The Marcos administration (1965–72)

First term
In 1965, Ferdinand Marcos won the presidential election and became the
10th President of the Philippines. His first term was marked with increased
industrialization and the creation of solid infrastructure nationwide, such as
the North Luzon Expressway and the Maharlika Highway. Marcos did this by
appointing a cabinet composed mostly of technocrats and intellectuals, by
increasing funding to the Armed Forces, and mobilizing them to help in
construction. Marcos also established schools and learning institutions
nationwide, more than the combined total of those established by his
predecessors.
In 1968, Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr. warned that Marcos was on the road to
establishing "a garrison state" by "ballooning the armed forces budget", saddling
the defense establishment with "overstaying generals" and "militarizing our
civilian government offices". These were prescient comments in the light of
events that would happen in the following decade.[1] Marcos also sent 10,450
Filipino soldiers to Vietnam during his term, under the PHILCAG (Philippine Civic
Action Group). Fidel Ramos, who was later to become the 12th President of the
Philippines in 1992, was a part of this expeditionary force.
Second term
In 1969, Marcos ran for a second term (allowable under the 1935 constitution
then in effect[2]), and won against 11 other candidates.
Marcos' second term was marked by economic turmoil brought about by factors
both external and internal, a restless student body who demanded educational
reforms, a rising crime rate, and a growing Communist insurgency, among other
things.
Ferdinand Marcos, president from 1965–1986.

At one point, student activists took over the Diliman campus of the University of
the Philippines and declared it a free commune, which lasted for a while before
the government dissolved it. Violent protesting continued over the next few years
until the declaration of martial law in 1972. The event was popularly known as
the First Quarter Storm.
During the First Quarter Storm in 1970 the line between leftist activists and
communists became increasingly blurred, as a significant number of Kabataang
Makabayan ('KM') advanced activists joined the party of the Communist Party
also founded by Jose Maria Sison.[3] KM members protested in front of Congress,
throwing a coffin, a stuffed alligator, and stones at Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos
after his State of the Nation Address. On the presidential palace, activists
rammed the gate with a fire truck and once the gate broke and gave way, the
activists charged into the Palace grounds tossing rocks, pillboxes, Molotov
cocktails. In front of the US embassy, protesters vandalized, arsoned and
damaged the embassy lobby resulting to a strong protest from the U.S.
Ambassador.[3][4][5] The KM protests ranged from 50,000 to 100,000 in number per
weekly mass action.[3] In the aftermath of the January 1970 riots, at least two
activists were confirmed dead and several were injured by the police. The mayor
of Manila at the time, Antonio Villegas, commended the Manila Police District for
their "exemplary behavior and courage" and protecting the First Couple long after
they have left. The death of the activists was seized by the Lopez controlled
Manila Times and Manila Chronicle, blaming Marcos and added fire to the
weekly protests.[6] Students declared a week-long boycott of classes and instead
met to organize protest rallies.[4]
Rumors of coup d’etat were also brewing. A report of the U.S. Senate Foreign
Relations Committee said that shortly after the Philippine presidential election,
1969, a group composed mostly of retired colonels and generals organized a
revolutionary junta with the aim of first discrediting President Marcos and then
killing him. As described in a document given to the committee by Philippine
Government official, key figures in the plot were Vice President Fernando Lopez
and Sergio Osmena Jr., whom Marcos defeated in the 1969 election.[7] Marcos
even went to the U.S. embassy to dispel rumors that the U.S. embassy is
supporting a coup d’etat which the opposition liberal party was spreading.[6] While
the report obtained by the NY Times speculated saying that story could be used
by Marcos to justify Martial Law, as early as December 1969 in a message from
the U.S. Ambassador to the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State, the U.S.
Ambassador said that most of the talk about revolution and even assassination
has been coming from the defeated opposition, of which Adevoso (of the Liberal
Party) is a leading activist. He also said that the information he has on the
assassination plans are 'hard' or well-sourced and he has to make sure that it
reached President Marcos.[8][9]
In light of the crisis, Marcos wrote an entry in his diary in January 1970:[6] "I have
several options. One of them is to abort the subversive plan now by the sudden
arrest of the plotters. But this would not be accepted by the people. Nor could we
get the Huks (Communists), their legal cadres and support. Nor the MIM (Maoist
International Movement) and other subversive [or front] organizations, nor those
underground. We could allow the situation to develop naturally then after
massive terrorism, wanton killings and an attempt at my assassination and a
coup d’etat, then declare martial law or suspend the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus – and arrest all including the legal cadres. Right now I am inclined
towards the latter."
Plaza Miranda bombing
Main article: Plaza Miranda bombing
On August 21, 1971, the Liberal Party held a campaign rally at the Plaza
Miranda to proclaim their Senatorial bets and their candidate for the Mayoralty of
Manila. Two grenades were reportedly tossed on stage, injuring almost
everybody present. As a result, Marcos suspended the writ of habeas corpus in
order to arrest those behind the attack. He rounded up a list of supposed
suspects, Escabas, and other undesirables in an effort to eliminate rivals in the
Liberal Party.
Based on interviews of The Washington Post with former Communist Party of the
Philippines Officials, it was revealed that "the (Communist) party leadership
planned -- and three operatives carried out -- the attack in an attempt to provoke
government repression and push the country to the brink of revolution...
(Communist Party Leader) Sison had calculated that Marcos could be provoked
into cracking down on his opponents, thereby driving thousands of political
activists into the underground, the former party officials said. Recruits were
urgently needed, they said, to make use of a large influx of weapons and
financial aid that China had already agreed to provide."[10]

Martial law (1972–1981)

Main article: Martial law in the Philippines
In September 1972, then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile was ambushed
while en route home. This assassination attempt (which was widely believed to
have been staged but denied by Enrile himself[11][12][13]) together with the general
citizen disquiet, were used by Marcos as reasons to issue Presidential
Proclamation No. 1081, proclaiming a State of martial law in the Philippines on
September 21.[14] Rigoberto Tiglao, former press secretary and a former
communist incarcerated during the martial law,[15] argued that the liberal and
communist parties provoked martial law imposition.[16]
Marcos, who thereafter ruled by decree, curtailed press freedom and other civil
liberties, abolished Congress, controlled media establishments, and ordered the
arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics
Senators Benigno Aquino Jr. and Jose W. Diokno. Initially, the declaration of
martial law was well-received, given the social turmoil of the period. Crime rates
decreased significantly after a curfew was implemented. Political opponents were
given the opportunity to go into exile. As martial law went on for the next nine
years, the excesses committed by the military increased. In total, there were
3,257 extrajudicial killings, 35,000 individual tortures, and 70,000 were
incarcerated. It is also reported that 737 Filipinos disappeared between 1975 and
1985.[17]
I am president. I am the most powerful man in the Philippines. All that I have
dreamt of I have. More accurately, I have all the material things I want of life — a
wife who is loving and is a partner in the things I do, bright children who will carry
my name, a life well lived — all. But I feel a discontent.
— Ferdinand Marcos[18]
Though it was made clear that Martial law was no military take-over of the
government, the immediate reaction of some sectors of the nation was of
astonishment and dismay, for even if everyone knew that the gravity of the
disorder, lawlessness, social injustice, youth and student activism and other
disturbing movements had reached a point of peril, they felt that martial law over
the whole country was not yet warranted. Worse, political motivations were
ascribed to be behind the proclamation, since the then constitutionally non-
extendible term of President Marcos was about to expire. This suspicion became
more credible when opposition leaders and outspoken anti-administration media
people were immediately placed under indefinite detention in military camps and
other unusual restrictions were imposed on travel, communication, freedom of
speech and of the press, etc. In a word, the martial law regime was anathema to
no small portion of the populace.[19]
It was in the light of the above circumstances and as a means of solving the
dilemma aforementioned that the concept embodied in Amendment No. 6[clarification
needed]
was born in the Constitution of 1973. In brief, the central idea that emerged
was that martial law might be earlier lifted, but to safeguard the Philippines and
its people against any abrupt dangerous situation which would warrant the
exercise of some authoritarian powers, the latter must be constitutionally allowed,
thereby eliminating the need to proclaim martial law and its concomitants,
principally the assertion by the military of prerogatives that made them appear
superior to the civilian authorities below the President. In other words, the
problem was what may be needed for national survival or the restoration of
normalcy in the face of a crisis or an emergency should be reconciled with the
popular mentality and attitude of the people against martial law.[20]
In a speech before his fellow alumni of the University of the Philippines College
of Law, President Marcos declared his intention to lift martial law by the end of
January 1981.[21]
The reassuring words for the skeptic came on the occasion of the University of
the Philippines law alumni reunion on December 12, 1980 when the President
declared: "We must erase once and for all from the public mind any doubts as to
our resolve to bring martial law to an end and to minister to an orderly transition
to parliamentary government." The apparent forthright irrevocable commitment
was cast at the 45th anniversary celebration of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines on December 22, 1980 when the President proclaimed: "A few days
ago, following extensive consultations with a broad representation of various
sectors of the nation and in keeping with the pledge made a year ago during the
seventh anniversary of the New Society, I came to the firm decision that martial
law should be lifted before the end of January, 1981, and that only in a few areas
where grave problems of public order and national security continue to exist will
martial law continue to remain in force."[22]
Economy
According to World Bank Data, the Philippine's Gross Domestic Product
quadrupled from $8 billion in 1972 to $32.45 billion in 1980.[23] Indeed, according
to the U.S. based Heritage Foundation, the Philippines enjoyed its best economic
development since 1945 between 1972. The economy grew amidst the two
severe global oil shocks following the 1973 oil crisis and 1979 energy crisis - oil
price was $3 / barrel in 1973 and $39.5 in 1979, or a growth of 1200% which
drove inflation. All in all despite the 1984-1985 recession and despite criticisms of
growth not benefiting the masses, GDP on a per capita basis more than tripled
from $175.9 in 1965 to $565.8 in 1985 at the end of Marcos' term.[24][24][25][26] The
Heritage Foundation pointed that when economy began to weaken 1979, the
government did not adopt anti-recessionist policies and instead launched risky
and costly industrial projects.[27] Despite the criticisms, these 11 industrial
development projects could be part of Marcos' anti-recessionary policies to
support economic growth, as projects were aimed at shifting the country's
industrial structure from consumer and intermediate goods toward basic, heavy
industry. President Marcos' reference point was the economies of South Korea
and Taiwan, whose economic growth the Philippines had outpaced in the
1950s.[28]
The government had a cautious borrowing policy in the 1970s. [29] Amidst high oil
prices, high interest rates, capital flight, and falling export prices of sugar and
coconut, the Philippine government borrowed a significant amount of foreign debt
in the early 1980s.[29] The country's total external debt rose from US$2.3 billion in
1970 to US$26.2 billion in 1985. Marcos' critics charged that policies have
become debt-driven, along with corruption and plunder of public funds by Marcos
and his cronies. This held the country under a debt-servicing crisis which is
expected to be fixed by only 2025. Critics have pointed out an elusive state of the
country's development as the period is marred by a sharp devaluing of the
Philippine Peso from 3.9 to 20.53. The overall economy experienced a slower
growth GDP per capita, lower wage conditions and higher unemployment
especially towards the end of Marcos' term after the 1983-1984 recession. The
recession was triggered largely by political instability following Ninoy's
assassination,[30] high global interest rates,[31] Severe global economic recession,
and significant increase in global oil price, the latter three of which affected all
indebted countries in Latin America, Europe, and the Philippines was not
exempted.[32][33] Critics claimed that poverty incidence grew from 41% in the 1960s
at the time Marcos took the Presidency to 59% when he was removed from
power.[29][34][35][36][37][38][39] In contrast to claims of Marcos' critics, official poverty
incidence in 1985 is 44%, which was used by the ADB and the government as a
baseline to track official poverty statistics in subsequent years.[40]
Parliamentary elections
The first formal elections since 1969 for an interim Batasang Pambansa (National
Assembly) were held on April 7, 1978. Sen. Aquino, then in jail, decided to run as
leader of his party, the Lakas ng Bayan party, but they did not win any seats in
the Batasan, despite public support and their apparent victory. The night before
the elections, supporters of the LABAN party showed their solidarity by setting up
a "noise barrage" in Manila, creating noise the whole night until dawn.

The Fourth Republic (1981–1986)

The opposition boycotted the June 16, 1981 presidential elections, which pitted
Marcos and his Kilusang Bagong Lipunan party against retired Gen. Alejo
Santos of the Nacionalista Party. Marcos won by a margin of over 16 million
votes, which constitutionally allowed him to have another six-year term. Finance
Minister Cesar Virata was elected as Prime Minister by the Batasang Pambansa.
In 1983, opposition leader Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino
Jr. was assassinated at Manila International Airport upon his return to the
Philippines after a long period of exile in the United States. This coalesced
popular dissatisfaction with Marcos and began a series of events, including
pressure from the United States, that culminated in a snap presidential election
on February 7, 1986. The opposition united under Aquino's widow, Corazon
Aquino, and Salvador Laurel, head of the United Nationalists Democratic
Organizations (UNIDO). The election was marred by widespread reports of
violence and tampering with results by both sides.
The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC),
declared Marcos the winner, despite a walk-out staged by disenfranchised
computer technicians on February 9. According to the COMELEC's final tally,
Marcos won with 10,807,197 votes to Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. By contrast, the
partial 70% tally of NAMFREL, an accredited poll watcher, said Aquino won with
7,835,070 votes to Marcos's 7,053,068.[41][42]

End of the Marcos regime

See also: Philippine presidential election, 1986
The fraudulent result was not accepted by Aquino and her supporters.
International observers, including a U.S. delegation led by Senator Richard
Lugar, denounced the official results. General Fidel Ramos and Defense Minister
Juan Ponce Enrile then withdrew their support for the administration, defecting
and barricading themselves within Camp Crame. This resulted in that
peaceful 1986 EDSA Revolution that forced Marcos into exile in Hawaii while
Corazon Aquino became the 11th President of the Philippines on February 25,
1986. Under Aquino, the Philippines would adopt a new constitution, ending the
Fourth Republic and ushering in the beginning of the Fifth Republic.