memoir on the Appearance of Spectres or
Phantoms occasioned by Disease, with Psychological Remarks' (Wm.
Nicholson 'A Journal of Natural Philosophy' vol. VI pp. 161-79, 1803).
After a preamble on the distinction between body and mind, Nicolai con-
tinues, 'For my part, I will confess, that I do not know where the corporeal
essen ce in man ceases, or where the mental begins ; though I admit of the
distinction, because the extreme differences can be clearly perceived ...
We may indeed doubt whether the labours of our German philosophers,
though founded jointly upon modern speculation and modern chemistry,
will be attended with any greater success.'
Nicolai first had leeches applied to his rectum in 1783, during an attack of
giddiness. He first began to see visions on 24th February 179 I, 'Though at
this time I enjoyed a rather good state of health both in body and mind,
and had become so familiar with these phantasms, that at last they did not
excite the least disagreeable emotion, but on the contrary afforded me
frequent subjects for amusement and mirth; yet as the disorder sensibly
increased, and the figures appeared to me for whole days together, and even
during the night, if I happened to awake, I had recourse to several medi-
cines, and was at last again obliged to have re course to the application of
leeches to the anus.' (pp. 169-70). On such use of leeches at this time see:
Philip Heineken 'Geschichte einer merkwürdigen Entzündungskrakheit des
Unterleibes' ('Archiv f.d. thier. Mag.' 1818 2 iii p. 47); 'Medicinische
Zeitung. Herausgegeben von dem Verein für Heilkunde in Preussen' Year
I no. 14 p. 62 (Berlin, 5th December 1832).
Cases similar to Nicolai's had been recorded by F. G. de la Roche (1743-
1813), 'Analyse des fonctions du systeme nerveux' (2 vols. Geneva, 1778;
tr. J. F. A. Merzdorff, 2 vols. Halle, 1794/5 vol. I p. 131, but Nicolai's
visions attracted a great deal of comment: seeJ. C. Reil 'Fieberlehre' (Halle,
1802) p. 284, 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) pp. 171-2;JohnAlderson (1757-
1829) 'On Apparitions' ('Edinburgh Medical and SurgicalJournal' vol. vi,
1810); K. G. Neumann 'Die Krankheiten des Vorstellungsvermögens'
(Leipzig, 1822) p. 334; Samuel Hibbert-Ware (1782-1848) 'Sketches ofthe
philosophy of Apparitions' (Edinburgh, 1824) pp. 291-2, 324, 330-42,
where an explanation is attempted; John Bostock (1773-1846) 'An Ele-
mentary System of Physiology' (3 vols. London, 1824-1827) vol. In p. 204.
H. B. Weber 'Anthropologische Versuche' (Heidelberg, 1810) p. 191
provides an interesting contemporary definition of prosaicism, contrasting it
with the poetical nature, 'The prosaic nature remains involved in actuality, in
530 . Hegel's Philosophy qf Subjective Spirit
270, 17
Kehler wrote 'Gesichte'.
271, 18
Johann George Scheff'ner (1736-1820), the Prussian poetaster, lawyer,
civil servant and autobiographer. Hegel also mentions hirn in his review of
Hamann's writings (1828): see 'Berliner Schriften' (ed. Hoffmeister) pp.
253, 282. He is referring here to pp. 375-6 of 'Mein Leben, wie ich Johann
George Scheffner es selbst beschrieben' (printed 1816; issued partly, Königs-
berg, 1821, fuIly, Leipzig, 1823), a badly written and naIve work in which
Scheffner, while telling the story of his life, gives accounts of his lifelong
interest in ghost stories (p. 9), his friendship with such enlightened souls as
Moses Mendelssohn (p. 115) and Nicolai (p. 193), and his visions: 'I am
not certain that I can call the other condition an illness, for I was in fact
perfectly healthy. For several years however, when my eyes were closed
during the day, or when they were open and I was wide awake at night, I
saw passing before me whole se ries of human .and animal shapes, as weIl as
views of the countryside, everything being in the liveliest of colours. If I
tried to watch it all closely, the forms altered in a perfectly wonderful way,
the most beautiful shape changing into a caricature, the giant into a dwarf,
the horse into a ho und, a Claude Lorraine into a wagon-painter's scene.
When I read Nicolai's account of his hallucinations, my own kind of fata
morgana came to my mind. IncidentaIly, I did not find it in any way a
nuisance, for many years it had not been appearing constantly. Perhaps
Goethe's extremely suggestive 'Theory of Colours' will provide the basis for
various explanations of such appearances. In my opinion, this work is by
no means as outrageously unjust to the illustrious Newton as the arch-
mathematicians maintain, although the polemical part of it is certainly
written in a highly offensive manner, in a tone which no writer should
adopt towards another, least of all a Goethe towards a Newton.'
Cf. 'Nachlieferungen zu meinem Leben' (Leipzig, 1884); 'Briefe an und
von J. G. Scheffner' (Munich and Leipzig, 1918); R. Reicke 'Kriegrat
Scheffner und die Königin Luise' ('Altpreussische Monatsschrift' vol. I pp.
30-58, 706-36, 1863); John Ferriar (1761-1815) 'An Essay towards a
Theory of Apparitions' (London, 1813).
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 531
27 1,32
C. F. L. Schultz (1781-1834) 'Ueber physiologe Farbenerscheinungen,
insbesondere das phosporische Augenlicht, als Quelle derselben, betreffend'.
This paper was finished on 27 July, 1821, a few weeks after Schultz had
visited Goethe at Weimar, and was printed by Goethe in 'Zur Naturwis-
senschaft Überhaupt' pt. II (ed. Kuhn, Weimar, 1962) pp. 296-304; see
'Phil. Nat.' II'338, IIL326.
27 1, 37
Nicolai parodied Goethe's 'Werther' in 'Freuden des jungen Werthers'
(Berlin, 1775), and Goethe satirizes hirn in 'Faust' pt. i 1. 4144 et seq. After
Proktophantasmist has complained that spirits should 'still be there' despite
the enlightenment, Mephistopheles observes that:
'Er wird sich gleich in eine Pfütze setzen,
Das ist die Art, wie er sich soulagiert,
Und wenn Blutegel sich an seinen Steiß ergetzen,
Ist er von Geistern und von Geist kuriert.'
'Faust' (ed. Erich Schmidt: Sämtliche Werke: Jubiläums-Ausgabe,
Stuttgart and Berlin, no date) vol. 13 pp. 332-3; 'Phil. Nat. 1.297-8; C. L.
Michelet 'Anthropologie und Psychologie' (Berlin, 1840) p. 183.
273,34
Since Hegellectured on this on 30th J une 1825 (Kehler Ms. p. 120), it is
tempting to see some connection with the letter he wrote to his sister on
20th September, 1825 ('Briefe' III p. 96 no. 497). He is also making an
important general point however, and he may have been encouraged to do
so by A. C. A. Eschenmayer's 'Versuch die scheinbare Magie des thierischen
Magnetismus aus physiologischen und psychischen Gesezen zu erklären'
(Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1816); cf. his library catalogue no. 100 (Berlin,
1832): "In each of the more lively connections between people moreover,
and even in what are only minor, singularized and transitory moments, we
perceive a true awakening or actuosity, a flushing or flaming forth as it
were, of this homme general. We see clearly how these people, by losing their
single lives to one another, or rather in this third or higher factor, im-
mediately rise again within it, as it were, with a higher power of life, finding
their lives doubled or multiplied according to the number of those with
whom they are connected." (pp. 10-11 ).
The concept might, perhaps, be profitably regarded as a humanization
ofRousseau's 'volonte generale' ('Enc.' § 163 Add. I).
275, 18
For cases of persons who normally conversed only in Low German, but
who could speak High German when 'magnetized' see: J. Heinecken (1761-
185 I) 'Ideen und Beobachtungen den thierischen Magnetismus und dessen
532 . Hegel's Philosophy qf Subjective Spirit
277,8
A. M.J. C. de Puysegur (1751-1828) 'Appel aux savants observateurs du
19 iem siede, de la decision portee par leurs predecesseurs contre le mag-
netisme animal et fin du traitement du jeune Hebert' (Paris, 1813; Dutch
tr. Amsterdam, 1818). In the first two parts of this work, Puysegur gives a
chronological account of his treatment of a certain Alexander Hebert, who
had undergone a head-operation at the age of four on account of damage
to his skull and sub se quent dotting. After this operation he had had nervous
attacks and was thought to be epileptic, - astate of disorder which
eventually developed into semi-permanent insanity and an apparently
complete loss of memory. Puysegur's magnetic treatment cured the insanity
and temporarily restored the boy's ability to recollect, so that when he was
under treatment, as Hegel's notes, he was able to describe the origin of his
dis ability and even the precise sequence of events during his operation.]. C.
534 . Hegel's Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
279,20
The Venerable Bede (672-735), in his 'De Natura Rerum', refers phe-
nomena to natural causes. In his 'Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum'
however, he records numerous seemingly supernatural occurrences in an
apparently credulous and uncritical manner.
279, 3 1
On 28th November 1809, the French cavalry under General Kellermann
attacked and disorganized the retreating Spanish army at the batde of
Alba de Tormes. Three thousand Spaniards were killed or taken, the French
casualties amounting to less than three hundred. On 15th January 1810
there were 123 siek in Kellermann's division, and the young man mentioned
here by Hegel was almost certainly one of them. Valladolid had been
occupied by the French since 22nd November 1807: see M. S. Foy (1775-
1825) 'History ofthe War in the Peninsular' (Eng. tr. 2 vols. London, 1827)
vol. II pp. 248-9; C. Oman 'A History of the Peninsular War' (7 vols.
Oxford, 1902/30) vol. III p. 538.
Hegel is referring here to the 'Dagboek eener magnetische Behandeling'
(Amsterdam, 1814; Germ. tr. D. G. Kieser, 1817 in 'Archiv f.d. thier. Mag.'
2 i pp. 3-188, ii pp. 3-51), by his friend P. G. van Ghert (1782-1852): see
i p. 127 (6th March 1810), "As so on as the patient was in the crisis, she made
known to me that I should bind a cloth over her eyes,jor she cDuld then see her
brother in Spain somewhat better. She told us various things about hirn, and
awoke after having slept twenty minutes less than three hours."
She was expecting her menses that week. They were delayed, and van
Ghert reports as follows on what happened ten days later (i pp. 135-6),
"'I'm not at all keen on having my brother come so suddenly before my
eyes,' - When she had said this, she suddenly began to shudder quite
frightfully. When I asked her ifshe already had the house where her brother
was, she replied, 'Yes, but I must not look into it.' She looked up and made
known to me that I should bind a cloth over her eyes, so that she could see
better. - When I had done this she turned her head to one side and said,
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 535
'He is standing infront of his bed, so that I cannot get a good view of hirn.' 'Never-
the less, look at hirn.' 'I mustn't' she said, 'for a few days ago he was already
lying there so ill, that now I'rn awfully worried about hirn ... I can see hirn! ...
He looks dreadful and isn't moving; but I'm glad I've seen hirn. I'll tell you
why 1 was so afraid of seeing hirn. A few days ago, when 1 wanted to see hirn,
I saw a dead body being carried out of a roorn in that house. The corpse
was then laid on a table and dissected. This frightful scene is still before rny
eyes. God knows, 1 thought, they're probably doing the same with my
brother. And if 1 had had to see that, 1 can tell you, 1 should have died of
shock. Now he is lying on his side, but he looks quite dreadful."
19th March (i pp. 138-9), '''I believe rny brother is dead ... Yes,' she
said, 'I fear he's dead. He's lying on a great table in another room. There
are at least ten people around hirn, doctors as weIl as surgeons. They have
cut open the whole of his chest. Y ou must write so as to catch the post ship
at one tornorrow, and ask for an immediate answer. - If only 1 could
see his face I'd know what was happening, but I'm now able to tell only by
the trouble, and particularly by the lungs. As soon as I want to see his face
it's as if a mist had drifted before my eyes.' "
On I6th]uly (ii p. 7) her brother returned to the Netherlands and visited
her. He confirrned that he had been injured by a Spanish officer, that he
had lain in hospital in Valladolid, and that, as Hegel notes, she had seen
what had happened to one of his fellow patients there.
For similar cases see: D. Tiedernann 'Untersuchungen über den Menschen'
(3 pts. Leipzig, 1777/8) pt. IU;]. A. E. Goeze 'Natur, Menschenleben und
Vorsehung' (7 vols. Leipzig, 1789/94) vol. IU pp. 239-40; A. Martinien
'Tableaux, par corps et par batailles, des officiers tues et blesses pendant les
guerres de l'Ernpire' (Paris, 1909).
279, 36
Cf. 73-7, and note 263, 4. Since there is little concrete evidence to justify
this remark in the works Hegel seems to have read, it may be ofvalue to call
attention to the case mentioned by C. L. Michelet in this connection, see
'Anthropologie' (Berlin, 1840) pp. 184-5: 'Mercator gives us an account of
such a case involving his grandfather and Marsilius Ficini, the celebrated
translator of Plato and Plotinus. While discussing the immortality of the
soul, the two friends agreed that whoever died first should appear to the
other and tell hirn about it. On a later occasion Michael Mercator heard a
horse gallop into his yard, and, quite distinctly, the voice of his friend
Marsilius calling to hirn: "Michael, Michael, it is so;" and it was at that
very time that his friend died in Florence.' Cf. Muratori op. cit. pt. U c.g;
'Archiv f.d. thier. Mag.' 18184 i p. 126;]. C. L. Ziermann 'Geschichtliche
Darstellung des thierischen Magnetismus' (Berlin, 1824) p. I7g.
536 . Heget' s Philosophy qf Subjective Spirit
On Spanish cases see Passavant op. cit. p. 40, who refers to the Ensal-
madores and Saludadores; cf. M. A. Delrio (1551- 1608) 'Disquisitionum
Magicarum' (1593; 3 vols. Mainz, 1606) I p. 66; Pierre Lebrun (1661-
1729) 'Histoire critique des pratiques superstitieuses' (Paris, 1702; 4th ed.
4 vols. Paris, 1750/1) I c. vi; B. G. Feyjoo y Montenegro (1701-1764)
'Teatro critico' (1737; 9 vols. Madrid, 1749/5 1).
281, 2
Cf. the assessment of space and time in the Phil. Nat. §§ 254-9. The
sequence of Hegel's consideration here is evidently determined by it.
281, 21
F. A. Carus (1770-1807) 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) vol. I pp.
283-92 makes the same point.
281,35
Phil. Nat. 1.231, 37-232, 5.
283,8
A. M. J. C. de Puysegur (1751-1828), 'Recherches, expenences et
observations physiologiques sur l'homme' (Paris, 1811) pp. 43-46, takes the
three main characterisitics of somnambulism to be as folIows:
1. 'L'isolement; c'est-a-dire qu'un malade dans cet etat n'a de communica-
tion et de rapport qu'avec son magnetiseur ...
2. La concentration; c'est-a-dire qu'un malade dans cet etat doit etre dans
une teIle occupation de lui-meme qu'il ne puisse en etre distrait par rien ...
3. La mobilitt! magnetique; c'est-a-dire qu'un malade, dans cet etat, est
toujours plus ou moins sensible a l'impulsion de la seule pensee de son
magnetiseur. '
283, 27
Cf. the mention of 'animal time', Phil. Nat. 111. 119, 32, and J. C. Passa-
vant's observation 'Untersuchungen' (1821), "This clairvoyant measure of
time is quite different from our usual one, the decimal system, which like
the Roman numerals, is probably based on how many fingers we have. In
clairvoyance, the measure of time is much more closely analogous to very
ancient counting systems, to the numbers which occur so frequently in the
first books of the Bible, to 3, 7, 40 for example, which seem to be holy numbers
on account of their being applied to religious matters."
Hegel had had good reason to notice that aperiod of three or four days
pertains to the determinate nature of a fever: "During his student years he
had the tertian fever for a long time, and spent some months in the paternal
house on account of it. He read the Greek tragedies, his favourite studies,
on the good days, and occupied hirnself with botany ... ": see Christiane
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 537
285 I I
J. A. E. Goeze (1731-1793), 'Natur, Menschenleben und Vorsehung' (7
vols. Leipzig, 1789-1794) vol. III p. 241, gives an account ofa friend who,
while visiting a clergyman in the country, slept in a room next to that of the
two grown-up sons. In the middle of the night they woke him as they were
leaving their bedroom. When he asked them why they were up and dressed,
they said that they had felt uneasy and unsettled in the room, although they
could not say why. They slept elsewhere, and in the morning the floor of
the bedroom was found to have collapsed. Goeze attempts to find a rational
explanation for this by assuming that they must have known that the floor
was unsafe, and that even if they were not consciously aware of any imminent
danger, the creaking of the timbers during their first sleep may have given
rise to sub-conscious anxiety: cf. Hegel's treatment of dreams (143, 16).
G. 1. Wenzel (1754-1809) 'Unterhaltungen über ... Träume und Ahn-
dungen' (1800) pp. 62-3 comes to a similar conclusion with regard to
related phenomena.
285, 14
Hegel is fond of mentioning the rapport between the living organism and
climate (Phil. Nat. II.29; III.147), and the context in which he refers to it
here was a weIl recognized one at that time: J. A. E. Goeze op. cit. (1789/94)
iv pp. 162-9; C. Amoretti (1741-1808) 'Untersuchungen über die Rab-
domantie' (Berlin, 1809) eh. 8, 'Elementi di Elettrometria animale' (Milan,
1816; tr. Kieser, 'Archiv' 1819, 4 i pp. 1-119) ch. 13; P. G. van Ghert
'Tagebuch' ('Archiv' 1817, 2 ii p. 14); Charles Clous ton 'An Explanation
of the Popular Weather Prognostics of Scotland on Scientific Principles'
(Edinburgh, 1867).
Bende Bendsen's account of skipper Joseph Steen of Aerösköbing in Den-
mark is probably the immediate source of Hegel's observation: see 'Noch
ein paar Fälle einer eigenen Art des zweiten Gesichtes' ('Archiv' 1821, 8
iii pp. 125-8). Cf. 1. M. Boberg 'Motif-Index ofEarly Icelandic Literature'
(Copenhagen, 1966) pp. 84-5.
28 5, 15
Bende Bendsen 'Einige Beispiele solcher Personen die ihre Todesstunde
vorausgesagt haben' ('Archiv' 1821, 8 iii pp. 102-5); Dr. W. Krimer of
538 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
28S, 17
Scotland. The very term 'second sight' (Germ. Zweite Gesicht) originates
in the Gaelic distinction between two sights 'an-da shealladh', one of which
is ordinary vision. 'Taibhsearachd' is the gift of supernatural sight, 'taibhsear'
being the seer, and 'taibs' the visionary thing seen. J ohn Aubrey (1626-
1697) 'Miscellanies' (London, 1696; ed. J. B. Brown, Fontwell, Sussex,
1972) pp. 176-92, collected a considerable amount of material on 'second-
sighted men in Scotland', but it was Robert Kirk's (c. 1641-1692) 'The
Secret Commonwealth' (1691; Edinburgh, I8IS) which drew general at-
tention to the phenomenon. During the early years of the eighteenth century
several works appeared which were still the main sources for the investi-
gation of the subject a hundred years later: Martin Martin 'A Description
of the Western Islands of Scotland' (London, 1703; 2nd eel. 1716); John
Frazer 'Deuteroscopia (Second Knowledge), or ABriefDiscourse concerning
Seconel Sight' (Edinburgh, 1707; reprinteel 1820); Daniel Defoe (166 1-
1731) 'The Second-Sighted Highlander' (London, 17IS), 'Secret Memoirs
of. .. Duncan Campbell' (London, 1732) pp. 129-33; John Macpherson
'Treatise on Second Sight' (Eelinburgh, 1763).
It seems to have been G. H. Richerz's edition of L. A. Muratori's 'Della
Forza della Fantasia Umana' (2 pts. Leipzig, 1785) pt. II pp. 137-39 which
first brought this British material to the notice of German scholars. Interest
in the subject while Hegel was lecturing at Jena, Heidelberg anel Berlin
was very wielespread, see: C. C. E. Schmid 'Anthropologisches Journal' vol.
3 no. I pp. 49-S8 (Jena, 1803); D. Tieelemann 'Handbuch der Psychologie'
(Leipzig, 1804) pp. 325-6; 'Bibliotheque du Magnetisme animal' vol. 8
pp. 60-92, IS9-76 (Paris, 1819); 'Archiv f.d. thier. Mag.' 1820, 6 iii pp.
93-141; 7 ii pp. 154-7; 1821,8 iii pp. 60-130; 1822, IO ii pp. 163-9. Cf.
'Berliner Schriften' pp. 691-2.
Holland, Martin (op. cit. p. 312) notices that, 'The Second Sight is not
confineel to the Western isles alone, for I have an account that it is likewise
seen in several parts of Holland, but particularly in Bommel, by a woman, for
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 539
which she is courted by some, and dreaded by others.' See Hegel's general
correspondence with P. G. van Ghert ('Briefe' IV p. 222), the account of
Dimmerus de Raet by I. van Diemerbroeck (1609-1674) 'Tractaat over
de Pest' (1644; Amsterdam, 1711), and E.J. Dingwall 'Abnormal Hypnotic
Phenomena' (London, 1967) pp. 51-100.
Westpkalia, A. W. Nordhoff, who edited the 'Archiv für den thierischen
Magnetismus' (Jena, 1804), was a general practitioner at MeIle near Osna-
brück prior to 1803; cf. Hegel's 'Briefe' I p. 425; C. L. Michelet 'Anthro-
pologie' (Berlin, 1840) pp. 185-6.
The second sight in this part of Germany was the subject of an excellent
analytical investigationjust before the war, see Karl Schmeing 'Das "Zweite
Gesicht" in Niederdeutschland' (Leipzig, 1937). Schmeing approaches the
subject in the light of E. R. Jaensch's (1883-1940) theory of eideticism, that
is to say, the capacity for generating subjective intuitive pictures. The
emphasis he lays upon inherited characteristics and environment (pp.
104-27) provides a point of contact with Hegel's general assessment of the
phenomenon.
Cf. E. J. Dingwall (op. cit.) pp. 101-99.
285,21
Jean Paul (1763-1825) seems to have named the double-ganger: 'Wenn
ich gar ganze Leichen- und andere Processionen zu Doppelgängern ver-
dopple.' 'Siebenkäs' (Berlin, 1796/7) iv, 166. The best contemporary account
ofit was provided by F. Oldenburg (1767-1848) 'Om Gjenfrerd eller Gjen-
gangere' (Copenhagen, 1818); cf. D. G. Kieser (1779-1862) 'System des
Tellurismus' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1822) vol. 11 p. 64; 'Archiv f.d. thier. Magn.'
(1821,8 iii pp. 120-4).
'Doppelgänger' was subsequently anglicized, although 'wraith', 'fetch'
and 'double' were already in use: see Anne Grant (1755-1838) 'Memoirs'
(3 vols. London, 1844) vol. 3 p. 66; John Banim (1798-1842) 'Tales, by the
O'Hara Family' (3 vols. London, 1825) vol. 2 p. 128; W. Hone (1780-1842)
'The Every-Day Book' (3 vols. London, 1827) vol. 2 p. 1012.
Cf. C. O. Parsons 'Witchcraft and Demonology in Scott's Fiction' (Edin-
burgh and London, 1964).
285, 3 1
D. G. Kieser (1779-1862) 'Das zweite Gesicht (second sight) der Ein-
wohner der westlichen Inseln Schottlands, physiologisch gedeutet' (Archiv
f.d. thier. Mag. 18206 iii pp. 93-141); see also loc. cit. 7 ii pp. 154-7,8 iii
pp. 60-130, 10 ii pp. 163-9; cf. 'Berliner Schriften' pp. 691-2.
The English collection of this material referred to by Hegel may be either
D. Webster's (anon.) 'A Collection ofRare and Curious Tracts on Witchcraft
and the Second Sight' (Edinburgh, 1820) B. Mus. cat. 19159, or the
540 . Hegel's Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
'Observations on Popular Antiquities' (2 vols. London, 1813) by John
Brand (1744-1806), note 229, 20. Other contemporary English works
concerned with the second sight are: Emelia Harmes' 'Caledonia' (3 pts.
Hamburg, 1803) pt. 111 p. 72; J. G. Lockhart 'Memoirs of... Scott' (7 vols.
Edinburgh, 1837/8) vol. 111 p. 228 (1814); 'Blackwood's Magazine' vol.
3 pp. 18-20, 1818; James Prior (1790?-I869) 'An Original Narrative of a
Voyage' (London, 1819) p. 41; W. G. Stewart 'The Popular Superstitions ...
of. .. Scotland' (Edinburgh, 1823) p. 16; J. Macculloch 'The Highlands'
(4 vols. London, 1824) vol. 2 p. 32.
28 5, 34
For accounts of visionary funeral processions in the literature on the
second sight then available, see J ohn Frazer 'Deuteroseopis ... or ... Second
Sight' (Edinburgh, 1707; reprinted 1820) pp. 16-7; C. C. E. Schmid
'Anthropologisches Journal' (Jena, 1803) vol. 3 no. I p. 58; W. G. Stewart
op. cit. pp. 32-4.
On the sight ofa corpse on a table, see note 279,31 (I8IO). The transition
from this to the next instance of the second sight mentioned by Hegel was
almost certainly suggested by the widespread reporting of corpse candles, see
W. Howells 'Cambrian Superstitions' (Tipton, 1832); 'Westminster Review'
vol. 17 pp. 402-4 (October 1832); 'Berliner Schriften' p. 69!.
286,2
For 'othwendig' read 'nothwendig'.
28 7,3
It was widely recognized at that time that a peculiar and localized 'stand-
point of spiritual development' was necessary to the occurrence of the
second sight. Martin (op. cit., 1716) p. 3 I 2, 'It is observable, that it was much
more common twenty years ago than at present; for one in ten do not see it
now that saw it then.' Dr. Johnson, 'A Journey to the Western Islands of
Scotland' (1775; 'Works' 9 vols. Oxford, 1825) vol. IX pp. I04-8: 'It is
ascribed only to a people very little enlightened; and among them, for the
most part, to the mean and ignorant.' Cf. Patrick Graham 'Sketches of
Perthshire' (2nd ed. Edinburgh, 1812) p. 244.
The articles in the 'Bibliotheque du Magnetisme animal' vol. 8 pp. 60-92,
156-76, (Paris, 1819), attempt to review both its geographical and its
historical distribution. G. E. Schulze, 'Psychische Anthropologie' (3rd ed.
Göttingen, 1826) p. 515 notes that living in a certain kind of countryside
has a distinct influence upon the mentality of a people.
Cf. George Borrow (1803-1881) 'Wild Wales' (London, 1862) eh. 28:
'The power (of the second sight) was at one time very common amongst
the Icelanders and the inhabitants of the Hebrides, but it is so no longer.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 54 I
287, 22
Second sight was much discussed during the whole of the period 1700-
1830. Those who took it seriously usually regarded it as tangible evidence
of a 'spirituality' which they assumed to be opposed to materiality, and those
who attempted to deny that it was worthy of serious consideration, had
usually assessed the presuppositions of the would-be spiritualists rather
more accurately than they had those of the phenomenon itself. By treating
second sight as an instance of the 'immersion of spirit in wh at is singular
and contingent', Hegel is putting forward an assessment ofit which although
it is by no means unique in the literature of the time, does illustrate extremely
weIl the effectiveness of his general method in resolving the seemingly
incompatible differences of interpretation brought forth by what he calls
the 'understanding.'
The 'spiritual' view was the earliest, see Kirk op. cit. p. 53 (1691): 'Since
the Things seen by the Seers are real Entities, the Presages and Predictions
found true, but a few endued with this Sight, and those not of bad Lyves, or
addicted to Malifiees, the true Solution of the Phaenomenon seems rather to
be, the courteous Endeavours of our fellow Creatures in the Invisible World
to convince us, (in Opposition to Saduces, Socinians, and Atheists) of a
Deity; of Spirits; of a possible and harmless Method of Correspondence
betwixt Men and them, even in this Lyfe.'
This sort of thing gave rise to a very natural reaction. Hume formalized
his prejudice against taking second sight seriously by invoking quantitative
eategories: 'As finite added to finite never approaches a hair's breadth
nearer to infinite; so a fact incredible in itself, aequires not the smallest
aceession of probability by the accumulation of testimony.' 'Life and
Correspondenee' by J. H. Burton (2 vols. Edinburgh, 1846) I p. 380. James
Beattie (1735-1803), 'Essays' (Edinburgh, 1776) pp. 169-74 dismissed the
phenomenon as a 'distempered faney', and the geologist John Maceulloch
(1773-1835), 'The Highlands and Western Isles of Scotland' (4 vols.
London, 1824) vol. Ir p. 32, waxed eloquent on the theme: 'Sinee the
second sight has been limited to a doting old woman or a hypoehondrical
tailor, it has been a subject for ridicule; and, in matters of this nature,
ridicule is death.'
A satisJactory assessment of the phenomenon only became possible onee
these extreme views had been abandoned. Dr. Johnson (op. cit. 1775 pp.
104-8) seems to have initiated the constructive and yet critical attitude
required: 'This receptive faculty, for power it cannot be called, is neither
voluntary nor constant. The appearances have no dependence upon choice:
542 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
they cannot be summoned, detained, or recalled. The impression is sud den,
and the effect often painful ... There is, against it, the seeming analogy of
things confusedly seen, and little understood; and for it, the indistinct cry of
national persuasion, which may be perhaps resolved at last into prejudice
and tradition. I never could advance my curiosity to conviction; but came
away at last only wilIing to believe.' A similar but slightly more positive
approach was suggested by George Dempster (1732-1818) in a letter to
Boswell dated 16th February 1775: 'Second sight ... will be classed among
the other certain, though unaccountable, parts of our nature, like dreams.'
'Life of Johnson' (ed. G. B. HilI and L. F. Powell, 6 vols. Oxford, 1934/64)
vol. V p. 407.
Johnson's attitude to the second sight was made known in Germany by
J. A. E. Goeze (1731-1793), 'Natur, Menschenleben und Vorsehung' (7 vols.
Leipzig, 1789/94) vol. III pp. 243-4, and as has already been noticed (note
285, 17), the phenomenon attracted a great deal of serious attention in the
country during Hegel's lifetime. Hegel's own assessment of it resembles that
put forward by D. G. Kieser in the article already referred to (note 285, 3 I) :
'Consequently, when man's life oJfeeling perceives at a distance in time and
space, this corresponds to bis doing so through the animation of his reason.
Both procedures are therefore properties of the human soul, the former
being afeeling at a distance, the latter a cognition at a distance . .. In moments in
which man is immersed within hirnself, in which he surrenders hirnself
without reßection to his inner feelings, the specific feeling of a distant or
future event suddenly appears to hirn, and presents itself to his awakened
reßection. - Here the awakened life of the understanding - usually called
refiection - is momentarily suppressed, while the life of feeling is momen-
tarily heightened.'
Cf. P. S. Ballanche (1776-1847) 'Vision d'Hebal' (Paris, 1831); J. G.
Dalyell (1775-1851) 'The Darker Superstitions of Scotland' (Edinburgh,
1834) pp. 483-4; A. L. Caillet 'Manuel Bibliographique des Sciences Psy-
chiques' (3 vols. Paris, 1912/13); Karl Schmeing op. cit.; J. L. T. C. Spence
'Second Sight. Its History and Origin' (London, 1951); E. J. Dingwall
'Abnormal Hypnotic Phenomenon' (London, 1967).
287, 3 1
William SachevereIl 'An Account of the Isle of Man' (London, 1702;
ed. J. G. Cumming, Douglas, 1859) p. 20: 'One Captain Leathes, who was
the chief magistrate ofBelfast, and reputed a man ofgreat integrity, assured
me he was once shipwrecked on the Island, and lost a great part of his
crew; that when he came on shore the people told hirn he had lost thirteen
of his men, for they saw so many lights going toward the church, which was
just the number lost. Whether these fancies proceed from ignorance, super-
stition, or prejudice of education, or from any tradition or heritable magie,
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 543
which is the opinion of the Scotch divines concerning their second sight, or
whether nature has adapted the organs of some persons for discerning of
spirits, is not for me to determine.'
Cf. Martin Martin (d. 1719) 'A Description of the Western Islands of
Scotland' (London, 1703; 2nd ed. 1716) p. 313; D. G. Kieser (Archiv f.d.
thier. Mag. 1820,6 iii p. 118); 'Berliner Schriften' p. 691.
28 7,37
J. J. Winckelmann (17 17-1768), the art critic and historian, was mur-
dered in Trieste on 8th J une 1768 by a certain Francesco Arcalengi, evi-
dently for the gold medallions and coins he had with hirn. On May 14th he
had written to a friend from Vienna: 'The journey has not cheered me up,
but has made me feel extremely depressed ... I have done all I can to make
myself enjoy it since lieft Augsburg, but my heart says no, - 1 have been
unable to overcome the repulsion I feel for this long journey.' 'Briefe' (ed.
L. Diepolder and W. Rehm, 4 vols. Berlin, 19S2-7) vol. III p. 389.
Cf. D. von Rosetti 'Winckelmann's letzte Lebenswoche' (Dresden, 1818);
'Sämtliche Werke' (ed. J. Eiselein, 12 vols. Donauäschingen, 182S/9).
289, IS
J. Heinecken (1761-18SI) 'Ideen und Beobachtungen' (Bremen, 1800) pp.
12S-8, gives the precise words of one of his magnetized patients, 'I see the
inside of my body, all parts seem to be equally transparent and permeated
by light and warmth; I see the blood streaming in my veins, note precisely
the disorders in one part or the other, and think carefully of a cure which
might put them right, and then it is as if someone were calling to me that use
should be made ofthis or that.' C. A. F. Kluge 'Animalischen Magnetismus'
(Berlin, 181S) p. 160 et seq. cites numerous cases ofthis kind; cf. note 311,26.
289, 22
This passage certainly seems to imply that a guardian spirit is essentially a
projection of a person's 'true self'. Plato, 'Phaedo' 108 b, provides evidence
of pagan belief in guardian spirits, and Christ (Matthew XVIII v. 10) con-
firms the significance ofit. Cf. Plotinus 'Enneads' 111,4. Honorius of Autun
(d. IISI), 'Elucidarium' ii, 31, was the first clearly to define Christian belief
in such beings, 'Unaquaeque etiam anima, dum in corpus mittitur, angelo
committitur.' St. Thomas Aquinas ('Summa Theol.' 1 q. 113, a. 4) held that
only angels of the lowest order fulfilled this function.
The subject was by no means absent from the literature on animal
magnetism current in Germany and France during the opening decades of
the last century: see Joh. Friedr. von Meyer 'Blätter für höhere Wahrheit.
Aus Beiträgen von Gelehrten, ältern Handschriften und seltenen Büchern.
Mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Magnetismus' (3 pts. Frankfurt-on-Main,
544 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
1818/22) eh. IX; 'Vom Dämon des Sokrates und von den Schutzgeistern
einiger andern berühmter Personen' ('Annales du Magnetisme animal'
1815/16 i, iv sects. 24-7; 'Archiv f.d. thier. Magn.' 1818, 2 ii pp. 127-33);
D. G. Kieser 'Daemonophania, bei einem wachenden Somnambul beo-
bachtet' ('Archiv' 1819, 6 i pp. 56-147), 'Geschichte einer dämonischen
Kranken' ('Archiv' 1820,6 iii pp. 1-92); cf. 'Archiv' 1819,5 ii p. 163; A.
Dupuget 'Le Demon de Socrate' (Paris, 1829); J. U. Wirth (1810-1859)
'Theorie des Somnambulismus' (Leipzig and Stuttgart, 1836) pp. 307-1 I.
289, 29
This looks very much like a paraphrase of what Bende Bendsen (1787-
1875) writes in 'Archiv' 1821, 9 i p. 134, 'Das schlafwachende Leben hat
sowohl seine sittliche schlechte und gute Seite, als das natürliche, und
derjenige, welcher im gewöhnlichen Leben nicht frei von moralischen
Fehlern ist, wird sie oft im somnambulen Zustande noch weniger verbergen
können.' Cf. his 'Tagebuch einer lebensmagnetischen Behandlung der
Wittwe A. M. Petersen zu Arröeskjöping' ('Archiv' 1821,9 iii pp. 42-203),
where a detailed account is given of religious idealism becoming apparent
during magnetic trances. A similar case (a sixteen year old girl) is recorded
by G. Cless of Stuttgart, 'Geschichte einer im Gefolge eines Nervenfiebers
entstandenen, und durch den Lebens-Magnetismus geheilten Krankheit'
('Archiv' 1818,4 i p. 71).
29 1 ,8
Hegel speaks of 'Mitempfindung' here, not of 'Sympathie', but it is un-
likely that there is any particular significance in this: see his letter to van
Ghert, written from Nuremberg on 15th 1810 ('Briefe' I 329, 30-7). Cf.
Friedrich Hufeland (1774-1839) 'Ueber Sympathie' (181 I; 2nd ed. Weimar,
1822); 'Hegel Briefe' I p. 201 (12th April 1812).
29 1 , 14
F. B. de Sauvages (1706- 1767) 'Nosologia Methodica sistens Morborum
Classes juxta Sydenhami mentem et Botanicorum ordinem' (Leyden, 1759;
2 vols. Amsterdam, 1768) vol. II pp. 262-3 mentions this case under the
dassification dass VIII Vesaniae, order III Deliria, sect. XIX Daemono-
mania, sub. sect. VI hysteria, and adds that Dr. Descottes of Argenton-sur-
Creuse, Berry, France, communicated it to him by letter in 1760. Un-
fortunately, all the town records of Argenton disappeared in 1940, so that
it has been impossible to find out anything further about Dr. Descottes.
J. H. D. Petetin (1744-1808), 'Electricite Animale' (Lyon, 1805) p. 90,
gives the following account of the case: 'Deux filles domestiques agees de
vingt ans, liees de la plus etroite amitie, affectees d'hysterie, se trouverent
mieux par I'usage du castoreum, de Ia rhue, de la terebenthine; mais elles ont
presente pendant six mois des phenomenes singuliers, ordinairement
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 545
291, 19
C. P. Moritz (1757-1793) 'Desertion aus einem unbekannten Bewegungs-
grunde', in 'Magazin zur Erfahrungsseelenkunde' vol. II pp. 16-7 (Berlin,
1784). The incident took pi ace in a Prussian regiment stationed near
Breslau. A condensed version of the original ac count is to be found in J. A.
E. Goeze (1731-1793) 'Natur, Menschenleben und Vorsehung' (7 vols.
Leipzig, 1789/94), and is repeated almost word for word by Bende Bendsen
in 'Beiträge zu den Erscheinungen des zweiten Gesichts' ('Archiv' 1821,
8 iii p. 125)' For similar cases, see J. A. L. Richter 'Betrachtungen über
den animalischen Magnetismus' (Leipzig, 1817).
29 1 , 33
Griesheim wrote 'Tissot', not 'Descottes'.
293, 12
In these two sentences Hegel speaks first of 'animalischen' and then of
'thierischen' magnetism. C. A. F. Kluge 'Animalischen Magnetismus' (Berlin,
1815) p. xiii discusses the significance of this terminological difference: 'The
Latin loan-word animal magnetism has been used throughout instead of the
546 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
otherwise normal German expression 'thierisch'. The reason for this is that
the latter expression, on account of its being of too narrow an application,
denotes only what is subordinate, while the former is of wider significance,
and precisely on account of this has a higher connotation, which is more
suited to this means of healing, for it is a means which, like magnetism
itself, lies directly between anima and animal, pertaining conjointly to them
both.' Cf. Joseph Weber (1772-1831) 'Der thierische Magnetismus' (Land-
shut, 1816) p. 3 note, A. Wienholt 'Bey trag zu den Erfahrungen über den
thierischen Magnetismus' (Hamburg, 1787) pp. 19-30.
Friedrich Anton Mesmer (1733-1815) was born at Weil, near the point
at which the Rhine leaves Lake Constance. He studied medicine at Vienna
under Gerhard van Swieten (1700-1772) and Anton de Haen (1704-1776),
two of the most distinguished of Boerhaave's pupils, but the sources of his
original ideas are probably to be sought in the astrologicalliterature of the
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries (Kluge op. cit. pp. 28-31). It is
certainly not true that he began by 'inducing the magnetic state by means of
magnets', as Hegel suggests (Vera I, 348 n. I). His discovery of animal
magnetism arose out of cosmological considerations, which were probably
suggested to hirn in the first instance by Father Maximilian Hell (1720-
1792), the imperial astronomer at Vienna: see his dissertation 'De plane-
tarum influxu in corpus humanum' (Vienna, 1766). By 1772 he was however
experimenting with the effect of the magnet upon the human body, and
evidently pondering upon problems involving the relationship between the
macrocosm and the microcosm. Much of his thinking involved the postu-
lation of connections and analogies between levels of enquiry the subject
matters of which differ widely in degree of complexity: see, for example, his
'Memoire sur la decouverte du magnetisme animal' (Paris, 1779; Germ. tr.
Carlsruhe, 1781; French ed. 1799 p. 46), 'Comme le feu, par un mouvement
tonique determine, differe de la chaleur, ainsi le magnetisme, dit animal,
differe du magnetisme naturel: la chaleur est dans la nature, sans etre Jeu,
elle consiste dans le mouvement intestin d'une matiere subtile ... J'entends
par ton un mouvement tonique, le genre ou mode special du mouvement qu'ont
les particules d'une fluide entre elles; ainsi a l'egard des particules de quelques
fluides, le mouvement est ondulatoire ou oscillatoire; dans d'autres il est
vibratoire, de rotation, etc.' Cf. 'Memoire de F. A. Mesmer, docteur en
medecine, sur ses Decouvertes' (Paris, 1799) pp. 6-7, 'La conservation de
l'homme, ainsi que son existence, sont fondees sur les lois generales de la
nature ... l'homme possede des propri!~tes analogues a celles de l'aimant; ... il
est doue d'une sensibilite, par laquelle il peut etre en rapport avec les etres
qui l'environment, meme les plus eloignes; et. .. il est susceptible de se
charger d'un ton de mouvement.'
In these works he adopted a Newtonian theory of the aether, and by this
means brought motion, action, ebb and flow, the properties of matter,
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 547
polarity, inclination, reflection etc. etc. within the scope of his generalized
consideration of 'animal magnetism' itself. This aspect of his theorizing was
still being taken seriously while Hegel was lecturing at Heidelberg and
Berlin, see C. C. Wolfart (d. 1832) 'Mesmerismus oder System der Wechsel-
wirkungen' (Berlin, 1814), and made a scientific assessment ofthe true value
ofhis discovery somewhat difficult. Cf. note 243,31; George Winter 'History
of Animal Magnetism; its origin, progress, and present state' (London, 180 I) ;
J. C. Colquhoun 'Isis Revelata' (2 vols. Edinburgh, 1836) chs. 10 and I I;
A Drechsler 'Astrologische Vorträge' (Dresden, 1855); C. G. Carus 'Ueber
Lebensmagnetismus' (Leipzig, 1857) ch. 11. Stefan Zweig 'Die Heilung
durch den Geist' (Leipzig, 1931); J. L. Wohleb 'Franz Anton Mesmer'
('Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins' N. F. 53 pp. 33-130, 1940);
H. Franke 'Der Mesmerismus und die deutsche Dichtung' ('Schwaben' 12
pp. 121-4, 1940); D. M. Walmsley 'Anton Mesmer' (London, 1967).
293,21
Note 29,2.
295, 18
Note 257, 29.
295, 3 1
This use of the specialized word 'epopt' (Gr. E-1TChr'T7}S", formed on €TTl +
root OTT to see), seems to indicate that Hegel has classical Greek instances in
mind here, although the remark is quite evidently meant to be of general
application. At Eleusis in Attica, the epoptae had their final initiation into
the mystery when they were shown certain holy objects: see Plato 'Phaedrus'
250 c 4, 'Symposium' 210 al; P. Merlan 'From Platonism to Neoplatonism'
(The Hague, 1960); C. A. Lobeck (1781-1860) 'Aglaophamus, sive de
theologiae mysticae Graecor' (Regiomonti, 1829); Cf. 'Berliner Schriften
1818-1831' p. 631; 'Hegel Briefe' 111 p. 87.
297,2
Henbane (Bilsenkraut; Hyoscyamus niger). The ancient Celts regarded
the plant as sacred on account of its being associated with the god Belenus,
hence its German name. Belenus (Irish Beltene) was the Celtic equivalent
of the Greek Apollo i.e. the god of the sun and of the return of summer
(May ISt): see Jan de Vries 'Keltische Religion' (Stuttgart, 1961) D.I.4
pp. 83-4. Henbane was used for curing mental diseases in Anglo-Saxon
England: O. Cockayne 'Leechdoms, Wortcunning and Starcraft of Early
England' (Rolls Series, 2 vols. London, 1864/5) vol. 11 p. 137, and was not
dropped from English pharmacopoeias until 1746: see Nicholas Culpeper
(1616-1654) 'The Complete Herba!' (London, 1653; new ed. London,
1850) p. 92; Thomas Green 'The Universal Herba!' (2 vols. London, 1823)
vol. I pp. 724-5. It was, however, Anton von Stoerck (1731-1803) 'Libellus,
quo demonstratur ... etc.' (Vienna, 1762; Germ. tr. Augsburg, 1763) who
548 . Heget' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
first revived interest in it as a eure for toothache, epilepsy, convulsions and
fits, and in Hegel's day its use as such was already well-established: William
Rowley (1742-I806) 'Truth vindicated, or the specific differences ofmental
diseases ascertained' (London, I 790) pp. I 8-9; William Pargeter (1760-
I8IO) 'Observations on Maniacal Disorders' (Reading, 1792; Germ. tr.
Leipzig, 1793) Germ. tr. pp. 65-7; A. Fothergill (I735?-18I3) 'Of the
Efficacy of the Hyoscyamus, or Henbane, in certain Cases of Insanity'
('Memoirs of the Medical Society of London' vol. I pp. 3IO-I5, I787).
J. A. E. Goeze (I 73 I-1793) 'Natur, Menschenleben und Vorsehung'
(7 vols. Leipzig, 1789/94) vol. VI pp. 30-40, shows that the ancient con-
nection between henbane and May Day was still remembered at the end ofthe
eighteenth century, 'When a witch wanted to start on her trip to the Brocken,
she would strip and rub herself in with the so-called witch's unguent, which
was prepared from benumbing plant juices, and especially from henbane.
As soon as the ointment took effect, the body became benumbed, dead,
devoid of sensation. In this state the soul was able to pursue its dreams
and imaginations in a correspondingly unhindered manner. And in this
state everything that was supposed to take place on Blocksberg took place
in the person's soul.' Enchanter's nightshade (Hexenkraut, Circ<ea lutetiana)
was evidently also associated with such practices. Cf. Johann Wierus (I5I5-
I588) 'De Daemonum praestigiis' (I566; Basel, I583) bk. III eh. 17 p. 313;
notes 23I, 3, 307, 34; 'Hegels Briefe' II p. 243; G. R. Boehmer 'Bibliotheca
Scriptorum Historiae Naturalis' (9 vols. Leipzig, 1785/9) vol. VI pp. 9-IO,
304-6; N. Taylor 'Plant Drugs' (London, 1966) pp. 43, 146-8.
297, 13
'Magnetized' water played an important part in the magnetic eures of the
time: see Kluge op. cit. pp. 404-7. Metals were found to have a powerful
and predominantly unpleasant effect upon magnetized persons (op. cit.
pp. 136-46), and it was therefore usual for them to take off their rings etc.
while being treated (op. cit. p. 369). Silk was generally found to hinder
magnetic treatment (op. cit. pp. 83, 172,369,489), and glass was also usually
classed as an insulator (op. cit. p. 403). Kluge notes that, 'in this conducting
and insulating of magnetic power one finds a great deal of similarity with
electricity' (op. cit. p. 403; cf. 'Phil. Nat.' II.I71-3).
There is a detailed and comprehensive analysis of the conducting and
insulating proper ti es of various substances by D. G. Kieser in 'Archiv f.d.
thier. Magn.' I819, 5 ii pp. 36-7; cf. C. G. Nees von Esenbeck 'Entwick-
lungsgeschichte des magnetischen Schlafs und Traums' ('Archiv' 1820, 7
i p. 22).
The true significance of much of this data, which was carefully recorded,
assembled and categorized, was not always immediately apparent: see P. G.
van Ghert 'Tagebuch einer magnetischen Behandlung' ('Archiv', 18I7,
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 549
2 i p. I 17), 'Da ich heute Abend zum Erstenmale meine Hände auf ihre
Brust legte, sagte sie, daß es nicht durchdringe. - Ich sah, daß sie ein
seidenes Tuch umhatte, ließ sie dieses wegnehmen, und die Wirkung ging
jetzt eben so stark, als die anderen Male' (23rd February 1810; cf. 24th
May 1810, p. 169).
297, 15
The animals mentioned here by Hegel indicate that his source is an artide
by Gerbrand Bakker (1771-1828), J. H. G. Wolthers (1777-1840) and P.
Hendriksz 'Bijdragen tot den tegenwordigen staat van het animalisch
Magnetismus in ons vaderland' (2 pts. Gröningen, 1814/18; pt. I tr. F. Bird,
Halle, 1818; reviewed by Kieser, 'Archiv' 1819,6 i pp. 148--60), see pt. II
ch. ii, where the magnetizing of dogs, cats, monkeys and pigeons is recorded.
Cf. 'Hegel Briefe' vol. II p. 379. Certain horse-breakers and cattle cas-
trators working in Germany at this time were reputed to have used anima I
magnetism in their work.
K. C. Wolfart 'Beitrag zur Wirkung des Magnetismus bei Thieren'
('Jahrbücher für den Lebens-Magnetismus, oder Neues Askläpieion' 1819,
2, xi p. 185); C. F. Nasse 'Ueber das Irreseyn der Thiere' ('Zeitschrift für
psychische Aerzte' 1820, 1 pp. 170--224); B. Bendsen 'Tagebuch einer
lebensmagnetischen Behandlung' ('Archiv' 1821, 9 i p. 126), a cat and a
dog; J. C. Passavant 'Untersuchungen über den Lebensmagnetismus'
(Frankfurt-on-Main, 182 I) p. 72; C. F. Flemming 'Beiträge zur Philosophie
der Seele' (2 pts. Berlin, 1830) pp. 229-30.
297,30
Hegel also discusses shamans in his 'Philosophy of History' and 'Philo-
sophy of Religion' (Jubiläumsausgabe vol. 11 p. 232, vol. 15 p. 305); cf. D.
Tiedemann 'Handbuch der Psychologie' (Leipzig, 1804) pp. 327-9. The
use of different drugs in various parts of the world, induding India, is
discussed by J. C. L. Ziermann 'Geschichtliche Darstellung des thierischen
Magnetismus' (Berlin, 1824), p. 163.
It looks very much as though Hegel's interpretation of the Delphic
Orade, as given here, was based upon C. A. F. Kluge's 'Animal. Magn.'
(1815) pp. 16-17. Cf. John Potter (c. 1674-1747) 'The Antiquities ofGreece'
(2 vols. Oxford, 1697/9; tr. J. J. Rambach, Halle, 1775) Germ. tr. pp. 593-
662. In respect of his interpretation of the function of the priests at Delphi,
see J. G. Dalyell (1775-1851) 'The Darker Superstitions of Scotland'
(Edinburgh, 1834) pp. 491-2, 'An ample field for sinister prediction is
opened by the casualties ofhuman life. Those who have watched the progress
of the world, may form reasonable anticipations of futurity. Troubles, wars,
pestilence, or conflagrations, are never of long cessation: faithless friends
and disappointed expectations are not to be rated with the rarest subjects
of experience.'
550 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
297, 35
J. C. Prichard (1786-1848) 'A Treatise on Insanity' (London, 1835) pp.
415-6 gives the following description of Mesmer's baquet: 'A little wooden
tub, of different forms, round, oval, or square, raised one foot or one foot
and a half, was placed in the middle of a large room. This tub was caBed
'the baquet'; its covering was pierced with a certain number of holes, from
out of which came branches of iron, jointed and flexible. The patients were
placed in several rows round this 'baquet', and each person held the branch
of iron, which, by means of the points, could be applied directly to the part
affected; a cord was placed round the bodies of the patients, which uni ted
them one to another. Sometimes a second chain was formed by com-
munication with the hands, that is to say, by applying the thumb of one
between the thumb and first finger of the next person; the thumb thus held
was then pressed, and the impression received on the left was returned by
the right, and circulated all around. A piano-forte was placed in a corner
of a room; different airs were played upon it; sometimes the sound of the
voice in singing was added. All the magnetizers had in their hands a little
rod of iron, ten or twelve inches long. This rod was looked upon as the con-
duc tor of magnetism; it possessed the advantage of concentrating it in its
point, and of rendering the emanations more powerful. Sound, according to
the principles of Mesmer, was also a conductor of magnetism; and, in order
to communicate the fluid to the piano, it was sufficient to let the rod ap-
proach it. The cord with which the patients were surrounded was destined,
as weB as the chain of thumbs, to augment the effects by communication.
The inside of the 'baquet' was said to be so formed that it might concentrate
the magnetic fluid; there was nothing, however, in reality, in its formation
which could excite or retain magnetism or electricity." D. G. Kieser, 'Das
magnetische Behältniß (Baquet), ('Archiv' 1818, 3 ii pp. 1-180) gives the
best contemporary German account of the apparatus and also supplies a
sketch of it (p. 181); cf. his 'Das siderische Baquet und der Siderismus'
('Archiv' 1819,5 ii pp. 1-84).
The frontispiece in A. M. J. C. de Puysegur (1751-1828) 'Memoires pour
servir a l'histoire et a l'etablissement du Magnetisme Animal' (1784; 3rd
ed. Paris, 1820) consists of an illustration of a number of people sitting
around a magnetized tree: see C. A. F. Kluge op. cit. pp. 415-23 for an
extended account of this. Cf. J. G. Petri 'Der thierische Magnetismus, in
seiner Anwendung auf die Pflanzenwelt' (Ilmenau, 1824); W. D. Hackman
'The Researches ofDr Martinus van Marum (1750-1837) on the influence
of electricity on animals and plants' ('Medical History' vol. 16 pp. 11-26,
1972).
299,2
'Encyclopaedia' § 330; Phil. Nat. II.191-205.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 55 I
2gg, 23
Literally, 'heftels this through a certain warmth in his hand'.
2gg,2g
All the details given here with regard to the various techniques involved
in magnetic stroking are to be found in Kluge op. cit. pp. 324-41. Joseph
Weber 'Der thierische Magnetismus' (Landshut, 18 I 6) p. 17 notes that there
was a distinct geographical distribution in respect of the techniques used for
imparting magnetic inftuence: in Paris manual stroking was favoured, in
Lyon and Ostend the will of the magnetizer was regarded as the most
important factor, whereas in Strassburg both manual stroking and the will
were employed.
Van Ghert probably drew Hegel's attention to this aspect of animal mag-
netism. In his 'Tagebuch' ('Archiv' 1817, 2 i pp. 22-4), he describes in
detail the various effects elicited by stroking in various directions (3 I st
August 1810), and, evidently in all solemnity, records the following on
I Ith April 1810 (2, i p. 157): "Ich zog meine Schuhe aus, setzte meine Füße
auf ihre Brust, und hielt sie hintenüber. Sie können sich nicht vorstellen,
sagte sie, wie stark die Wirkung Ihrer Füße, ist, und wenn Sie sie noch
länger auf meiner Brust halten, dann müßen Sie mich auf dem Stuhle fest-
binden, oder ich werde noch fallen."
Many practitioners recorded the warmth in their hands: see J. H. D.
Petetin (1744-1808) 'Ueber die Phänomene der Catalepsie und des Som-
nambulismus' (Nordhoff 'Archiv für den thierischen Magnetismus' vol. I
pp. 22-3, 1804); A. M. J. C. de Puysegur (1751-1828) 'Du Magnetisme
Animal' (Paris, 1807), 'Mais pourquoi arrive-t-il qu'on s'echauffe en
marchant? je n'en sais rien; cela est, parce que cela est." Dr. de Valenti of
Sulza paiq. particular attention to the sensations he experienced in his
hands while magnetizing, and even claimed that they emitted sparks: see
'Archiv' 1820,6 ii pp. 77-134 (2nd August 1819); 'Archiv' 1820,7 i p. 121
(5th September 181g).
299,34
D. G. Kieser (1779-1862) 'Die Heilung des Kropfs' ('Archiv' 1820, 7 i
pp. 137-54) drew attention to the possibility of the Royal Touch being of
Scandinavian origin. Queen Anne was the last English monarch to touch
for scrofula, but the practice was in the news while Hegel was lecturing at
Berlin on account of Charles X's having revived the ancient ceremony at
Rheims on 31st May 1825. The Biblical origin is quite clear (Gen.
XLVIII.I4, Luke XIII. 13, Acts VIII.q, XIII.3), St. Remigius is said to
have conferred the power upon Clovis king of the Franks (d. 5 II), and it
now looks as though both the Scandinavian and the English traditions had
a common continental origin: W. Bonser 'The Medical Background of
Anglo-Saxon England' (London, 1963) pp. 271-6; W. A. Chaney 'The
552 . Hege!' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
299, 36
On the role of faith and will in magnetic eures, see Kluge op. cit. pp.
3 I 7-9. This is part of a section in which Kluge discusses the physical and
psychic characteristics required of a successful magnetizer. He heads this
section with a quotation from Schiller:
'Es ist nicht draussen, da sucht es der Thor,
Es ist in dir, du bringst es hervor.'
3°1, 16
On anima I Lymph, see Phi!. Nat. § 365 (III.161-3).
301 ,23
G. I. Wenzel (1754-18°9) 'Unterhaltungen über ... Ahndungen' (1800)
pp. 1-2, "One occasionally catches sight of evidently human shapes, which
are neither created by the imagination nor brought forth magically as the
effect of smoke or by optical and other artificial means, but which are not
actually ghostly appearances. They stand before us as shadows do. They
appear suddenly, and seem to bear some resemblance to the departed ... It
appeared, but it was only an appearance, as if the souls of the deceased had
cast themselves into an aetherial mould ... " Wenzel go es on to attempt a
physical explanation of this sort of thing. The subject was much discussed
in Germany in the period immediately following the publication of J. K.
Wetzel's (1747-1819) 'Meiner Gattin wirkliche Erscheinung nach ihrem
Tode' (Chemnitz, 1804).
301 , 37
Note 293, 12.
302 , 3 1
Griesheim wrote 'Kiesels'.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 553
3° 2,33
Kehler seems to have written 'hinuntergeschnift'.
3°3,7
Though somewhat uncommon at that time, this use of 'Naivität' is not
peculiar to Hegel: see]. G. C. Kiesewetter 'Faßliche Darstellung der Erfah-
rungsseelenlehre' (2 pts. Vienna, 1817) p. 246. When translating Hegel,
'naivety' is not to be confused with 'unconstrainedness' (Unbefangen-
heit); cf. 79,28; 227, 25; 235, 20; 327, 16; 403, 22.
303, 12
Armand Marie Jacques Chastenet, Marquis de Puysegur (1751-1825)
certainly deserves Hegel's eulogy. He was the grandson ofJ. F. de Puysegur
(1655-1743), marshaI of France. He entered the artillery in 1768, and in
1783 saw active service in Spain, taking part in the siege of Gibraltar. Mter
the war he returned to Paris with his brother J. M. P. C. de Puysegur (1755-
1820), and became acquainted with Mesmer. The healing powers of animal
magnetism interested hirn, not the intrinsic nature of the phenomenon, and
when he met Lavater in Lausanne in 1785 he took great delight in displaying
these powers to hirn.
In 1786 he was put in command of a regiment at Strassburg, and it was
in this city that he established the first of the provincial 'Societes de
I'harmonie' (notes 317, 37; 321, 16). He showed some sympathy with the
revolution in its initial stages, but found he was unable to approve of the
way in which it developed, and in 1792 he resigned his commission and
retired to his estate at Buzancy near Soissons. The family horne became a
hospital for the psychically disturbed, and a retreat for victims of the
revolution. An elm on the estate was used for mass eures (297, 35), and
among those who enjoyed his hospitality at this time was Joseph Fievee
(1767-1839), who wrote 'La Dot de Suzette' (Paris, 1798) at Buzancy.
Puysegur composed three spirited comedies at this time: 'La Journee des
Dupes' (1789), 'L'Interieur d'un menage republicain' (1794) and 'Le Juge
bienfaisant' (1799). In 1797 he was accused of having corresponded with
his brothers, and imprisoned for two years with his wife and children. Mter
his release in November 1799 he was elected mayor of Soissons, and held the
office until 1805. At about this time he paid 1,200,000 francs to clear his
father-in-Iaw's debts.
Although he was not shown any particular favour at the restoration, he
was raised to the rank of Lieutenent-General. When Charles X was crowned at
Rheims, he insisted upon exercising the ancient right of his family to camp
in the park by the Vesle. The weather was wet, and he died soon afterwards.
Hegel was evidently intimately acquainted with many of his works on
animal magnetism; the following list is, I think tolerably complete: 'Receuil
des pieces les plus interessantes sur le magnetisme animal' (Paris and
554 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
Strassburg, 1784); 'Du Magnetisme animal' (Paris, 1807; 2nd and 3rd
eds. Paris, 1820); 'Recherches, experiences et observations sur l'homme
dans l'etat du somnambulisme naturel' (Paris, 181 I); 'Memoires pour servir
a l'histoire et l'etablissement du magnetisme animal' (2 vols. London, 1786;
Paris, 1809; grd ed. Paris, 1820); 'Les Fous, les insenses, les maniaques et
les frenetiques ne seraient-ils que des somnambules desordonnes' (Paris,
1812); 'Brochures sur le magnetisme' (Paris, 1813); 'Appel aux savans
observateurs du dix-neuvieme siede de la decision port~e par leurs prede-
cesseurs contre le magnetisme animal', (Paris, 181g; Dutch tr. Amsterdam,
1818); 'Les verites cheminent' (Paris, 1814); 'Le magnetiseur amoureux'
(2 vols. Paris, 1824).
See: A. C. P. Callisen 'Medicinische Schriftsteller-Lexicon' (33 vols.
Copenhagen and Altona, 1830-1845) vol. XXXI p. 324; J. P. F. Deleuze
'Histoire critique du magnetisme animal' (2 vols. Paris, 1813).
303, 18
Arnold Wienholt (1749-1804) was one of the first to bring animal mag-
netism to the notice of the German medical world: see 'Beiträge zu den
Erfahrungen über den thierischen Magnetismus' (Hamburg, 1782), 'Mag-
netistischen Magazin für Niederdeutschland' (9 pts., Bremen, 1787/9),
'Heilkraft des thierischen Magnetismus' (3 pts. Lemgo, 1802/6), 'Sieben
psychologische Vorlesungen über den natürlichen Somnambulismus'
(Lemgo, 1805). Interestingly enough, it was J. C. Colquhoun's translation
of this last book (Edinburgh, 1845), which helped to confirm the pioneering
English work of James Braid (1795 ?-1860): see for example 'Neurypnology;
or, the rationale of nervous sleep, considered in relation with animal
magnetism' (London, 1843), most ofwhich was subsequently translated into
German: 'Der Hypnotismus: ausgewählte Schriften von J. Braid' (tr. W.
Preyer, Berlin, 1881/2). It was Braid who coined the term 'neuro-hypnotism',
subsequently shortened to 'hypnotism' (1842/3).
On the main features of early nineteenth century German interpretations
of animal magnetism, see note 243, 31, and H. Haeser 'Lehrbuch der
Geschichte der Medicin' (3rd ed.Jena, 1881) vol. 11 pp. 784-92. They tended
to be either hopelessly mystical, rigidly formalistic, or naively reductionist,
and there was of course no lack of those intent upon treating the whole
thing as a simple delusion. J. W. Ritter (1776-1810), 'Der Siderismus'
(Tübingen, 1808) pp. 28-35 provides an insight into the potential merits and
demerits of what might be regarded as a typically German attitude to this
research, 'It goes without saying in respect of the treatment of the subject,
that in the first instance this involved the testing of everything involved; the
organizing of all data of this kind into a whole; the filling in of gaps by means of
research, which had to bear out this whole; and the reduction of the whole
to its simplestfactors, whereby it acquired laws ... The main object ofthe whole
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 555
Campetti project was in fact to transplant the matter into a German milieu ...
I have carried out the research in order so to establish the matter in Germany,
that even if I die tomorrow it will never again be allowed to lapse in this pre-
eminently scientific country, until (like so much with it!-) it has been fully
clarified once andfor alt. I know the physicists of Germany, and the men who
in true freedom ofspirit find reason enough to enter into the detail ofnature,
and who combine every possible precaution with all the rigorous discipline
essential to advancing the truth to the point of ultimate clarity.'
Puysegur, in his 'Du Magnetisme Animal, consididere dans ses rapports
avec diverses branches de la Physique generale (Paris, 1807), makes the
disarming remark that (p. 8), 'Je n'ai pas aujourd'hui plus de moyens de
rendre raison des phenomenes du magnetisme animal; il existe, parce il existe;
depuis vingt ans je n'en ai pas appris davantage.' He then goes on to indulge
in aseries of cosmological phantasies involving God, soul, matter etc. In his
'Recherches, Experiences et Observations Physiologiques sur l'Homme
dans l'etat de somnambulisme naturel, et dans le somnambulisme provoque
par l'acte magnetique' (Paris, 181 I), he informs us that, 'Nous devons a
Locke cette lumiere de la saine et vraie philosophie, la connaissance de la
premiere de toutes les verites physiologiques, savoir, qu'il n'y a pas d'idees
innees, et que I'homme n'en acquirt que par suite ou I'effet des impressions
qu'il re<;oit des objects exterieurs, par entremise et le canal de ses sens.'
D. G. Kieser 'Rhapsodieen aus dem Gebiete des thierschen Magnetismus'
('Archiv' 1817, 2 i pp. 65-80) examines the difficulties involved in formu-
lating a worthwhile theory of animal magnetism. In the 'Archiv' 1817, 2
ii pp. 148-9 there is a criticism of the outdatedness of current French inter-
pretations of the phenomenon. Dr. Andresse of Berlin, 'Blicke auf das
magnetische Schlafwachen in heilkundiger Hinsicht' (K. C. Wolfart
'Jahrbücher für den Lebens-Magnetismus, oder Neues Askläpieion' 1818,
I i p. 167) criticizes the pseudo-philosophical interpretation of the phe-
nomenon then current.
303, 20
Carl Alexander Ferdinand Kluge (1782-1844) was born at Straussberg
in Mittelmark, where his father was town surgeon. He began his medical
training at the Berlin College of Surgery in 1800, and qualified in 1804.
After a short period as surgeon to the Cadet Corps in Berlin, he studied at
Erfurt for a while, and took his doctorate there in 1806 with a dissertation
'De iridis motu'. In r807 he was appointed surgeon-in-chief to the Crown
Prince, later Frederick William IV of Prussia, and in 1809 instructor at the
Berlin College ofSurgery. In 1814 he became director ofthe surgical section
of the Iying-in department of the Charite hospital at Berlin, and retained
the post for the rest of his life.
556 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
30 3,22
Peter Gabriel van Ghert (1782-1852), a Dutchman, matriculated at Jena
on 22nd November 1804. He was advised to take part in Hegel's classes, and
558 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
attended regularly, but since his German was rather poor, he was unable to
follow very well. Hegel noticed this and gave hirn private tuition, and
before long a elose friendship had developed. He retumed to Holland after
four terms, and Hegel's farewell entry in his album (2nd September 1806)
has been preserved ('Hoffmeister 'Dokumente' p. 375). During the Summer
Term of 1805 he heard Hegel's lectures on Natural Law, and the Latin
thesis on this subject for which he was awarded his doctorate at Leyden on
26th January 1808, contains a certain amount ofmaterial which is simply a
translation of his Jena notes.
He held an appointment in the Dutch Ministry of Culture from 1808
1810. On 4th August 180g, having heard of Hegel's editing of the 'Bam-
berger Zeitung' and of his schoolmastering at Nuremberg, he wrote to hirn,
'filled with the holiest feeling of respect and friendship', 'weeping' over the
'ruination' of his old teacher, amazed that, 'the best men of Germany
should have such a minimal interest in science that they should allow true
philosophers to go hungry', praising the 'divine Phenomenology', and offering
to exert influence on Hegel's behalf with regard to getting a professorship
in Holland ('Briefe' I p. 2g0). Hegel handled the matter well in his letter of
16th December 180g (I p. 2g8), and the subsequent correspondence be-
tween them is one of relaxed friendliness and mutual respect. Van Ghert
sensed something of Hegel's true greatness as a thinker, and Hegel was
pleased to enjoy the friendship of an admirer and an influential adminis-
trator. In 181 I van Ghert published a lengthy and obtusely adulatory
review of the 'Phenomenology' ('De Recensent' Year 6, pp. 20-74, 181 I).
In October 1822 Hegel paid a personal visit to van Ghert and his family in
Brussels.
From 18IO onwards van Ghert worked for the Dutch police in ajudicial
capacity. Soon after the union of Holland and Belgium in 1815, the king
appointed hirn commissary and then referendary to the Department of
Roman Catholic Culture. The buming issues at this time were the control
of religion, the press and education. The bishops of Ghent soon condemned
the extension of state control forced upon Belgium by the Dutch, and it was
van Ghert's task to see that the policy of the Royal Government prevailed.
University reform was pushed through between 1815 and 1817, and in
1824 the general educational system was brought under secular control by
making the state registration of all teachers obligatory. From 1825 onwards
only those educated at one of the universities of the realm were allowed to
teach in the new secondary schools. In the same year, the Philosophical
College, which was akin to Joseph II's General Seminary, was founded at
Louvain, and it was decreed that all those reading for the priesthood should
attend a course there before studying theology at one of the episcopal
seminaries. The College professors were recommended by van Ghert, and
then appointed by the sovereign in consultation with the archbishop of
Nolls to Volume T wo: Anthropology • 559
Mechlin. Church and popular opposition to this policy proved too strong
for the civil authorities however, the College was closed early in 1830, and
when the revolution broke out in the August of that year, the liberals joined
the Church in opposition to the Royal Government. See H. Pirenne 'His-
torie de Belgique' (7 vols. Brussels, 1909/32) vol. VI bk. üi p. 310 (1926);
E. de Moreau 'Historie de l'Eglise en Belgique' (2 vols. Brussels, 1940/8);
'The New Cambridge Modern History' vol. IX pp. 472-80 (Cambridge,
1965); K. Jürgensen 'Lamennais und die Gestaltung des belgischen Staates'
(Wiesbaden, 1963); A. F. Manning 'De Permanente Commissie ... 1827-
1830' (Archiefvoor de Geschiedenis van de Katholieke Kerk in Nederland'
Ist Year, p. 109ff., 1959).
It has often been suggested that the part played by van Ghert in this
attempt to bring Belgium under Dutch control was determined by his
Hegelianism. His intellectual relationship with his former teacher was,.
however, by no means a straightforward one. Although Hegel probably
approved of the secularization policies in which van Ghert became involved,
van Ghert was the executor not the originator of these policies, and his
reasons for pursuing them, in so far as they were a matter of intellectual
conviction and not simply of professional expediency, could hardly be
regarded as distinctively Hegelian. Curiously enough, he differed from his
teacher even on the central issue of his religious allegiance, for whereas
Hegel enjoyed parading his Protestantism ('Berliner Schriften' pp. 572-5,
1826), van Ghert never abandoned his Roman Catholicism. He seems,
moreover to have feared that their friendship might have been harmed had
Hegel got to know ofthis, and as late asJuly 1817 ('Briefe' 11, p. 165) Hegel
was still under the impression that his friend was a Protestant. To some
extent, van Ghert's 'Hegelianism' evidently consisted of the hope that the
philosophical system might enable Roman Catholicism to shed the dead
wood of scholasticism and enter into a more effective dialogue with the
modern world: see A. V. N. van Woerden 'Po G. van Ghert tussen Hegel en
de Una Saneta' (Alphen, 1965). He also saw that it might be used in an
anti-liberal and absolutist manner however, and in a letter to the Ministry
at The Hague written on 3rd August 1835, he noted, 'that Hegel's philo-
sophy is the ideal antidote to the abominations ofliberalism'; see 'Algemeen
Rijksarchief 's-Gravenhage: Collectie A. G. A. van Rappard' . A comparison
between van Ghert's Roman Catholicism and that of J. N. Möller (1777-
1862), who also knew Hegel and had connections with Louvain, would be
an interesting undertaking: see A. H. Winsnes 'Nicolai Möller: Fra Leibniz
til Hegel' (Oslo, 1969). Cf. J. J. F. Wap(?) 'Necrologie Mr. Petrus Gabriel
van Ghert' ('Astrea' 11, 1852, pp. 1-11); L. J. Rogier 'Piet van Ghert en
Hegel' ('Studien' CXXI, 1934,11 p. 115); A. E. M. Ribberink 'Van Ghert;
achtergronden van een falen' ('Archiefvoor de Geschiedenis van de Katho-
lieke Kerk in Nederland' 10th Year sect. üi pp. 329-42, December 1968);
560 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
pp. 87-114 (1789-1796); F. K. Strombeck (note 309, 41). The second work
was 'Mnemosyne, of aanteekeningen van merkwaardige verschijnsels van
het animalisch magnetismus' (Amsterdam, 1815; tr. Kieser 'Archiv' 1818,
3 iii pp. 1-97). The experiment with the snuff and the peppermint-drop
etc., mentioned by Hegel, was performed on 5/6th June 1815, and an
account of it appears on pp. 20-1 of the German translation. The most
important discovery made by van Ghert in this field is also recorded in this
work, see note 3 I 3, 19.
Extracts from van Ghert's commemorative oration on Hegel are to be
found in G. Nicolin 'Hegel in Berichten seiner Zeitgenossen' (Hamburg,
.1970) pp. 506-10. Cf. E. J. Dingwall 'Abnormal Hypnotic Phenomena'
(London, 1967) pp. 55-72.
303, 26
Although the condensed essence of this fascinating attempt to define the
nature of animal magnetism is apparent in what Hegel published (note
243, 3 I), it is of such central importance to an understanding of bis interest
in the phenomenon, that it is difficult to see why Boumann should have
excluded it from his version of the lectures.
305, 1
Karl Eberhard Schelling (1783-1854), the brother of the pbilosopher,
was born at Bebenhausen on 10th January 1783, where his father, Josef
Friedrich S. (1737-1812) was a teacher at the monastery school. He was
educated at Schondorf, and at Blauberen (1797/9), and then went up to
Jena, where his brother was lecturing, to study medicine. He was joint
defendant of Hegel's habilitation thesis in 1801 ('Phil. Nat.' 1.372), and
attended Hegel's classes during the period 1801/2. In 1802 he moved
to Tübingen, where he prepared his doctorate, 'Cogitata nonnulla de
Idea Vitae, hujusque formis praecipuis' (38 pp. Tubingae, 1803), under C. F.
Kielmeyer (1765-1844). Kielmeyer knew the Schelling family weIl, and was
sympathetic toward the physiophilosophers in general. He is remembered
more as a teacher than as an author, but his views on physiology and
zoology were published, 'Ueber die Verhältnisse der organischen Kräfte
unter einander in der Reihe der verschiedenen Organisationen' (Stuttgart,
1793; new. impr. Tübingen, 1814), and a great deal ofhis manuscript material
has been preserved in the Stuttgart library.
Schelling's barbarous Latin was criticized in the 'Medicinisch-Chirurgische
Zeitung' vol. 11 p. 443 (Leipzig, 1804). After taking bis doctorate, he went
to Vienna to study physiological optics under J. A. Schmidt (1759-1809),
and finally settled in Stuttgart as a general practitioner in 1805.
During this period he prepared an expanded German version of his thesis,
which eventually appeared as 'über das Leben und seine Erscheinung'
562 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
(Landshut, 1806). This work was quite weIl reviewed ('Jahrbücher der
Medicin als Wissenschaft' vol. I sect. ii pp. 134-60, Tübingen, 1806; 'All-
gemeine Medizinische Annalen' pp. 866-glg, October 1806; 'Medicinisch-
Chirurgische Zeitung' vol. III pp. S7-76, Leipzig, 1806). Since it is of
interest not only as the outcome of Schelling's training as a medical practi-
tioner, in which Hegel evidently played a not unimportant part, but also as
the foundation of a view of organic and psychic phenomena which was
evidently still congenial to Hegel as late as the 1820'S, it may be of interest
to examine it in some detail. The reviewers praised Schelling for avoiding
the disadvantages of reductionism, and formulating a definition of life which
did justice to its complexity in respect of inorganic or simply physiological
phenomena, and they were right to do so. He indicates the importance of
thinking in terms of levels, and criticizes Leibniz for not realizing that the
gradations between the single and the absolute monad are infinite (pp.
xiii-xiv). The conception of an absolute soul apparently diversified into its
individual equivalents brings to mind certain of Hegel's expositions (Enc.
§§ 3gl-S), as does the treatment of the aether (sect. 232), sleeping and
waking (sect. 243), and disease and death (sect. 301-S).
The magnetic experiments mentioned by Hegel were published by Schelling
as two separate articles: 'Ideen und Erfahrungen über den thierischen Mag-
netismus', and 'Weitere Betrachtungen über den thierischen Magnetismus,
und die Mittel ihn näher zu erforschen' ('Jahrbücher der Medicin als
Wissenschaft' ed. A. F. Marcus and F. W. J. Schelling vol. II sect. i pp. 3-
46, sect. ii pp. I S8-go, Tübingen, 1807). These articles were recommended
to Hegel by F. W. J. Schelling soon after they appeared, and he evidently
found them 'very weIl done' ('Hegel Briefe' vol. I pp. IS8, 161,471). They
put forward Mesmer's view that animal magnetism is a cosmological matter
(pp. 8-14), and that it, 'can only be grasped in the proper way when it is
regarded as a truly new process of development, by means of which the
organism is led through various stages in precisely the same way as it is in
the course ofits natural development' (pp. 24-S)' They pay some attention
to the history of the subject, including the career of Valentine Greatrakes
(p. 16g), and attempt to establish the differences between voltaism, galvan-
ism and animal magnetism (pp. I 78-g). Schelling rounded off his presenta-
tion ofthe phenomenon with a general consideration ofthe soul, 'Grundsätze
zu einer künftigen Seelenlehre' (loc. cit. II ii pp. Ig0-224).
In 1814 Hegel's sister Christiane (1773-1832) had to retire from her
work as a governess on account of a nervous disability, and it was probably
soon after this that Kar! Schelling began to tend her. He did so without
taking any remuneration ('Hegel Briefe' vol. II p. 487), partly, no doubt,
on account of his respect for her brother, which was already well-known in
the Stuttgart area at about this time (Nicolin 'Hegel in Berichten' p. 14S).
Hegel visited Stuttgart in the spring of 1818, after an interval of twenty
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 563
years, and bis closer friendship with Schelling seems to date from this period
('Briefe' vol. 11 p. 194). When Christiane received the three Hegel medal-
lions from Mrs. Hegel in March 1832, she wasjust leaving the house to see
Schelling, and took his medallion with her (Nicolin op. cit. p. 662).
Although Schelling was widely known as a philosophical physician, and
became fellow of the Royal College of Medicine in 1814, he spent the
whole of his working life in Stuttgart. Here he was generally respected as a
medical practitioner predisposed to gentle medicines and remedies;-
botany was a constant source of interest and enjoyment, 'and the tranquilly
indefatigable life of the plant did indeed answer most completely to his
conception of both organic life in general, and the healthy and diseased
states of human life in particular.' See the obituary notice in the 'Jahre-
shefte des Vereins für vaterländische Naturkunde in Württemberg' vol. 11
pp. 64-6 (Stuttgart, 1855).
Cf. 'Dictionnaire des Sciences Medicales. Biographie Medicale' (Paris,
1825) vol. 7 p. 134; A. Dechambre 'Dictionnaire Encydopedique des
Sciences Medicales' (Paris, 1879) vol. 7 pp. 428-g.
3°5,3°
For Hegel, the reproductive system itselj, is the digestive system: Enc.
§ 354 (Phil. Nat. 111. 11 7; 125). On the connection between this and the
sex-drive, see Enc. § 368. Detailed considerations of the neurological factors
involved in animal magnetism are to be found in Kluge op. cit. 205-308
and A. C. A. Eschenmayer 'Versuch die scheinbare Magie des thierischen
Magnetismus aus physiologischen und psychischen Gesezen au erklären'
(Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1816).
306,3 1
Kehler wrote 'Vanhelmut'.
3°7,9
J. H. D. Petetin (1744-1808) 'Memoire sur la decouverte des phenomenes
que presentent la catalepsie et le somnambulisme' (Lyon, 1787). Hegel
probably read the German version of this work, 'Ueber die Phänomene der
Catalepsie und des Somnambulismus' (Nordhoff 'Archiv für den den thieri-
schen Magnetismus' vol. I pp. g-50, Jena, 1804), or the summary ofPetetin's
ideas in Kluge op. cit. pp. 356-62.
Petetin postulated an electric fluid, which was diffused and concentrated
mainly by means ofthe blood, 'So ist doch das Blut der Haupt-Sammelplatz
desselben; durch das Herz, die Schlagadern und ihre letzten Zweige fort-
getrieben, entladet es sich bisweilen überflüssig." (Germ. tr. p. 43). It is
almost certainly the following passage on page 46 that Hegel has in mind
here, "Damit also der Somnambulismus entstehe, bedarf es einer Reaktion
des Gehirns, die das elektrische Fluidum in die beyden Nerven des achten
564 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
Paars treibt, dieses Fluidum muß den Weg zu den Sinnesorganen verlassen,
die Höle des Magens erfüllen und den Membranen dieses Eingeweides eine
Sensibilität geben, die die vor allen hervorstehende Sensibilität der Netzhaut
übertrifft. "
Cf.]. C. Colquhoun (1785-1854) 'Isis Revelata' (2 vols Edinburgh, 1836)
vol. 1. p. 217, note.
30 7, 13
Note 247, 22; A. C. A. Eschenmayer 'Der Zusammenhang der Pubertäts-
Entwicklung und überhaupt der Veränderungen und Störungen der
Geschlechtsorgane mit der Disposition zum thierischen Magnetismus'
('Archivf.d. thier. Magn.' 1817, I i pp. 25-7; cf. 1818, 2 iiip. 139); Kluge
op. cit. pp. 59, 67.
307, 22
'Halbschlaf' or dog-sleep was a widely recognized and fairly clearly de-
fined state. Kluge op. cit. p. 91 takes it to be the second of seven degrees of
magnetization, but H. B. von Weber 'Handbuch der psychischen Anthro-
pologie' (Tübingen, 1829) gives the more generally accepted definition,
"The various intermediate states between waking and sleep, in which only
certain of the activities of spiritual life have ceased, while others are still
funtioning, are generally known as dog-sleep. More closely defined however,
this term refers to the intermediate state which precedes falling asleep
completely, in which sight (even when the eyes are still open), taste and
feeling by means of touch, have al ready ceased as in deep sleep, although
awareness of what is said still survives for some time."
Cf. R. F. 'Physiologische Bemerkungen über den thierischen Magnetis-
mus' (Nordhoff's 'Archiv' pt. I pp. 157-74; pt. II pp. 160-77, 1804);]. C.
Hoffbauer 'Psychologische Untersuchungen' (Halle, 1807) § 203 et seq.;
]oseph Weber 'Der thierische Magnetismus' (Landshut, 1816); Bende
Bendsen 'Tagebuch' ('Archiv' 1821, 9 ii p. 187); Samuel Hibbert-Ware
'Sketches of the Philosophy of Apparitions' (Edinburgh, 1824) chs. 18-20;
J. C. Prichard 'A Treatise on Insanity' (London, 1835) pp. 422-9.
30 7, 34
]ean Baptiste van Helmont (1577-1644): see Phil. Nat. III.287. The
reference here is to § 12 of' Demens Idea': see 'Ortus medicinae' (Amsterdam,
1648); 'A Ternary of Paradoxes' (tr. Walter Charleton, London, 1650);
'Opera Omnia' (Frankfurt, 1682) pp. 262-72; 'Workes' (1662; London,
1664) pp. 274-5, "And therefore I did promise to my self, that that poyson
after the manner of a Keeper, and a huske, did cover some notable and
Virgin-Power, created for great uses, and the which might by Art, and Sweats
allay poysons, and cause them to vanish. Wherefore I began divers wayes
to stir or work upon Wolfs-bane: And once, when I had rudely prepared
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 565
the Root thereof, I tasted it on the top of my tongue: For although I had
swallowed down nothing, and had spit out much spittle, yet I presently
after, feit my skull to be as it were tied without side with a girdle .. , I feit
that I did understand, conceive, savour, or imagine nothing in the head,
according to my accustomed manner at other times; but I perceived (with
admiration) manifestly, clearly, discursively, and constantly, that the whole
office was executed in the Midriffs, and displayed about the mouth of the
Stomach, and I feit that thing so sensibly and clearly, yea, I attentively
noted, that although I also felt sense and motion to be safely dispensed
from the head into the whole body, yet that the whole faculty of discourses
was remarkably and sensibly in the Midriffs, with an excluding of the head,
as if the mind did at that time, in the same place meditate of its own
counsels. "
On black henbane (Bilsenkraut; Hyoscyamus niger) and enchanter's
nightshade (gemeine Hexenkraut; Circaea lutetiana), and the uses to which
they were put, see note 297, 2. Since Kehler and Griesheim agree that Hegel
attributed Helmont's sensations to digitalis, it seems reasonable to attribute
the slip in the published text to Boumann. Digitalis was widely used,
especially in England, for controlling mental disturbances : J. B. Friedreich
'Literärgeschichte der ... psychischen Krankheiten' (Würz burg, 1830) pp.
359-60. Helmont actually used not wolfs-bane (Sturmhut, Aconitum
lycoctonum), but common monk's-hood (Eisenhütlein, Aconitum Napellus),
and as all the contemporary references to his experiment name the plant
correctly, it is difficuIt to postulate the origin of Hegel's error: see Thomas
Arnold (d. 1816) 'Observations on ... Insanity' (2 vols. Leicester, q82/6;
Germ. tr. J. C. Ackermann, Leipzig, 1784/8) Germ. tr. pp. 156-9; J.
Ennemoser (1787-1854) 'Der Magnetismus' (Leipzig, 1819) pp. 616-35;
J. C. Passavant (1790-1857) 'Untersuchungen über den Lebensmagnetismus
(Frankfurt-on-Main, 1821) pp. 245-50.
J. B. Friedreich op. cit. p. 153 records the experiment correctly and then
asks, 'Does this not indicate that clairvoyance takes place in the procardia ?"
The alkaloid aconitine was first examined by P. L. Geiger (1785-1836)
'über einige neue giftige Alkaloide' (Liebig's 'Annalen' VII p. 267, 1834).
30 9,4
Kluge op. cit. pp. 94-5 is almost certainly the origin of this observation.
In Kluge's grading of the seven degrees of magnetization, the crucial dis-
tinction is that between the first four and the last three: "This fourth degree
(of simple somnambulism) distinguishes itself from the preceding ones
through the presence of consciousness and the faculty of expression, as weIl
as by the unique relationship of the connection with the external world. It
distinguishes itself from the subsequent degrees in that the consciousness
present here is not heightened in any way ... This fifth degree is that of self
566 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
observation; this and all the subsequent magnetic states may be given the
general name of clairvoyance, the patient who is in this state being called a
dairvoyant. "
Kluge op. cit. pp. 55-6 praises Puysegur for making the advance beyond
Mesmer of treating animal magnetism as a psychic as welt as a physical
phenomenon. This was obviously a point which Hegel would be likely to
notice. Cf. Puysegur's 'Memoires pour servir a l'histoire et a l'establissement
du Magnetisme Animal' (1784; 3rd ed. Paris, 1820) pp. 88-9.
309, 10
Tenses thus.
309, 4 1
Friedrich Karl, Freiherr von Strombeck (1771-1848), the distinguished
lawyer and c1assical scholar. He came of an ancient Brunswick patrician
family, and it was at the town Grammar School that he first developed his
life-Iong love of classical languages. In 1789 he was matriculated at the
University of Helmstedt in order to read law, and two years later passed on
to Göttingen, where he continued his legal studies and also read aesthetics.
He toured nothern Italy in 1793, perfecting his knowledge of the language
and pursuing his classical interests, and at about this time published trans-
lations of Ovid's 'Remedia Amoris' (Brunswick, 1791) and 'Ars Amatoria'
(Göttingen, 1795)' This manysided activity attracted the attention of the
Duke ofBrunswick-Wolfenbüttel, who appointed hirn puisne-judge in 1795.
In 1799 he was sworn in as privy councillor to the duke, and put in charge
of the financial and legal interests of the duke's sister, Augusta Dorothea,
the last abbess of Gandersheim.
After the battle of Jena in 1806, the ducal family was broken up, and
Strombeck retired with the abbess's entourage to Denmark for a while. He
managed to deal with the Napoleonic administration in preserving her
revenues however, and was rewarded accordingly in her will (1810). In
1812 he was made Freiherr and Knight of the Westphalian Crown. On
Ist September 1810 he was appointed President of the Court of Appeal at
Celle, but he was removed from this post after the battle of Leipzig, and it
was not until 1819 that he began to reassume the legal and administrative
positions he had held before the War of Liberation.
Strombeck continued to publish in several fields throughout the whole
of his long life. During Hegel's lifetime he issued important works on French
and penallaw, 'Rechtswissenschft des Gesetzbuchs Napoleons' (Brunswick,
1811), 'Entwurf eines Strafgesetzbuches' (Brunswick, 1829), a translation
ofScipione Breislak's (1748-1826) 'Introduzione alla geologia' (181 I; 3 vols.
Brunswick, 1819/2 I ), and various edi tions and translations of classical au thors :
Notes 10 Volurne T wo,' Anthropology . 567
3 11,4
Kluge op. cit. pp. 296-9. Cf. D. G. Kieser (1779-1862) 'Rhapsodieen aus
dem Gebiete des thierischen Magnetismus' ('Archiv f.d. thier. Magn.' 1817,
2 ii pp. 63-147).
568 . Hegel's Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
311, 26
Cf. note 289,15, Arnold Wienholt (1740-1804), 'Heilkraft des thierischen
Magnetismus' (3 vols. Lemgo, 1802/5) vol. 111 sect. 2 pp. 74, 76, 117, 128,
132, 224 etc.; sect. 3 pp. ll, 26, 43, 71, 284 etc. was the first to make this
widely known, J. C. Colquhoun, Wienholt's English translator, discusses
the subject at some length in his 'Isis Revelata' (2 vols. Edinburgh, 1836)
vol. 2 ch. 29. Gabriel Andral (1797-1876) questioned the validity and value
of such recommended cures in aseries of lectures subsequently translated
and published in the 'Lancet' (10th March 1833, pp. 769-78). See, how-
ever, A. M. J. C. Puysegur 'Recherches ... sur l'homme' (Paris, 1811) chs. 6
and I I ; K. von Strombeck op. cit. p. 202; Kluge op. cit. pp. 179-85, 286-7;
P. G. van Ghert 'Mnemosyne' (Amsterdam, 1815; tr. Kieser 'Archiv' 1818,
3 iii p. 37, note); Joseph Weber 'Der thierische Magnetismus' (Landshut,
1816) p. 18; Dr. Tritschler of Cannstadt 'Sonderbare, mit glücklichem
Erfolg animal-magnetisch behandelte Entwicklungs-Krankheit eines drey-
zehnjährigen Knaben' ('Archiv' 1817, I i pp. 133-5); A. Bertrand 'Traite
du Somnambulisme' (Paris, 1823) pp. 109-23.
311, 28
Cf. Phil. Nat. 111.332, 350 (§ 360); William Smellie (1740-1795) 'Essay
on Instinct', a paper read 5th December 1785 ('Trans. of the Royal Society
of Edinburgh' vol I (Hist.) pp. 39-45, 1788).
The clearest parallel to Hegel's remark in the literature of the time is an
article by Joh. Mich. Leupoldt, then teaching at Erlangen. 'Ueber den
wesentlichen Zusammenhang des ältesten Naturdienstes, des Orakelwesens,
der künstlerischen Begeisterung, Divination des Traumes und des mag-
netischen Hellsehens mit der Natur des thierischen Instinkts' ('Archiv' 1820,
7 ii pp. 72-124); cf. 'Archiv' 1820, 6 ii pp. 100, 127-8); J. A. L. Richter
'Betrachtungen über den animalischen Magnetismus' (Leipzig, 181 7) p. 47;
A. Bertrand op. cit. (1823) pp. 109-23.
A. M. J. C. de Puysegur 'Recherches ... sur l'homme' (Paris, 1811) ch. I I
p. 201, "Les phenomenes de l'electricite nous donnent bien l'idee de
l'isolement des somnambules; les phenomenes de l'aimant, celle de leur
plus ou moins grande mobilite magnetique; l'instinct des animaux, quoiqu'
inexplicable sans doute, nous peut fair croire encore a la possibilite d'un
instinct semblable dans l'homme, plus a decouvert, et apparemment plus
developpe (sic) dans l'etat de somnambulisme." Puysegur then goes on to give
examples of cures suggested by 'somnambulistic' patients.
313, I
G. 1. Wenzel (1754-1809) 'Unterhaltungen über ... Träume und Ahn-
dungen' (1800) p. 38 records the case of a Berlin apothecary's apprentice
who dreamt beforehand of the winning numbers (22 :60) in the Royal
Prussian Lottery of 30th May J 768.
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 569
3 1 3, 7
The Francis Moore (1657-1715), 'Old Moore' ofthis period was a certain
Adam Müller, who correctly prophesied the military events of 1805/6, the
burning of Moscow, and the battles of Leipzig and Waterloo: see J. A. L.
Richter 'Betrachtungen über den animalischen Magnetismus' (Leipzig,
1817) pp. 83-6.
The pamphlet literature published in Germany during the War of
Liberation provides many expressions of feeling and foresight similar to that
mentioned here by Hegel. The following curious instance of foresight in the
Prussian Army just prior to Waterloo (i.e. Belle Alliance) is recorded by
Dr. W. Krimer of Aachen, 'Beitrag zur Geschichte der Todes-Ahndungen'
(Nasse's 'Zeitschrift für die Anthropologie' 1824, 2 pp. 378-9): L. von F.
was twenty-six years old, perfectly normal and healthy, and in 1815 had
already served in the army as a commissioned officer for two years, "On the
evening of 14th June von F. was together with some twenty other persons,
when the order suddenly came round for all the troops to decamp imme-
diately, since an engagement was imminent. He was not put out by this in
the slightest, and remarked to all present that it would be a pleasant and
convenient way to get to Paris, but that it would be his last trip, since he
was not going to survive the battle. Although the enemy were in the im-
mediate vicinity, he kept his high spirits until the evening ofthe seventeenth.
On the eighteenth he had an air of deep seriousness however; he said good-
bye to his comrades, wrote another letter to his relations, and at noon went
calmly but solemnly into battle." He did not survive.
Cf. 'European Magazine' vol. 53 p. 430 (June, 1808) 'Concordance of
Buonaparte's name with the beast mentioned in the Revelations' (XIIIv.
18); vol. 65 pp. 510-1 (June, 1814); 'Blackwood's Magazine' vol. 2 vii pp.
36-8 (October, 1817); note 343,34; A. T. Blayney (1770-1834) 'Narrative of
a forced Journey' (2 vols. London, 1815) vol. II pp. 411-2.
3 1 3, 19
P. G. van Ghert, 'Mnemosyne' (Amsterdam, 1815; tr. Kieser 'Archiv'
1818, 3 iii pp. 1-97), Germ. tr. pp. 35-9, describes an experiment he pre-
formed with Miss K. on 20th June 1815. The young woman thought she
had pulmonary consumption, but discovered and mentioned while in a
trance that this was not the case, adding that she was worried that when spe
awoke she would not remember this. Van Ghert told her to think about ~he
number six, and to connect this with her discovery. He left her to think
about this for three minutes and then reminded her of the connection. When
she awoke the mentioning of the discovery and the number enabled her to
recall what had transpired.
Van Ghert has a long note on this in which he suggests that this formation
of a 'focus of thought-pictures' enables the patient who has gone into herself
570 . Hegel's Philosophy Q/ Subjective Spirit
3 1 3, 30
Ferdinand Lehmann 'Fortsetzung der mittelst des Zoo-Magnetismus
unternommenen Kuren' ('Archiv' 1819, 5 iii) pp. 7-8, "Ich habe hieraus
und zufolge meiner anderweitigen Erfahrungen geschlossen, daß es den
Magnetisirten durchaus nachteilig ist, wenn sie in Gegenwart fremder mit ihnen nicht
in magnetischer Verbindung stehenden Personen und an einem Orte magnetisch schlafen,
wo viel Geräusch und Getöse ist." Cf. Dr. Spiritus of Solingen 'Beobachtungen
über die Heilkraft des animalischen Magnetismus' ('Archiv' 1819, 5 iii
p.83)·
3 1 5,4
In the recorded instances of this it was certainly not the case that the
magnetizer had to know the time: J. H. D. Petetin 'Memoire' (Lyon, 1787;
Germ. tr. Nordhoff's Archiv, 1804) experiment 7. Cf. Kluge op. cit. pp.
110-1, 117-8; Dr. Lechler ofLeonberg, 'Geschichte eines mit merkwürdigem
Hellsehen und Divination verbundenen Somnambulismus' ('Archiv' 1818,
3 i pp. 76-102), see 8th January 181 I; P. G. van Ghert 'Sammlung merk-
würdiger Erscheinungen' (tr. Kieser, 'Archiv' 1818, 3 iii p. 22), - 10th
June 1815; J. D. Brandis 'Ueber Psychische Heilmittel und Magnetismus'
(Copenhagen, 1818) § 51; A. Bertrand 'Traite du Somnambulisme' (Paris,
182 3) pp. 313-6.
315, 20
This point is made by Johann Stieglitz (1767-1840), in 'Ueber den
thierischen Magnetismus' (Hanover, 1814), and called in question by
Bende Bendsen (1787-1875) 'Tagebuch einer lebensmagnetischen Be-
handlung' ('Archiv' 1821, 9 i pp. 134-5): "Vanity and the desire for
admiration are a characteristic trait of the female sex in general, but
certainly not of the somnambulist in particular."
3 1 5, 24
When J. J. Gassner (1727-1779) claimed that the cures he effected by
the laying on of hands were the same as those of Christ and therefore
miracles, the Archbishop of Prague was moved to criticize the assertion in a
pastoral letter: "The basic tenets of Gassner's system are false, encroach
too closely upon the authority of the Church, and are at variance with the
principles of sound philosophy and theology." Cf. 'Archiv' 1821, 9 ii pp.
21-8. Puysegur 'Du Magnetisme anima!' (Paris, 1807) pp. 426-72 gives
advice as to how to avoid the bad effects of animal magnetism. D. G. Kieser
Notes to Volurne Two: Anthropology . 571
3 15,30
'Herself' has been used only on account of the gender of 'Person' in
German.
3 15, 33
The importance of posing these questions correctIy is emphasized by
Kluge op. cit. pp. 374-5; cf. J. P. F. Deleuze 'Histoire Critique du Mag-
netisme Animal' (2 vols. Paris, 1813) vol. 1 pp. Ig6-7; 'Archiv' 1817, 2 ii
p. 157·
316, 3 1
Griesheim wrote 'nimt' .
317, 16
Note 309, 41. Strombeck op. cit. records the following requests: a bowl
of broth, a glass of malaga wine, a cup of camomile-tea, the bathing of her
elbows with eau-de-Cologne, sugar, to be stroked with an iron key, to have
a wet cloth placed on her brow, the fulfilment of whieh gave rise to the
following dialogue (p. Igo):
Strombeck "Is everything allright again now?"
She "Yes. "
Strombeek "I like doing all 1 can for you."
She "You have been sedueed into this."
Strombeek "Who seduced me?"
She "Your best friend."
3 17,23
A. M. J. C. de Puysegur 'Memoires pour servir a I'histoire et a l'etab-
lissement du Magnetisme Animal' (3rd ed. Paris, 1820) pp. 168-g: "Je
questionnais un jour une femme en etat magnetique, sur l'etendue de I'empire
queje pouvais exercer sur elle: je venais (sans meme lui parler) de Iaforcer,
par plaisanterie, de me donner des coups avec une chasse-mouche qu'elle
tenait a la main. "Eh bien, lui dis-je, puisque vous etes obligee de me battre,
moi qui vous fais du bien, il y a a parier que, si je le voulais absolument, je
pourrais de meme faire de vous tout ce que je voudrais, vous faire deshabiller,
par example, ete .... Non pas, monsieur, me dit-elle, il n'en serait pas de
meme: ee que je viens de faire ne me paraissait pas bien; j'y ai resiste long-
temps; mais comme c'etait un badinage, a la fin j'ai cede, puisque vous le
572 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
vouliez absolument: mais quant a ce que vous venez de dire, jamais vous ne
pourriez me forcer a quitter mes derniers habillernens : mes souliers, mon
bonnet, tant qu'il vous plaira; mais passe cela, vous n'obtiendriez rien."
A third person was present while this was taking place.
Arnold Wienholt, 'Bildungsgeschichte als Mensch, Arzt und Christ'
(Bremen, 1805) p. 159 et seq. mentions the case ofa magnetiser's attempting
to kiss a clairvoyant, who was immediately attacked by cramps, and who
died six months later of epilepsy. Cf. Kluge op. cit. pp. 198-202.
3 17,37
Madame Westermann (d. 115.2.1792), Lavater's correspondent. Her
sister Mlle. Schwing was also well-known locally on account of her visions.
Mesmer visited Strassburg in 1778, and in 1785 a 'Societe harmonique'
was founded there at the instigation of A. M. J. C. de Puysegur (note 303, 12)
and under the presidency of Count Lutzelbourg: R. Reuss 'Histoire de
Strasbourg' (Paris, 1922) p. 325. The main records of this society were
destroyed when the University Library was damaged during the 1870/1
war, but see ms. 1337b in the Strassburg Municipal Library.
Hegel probably knew of this circle through the writings of the publicist
and Boehmian theosophist F.-R. Saltzmann (1749-1820), whom he seems to
have mentioned in his Jena aphorisms. See A.-L. Salmon 'Frederic-Rodolphe
Saltzmann' (Paris, 1932) pp. xii, 30, and especially the reference to GelIert
on p. 81; M. Dorn 'Der Tugendbegriff Chr. F. Gellerts' (Diss., Greifswald,
1919).
3 1 9,8
Most general accounts of animal magnetism published in German during
the first half of the last century contained fairly extensive accounts of the
history of the phenomenon: for an English equivalent, see J. C. Colquhoun
'An History of... Animal Magnetism' (2 vols. London, 1851). In some cases
this historical interest became an end in itself, and tended to divert attention
from the practical importance and philosophical significance of the phenom-
enon: see, for example, J. F. von Meyer 'Blätter für höhere Wahrheit.
Aus Beiträgen von Gelehrten, ältern Handschriften und seltenen Büchern.
Mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Magnetismus' (3 pts. Frankfurt-on-Main,
1818/22); Joseph Ennemoser (1787-1854) 'Der Magnetismus nach der
allseitigen Beziehung seines Wesens, seiner Erscheinungen, Anwendung
und Enträthselung in einer geschichtlichen von allen Zeiten und bei allen
Völkern Entwickelung dargestellt' (Leipzig, 1819).
32 I, 16
Although Hegel's use of the word 'harmony' in this context is certainly
related to at least one aspect of his conception of the soul (note 265, 26;
Phil. Nat. II.282, 287), it was also a commonplace in the literature of the
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 573
time. Mesmer founded a 'Societe de l'harmonie' in Paris, and by the early
years of the last century no less than sixty such societies, so named, had
been founded, "Diese Verbindungen nannten sich harmonische Gesellschaften,
weil ihr Zweck dahin ging, überall der Harmonie der Natur nachzuforschen
und hierdurch physisch und moralisch wohlthätig auf die Menschen zu
wirken" (Kluge op. cit. p. 53). In the terminology of the time moreover,
'mettre en harmonie' designated the establishment of the rapport between
the magnetizer and the patient (Kluge op. cit. p. 343).
Cf. J. L. Boeckmann 'Archiv für Magnetismus und Somnambulismus'
(8 pts. Strassburg, 1787/8) pt. III pp. 3-37; J. A. E. Goeze 'Natur, Men-
schenleben und Vorsehung' (7 vols. Leipzig, 1789/94) vol. III pp. 1-3;
J. M. Cox 'Practical Observations on Insanity' (2nd ed. London, 1806)
case VII p. 78; Aristotle 'De Anima' 407b-8a.
321 , 39
This extract, which is taken from the conclusion of the lecture delivered
on 28th June 1825, was preceded by a discussion ofthe child in its mother's
womb (235, 19-239, 23) and the general nature of disease. On the following
day Hegel began with a consideration of the physiological aspect of en-
thusiasm and the passage in Plato's 'Timaeus' (cf. 249).
Karl Josef Hieronymus Windischmann (1775-1835), in his 'Ueber
Etwas, das der Heilkunst Noth thut. Ein Versuch zur Vereinigung dieser
Kunst mit der christlichen Philosophie' (Leipzig, 1824), attempted to
make the following points:
i) 'The physician learns from experience that more is to be elicited from
nature simply by me ans of goodwill, than is to be soli ci ted by these elemental
or organic means ... ; and how much more extensively and directly does this
work when the goodwill and effort are permeated by the deep healing of
the spirit of prayer, when the goodwill is religious, the outcome of Christian
love' (p. 232).
ii) 'Consequently, the stages of the scientific and artificial method, in' their
true and essential significance, also have to correspond to this divine order
and graded sequence in the world of creatures ... The genuine method of
healing and of overcoming evil is in truth a medicina corporis, a medicina
animae and a medicina mentis, based upon the study of nature, of the soul, and
of spirit' (p. 250).
iii) 'The Christian art of healing is therefore a genuine following of the Saviour
(imitatio Christi), who, as the true source of the life of all creatures, works
within them as within serving or free members for the salvation of the whole,
preserving what is healthy, rejecting what is tainted, mitigating what is
litigant' (p. 251).
Goethe (Gedenkausgabe ed. E. Beutler, Zürich and Stuttgart, '949, vol.
14 pp. 345-6) reviewed the work, criticizing the formlessness of its lay-out,
574 . Hegel's Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
commenting upon the Egyptian origins of the idea that a physician should
be a priest, and observing that the necessity of such a combination is not
borne out by the history of medicine. An extended interchange of views on
the work took place in Nasse's 'Zeitschrift für Anthropologie' 1823/4.
Windischmann had written to Hegel on 2nd June 1823 mentioning the
forthcoming appearance of his book, and in the October of that year he
sent hirn a copy. On 3rd March 1824 he wrote again, asking for his judge-
ment on it, and Hegel eventually replied on I uh April, making his main
point as diplomatically as possible, 'You have concerned yourselfprincipally
with medicine, and exposition is most apposite if one concentrates upon
the actual need and deficiency of a subject.' ('Hegel Briefe' vol. 111 pp. 16,
25, 33, 36, 39)· Windischmann was often precipitate in his correspondence
with Hegel, and on 5th September he replied, confessing that he had poured
hirnself into the book in order 'to wake up the slumberers and snorers of the
medical profession' (op. cit. p. 46). On 27th October 1825 he wrote again,
telling Hegel that he had met Karl Simrock (1802-1876) during September,
that he had received from hirn a garbled version of what Hegel
had said about the book in the lectures delivered that summer, and that he
would much appreciate it if Hegel would send hirn further details of the
criticism (op. cit. p. 98).
Windischmann had been trained in philosophy and medicine at the
universities of Mainz, Würz burg and Vienna. He began his practical work
as a physician at Mainz in 1797, and in 1803 was appointed professor of
Natural Philosophy at Aschaffenburg. During this early period he pub-
lished a number of works concerned with the philosophical interpretation
of various branches of natural science, and there is some evidence that
Hegel was already acquainted with them during theJena period: 'Versuch
über die Medicin; nebst einer Abhandlung über die sogenannte Heilkraft
der Natur' (Ulm, 1797); 'Ueber den einzig möglichen und einzig richtigen
Gesichtspunkt aller Naturforschung' (Reil's 'Archiv der Physiologie' 1800,
vol. 4 sect. 2 pp. 290-305); 'Ueber die gegenwärtige Lage der Heilkunde'
(Hufeland's 'Journal' 1801, vol. 13 sect. I pp. 9-31); 'Ideen zur Physik'
(Würzburg and Bamberg, 1805); 'Platon's Timaeus' (Hadamar, 1805);
'Versuch über den Gang der Bildung in der heilenden Kunst' (Frankfurt-
on-Main, 1809).
His review of Hegel's 'Phenomenology' (1809; 'Briefe' vol. I pp. 306,
496), though favourable, was not particularly perceptive or constructive,
but it initiated a desultory correspondence between the two men, in which
Windischmann tended to push forward his mysticism while Hegel did his
best to evade the topic in order to avoid prejudicing the friendship ('Briefe'
I pp. 313, 323; 11 224, 352, 425)'
Windischmann was appointed to the Catholic professorship of the History
of Philosophy at the newly founded University of Bonn in 1818, and from
}lotes to Volume Two: Anthropology· 575
that time onwards, although he still hoped that Hegelianism might come to
play its part in Catholic affairs, he tended to become increasingly orthodox
in his general attitude toward the church. The doctrines of Georg Hermes
(1775-1831), the main purport ofwhich was the adjustment ofthe principles
of Roman Catholic theology to the supposed requirements of Kantianism,
were all the vogue at that time, and Windischmann was one of the first
('Katholikon' 1825) to anticipate the final condemnation of them by
Gregory XVI in 1835. During this period he also published, beside the
work criticized here by Hegel, 'Ueber den Begriff der christlichen Philo-
sophie' (Bonn, 1823), 'Kritische Betrachtungen über die Schicksale der
Philosophie in der neueren Zeit' (Frankfurt-on-Main, 1825), and 'Die
Philosophie im Fortgang der Weltgeschichte' (3 pts. Bonn, 1829/34). These
works are in many respects in tune with the writings of J. J. Görres (1776-
1848), whose brand of mysticisrn was to constitute the centre of German
Catholic intellectual life during the 1830's.
The last-mentioned of them brought about the final break in Windi-
schmann's friendship with Hegel. In his lectures on the philosophy ofhistory,
Hegel accused hirn of having plagiarized his interpretation of Chinese
philosophy. The accusation was apparently unjustified, but Hegel never
replied to the letter in which Windischmann pointed this out ('Briefe' III
p. 265, Ist August 1829)' Windischrnann evidently deeply regretted this
parting of the ways. ('Hegel in Berichten' 618).
'Katholische Kirchenzeitung' (ed. J. V. Höninghaus, 2nd year p. 328,
Frankfurt-on-Main, 1839); Carl Werner 'Geschichte der katholischen
Theologie' (Munich, 1867) pp. 413-40; Adolf Dyroff 'K. J. H. Windi-
schrnann und sein Kreis' (Cologne, 1916); A. Sonnenschein 'Görres,
Windischmann und Deutinger als christliche Philosophen' (Bochum, 1938);
S. Merkle in 'Historisches Jahrbuch der Görres-Gesellschaft' vol. 60 pp.
179-220 (Cologne, 1940); D. von. Engelhardt 'Hegels philosophisches
Verständnis der Krankheit' ('Sudhoffs Archiv' vol. 59 no. 3 pp. 225-45,
1975)·
322 ,30
For y) read ß).
323,27
In September 1816, the editors ofthe projected 'Archiv für den thierischen
Magnetismus' (12 vols. Altenburg and Leipzig, 1817-1824), A. C. A.
Eschenmayer, D. G. Kieser and F. Nasse, announced the overall purpose
oftheir periodical as follows (1817, I i p. I): "Life at the present time, after
having proved its power in external strife, answers the solemn and demanding
summons to turn inwards to the sciences. The profound significance of
political life having revealed itself to man in vast movements, the now
habitual striving toward what is higher having called hirn to the innermost
576 . Hegel' s Philosophy qf Subjective Spirit
secrets of life and driven hirn to examine them, it is the wonderful phe-
nomenon of animal magnetism which has become the principal object of
study among the most powerful intellects of our time." The similarity
between this passage and the opening theme of Hegel's inaugural lecture
delivered at Berlin on 22nd October 1818 ('Berliner Schriften' ed. Hoff-
meister pp. 3-2 I) may not be simply a coincidence.
323, 30
In organic contexts, Hegel uses the word 'Selbstgefühl' to refer to senti-
ence (Phil. Nat. III.402), in the Phil. Hist. 241-3 he uses it in the more
usual sense of 'self-confidence.' At this juncture it has the precise and litera I
meaning of thefeeling (§§ 403-10) involved in being aware of oneself. Such
feeling adumbrates the ego of consciousness (§ 412), but is not yet conscious-
ness proper since the subject, "is unable to work up the particularity of its
self-awareness into ideality and so overcome it."
Such distinctions owe so much to the analysis and structuring involved
in Hegel's own manner of thinking, that an investigation of contemporary
usage throws litde light upon them. J. B. Basedow (1723-1790) for example,
in his 'Practische Philosophie' (1758; 2 pts. Dessau, 1777), takes self-
awareness to be synonymous with consciousness. Nevertheless, Hegel may
have been inftuenced by H. B. Weber's distinction between self-awareness
and self-consciousness: 'Vom Selbstgefühle und Mitgefühle' (Heidelberg,
1807) p. 36: "The former refers to the particular consciousness of our subject
as an effective force, the second generally to the universal consciousness of
our self-subsistent ego." Cf. Weber's 'Handbuch der psychischen Anthro-
pologie' (Tübingen, 1829) pp. 194-207; J. G. E. Maaß (1766-1823) 'Ver-
such über die Gefühle' (2 pts. Halle and Leipzig, 181 I) pt. II pp. 236 et seq.,
392 et seq.
3 2 4,5
1827: 'Es ist in der Besonderheit', corrected (p. 544) to 'die Besonderheit'.
324, 10
Griesheim wrote 'alles Inhalts', and 'ihren Inhalte'.
325, 23
Although this transition from animal magnetism to mental derangement
is clearly formulated in the 1817 Encyclopaedia (§§ 320- I), and is weIl
documented in respect of the 1820/22 lectures ('Hegel-Studien' vol. 7,
1972 151a, vol. 10, 1975 pp. 28-31), it was altered in 1825. For a possible
reason for this, see note 387, 6.
The main difference in 1825 was that habit was treated not as the sequent
but as the antecedent of mental derangement. After concluding the lectures
on animal magnetism, Hegel spent almost three whole sessions (Monday
11th, 12th, 14th July) discussing subjectivity, drives and satisfaction, and
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 577
32 5,4 1
Specific instances of all the general phenomena mentioned here are to be
found throughout §§ 403-10.
327, I
In 1825 (Friday 15th, 18th, 19th, 21st, 22nd July) Hegel lectured on
mental derangement in a manner closely resembling the exposition of the
matter provided here in Boumann's text.
32 7, 23
Everything is not in order, there is a screw loose, eine Schraube ist locker.
Hegel's definition of derangement derives from the literal meaning of the
word, the origin of which lies in the popular conception of the mi nd as a
piece of clockwork. It is important to note, however, that it is not confined
to the relationship between subjective factors, but also involves "the totality
systematized in the subject's consciousness." Cf. Kant's 'Versuch über die
Krankheiten des Kopfes' (1764, 1912 ed.) pp. 264-5. "Even in its healthiest
condition, everyone's soul is constantly picturing various images of things
which are not present, or rounding off an incomplete similarity between
things present presentatively by means of one chimerical trait or another,
etched into sensation by the creative poetic faculty ... It is this characteristic
of the disturbed person,... this presentation of certain things as clearly
sensed which are nevertheless entirely absent, that is called derangement. The
deranged person is therefore a waking dreamer."
For a similar definition confined to the relationship betweenfaculties, see
J. C. Hoffbauer (1766-1827) 'Psychologische Untersuchungen' (Halle,
1807) p. 373: "One isjustified in calling every derangement an aberration,
since the essen ce of derangement consists precisely in its involving a disturb-
ance of the proper relationship between various faculties of the soul." Cf.
his 'Untersuchungen über die Krankheiten der Seele' (2 pts. Halle, 1802/3)
1.3°1-2; D. Tiedemann (I 748-1 B03) 'Handbuch der Psychologie' (Leipzig,
IB04) pp. 327-37; F. A. Carus 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, IBoB) II.318-
33; J. E. von Berger (1772- I 833) 'Grundzüge der Anthropologie' (Altona,
IB24) p. 550; A. Combe (1797-1847) 'Observations on Mental Derange-
ment' (Edinburgh, IB31).
578 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
329, 27
Cf. note 367, 10. J. F. Zückert (1737-1778) 'Von den Leidenschaften'
(1764; 3rd ed. Berlin, 1774) § 55, took the transition from passion to in-
sanity to depend upon an exciting of the imagination resulting in phan-
tasms' being mistaken for actual sensations. For later views on this, see
J. C. A. Heinroth (1773-1843) 'De morborum animi' (Leipzig, 181 I); C. F.
Nasse (1778-1851) 'Ueber das Verhältniß zwischen Schmerz und Irreseyn'
('Zeitschrift für die Anthropologie' 1825, i pp. 112-26).
In early nineteenth century German, see J. B. Friedreich 'Systematische
Literatur der ... Psychologie' (Berlin, 1833) sects. 767-818, Wahnsinn was
used as a broadly generic term in precisely the same way as insaniry was in
English: G. M. Burrows (1771-1846) 'An Inquiry into certain errors relative
to Insanity' (London, 1820) ;J. Conolly (1794-1866) 'An Inquiry concerning
the Indications of Insanity' (London, 1830). The literal meaning of the
German word is 'wanting in wit', whereas the basic meaning of its English
equivalent is 'unsound'.
32 9,38
Cf. 155,34.
330 ,3
1817: 'unterworfen und versteckt hält'. Corrected (p. 544) to 'halten'.
331, 18
Phil. Nat. §§ 371-2. By assessing and defining derangement in this way,
and by emphasizing the truly psychic treatment of it, Hegel is evidently
passing judgement upon a controversy which divided the German psy-
chiatrists of his day, and which was also an important topic of debate in
France and England.
The somatic school attempted to interpret all psychic disorders as deriving
from bodily disease, and was of the opinion that a preservation of bodily
health would necessariry give rise to a healthy mind: T. A. Ruland (1776-
1846), 'Medizinisch-psychologische Betrachtungen' (Würzburg, 1801)
emphasized the importance of the neurological system, F. Franke (1796-
1837) 'De sede et causis vesaniae' (Leipzig, 1821), that of distinguishing
between the brain and the other organs, and L. Buzorini (1801-1854),
'Untersuchungen über ... Geisteskrankheiten' (Ulm, 1824), the significance
of the neurological system in classifying mental diseases. C. F. Nasse (1778-
1851) edited the school's main periodical 'Zeitschrift für psychische Aerzte'
(5 vols. Leipzig, 1818{26).
The ideas of the German psychic school were anticipated by G. E. Stahl
(1660-1734), see Phil Nat. 111.230, 375, and directly influenced by the
writings of Andrew Harper (c. 176o-c. 1835), whose 'Treatise on ... Insanity'
(London, 1789) was translated into German by G. W. Consbruch (Mar-
burg, 1792). Harper came to the conclusion that, "Actual insanity ...
Notes to VolU11Ul Two: Anthropology • 579
seldom arises from any other source than a defection in the mind alone":
'Observations on ... Insanity' (London, 1790) p. 10. F. E. Beneke (1798-
1854), 'Beiträge zu ... Seelenkrankheitskunde' (Leipzig, 1824) went on to
assert that what are usually treated as the bodily causes of psychic effects
ought to be regarded as partaking of the nature of the soul. K. W. Ideler
(1795-1860), in 'Anthropologie für Aerzte' (Berlin and Landsberg, 1827),
a work which Hegel had in his library (no. 1468)' took ethical insight to be
the criterion ofa healthy soul, andJ. C. A. Heinroth (1773-1843), 'Lehrbuch
der Störungen des Seelenlebens' (2 pts. Leipzig, 1818) 1.179 attributed,
"all evil, induding the disturbances of psychic life, to sin." Cf. J. C. Prichard
'A Treatise on Insanity' (London, 1835) pp. 234/9.
Although Hegel evidently appreciated the merits of both schools, he
criticizes the naive reductionism ofthe one (373, 7ff.) as weIl as the excessive
spiritualism of the other (309, IIff.). His general assessment of derange-
ment, in that it holds the balance between both extremes, has its dosest
parallels in the work of James Graham (1745-1794), 'The Guardian of
Health' (Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1790), F. Groos (1768-1852) 'Untersuch-
ungen über ... Irreseins' (Heidelberg, 1826), 'Entwurf einer philosophischen
Grundlage für die Lehre von den Geisteskrankheiten' (Heidelberg, 1828),
G. Blumröder (1802-1853), 'Ueber das Irresein' (Leipzig, 1836) and J. C.
A. Grohmann (1769-1847).
Cf. the criticism of Heinroth's theory by R. W. M. Jacobi (1775-1858),
'Beobachtungen über die Pathologie' (Elberfeld, 1830), and W. Kramer
(1801-1875), 'Kritische Untersuchungen' (Berlin, 1826); S. Kornfeld
'Geschichte der Psychiatrie' in T. Puschmann 'Handbuch der Geschichte
der Medizin' III. 601-728 (Jena, 1905).
33 1 ,24
Philippe Pinel (1745-1826) came of a medical family which had been
established for sorne generations in the Toulouse area. He began to study
theology at the University of Toulouse, but eventually transferred to the
medical faculty, and graduated in 1773. His principal interest at this time
was the application of mathematics to human anatomy. In 1778 he moved
to Paris, where he became acquainted with the sensationalist doctrines of
Locke and Condillac. It was at this time that the works of William Cullen
interested him in the dassification of diseases, and that the illness of a
friend called his attention to the problems involved in analyzing and curing
mental disorders.
He played no part in politics during the revolution, but concentrated
instead upon helping those who were suffering from the turmoil. In August
1793 he was put in charge of a Paris asylum, and his removal of the patients'
chains was commemorated throughout the city by the publication of a
number of popular prints. On 13th May 1795 he was appointed chief
580 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
physician at the Hospice de la Salpetriere, a position which he held for the
rest ofhis life. The hospital included a six hundred bed ward for the mentaHy
ill, and Hegel is here referring to the publications resulting from his treat-
ment of these unfortunates, see: 'Recherches et observations sur le traitement
moral des alienes' ('Memoires de la Societe medicale d'emulation de Paris'
vol. 2 pp. 2 I 5-55, 1799); 'Traite Medico-Philosophique de I'Alienation
Mentale' (Paris, 1801; Germ. tr. 1801; Eng. tr. 1806). In 1822 Pinel was,
for a short period, dismissed from his position as Professor of Medical
Pathology on account of his being suspected of liberalism. See G. L. Cuvier
'Eloge de Pinel' ('Memoires de l'Acadernie des Sciences' IX).
In his 'Nosographie philosophique' (Paris, 1798; 6th ed. 3 vols. 18 I 8),
Pinel classifies diseases as fevers, inflammations, hrernorrhages, neuroses,
and organic lesions. Mental disorders are classified as neuroses, together
with diseases of the sense organs, visceral disorders and dysfunctions of the
genital organs. See 'Dictionnaire des Sciences medicales' (Paris, 1812-1822)
vol. 36 p. 251; E. Fischer-Hornberger 'Eighteenth-Century Nosology and
its Survivors' ('Medical History' vol. XIV no. 4 pp. 397-403, October
1970). Pinel never lost his early interest in the application of mathematics
to medicine, and made good use of it in respect of mental derangement:
see 'La medecine rendue plus precise et plus exacte par l'application de
l'analyse' (Paris, 1802), and the article published in the 'Memoires de la
classe des sciences mathematiques et physiques de l'Institut' (1807, pp.
169-205).
Despite these inauspiciously formal elements in Pinel's thinking, Hegel is
right to praise hirn for the humanity and benevolence of his treatment of
the insane. He warned against 'metaphysical discussions and ideological
ramblings', and was fuHy aware of the very limited efficacy of purely
physical treatment such as bloodletting and purging. He was the first really
influential physician to advocate gentleness, understanding and goodwill in
dealing with mental derangement, although such an approach was already
widely used in England before he published at the turn of the century: see
'Edinburgh Review' vol. 2 pp. 160-72 (April, 1803);' Quarterly Review'
August, 1809 pp. 155-80.
L.-R. Semelaigne 'Philippe Pinel et son oeuvre au point de vue de la
Medecine Mentale' (Paris, 1888); 'Philippe Pinel' ('Journal ofNervous and
Mental Disease' 114, no. 4 pp. 313-23, October, 1951); W. H. Lechier
'Neue Ergebnisse in der Forschung über Philippe Pinel' (Diss. Münich,
1960); M. Foucault 'Histoire de la folie a l'age classique' (Paris, 1961); K.
M. Grange 'Pinel and eighteenth-century psychiatry' ('Bulletin of the
History of Medicine' vol. 35 pp. 442-53, 1961); K. Kolle 'Grosse Ner-
venärzte' (3 vols. Stuttgart, 1956-63) vol. I; E. H. Ackerknecht 'Medicine
at the Paris Hospital' (Baitimore, 1967); Martin Schrenk 'Über den Um-
gang mit Geisteskranken' (Berlin, 1973) pp. 54-60 and 119-29.
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 581
337,6
Cf. Kant 'Versuch über die Krankheiten des Kopfes' (1764; Prussian
Acad. ed. Berlin, 1912) p. 265, "The deranged person is therefore a waking
dreamer."
339, 15
C. Buchanan (1766-1815) 'Christian Researches in Asia' (London, 1811)
pp. 130-41; T. D. Fosbrooke (1770-1842) 'British Monachism' (1802; 2nd
ed. London, 1817) pp. 419-88; 'Morning Chronicle' March 9th 1826 p. 3
col. 2.
341, I
'The order and connection of ideas is the same as the order and connection
ofthings.' (Ordo, et connexio idearum idem est, ac ordo, et connexio rerum):
see 'Spinoza Opera' (ed. C. Gebhardt, 4 vols. Heidelberg, 1925) vol. II
p. 89, 'Ethics' pt. II prop. 7.
Spinoza takes this proposition to be based upon the axiom that, "the
knowledge of an effect depends on and involves the knowledge of a cause"
(pt. I, iv) and to be proved in that, "the idea of everything that is caused
depends on a knowledge of the cause, whereof it is an effect."
343, 28
This analysis of the difference between error and derangement, and of
their origin in finite thinking's involvement in an apparently essential dis-
tinction between subjective thinking and externality, is central to this
seetion of the Anthropology. Hegel places it in a broad philosophical context
by means of the quotation from Spinoza, realizing, probably, that it is
helpful to consider it as an important modification of the 'nihil est in in-
tellectu, quod non prius fuerit in sensu' doctrine.
The introduction of this doctrine into early nineteenth century German
attempts to define derangement was due to a considerable extent to the
influence of Alexander Crichton's (1763-1856) 'An Inquiry into the Nature
and Origin of Mental Derangement' (2 vols. London, 1798; extracts in
Germ. Leipzig, 1798; tr. J. C. Hoffbauer, Leipzig, 1809, 2nd ed. 1810).
Crichton gives the following explanation of' diseased perceptions' (11. 33 1-2) :
"Every altered state ofthe brain which does not amount to a certain degree
of destructive pressure, excites, by the laws of thought, amental perception,
but as the sensorial impressions of diseased action are different from those
582 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
which are derived from external objects, so the images which are excited in
the representative faculty are also different. But nothing can be represented
in the mind which has not formerly been received through the medium of
the external senses, or concluded by the operations of reasoning; and there-
fore, all the ideas of delirious people, however different they may appear
to be from any thing which has formerly been seen, heard, touched, tasted,
smelt or concluded, are only new assemblages or combinations of prior
sensations and thoughts. The representations of delirium, therefore, are in
this respect, like those of the faculty of fiction." Cf. J. B. Friedreich (1796-
1862) 'Versuch einer Literärgeschichte der Pathologie' (Würzburg, 1830)
pp. 520-31.
343,34
This example of a deranged presentation was very common at that time,
and provides an interesting illustration of a clear connection between social
structure and mental illness: L. A. Muratori (1672-1750) 'Über die Ein-
bildungskraft' (1760; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1785) pt. II p. 7; Thomas Arnold
(1742-1816) 'Observations on ... Insanity' (1782/8) pp. 122/3, a much-
quoted case in Hegel's day; John Haslam (1764-1844) 'Observations on
Insanity' (1798; Germ. tr. Stendal, 1800) pp. 64, 80; Pinel 'Traite' sect. II
no. 22. John Croft (1732-1820) informs us that when Laurence Sterne's
wife had a touch of insanity in 1758, "She fancied herself the queen of
Bohemia", and that, "he treated her as such, with all the supposed respect
due to a crowned head." 'Scrapeana' (London, 1792) p. 22. Napoleon gave
rise to a distinct form of derangement: W. Hone (1780-1842) 'Buona-
partephobia' (10th ed. London, 1820); John Conolly (1794-1866) 'An
Inquiry concerning ... Insanity' (London, 1830) p. 406.
345,8
G. Polivka 'Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder
Grimm' (5 vols. Leipzig, 1913/31) II.121 ;J. Grimm 'Deutsche Mythologie'
(Berlin, 1875) 1.915.
In Hegel's day, the abundant evidence of cynanthropy and lycanthopy in
folk-lore and mythology was usually treated as subject-matter for the
pathologist: J. C. Reil 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) p. 338; D. Tiedemann
(1748-1803) 'Handbuch der Psychologie' (Leipzig, 1804) pt. 2, sect. iii,
ch. 9; J. B. Friedreich (1796-1862) 'Versuch einer Literärgeschichte der
Pathologie' (Würzburg, 1830) pp. 17-23; H. Gaidoz 'Lycanthropie sous
la revolution fran<;aise' ('Folk-lore' 1909 pp. 207/8).
345, 36
Hegel probably took this anecdote from J. C. Reil (1759-1813) 'Rhap-
sodieen' (Halle, 1803) p. 441. The son ofthe Prince ofConde seems to have
been Henri-Jules de Bourbon (1643-1709). Reil gives as his source the
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 583
'Memoires Secrets sur les Regnes de Louis XIV et de Louis XV' (1791;
ed. A. Petitot and Monmerque, 2 vols. Paris, 1829) by Charles Pinot Duclos
(1704-1772). Cf. Pinel 'Traite' (1801) sect. no. xxi.
347,9
Hist. Phil. 111.5 I 2; cf. Enc. §§ 465-68.
353,7
Since the general principles of Hegel's manner of exposition might have
been illustrated equally weIl from any sphere of the 'Encyclopaedia', he
evidently refers here to Phil. Right simply because it was the most detailed
treatment of any part of it which had then been published.
355, 12
'Was dem Wahne der Seele entgegensteht'. 'Wahn' is the first element in
the German word for insanity (note 329, 27), and derives from OHG*
wana i.e. 'wanting'. Interpreted literally therefore, the word might be
regarded as almost synonymous with 'vacuity' (Leerheit) as used in 355, 2.
355, 28
The common-Iaw of Prussia distinguished between imbeciles and the
insane, treating the former as irresponsible and equating the latter with
minors: K. G. Neumann (1772-1850) 'Die Krankheiten des Vorstellungs-
vermögens' (Leipzig, 1822) p. 391.
When Hegel mentions natural imbecility other than cretinism, he prob-
ably has in mind its being inherited or rooted in clearly physical factors: M.
V. G. Malacarne (1744-1816) 'Nervoencefalotomia' (Pavia, 1791); J. C.
Fahner (1758-1802) 'Beiträge zur ... Arzneikunde' (Stendahl, 1799); C.
Hastings (1794-1866) 'A Remarkable Coincidence of anomalous structure
in the brains of two idiots' ('London Medical Repository' vol. 7 pp. 74-8,
181 7).
Imbecility brought on by psychic causes was known (Nasse's' Zeitschrift
für psychische Aerzte' IH. sect. 4 pp. 869-77, 1820), and there were records
of its having been cured: T. Percival (1740-1804) 'Moral and Literary
Dissertations' (Warrington, 1784) p. 134; 'Sammlung für Aerzte' vol. XV
sect. I pp. 11-13, 1792.
357,3
Wolfgang Höfer (1614-1681), 'Hercules medicus' (Nuremberg, 1675)
was the first physician to describe cretinism, which he had observed in the
Alpine valleys of Styria. He noticed its connection with goitre, but instead
of tracing its endemic nature to the contents of the water drunk in the area,
attributed it to the idle lives and fatty diets of the affiicted populations.
Albrecht Haller (1708-1777), 'Elementa physiologiae corporis humanae'
(8 vols. Lausanne, 1757-1766; Germ. tr. Berlin, 1759-1776) vol V. p. 570
584 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
simply noticed that the cretins of Valais Jailed to respond to any stimulant, and
it was this characteristic which interested many of the physicians of Hegel's
day. Joseph (1768-1808) and Karl (1769-1827) Wenzel 'über den Cretinis-
mus' (Vienna, 1802) pp. 115, 133, noticed that, "Cretins occasionally bite
themselves and pull out their pubic hairs. This does not, presumably, give
rise to no pain, but they are unaware that what they are doing is the cause
of it, for they do not regard the part they are injuring as apart of them-
selves." Cf. J. C. Reil (1759-1813) 'Rhapsodieen' etc. (Halle, 1803) p. 407.
M. V. G. Malacarne (1744-1816) investigated the brains and skulls of
three dead cretins, 'Sur l'etat des Cretins' (Ticini, 1789), and this line of
research was followed up by J. F. Ackermann (1765-1815), 'Ueber die
Kretinen, eine besondere Menschen-Abart in den Alpen' (Gotha, 1790),
who described malformations in the skulls and nerves of the corpses he had
dissected. F. E. Fordere's (1764-1835) 'Essai sur le goitre et le cretinage'
(Turin, 1792; Germ. tr. H. W. Lindemann, Berlin, 1796; 2nd ed. Paris,
1800) was the most important treatise on cretinism available to Hegel, and
probably constitutes the basis of his assessment of it. It tended to shift
interest from dissection to environment, heredity and goitre: see Pinel 'Traite
(1801) sect. IV no. 24. Henry Reeve (1780-1814) observed cretins in Valais
in 1805, and in his 'Account ofCretinism' ('Edinburgh Medical and Surgical
Journal' vol. V pp. 31-6, 1809) makes particular mention ofthe enlargement
of the thyroid gland which usually accompanies the disease; cf. Richard
Clayton (d. 1828) 'On the Cretins ofthe Vallais' ('Memoirs ofthe Literary
and Philosophical Society of Manchester' vol. III no. 13); 'Medical and
Physical Journal' June, 1815. A. E. Iphofen (I 774-c. 1820) spent two
decades studying cretinism and finally published 'Der Cretinismus medi-
cinisch and philosophisch untersucht' (2 pts. Dreden, 1817), a work which
had the effect of encouraging further research into the sexual characteristics
of cretins: see Carl Maffei 'Dissertatio de sexismo specie Cretinismi' (Land-
shut, 1817); J. Häussler 'über die Beziehungen des Sexualsystems zur
Psyche überhaupt und zum Cretinismus insbesondere' (Würzburg, 1827);
J. B. Friedreich (1796-1862) 'über die äussern Geschlechtsorgane der
Kretinen' ('Zeitschrift für Physiologie' vol. IV sect. I p. 119)'
Several studies were devoted to the endemie nature of the disease: see, for
example Franz Sensburg 'Der Cretinismus mit besonderer Rücksicht auf
dessen Erscheinung im U ntermain- und Rezatkreise des Königreichs
Bayern' (Würzburg, 1825); F. Schnurrer (1784-1833) 'Geographischen
Nosologie' (Stuttgart, 1813) pp. 542-51 - Savoy, Russia, Sumatra, China.
L. C. E. Vest (1776-1840) called attention to the possible effect of the
drinking water in these areas, 'Vorläufige Charakteristik einer in den Wassern,
welche den Kropf und Cretinismus erzeugen, in Verbindung mit Kieselerde
vorkommenden Substanz' ('Medicinsch Chirurgische Zeitung' no. 46,
June, 1831). Cf. the review of Malthus' 'Essay on Population' in the 'Salz-
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology • 585
357,9
'Traite' (1801) sect. VI no. 22, "It may be thought astonishing, that in
an object of so much importance as that of ascertaining the actual existence
ofmental derangement, there is yet no definite rule to guide us in so delicate
586 . Hegel' s Philosoph) 0/ Subjective Spirit
357, 12
W. F. Dreyssig (1770-1809), 'Handbuch der Pathologie' (2 pts. Leipzig,
1796/9) I p. 261 et seq. gives the generally accepted physiological reason for
this connection between epilepsy and imbecility, "Clonic cramps usually
occur only in those muscles subject to the will of the soul, but not infre-
quently they also extend to those muscles and stimulatable parts of the
body lying outside the control of the will, and are accompanied by a com-
plete suppression of the interior and exterior senses, in which case they are
known as epilepsy ... On occasions, an extremely protracted epilepsy will
change into other diseases, such as frenzy, lameness, speechlessness, squinting,
dumbness, blindness and apoplexy, and when this happens it either dis-
appears completely, or is accompanied by imbecility, which is frequently
brought about by epilepsy" (p. 271).
Cf. S. A. Tissot (1728-1797) 'Traite de l'Epilepsie' (Lausanne, 1770;
Germ. tr. Berlin, 1771); K. F. Rehfeld (1735-1794) and F. Henning (1767-
c. 1840) 'Dissertatio sistens analecta historica ad theoriam epilepsiae'
(Greifswald, 1788).
357, 16
A collection of extraordinary case-histories relating to catalepsy, preter-
natural sleep and trances is to be found in William Johnstonls edition of
Nathaniel Wanley's 'Wonders of the Little World' (1678; 2 vols. London,
1806) vol. II pp. 390-7. The following case, recorded by Theophile Bonet
(1620-1689), in his 'Medicina septentrionalis collatitia' (2 vols. Geneva,
1684) bk. I sect. xvi ch. 6 was often cited in the general psychiatric text-
books of Hegel's day; "George Grokatzki, a Polish soldier, deserted from
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 587
his regiment in the harvest of the year 1677. He was discovered, a few days
afterwards, drinking and making merry in a common alehouse. The moment
he was apprehended, he was so much terrified, that he gave a loud shriek,
and immediately was deprived of the power of speech. When brought to a
court martial, it was impossible to make hirn articulate a word; nay, he
then became as immovable as astatue, and appeared not to be conscious of
any thing which was going forward. In the prison to which he was con-
ducted he neither ate nor drank; neither did he make any water nor go to
stool. The officers and the priests at first threatened hirn, and afterwards
endeavoured to soothe and calm hirn; but all their efforts were in vain. He
remained senseless and immovable. His irons were struck off, and he was
taken out of his prison, but he did not move. Twenty days and nights were
passed in this way, during which he took no kind of nourishment, nor had
any natural evacuation; he then gradually sunk and died."
Cf. A. Crichton (1763-1856) 'An Inquiry into the Nature and Origin of
Mental Derangement' (2 vols. London, 1798; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1809) bk.
III ch. iv; Samuel Hibbert-Ware (1782-1848) 'Sketches of the Philosophy
of Apparitions' (Edinburgh, 1824; Germ. tr. Weimar, 1828) pp. 253-4; F. B.
de Sauvages (1706-1767) 'Nosologia Methodica' (1760; 5 vols. Paris, 177 I)
vol. II p. 2; S. A. Tissot (1728-1797) 'Sämmtliche zur Arzneikunde gehörige
Schriften' (7 vols. Leipzig, 1779-1784) vol. 5 p. 504; L. E. Hirschel (1741-
1772) 'Gedanken von der Starrsucht oder Catalepsis' (Berlin, 1769); J. F.
Abel (1751-1829) 'Sammlung und Erklärung merkwürdiger Erscheinungen
aus dem menschlichen Leben' (Frankfurt and Leipzig, 1784) pp. 34-53;
W. F. Dreyssig (1770-1809) 'Handbuch der Pathologie' (2 pts. Leipzig,
1796/9) vol. I pp. 315-35; G. 1. Wenzel (1754-1809) 'Unterhaltungen
über ... Träume und Ahndungen' (1800) pp. 116-20; J. C. Reil (1759-
1813) 'Rhapsodieen über ... Geisteszerrüttungen' (Halle, 1803) pp. 130-1.
357,27
J. C. Reil (1759-1813) 'Rhapsodieen über die Anwendung der psychischen
Curmethode auf Geisteszerrüttungen' (Halle, 1803) p. 362, "A melancholy
person, who was as motionless as a pillar, said nothing, and paid no attention
to anything about hirn, was cured in the following way. There was a man
in the area who was particularly good at copying. He dressed hirnself in
the same way as the patient, went to hirn in his room, and sat down opposite
hirn, assuming the identical expression and posture. At first the patient
appeared not to notice his companion, but after a while he eyed him. The
latter did the same, and instantaneously emulated each of the deranged
person's gestures, motions and movements, until he flew into arage, leapt
out of his chair, began to talk, and was cured. It is not often that a patient
regains his health immediately after having been in such astate. Usually,
he falls into another kind of melancholy, which demands its own particular
588 . Hegel's Philosophy qf Subjective Spirit
kind of treatment." For direct evidence of Hegel's having read Reil, see
'Berliner Schriften' ed. Hoffmeister p. 692. Cf. A. Lewis 'J. C. Reil: In-
nova tor and Battler' ('Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences'
vol. I pp. 178-90, 1965).
The extra details in Hegel's account of this case seem to indicate, how-
ever, that he had it from another source, although I have not found it
recorded elsewhere. Cf. Rev. James Brewster 'Account of the Remarkable
Case of Margaret Lyall' ('Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh'
vol. VIII pp. 249-56, 1818); 'Hegel-Studien' vol. 10 p. 30, 8 (1975).
357,3 1
This definition of 'Zerstreutheit', though by no me ans aperversion of
normal German usage, is interestingly idiosyncratic when considered in the
light of what are evidently Hegel's sources at this juncture. I t differs signi-
ficantly from that of Kant for example, who in his 'Anthropologie' (1798)
§ 47, draws a distinction between 'Zerstreuung' (distraction) and 'Geistesab-
wesenheit' (absent-mindedness). Hegel's 'Zerstreutheit', if we are to judge
from the examples he gives ofit, has to be taken as the equivalent ofKant's
'Geistesabwesenheit'. In his choice of examples he seems to have been in-
fluenced at this juncture by two works which, in respect of illustrative
material, are often identical: J. C. Hoffbauer's (1766-1827) 'Untersuchung
über die Krankheiten der Seele und die verwandten Zustände' (2 pts.
Halle, 1802/3) see esp. pt. I pp. 5-31, 44,74,82-86, andJ. C. Reil's (1759-
1813) 'Rhapsodieen' etc. (Halle, 1803) pp. 105-10. In spite of his making
good use of these books however, Hegel actually reverses one of their most
explicit and important linguistic distinctions (Reil pp. 109-10): 'Self-
possession therefore holds the centre between distraction (Zerstreuung) and
absorption (Vertiefung). Both states are deviations from it in different
directions. The further a person moves from the normal standpoint in the
centre, so much the more is he absorbed at the one extreme and distracted
at the other, and at both extremities he is on the way to derangement. The
distracted person flits from one thing to another without keeping to any-
thing in particular, the absorbed person is unable to tear hirnself away from
the object which has captured hirn. Both therefore fail to apprehend the
impressions they should in their given situation.'
Reil's 'Vertiefung' is therefore Hegel's 'Zerstreutheit', and Reil's 'Zer-
streuung' Hegel's 'Faselei' (desipience). The reason for this linguistic
novelty is probably to be found in Hegel's attempt to elicit a dialectical
structure from the subject matter of this sphere. Cf. Christian Ludwig Funk
'Versuch einer praktischen Anthropologie' (Leipzig, 1803) pp. 245-6;
F. A. Carus (1770-1807) 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) II pp. 253-66.
359,6
Plutarch's 'Marcellus' 19; cf. Reil op. cit. p. 102: "Marcellus was most
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 589
of all afHicted at the death of Archimedes; for, as fate would have it, he was
intent on working out some problem with a diagram and, having fixed his
mind and his eyes alike on his investigation, he never noticed the incursion
of the Romans nor the capture of the city. And when a soldier came up to
him suddenly and bade hirn follow to Marcellus, he refused to do so until
he had worked out his problem to a demonstration; whereat the soldier was
so enraged that he drew his sword and slew hirn. Others say that the Roman
ran up to hirn with a drawn sword offering to kill hirn; and, when Archi-
medes saw him, he begged him earnestly to wait a short time in order that
he might not leave his problem incomplete and unsolved, but the other
took no notice and killed hirn. Again there is a third account to the effect
that, as he was carrying to Marcellus some of his mathematical instruments,
sundials, spheres, and angles adjusted to the apparent size of the sun to the
sight, some soldiers met him and, being under the impression that he carried
gold in the vessel, slew hirn."
359, 17
Charles, Comte de Brancas (d. 1681): seeJean de la Bruyere (1645-1696)
'Les Caracteres de Theophraste' (6th ed. Paris, 1691), 'De I'Homme' no. 7.
In a note first added to the eighth edition of the work, La Bruyere observes
of Menalque that, 'Ceci est moins un caractere particulier qu'un recueil de
faits de distractions.' Some of the humorous instances he collected under
this name derive from the doings of the abbot of Mauroy and the Prince of
Conti. M. A. Regnier and M. G. Servois 'Oeuvres de La Bruyere' (4 vols.
Paris, 1865-1922) vol. 2 pp. 6-15, 281-91.
Hegel is referring to the following passage, "He enters an Apartment,
passes under a Sconce, where his Periwig hitches, and is left hanging. The
Courtiers look on hirn and laugh: Menaclas looks also, laughs louder than
any of them, and turns his eyes round the Company to see the Man, who
shews his Ears, and has lost his Wig." 'The Characters... made English
by several hands' (London, 1699) pp. 245-53.
Cf. Pinel 'Traite' (1801) sect. IV iv no. 17; Reil 'Rhapsodieen' pp. 105-7;
F. A. Carus 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808) 11 pp. 257-8, who refers to
la Bruyere and quotes a similar story involving the eccentric Whig physician
Messenger Monsey (1693-1788) and his brother.
359, 20
See G. H. Richerz's (1756-1791) addition to ch. 8 of L. A. Muratori's
(1672-1750) 'Della Forza della Fantasia Umana' (Venice, 1766; Germ. tr.
2 pts. Leipzig, 1785) pt. 11. p. 29, "It was doubtless on account of an absent-
mindedness brought on by deep meditation that Newton, as the story goes,
used the finger of a lady who was sitting next to hirn as a tobacco-stopper."
Cf. Reil op. cit. p. 105;J. F. Pierer 'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch' I p. 738
(Leipzig and Altenburg, 1816).
590 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
Newton's absent-mindedness had become proverbial by the end of the
eighteenth century: see the quaint effusions of the Rev. Johnson Grant in
Nicholson's 'Journal of Natural Philosophy' vol. XV pp. 108-26 (1806),
"It is possible for a Newton to be so deeply absorbed in thought, and to
have practised abstraction so thoroughly, that the firing of a cannon will
not break the train of his ideas" (p. 120). Although some of the anecdotes
then circulating were undoubtedly authentic, there are good reasons for
regarding the one quoted by Hegel as apocryphal. David Brewster informs
us that when Newton, "was asked to take snuff or tobacco, he declined, re-
marking that he would make no necessities to himself." 'Memoirs of. ..
Newton' (2 vols. Edinburgh, 1855) 11.410. B. L. B. de Fontenelle's 'Life of
Sir Isaac Newton' (London, 1728) is not the sort of work to contain such a
story, but had it been genuine, it would surely not have been missing from
the fund of Oxfordian and anti-Newtonian tittle-tattle to be found in Thomas
Hearne's (1678-1735) 'Remarks and Collections' (ed. C. E. Doble, 11 vols.
Oxford, 1885-1912).
359, 23
Cf. 367, 29. This remark is also evidently based upon Reil op. cit. pp.
105-6, who quotesthe following anecdote from J. B. Erhard's (1766-1827)
'Versuch über die Narrheit und ihre ersten Anfänge' (Michael Wagner's
'Beiträge zur philosophischen Anthropologie' 2 vols. Vienna, 1794/6 I pp.
100-43), "I know an extremely learned and rational professor who is often
doing foolish things such as this. On one occasion he intended to visit a very
good friend. It was a moonlit night, and the friend saw him coming. There
was a cartload of hay in front of the door. Our professor wanted to go
straight to the door, found the hay-cart in the way, and tried to move it.
When he found he was unable to do so, he went back, returned a little later,
tried once more to shift it, found once more that he could not, and went
home. The next day his friend asked him what he had been up to the
previous evening. He remembered all that had taken place, and said that
it had never occurred to him to walk round the hay-cart. I could give ex-
amples of this sort of thing from my own experience, as could any of my
readers. A person can to a great extent be lacking in outer self-possession
without our having to classify him as being positively foolish."
In 1840 G. A. Gabler supplied Rosenkranz with a similar anecdote about
Hegel: H. Kimmerle 'Hegel-Studien' vol. 4 p. 71, 1967.
359,33
Pinel 'Traite' (180 I) sect. IV no. xix characterizes the specific character
of desipience as folIows: "Rapid succession or uninterrupted alternation of
isolated ideas and evanescent and unconnected emotions. Continually
repeated acts of extravagance: complete forgetfulness of every previous
Notes to Volume Two: Anthropology • 591
state: diminished sensibility to external impressions : obliteration of the
faeulty ofjudgement: eontinual aetivity, devoid ofpurpose and design, and
a kind of automatie existenee." Hegel's adaptation of this definition, his
emphasis upon, "the inability to fix attention upon anything definite", is
interesting in that it ignores Pinel's psyehologieal eonsiderations, and takes
a simple subjeet-objeet antithesis to be eentral here. It should be remem-
bered, however, that he may not have read Pinel in the original (note 361 , 9).
J. C. Priehard (1786-1848) 'A Treatise on Insanity' (London, 1835) pp.
6-7, 83-99, uses Pinel's deseription of this ease as a definition of what he
ealls 'ineoherenee or dementia'. For eontemporary evidenee of the equiva-
lenee of'desipienee' and 'Faselei', seeJames Sims (1741-1820) 'Pathologieal
Remarks upon various kinds of Alienation of Mind' ('Memoirs of the
Medical Society ofLondon' vol. V pp. 372-406, 1799) pp. 374/5, andJ. B.
Friedreich (1796-1862) 'Versuch einer Literärgeschichte' (Würzburg, 1830)
p. 53 2 •
361 ,9
Pinel 'Traite' (1801; tr. M. Wagner, Vienna, 1801) sect. IV no. xix.
Hegel is quoting here not from the German translation, but from the
version of Pinel's account given by J. C. Reil (1759-1813), 'Rhapsodieen'
(Halle, 1803) pp. 400-1. The original is as follows, "Il s'approche de moi,
me regarde, m'accable d'une loquacite exuberante et sans suite. Un moment
apres, il se detourne et se dirige vers une autre personne qu'il assourdit de
son babil eternel et deeousu, il fait briller ses regards, et il semble menacer:
mais autant incapable d'une colere emportee que d'une certaine liaison dans
les idees, ses emotions se bornent a des elans rapides d'une effervescenee
puerile qui se ealme et disparoit d'un clin d'oeil. Entre-t-il dans une ehambre,
il a bientöt deplace et bouleverse tous les meubles; il saisit avee ses mains
une table, une chaise, qu'il enleve, qu'il secoue, qu'il transporte ailleurs,
sans manifester ni dessein, ni intention directe; a peine a-t-on tourne les
yeux, il est deja bien dans une promenade adjacente, Oll s'exerce encore sa
mobilite versatile; il balbutie quelques mots, remue des pierres, et arrache
de l'herbe qu'il jette bientöt au loin pour en cueillir de nouvelle: il va, vient
et revient sur ses pas; il s'agite sans cesse sans conserver le souvenir de son
etat anterieur, de ses amis, de ses proches, ne repose la nuit que quelques
instans, ne s'arrete qu'a la vue de quelque aliment qu'il devore, et il semble
etre entraine par un roulement perpetuel d'idees et d'affections morales
decousues qui disparoissent et tombent dans le neant aussitöt qu'elles sont
produites. '
361 , 15
This definition of delirium is in substantial agreement with that given
by Alexander Criehton (1763-1856), 'An Inquiry into the Nature and Origin
of Mental Derangement' (2 vols. London, 1798; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1798)
592 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
I pp. 140-1 (bk. Ich. 5), "The diseased notions which delirious people
entertain are of two kinds. Firstly, they are diseased perceptions, referred
by the patient to some object of external sense; as when he believes he sees,
hears, tastes and smells things which have no real existence ... Secondly,
they are diseased abstract notions, referable to the qualities and conditions
of persons and things, and his relation to them; as when he imagines that
his friends have conspired to kill hirn; that he is reduced to beggary; that
he is forsaken by God, etc."
Gf. J. c. Prichard (1786-1848) 'A Treatise on Diseases of the Nervous
System' (London, 1822) sect. II pp. 117-9; K. G. Neumann (1772-1850)
'Die Krankheiten des Vorstellungsvermögens' (Leipzig, 1822) pp. 77-85,
where the physiological foundations of delirium are dealt with.
361 ,28
H. B. Weber 'Handbuch der psychischen Anthropologie' (Tübingen,
1829) p. 381: "The main reason for the talkativeness and gossiping which are
characteristic of so many members of the female sex, is that since speech is
so important to them as wives and mothers, in bringing up young children
and being immediately responsible for the horne, they have a natural gift
for it. What is more, it is not only unusual for them to be closely involved
in business capable of actively occupying and interesting the mind for any
length oftime, but unlike men they also have little access to any other means
of overcoming the bad effects of boredom. They therefore take to gossiping
more readily and easily than men, to discussing the news of the town and
other trivialities at interminable length, and not infrequently to scandal-
mongering and slander (a foul woman often has a foul mouth)."
Weber goes on to discuss the so-called 'imbecillitas sexus' i.e. the woman's
being regarded as legally irresponsible for her actions.
363,21
Monomania was much discussed in England and France toward the end
ofthe 1820'S: see Alexander Morison (1779-1866) 'Gases ofMental Disease'
(London, 1828) pp. 55-108; David Scott of Edinburgh, 'A Gase of Mono-
mania, caused by circumscribed chronic meningitis' ('Edinburgh Medical
and Surgical Journal' no. 96, vol. 30 pp. 37-43, July 1828); John Elliotson's
(1791-1868) article in 'The London Medical Gazette' May, 1831: J. L.
Michu 'Discussion medico-Iegale sur la Monomanie homicide' (Paris,
1826); J. E. D. Esquirol (1772-1840) 'Note sur la Monomanie homicide'
(Paris, 1827; Germ. tr. Nurnberg, 1831); A. Brierre de Boismont (1797-
1871) 'Observations medico-Iegales sur la monomanie homocide' (Paris,
1827).
365,2
By the 1820'S empirical observation of a variety of cases had already given rise
to the general idea that fixation upon one thing in such a way as to disrupt
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 593
and pervert a balanced and all-round awareness, was the central feature of
foolishness properly so called: see Georg Weber 'Geschichte eines Wahn-
sinnigen mit der fixen Idee des Krankseyn' ('Archiv für medicinische Erfah-
rung' vol. XIV sect. I pp. 124-38, 1810); F. Groos (1768-1852) 'über den
Ursprung und das Wesen der fixen Ideen' (Nasse's 'Zeitschrift für psychi-
sche Aerzte' 1822 sect. 4 p. 71); M. E. A. Naumann (1798-1871) 'Etwas
über fixe Ideen' (K. Hohnbaum and Ferd. Jahn 'Medicinische Conver-
sationsblatt' 31st J uly 1830).
It should be noted however, that Hegel is concerned here, not with the
clearly infinite complexity ofthe psychological involvement ofsuch fixations,
but simply with the very general factor of, "regarding what is merely sub-
jective as objective." In the sphere of psychology itself, the treatment of the
"infinitely numerous images and presentations" preserved within intelli-
gence (§ 453) and of the objectification of such as sign and symbol (§ 457),
might be regarded as corresponding to that of fixation here in the Anthro-
pology.
SeeJ. B. Friedreich (1796-1862) 'Systematische Literatur der ... Psycho-
logie' (Berlin, 1833) pp. 244-6.
365, 15
Cf. 79, 23-8 I, 6. The plight of George III after 1788 undoubtedly helped
to confirm the view that mental derangement was particularly prevalent in
England, as did the fact that the running of private madhouses was a
lucrative business: W. Parry-Jones 'The Trade in Lunacy' (London, 1971),
and that so many who indulged in it published analytical and theoretical
works which were translated into German.
F. B. Osiander (1759-1822), 'über den Selbstmord' (Hanover, 1813),
made the first systematic German attempt to analyze the reasons for this
'situation'. Basing his argument upon an astonishingly detailed and wide-
ranging knowledge of English nationallife, he came to the conclusion that
the bad air ofthe factories, houses and towns, heavy drinking, drugs, obesity,
smoking, the educational system, religion, pauperism, gambling, boxing
and duels, public entertainments, inborn eccentricity, the death penalty,
sexual morality and the idleness of the wealthy were the main factors giving
rise to such widespread mental derangement. J. C. Spurzheim (1776-1832),
'Observations on ... Insanity' (London, 1817; Germ. tr. Hamburg, 1818)
pp. 164-72, simply confirmed Osiander's general analysis, but G. M.
Burrows (1771-1846), 'An Inquiry into ... Insanity' (London, 1820; Germ.
tr. Leipzig, 1822) reacted patriotically to his country's reputation as a hive
of insanity and suicide, and dabbled in continental statistics in an attempt
to bring other nations into the picture; "Having once imbibed an opinion
that the English were peculiarly prone to insanity, it was no violent
594 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
assumption to infer that they must consequently be most devoted to the
practice of suicide. Accordingly, we find divines, philosophers, poets, and
authors of all kinds, adopting it as an historie fact; and attaching this crime
as innate in the British character. Even the celebrated Montesquieu has
condescended to become a vehicle of this calumny. Feeling as aBriton,
jealous of the moral as weIl as of the religious principles of my countrymen,
I have endeavoured to repel this charge" (p. 87). I. Macalpine and R.
Hunter, 'George III and the Mad-Business' (London, 1969) p. 294, are of
the opinion that Burrows made his point and 'laid the ghost', but it was
not until the end ofthe 1820'S that reliable surveys and analyses ofthe whole
subject began to make their appearance: see Sir Andrew Halliday (1781-
1839) 'A General View of the present state oflunatics and lunatic asylums
in Great Britain and Ireland and some other Kingdoms' (London, 1828,
cf. J. B. Friedreich's 'Magazin für Seelenkunde' vol. 5 p. 183); 'Report
from a select Committee on pauper Lunatics in the County of Middlesex'
(House of Commons, 29th June 1827); 'The Lancet' vol. 2 p. 577
(1829-1830); G. M. Burrows 'A Letter to Sir Henry Halford' (London,
1830 ).
J. C. Prichard (1786-1848) 'A Treatise on Insanity' (London, 1835) pp.
328-51 gives the most accurate and illuminating survey of the whole situ-
ation. In 1829 the population of England was about 12,700,000, and I in
every 1,000 was deranged; Wales had 817,438 inhabitants, I in every 800
ofwhom were deranged; Scotland 3,244,248, I in every 574 being deranged.
Of the 14,000 deranged persons in England in that year, 11,000 were
paupers. In agricultural districts the average ratio of deranged persons in
the population was I to 820, whereas in industrial districts it was I to 1,200.
The figures for most other European countries at that time show much the
same pattern. In Norway in 1825, for example, there were 1,909 deranged
persons in a total population of 1,°51,318 i.e. I to 551 in a predominantly
agricultural society, broadly comparable in nearly every respect with
Scotland's: see Frederik Holst (1791-1871) 'Beretning, Beuenkning og
Indstilling fra en til at unders0ge de Sindssvages Kaar i Norge' (Christiania,
1828). For a comprehensive survey ofthe European literature on the subject
see J. B. Friedreich (1796-1862) 'Systematische Literatur der... Psycho-
logie' (Berlin, 1833) pp. 329-5 I.
Prichard (op. cit. p. 336) gives the main reason for the various 'forms of
folly' being apparently 'particularly incident to the English', "Idiots who are
at large wander about the country, and the females often bear children. I
have frequently seen, in Herefordshire, a female dumb idiot, who was said
to have borne several children by unknown fathers. Sir Andrew Halliday
has made similar observations. We should hear without surprise of the
permission of such things in Turkey or Kafferland, but in a country having
police regulations it would not be expected. All pauper idiots and lunatics
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 595
365, 22
Hegel is here referring to what was then a well-recognized category of
mental derangement, the melancholia Anglica or morbus Anglicus. F. B. de
Sauvages (1706-1767), 'Nosologia Methodica' (1760; 5 vols. Paris, 1771;
Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1790--97) dass 8, order i, sect. 3, 'Melancholia anglica.
Taedium vitae'; cf. A. C. Lorry (1726-1783) 'De Melancholia et morbis
melancholicis' (2 vols. Paris, 1765; Germ. tr. 2 vols. Frankfurt and Leipzig,
1770) pt. 11 cap. 6 (vol. I p. 380): "Taciturnum est illud atque morosum,
circa omnia externa inattentum, iisque familiare, qui nimia meditatione
morbum hunc contraxerint, diciturque vicinis nostris Britannis, genti ad
scientias promovendas natre familiare: ita verum est, quod ait Plinius, quod
aliquis sit morbus per sapentiam mori."
The primary authority for the formulation of this category by eighteenth
century nosologists seems to have been a publication by the Scotsman George
Cheyne (1671-1743), 'The English Malady' (3 pts. London, 1733): "The
tide I have chosen for this treatise, is areproach universally thrown on this
island by foreigners, and all our neighbours on the continent, by whom
nervous distempers, spleen, vapours, and lowness of spirits, are in derision,
called the English malady. And I wish there were not so good grounds for
this reflection. The moisture of our air, the variableness of our weather,
(from our situation amidst the ocean), the rankness and fertility of our soil,
the richness and heaviness of our food, the wealth and abundance of the
inhabitants (from their universal trade), the inactivity and sedentary occu-
pations of the better sort (among whom this evil mostly rages), and the
humour of living in great, populous and consequently unhealthy towns,
have brought forth a dass and set of distempers, with atrocious and frightful
symptoms, scarce known to our ancestors, and never rising to such fatal
heights, nor affiicting such numbers in any other known nation. These
596 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
nervous disorders being computed to make almost one third of the com-
plaints of the people of condition in England" (preface pp. i-ii).
Cf. B. Fawcett (1715-1780) 'Observations on ... Melancholy' (Shrews-
burg, 1780; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1785), the only work by means of which
Burton's 'Anatomy of Melancholy' (1621; reprinted, 1800) was known in
Germany at this time; F. B. Osiander op. cit.; 'General Index to Dodsley's
Annual Register 1758-1819' (London, 1826) pp. 602-5; B. G. Lyons 'Voices
of Melancholy' (London, 1971); L. S. King 'George Cheyne, Mirror of
Eighteenth Century Medicine' ('Bulletin of the History of Medicine' vol.
48 pp. 5 17-39, 1974)·
365, 27
Pinel 'Traite' sect. VI no. vi: 'A literary gentleman, who was given to
the pleasures of the table, and who was lately recovered from a tertian
fever, experienced in the season of autumn all the horrors of the propensity
to suicide. He weighed with shocking calmness the choice ofvarious methods
to accomplish the deed of death. A visit which he paid to London, appears
to have developed, with a new degree of energy, his profound melancholy
and his immovable resolution to abridge his term of life. He chose an
advanced hour of the night, and went towards one of the bridges of that
capital for the purpose of precipitating hirnself into the Thames. But at the
moment ofhis arrival at the destined spot, he was attacked by some robbers.
Though he had Iittle or no money about hirn, he feit extremely indignant
at this treatment, and used every effort to make his escape; which, however,
he did not aeeomplish before he had been exceedingly terrified. Left by his
assailants, he returned to his lodgings, having forgot the original object of
his sally. This recounter seems to have operated a thorough revolution in the
state of his mind. His eure was so eomplete that, though he has since been
a resident of Paris for ten years, and has subsisted frequently upon scanty
and preearious resources, he has not been sinee tormented by disgust with
life. This is a case of melancholie vesania, which yielded to the sudden and
unforseen impression of terror."
J. C. Hoffbauer (1766-1827) gives an account of this case in his 'Psy-
chologische Untersuchungen über den Wahnsinn' (Halle, 1807) p. 276.
Cf. George Borrow (1803-1881) 'Lavengro' (1851) ch. XXXI.
365, 3 1
The Portsmouth Case was reported at length in 'The Morning Chronicle'
between 13th February and Ist March 1823, and it was almost certainly
from this newspaper that Hegel knew of it: see 14th February p. 4, "Jos.
Head - 'Examination reassumed by Mr. Wetherell.) - Returned with Lord
Portsmouth, when he went into Hampshire after his seeond marriage
frequently, while there he told witness that Lady Portsmouth ill-treated
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 597
hirn, by horse-whipping and threatening hirn; said the late Lady Portsmouth
had behaved very kindly to hirn; in the late Lady Portsmouth's life-time
witness often went out with Lord P. in his phaeton, both in town and
country; they frequently passed a funeral, when his Lordship would some-
times hit at the coachmen driving the mourning-coaches or hearse, and
would call them Anthony and Joe; he often ordered his phaeton to follow
in the procession, and when it arrived at the burial ground he generally
accompanied the corpse into the church and to the ground; witness was
frequently at the church at Hurstbourne when the beIls were being rung,
and his Lordship always rung one; sometimes his Lordship would flog the
ringers with the rope; witness once divided a sum of money amongst the
ringers, which the clerk brought hirn, his Lordship's share was fifteen pence,
which he took; don't recollect his Lordship's paying, but he often received his
share; when people were ill Lord Portsmouth would very frequently inquire
how they were, and orders always were given to the clerk to let hirn know
when they died, that his Lordship might toll the church bell; knows that his
Lordship frequently left the house, when so informed, for the purpose of
ringing the bell"
John Charles Wallop, third Earl of Portsmouth (1767-1853) married
Grace Grantley (1752-1813), 'a pleasant and agreeable lady, but ofan age
which did not promise prolific consequences' in 1799. She died without
issue, and on 7th March 1814 he married Mary Anne Hanson, the daughter
of his solicitor. It has been no ted that 'so long as the noble lord was sane
he took no part in politics', but he had definitely developed an interest by
1820, when he exercised his hereditary right to make decisions bearing upon
the fate of his country by voting against Queen Caroline: see H. A. Double-
day 'The Complete Peerage' (London, 1910-1959) vol. 10 p. 612, Lady
Anne Hamilton (1766-1846) 'Secret History of the Court of England' (2
vols. London, 1832) vol. II p. 6. Since by this time it was well-known that
Lady Portsmouth was the mistress of the earl's physician, that both lovers
were in the habit of bullying hirn, and that the unfortunate nobleman's
eccentricity was by no means confined to an interest in politics, and since
his estates at the time of his second marriage were worth fI7,000-fI8,000
per annum, the question of his sanity, and so of the validity of this second
marriage was raised.
On Monday 10th February 1823, five commissioners appointed by the
Lord Chancellor under a commission de lunatico inquirendo, and a jury of
twenty-four, met at the Freemasons' Tavern, Great Queen Street, to inquire
whether the earl was not of sound mind and capable of conducting his own
affairs. The enquiry las ted about a fortnight, and the mass of evidence was
greater than in any case which had come before the court in living memory.
On 28th February Mr. Commissioner Trawer summed up at great length,
"He particularly commented on the evidence of the medical men who had
598 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
36 7,4
J. C. Reil (1759-1813) 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) p. 353, quotes the
case of the Englishman recounted by Pinel (Eng. tr. p. 183), and then
continues, "Another hanged hirnself; his servant cut hirn down, and he
survived. At the end of the year he paid his servant his wage, and deducted
twopence. The servant asked the reason for this. "Because you cut a rope
without my ordering you to", was the answer." Cf. G. I. Wenzel (1754-1809)
'Versuch einer praktischen Seelenarzneikunde. Mit einem Anhange von
Krankheitsgeschichten der Seele' (Grätz, 1801) p. 53.
367, 10
Throughout the eighteenth century, the attention that had been paid to
the affections and passions by Descartes, 'Les passions de I'äme' (1649),
Hobbes 'De homine' (1657), Spinoza 'Ethics' (1677) and Locke 'Human
U nderstanding' (1690), led German psychologists to classify these psychic
phenomena as somewhat vaguely related to feeling and to the baser appetitive
faculty (Begehrungsvermägen). The passions were ranged in accordance
with the exciting or depressing nature, the actual or simply imagined
presence of their external causes, and were taken to have a potential both
for good and for evil: see Johann Friedrich Zückert (1737-1778) 'Von den
Leidenschaften' (Berlin, 1764); c. J. Tissot (1750-1826) 'De 1'Influence des
Passions de l' Ame dans les Maladies' (Paris and Strassburg, 1798; Germ.
tr. J. G. Breiting, Liepzig, 1799); Max Dessoir 'Geschichte der Neueren
Deutschen Psychologie' (2nd ed. Berlin, 1902) pp. 439-445
Kant 'Anthropologie' (1798; Prussian Academy ed.) pt. I §§ 73-88 gave
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology • 599
the subject a clearer form by classifying the passions under the appetitive
faculty and the affections under feeling. This distinction was generally
accepted by eady nineteenth century German psychologists: J. G. C.
Kiesewetter (1766-1819) 'Erfahrungsseelenlehre' (2 pts. Vienna, 1817)
pt. I p. 319 for example, sees the irrational passion of motherhood as giving
rise to doting and molly-coddling, and the inclination to sexual love as giving
rise to natural and healthy love between parents and children. Gottlob
Ernst Schulze (1761-1833) 'Psychische Anthropologie' (3rd ed. Göttingen,
1826) § 203, like Hegel, recognizes that certain passions may give rise to
imbecility and derangement.
36 7, 13
See note 343, 34. Two cases in which people identified themselves with
Christ gained some publicity at that time: D. C. Ruggieri 'Geschichte der ...
zu Venedig ... vollzogenen Kreuzigung' (tr. J. H. G. Schlegel, Rudolstadt,
1807; 2nd ed. Meiningen, 1821); Ludwig Meyer 'Schwärmische Greuel-
scenen, oder Kreuzigungsgeschichte' (1823; 2nd ed. Zürich, 1824). On
identification with God, see T. Arnold (1742-1816) 'Observations on ...
Madness' (Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1784/8) I p. 123, Caelius Aurelianus (H. c.
450) 'De morbis acutis' (Amsterdam, 1755) 1,5, p.328.
36 7, 15
See notes 345, 8 and 383, 19. The barley-corn case is not simply an invention
of Hegel's: see his notes on psychology (1794) ed. Hoffmeister 'Materialien'
(1936) line 474. It was quite well-known that Leibniz's friend G. W.
Molanus (1633-1722), abbot of Loccum, "in the last years of his life,
imagined hirnself to be a badey-corn. He spoke quite rationally about
everything else, and with anyone who visited hirn, but the lord abbot com-
pletely refused to go out of doors, for fear he might be pecked up by chickens."
SeeJ. G. Zimmermann (1723-1795) 'Ueber die Einsamkeit' (4 pts. Leipzig,
1784/5) pt. II pp. 76/7. Johannes Broen (1660-1703) mentions a similar
case in his 'Animadversiones Medicae' (Leyden, 1695; 2nd ed. Naples,
1721) p. 142, "This explains why some of those suffering from melancholy,
when they happen to dwell upon a long nose, are persuaded that their own
nose is so long that all who come near them will bump into it; and why
others, who happen to concentrate upon butter, glass or corn (frumento),
imagine themselves to be like butter, glass or corn, and are therefore afraid
of fire, other people or chickens, imagining that they will be destroyed by
them."
369, 8
It is almost certain that the ultimate origin of this observation is Pinel's
'Traite' sect. IV no. II and sect. V no. 18: "I leave to the historian of the
revolution to paint, in its proper and odious colours, that most barbarous
600 • Heget' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
369, I I
Nothing as comprehensive as the analysis of the psychological effect of
religion in Robert Burton's (1577- 1640) 'The Anatomy of Melancholy'
(Oxford, 1621) was available in German at this time. Joachim Friedrich
Lehzen (1735-1800) published a translation ofBenjamin's Fawcett's (1725-
1780) 'Observations on... Religious Melancholy' (Shrewsbury, 1780) at
Leipzig in 1785 however, and this work opened up a field of psychological
enquiry which was weIl established in Germany by the time Hegel was
lecturing at Berlin: see 'Beobachtungen und Erfahrungen über Melancho-
lische, besonders über die religiöse Melancholie. Von einem Prediger am
Zuchthause zu T." (Leipzig, 1799); F. L. H. Bird (1793-1851) 'Über
Religiöse Melancholie' (Nasse's 'Zeitschrift für Anthropologie' sect. I p.
228, 1823; sect. 4 p. 279, 1826); J. K. Mezger 'Einige Vorlesungen über
religiöse Schwärmerei' (Aarau, 1819);J. B. Friedreich (1796-1862) 'Versuch
einer Literärgeschichte der ... psychischen Krankheiten' (Würz burg, 1830)
pp. 625-35; 'Systematische Literatur der... Psychologie' (Berlin, 1833)
pp. 258-60; S. Kornfeld 'Geschichte der Psychiatrie' in T. Puschmann's
'Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin' vol. 3 pp. 657-8 (Jena, 1905). Cf.
note 383, 36.
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 601
370, 20
For 'Sehr heiße' read 'Eine sehr heiße.'
37 1,8
Several cases of this kind were recorded by C. P. Moritz (1757-1793)
and C. F. Pockels (1757-1814) in their 'Magazin zur Erfahrungsseelen-
kunde' (10 vols. Berlin, 1783-1794) I ii p. 10, III iii p. 35, VI iii p. 47, and
were given a wider currency by Alexander Crichton (1763-1856), who
quoted them in his 'Inquiry into ... Mental Derangement' (2 vols. London,
1798; Germ. t? 1798, 18°9, 1810) val. II pp. 2°5-19. Since many other
such cases were cited in the psychiatrie works of the time, it 'may be of
interest to quote at length that given in the 'Magazine' in vol. VI, pt. iii
pp. 47-51. In December 1786, a certain Catherine Hausierin (b. 1741) of
Donauworth had been married for twelve years to a husband who. had
always treated her severely and who had recently beaten her for stealing
milk: "After this treatment she went to bed, trembling for fear, and dreading
worse usage the next day. Her daughter, a little girl about seven years old,
came to her bedside, and prayed with her. She had formed the resolution
of leaving her husband, and asked her daughter if she would stay with her
father. This the girl refused to do, as she was afraid of him. After praying
devoutly, early in the morning, she left her husband's house, and took her
daughter along with her, and also her infant, which was only two months
and a half old. As she was about to depart, she again asked her daughter
if she would not rather live with her father; but the girl answered that she
would rather die. The thoughts which this answer occasioned in the mother's
mind, the misery and distress which surrounded her, the fear of what might
happen to her children in case she died, and, at the same time, her own
ardent wish to finish her existence, all these things caused her to form the
barbarous resolution of drowning them. The infant she took in her arms,
and being arrived at the border of the Danube, she caused her daughter to
kneel down and pray to God to deserve a good death. She then tied the
infant in the arms of the girl, blessed them by making the sign of the cross
on them, and threw them into the river. She afterwards returned to the
village and told what she had done."
Cf.]. C. Spurzheim (1776-1832) 'Observations on ... Insanity' (London,
1817; Germ. tr. Hamburg, 1818) pp. 180-6; J. C. Prichard (1786-1848)
'A Treatise on Insanity' (London, 1835) pp. 384-99; Alexander Watson
(1799-1879) 'A Medico-Legal Treatise on Homicide by External Violence'
(Edinburgh, 1837); J. B. Friedreich (1796-1862) 'Systematische Literatur
der ... Psychologie' (Berlin, 1833) pp. 400- J.
G. I. Wenzel (1754-1809) 'Unterhaltungen über ... Träume und Ahn-
dungen' (1800) pp. 139-40, records the case of a man who, because he,
602 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
"wanted to be a second Abraham", slaughtered all his children; cf. Kierke-
gaard 'Frygt og Breven' (Copenhagen, 1843).
37 1, 15
Pinel 'Traite' (1801) sect. I no. 5: "I cannot here avoid giving my most
decided suffrage in favour of the moral qualities of maniacs. I have no where
met, excepting in romances, with fonder husbands, more affectionate
parents, more impassioned lovers, more pure and exalted patriots, than in
the lunatic asylum, during their intervals of calmness and reason. A man of
sensibility may go there every day of his life, and witness scenes of in-
describable tenderness associated with most estimable virtue." Emphasis
upon the moral qualities of maniacs was, as Hegel notes (331, 18), central
to Pinel's revolutionary approach to mental derangement, and contrasts
sharply with the general eighteenth century attitude.
Hegel seems to have come across this passage in Pinel's book itself. The
periodic plight of his sister and the fate of Hölderlin may have caused him
to take particular note of it: Rosenkranz 'Hegel's Leben' 1844 pp. 424-5;
W. Treher 'Hegels Geisteskrankheit oder das verborgene Gesicht der
Geschichte' (Emmendingen, 1969) pp. 193-5. Cf. G. Schmidt 'über den
Seelenreiz' (Berlin, 1803) p. 167; C. C. E. Schmid's 'Anthropologisches
Journal' vol. 4 no. i pp. 156-67 (Jena, 1804).
371, 22
For general considerations of the influence of the seasons, times of day
and atmospheric conditions upon mental derangement: Thomas Forster
(1790-1845) 'Observations on ... Insanity' (London, 1817; Germ. tr.
Leipzig, 1822); Franz Amelung (1798-1849) 'über den Einfluß der
Atmosphäre' (Nasse's 'Zeitschrift für die Anthropologie' 1826 pt. 2 pp.
201-8); M. Allen 'Cases ofInsanity' (London, 1831) pp. 13-131. Cf. Phil.
Nat. §§ 287,361, Phil. Sub. Sp. §§ 391-2.
Michael Wagner (1756-1821), in his German edition of Pinel's book, see
'Philosophisch-medicinische Abhandlungen über Geistesverirrungen oder
Manie' (Vienna, 180 I) makes the following observation in a note (p. 325):
"I noticed in the Viennese madhouse this year, that nearly all the insane
became unsettled during the solstice. The epileptic attacks were more
frequent during July and at the beginning of August; some of the insane
became recidivous and nearly all became restless. I t was only the weather
that was constantly changing, the thermometer and the barometer showed
no marked fluctuations. - One also noticed a certain restlessness in the
insane when there was a thunderstorm on the way." Pinel (sect. I no. 3,
sect. VI no. 20) notes that one should be careful about releasing patients
during periods of extreme heat or cold since they are then most likely to
lapse into their former illness. This blending of Wagner's notes and Pinel's
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 603
observations, and the fact that Hege! took some of his information concern-
ing Pinel's book from J. C. Reil's 'Rhapsodieen' (note 361 , 9) probably
accounts for the uncertainty in 39, 36.
Beat was generally recognized as tending to augment and aggravate
mental derangement: see Joseph Mason Cox (1762-1822) 'Practical Ob-
servations on Insanity' (2nd ed. London, 1806; Germ. tr. Halle, 1811) case
X p. 92 (a young woman of 22): "At the elose of one of the hottest days in
July, after a long ramble over rugged steeps, precipices and mountains,
in one of the most romantic parts of North Wales, a peasant found her,
seated on a hillock, exhibiting all the usual symptoms of furious madness,
surrounded by fragments of plants and drawings, making the most frantic
gesticulations, vociferating with great vehemence, and spouting parts of
Shakespeare." Cf. J. C. Prichard (1786-1848) 'A Treatise on Insanity'
(London, 1835) p. 203, "It has been observed that cooks and other persons
exposed, in consequence of their employments, to great heat, are for this
cause occasionally affected with mania." Vincenzo Chiarugi (1759-1822)
'Abhandlung über den Wahnsinne' (1793; Germ. tr. 3 pts. Leipzig, 1795)
pt. III p. 655.
Cold was often observed to be a matter of indifference to the deranged
however, see John Haslam (1764-1844) 'Observations on Madness and
Melancholy' (2nd ed. London, 1809) p. 84, "Of the power which maniacs
possess of resisting cold, the belief is general, and the histories which are on
record are truly wonderful: it is not my wish to disbelieve, nor my intention
to dispute them; it is proper, however, to state that the patients in Bethlem
Hospital possess no such exemption from the effects of severe cold." John
Edmonds Stock (1774-1835) 'An Inaugural Essay on the Effects of Cold
upon the Human Body' (Philadelphia, 1797), 'Medical Collections on the
Effects of Cold as a Remedy in certain Diseases' (London, 1806), basing his
theoretical reasoning upon the Brunonian system (Phi!. Nat. III. 379-80) ,
even advocated its use in curing derangement.
37 1 ,24
J. C. Prichard (1786-1848) 'A Treatise on Insanity' (London, 1835) pp.
165-8: "Idiotism and imbecility are observed in childhood, but insanity,
properly so termed, is rare before the age of puberty." Cf. Andrew Harper
(d. c. 1830) 'A Treatise on ... Insanity' (London, 1789; Germ. tr. Marburg,
1792) p. 23; Kant 'Anthropologie' (1798) § 53.
The connection between insanity and mature sexual desires and activity
was widely recognized at this time. P. J. G. Cabanis (1757-1808) 'Traite de
... l'Homme' (Paris, 1802; Germ. tr. Halle, 1824) 1.369 mentions castration
as a means ofpreventing madness, V. Chiarugi (1759-1822) 'Della pazzia'
(Florence, 1793; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1795) p. 300 recommends sexual
604 . Heget' s Philosophy of the Subjective Spirit
intercourse as a means of curing it. Cf. Reil 'Rhapsodieen' (1803) pp. 185,
261, 349.
Reil (op. cit. p. 261) and F. A. Carus 'Psychologie' (2 vols. Leipzig, 1808)
II p. 332 regard childhood in general as being comparatively free of mental
disturbanees. If Hegel is retailing this view, he is certainly mistaken: J. E.
Greding (1718-1775) 'Medicinisch-chirurgische Schriften' (Altenburg,
1781) 1.280; W. Perfect (1740-1789) 'Annals of Insanity' (1803) no. 62;
R. W. M. Jacobi (1775-1858) 'Sammlungen für die Heilkunde der Gemüth-
skrankheiten' (Elberfeld, 1822); G. H. Schubert 'Die Geschichte der Seele'
(Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1830) pp. 405-6.
37 1, 27
Pinel 'Traite' (1801) sect. I no. 5:" Menofrobustconstitutions, ofmature
years, with black hair, and susceptible of strong and violent passions,
appear to retain the same character when visited by this most distressing of
human misfortunes (maniacal paroxysms). Their ordinary energy is en-
hanced into outrageous fury. Violence, on the other hand, is seldom char-
acteristic of the paroxysms of individuals of more moderate passions, with
brown or auburn hair. Nothing is more common than to see men, with light
coloured hair, sink into soothing and pleasurable reveries; whereas it seldom
or never happens that they become furious or unmanageable. Their pleasing
dreams, however, are at length overtaken by and lost amid the gloom of an
incura ble fa tui ty. "
Cf. R. W. M. Jacobi (1775-1858) 'Sammlungen für die Heilkunde der
Gemüthskrankheiten' (Elberfeld, 1822) I p. 298;J. C. Prichard (1786-1848)
'A Treatise on Insanity' (London, 1835) p. 169.
37 I, 3 I
For Hegel's treatment of the purely physiological aspect of the nervous
system, see Phil. Nat. § 354. As has already been noticed (note 331, 18),
such members of the somatic school as T. A. Ruland (1776-1846) and L.
Buzorini (1801-1854) attempted to reduce all forms of derangement to
neurological considerations. AIthough Hegel evidently saw the potential
of such an endeavour, he probably realized that anatomical neurology itself
was in too primitive astate to facilitate much of an advance in this direction,
and naturally feit obliged to call attention to the limited applicability of
anatomy at this level.
373,10
The meaning of this remark is perfectly clear if we look at the empirical
methods of the would-be theoretical psychiatrists of Hegel's day, which
closely resembled those apparent in the early papers of the Royal Society.
The best German work for getting a comprehensive view of what Hegel has
Notes to Volurne Two: Anthropology . 605
373, 13
From 1728 until 1816 the position of physician to the Bethlehem Hospital
was held by the Monro dynasty: J ames (1680- 1752), J ohn (17 I 5-179 I) and
Thomas (1759-1833). According to the constitution ofthe establishment, 'the
physician was to attend the said Hospital every Monday and Wednesday,
to examine and prescribe for the patients': 'The Report of the Select Com-
mittee' (London, 1792) p. 44; 'Standing Rules and Orders for the Govern-
ment of... Bethlem' (London, 1792; French tr. Paris, 1799). After 1770 the
public were no longer allowed in to view the patients for entertainment.
Rumours began to circulate as to the way in which the hospital was being
run, and Thomas Bowen feit obliged to assure the general public that,
"Such is the comfortable subsistence, kind treatment, and able medical aid
which the patients here meet with, that many who are intimately acquainted
with the conduct of the house have declared, that if ever God should be
pleased to visit them with insanity, Bethlem Hospital is the place into which
they would wish to be admitted' : 'An Historical Account of. .. Bethlem
Hospital' (London, 1783) p. 12. In 1804 however, the condition ofthe build-
ing was found to be so dangerous that it was decided that only those patients
who had already been petitioned for should be admitted : 'Proceedings of
the Committee and Reports from Surveyors respecting the State of Bethlem
Hospital' (London, 1805). Parliament authorized the erection of a new
building in 1810, and it was finally opened in August 1815.
A Committee of the House of Commons investigated the running of
the hospital in 1815, and Hegel is evidently referring to its findings. Dr.
Thomas Monro, who had been visiting physician since 1783, gave evidence
as follows: "Patients are ordered to be bled about the latter end of May,
according to the weather; and after they have been bled, they take vomits,
606 . Hegel's Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
once a week for a certain number of weeks; after that we purge the patients.
That has been the practice invariably for years long before my time; it was
handed down to me by my father, and I do not know any better practice."
See J. B. Sharpe 'Report ... from the Committee appointed to consider ...
Madhouses in England' (pp. 411, London, 1815); D. H. Tuke 'Chapters in
the History ofthe Insane in the British Isles' (London, 1882) ch. 2; 'Quarterly
Review' vol. 15 pp. 387-417 (1816); Sydney Smith (1771-1845) in the
'Edinburgh Review' 1817 p. 443. John Haslam (1764-1844), who had been
resident apothecary at the hospital since 1795 also gave evidence in 1816.
His 'Observations on Insanity' (London, 1798; 2nd ed. 1809; Germ. tr.
Stendal, 1800) give a good idea of the methods of cure used at Bethlehem
at that time. He evidently had his doubts as to the efficacy of purging, "Es
ist seit vielen Jahren Gebrauch im Bethlem-Hospital, den heilbaren Kranken
im Frühlinge jedes Jahres vier oder fünf Brechmittel zu geben; aber ich
habe bey dem Nachschlagen meines Krankenbuches nicht gefunden, daß
Kranke von dem Gebrauche dieses Mittels besondern Nutzen gehabt
haben." (Germ. tr. p. 92). Cf. John Monro (1715-1791) 'Remarks on Dr.
Battie's Treatise on Madness' (London, 1758).
Hegel is evidently mistaken in accusing Monro of pluralism.
It is, perhaps, of interest to note that a few years after this Parliamentary
investigation, the question arose as to whether or not it was expedient to
appoint a resident chaplain at the Bethlehem-Hospital, and that in the
ensuing debate the importance of the moral treatment advocated by Hegel was
emphasized, and Pinel was quoted at length: see, 'Bethlem Hospital. A
Letter to the President, upon the state of the question, as to the expediency
of appointing a resident chaplain. From a Governor' (London, 1819);
'Bethlem-Hospital. Chaplaincy Appointment. A second postscript to a
letter to the president upon the state of this question' (London, 1820).
373, 19
This mistake almost certainly originated in Hegel's faulty note-taking
while reading ]. M. Cox's (1762-1822) 'Praktische Bemerkungen über
Geisteszerrüttung' (London, 1804; 2nd ed. 1806; Germ. tr. A. H. Bertels-
man, Halle, 181 I; Fr. tr. L. Odier, Geneva, 1816), Eng. 2nd ed. pp. 96-7,
Germ. tr. p. 112 (Case XI), "Es ist wohl bekannt, daß Vater Mobillon (sic)
dem Trepanieren eine plötzliche Zunahme seiner Geisteskräfte verdankte.
Man erzählt, daß ein Sohn des neulich verstorbenen berühmten Dr. Priest-
ley, durch einen Fall aus einem Fenster, vom Blödsinn wieder hergestellt
wurde."
Cox was referring to J ean Mabillon (1632-1707), the Benedictine scholar,
who was said to have been dull-witted until he fractured his skull by falling
down stairs at the age oftwenty six: see]. C. Prichard (1786-1848) 'Treatise
on Diseases of the Nervous System' (London, 18 I 2) p. 458. Thierry Ruinart
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 607
373,26
For instances of cures effected by means of these remedies, see P. J.
Schneider (1791-1871) 'Entwurf zu einer Heilmittellehre' (Tübingen,
1824) p. 231 - blood-letting; J. P. Frank (1745-1821) 'Kleine Schriften
praktischen Inhaltes' (Vienna, (797) p. 266 - purging ; J. M. Cox (1762-
1822) 'Practical Observations on Insanity' (2nd ed. London, 1806; Germ.
tr. Halle, 181 I) pp. 139-48 - plunge-bathing.
Cf. J. B. Friedreich 'Versuch einer Literärgeschichte' (Würzburg, 1830)
pp. 338-83; 'Systematische Literatur der Psychologie' (Berlin, 1833) pp.
176- 2 35.
375, 13
Hegel is here referring to what was generally called 'the moral treatment
of insanity.' Pinel gives a full account of it in section two of his 'Traite'
(180 I). As he acknowledges, he owed some debt to British doctors, to the
widely publicized successes of Francis Willis (1718-1807) for example, and
to the writings of Richard Fowler (1765-1863), whose essay upon his
establishment in Scotland he praises for, 'les princpes les plus purs et les plus
eleves de la philanthropie, tres-heureusement appliques au traitement moral
de la manie'.
This 'moral treatment' involved paying less attention to medicines, drugs,
purgatives, emetics, camphor, opium, cold baths, blood-Ietting, blistering
pIasters, setons, swings etc.: see the account of the methods then in use
in the Bethlehem Hospital given by John Haslam (1764-1844) in his
'Observations on Insanity' (London, 1798; Germ. tr. Stendal, 1800), and
G08 . Hege!' s Philosophy of Suhjectir'e Spirit
375, 16
William Cullen (1710- 1790), in his 'First Lines of the Practice of Physic'
(4th ed. 4 vols. Edinburgh, 1784) vol. IV pp. 153-4 advocated the heating
of the insane und er certain circumstances: "Fear, being a passion that
diminishes excitement, may therefore be opposed to the excess of it; and
particularly to the angry and irascible excitement of maniacs ... This awe
and dread is therefore, by one means or another, to be acquired; ... some-
times it may be necessary to acquire it even by stripes and blows." John
Haslam (1764-1844) criticizes hirn for this, and is in fuH agreement with
Pine! and Hege! on the point, "It has been recommended by very high
medical authority, to inflict corpora I punishment upon maniacs, with a
view of rendering them rational by impressing terror. What success may
have followed such disgraceful and inhuman treatment I have not yet
learned, nor should I be desirous of meeting with any one who could give
me the information. If the patient be so far deprived of understanding, as to
be insensible why he is punished, such correction, setting aside its cruelty,
is manifestly absurd ... It should be the great object of the superintendant
to gain the confidence of the patient, and to awaken in hirn respect and
Notes to Volume T wOr: Anthropology • 609
obedience: but it will readily be seen, that such confidence, obedience, and
respect, can only be procured by superiority of talents, discipline of temper,
and dignity of manners. Imbecility, misconduct, and empty consequence,
although enforced with the most tyrannical severity, may excite fear, but
this will always be mingled with contempt." 'Observations on Insanity'
(London, 1798 Germ. tr. Stendal, 1800) pp. 122-5 (Germ. tr. p. 79-81).
375,21
Gox op. cit. (1806) pp. 98-g, Gase XIII, "Mr. - , an ingenious mechanic,
aged 26, sanguineous temperament prone to excesses, especially in sacrificing
at the shrines of both Venus and Bacchus ... after a week of constant riot
and intoxication became insane ... His mechanical skill was most ingeniously
applied, and his success in removing bolts, locks etc. was inconceivable ...
He one night opened the roof of his chamber and scaled the top of the
house, but, by some accident he fell from a wall ten feet high, bruised his
head. .. Though only the day before the accident he was most furiously
insane, no marks of the disease were now obvious, nor could a trace of
mental alienation be discovered ... He now became a very reformed char-
acter, is a great comfort to his friends, and a valuable member of society."
375,27
J ohann Gottfried Langermann (1768-1832) was born in Maxen near
Dresden. His intellectual potential attracted the attention of court-marshal
von Schönberg, who arranged for hirn to be educated at the Kreuzschule in
Dresden and introduced hirn to learned and polite society. In 1789 he went
up to Leipzig University to read law, his tory and philosophy, and after
finishing these studies took a post as resident tutor in the horne of a Leipzig
merchant. It was then that he began to take an interest in the natural
sciences, and in 1794 he eventually decided to study medicine at Jena. At
the University he heard Hufeland, Loder, Stark, GöttIing, Scherer and
Fichte, and mayaIso have come into contact with Goethe and Schiller.
On 24th June 1797 he defended his thesis 'De methodo cognoscendi
curandique animi morbus stabilienda' (Jena, 1797): see J. B. Friedreich
'Literärgeschichte' (Würzburg, 1830) pp. 596-9; T. Puschmann 'Handbuch
der Geschichte der Medizin' (Jena, 1905) vol. III pp. 655-6; 'Neues
Journal der Erfindungen, Theorien und Widersprüche' vol. II pt. 3 p. 222;
'Med. chir. Zeit.' vol. IV p. 394, 1801. In this work he shows hirnself to be
a disciple ofG. E. Stahl (1660-1734) in that he accepts matter as being in-
capable of animation, and takes the soul and not the body to be the initiating
factor in all psychic phenomena. He wants psychiatry to be founded ex-
clusively on observation and induction, and realizes that this will require
a new and more effective method of classification, which he then attempts
to formulate. Though he emphasizes the central importance of the soul in
6 10 • Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
377, 15
Pinel 'Traite' (1801) sect. II no. 23, "A young man, already depressed
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology • 611
by misfortune, lost his father, and in a few months after a mother, whom he
tenderly loved. The consequence was, that he sunk into a profound mel-
ancholy; and his sleep and appetite forsook hirn. To these symptoms
succeeded a most violent paroxysm of insanity. At a lunatic hospital,
whither he was conveyed, he was treated in the usual way, by copious and
repeated blood-letting, water and shower baths, low diet, and a rigorous
system of coercion. Little or no change appeared in the state of the symp-
toms. The same routine was repeated, and even tried a third time without
success, or rather with an exasperation of the symptoms. He was at last
transferred to the Asylum of Bicetre, and with hirn the character of a
dangerous maniac. The governor, far from placing implicit confidence in
the accuracy of this report, allowed hirn to remain at liberty in his own
apartment, in order more effectually to study his character and the nature
of bis derangement. The sombrous taciturnity of this young man, his great
depression, his pensive air, together with some broken sentences which were
heard to escape hirn on the subject of his misfortunes, afforded some insight
into the nature of his insanity. The treatment most suitable to his case was
evidently to console hirn, to sympathise with his misfortunes, and, after
having gradually obtained his esteem and confidence, to dweIl upon such
circumstances as were calculated to cheer his prospects and to encourage his
hopes. These means having been tried with some success, a circumstance
happened which appeared at once to give countenance and efficiency to the
consolatory conversations of the governor. His guardian, with a view to
make his life more comfortable, now thought proper to make small remit-
tances for his use; which he promised to repeat monthly. The first payment
dispeIled, in a great measure, his melancholy, and encouraged hirn to look
forward to better days. At length, he gradually recovered his strength. The
signs ofgeneral strength appeared in his countenance. His bodily functions were
performed with regularity, and reason resumed her empire over his mind."
377,3 1
Francis Willis (1718-1807) became famous throughout Europe on account
of his handling of George III during the 1788{9 crisis and of Queen Maria
of Portugal at about the same time, aIthough it is doubtful whether his
success involved any technique other than the exercise of his character. The
Willis manuscripts provide a vivid examplefrom April{May 1801 ofthe sort
of situation Hegel probably had in mind in respect of George III, "On the
King getting sight of me he seemed surprised and would have hastily passed
and escaped out of the room but I prevented hirn ... I spoke to hirn at once
of his situation and the necessity there was that he should be immediately
under control again. His Majesty sat down, turning very pale and ... looking
very sternly at me exclaimed 'Sir, I will never forgive you whilst I live"
(British Museum Add. mss. 41692-3).
612 . Hegel's Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
See Ida Macalpine and Richard Hunter 'George III and the Mad-
Business' (London, 1969); note 383, 31.
379, 16
Pinel 'Traite' (1801) sect. II no. 24, uses this case in order to illustrate
the truth of the following statement made by Gaspard Charles Delarive
(1770-1834) in a letter written from London on Ist July 1798, and pub-
lished in the 'Bibliotheque Britannique' vol. 8 pp. 300-27, 'Dans le traite-
ment moral, on ne consirlere pas les fous comme absolument prives de
raison, c'est-a-dire, comme inaccessibles aux motifs de crainte, d'esperance,
de sentimens d'honneur... Il faut les subjuguer d'abord, les encourager
ensuite.' This letter is translated in full and published as an appendix in
M. Wagner's translation of Pinel's work (Vienna, 1801) pp. 376-409.
D. D. Davis (1777-1841) translates Pinel's account as follows: "A gentle-
man, the father of a respectable family, lost his property in the revolution,
and with it all his resources. His calamities soon reduced hirn to astate of
insanity ... Never did a maniac give greater scope to his extravagance. His
pride was incompressible and his pomposity most laughably ridiculous. To
strut about in the character of the prophet Mahomet, whom he believed
hirnself to be, was his greatest delight. He attacked and struck at everybody
that he met with in his walks, and commanded their instant prostration and
homage. He spent the best part of the day in pronouncing sentences of
proscriptions and death upon different persons, especially the servants and
keepers who waited upon hirn ... He was desired to be peaceable and quiet.
Upon his disobedience, he was ordered to be put into the strait-waistcoat,
and to be confined to his cell for an hour, in order to make hirn feel his
dependence. Soon after his detention, the governor paid hirn a visit, spoke
to hirn in a friendly tone, mildly reproved hirn for his disobedience, and
expressed his regret that he had been compelled to treat hirn with any
degree of severity. His maniacal violence returned again the next day. The
same means of coercion were repeated. He promised to conduct hirnself
more peaceably; but he relapsed again a third time ... The governor ...
ordered hirn to immediate confinement, which he declared should likewise
be perpetual, pronounced this ultimate determination with great emphasis,
and solemnly assured hirn, that, for the future, he would be inexorable ...
His repeated and earnest solicitations were treated with levity and de-
rision. But in consequence of a concerted plan between the governor and
his lady, he again obtained his liberty on the third day after his confine-
ment. I t was granted hirn on his expressly engaging to the governess, who
was the ostensible means of his enlargement, to restrain his passions and by
that means to skreen her from the displeasure of her husband for an act of
unreasonable kindness. Mter this ... when he could with difficulty suppress
his maniacal propensities, a single look from the governess was sufficient to
Notes to Volurne Two: Anthropology· 613
bring him to his recollection... His insane propensities and recollections
gradually, and at length, entirely disappeared. In six months he was com-
pletely restored. This very respectable gentleman is now indefatigably
engaged in the recovery of his injured fortune."
379, 29
Hermann Boerhaave (1668-1738) told his nephew Abraham Kaauw
Boerhaave (1715-1758) of this case, and the latter's account of it in his
'Impetum faciens dictum Hippocrati per corpus consentiens' (Leyden,
1745) § 406, p. 355 is the ultimate source of Hegel's information: 'Scilicet,
praemonitis ephoris, praesentibus omnibus, jussit per cameram disponi
fornaces portabiles, prunis ardentibus instructas, atque iis imponi ferreos
hamulos, ad certam figuram adaptatos, tum ita mandavit; quia omnia
frustra forent, sese aliud nescire remedium, quam, ut qui primus, puer
foret vel puella, infausto morbi paroxysmo arriperetur, locus quidam nudati
brachii candente ferro ad os usque inureretur, utque gravitate pollebat
dicendi, perterriti omnes ad crudele remedium, dum instare sentiunt
paroxysmum, omni mentis intentione, & metu dolorificae inustionis, eidem
resistunt fortioris oblatione ideae: & certe, quantum valeat hic ab objecto
animae intentae revulsio, docet epilepsia diversis modis curata, ut quidem
ipse terror (a) eandem sustulerit, febris epidemica (b), quartana (c),
ptyalismus (d), matrimonium (e), virga (f).'
This took place in the town orphanage at Haarlem. Both boys and girls were
affected. It was evidently a case of contagious hysteria, no epilepsy in the
modern sense of the word seems to have been involved.
G. H. Schubert (1780-1860) mentions the case in 'Die Geschichte der
Seele' (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1830) p. 8Il, and says that it was 'fre-
quently cited', but 1 have been unable to trace any other contemporary
references to it. Cf. G. A. Lindeboom 'Boerhaave in het weeshuis' ('Neder-
lands Tijdschrift voor Geneeskunde' Jaargang 102, no. 24, 14thJune 1958);
B. P. M. Schulte 'The Concepts of Boerhaave on Psychic Function and
Psychopathology' in G. A. Lindeboom 'Boerhaave and his Time' (Leiden,
1970) pp. 93-10 1.
379,34
Hegel probably first noticed this case in the account of it given by J. C.
Reil (1759-1813) 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) p. 339. It was widely quoted
in the general nosological works and textbooks of the time, most of which
giveJoseph Raulin (1708-1784), 'Traite des Affections vaporeuses du Sexe'
(Paris, 1759) sect. 3 ch. i p. 125 as their source: 'Le fameux Nicole racontait
que toutes les filles d'une Communaute tres-nombreuse etoient saisies tous
les jours a la meme heure d'un acces tres singulier de vapeurs. 11 se mani-
festoit par un miaulement general ou toutes avoient part, et qui duroit plusieurs
614 . Hegel's Philosophy 0/ Subjective Spirit
379,36
For other cases of contagious epilepsy, often involving women and girls,
see G. H. Schubert (1780-1860) 'Die Geschichte der Seele' (Stuttgart and
Tübingen, 1830) pp. 810, 811, 834.
381, 28
This method of cure became widely known on the continent on account of
Pinel's having mentioned it: see 'Traite' (1801) p. 62, Germ. tr. (1801) p. 67,
Eng. tr. (1806) p. 64; cf. J. C. Hoffbauer (1766-1827) 'Psychologische
Untersuchungen' (1807) pp. 334-8. He knew ofit from an artide published
by Gaspard Charles Delarive (1770-1834) of Geneva, 'Sur un nouvel
establissement pour la guerison des alienes' ('Bibliotheque Britannique'
vol. I pp. 300-27, Geneva, 1798), "Cette idee d'employer les fous a labourer
la terre pour les guerir, n'est pas nouvelle. Le Dr. Gregory raconte qu'un
fermier dans le Nord de l'Ecosse avoit acquis une assez grande reputation
dans l'art de guerir la folie. 11 n'entendoit rien a la Medecine, mais c'etoit un
homme de bon sens tres vigoreux et assez brutal. Sa methode consistoit
simplement a occuper ses maladies a cultiver ses terres, les uns lui servoient
de domestiques de campagne, les autres de betes de somme; illes atteloit a
sa herse et a sa charrue, apres les avoir reduit a l'obeissance la plus complete
par une voIee de coups qu'il leur donnoit au premier acte d<:. rebellion"
(pp. 32 5-6).
Delarive studied medicine at the University of Edinburgh from 1795
until 1798. During the Winter Terms 1795/6, 1796/7 and 1797/8 he attended
the lectures given by James Gregory (1753-1821), and it was evidently
there that he heard about the Scottish farmer: see 'Names of the Students
attending the Lectures on the Practice of Medicine in the University of
Edinburgh 1790-1812' (James Gregory ms. Univ. Edin. Lib.) pp. 56, 67.
Unfortunately, the records we have of Gregory's lectures provide us with
no dues as to the identity of the farmer: see William Robertson 'Gregory's
Lectures on the Practice of Physic' (2 vols. Edinburgh, 1798; ms. Univ.
Edin. Lib. Dc. 7. 119) vol. 11 p. 697, "Maniacs have been cured by being
employed at hard labour and great exercise, this will assist them in recovering
the proper train oftheir thoughts. AJourney is good, a great deal more is to
be made by gende means than by any remedies. A maniac is never perfectly
cured." Cf. J. H. Goetze 'Notes on the Practice of Physic taken in Dr.
Gregory's Lectures - Edinburgh in 1803-4-1808' (ms. Univ. Edin. Lib.
20822) p. 496.
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 615
The situation with regard to the treatment of the insane in the north of
Scotland was improved by the opening of the Northern Infirmary at Inver-
ness in 1804. On other curious Scottish methods of dealing with insanity,
see Robert Heron (1764-1807) 'Observations made in a Journey through
the Western Counties of Scotland' (2 vols. Perth, 1793) vol. I pp. 282-4;
J. G. Dalyell (1775-1851) 'The Darker Superstitions of Scotland' (Edin-
burgh, 1834) p. 82; Arthur Mitchell 'On Various Superstitions in the
North-West Highlands and islands of Scotland, especially in relation to
Lunacy' ('Proceedings ofthe Antiquarian Society ofScotland' vol. iv, 1862).
]. C. W. Wendt (1778-1838) of Copenhagen and A. L. E. Horn (1774-
1848) of Berlin developed special methods of therapy for the insane as the
result ofPinel's having pointed out the value ofbodily exercise; cf.]. C. Reil
(1759-1813) 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) p. 244; ]. C. Prichard (1786-
1848) 'A Treatise in Insanity' (London, 1835) pp. 292-6.
381 ,35
J oseph Mason Cox (1762-1822) studied at Leyden, where he was awarded
his doctorate on 18th July 1787 after having defended a thesis 'De Mania'
(Lugd. Bat. 1787). Soon afterwards he published an article on the efficacy
of Digitalis in curing insanity: see Andrew Duncan (1744-1828) 'Medical
and Philosophical Commentaries' vol. IV p. 261; 'Medicinische Comment.
von einer Gesellschaft Aerzte zu Edinburgh' (Altenburg, 1792) 2nd decad.
vol. IV p. 5; 'Medicinisch chirurgische Zeitung' vol. IV p. 141, 1794. He
evidently ran a private lunatic asylum at Fishponds near Bristol. It was his
'Practical Observations on Insanity; in which so me Suggestions are offered
towards an improved Mode of treating Diseases of the Mind, and some
Rules proposed which it is hoped may lead to a more Humane and successful
Method of Cure: to which are subjoined, Remarks on Medical Juris-
prudence as connected with Diseased IntelIect' (London, 1804) which
brought hirn farne. Two further English editions were published (1806,
1813), it was well reviewed in the 'Göttingsche gelehrte Anzeigen' 1809
nos. 163, 164, the 'Med. chir. Zeit.' vol. 4 pp. 297-305, 1812, and the
'Halle allg. Lit. Zeit.' no. 3 January 1812 as weIl as being translated into
German by A. H. Bertelsmann (Halle, 18ll), and into French (Geneva,
1816) with notes, by L. Odier (1748-1817). The work probably owed its
success to Cox's attempt to cut theory to a minimum and be as practical
as possible in his approach, "Most medical writers, in detailing the morbid
phenomena of the human mind, and the means of removing them, appear
to have been more anxious to display their own ingenuity in the result of
their abstruse speculations than to furnish the inquiring student with a
plain practical manual, to direct his judgement in the treatment of maniacal
patients" (p. ix). It was almost certainly this feature of the book which
appealed to Hegel most strongly.
6 I 6 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
38 3, 19
"A certain patient convinced himself that he had a hay-wain together
with two horses and a waggoner in his stomach. His doctor was unable to
persuade him that this was not the case. Another person agreed with him,
sympathized, checked his stomach, and said that he could distinctly feel
the wain and the wheels, the waggoner and the horses. This cheered the
Notes to Volurne Two: Anthropology· 617
patient up. The doctor then told him of a medicine which was able to reduce
the size of such objects, and gave him an emetic. The patient feIt ill, the
doctor caused him to put his head out of the window, and just as he was in
the process of vomiting, a waggoner drove out towards the farm on a hay-
wain. The patient thought that these were the objects he had had in his
stomach." J. C. Reil (1759-1813) 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) pp. 34H2.
Cf. G. I. Wenzel (1754-1809) 'Versuch einer practischen Seelenarzneikunde'
(Grätz, 1801) p. 37. Reil makes no mention ofthis being an English story.
Similar cases involving crickets in the stomach: Michael Wagner (I 756-
1821) 'Beyträge zur philosophischen Anthropologie' (2 vols. Vienna, 1794-
1796) I pp. 279-80, frogs: Felix Platter (1536-1614) 'Observationum in
hominis affectibus plerisque' (3 vols. Basel, 1614) vol. I p. 43 etc., were very
common in the works on insanity published in the eighteenth century. Since
the same cases appear in many places, it is difficult to trace actual sources :
see for instance, J. C. Hoffbauer (1766-1827) 'Untersuchungen über die
Krankheiten der Seele' pt. I (Halle, 1802) pp. 123-4.
Hegel is clearly right to consider folly of this kind as an 'illness which has
already diminished in intensity', and to use it in order to make the transition
to a further level of Anthropology. Cases such as those he cites were, in fact,
often classified as 'part-fools' (Partial-Narren): see L. A. Muratori (1672-
1750) 'Über die Einbildungskraft des Menschen' (ed. Richerz, 2 pts.
Leipzig, 1785) pt. 11 p. 12, "Part-fools, labouring under a single delusion,
usually recover if one undertakes to delude them in precisely that respect in
which they are deluding themselves. One such person took it into his head
that he had acquired horns. When he would not allow himself to be con-
vinced that this was not the case, the doctor offered to cure him by means of a
delicate operation. Then, while making sure that the patient saw his saw
and knife, he secretly brought in a pair of horns. During the sawing the
horns fell to the ground, and to the delight of everyone present the patient
jumped up from his couch, cured, and in a much better mood than he had
been before the operation. Another person thought he had a snake or some
such dangerous animal in his stomach. He was dealt with in the same way,
and with the same result." Cf. 'Zur Psychologie ... ein Manuskript 1794'
p. 182, 19.
383,3 1
This is evidently a reference to the way in which George 111 was treated
during his confinement at Kew (29 November 1788-14 March 1789).
"24January 1789. The Chair in which He has now been confined is a new
one made on purpose. It is a common chair placed upon a Hoor ofits own,
which prevents a Person from moving it, nor can it be thrown down as a
common Chair might be. When it was first brought into the Room to be
made use of, the Poor King is said to have eyed it with some degree of
618 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
Awe ... 30January. The last night has been a very restless one ... Spieer had
been out for the Arquebusade Bottle, to put from it to his face and skin,
having been struck by The King, who it seems had endeavoured, when the
shutters of his Windows were opening, to run into the next room to get to
his Pages, but had been stopped by Spicer... Dr. Willis had the King
confined to his Chair this Morning for a short time, and gave hirn a severe
lecture on his improper conversation, Eliza, etc.; H. My. becoming more
loud and impatient under this lecture, Dr. Willis ordered a Handkerchief
to be held before his Mouth, and he then continued and finished his Lec-
ture." - 'The Diaries of Colonel the Hon. Robert Fulke Greville' (ed.
F. M. Bladon, London, 1930) pp. 187, 198, 199.
The king dubbed this his 'Coronation Chair'. Hegel is perfectly justified
in noting its apparent connection with his cure, for he did in fact improve
in health soon after this extraordinary treatment. His malady has recently
been diagnosed as a particularly virulent form of a rare hereditary metabolic
disorder known as porphyria: I. Macalpine and R. Hunter 'George 111 and
the Mad-Business' (London, 1969); J. Brooke 'King George 111' (London,
1972) pp. 318-43; T. L. S. January 1970.
383,36
It is difficult to see why, in the summer of 1825, Hegel should have re-
garded the adverse psychological effects of religion as a thing of the past.
The psychiatrie literature of the time is full of passages in which the authors
take the excessive dedication and enthusiasm which certain religious move-
ments elicited from their members to be the cause of mental disturbances.
W. Pargeter (1760-1810), 'Observations on Maniacal Disorders' (Reading,
1792; Germ. tr. 1793) for example, blames 'Pilgrim's Progress', Watts's
hymns and Wesley's sermons for aggravating the insanity rampant in
England (p. 31), and his German translator adds a note to the effect that
these are English mystical-religious effusions, "an denen es in Teutschland
leider auch nicht fehlt" (p. 25). Cf. G. I. Wenzel (1754-1809) 'Unterhalt-
ungen über Ahndungen' (1800) pp. 139-40. Many of the case-histories
recorded in the works of the time, and, indeed, quite a few of those actually
quoted by Hegel (343, 32; 369, 9; 377, 33; 379, 29; 385, 14), make it quite
clear that many of the fixations which he took to be central to derangement
arose directly out of the effects of social structure and religion upon the
individual.
The connection between religion and mental alienation was already a
fairly weIl established field of research: J. P. Falret (1794-1870) 'De
I'Hypochondrie' (Paris, 1822); W. S. HaIlaran 'Practical Observations on
Insanity' (Cork, 1818); J. M. Leupoldt (1794-1874) 'Heilwissenschaftliche
Seelenheilkunde' (Berlin, 1821); R. W. M. Jacobi (1775-1858) 'Samm-
lungen rur die Heilkunde der Gemüthskrankheiten' (Elberfeld, 1822); J.
Notes to Volurne Two: Anthropology . 619
385, 12
Levinus Lemnius (1505-1568) of Zieriksee, who studied medicine at
Ghent and Louvain, and towards the end of his life was ealled to Sweden
to deal with the eeeentricities of Eric XIV, gives an account of this case in
his 'De habitu et eonstitutione eorporis' (Antwerp, 1561; Italian tr. Venice,
1567, Germ. tr. Erfurt, 1582) bk. II eh. 6: see the English translation by
T. N. 'The Touchstone of Complexions' (London, 1633) pp. 241-2: "After
this like sort even within our memory, a eertain Gentleman fell into sueh an
agony and fooles paradise, that he thought hirnselfe dead, and was in him-
selfe persuaded to bee departed out of this life; and hereupon when his
friends and aequaintance with all kinde of faire speeches, flattering terms,
and chiding words had assayed to restore hirn to his former strength and
powers now decayed, he turned the deafe eare to all that they said: and
refused all that they to hirn offred, affirming hirnselfe to be dead, and that
a man in his caSe needed no sustenance or nourishment. So long continued
he in this fond humour, till he was ready to starve for hunger.
When the seventh day was near at hand (longer then which day, starved
and famished persons cannot live) they began to devise with themselves
which way to heale this absurd passion and distemperance of their friend.
They used therefore this policy: They caused certaine counterfeit persons
lapped in their shrowding sheets, and tyed after the manner of dead Corses
that be layed upon Coffins, and carried to buriall, to be brought into a
darke Parlour: where these disguised persons sitting downe at the Table,
which was well furnished with choice of sundry dishes, fell to their victuals
lustily. The passioned party beholding these fellowes, demanded of them
whereabout they went, and what kind of people they were: They answered
that they were dead men. What? (quoth he) doe dead men eate and
drinke? Yea (said they) and that shalt thou prove true, if thou wilt eome
and sit with uso Straightwayes skipped this pacient out of his Bed, and
with the other counterfeit dead men fed very well and largely: and after
supper he was brought into a sleepe by a drinke of purpose made for that
intent. For they that be distract of their right wits, must be handled arti-
fieially, and by no way so soon recured and brought into order, as by sleepe."
On aecount of the variations in Hegel's version, it seems reasonable to
620 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
suppose that he also had in mind the following case, which was frequently
cited in conjunction with Lemnius's. It is first recorded by Thomas Hey-
wood (d. 1650?) in 'The Hierarchie of the blessed Angells' (London, 1635)
bk. 8 p. 551: "A young man had a strong imagination, that he was dead;
and did not only abstain from meat and drink, but importuned his parents,
that he might be carried unto his grave and buried before his flesh was quite
putrified. By the counsel of physicians he was wrapped in a winding sheet
and laid upon abier, and so carried toward the church upon mens shoulders.
But by the way two or three pleasant fellows, suborned to that purpose,
meeting the hearse, demanded aloud of them that followed it, whose body
it was there coffined and carried to burial? They said it was such a young
mans, and told them his name. Surely (replied one of them) the world is
very weH rid of hirn, for he was a man of very bad and vicious life; and his
friends may rejoice, he hath rather ended his days thus, than at the gallows.
Which the young man hearing, and vexed to be so injured, roused hirnself
up upon the bier, and told them, That they were wicked men to do hirn that
wrong, which he had never deserved: and told them, That if he were alive,
as he was not, he would teach them to speak better of the dead. But they
proceeding to deprave hirn and give hirn much more disgraceful and
contemptible language, he not able to endure it, leapt from the hearse, and
fell about their ears with such rage and fury, that he ceased not buffetting
with them, till quite wearied, and by his violent agitation the humours ofhis
body altered, he awakened as out of a sleep or trance, and being brought
horne and comforted with wholesome diet, he within few days recovered
both his pristine health, strength and understanding." Cf. William Pargeter
(1760- I 8 10) 'Observations on Maniacal Disorders' (Reading, 1792; Germ.
tr. Leipzig, 1793) pp. 32-3; John Conolly (1794-1866) 'An Inquiry con-
cerning the Indications of Insanity' (London, 1830) pp. 311-3; J. C.
Prichard (1786-1848) 'A Treatise on Insanity' (London, 1835) pp. 301-2.
385, 17
Joseph Mason Cox (1762-1822) 'Practical Observations on Insanity'
(2nd ed. London, 1806; Germ. tr. Halle, 18ll) case VII, Eng. p. 66; Germ.
tr. pp. 77-8: "The Author recollects a singular instance of a deranged idea
of a maniac being corrected by a very simple stratagern. The patient
asserted that he was the Holy Ghost, a gentleman present immediately
exclaimed, you the Holy Ghost! wh at proof have you to produce? I know
that I am, was his answer; the gentleman said how is this possible, there is
but one Holy Ghost, is there? how than can you be the Holy Ghost and I
be so too? He appeared surprised and puzzled, and after a short pause said
but are you the Holy Ghost? When the other observed, did you not know
that I was? his answer was, I did not know it before, why then I cannot be
the Holy Ghost."
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 621
"I have found Religion and Love the most frequent among the exciting
causes of madness" says Cox (p. 20), and in the course ofhis book he proposes
five main remedies for religious insanity: the 'antiphlogistic', involving the
removal of all stimuli, even light; constant intoxication over a 'period of
several days; reasoning and diversion; liberty, exercise, fresh air and a
regular daily routine; and music.
On the Holy Ghost fixation, cf. Johannes Weyer (1515-1588) 'De praes-
tigiis daemonum' (Basel, 1563) book III, cap 7 2, "Three men in Friesland,
not far from Groeningen, as I have been informed, were possessed with so
great a degree of fanaticism, that they imagined themselves to be the
Father, Son and Holy Ghost, and the barn in which they lived to be Noah's
ark: to which many others, in the like manner affected, resorted, that they
might obtain salvation." Thomas Arnold (1741-1816) 'Observations on ...
Insanity' (2nd ed. 2 vols. London, 1806) vol. I p. 116; J. C. Spurzheim
(1776-1832) 'Observations on ... Insanity' (London, 1817) p. 249.
J. G. Dalyell (1775-1851), 'The Darker Superstitions of Scotland' (Edin-
burgh, 1834) notes that in Ireland fatuity is usually equated with sanctity,
and that the, "Arabs have a profound respect for idiots, whom they consider
as people beloved of Heaven, and totally unable to think of the things ofthis
world." Cf. J. B. Lucotte du Tilliot 'Memoires pour servir a l'histoire de la
fete des fous' (Lausanne and Geneva, 1741); George Francis Lyon (1795-
1832) 'A Narrative of Travels in Northern Mrica' (London, 1821); Lionel
Trilling 'Mind in the Modern World' (T.L.S. 17th November 1972
p. 1385).
385,37
Two cases have been confused here. D. Tiedemann (1748-1803), 'Un-
tersuchungen über den Menschen' (3 pts. Leipzig, 1777/8) pt. III pp. 378-9:
"The person who was of the opinion that his legs were made of straw was
cured in the following manner. He was earnestly advised to protect his legs
with the sturdiest of boots in order that he might travel into the country for
convalescence. He eventually agreed to this, and it was arranged that during
the journey he should be attacked by two students in disguise, who should
seem to be intent on robbing and murdering hirn. Frightened as he was, he
forgot about his straw Iegs, jumped out of the carriage, and was cured of
his quirk."
The case involving glass legs was widely quoted at that time, and originated
in Gerard van Swieten's 'Commentaria in Hermanni Boerhaave Aphorismos
de Cognoscendis et Curandis Morbis' (5 vols. Lugduni Bat. 1745/72; Eng.
tr. 18 vols. London, 1771/3) sect. 113 (vol. II p. 123): "When a man of
letters, by over study, fell into the present distemper, he conceited his legs
were made of glass, and therefore would not presume to stand or walk
upon them, but being carried from the bed to the fire side, sat there from
622 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
morning till night. The maid-servant, bringing some wood to keep up the
fire, threw it rudely down, so as to put the champion in fear of his glass legs,
for which he therefore smartly rebuked her: thereupon, the maid being of
an angry temper, and tired of her master's foolishness, struck him a good
blow upon the shins with one of the sticks, the smart pain of which rouzed
his anger to get up and take revenge for the injury: soon after his anger
was over, and he grew well pleased that he could stand upon his legs again;
that vain notion being thus suddenly expelled from his fancy."
Cf. Michael Wagner 'Bey träge zur philosophischen Anthropologie' (2
vols. Vienna, 1794/6) vol. II pp. 55-6; J. C. Reil 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle,
1803) p. 341; J. C. Hoffbauer 'Untersuchungen' (Halle, 1807) pt. III p.
245; J. B. Friedreich 'Literärgeschichte' (Würzburg, 1830) p. 260; 'Zur
Psychologie ... ein Manuskript 1794' p. 182, 19.
38 7,3
Pinel 'Traite' (1801): sect. II no. I I, 'A celebrated watchmaker, at Paris ...
fancied that he had lost his head on the scaffold; that it had been thrown
promiscuously among the heads of many other victims; that the judges, having
repented of their sentence, had ordered those heads to be restored to their
respective owners, and placed upon their respective shoulders; but that, in
consequence of an unfortunate mistake, the gentleman who had the manage-
ment of that business, had placed upon his shoulders the head of one of his
unhappy companions... A keen and unanswerable stroke of pleasantry
(une plaisanterie fine et sans replique) seemed best adapted to correct this
fantastic whim. Another convalescent of a gay and facetious humour, in-
structed in the part he should play in this comedy, adroitly turned the
conversation to the subject of the famous miracle of Saint Denis. Our
mechanician strongly maintained the possibility of the fact and sought to
confirm it by an application of it to his own case. The other set up a loud
laugh, and replied with a tone of the keenest ridicule: "Insene que tu es,
comment Saint-Denis auroit-il pu baiser sa tete? etoit-ce avec son talon?"
This equally unexpected and unanswerable retort, forcibly struck the
maniac. He retired confused amidst peals of laughter, which were provoked
at his expense, and never afterwards mentioned the exchange of his head."
J. B. Friedreich 'Versuch einer Literärgeschichte der Pathologie' (Würzburg,
1830) pp. 447-8. Hegel's immediate source may have been J. C. Reil
(1759-1813) 'Rhapsodieen' (Halle, 1803) pp. 85-6.
38 7,5
See 'Hegel-Studien' vol. 10 pp. 29-31 (1975) für Hegel's lecture-notes
relating to the subject-matter of this Addition. This exposition of mental
derangement is in many respects a reproduction at the psychic level of the
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology • 623
treatment of bodily disease at the organic level (Phil. Nat. §§ 371-4) . .lust
as in bodily disease, one part of the organism establishes itself in opposition
to the activity of the whole, so in mental disease, "the subject which has
developed an understanding consciousness is still subject to disease in that
it remains engrossed in a particularity of its self-awareness which it is unable
to work up into ideality and overcome." See W . .lacobs 'Der Krankheitsbe-
griff in der Dialektik von Natur und Geist bei Hegel' ('Hegel-Studien',
Beiheft I I pp. 165-73); D. von Engelhardt 'Hegels philosophisches Ver-
ständnis der Krankheit' ('Sudhoffs Archiv' vol. 59 no. 3 pp. 225-:-46,
1975)·
Since the mental activity of the individual presupposes its functioning as
an organism, its mental aberrations are often rooted in the malfunctions of
its body. On the other hand, self-awareness is the presupposition ofmorality,
and emphasis upon the potential moral and social capabilities of the
deranged can therefore play an important part in rehabilitating them
(Pinel). As has al ready been noticed (note 331, 18), the psychiatrists of
Hegel's day tended to lay emphasis upon one or the other of these two
aspects of mental derangement. The somatic school concentrated upon the
organic presuppositions of derangement, the psychic school upon the higher
spiritual activities of which the mentally disturbed were potentially capable.
Experience had also taught them that external natural infiuences had to
be taken into account in any ccimprehensive diagnosis of mental disease
(note 371,22).
Hegel reconciles these differences of approach simply by applying the
general principles of his system, - by attempting to give every aspect of
the phenomenon its systematic placing, and so indicating the specific rele-
vance which each has to an overall (i.e. Notional) understanding of it. In
respect of the various forms of derangement, this systematic placing involves
a classificatory progression from those which are predominantly physical,
such as cretinism, to highly intellectual cases involving moral and ethical
idealism. The simplicity and effectiveness of Hegel's procedure at this
juncture contrasts sharply with the elaborate artificiality of the other
attempts at classifying derangement current at the time: see E. Fischer-
Hornberger 'Eighteenth Century Nosology and its Survivors' ('Medical
History' vol. XIV no. 4 pp. 397-403, October 1970).
In the spheres of botany and zoology, the artificial classificatory system
of Linnaeus tended to stimulate progressive and fruitful research (Phil. Nat.
III.264, 275, 366). In the sphere ofnosology however, it encouraged attempts
to simplify and impose apparent order upon diseases which were very im-
perfectly understood, even at a predominantly physical level. In the case
of derangement, as in the case of physical diseases, imperfect diagnosis
carried out in the light of erroneous, over-simplified and arbitrarily
systematized principles, gave rise to much practical inefficiency, and to a
624 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
terminological chaos. * The truth of the matter was, that the medical
knowledge of the day, unlike the botanical and zoological knowledge, was
incapable of providing a satisfactory empirical foundation for the sort of
elaborate classificatory system being formulated. For typical eighteenth
century attempts at classifying derangement see: A. C. Lorry (1726-1783)
'De Melancholia' (Paris, 1765; Germ. tr. Frankfurt/M., 1770); D. Mac-
bride (1726-1778) 'A Methodical Introduction to ... Physic' (London, 1772;
Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1773); W. Cullen (1710-1790) 'First Lines of... Physic'
(1776; Germ. tr. Leipzig, 1778/85) vol. 4; F. B. de Sauvages (17°6-1767)
'Nosologica Methodica' (1760; 5 vols. Paris, 1771); P. Pinel (1745-1826)
'Nosographie philosophique' (Paris, 1798; 6th ed. 3 vols. 1818); J. B. Erhard
(1766-1827) 'Versuch über die Narrheit' (M. Wagner's 'Beiträge zur
philosophischen Anthropologie' I p. 100, Vienna, 1794).
Although such nosological systems became much less common after the
turn of the century, the controversy between the somatic and the psychic
schools gave a certain incentive to further artificial systematization: J. F.
Fries (1773-1843) 'Handbuch der psychischen Anthropologie' (Jena,
1820; 2nd ed. 1839); C. F. Flemming (1799-1880) 'Beiträge zur Philo-
sophie der Seele' (2 pts. BerHn, 1830).
387,6
Although there are few similarities between them, §§ 409-10 correspond
to §§ 322-5 in the 1817 Encyclopaedia. From the notes published in 'Hegel-
Studien' vol. 10 pp. 31-3 (1975), it looks as though the 1820/22 lectures on
these paragraphs began by discussing the difficulty of distinguishing be-
tween derangement and the limitedness of the understanding, and between
derangement and boorishness. Hegel seems to have gone on to discuss the
nature of the superstition involved in eating fish on Fridays and refusing to
eat pork, and to have touched upon the meaningless of rote prayers and the
nature of religious customs. These remarks may have been censured by the
authorities. In any case, in the 1825 lectures (Tuesday 12th July, Thursday
14th July), they were omitted from the exposition of habit, which was
treated as the antecedent of mental derangement. Hegel subsequently skipped
§§ 322-4, and spent most of the session on Monday 25th July expounding
what appears in Boumann's text as the subject-matter of § 410.
387, 18
§ 426 et seq. The containing (gehaltvolle) truth of the specific sensations,
desires etc. is their conscious incorporation into the psychology of individuals,
* See the emphasis upon the importance and difficulty of defining terms in the
survey of works by Haslam, Pinel, Cox and Arnold which appeared in the 'Quarterly
Review' (vol. 11 pp. 155-80, 1809). A lexicographical analysis ofthe Anglo-German
psychiatrie literature ofthis period, especially the translations, would be an extremely
valuable undertaking.
Notes to VolU1ll8 Two: Anthropology • 625
as, for example in the pursuit of happiness (§ 479). At this level, the self
simply feels (is aware of) them. Cf. J. F. Fries (1773-1843) 'Neue oder
anthropologische Kritik der Vernunft' (1807; 2nd ed. 3 vols. Heidelberg,
1828/31) 11 pp. 3-4: "The intrinsic content (Gehalt) of the sequence of
logical thought consists of the metaphysical cognitions ... Sensuous intuition
provides us with the first content (Inhalt) of cognition from the outer and
inner world, mathematical intuition first connects this material."
'Gehalt' was originally 'what is held', in custody for example. Since the
fifteenth century it has also meant the standard of a precious metal, and this
meaning gave rise to Luther's using it in order to refer to the intrinsie worth
or merit of someone or thing. Towards the elose of the eighteenth century it
was introduced into aesthetics in order to distinguish between the original
living experience basic to art, and the various artistic forms in which this
experience finds expression: see G. Lukacs 'Beiträge zur Geschichte der
Ästhetik' (Berlin, 1954).
389, 9
On thephysiological foundations ofthis, see F. G. de la Roche (1743-1813)
'Analyse des fonctions du systeme nerveux' (2 vols. Paris, 1778; Germ. tr.
Halle, 1794/5) pt. IV ch. 8, in which the connection between the nervous
system and habit is carefully investigated.
389, 17
Logic §§ 84-1 I I; Phil. Nat. §§ 254-9.
389, 26
Hegel may weIl have drawn upon F. A. Carus 'Psychologie' (2 vols.
Leipzig, 1808) 1.511-2 in formulating this §: "Nature stands in need of
being circumscribed by a free being or its substitute, by something which
bestows limitation, nisus and unity upon both nature and itself. The original
substitute was the blind compulsiveness of instinct. The next is habit, which
man recognizes as his nurse, that which takes knowledge temporarily in
charge and fosters its freedom, that which, though less compulsive and
therefore less blind than instinct, is still an unenlightened mentor. Facility is
more elosely associated with nature, but in that it has an affinity with
capacity rather than need, it is the immediate anticipation of habit. Similarly,
habit is more elosely associated with freedom, though with wilfulness rather
than the will itself."
391, 22
§ 175 deals with three forms ofthejudgement ofreßection. In the universal
form, "(all men are mortal, aIl metals conduct electricity) ... the individuals
form the foundation for reßection, and it is only our subjective action which
collects and describes them as 'all'."
626 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
393,2
Cicero 'De Finibus' 5.25.74: "Consuetudine quasi alteram quandam
naturam effici." Cf. F. A. Carus op. cit. 1.514. Hegel (Berlin notes) copied
out the following passage from 'Memoires secrets sur la Russie' (Paris,
1800) 11.115: "Le peuple russe, abruti par des siecles d'esclavage, est
semblable aces animaux degeneres, pour qui la domesticiee est devenue une
seconde nature."
393,37
For contemporary views on the sort of sexuality necessitated by cloistered
virtue, see K. G. Neumann (1772-1850) 'Die Krankheiten des Vorstellung-
vermögens' (Leipzig, 1822) p. 291. Cf. the frightful case diagnosed by P. J.
Schneider (1791-1871) 'Krankengeschichten von Irren' (Nasse's 'Jahr-
bücher für Anthropologie' vol. I pp. 159-62).
397, 19
§§ 452, 461 et seq.
397,25
12 5,9.
403,22
Phil. Nat. 11.224.
4°3,26
Matthew VI.I I.
4°5,4
Phil. Nat. 111.131; 319.
405, 15
Sound enough, and with various parallels in the anthropologicalliterature
of the time: H. B. von Weber 'Anthropologische Versuche' (Heidelberg,
1810) pp. 230-65; J. F. Fries 'Handbuch der Psychischen Anthropologie'
(2 vols. Jena, 1820/1) 11.59-96. Cf. L. A. Gölis (1764-1827) 'Vorschläge
zur Verbesserung der körperlichen Kinder-Erziehung' (2nd ed. Vienna,
1823); 'Hegel-Studien' vol. 10 p. 32 (1975).
4°7, 14
Hegel himself found great difficulty in dancing.
4°7,24
Note 223, 35.
409, 14
In the 1817 Encyclopaedia (§§ 326-8) this concluding section of the
Anthropology was headed 'The actuality of the soul'. As is apparent from
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology • 627
the notes published in 'Hegel-Studien' vo!. 10 pp. 34-5 (1975), the subject-
matter of the earlier lectures was much the same as that here. In 1825
Hegel devoted part of the afternoon session on Monday 25th July, and part
of the following session (26.7) to the subject.
On the juxtaposing of habit and the actuality of the soul, see J. F. Fries
'Handbuch der Psychischen Anthropologie' (2 vols. Jena, 1820/1) 11.46-7.
Much of the subject-matter treated here by Hegel is to be found illustrating
much the same general theme in H. B. von Weber's 'Handbuch der psychi-
schen Anthropologie' (Tübingen, 1829) pp. 63-74, and G. H. Schubert's
'Die Geschichte der Seele' (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1830) pp. 800-36.
4 10, 14
For 'vollkommener' read 'vollkommenerer'. Cf. Nicolin and Pöggeler's
ed. of the 'Encyclopaedia' (Hamburg, 1959) p. 343.
4 11,4
The word 'tone' often occurs in Hegel's Jena writings, but seems to have
dropped out of his usual vocabulary after the Bamberg period. It was used
to refer to the motion or tension uniting particulars in physical phenomena
such as magnetism (Phi!. Nat. 11.113, 13), to the degree of firmness or
tension proper to the organs or tissues of a healthy body (G. E. Stahl 'De
motu tonico vitali' Jena, 1692), and to astate or temper of mind (O.E.D.,
1820). It is evidently the second and third of these meanings that Hegel has
in mind here.
H. F. Delius (1720-1791) 'Toni theoria, magnum medicinae incremen-
tum' (Erlangen, 1749); F. G. de la Roche (1743-1813) 'Analyse des fonctions
du systeme nerveux' (2 vols. Paris, 1778; Germ. tr. J. F. A. Merzdorff, 2 vols.
Halle, 1794/5) pt. 111 eh. IV, 'Tonische Kraft; F. A. Mesmer (1734-1815)
'Memoire ... sur ses Decouvertes' (Paris, 1799) p. 7: "J'entends par ton un
mode particulier et determine du mouvement qu'ont entre elles les parti-
eules qui constituent le fluide." J. F. Pierer (1767-1832) 'Medizinisches
Realwörterbuch' vol. 8 pp. 361-2 (Altenburg, 1829).
41 1,6
Cf. J. Ith (1747-1813) 'Versuch einer Anthropologie' (2 pts. Berne,
1794/5) 11.336 : "Das was der Menschheit jenes hohe unnennbare Interesse
verschaft, hauptsächlich in den Seeleneinfluß und Seelenausdruck gesucht
werden muß. Dieser geistige Abglanz im Körper stellt gleichsam beyde
Welten in Harmonie dar, und erzeugt eine mittlere Gattung zwischen
sinnlichen und Vernunftgefühlen, in welchen das Angenehme von jenem
mit dem Geistigen von diesen ästhetisch verbunden erscheint."
41 1,25
Paracelsus (1493-1541) developed the doctrine of the 'signature' of
plants, according to which certain parts of a plant resemble the diseases
628 . Hegel's Philosophy qf Subjective Spirit
they are capable of curing. For example, he took the 'yellow-blooded'
celandine to be a remedy for jaundice, the cordiform leaves of the lilac to
be a cure for heart diseases, and the spotted leaves of the lungwort to be good
for chest complaints: see D. Schmaltz 'Pflanzliche Arzneimittel bei Theo-
phrastus von Hohenheim' (Stuttgart, 1941); Elisabeth Rössiger 'Heilplfanzen
bei ... Paracelsus' (Diss. Munich, 1943). Cf. Oswald Croll (1580-1609) 'De
signaturis internis Rerum' (Frankfurt, 1609; Germ. tr. Frankfurt/M., 1623).
Phil. Rel. 1.280-1,]. Pereira (1804-1853) in 'London Medical Gazette' 1836.
4 14,3 2
Griesheim wrote 'intera&silari'.
4 5,4
1
'Hegel-Studien' vol. IO p. 34 (1975): "The question of the difference
between human and animal organisms has been raised. It is not a matter of
single moments, even of the voice, for birds can imitate, but of the human
expression." Cf. Phil. Nat. 111.169; 351; G. I. Wenzel (1754-1809) 'Neuen
... Entdeckungen über die Sprache der Thiere' (Vienna, 1800).
4 1 5,6
Aristotle 'On Youth and Old Age' 468 a: "Because of his erect carriage,
man of allliving creatures has this characteristic most conspicuously, that
his upper part is also upper in relation to the whole universe, while in other
animals it is midway."
4 15, 13
Aesthetics 727-50.
4 15, 17
On the earlier history of this observation, see Theodore Spencer 'Shakes-
peare and the Nature ofMan' (2nd ed. London, 1969) pp. 4-5. It was such
a commonplace during the eighteenth century, that there is little point in
giving specific references, but see J. F. Blumenbach (1752-1840) 'De Generis
Humani varietate nativa' (Göttingen, 1781) § 17; E. A. W. Zimmermann
(1743-1815) 'Geographische Geschichte des Menschen' (3 vols. Leipzig,
1778/83) 1.124-9; Herder 'Ideen' (Suphan's ed. XIII.IIO-51).
4 15, 19
Hegel almost certainly has in mind the well-known illustration in the
'Amoenitates Academicae' vol. vi (Leiden, 1764), published under the
auspices of Linnaeus. This shows an Orang-Utang, sitting and holding a
staff, a Chimpanzee, a hairy woman with a tail, and another woman more
completely coated with hair.
Edward Tyson's (1650-1708) 'Orang-Outang, sive Homo Sylvestris'
(London, 1699) had first brought the almost human characteristics of the
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology • 629
creature into general discussion. L. M. J. Grandpre (1761-1846) 'Voyage
ala cöte d'Afrique' (2 vols. Paris, 1801; Germ. tr. M. C. Sprengel, Weimar,
1801, Eng. tr. 1803), gave a memorable account of a tarne female Orang-
Utang which did simple jobs on board ship, Pieter Camper (1722-1789)
published a monograph on the animal's natural history (Phil. Nat. III.360),
J. B. Monboddo (1714-1799) called attention to its significance in both
'The Origin and Progress ofLanguage' (Edinburgh, 1773/92) and 'Antient
Metaphysics' (Edinburgh, 1779199), and Thomas Love Peacock (1785-
1866), 'Melincourt' (1817) actually made it the subject of a novel. The
result was that nearly every contemporary German work on anthropology
made mention of it, usually in order to drive horne the same point as that
made here by Hegel.
4 15,23
See Pietro Moscati's (1739-1824) much discussed suggestion that our
upright position is unnatural, and the cause of many diseases and infirmities:
'Delle corporee differenze essentiali che passano fra la struttura de' bruti e
la umana' (Milan, 1770; Germ. tr. Göttingen, 1771). Cf. C. F. Nasse (1778-
1851) 'Die Aufrichtung der Menschengestalt' ('Zeitschrift für die Anthro-
pologie' 1825 ii pp. 237-54).
4 15, 35
Cf. Phil. Nat. III.305-7. There seems to be some confusion here. Goethe's
discovery of the intermaxillary bone was made in [784, though bis account
of it was not published until 1820: 'Zur Naturwissenschaft überhaupt'
(Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1820) vol. I sect. ii pp. 199-251.
Goethe's examination of the skull of a wether in the Jewish cemetary in
Venice took place in April [790: 'Zur Morphologie' Bd. 11 Heft i (Stuttgart
and Tübingen, 1823) pp. 46-51 (date given -1791); E. Köpke 'Charlotte
von Kalb' (Berlin, 1852). It was on the basis of this that he first formulated
the theory of the vertebral analogies of the skull.
G. Schmid 'Goethe und die Naturwissenschaften' (Halle, 1940) pp.
3 4-26.
1
4 17,4
Aristotle 'Oe Anima' 432a: "The soul, then, acts like a hand; for the hand
is an instrument which employs instruments." Cf. Blumenbach op. cit. § 18.
W. Liebsch 'Grundriß der Anthropologie' (2 pts. Göttingen, 1806/8)
I.275-6; J. Hillebrand 'Die Anthropologie' (Mainz, 1823) pp. 94-5; G. H.
Schubert 'Die Geschichte der Seele' (2 vols. Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1830)
I.329-30. C. L. Michelet 'Anthropologie' (Berlin, 1840) p. 217 raises the
subject of chiromancy in this connection : see C. Donati 'Demonstratio Dei
ex manu humana' (Wittenberg, 1686).
630 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
4 17,22
G. L. Staunton (1737-1801) 'An Authentie Account ofan Embassy from
the King ofGreat Britain to the Emperor ofChina' (2 vols. London, 1797;
Germ. tr. M. C. Sprengel, 2 pts. Halle, 1798) 11.101. This, the first British
Embassy to the court of the Grand Cham, arrived at Peking in 1793. When
the ambassador George Macartney (1737-1806) discussed the etiquette
of the proposed audience with the mandarins: "His Excellency observed,
that to bis own Sovereign, to whom he was bound by every bond of allegi-
ance and attachment, he bent, on approaching him, upon one knee; and
that he was willing to demonstrate in the same manner, his respectful senti-
ments towards his Imperial Majesty. With tbis answer the mandarines
appeared extremely pleased; and said they would return soon with the
determination of the court, either to agree to the reciprocal ceremony as
proposed by the Embassador, or to accept of the English obeisance in lieu
of the Chinese prostration." The next British embassy, headed by Lord
Amherst (1773-1857) in 1817, proved to be less successful in reaching an
understanding on matters ofetiquette: C. Abel (1780-1826) 'Narrative ofa
journey in the interior of China' (London, 1818) pp. 83, 355; 'Quarterly
Review' vol. 16 pp. 408-14 (January 1817); 'Edinburgh Review' pp. 434-7
(February 1818).
When in 1655 the Russian ambassador refused to comply with the nine
prostrations (san-kwei-kew-kow) required for an audience with the Emperor,
he was dismissed out of hand. In 1656 the Dutc~ complied, and established
the first European Embassy in China: J. Nieuhoff 'Ambassade ... vers
l'empereur de la Chine' (Leyden, 1665; Eng. tr. London, 1673) p. 214
(tr. pp. 118/9). On similar kow-towing elsewhere in the East, see Ralph
Fitch (d. 1606): J. H. Ryley 'Ralph Fiteh' (London, 1899) p. 161 - Burma;
John Barrow (1764-1848) 'A Voyage to Cochinchina' (London, 1806) pp.
294/5; Hugh Boyd (1746--1794) 'AJournal ofan Embassy' (London, 1800;
Germ. tr. Berlin and Hamburg 1802) vol. 11 pp. 124/5 - Ceylon; G. Tim-
kowskii 'Travels of the Russian Mission' (2 vols. London, 1827) 1.99-
Mongolia.
4 17,35
For the classic contemporary survey of the physiological differences
between man and animals, see J. F. Blumenbach (1752-1840) 'De Generis
Humani varietate nativa' (Göttingen, 1781) §§ 11-29.
419, IO
Vico suggested, 'La Scienza Nuova' (1744) § 434, that before language
had originated, men could only, "express themselves by gestures." Herder
expresses the same view in bis 'Fragmente' (1766), and it had become a
commonplace by the end of the eighteenth century: B. de Mandeville
(1670-1733) 'The Fable of the Bees' (ed. F. B. Kaye, Oxford, 1924) 11
Notes to Volurne T wo: Anthropology . 63 I
284-8; E. B. de Condillac (I7 15-1780) 'Essai sur l' origine des connais-
sances humaines' (1746; 'Oeuvres', Paris, 1798) I.260 et seq.; Thomas
Reid (1710-1796) 'An Inquiry into the Human Mind' (Edinburgh, 1764)
p. 102;]. B. Monboddo (1714-1799) 'The Origin and Progress ofLanguage'
(Edinburgh, 1773/92) 1.461.
4 19, 14
John Bulwer (H. 1654) 'Chirologia, or The Naturall Language of the
Hand' (London, 1644) p. 151 provides sketches ofthe gestures by means of
which the hands can express feelings, intentions, questions, etc. An excellent
survey ofthe subsequent development ofthis field of enquiry, with particular
reference to deafand dumb language, is provided by J. Knowlson 'Universal
language schemes in England and France 1600-1800' (Toronto, 1975)
pp.2II-23·
419, 22
Directly or indirectly, this paragraph undoubtedly owes a great deal to a
work by Johami Jakob Engel (1741-1802), 'Ideen zu einer Mimik' (2 vols.
Berlin, 1785/6; Sämmtliche Werke, Berlin 1804 vols. VII and VIII; Eng.
tr. Henry Siddons, London, 1807). Engel, - poet, dramatist, tutor to the
Humboldt brothers and the Crown Prince of Prussia, was appointed
Director ofthe Berlin Theatre Royal in 1787. In this book, which contains a
series of attractive illustrations, he analyzes the ways in which we express
ourselves by postures, gestures and facial expressions. It was soon recognized
that the subject was of importance as a field of scientific study, see]. F.
Pierer 'Medizinisches Realwörterbuch' vol. 5 pp. 311-3 (Altenburg, 1823),
although there was much uncertainty about the relationship in which it
stood to pathognomy and physiognomy.
Engel is now recognized as one of the forerunners of the modern psychology
of expression: Sir Charles Bell (1774-1842) 'The Anatomy of Expression'
(London, 1806); K. Bühler 'Ausdruckstheorie' (Jena, 1933) pp. 32-52;
S. Honkavaara 'The psychology of expression' ('Brit. J. Psychol. Monogr.,
Suppl. 32, 1961); R. Kirchhoff 'Methodologische und theoretische Grund-
probleme der Ausdrucksforschung' ('Studium Generale' 15 pp. 135-56,
1962). On the French background to Engel's ideas, see H. Josephs 'Diderot's
Dialogue of Language and Gesture: Le neveu de Rameau' (Ohio State
Univ. Press, 1969) pp. 62-3.
421, I I
A. W. Schlegel (1767-1845), 'Cours de Litterature Dramatique' (3 vols.
London, 1814), makes this point, and it is discussed in Hegel's 'Aesthetics'
1187-8. Cf. 'Quarterly Review' vol. 12 p. 121 (October 1814): "This surely
is suffering the imagination to get the better of the judgement. The sudden
transitions of the countenance from sorrow to joy, or from pity to anger, are
632 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
what chiefly determine the genius ofthe actor ... Can any one, who recollects
the expressive features of Garrick, and has seen them change with the
slightest variation of passion, regret that they were not covered with a mask,
and thus deprived of the power of utterance ?"
421, 31
Cf. note 163, 27.
4 23,4
See the review of 'Hints to the Public and the legislature, on the Nature
and Effect ofEvangelical Preaching' (4 pts. London, 1808/10), on the physio-
logical effect of Methodism: "They have stript religion of all its outward
grace, and, in proportion as they overspread the country, the very character
of the English face is altered ; for Methodism transforms the countenance as
certainly, and almost as speedily, as sottishness or opium. Go to their
meeting-houses, or turn over the portraits in their magazines, and it will be
seen that they have already obtained as distinct a physiognomy as the Jews
or the Gipsies - coarse, hard, and dismal visages, as if some spirit of dark-
ness had got into them and was looking out of them." 'Quarterly Review'
vol. IV p. 508 (Nov. 1810). Cf. 'Adam Bede' (1859) bk. Ich. 2.
423, 16
Hege! would appear to be mistaken in attributing a Biblical origin to this
proverb. G. von Gaal 'Sprichwörterbuch in sechs Sprachen' (Vienna, 1830)
no. 729 gives a Latin original: "Effuge, quem turpi signo natura notavit"
and an English equivalent: "Beware him whom God hath marked." Cf.
Genesis IV. 15.
The proverb is quoted by G. I. Wenzel (1754-1809) in his 'Unterhaltun-
gen über die auffallendsten neuern Geistererscheinungen' (1800, no place)
p. 49, and discussed at some length with reJerence to Socrates by J. J. H. Bücking
'Medicinische und physikalische Erklärung deutscher Sprichwörter und
sprichwörtlicher Redensarten' (Stendal, 1797) no. 14 (pp. 53/4). Cf. M. P.
Tilley 'A Dictionary of the Proverbs in England in the Sixteenth and
Seventeenth Centuries' (Univ. ofMichigan, 1950) G. 177 (p. 260).
4 2 3, 19
Logic §§ 172-3. Statements such as 'the rose is red' are assessed as being
correct, but not true in that the predicate is not adequate to the subject i.e.
the rose is more than simply red. Similarly, a person with a pretty face will
certainly be more than just a pretty face.
423, 24
Johann Kaspar Lavater (1741-1801) was influenced by the biological,
physiological and psychological theories of his fellow countryman Charles
Notes to Volume T wo: Anthropology . 633
4 23,39
Hist. Phil. I.384-486.
4 24,3 6
The original has 'idielle'.
4 2 5, 3
"La parole a eti: donnee a l'homme pour desguiser sa pensee." Talleyrand
evidently said this to the Spanish ambassador Izquierdo in 1807: see B.
Barere (1755-1841) 'Memoires' (Paris, 1842) vol. 4 p. 447. Hegel came
across the remark in the 'Morning Chronicle' of 3rd February 1825 p. 2
col. 2: see 'Hegel-Studien' vol. I I (1976).
427, 28
§ 382. On 'real possibility' and 'actuality', see Logic §§ 143-7.
42 9, 3
Cf. note 133, 29.
42 9,3 0
This conclusion closely resembles the beginning of Kant's 'Anthropology':
"Man is raised infinitely higher than all other living beings on Earth in that
634 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
abdomen, 189, 305, 307; abdorrrinal adult, and child, 229; life, 101
illness, 191 adultery, 155
ability, artistic, 87 advanced, culture, 287
absent-mindedness, 87, 355, 357, 359 affectation, 419
absolute, freedom, 87; negation, 399; affection, 47, 163, 175, 177, 235; in
uncertainty, 369 madhouse, 371
abstract, freedom, 215 affirmation, 417
abyss, of ego, 9; of inner being, 275; of Africa, 49, 55, 69; Africans, 49, 75
spirit, 361 ages of life, 427
Academy, Munich, 261 agreeableness, 423
accidence, 207 agreement, 419
accident, irrational, 119 aggregate, 5 I
accidentality, 103 aim, 225, 341, 343
acidity, 173 air, 105, 135, 171, 173
acoustic ducts, 5 I albino,237
acrobat, 405 alertness, 24 I
action, contemplated, 81; ethical, 87; alkalinity, I 73
lively, 365; rational, 119 America, 49, 63; Americans, 61-65;
activity, 19, 89, 97, 125, 2Il; accom- American culture, 63; race, 5 I, 53
plished, 123; and body, 407; and rest, amity, league of, 71
137; blunting of, 123; honourable, Amoretti, C., 259
12 I; natural, 2 I; practical, 12 I; self- anatomist, 371; anatomy, 223
conscious, 127; spiritual, 133, 163 ; Anaxagoras, 9
unconscious, 325; volitional, 415 Ancients, 39, 249, 42 I
actor, 421 angel,3 17
actual, soul, 2 I, 409, 41 I; unity, 347 anger, 163, 191, 185,419,423
actuality, 7, 23, 33, 87, 143, 149, 207, anguish, 29 I
2°9,215,217,273,343,353,363; and animal, 29, 4 1, 45, 47, 1°9,175,177,199,
dreaming, 143; and Notion, 19; and 23 1, 263, 3Il, 417; and magnetism,
possibility, 295; and totality, 273, 341; 297; and man, 413; body, 33, 37, 405;
apparent, 271; as restraint, 369; divination, 43; formation, 173; head,
aversion to, 119, 365; centre of, 345, 5 I; instinct, 37; juice, 191; life, 13,
355; concrete, 273, 343, 4°1; dis- 29, 105, 135, 137, 145, 187, 201, 405;
satisfaction with, 363; feeling for, 109; lymph, 47, 3°1; magnetism, 243, 257,
immanent, 247; of ego, 427; of 263,319; and soul, 307; evoking, 293;
extern al world, 109; of soul, 205, 255; history, 291; literature, 3°3-3°5;
of spirit, 411, 427; total, 347 name, 293; manner, 42 I; organism,
actualization of, content, 341; freedom, 107, 135, 165,295; rutting-season, 37;
6 I; ideal, Il 9, 123; purpose, 407; sacrifice, 43; self-awareness, 105; soul,
self, 429; universal, I 17; will, 351 155, 183,429;sphere,299
adjusting, to present, 369 Anthropology, 3,21,67,83,95, 125, 133,
admonition, 3 I 7 16 5, 185,203,207,233,271,319,349,
636 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
envisioning, 279, 287; individual, 279; 405; world, 245, 247, 253, 321, 327,
soul,277 343, 403, 425: externality, 7, 107, 277,
envy, 181, 185 409, 41 I; and thinking, 339; of
Epieurus,5 eorporeity, 413; ofmatter, 13
epidemie, 29, 325, 379; insanity, 229 extrinsieality, 157, 217, 223, 225, 277,
epidermis, 47 283,389; ofmatter, 13; ofspaee, 109
epilepsy, 263, 357, 379 exultation, 313
epopt, 295 eye, 107, 137, 15 1, 161, 197, 199, 237,
equinox,35 259,269; fixed, 265, 271, 285; looking
error, 187, 279, 329, 333, 339, 341, 343, in, 417
4 23
Eskimo, 63
esprit, 77 face, 51, 187, 19 1, 195, 4 15, 4 17, 423;
essence, 111, 169,231,249,323,427; long, 4I9;facial, expression, 357,421;
God, 17; ofmagie, 231; ofsoul, 429 features, 42 I
Eternal Spirit, 403 fact, 15
ethies, 155, 157, 185, 351, 353: ethical, faeulty, 397; of divination, 249
aetivity, 317; being, 375; capability, fairy-tale, 345
381 ; eharaeter, 65; eonviction, 43; faith, 229, 299; faithfulness, 181
feeling, 317, 371; gods, 31; laws, 371; Fall, Biblieal, myth, 231
matters, 101; nature of action, 87; falsehood, 279
person, 369; relationship, 365; sensa- familiarity, 2°5, 407
tion, 125; substance, 7 I ; world order, family, 83, 93, 115, 125, 223, 351;
79, 103; ethicality, 12 I characteristics, 9 I; life 39; relation-
Ethiopian race, 5 I ship, 71
euphony, 181 Far East, 49, 59
Europe, 49, 67; Christian peoples of, 73; farmer, 275; Scottish, 381
freedom of, 43; peoples of, 69; Euro- fate, 225, 239, 291; foreknowledge of,
peans, 59,60--61,63,65,417; children, 2!h; of individual, 241
91 father, affectionate, 371; and son, 239
evening, imagination, 41; mood, 39 fauna, 45
evil, 109, 155,331,423; root of, 113 'Faust',27 1
evoking, of animal magnetism, 293 fear, 191, 379
evolution, 17, 35 features, play of, 415
exaltation, 257, 259 feebleness, 119
exeellenee, 10 I feeling, 131, 141, 167, 171, 173, 179,201,
exclusiveness, of soul, 2 I 9 2°3,241,249,259,265,267,269,295,
exeretion, 197 325, 387, 391; and refleetion, 9; self-
exercise, 407 possession, 319; sensation, 203, 261;
existenee, 283, 397, 41 I; natural, 393; bodily, 329; erudity of, 181; fOT
objective, 343; of soul, 395 actuality, 109; life, 21 I, 365; life of,
expectation, 419 225, 243, 247, 25 1, 253, 387; moral
experience, I II, 125, 137, 155; enrich- and ethical, 37 I; of friendship, 229;
ment, I 15; sympathetie, 29 I pleasant, 3°7; religious, 3 19; subjeet,
experiment, magnetie, 303 213, 269, 277, 325; substantiality,
expression, 42 I ; gestural, 4 I 9; of human- 253; sympathetie, 263
ity, 409; of soul, 409; pathognomic, feeling soul, 21, 207, 215, 219, 273, 291,
409, 42 I; physiognomie, 42 I 32 I, 333; immediacy of, 22 I; stages,
expulsion, 193 33 1
extension, I 7, 169 feet, 137, 187
exteriority, 165; exterioTization, 183: female, 73, 30 I; diseases, 247; friends,
external, nature, 427; necessity, 121, 223; magnetic, 3 I 7; nature, 223;
642 . Hegel' s Philosoph) of Subjective Spirit
insanity, 329, 335, 367, 369, 375, 399; irrationality, 249; monkish, 393
and contradiction, 329; and French irritability, 135, 163, 191
Revolution, 369; and puberty, 371; Italic, philosophy, 71
epidemie, 229, 325; fury of, 371; Italy, 279; character of people, 73;
healing of, 373; incipient, 357; pre- political division, 75; physiognomy,
rogative of, 345 53; women, 73
insight, 287
insulator, 297
inspired, rationality, 77 James, 1,93
instinct, 37, 39, 229, 311,325,405,423; jaundice, 191
mating, 37; rational, 23 I jaw, 53; -bone, 51
instruction, 113 jealousy, 369
instrument, 405; hand, 41 I, 417; in- Jesuit, 63, 65
strumentali.<;ation, of corporeity, 395 Jewish cemtery, 415
integrity, 83 Joan of Are, 259
intellectual, character, 65; propensity, 67 joke, 319
intelligence, 101, 133, 135, 189, 199,331, jollity, 181
39 1 journey, crawling, 339
intelligibility, 245 joy, 189
intensity, 155; of feeling, 371; of folly, judge, 385
387; of sensation, 239; intensive, judgement, 7, 247, 423, 425; free, 3;
magnitude, 175; nature of quantum, immediate, 423
283 juristic exposition, 79
intention, impure, 317 justice, 155, 38 I
interest, 121, 137, 139, 203, 225, 245, juxtaposition, 17 I, 253
287,341,343,385,391,409; in object,
123; in world, 6 I; lack of, 103 ;
limited, 97; lively, 367; loss, 357;
Kant, 1., 73,89, 129
private, 75; temporal, 121
Kehler, H. von, 17, 19, 27, 35, 37, 41,
interiority, 165; interiorization, 183
intermaxillary bone, 415 47, 51, 63, 67, 71, 89, 91, 107, 143,
145, 179, 193, 201, 237, 261, 267, 269,
internal, division, 325; sensation, 175;
vision, 315; internaliv, 169; spiritual, 273, 275, 277, 285, 29 1, 297, 301 , 303,
31 I 3°7,309,317,319,321,325,345,363,
intestines, 165, 187; intestinal worms, 37 373,375,379,381,383,415,421,423
Kent, and Lear, 229
intro-reflection, 17,221,427
Kieser's Archive, 285; Journal, 303
introversion, 8 I
killing, 239; those we love, 371
intuition, 7, 57, 61, 129, 139, 143, 161,
king, 229, 343, 367
209,229,251,307,309,315,429; and
kissing, 385, 387
habit, 397; and sensation, 107; and
Kluge, C. A. F., 291, 303
space and time, 389; bacchanalian, 9;
knowing, 247, 259; intuitive, 275
concentrated, 289; content of, 129;
knowledge, 85, 125, 217, 275, 315; and
formal, 247; knowing, 275; knowledge,
language, 113; immediate, 247; in-
289; situation, 283
tuitive, 289; latent, 2 17; of human
intussusception, 105
nature, 423; ofworld, 275; thirst, for,
inurement, 389, 393
61; visionary, 287, 289, 291
involuntary, embodiment, 413, 421
Königsberg, 73
inwardness,83, 1I5, 181, 209, 283, 429;
human, 183; ofsoul, 349
Ionic, philosophy, 71
iris, 237 labour,65
iron, 263, 297, 30 I Lacedaemonians, 69
646 . Hegel' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
magnetization, 297, 3°3; magnetizer, 299, Mesmer, F. A., 293, 301, 309; mesmer-
301, 303, 3°9, 317; dependence, on, ism, 293
313; power of, 251; French, 307 metal, 261, 263, 297, 3°1; -divining, 259
Mahomet, 377, 379 metaphysics, I I; naive, 3°3; old, 13, 15;
malady, 31 1,329, 383 metaphysical treatment, 329
Malaysian, race, 5 I, 53 meteorological changes, 41
Malebranche, N., 7, 15, 17 microcosm, 27
malice, 369 midnight, 41, 143
man, 29,47,97,345,4°1; adult, 117; migration, 37
and animals, 107, 155,413; and child, Milan, 261
107; dignity of, 47; genus, 131; life of, milk, I I I ; mother's, 239
33; modern, 43; natural history, 67; mind, healthy, 9; strength of, 229, 317
natural state, 77; power over animals, mine, featureless, of ego, 2 I 7
231; primitive, 229, 231; manhood, 103 miracle, 29, 27 1, 325; eure, 299, 319
mania, 83, 3 15, 371 mirror, of spirit, 33; mirroring, land-
manners, 91, 315 scape,27
mannerism, 87 misery, 371
manteia, 249; mantike, 29 misfortune, 369, 393
many, and one, 9 mockery, 42 I
Martius, K. F. P., 63 moderation, 419
mask,421 modern man, 43
mass, specific, 175 modesty, 81, 419
mat, colour, 181 Mohammedanism, 59, 6 I
mathematics, 101 monad,7, II, 17,247; monadic individ-
mating, instinct, 37 ual, 221
matter, 13; and soul, 9; and truth, 425; Mongols, 55, 57; Mongolian, race, 49,
extrinsicality of, 13; subtlety of, 3; 5 I, 53; shaman, 297
weighted, 163; materialism, 17, 19; monk, 55, 65, 393
materiality, 223, 4°3; materiature, 2 19; monkey, 263; and magnetism, 297
material, being, 15, 27 I; and im- monocotyledon, 223
material, I I, 15 monotony, 137, 147
matrimonial duty, 65 Montesquieu, C. L. de, 77
maturity, inner, 97; spiritual, 95 Montfaucon, B. de, 373
measure, 35, 145, 175 mood, 27, 29, 37, 4 1,75, 177, 179, 181,
mechanical, determinateness, 175; em- 301, 317; hypochondriac, 369; morn-
bodiment, 42 I ; expression, 4°9; shock, ing and evening, 39; ofsympathy, 263;
17 I ; mechanism, 33, 39 I sympathetic, 43; temperamental, 95
mediation, 17, 71, 227, 229, 253, 259, moon, 229; influence, 39
325, 341, 397; in animal magnetism, morale,43
3°1; infinite, 349; of consciousness, morals, 353; moral, beings, 375; feelings,
275; ofspirit, 21; temporal, 283; unity, 371; principles, 331; self-awareness,
4 13 381; significance of punishment, 381;
medicine, and religion, 321 ; rnedical, eure, morality, 351
32 I; training, 289; medicament, 297, morbid, opposition, 323
325; medicinal, know-how, 373; virtue, morning, mood, 39
4 11 mother, 111, 291; and child, 22 I, 223,
mediocrity, 289 233, 235; and foetus, 24 I ; milk of, 239;
meditation, 358, 359 sou1of, 237
Mediterranean, 49 motion, 33, 171; of body, 407; of soul,
melancholy, 89, 3 65, 375 18 5, 193
memory, 277, 39 1, 397 mountain, 49
mental arithmetic, 93 mourner, 199
648 . Heget' s Philosop1!Y of Subjective Spirit
mouth, 411, 417; and gesture, 419; debility of, 261, 263; delicate, 223;
functions, 201 nervous system and derangement, 371
multitude, tyranny of, 75 Netherlands, 37, 303
multiplicity, 353 Neuwied, Prince of, 63
murder, 155, 287; desire to, 371; new, philosophy, 303; World, 49
murderer, tracking of, 263 Newton, 1., 179,359
murmur, 137 Nicolai, C. F., 269, 271
muscle, 135; offace, 415; ofperson, 371 night, 135
music, 265; musical genius, 101 nightmare, 143
mystery, 231 'Night Thoughts' (Young), 275
myth,23 1 Nile, 263
nobility, 117,289
nodding, 417
naivety, 53, 303 noddy, 385
name, 123 non-awareness, 361
Napoleon, 127,313 nodulation, of nerves, 305
narcotics, 307 norm, 83, 241
nasal, tone, 181 North, Africa, 49; America, 63
national, character, 67; culture, 89; nose, 51; wrinkling, 419
difference, 23; history, 67; spirit, 67, Notion, 55, 109, 145, 147, 167, 21 3,293;
69,99, 125 and actuality, 19; determinations of,
nature, and God, 57; religion, 39; spirit, 65; existent, 219; my, 403; oJ,
19,21,23,57; time, 99; dormant, 147; derangement, 333, 349, 353; disease,
entirety, of, 27; external, 427; im- 295; habit, 397, 413; madness, 367;
materiality, 3; impotence, 189; life of, magie, 229; soul, 389, 399, 405; will,
3; philosophy of, 13, 71, 105, 185; 35 I ; speculative, 17; substance oflüe, 5
sublation, 7; totality, !H9; unity with, Notional, cognition, 77, 281; reason, 347;
43; universallife, 3 I ; worship, 31 thinking, 157
natural, 85; awakening, 25; change, 95, nourishment, 301
263, 371, 391; determinateness, 83, nous, 3, 9
93; difference, 47; disposition, 67 ; novelty, 139
effect, 409; history of man, 37, 67; number, winning, 313; numerical forms,
history ofspirit, 87; immediacy, 159; 71
impulse, 369; life, 279, 305; quality, nuns, deranged, 379
23, 27; self, 327; singularity, 387; nutrition, 47, 105
sleep, 321; soul, 21, 25, 47, 177, 199,
339,427; spirit, 45, 99, 349, 361; state
ofman, 77, 145; trait, 91; world, 115 obedience, 113
naturality, 23, 57, 135, 145, 33 1, 4 15, object, interest in, 123
42 9 objective, connectedness, 329; con-
navigation, 69 sciousness, 259, 3 I I, 333, 353, 399,
necessity, 21, 89, 119, 141, 171,259,33 1, 403; context, 343; unity, 335; world,
341, 399; connected, 283; external, 2°9
12 I, 405; rational, 93, 333; universal, objectivity, 335; understandable, 235
4°1 obsession, 36 I
need, physical, 403 obstinacy, 369
negation, absolute, 399; abstract, 125; obstruction, 255; and cure, 321
and preservation, 2 I 7; of ego, 347; of occasionalism, 17
soul, 337; of spirit, 15; negativity, odour, bad, 419
absolute, 5 offen ce, non-criminal, 333
Negro, 47,51,53,55,63 office, makes the man, 83
nerve, 135, 305; abdominal, 305; old age, 97, 101, 103, 123
Volume T wo,' Index to the Text . 649
393; magnitude of, 175; nature of, 151; 97; and universal, 157, 205; concern
of what is ethical, 125; particularity with, 1I9; natural, 387; singulariza-
of, 325; sphere of, 183; subjectivity of, tion, 341; ofmatter, 13
157; unmediated, 261 sister, 291
senses, 163, 165; dulling of, 267; external, size, relative, 171
163; five, 167; general, 265; of right, sizing up, 197
381; specific, 269; system of, 161; skilI, 389; habitual, 395
transposition of, 267 skin, 47; and race, 53
sense-organs, 165, 253 skinflint, 89
sensible, person, 369 skipper, 285
sensibility, 135, 163, 193, 305 skulI, 51, 53, 4 15
sensing, 25, 151; totality of, 2°3; unity slavery, 69, 417
of,39 1 sleep, 25, 127, 13 1, 135, 141, 145, 147,
sensitiveness, 263; sensitivity, 89, 175, 233, 247, 257, 265, 269, 275, 297, 299,
177, 203 3°5,3°7,3°9,391; and death, 135;
sensuousness, 115; relationships, 11; and waking, 137; inducing of, 145;
singularity, 205 magnetic, 30 I, 323; natural, 321;
sentience, 165, 175; habitual, 425; inner, -walking, 135, 137, 265, 267;
335 sleepiness, 137
sentient, individual, 173; life, 323; soul, slovenliness, 419
149, 159, 429 small town women, 361
sentiment, noble, 289 smell, 143, 164, 167, 173, 179,251
sentimentality, 71 smile, 195
serenity, 289 smoothness, 173
seriousness, I I I snow, 237
serpent, in Paradise, 109 snuff, 303
servant, 365, 417; serving, 31 soul,3, 131, 165, 183, 289; a thing, 11;
sex, drive, 3°7; love, 229; -relationship, actual, 11,21, 409,411; all-pervasive,
23, 125, 13 1, 133 27 1; animal, 155, 183; and, animal
shadow, 171 magnetism, 307; body, 5, 7, 13 ,17,
shaker, 381; shaking, hands, 419; head, 4°3,4°7,415,423,427; consciousness,
417 339,425; content, 363; corporeity, 13,
shaman, 297 4°9; expression, 4°9; genius, 399;
shame, 185, 191 matter, 7, 9, 425; nature, 219; natural-
shape, 163, 175; free, 409; human, 415 ity, 205; solar system, 31; sensation,
shock, 237; mechanical, 171 153; sensing, 2°3; spirit, 255; sub-
show, 21, 151 stance, 155, 205; world, 405; artistry
siblings, 273 of, 4°9; awakening, 131 ; being of, 387;
siderism, 3 I, 261 ; sidereal life, 29 closed, 357; concentration of, 3°9;
siesta, 41 contradictory, 333; corporeity of, 387,
sigh, 165, 193, 421 389; deranged, 349; development of,
sight, 165, 167, 169, 197, 199, 251, 267, 331; differentiation of, 135; divining,
395; at a distance, 267; paralysis of, 25; dreaming, 21; envisioning, 277;
137 essence, of, 429; exclusiveness, of, 219;
sign, 187,4°9,411; ofsoul, 417 existence, 395; feeling, 21, 2°7, 215,
signatura rerum, 41 I 273, 321 , 333; filling of, 2°9; free in
silk, 181, 297 body, 405; free motion of, 4°1;
simplemindedness, 197 freedom of, 391; human, 23, 155;
simplicity, 11, 147, 179, 181; ofuniversal, ideality of, 25, 319, 399, 413; im-
4°7 material, 3, 9, 11, 251; immediacy,
singing, 137 389; in sleep, 137; individual, 85, 95,
singular, and universal, 325; singularity, 127; individualization, 83; internal
654 . Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit
Pestalozzi, H., 475 Plato, 435, 436, 467, 484, 502, 510, 51 I,
Petersen, A. M., 524, 544 535,543,547
Petetin,J. H. D., 526, 527, 544, 55 1, 563, Platter, F., 585, 617
57° play, 474
Petitot, A., 583 PlinY,595
Petitot, C. B., 516 Plischke, H., 458
Petrarch, 463 Plotinus, 436, 535, 543
Petri, J. G., 550 plunge-bathing, 607
Petzold, J. N., 526 Plutarch, 492, 506, 588
Pfaff, C. H., 504, 505 Pockels, C. F., 462, 465, 467, 47 1, 477,
'Phaedo',543 49 1,525,600
'Phaedrus,547 poetry, 492, 529, 567
phantasm, 529 Pöggeler, 0., 456, 466, 627
phantom, 529 poison,564
'Phenomenology', 437, 478, 484, 558, 574 politics and insanity, 597
philosophy, and medicine, 574; Chinese, Pölitz, K. H. L., 465, 467
575 Polivka, G., 582
'Phil Hist.', 447, 455, 456, 462, 549, 575 Pope, A., 491
'PhiJ. Nat.', 43 1, 432, 435, 438, 439, 440, population, world, 453
441,442,445,446,447,45°,451,458, Portsmouth, Lord, 596, 597, 598
465,466,47°,473,474,477,478 ,479, Portuguese, 450
480,484,485,486,487,488,489,49°, possibility and actuality, 633
493,496,512,518,519,522,523,531, Potter, M. A., 502
536,537,548,55°,552,557,563,568, Powell, L. F., 542
573, 576, 578, 602, 6°3, 623, 626, 627, Powell, R., 600
628 Pownall, T., 452
'Phil. Rel.', 434, 44 1, 454, 455, 456, 549 Prague, archbishop of, 570
'Phil. Right', 463, 470, 484, 583 prayer, rote, 624
'PhiJ. Spirit', 434 predicate and subject, 632
'PhiJ. Sub. Sp.', 434, 479, 602 pregnancy, 513, 586
phrenology, 472 Preyer, W., 554
physiology, 433, 472, 486, 625 Prichard, J. C., 449, 453, 506, 511 , 513,
physiognomy, 451, 633 522,525,55°,564,579,591,592,594,
physiophilosophy, 517, 561 603, 6°4, 606, 607, 615, 61 7, 619
pianoforte, 550 Pringle-Pattison, A. S., 431
Picavet, F., 438 Prior, J., 540
Pierer,J. F., 442, 464, 483, 486, 487, 488, procardium, and sight, 525
49°,496,498,5°2, 589, 62 7, 63 1 Prochaska, G., 432
pigeon, magnetized, 549 Propertius, 567
pineal gland, and soul, 432 prophecy, 481, 569
Pinel, P., 526, 579, 5 80, 582, 583, 584, prosaicism, 529
589,59°,591,596,598,599,601,602, proverb, 632
604,606,608,610,612, 61 5,622,623, Prussian common law, 583
62 4 psychiatry, 467, 604, 605, 609, 623
Pirenne, H., 559 psychic school, 578, 623, 624
Pitshaft, J. A., 51 I psychology, 43 1 , 432, 433, 434, 436, 474,
Planck, M., 433 479, 593, 63 I
planet, 439, 520 PtolemY,442
plant, signature of, 627, 628 puberty, 509, 603
Plataea, battle of, 447 purging, 605, 606, 607
Platerus, F., 514 purple, history of, 488
Platner, E., 494, 509 Puschmann, T., 600
Volume T wo: Index to the Notes . 673
soul, 431, 481, 525; a thing, 434; ab- suicide, 506, 596, 598
solute, 562; and body, 433; ethics, 579; sulphur, and cramp, 518
harmony, 572; thought, 436; will, 586; Sulzer, J. G., 494
development of, 488; materialistic Sun, and planets, 520; religion, 444
interpretation, 432; organ of, 432; superstition, 624
world,439 Suphan, B., 474, 489, 628
space, 441, 536 Surinam, 460
Spain, 463, 536 Swabia, 486, 492
Sparta, 447 Sweden, 619
spectre, 529 Swieten, G. van, 546, 621
Spence, J. L. T. C., 542 Swift,J., 442, 515
Spencer, T., 628 swine organ, 524
Spinoza, B. de, 437, 581 swing, 605, 616,617
spirit, 432; and nature, 438; spiritualism, syllogism, 434
579 symbolism, 431, 488, 489
Spiritus, Dr., 524, 570 sympathy, 488, 519, 526, 544; sympa-
Spix, J. B., 458 thetic nerve, 493
Sprengel, K. P. J., 440, 47 1, 552 'Symposium', 547
Sprengel, M. C., 629, 630 system, Hegelian, 431
Spurzheim,J. C., 515, 532, 585, 593, 601
squinting, 586
Stael, Madame de, 464 Tacitus, 567
stages, of life, 471 talent, and genius, 465
Stahl, G. E., 433, 578, 610, 627 Tardi, M., 560
Stapfer, P. A, 465 taste, 486, 526
star, 439 Taylor, A. E., 510
Stark, C. W., 433, 495, 497, 609 Taylor, N., 548
statistics, 472, 594 tears, chemically analyzed, 492
Staunton, G. L., 455, 630 teeth, cutting of, 474
Steeb, J. G., 465 teleology, of dialectic, 437
Steen, J., 537 Teiles, B., 454
Sterne, L., 582 temperament, 466, 468
Stewart, W. G., 540 Tertullian, 442
Stiedenroth, E., 472 Teters, J. N., 483
Stieglitz, J., 504, 570 Teyler's Institute, 444
Stock, J. E., 603 Thaulow, G., 475
Stokes, M. C., 480 Theodosius, 445
stomach, and nervous system, 526 theology, 570
Strassburg, 526, 551, 553, 572 Theophrastus, 468
stroking, 551, 552 things and ideas, 581
Strombeck, F. K. von, 523, 561,566,567, Thomasius, C., 521
568 ,57 1 Thomson, T., 523
Sturm, J. C., 439 Thorndike, A L., 442, 443
stuttering, 468 thought, 481; and language, 633; soul,
Stuttgart, 462 436
St. Vitus's Dance, 513 Thouvenal, P., 518
Suabedissen, D. T. A, 465, 467, 468, Tibullus, 567
472,475,485,486,495,496 Tieck, L., 497
sub-conscious, 431, 509 Tiedemann, D., 434, 469, 475, 49 1 , 494,
subject and predicate, 632 499,525,532,535,538,549,577,607,
subjectivism, Cartesian, 434; subjectivity, 621
439,593 Tilley, M. P., 632
676 . Heget' s Philosophy of Subjective Spirit