GROWTH OF THE INDIAN NAVY

INTRODUCTION

It is doubtful, speaking strategically, whether there is such a thing as an "Indian

Ocean region'': the concept of "region" usually implies a greater degree of strategic
cross-linkage, coherence and shared (or competing) interests between members of
the region than is the case here. Strategically, the Indian Ocean "region" actually
consists of several important foci:

The southern exit from and entrance to the Gulf, the Middle East and, via the
Suez canal, to Europe - the significance of this area needs no explication;

The eastern exits - northeasterly through the Indonesian and

Malaysian archipelago or the Torres Strait, southeasterly past Australia;

The southwestern exit, controlled at its most convenient point by South

Africa;
and finally,

The south Asian subcontinent - Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka and the small
oceanic states and territories.

The Indian Ocean is more a strategic crossroads linking these foci than it is a strategic
"region"; nevertheless, the term serves from time to time as a convenient label.

PURPOSE OF THIS REPORT

This report discusses the strategic implications for the region of the growth of
Indian naval capabilities. It addresses several relevant issues, and provides:

An outline of relevant strategic changes resulting from the collapse of

Soviet power and the end of the Cold War;

Reasons for the growth of India's Navy;

An examination of the Indian Navy's actual capability;

THE CHANGING STRATEGIC SETTIlNG

It used to be the case that when someone said: "Indian Ocean", someone else would say:
"superpower naval presences" and a third party would declaim: "zone of peace" and that,
strategically at least, was the Indian Ocean debate.

Times have changed since then. Just how much they have changed is shown by the table
below.

1
 SOVIET SHIP-DAYS IN THE INDIAN OCEAN 1983-ocr

YEAR SHIP-DAYS YEAR SHIP-DAYS

I I II I I
1983 8600 1987 5500
1984 9000 1988 6100
1985 7100 1989 6200
1986 5100 1990 5700

Thus, in the six-year span from 1984 to 1990, the Soviet naval presence in the Indian
Ocean has been slashed by nearly forty percent (36.6%) - from 9000 ship-days to only
5700. More detailed figures could be made available for the early period (1983-5), but as
the Appendix at the end of the paper shows, recent figures have been very restricted.

This drastic decline in Soviet Indian Ocean naval deployments is of course merely
another expression of the fundamental reorientation of strategic policy into which the
Kremlin has been forced by the failure of traditional authoritarian conservative
communism. The collapse of Soviet power in eastern Europe, the end of the Cold War,
substantial cuts in Soviet military outlays - and a fundamental reorientation of Soviet
strategic policy away from apparently offensive power-projection towards a
strategically defensive posture, confirmed by the defeat of the hardline coup attempt - have
had important global effects. Despite efforts by the Australian defence
establishment to argue that the strategic analysis of the 1987 White Paper remains
sound today", these effects have spread to our region, including its Indian Ocean
component. It might be useful to outline briefly the principal changes to the strategic
"rules of the game" which are likely to impinge on the area in future.

Nations formerly in working alliances may henceforth pursue more

independent courses.

As old alliances decline in significance, states can be drawn to policy options

which in former times were closed-off by alliance commitments. The conduct of
powers in cold-war alliance systems may become less predictable, or will need to
be studied in contexts which take more account of factors beyond alliances. In one
way, the Gulf War was an example of what can happen now that Soviet global
power is in decline: despite Saddam Hussein's Iraq being a close Soviet ally
(though never a puppet) Moscow was quite unable to restrain Iraq from its
aggression against Kuwait, or even to persuade Iraq to withdraw.

Tensions and problems buried by the Cold War may resurface.

The Cold War was so pervasive and overriding a consideration that it tended
to overshadow pre-existing tensions. In many cases the superpowers simply did
not permit their clients or allies to indulge such tensions, or at least kept them under
2
 close restraint so as to preserve alliance unity in the face of their rivals. This is no
longer true, and the effect has been rather like taking something out of the
freezer and allowing it to thaw. Admittedly, in a south Asian context, it is
debateable just how much influence Washington was able to exert on Pakistan, or
Moscow on India, but any leverage Moscow may have had on Delhi has now just
about evaporated, and Washington's influence on Islamabad is not what it was in
the days when a cold-war insurgency was going on against the Soviets in
Afghanistan.4

For years many Indian Ocean littoral states have taken a negative view of superpower
involvement in their regions, believing that this achieved little other than importation
of great power competition into places formerly free of it. There was a belief that if
only the big external powers would desist from importing their rivalries and from
trying to recruit regional states as clients, then things would be better. At least
competition between Indian Ocean states would be confined to the home-grown
variety, without complications introduced by external meddling.

The Indian Ocean Zone of Peace (IQZQP) Proposal

Representative of this thinking was a Sri Lankan proposal that the Indian Ocean be
declared a Zone of Peace:

"...from which great power rivalries and competition as well as bases

conceived in the context of such rivalries and competition should be
excluded, and declaring that the area should also be free of nuclear
weapons"

put in 1971 to the United Nations General Assembly; the Assembly adopted an
amended version of the proposal and a fifteen member ad hoc Committee" on the
IGZOP was set up by the Assembly in 1972.

The proposal, however, ran into difficulties. The most damaging were the opposition
or disinterest of the superpowers" and India's so-called "peaceful nuclear explosion"
of 18 May 1974. India itself has been viewed as wishing to use the proposal for its
own ends rather than in a truly regional interest. Certainly, it pressured Sri Lanka to
withdraw that part of the proposal which sought to bar nuclear weapons from the
region? In any event, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, uncomfortably close to the
Indian Ocean, so poisoned superpower relations for much of the eighties that the
IOZOP proposal languished. The United States during this period was building up its
presence at Diego Garcia, in the central Indian Ocean, and had little interest in ideas
which ran counter to its activities. The Soviets, mired in the pre-perestroika
"stagnation" for much of the decade, tended to give verbal support to the concept
while maintaining high levels of naval power in the Ocean themselves. The General
Assembly authorized the ad hoc Committee to prepare for an international conference not
materially advance i t s deliberations. Indeed, cynic might suspect that the big powers
joined to ensure that the proposal did not move too far too fast, or to modify it in
3
ways which suited their various interests and agendas.

The advent of Gorbachev, which led to significant improvements in

superpower relations from about 1988, did not re-energise IOZOP, because both
Moscow and Washington had higher priorities - the INF, CFE and START talks
which have all
produced important agreements in recent times. Finally, the 1990-1 Gulf crisis and
war cemented the presence of strong American forces in the northwestern sector
of the Ocean and IOZOP implementation, even neglecting other difficulties, now
appears highly improbable. This is most likely the end for proposals which seek
to exclude foreign military actors from the area; the chances of excluding nuclear
weapons were badly damaged by the 1974 Indian Bomb and kept in disrepair
by the Pakistani nuclear weapons program. As a practical proposal, therefore,
IOZOP is probably finished.'? Because the Indian Ocean is the key waterway
leading to the Persian Gulf, it is unlikely that external military presences will ever be
eliminated from the area. But the nature and purpose of these presences has
changed, in that modern deployments have now largely been stripped of the
superpower competition dimension and reduced to the essentials. Anyone who
wondered why the United States maintains facilities in the area need - after the
Gulf crisis and war - wonder no longer. And the measure of how things have
changed is that during this period the Soviets neither protested nor increased their
own presence as a counter to the United States.

So, while the goal of leaving the Indian Ocean to Indian Ocean states remains
an unlikely achievement, it is nevertheless true that the Indian Ocean countries have
been released from the strategic strait-jacket of the Cold War. In this altered
strategic environment, at least the worst elements of superpower regional
involvement have been de-emphaSised. This paper looks specifically at what India
might do with the apparently increased strategic freedom of action implied by this
development. It is useful firstly, though, to take a brief look at the much-
discussed Indian Navy, its growth and real capabilities.

4
HISTORY OF INDIAN NAVY
I undertook the assignment of writing this history to satisfy my historical curiosity. To
understand what happened and why it happened. And wherever judgement appeared to be
called for, to judge not by what happened but was expected to happen. History is built on
rational explanation. By combining significant source material and memoirs with interviews
of participants and personal knowledge, I have presented a reconstruction of events that is as
accurate and authentic as I could make it. My aim has been to make the reader well informed
enough to arrive at his own judgements. Broadly speaking, there are only two ways of
responding to the problems of historical understanding of controversial incidents like the loss
of the KHUKRI or the amphibious landing at Cox's Bazar. One is to say that the participants
knew perfectly well why they undertook a particular operation but simply could not later
admit the reason, for to do so might indicate their responsibility. The historian must ferret out
the original motives and present a convincing reconstruction of the environment that may
reveal the motives, or at least the main objectives of the principal players. A second broad
approach is to try and explain a disaster in terms not of motive but rather of drift. If indeed
there was no sharply defined purpose, then one is probably examining a vague process of
institutional momentum. In this conception, a patently flawed idea that has been around for
some time gradually acquires support simply because institutions and policy makers adapt to
it and begin to calculate how they can use it to advantage. It is in this context that the section
on the "Sinking of the KHUKRI" would provide food for thought in the extremely complex
area of anti submarine warfare. The tragic loss of the KHUKRI will remain a vexed issue. If
at all, a two ship Search and Attack Unit (SAU) had to be sailed to take on a submarine
whose capabilities were known to be superior to those of the ships of the SAU, then the SAU
should have been closely supported by all available anti submarine air effort - Seakings,
Alizes and Super Connies. On the other hand, had KHUKRI been following well established
torpedo counter measure procedures like high speed, zig-zags and weave, she would never
have been such an easy target. The Captain of KHUKRI took the calculated risk of
overcoming the limitations of his ship's sonar by doing slow speed and using the BARC
developed sonar modification to help increase his sonar's detection range. Luck was not on
his side. It is not my intention to invite controversy. Without trying to vindicate or to criticise,
controversial events have been presented dispassionately, leaving judgement to the reader. I
accept full responsibility for the facts as stated and the opinions expressed. I would welcome
inputs which would help to make the next edition more accurate. Although this volume of the
history has been sponsored by the Indian Navy, the views and the interpretation to facts are
entirely my own. They are not necessarily either those of the Indian Navy or of the
Government. To make it easier for the lay reader, contemporary names of countries have
been freely used such as Britain for United Kingdom, America for USA and Russia for Soviet
Union etc. There is a saying "The past is a work of art, free of irrelevancies and loose ends".
My hope has been to recreate past events after enough time has elapsed to recollect them in
relative tranquility, but not before the "irrelevancies and loose ends", which are the spice of
history, have disappeared.

5
 THE GROWTH OF THE INDIAN NAVY
CHAPTER 1
THE GROWTH OF THE NAVY TILL 1965

The Navy's Growth during the Second World War : 1939 to 1945 Prior to the Second World
War, Britain's Royal Navy was responsible for the overall maritime defence of India. For this
purpose, the Royal Navy maintained:

- a Fleet based at Trincomalee in Ceylon.

- a Fleet at Singapore.

- a Squadron at Bahrein.

The Royal Indian Navy (RIN) was responsible for coastal defence only. It had one naval base
at Bombay and training establishments scattered in many regions of India. In September
1939, when the Second World War started, the Royal Indian Navy had only five sloops, one
trawler, one survey ship and one patrol craft. It had 114 officers and 1732 ratings (sailors
were called ratings). All the six rating training schools were concentrated inside the Naval
Dockyard in Bombay

- Gunnery, Seamanship, Signals, Antisubmarine, Boys Training Establishment (BTE) and

Mechanical Training Establishment (MTE). There were no rating training schools for
Torpedo, Electrical or Radar. Officers went to Britain for basic and advanced training in all
disciplines. Eighty percent of rating recruits came from the Punjab and from the Bombay
Presidency

- mainly Konkan, and of them, seventy five percent were Muslim and nine percent Hindu.
During the war, the Royal Indian Navy underwent a phenomenal expansion. Thirty one small
vessels were immediately requisitioned to serve as minesweepers and patrol craft until newly
built ships could enter service. The first Basset class trawler built in Garden Reach Workshop
Calcutta entered service in 1941

- it was followed by five more. The first Bangor class fleet minesweeper built in India
entered service in 1943. Six new sloops came from Britain and were named after Indian
rivers. Bathurst class minesweepers came from Australia. Numerous minor vessels like motor
minesweepers, harbour defence motor launches and landing craft came from Britain, America
and Australia. The naval base and Naval Dockyard at Bombay were modernised. Three new
branches were created

- Electrical, Education and Medical. In 1945 when the war ended, the Navy had seven sloops,
four anti submarine frigates, eight corvettes, fourteen minesweepers, sixteen trawlers, one
survey ship, two depot ships, thirty auxiliary vessels, one hundred and fifty landing craft, two
hundred harbour craft and forty five harbour defence launches. The number of personnel had

6
risen to 3014 officers and 27,433 ratings, most of who served in shore establishments. The
recruiting pattern had changed noticeably

- there was a large increase from the Madras and Bengal Presidencies and a steep decline in
recruitment from the Bombay Presidency and the Punjab. The intake of Hindus had risen to
forty two percent and that of Muslims had fallen to thirty five percent. Several new naval
base establishments and training establishments had come up all along the West and East
coasts

PRE-INDEPENDENCE PLANS FOR THE NAVY'S DEVELOPMENT

British Strategic Perceptions in 1944 As Britain gradually reconciled itself to the inevitability
of India becoming independent, the Commander in Chief India assessed that the vital
strategic interests of the British Commonwealth in the Indian Ocean were:

(a) Oil supplies,

(b) Control of the eastern and western approaches to India.

(c) Air communications to Iraq, Ceylon, Burma and Malaya.

(d) Control of the seas and the island territories. In his view, should India be unfriendly or
liable to be influenced by a power such as Russia, China or Japan hostile to the British
Commonwealth, Britain's strategic position in the Indian Ocean would become untenable and
British communications with New Zealand and Australia most insecure.

The Plans for the Navy's Development in 1944/45. As the Second World War neared
completion, three separate studies emerged sequentially on the future development of the
Navy. The Godfrey Plan of 1944. This plan was prepared in April 1944 by Vice Admiral
Godfrey, the Commander in Chief of the Royal Indian Navy, for submission to the Chiefs of
Staff Committee. It had two phases.

Phase I proposed the replacement of inefficient ships by modern frigates and sloops,
acquisition of eight destroyers and training of personnel by 1947 to man a cruiser.

Phase II envisaged the acquisition of aircraft carriers and submarines with associated training
and maintenance facilities. The Chiefs of Staff Committee Report of 1944 on The Size and
Composition of the Post War Forces in India. This report assumed the only threat to be from
Russia, that independant India would continue to remain in the British Commonwealth and
that reinforcements would arrive from Britain and other parts of the British Empire to help
India defend her frontiers.

DEVELOPMENTS 1954 TO 1962

In 1954, agreements were signed for the acquisition from Britain of eight new frigates (3 anti
aircraft, 2 first rate anti submarine, 3 second rate anti submarine) and 6 minesweepers (4
coastals and 2 inshores). As part of the Naval Replacement Programme, the Government also

7
sanctioned two Fleet tankers. A second hand tanker had been purchased from Italy in 1953
and commissioned as SHAKTI in 1954. The Government sanction stipulated that the second
tanker should be built in India. In 1956, Vice Admiral Sir Stephen Carlill took over as Chief
of the Naval Staff. By this time, Pakistan had joined CENTO and SEATO and had been
promised substantial naval assistance. America committed to directly supply two destroyers
and eight minesweepers and pay Britain for refurbishing and supplying a cruiser and four
destroyers. Naval Headquarters, already preoccupied with pressing the case for the aircraft
carrier, found itself compelled to propose: (a) the acquisition of three destroyers from Britain
to match Pakistan's acquisitions and (b) the outright purchase of the three Hunt class
destroyers which were on loan from the British Navy since 1952. In April 1956 Government
approved the development of combatant naval aviation. The light fleet carrier HMS
HERCULES was purchased from the British Navy. In 1957, the Navy proposed to the
Government the retention of existing ships in commission. If approved, this together with the
new acquisitions under construction in Britain would double the number of ships in the Fleet
and enable it to cope with the increased size of the Pakistan Navy. In 1958, the Government:
(a) Agreed to NHQ's proposal to keep the existing ships in commission till 1962/63 or expiry
of life, whichever was earlier. (b) Approved the outright purchase of the three Hunt Class
destroyers that were on loan from Britain. (c) Agreed in principle to the acquisition from
Britain of three new destroyers in lieu of three of the six second rate A/S Type 14 frigates of
the KHUKRI Class proposed in 1950. These destroyers were required to provide the aircraft
carrier with anti submarine protection and at night act as VIKRANT's escorts in the event of
surface action. Pursuant to these decisions: (a) The Navy floated informal inquiries to the
British Admiralty regarding the availability of three Daring or Later Battle Class destroyers.
(b) Since the Bombay Dockyard would not be able to berth the envisaged size of the Fleet,
the Navy proposed the setting up of a major naval base at Visakhapatnam and made plans for
the immediate construction there of a 1120-foot jetty and a workshop. (c) To establish a
presence in the A & N Islands and to keep an eye on naval activity in the Bay of Bengal, the
Navy proposed to Government the positioning of a Resident Naval Officer (RNO) at Port
Blair. (d) The Navy decided to dispose off the old minesweepers which were occupying
precious alongside berths. RAJPUTANA, ROHILKHAND and two LCTs had already been
disposed of in 1956. Action was now taken to dispose of BOMBAY, MADRAS and
BENGAL. Only KONKAN was retained as a general-purpose vessel. In 1958, Vice Admiral
RD Katari took over as the first Indian Chief of Naval Staff. By this time, the first of the eight
new frigates of Admiral Pizey's naval replacement plan had started commissioning and the
aircraft carrier was being modernised. The Navy re-started its case for a submarine arm. In
1959, Britain indicated that neither Daring nor Later Battle Class destroyers were available.
The Navy then proposed to Government the acquisition from Britain of three Early Battle
Class destroyers which were older than those earlier requested. In pursuance of the decision
to relieve the congestion of ships at Bombay and to ease the growing workload on the Naval
Dockyard at Bombay, the Navy proposed to Government the basing of some ships at Cochin,
Visakhapatnam and Calcutta. In April 1960, Government acquired Mazagon Docks Ltd
(MDL) and asked it to prepare a preliminary report on the facilities required to modernise
MDL for building frigates. In November 1960, Government approved in principle that three
8
frigates should be built in India. The Navy's efforts to get the second fleet tanker built in
India did not bear fruit. Government sanctioned the acquisition of a new Fleet Tanker to
replace the old second hand tanker SHAKTI. In January 1961, MDL submitted its
preliminary report. Government deputed a team to discuss with the Admiralty, the
collaborating shipbuilders and the armament suppliers the steps to be taken to execute the
Frigate Project expeditiously and economically. The team recommended construction of three
Leander class frigates in collaboration with Britain. In December 1961, the Portuguese were
evicted from Goa. The airfield at Dabolim was taken over by the Navy. In Delhi, there was
difference of opinion between the Ministries whether Goa should be developed solely as a
mercantile port or whether the Navy's requirement to have a naval base half way between
Bombay and Cochin could be accommodated. This discussion continued until 1963.

DEVELOPMENTS 1963 TO 1965

After the military reverses during China's attacks in end 1962, India sought defence
assistance from America, Britain and the Commonwealth. These countries asked for details
of specific assistance. These details were sent. The requirements were phased in the form of a
five-year plan and led to the formulation of the 1964 - 69 Defence Plan. Meanwhile the
American President and the British Prime Minister, who had met at Nassau in the Bahamas in
December 1962, had decided that: (a) America would not supply "lethal" equipment to India,
except for equipping the Army's mountain divisions on the Indo Chinese border. (b) Britain,
the 'traditional supplier', would deal with the Navy's requirements. (c) The envisaged aid to
India of $120 million would be shared equally between America and Britain. Immediately
after China's attack: (a) The first RNO Port Blair was appointed in November 1962. (b)
Government accorded sanction for the construction of the new 1120 foot wharf at
Visakhapatnam. The year 1963 was a major milestone in Indian naval planning. The
Government initiated an exhaustive review of defence requirements. China was viewed as the
primary threat. The Government decided that the Army's strength should be raised to 825,000
men and the Air Force's strength to 45 squadrons. The resources required to achieve this
meant that the Navy could not be strengthened. Whereas the Navy had proposed a force level
of 130 ships, the Defence Plan for the Navy envisaged "a phased programme for replacement
of over-aged ships". During 1963:

(a) With a view to take up the construction of frigates in India, a team of officers headed by
the DCNS visited Britain and Sweden to evaluate their offers of collaboration.

(b) The responsibility for Seaward Defence was entrusted to the Navy. The Coast Batteries
which till then were manned by the Army were taken over by the Navy.

(c) The Navy was asked to garrison the A&N islands. INS JARAWA was commissioned as a
naval establishment. A naval garrison was stationed at Port Blair and provided with vessels
for moving between the islands.

(d) It was decided to set up at Visakhapatnam, the full-fledged Naval Base and Dockyard
which had been proposed in 1957.

9
 (e) It was decided to develop Goa as a naval base. INS GOMANTAK was commissioned as
a naval establishment. The Naval Air Station Daboim's facilities were updated to make them
capable of operating jet aircraft.

By early 1964, the Defence Plan 1964-69 had crystallised. The requirements of the Plan were
discussed by the Defence Minister's Delegations during their visits to America in May 1964,
to Russia in August 1964 and to Britain in November 1964. Neither America, Britain nor
Russia perceived any threat to India from China's Navy. In their view, India's priority was to
contain China on India's land borders by strengthening the Army and the Air Force. Russia
however was willing to meet the Navy's needs. In his book "Indian Navy's Submarine Arm",
Admiral Chatterji states: "From the Soviet point of view, India's naval shopping list no doubt
came at a propitious time. Following the victory of the Chinese in the eastern Himalayas and
Peking's sharp attacks on Soviet foreign policy in the Indian Ocean, Moscow's geo-strategic
analysis of Southeast Asia welcomed a powerful Indian Navy that would associate and
cooperate with the Soviet Navy to contain China in the region. Whatever may be the reasons
for the Soviet Union's prompt and positive responses to India's Naval requirements, it was
certainly very helpful and timely in making up the various deficiencies in the Indian Fleet".<
By 1965, collaboration agreements had been concluded with Vickers Yarrow of Britain for
the indigenous construction of three Leander class frigates. Britain offered a special defence
credit of 4.7 million pounds to cover the external cost of the Frigate Project for the first four
years, as well as for the expansion of Mazagon Docks Ltd. Negotiations were also finalised
for the Navy's tanker to be built by a public sector shipping line in a foreign shipyard and on
completion, for the tanker to be chartered to the Navy. When the Rann of Kutch incident
occurred in April 1965 the position regarding the Navy's requirements was:

(a) America had said that Britain should deal with the Navy's needs.

(b) The British Navy had expressed its inability to spare either the type of destroyers or the
type of submarines which the Navy wanted. British shipbuilders were willing to build a new
Oberon class submarine which India wanted. India's suggestion for soft credit, as had been
extended for the Frigate Project was being reconsidered by the British Government.

(c) Russia had offered a variety of ships and submarines to meet the Navy's needs. In May
1965, soon after the Rann of Kutch incident, a series of events occurred with startling
rapidity.

(a) In April, Pakistan intruded into Kutch.

(b) In May, Britain informed India that they were unable to extend financial assistance for an
Oberon class submarine to be built in a Britain shipyard.

(c) In June, there was an increase in Indonesian intrusions into the Nicobar Islands. The
Navy recommended to the Government an immediate increase in naval presence in the Bay
of Bengal to deter further intrusions.

10
(d) The refusal of British credit to build the Oberon class submarine and the need for
increased naval presence in the A & N islands combined to precipitate the decision to accept
the Russian offer of ships and submarines which they had made in September 1964.

(e) In September 1965, an agreement was signed for the acquisition from Russia of four
submarines, a submarine depot ship, five Petya class submarine chasers, two Landing Ships
Tank Medium and five patrol boats, all for deployment in the Bay of Bengal and the A & N
Islands.

In a letter to Rear Admiral Sridharan in November 1965. Admiral Mountbatten wrote:

(Maritime History of India by Rear Admiral K Sridharan, ) "I have a specially soft spot in my
heart for the Indian Navy, having done so very much for it from the time I was the Supreme
Allied Commander and had most of the Navy serving under me from 1943 to 1946 until I
was Viceroy and then Governor General, when I took a great personal part in the division and
reconstitution of the Navy. "Ever since then I have been instrumental in getting almost all of
the requirements of the Indian Navy met by the British Government, including the two
cruisers, the aircraft carrier, the destroyers, the organisations for building the frigates at
Bombay etc. "I had even managed to get more favourable terms for the construction of a
British submarine but alas it all took so long that this particular transaction fell through".

AN OVERVIEW OF THE NAVY'S GROWTH 1947 TO 1965

Viewed in retrospect, even though the allocations to the Navy were low, it was possible to
gradually build up a modest force, using the sterling balances built up during World War II.
Despite the disinclination to increase defence expenditure and even after meeting the pressing
needs of the Army and Air Force, the Navy's percentage share of the defence budget rose
from 4 per cent in 1950/51 to 9 per cent in 1956/57 and 12 per cent in 1959/60. From 1961
onwards, the Navy's allocation steadily declined to 4% in 1964/65, mainly because of the
over-riding need to swiftly modernise the Army and Air Force after the Chinese aggression of
1962. It is also interesting to note how the long awaited approval for the Submarine Arm
resulted not only from a curious combination of several geopolitical and economic factors but
also as part of a much larger decision to start acquiring the Navy's requirements from Russia.
As can be seen from the following table of ship acquisitions between 1947 and 1965, the
Navy's growth was moderate, slow and steady, with new construction ships from the UK
replacing those of World War II vintage and with indigenous construction gradually
acquiring momentum.

11
 CHAPTER-2
THE INTERNATIONAL GEOPOLITICAL WEB

The partition of India in 1947 was the outcome of attitudes whose historical origins went
back several centuries. Starting in the 8th century, the Hindu kingdoms of India were
subjugated by Muslim invaders, first from Afghanistan and then by the Mughals from Central
Asia. The British East India Company stepped in as Mughal power declined. After the first
Indian struggle for independence in 1857, two things happened. Britain formally took over
the governance of India from the East India Company. And the British started depending
more on the Hindus who for many years had been availing of English education and had been
exposed to Western thought. The Muslims, having ruled India for several centuries, started
resenting this rise in Hindu status. As the movement for freedom from British rule gathered
headway, fears of Hindu economic domination led the Muslims to demand separate Hindu
and Muslim electorates. Over time, this led to the Muslim League's demand for a separate
Muslim state, to be called Pakistan, comprising the Muslim majority provinces of
Baluchistan, Sind, West Punjab, the Northwest Frontier province and East Bengal. The
Muslim League, led by Mr Jinnah, was able to mobilise the Muslim middle class. He played
on their fears of Hindu domination and they followed him.

On the other hand, the Congress leaders of India's freedom movement, both Hindu and
Muslim, were determined that independent India must be a secular state, where the pull of
religion did not intrude into matters of governance. The Congress party, led by Mahatma
Gandhi, Pandit Nehru, Sardar Patel, Netaji Bose, Maulana Azad, Frontier Gandhi Abdul
Ghaffar Khan and innumerable other Hindu and Muslim nationalist leaders fervently believed
in a composite Hindu Muslim culture and staunchly opposed the partition of India into two
homelands. They were unable to allay the insecurity which the Muslim League played upon.
When the Muslim League leaders were asked what would happen to the millions of Muslims
who would remain in India in the provinces in which they were in a minority, their answer
was that "they would have to manage". To Indian leaders, this "two nation theory" was
impractical and repugnant. The history of India's freedom struggle until 1947 is a record of
the failure of innumerable efforts to achieve Hindu Muslim political unity.

In April 1947, Rear Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten was appointed as the last Viceroy of
India to hand over power by mid-1948. After assessing the situation, he concluded that
partition could not be avoided and the handing over would have to be proponed. He presented
to the Congress and the Muslim League a plan to partition the country into India and
Pakistan. The boundaries of the two countries would be demarcated by a commission. The
Princely States could stay free or join either country. Power would be transferred on the basis
of 'Dominion Status' and thereafter either Government could withdraw from the British
Commonwealth if it wished. With rioting spreading beyond control, the date for the end of
British rule and the transfer of power was proponed by nearly a year to two months hence, on
15 August 1947.

12
Despite serious differences of opinion on the concept and the timing, the partition plan was
accepted by both parties. The enormous violence of the Hindu Muslim riots and the loss of
life and property that followed when millions of families migrated from one side to the other
left deep scars of mutual suspicion in both countries.

The 567 rulers of the Princely States were advised to accede either to India or to Pakistan.
559 states acceded to India. 5 states acceded to Pakistan. Three states were undecided -
Junagadh, Hyderabad and Kashmir:

–The Muslim ruler of Hindu majority Junagadh, a small state on the Saurashtra coast, first
acceded to Pakistan. The population objected. The ruler changed his mind and acceded to
India. The Navy's role in this operation is recorded in the history of the Navy for the period
1945 to 1950 "Under Two Ensigns".

– The Muslim ruler of Hindu majority Hyderabad,a land locked state in the centre of India,
wanted to remain free. However the anti-Hindu terrorist violence unleashed by the Razakars,
an extremist Muslim organisation dedicated to maintaining the supremacy of Muslim power
in the Deccan, led to a swift police action by India to restore law and order. The Nizam
accepted Hyderabad becoming a part of India.

– The third state, Muslim majority Kashmir, not only became the cause of the 1947, 1965 and
1971 Indo Pakistan wars but also the cockpit for international geo-politics. Like the Nizam of
Hyderabad, the Maharaja of Kashmir wanted to remain free. This was not to Pakistan's liking.
Pakistan sent into Kashmir tribesmen, followed by irregular forces, to take over Kashmir. The
tribesmen entered Kashmir in October 1947 and within days had advanced to the outskirts of
Srinagar. The Maharaja sought India's assistance to repel the raiders. India insisted that this
could only be done after his state had formally acceded to India. This was done. The first
Indian troops reached Srinagar on 27 October and the raiders were pushed back. Pakistan
then sent in its regular forces in civilian clothes. They too were pushed back.

On 1 January 1948, India referred the Kashmir issue to the United Nations, stating that
despite the ruler and the people having acceded to India, the Government of India, to keep the
matter above board, would hold a plebiscite to ascertain the wishes of the people after law
and order had been re-established in the entire state. The Security Council, particularly
America and Britain, instead of recognising that Pakistan's aggression had created a warlike
situation, passed a resolution calling on both sides to ease the tension. A few days later the
Security Council passed another resolution to create a United Nations Commission to
exercise a mediatory role and investigate the facts.

India was dismayed at the America and British attitude, as was the Viceroy, Lord
Mountbatten, at their deliberate refusal to recognise India's transparently sincere intentions,
despite the communal holocaust of partition. In later years, this American and British attitude
of equating India and Pakistan, despite repeated aggression by Pakistan, became the basis of
Anglo-American policy. Proposals for arms aid were assessed, not on the criterion of need
but on not disturbing the military balance in the Asian sub-continent.

13
The Government of India told the Indian Army to clear the Pakistanis up to a point which
could be militarily defensible. The Army strongly pressed for advancing farther. The
Government felt that "going farther would have embroiled Indian forces unnecessarily in an
area and terrain which was unfavourable, geographically as well as population wise".

The United Nations Commission arrived in July 1948. Pakistan admitted that it had sent in
three brigades of troops. The Commission made various suggestions. Negotiations followed.
The UN resolution stipulated that the very first step was Pakistani withdrawal of its forces
from the areas it had occupied in Kashmir. The second step was to restore the jurisdiction of
the Srinagar government over the whole of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. A plebiscite was
to be held only after these two conditions were fulfilled. A cease fire came into effect on 1
January 1949, one year after India's initial complaint to the UN. By this time, Indian troops
had pushed the Pakistanis back to a cease fire line, (CFL) across which Indian and Pakistani
troops faced each other to prevent intrusions.

Prior to the cease fire, India insisted upon and obtained three safeguards :

- The administration of the territory held by Pakistan (which Pakistan called Azad Kashmir )
would not mean loss of sovereignty for the Kashmir Government over these territories nor
recognition of the Government of Azad Kashmir.

- India would maintain its forces, not only to ensure law and order, but also to defend the
state against external aggression.

- Pakistan, having no locus standi, would play no role in holding the plebiscite. In
subsequent years, no plebiscite could be held because Pakistan declined to vacate the part of
Kashmir territory which it had forcibly occupied in 1947.

After the 1965 Indo Pakistan War, Russia's mediation at Tashkent helped to negotiate the
postwar settlement. From 1966 onwards, Russia tried to wean Pakistan away from American
and Chinese influence by offering defence assistance and economic aid. By 1969, it was clear
that this had not succeeded. In the same year, discussions started on what in August 1971 was
to become the Indo Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation (Note: for details see
"War and Secession" by Sisson and Rose, Page 197). Russia offered to sign a similar treaty
with Pakistan provided they got out of CENTO, SEATO and the American Military
Assistance Programme. Pakistan rejected the offer

In the 1960's, America's naval policy in the Indian Ocean had many ingredients. The
foremost was to deter Russia from interrupting the flow of oil from the Persian Gulf countries
to America and Europe. Politically, this entailed American support of Iran to counter Russian
influence in Iraq. It entailed maintaining a naval presence in the Persian Gulf, and wherever
possible, in the countries on the rim of the Indian Ocean, not only to secure the sea lines of
communication which criss-crossed the Indian Ocean but also to inject military force from
seaward when required. By 1968, the American Navy had effected the necessary adjustments
in its global naval deployments. In 1968, Britain announced its intention to withdraw from

14
East of Suez by 1971 and generated debate on "the Vacuum in the Indian Ocean". Russia's
naval presence in the Indian Ocean increased to keep pace with the American naval presence.

America felt that Russia was articulating anxiety to forestall American naval deployment.
The Russians on the other hand, felt that the establishing of communication facilities in
Diego Garcia and in Northwest Cape in Australia could be interpreted clearly as reflecting an
intention to deploy submarines in the Indian Ocean whose ballistic missiles were targeted on
Russia.

Fears of a naval vacuum in the Indian Ocean were soon overtaken by fears of the
militarisation of the Indian Ocean. America neither denied nor acknowledged the deployment
of submarine launched ballistic missiles. The Russian Navy started showing its flag in the
Indian Ocean, partly to fill the naval vacuum, partly to counter the American Navy and partly
to demonstrate to the littoral states that the Russian Navy was a force to contend with. Since
Russia lacked naval bases in the Indian Ocean, an anchorage was developed off Socotra near
the Gulf of Aden. Overall, there was a steady increase in the presence of American and
Russian naval ships.

In 1969, American President Nixon's "Twin Pillar" strategy entrusted the security of the
Persian Gulf region to the monarchies in Iran and Saudi Arabia. America started heavily
arming both countries under the Nixon Doctrine. In 1970, the Russians became active in the
Dhofar rebellion in Oman, which was a Persian Gulf choke-point. These moves towards
militarisation of the Indian Ocean triggered countermoves to make the Indian Ocean a Zone
of Peace. And both these moves and countermoves had to take into account the overall
American hyper-sensitivity regarding West Asian oil supplies.

In 1971, the Indo Soviet Friendship Treaty and Russia's veto in the Security Council during
the Indo Pakistan war helped India to liberate Bangladesh so that ten million refugees could
return to their homes. America made its gesture of support to Pakistan by sending the
ENTERPRISE carrier group into the Bay of Bengal. The Russian Navy, in an equally
reassuring gesture of support to India, shadowed the American Navy's task force into the
Indian Ocean. After the 1971 war, the Russian Navy worked alongside the Indian Navy to
clear the mines laid by the Pakistan Navy in the approaches to Chittagong harbour.

In 1971 also, the concept of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace crystallised in the UN. The
original idea of the Non Aligned Movement was that the Great Powers should not enhance
their military presence in the Indian Ocean area. The UN's 1971 resolution for an Indian
Ocean Peace Zone was very specific about the scope of the Zone. The Indian Ocean covered
not only the ocean, but also its natural extensions like the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf etc. It did
not include the adjacent land mass. The main thrust of the resolution was directed against
Great Power rivalry in the Indian Ocean. It did not try to find a solution to the politics of the
littoral. Nor did it make the acceptance of the Zone of Peace by the Great Powers conditional
upon reciprocal obligation by the littoral and hinterland states. However, since this did not
suit the Cold War interests of the two super powers, the UN's Adhoc Committee attempted to
reverse the priorities. The Great Powers were able to divert attention from their own
15
obligations by demanding that the regional powers should themselves accept de-
nuclearisation first. And, as usual, they were able to manipulate regional dissensions and
rivalries to stall the convening of a Zone of Peace Conference.

In 1972, Iraq nationalised her oil companies. The Iraqi Navy established a naval base and
positioned Russian supplied missile boats at Umm Qasr at the head of the Persian Gulf in the
Shatt-el-Arab, not far from the Iranian oil fields of Abadan. America commenced the
construction of naval facilities on Diego Gracia to support a carrier task force for 30 days.
Three submarine pens were to be constructed for the attack submarines which accompany a
carrier battle group. The runways were to be lengthened to operate B 52 strategic bombers.
America indicated that it did not intend to employ nuclear weapons on these B-52's nor
deploy submarine launched ballistic missiles from Diego Garcia.

In 1973, the Arab Israeli war persuaded the OPEC states to use oil pricing as a weapon
against the West to offset the continued economic, political and military arms support for
Israel. They raised the price of oil. The results were many and diverse. The nations of the
West reacted with hysteria to start with, but soon turned it to advantage. There was a massive
increase in wealth for the OPEC states, who then significantly increased their military
expenditures and arms purchases. The Western banks, faced with mounting deposits of petro
dollars, increased their lending to non OPEC Third World countries. This credit boom offered
an excellent opportunity to upgrade defence equipment, particularly as Western suppliers
were increasingly keen to export state of the art weapons and equipment to offset domestic
economic decline and balance of payment difficulties, both of which were being aggravated
by rising oil prices. Concurrently, extensive plans were initiated for oil substitutes and
diversification of oil supplies. The number of new producers increased. Soon supply
exceeded demand, prices fell and the crisis shifted from the consumers to the producers.

In 1973 also, America decided to create a Quick Reaction Force to deal with crises in the
Persian Gulf. The Russian Navy symbolised its presence when it helped to clear mines in the
Red Sea. In 1974, Russian influence started building up in Somalia and the Russian Navy
helped in clearing the Suez Canal of mines.

Pakistan's naval relationship with China started in September 1970 when the C-in-C Navy
first visited there. By this time, unrest was brewing in East Pakistan and China agreed to
strengthen the Navy in East Pakistan by supplying small shallow craft for riverine patrols.
The patrol craft could not be delivered until after the establishment of Bangladesh, when the
contract was amended. In subsequent years, China supplied the Pakistan Navy with hydrofoil
torpedo boats, gunboats, missile boats and large patrol craft.

In the years after the 1971 war, the Pakistan Navy acquired one more Daphne class
submarine, two Agosta class submarines and Atlantic maritime patrol aircraft from France,
frigates and anti-submarine Seaking helicopters from Britain and destroyers on loan from
America.

16
 CHAPTER 3

THE 1965 INDO PAKISTAN WAR

Preamble The analyses of all wars and all naval operations invariably reveal facets which
caused confusion and facets of great achievement. From the records presently available of
events in 1965, two general features stand out prominently:-

(a) 1965 was the first time after independence in 1947 that the Cabinet, the Ministry of
Defence, the Chiefs of Staff Committee and the Services Headquarters came face to face with
the procedural realities of war and its international implications. Every single personage and
institution had to carefully feel the way forward. There were no precedents to go by.
Expectedly, there was considerable confusion. Had the war been longer, many grey areas
would have progressively clarified. Instead, its short duration permitted achievements to be
exaggerated and shortcomings to be subsumed.

(b) The second feature was the clear determination of both the Indian and Pakistan
Governments to localize the war, to desist from attacks on cities and non-military targets and
to anticipate reciprocity in not sinking each other’s merchant ships. This too created
confusion. In the doctrines prevalent at that time, the Armed Forces were trained to go all out
in war. They were not accustomed to the political niceties of only one or two Services
fighting and the third service being confined to defensive action within geographical limits.
The media on both sides were sensationalizing the achievements of their respective Armed
Forces. For all practical purposes India and Pakistan were actually at war with each other.
Indeed in his broadcast on 6 September, President Ayub Khan of Pakistan stated that Pakistan
was at war. But neither the Government of India nor of Pakistan formally "declared war",
thereby increasing the confusion.

With hindsight, it is clear that the interplay of factors was complex. India wanted to treat
events as a local dispute over Kashmir and hence an internal affair. Pakistan wanted to
internationalise the Kashmir issue. Then there was the dilemma of two members of the same
British Commonwealth being at war with one another. In fact Britain, America and Canada
declared on embargo on 14 September on all supplies of military equipment and stores to
both India and Pakistan. Soon thereafter, France and Sweden imposed a similar embargo. In a
wider perspective, declaration of war could have invited Great Power involvement and
United Nations intervention.

For the Navy, the events of 1965 yielded invaluable lessons. Many of the shortcomings were
remedied before the 1971 war. Many of the inherent contradictions of "being at war without
formally declaring war" re-surfaced during naval operations in 1971. The Dramatis Personae
in the 1965 War General J N Chaudhuri was the Chief of the Army Staff and Chairman of the
Chief.

17
 The Dramatis Personae in the 1965 War

General J N Chaudhuri was the Chief of the Army Staff and Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff
Committee. Vice Admiral B S Soman was the Chief of the Naval Staff. Air Marshal Arjan
Singh was the Chief of the Air Staff. Rear Admiral BA Samson was the Flag Officer
Commanding Indian Fleet (FOCIF).

Mr Lal Bahadur Shastri was the Prime Minister. Mr Y B Chavan was the Defence Minister.
Mr Swaran Singh was the Foreign Minister. In the Ministry of Defence, Mr P V R Rao was
the Defence Secretary, Mr HC Sarin was the Secretary Defence Production Mr GL Sheth was
the Additional Secretary and Mr DD Sathe was a Joint Secretary. Mr LK Jha was the
Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister. Mr CP Srivastava, the Private Secretary to the
Prime Minister, published his memoirs "Lal Bahadur Shastri" in 1996. Mr RD Pradhan, the
Private Secretary to the Defence Minister, published his memoirs "Debacle to Revival" in
1998.

Pakistan's Plan The picture that emerges from published Pakistani sources and memoirs is of
an aggressive plan comprising three major operations named Desert Hawk, Gibraltar and
Grand Slam. The first phase, Operation Desert Hawk, to be launched in early 1965, was a
probing encounter to claim territory in the Rann of Kutch, where the boundary had not yet
been demarcated. This operation was meant to serve several purposes. First to assess India's
responses. Next to draw India's military forces southward to Kutch, away from the Punjab.
Thirdly to give Pakistani military forces a dress rehearsal for a full scale invasion of India
later in the year, initially in Kashmir and thereafter in Punjab. Fourthly to test how far
America was serious in enforcing its ban on the use of American supplied Patton tanks and
other military equipment for an attack on India.

Concurrently with this first phase, the training was to be started of about 30,000 men in
guerrilla and sabotage activities. These men were to be formed in ten 'Gibraltar' forces, each
commanded by a Pakistani Army officer and comprising six units of five companies of 110
men per company. Each company comprised regular troops of the Azad Kashmir Army,
which was part of the Pakistan Army, along with Mujahid (volunteers for a jehad) and
Razakar (defenders of the faith) irregulars.The Gibraltar Forces were placed under the
command of a Major General of the Pakistan Army who was also commanding a division of
regular troops.

The second phase, Operation Gibraltar was to commence in early August 1965 and
envisioned several stages. Infiltrators would penetrate sixty locations throughout Kashmir
and at each location initiate terror,arson, murder, destroy bridges, communications and
government property. After a few days of large scale damage, it would be announced over a
new radio station called 'Voice of Kashmir' that the people of Kashmir had risen in revolt. In
due course, after describing the success of the people's uprising, the radio station would
announce the formation of a National Government. Concurrently the Pakistan Government
would deny the Indian Government's allegations of infiltration and label as aggression the
Indian Army's crossing the Cease Fire Line into Pakistan Occupied Kashmir to stop further
18
infiltration. Towards end August, the Pakistan Army would launch the third phase Operation
Grand Slam. This would be a large scale attack across the India - Pakistan international
boundary into the Chamb area in order to capture Akhnoor and cut India's only road link with
Kashmir. Pakistan would allege that this was a response to India's aggression across the cease
fire line. After the successful launch of the thrust to Akhnoor, the Pakistan Army would
launch a massive attack with Patton tanks on Punjab to capture Amritsar and as much Indian
territory as possible for eventual exchange after the cease fire. Since none of the foregoing
was known to India at the time, India's responses to these unfolding events provide insights
into the why's and wherefore's of the Indian Navy's actions in 1965.

The Intrusion in KUTCH - Operation Desert Hawk - April 1965

The Rann of Kutch is a marshy area about 300 miles long and 50 miles wide on the western
seaboard of India. The incident started in January 1965 with Pakistan claiming the entire
Rann of Kutch on the grounds that Sind, one of Pakistan's provinces, used to exercise
administrative control over the area during the British period. This was one of the many
undemarcated areas pending since partition in 1947. Pakistan was keen to have at least the
northern portion of the Rann, which it had earmarked for offshore drilling with the help of an
American oil company. India asserted that Kanjarkot, Chadbet and Biarbet, which Pakistan
claimed, belonged to India and not to Pakistan.

Operation Desert Hawk started with skirmishes between Indian police patrols and Pakistani
border guards about an eighteen mile track, a mile and a half inside Indian territory where
Pakistani forces established two posts. By early April, the fighting had spread to within 10
miles of the fort at Kanjarkot. On 9 April, Pakistan forces in brigade strength attacked the
Central Reserve Police manned Sardar post near the old ruined fort of Kanjarkot. The CRPF
contingent was forced to withdraw. The task of sanitising the area was then taken over by the
Army. The Indian Army asked the Pakistan Army to vacate Kanjarkot. The Pakistan Army
refused. On 16 April, Pakistan claimed Kanjarkot to be Pakistan territory. On 24 April,
Pakistan launched a division size attack, using Patton tanks and field guns. The attack was
contained with considerable casualties on both sides. When the incident had started, the
British Prime Minister initiated moves to secure a cease-fire. During the Commonwealth
Heads of Government conference in London, he succeeded in his efforts. A simple cease fire
was declared on 29 April. On 15 June fighting erupted again. On 30 June, a formal cease fire
was signed in London restoring India's police control over the disputed areas while allowing
the Pakistan police the use of the disputed track.

Both the national and the international press commented adversely on the performance of the
Indian troops. Though the Army did nor fare as badly as Pakistan claimed, Pakistan did make
local gains. Logistics favoured Pakistan. It had an airfield at Badin where it had deployed F
86 Sabre fighter aircraft. And Pakistan had deployed its Army in force - an infantry division
and two regiments of tanks, including the Patton tanks recently received from America. India
protested to America against the use of these American supplied arms and America protested
to Pakistan. Nothing much happened.

19
On the naval side, no encounter occurred. Early in 1965, the Indian Fleet had visited Bahrein
and Kuwait as planned. The aircraft carrier VIKRANT had carried out a routine cooperation
exercise with the Army in the Kutch area. When the skirmish occurred, some ships were on
routine assignments on both coasts and in the Andamans. Most ships were in Bombay
undergoing maintenance in preparation for the annual exercises in the Bay of Bengal for the
duration of the southwest monsoon. The aircraft carrier had disembarked her air squadrons
and was on her way back to Bombay for docking. When Pakistan intruded in Kutch, she was
ordered to sail back and reembark her aircraft. By the time she had done so, the cease fire had
been declared. This delay in her docking was to result in the carrier not being available for
operations later in the year.

The official history of the Pakistan Navy titled `Story Of The Pakistan Navy 1947 - 1972'
states:

"In March 1965 the Indian Navy, having completed a series of exercises off Bombay and
Cochin, sent their aircraft carrier and a number of destroyers and frigates on a goodwill visit
to the Gulf ports. On their return they joined up with other units from Bombay and carried out
extensive exercises off Kutch. These exercises included anti submarine, anti aircraft, strike
and photo recce missions by carrier borne aircraft. This appears to have been a prelude to the
Kutch operations in which the aircraft carrier played an important role in transporting men
and material to the port of Kandla, which was being used as a support base for operations in
the area.

"In Karachi, COMPAK arrived suddenly one afternoon and enquired how soon ships could
proceed to sea. All available ships were made ready and proceeded to sea a few days later for
the Rann of Kutch operations which was a prelude to the September 1965 War.

"A notable feature of the 1965 war was that both its genesis and its outcome have remained
largely unstated, but it was caused by frictions generated by the gradual change in India's
stance over the Kashmir issue. In Pakistan it was becoming increasingly evident that India
wanted to do a volte face on its commitment to a plebiscite in Kashmir. This was clear from
the pronouncement of its leaders and by the practical steps initiated for the incorporation of
the disputed territory in the Indian Union. The predominant view in Pakistan was that if
nothing was done to thwart India's efforts, she would be emboldened to proceed ahead with
her plans for the assimilation of the state into its territory. Lack of any response on Pakistan's
part, it was feared, would enable the Indians to strengthen their claim over the State as time
passed.

" In June, a formal cease fire agreement was arrived at, effective from 1 July. It provided for
ministerial level talks which, if they did not produce a compromise, would be followed by
reference of the Kutch issue to a tribunal to demarcate the boundary. The ministerial meeting
never took place - Pakistan did not reply to India's communications -so a tribunal was
appointed. The tribunal upheld by 2 to 1 Pakistan's claim to the northern half of the Rann and
awarded 10 percent of the disputed territory to Pakistan. Mr Pradhan's memoirs state:

20
"After the cease-fire on the Rann of Kutch the Indian army had started moving troops to their
battle locations with the object of restraining any Pakistani adventure in the Punjab or in
Jammu and Kashmir. However for want of intelligence assessment the movement was
considerably slow. During March and April 1965, the Kashmir valley was simmering with
anti-India propaganda. In May 1965 the Indian government was forced to rearrest Sheikh
Abdullah. There were pretests and agitations and the Pakistani hawks decided that the time
was ripe to launch a guerrilla type operation in Jammu and Kashmir named `Operation
Gibraltar'.

" Pakistan's incursion into Kutch roused strong feelings amongst the people of India. They
had vivid memories of the humiliation India had suffered at the hands of the Chinese in 1962.
The opposition parties alleged that Prime Minister Shastri had not acted firmly enough.
Several considerations appear to have weighed with the Prime Minister in handling the Kutch
crisis. Mr C P Srivastava was the Private Secretary to the Prime Minister in 1965. His
memoirs "Lal Bahadur Shastri", state:

"At the back of his mind was always the firm advice of the Army Chief that an escalation of
fighting in the Rann of Kutch area was, tactically, not in the country's interest and that if there
had to be a trial of strength between India and Pakistan, it should be elsewhere."

Naval Movements Between May And August 1965

The `Story of the Pakistan Navy' states:- "After the Rann of Kutch operations, the Pakistan
Navy's ships went to sea frequently and carried out intensive maneuvers. Changes of
formation from surface to anti aircraft disposition were carried out while long periods were
spent patrolling off Karachi. Exercises continued throughout the monsoons. In August, all
leave was stopped in the fleet and preparations were made for possible hostilities".

The `Indian Navy's History 1951 - 1965' states:-

"The Indian Fleet sailed for the Bay of Bengal in end June. No directive had been received
from Government to prepare for war. It had been arranged for a British submarine to be
available off Madras in July for anti submarine training, after which it was planned that ships
of the Fleet visit the Andamans,Calcutta and Visakhapatn.

The Developments in Delhi

Mr Pradhan's memoirs state: "On 30 August, General Chaudhuri went to Srinagar for an on-
the-spot assessment. He was due to return to Delhi on 1 September. That very morning at
3.45 am, Pakistan started the bombardment of India's front positions. The blitzkiieg offensive
was planned to exploit Pakistani superiority in armour and heavy artillery. `Operation Grand
Slam' caught the Indian commanders by surprise - a full scale war had erupted".

"In the morning meeting on Wednesday, 1 September 1965, General Kumarmangalam said
16-days is the least (period) before Pak should retaliate.

21
 "The VCOAS's assessment that sixteen days would be the minimum period before Pakistan
launched an attack showed how faulty both military assessment and intelligence were".

Air Chief Marshal Arjan Singh recalls:

"In the Air Force, we were aware of the seriousness of what was happening. We had thought
it out. In my opinion and the Army may not accept it, the attack on Chamb Jaurian took the
Army by surprise. It was a very strong attack by the Pakistan Army. As far as I know, we
only had a Brigade plus. The main purpose of the Pakistan Army was to capture Akhnoor
Bridge, the vital link between Jammu, Rajouri and Poonch. If the Pakistanis had captured or
destroyed Akhnoor Bridge, they would have cut the LOC and then there was no way of
supplying that area except by air. That was their main aim initially. After that, probably their
attempt would have been to cut the Jammu, Udhampur and Srinagar road or interrupt the road
traffic to the valley.

NAVAL OPERATIONS IN SEPTEMBER 1965

The Pakistan Navy's Role and Deployments

The Pakistan Navy comprised one cruiser (BABUR), one submarine (GHAZI), seven
destroyers/frigates (KHAIBAR, BADR, JAHANGIR, ALAMGIR, TUGHRIL,
SHAHJAHAN, TIPPU SULTAN) and one tanker (DACCA). Of these, one destroyer
(TUGHRIL) was under refit. The remaining ships comprised the Pakistan Flotilla. The
Pakistan Air Force had B 57 Canberra bombers, F 86 Sabre fighters and maritime
reconnaissance aircraft operating from Karachi. The Story of the Pakistan Navy' states:

"The role assigned to the Pakistan Navy was the maritime defence of Pakistan. This included
the following tasks - the seaward defence of the ports of Pakistan, keeping the sea lines of
communication open, escorting merchant ships, protection of coasts against amphibious
assaults, interdiction of shipping and assisting the army in the riverine operations in East
Pakistan". "The surface units were deployed as one force to patrol on an arc 100 miles from
Karachi to achieve concentration of force, provide seaward defence and attack the enemy as
one group". "The submarine GHAZI was sailed on 2 September to patrol off Bombay and
instructed to attack only the heavy units of the Indian Navy i.e. VIKRANT, MYSORE and
DELHI. She was in position by the morning of 5 September." `The Story of the Pakistan
Navy' states the following reasoning for the Dwarka operation:- (ibid) "The Indian Navy,
with considerable numerical superiority, was bottled up in harbour due mainly to our
submarine's presence in their waters. This situation afforded an opportunity to the Pakistan
Navy to carry out an offensive action against Dwarka without any hindrance from the Indian
Navy. The Dwarka bombardment was undertaken for the following reasons - to draw the
heavy enemy units out of Bombay for the submarine to attack, to destroy the radar
installation at Dwarka, to lower Indian morale and to divert Indian air effort away from the
north".

22
 CHAPTER 4

THE RUSSIAN ACQUISITIONS 1965 TO 1971

Preamble

Until the early 1950s, Russia found it difficult to understand how India could be
independent while still remaining in the British Commonwealth. It viewed India's non
alignment as tilted towards the Western "imperialist" bloc rather than towards the "socialist"
bloc of Russia and China. When India refused to sign the San Francisco Peace Treaty with
Japan (preferring instead to sign a separate treaty giving up reparations) Russia began to
understand India's independent foreign policy. After 1952, when it first exercised its veto in
the Security Council, Russia's support of India's stand on Kashmir became firm and steadfast.
Until the early 1950's, all of India's core defence requirements like tanks, artillery, cruisers,
destroyers and frigates, bombers and fighter aircraft were being acquired from Britain. In step
with the better understanding of Indian policy, the Russians started making overtures to
displace Britain as the prime source for India's defence needs. Mr PVR Rao (later Defence
Secretary from 1962 to 1967) who was the Deputy High Com missioner in London recalls:

"When the Air Force had come to England in 1952 to negotiate for the Canberra bombers, I
remember the Soviet Military Attache asking me "why don't you approach us for assistance,
rather than approach America and Britain?"

"I also recall Prime Minister Nehru's talk to senior Indian High Commission officials in 1952
"It is all very well that Russia and China are making many overtures to us, but with America
and Britain also, you never know which way these things will turn. We should be equally
distant from both, just to safeguard all our interests." Prime Minister Nehru first visited
Russia officially in 1955. The Russians offered their latest aircraft for the Air Force.

Air Chief Marshal Moolgavkar recalls: "Nehru was the first leader of a noncommunist
country to be invited to the Soviet Union. I think he was asked a question "You call yourself
non-aligned but you buy all military equipment from the West." Perhaps Nehru had no real
answer to give except that "Well, nothing has been offered to us". So he was told that "we
will give you anything that you want". Nehru sent a cable to New Delhi to say that a top level
Air Force team should get ready to come to Moscow and that he would personally brief this
team on his return from Moscow.

"So the late Air Marshal Mookherjee, then Chief of the Air Staff, Air Cmde Arjan Singh, my
humble self as a Gp Capt and a couple of others were made to form a team. We were briefed
by Nehru before departure. If I recall right, Nehru said that during his visit to Moscow he felt
a visible, positive change in the governance and the attitude and approach of the Soviet
leadership compared to what he had known in the Stalin era. "But", he said, "we have to be
careful, we are not very sure. So you go there and try whatever they offer you, except no
intercontinental bombers".

23
 In 1956, Mr Kruschev visited India. His forthright description of Kashmir as "the
northernmost state of India", his offer to assist the development of Indian heavy industry and
the Rupee-Ruble trade agreement laid the foundation for further Indo-Soviet political,
economic and technical cooperation. During his visit, he openly suggested that Russia would
be happy to meet the Navy's needs. Rear Admiral (then Cdr) Kirpal Singh was on Mr
Krushchev's liaison staff. He recalls: "During his visit, Krushchev made repeated offers to
India to acquire more arms from Russia. He kept saying that the large ships like cruisers were
sitting ducks because Russia had developed weapons which could destroy them in the open
sea. He made a strong plea that India should get its ships from Russia".

"The discussion was obviously reaching a point of exasperation to both sides but the
climax came when Zhukov made the provocative observation that we were buying the carrier
at the behest of the British and to please them. That was too much to accept, and I was
provoked into saying "Marshal Zhukov, you are a renowned military leader and one of
Russia's heroes in the last war. I, therefore, consider it a great honour that you should have
deigned to discuss military matters with humble me. But you must concede that I would
advise my Government in a manner that I feel is best for my country and not at the behest of
any foreign power". That, regrettably, brought the conversation to an abrupt halt. Zhukov
marched straight to his place at the dinner table (the dinner itself was not quite ready to be
served). The meal was a near silent affair with the silence of tension".

During Mr Krishna Menon's tenure as Defence Minister from 1957 to 1962, a

landmark defence agreement was concluded for the supply of the latest Russian MIG 21
fighter aircraft to be followed by their progressive production in India. After China's attack in
1962, India urgently needed aircraft, helicopters, tanks, arms and ammunition. Britain and
America had limited themselves to supplying mainly weapons for the mountain divisions
facing China and minor equipment. Russia's response was positive and they agreed to meet
India's needs. Marshal Zhukov was not alone in his views on the Navy acquisition of an
aircraft carrier. In 1963, India's ambassador in Moscow asked the Russian Defence Minister,
Marshal Malinovsky, what sort of defence preparedness India needed against the Chinese
threat.

Reluctance to Switch to Russian Acquisitions

In his book "The Indian Navy's Submarine Arm", Admiral Chatterji states:

"The Navy was reluctant to go in for Soviet ships/submarines on several counts. All ships and
craft of the Navy were of British origin. Spares held in ships and depots were for the British
ships. There was much commonality of equipment between various ships originating in the
same country which minimize the holdings of spare-part inventories. The dockyards and
shore maintenance facilities were geared up for looking after British ships. All officers and
large percentage of men had received their technical training, and in many cases initial
training also, in the UK and were very familiar with British equipment and the philosophy
and routine for their operation and maintenance. There were no language problems for
training Indian personnel in the UK on ships/submarines and in their training establishments".
24
The basic question now became whether or not to switch over from British to Russian
acquisitions. Several objections had to be overcome. The Navy's entire administrative,
training, maintenance, logistic, technical, operational and tactical procedures and systems
were wholely based on those of the British Navy. All naval personnel were familiar with
these aspects in the English language. Changing over to the Russian system would entail
enormous change. There was considerable diffidence whether the Navy would be able to
manage so extensive a change.

The Decision to Acquire Russian Vessels - 1965

In 1965, Mr K Subrahmanyam was the Deputy Secretary Budget and Planning in the
Ministry of Defence. He recalls: "In March 1965, the British told us that they will not be able
to give us a credit for building an Oberon class submarine.

"In early April, there was a meeting of the Secretary's Committee in which the activities of
the Indonesians around the Andamans and Nicobars were discussed. The Navy stressed the
need for maintaining a naval presence there to deal with this situation. On the basis of that
discussion, the Navy prepared a draft paper in which it recommended that we again approach
the United States, UK and Russia for naval vessels. This paper was passed through the
Defence Minister who approved it and then it went to the External Affairs Minister and the
Finance Minister. It came back by the end of April/early May, by which time the Rann of
Kutch operations had started."

(a) The Americans had already told us that they will not give us naval equipment

(b) The British had already told us that they couldn't give a credit for the Oberon class
submarine. Therefore the best course was not to delay any further but to accept the Russian
offer which had been pending since August 1964.

"Mr Chavan read that note and said that he fully agreed and that is the course India should
pursue. Once Mr Chavan gave that decision, the file was sent back to Naval Headquarters
asking them to put up definite proposals for acquisition of Soviet ships and submarines."

1966
Indian Technical Delegation to Russia
The first Russian acquisitions to arrive in India were the Landing Ships. Both the
LSTs sailed back through the Suez Canal and were based in Visakhapatnam. They
commenced ferrying construction material, equipment and stores to the A&N Islands
immediately after arrival.

After seeing the first LST, it was realised that before the construction of the
submarines and Petyas became too advanced, every effort should be made to try and modify
them to suit Indian hot and humid climatic conditions.

25
1967

Russian Naval Staff Delegation to India

In 1967, a Russian delegation headed by a submariner Admiral visited Visakhapatnam. The

delegation gave detailed advice on setting up the interim facilities for:

(a) A submarine base, submarine headquarters, submarine exercise areas, communications

with submarines at sea, submarine rescue procedure in case of accident etc.

(b) The maintenance of one submarine and two Petyas until the submarine depot ship arrived
in 1969.

(c) The storage, preparation, maintenance and practice firing of submarine.

1968
The Visakhapatnam Project
In January 1968, the Navy received the Report prepared by the Russian Design Bureau on the
Visakhapatnam Project. After the Report had been studied, Russian specialists arrived to
clarify queries. After detailed discussions, an Inter-Governmental Agreement was signed on
setting up a new Naval Dockyard, a Naval Base, a Submarine Base and an Integrated Type
Training Establishment for the four submarines, five Petyas, submarine depot ship, landing
ships and patrol boats which had been contracted for in 1965.

To maximise indigenous content, it was agreed that a sizeable proportion of the designing
effort would be undertaken in India and that a large proportion of equipment and machinery
would be of indigenous origin. Later, this was to become one of the many factors which
delayed the completion of the project by several years, because technically equivalent
indigenous machinery was not always available.

1969
Acquisition of Missile Boats
In January 1969, a delegation went to Moscow to discuss and finalise the acquisition of
missile boats. Visits were arranged to the Russian naval base at Baku in the Caspian Sea to go
to sea in a missile boat and visit a submarine rescue vessel. The Delegation signed an
agreement for the acquisition of a squadron of missile boats and Technical Positions for
storing and preparing their liquid fuelled missiles. In his book Admiral Krishnan states: (ibid)

"A team consisting of the Additional Secretary, a gunnery specialist (Note: the author was
the gunnery specialist) and some technical officers and myself proceeded to Moscow.We
returned from Moscow after a successful mission. At Naval Headquarters, the operational
staff were jubilant and wanted to name this secret project as `November Kilo', after my
initials.However I vetoed this in favour of `Alpha Kilo', the initials of Admiral AK Chatterji.
We plunged into a hectic programme of selection of personnel to proceed to the Soviet Union
for training and manning the eight boats, their base facilities and the 'Technical Positions'
which stored and prepared the missiles."

26
 CHAPTER 5

MAZAGON DOCKS AND THE LEANDER FRIGATE PROJECT

PREAMBLE

Until the 19th century, Mazagon Docks (MDL) used to build wooden hulled warships for the
British Navy. In 1929, the 18 gun frigate "Tigris" and the 6-gun schooner "Shannon" were
launched from MDL. As steel hulls gradually replaced wooden hulls, warship building in
Bombay declined. The last warship to be built by MDL was the 80 gun ship "Madras",
(renamed "Meanee"), in 1848.

Meanwhile the British Peninsular and Orient Company, (P&O) started a passenger ship
service in 1842 from Suez to the Indian peninsula, initially to and from Calcutta and later to
and from Bombay. This was the first of P&O's three main imperial routes - the others being
to the Far East and Australia.

SELECTION OF SHIPBUILDERS FOR COLLABORATION

On 25 November 1960, Government approved in principle that three Leander Class Frigates
should be built in India. MDL submitted a preliminary report on the civil works, machinery
and equipment required to undertake this project. At this stage, Government deputed a team
of three senior naval officers to Britain to discuss with the Admiralty, the collaborating
shipbuilders and the armament suppliers, the steps to be taken for building the first modern
major war vessel in India.

The team was to submit a project report and recommendations on the arrangements to be
made by NHQ and by MDL to execute the project expeditiously and economically. The three
officers were Captain (L) KR Ramnath, the Director of Stores Production (Navy), Captain
(E) BP Sinha, the Director of Naval Construction and Captain (E) CL Bhandari, the
Managing Director of MDL. This teams discussions and recommendations laid the
foundation of the subsequent negotiations which culminated in 1964. The overall framework
of collaboration emerged as follows:

(a) The Admiralty, as the owners of the Leander design, would:

- provide guidance drawings to the shipbuilder - authorise the supply of working drawings to
MDL

- vet the line plans produced by the shipbuilder

- keep the shipbuilder and NHQ informed of all modifica tions and Alterations & Additions
envisaged by the Admiralty for their own Leanders during construction

- inspect all machinery and equipment ordered, on payment of agency charges

- supply armament and Admiralty items on the usual Government to Government contract

27
- advise on the terms of collaboration and the contract with the shipbuilder

- train Indian naval and civilian personnel in overseeing and testing and tuning of armament

- provide security clearances

(b) The Shipbuilder's responsibilities would be :-

- supply of working drawings, lists of machinery equipment, copy orders for all materials,
and fitting lists for the construction of the ship in India and assistance with technical know

-how and advice

- supply of main machinery and boilers. The main engines to be built in India under license
from the English Electric Company

- ordering of special 'B' quality steel and sections required for the Leander

- ordering of auxiliary machinery and equipment required for the ship, subject to the usual
conditions of inviting multiple tenders where appropriate or proof of economical prices from
nominated contractors

- assistance to Mazagon Dock with technical personnel, on terms to be negotiated, to ensure

completion of the ship according to programme - assistance in training of personnel from the
Mazagon Dock in their yard in the United Kingdom

- provision of facilities to the Indian Naval Overseeing Team for training in their Shipyard

- supply of shipbuilding stores, advice and active collaboration as regards suitability and
necessary modifications to indigenously produced stores and equipment to be incorporated in
the ship

- to seek and provide the necessary guarantees for machinery and equipment built on sub-
contract and for the general performance of the ship as a whole

- to arrange for ordering, packing and despatching of all machinery, equipment and stores,
according to a phased programme to fit in with the construction programme in India

(c) The armament supplier would supply the weapons and associated control system.

THE CHOICE OF THE FSA 34 LEANDER DESIGN AND FINALISATION OF

AGREEMENTS

IN 1964

In their earlier discussions since 1961, it had been agreed that the Admiralty would give
India the FSA 29 Leander design which had already been introduced in the Royal Navy.
During the intervening years, whilst discussions and negotiations were going on, the
Admiralty had decided to introduce for their Navy, a modified design called the "FSA-34".

28
 In this design, the beam was broader by 2 feet (0.61m). It incorporated the latest equipment
modifications and made provision for incorporating future modifications. During the Defence
Minister's visit to Britain in November 1964, the discussions on the Frigate Project covered
three major aspects.

(a) The Choice Between the Earlier FSA 29 and Later FSA 34 Design. The advice of the
British MOD (Navy) and Vickers Armstrong (Shipbuilders) was that:

(i) The FSA 29 Leander design had been superseded by the FSA 34 Leander design. India
should therefore go in for the latest FSA 34 design.

(ii) The time delay caused by the working drawings having to be redrawn would not exceed
12 months. Since MDL could only lay the keel in mid-1966, this delay would get absorbed.
The cost difference would be about 200,000 pounds. The FSA 34 design gave both added
stability and extra space.

(iii) Adoption of the FSA 34 design would make it easier to obtain the latest equipment and
machinery being fitted in the British Navy's FSA 34 Leander’s.

(b) Technical Assistance to be rendered by the MOD (Navy) UK. The scope of assistance
would be incorporated in an inter-Governmental Memorandum of Agreement. This would
cover the design fees of 50,000 pounds per ship for the hull and 20,000 pounds per ship for
the main machinery to recover the costs incurred by the Admiralty for research, development
and design of new equipment.

(c) Technical Aid Fees to be paid to Vickers Armstrong (Shipbuilders). This fee was for
providing technical assistance to enable Mazagon Docks to construct three Leander Class
frigates and included elements for "on the job" training of Indian personnel in the UK
shipbuilding yard and for the Indian Frigate Project Organization (IFPO) to be set up in the
UK.

THE FIRST FRIGATE - INS NILGIRI

INS NILGIRI's keel was formally laid on 15 October 1966. Inspite of all the problems, MDL
bravely invited the Prime Minister to launch the NILGIRI on 23 October 1968-barely two
months after the Kasara Basin was expected to be impounded. Then MDL encountered a
problem of another kind - Labor.

Admiral Samson recalls:-

"The Management had been having discussions with the Trade Union Committee on the
terms and conditions for the next three years. The Union made major demands and the
Management too had made their own offer. There was very hard bargaining and progress was
being made.

"Then suddenly, just 15 days before NILGIRI's launching, the Union gave a statutory two
weeks’ notice to go on strike on the grounds that the Management was being totally non-
29
cooperative in respect of their demands. In effect, on 22 October all workmen would proceed
on strike.

THE SECOND FRIGATE - INS HIMGIRI

HIMGIRI's keel was laid on 4 November 1968. She was launched on 6 May 1970. MDL had
been able to reduce the time between keel laying and launch from 25 months to 18 months.
The fitting-out however was considerably delayed due to the late arrival of major items, both
from abroad and India.

Captain Prabhala recalls:-

"As to whether this bold decision that was taken was right, now with hindsight one can say
'Yes it was right". But I myself, being a shipbuilder in those days, was of the strong view that
the primary task should be to learn how to build ships fast, quick and at the lowest cost. And I
was advocating the view that if the equipment fit changes with every ship, some design
changes would be involved, some proving of the new systems would be involved, which
would only delay the construction programme. It would also add to the maintenance
problems. Therefore, at least for a range of three ships, let us freeze the equipment package
before we think of changing the equipment.
THE THIRD FRIGATE - INS UDAYGIRI

Since orders for the second and third frigates had been received together, MDL seized the
opportunity to build them faster than the first frigate. The fabrication work on the third
frigate, scheduled to commence in January 1970, started in April 1970 due to late receipt of
steel from Hindustan Steel Ltd.

In 1969-70 there had been an acute shortage of steel. MDL had been able to carry on
production without serious dislocation as its earlier orders for steel had materialised. By
1970-71 however, the fall in steel production adversely affected MDL's work. The interval
between keel laying and launching increased to 25 months. The main machinery which
should have arrived at the time of the ship's launching in October 1972, was actually received
in May 1974, thereby further delaying the ships commissioning till 18 February 1976.

THE FOURTH FRIGATE - INS DUNAGIRI

The fourth Leander was launched on 9 March 1974. She was on the slipway for only 14
months as compared to 18 to 25 months for the second and third frigates respectively. Fitting
out was affected by delays in receipt of indigenous as well as imported equipment. The main
engines and gear boxes were received in May 1975. Basin trials were carried out in October
1976 and sea trials completed satisfactorily in November/December, 1976. The final
inspection of hull, weapons, radio compartments and systems was completed in early 1977.
DUNAGIRI commissioned on 5 May 1977.
THE FIFTH FRIGATE - INS TARAGIRI

These design changes delayed the commencement of construction, which should have started
immediately after the launching of the fourth frigate. Production could commence only in
April 1975.
30
 CHAPTER 6

INDIGENOUS WARSHIP DESIGN

PREAMBLE

In the post independance Indian Navy, ship design made a modest beginning in 1962 with
the setting up of a small Design Cell within the Directorate of Naval Construction (DNC). By
1965, this cell had expanded to become the DNC's "Central Design Organisation (CDO)"

. Mr Parmanandan recalls:-

"There was a bid from Mazagon Dock and from the Ministry of Defence Production to take
over the Design Organisation. Some senior naval officers asked me "Wouldn't you feel more
comfortable working in a Public Sector Enterprise"? My answer was simple.

"If the Navy is not directly involved in ship design, its building and its commissioning, we
will meet the same fate as a Defence Production Unit, where the hardware is made and the
Services are not accepting it, because the services are not deeply involved right from day one.
The Navy's involvement should be right from the Staff Requirement, which should be refined
by the Material Branch as regards our own capability. The Staff Branch and the Material
Branch should work hand in hand till the design is frozen and then it can be given for
production.

"The second advantage is that the design period may be four years. Till the design is frozen,
the shipyard does not know what to do. We can overlap the three year design period plus the
production at every stage and ensure that we get the best out of the ship at the time of
commissioning".

THE CHALLENGES POSED IN WARSHIP DESIGN

Warship design and construction comprise five main stages:-

- The first stage is the Formulation of Preliminary Staff Requirements by the Naval Staff.
These are the requirements that the ship will be required to meet, based on the evaluation of
future threats and the ships' role. These are first conceived as staff targets, which form the
basis of the dialogue between the Naval Staff and the designers to establish that what is
demanded is technically feasible and conversely, that what is technically feasible will meet
the staff aspirations.

- The second stage is of Concept Design, which is the first interpretation of the preliminary
staff requirements. During this stage, a number of design options are explored and developed
up to a stage which enables comparative evaluation. The design proceeds on the basis of
inputs from similar past ships, empirical relations, past experience and the designer's
judgment.

31
- The third stage is of Preliminary Design. Various aspects and parameters, provisionally
determined during the concept design stage, are investigated in detail. Design proceeds along
a converging spiral form, investigating various aspects of dimensions, weights, volumes,
stability, speed and powering, until an acceptable compromise of all the important and often
conflicting parameters is achieved.

- The fourth stage is of Detailed Design. Hydrodynamic model tests are carried out at the
beginning of the Detailed Design stage. These validate the predictions made through the
analytical processes. Shortcomings emerging out of the results of model tests are rectified by
modifying the design features.

- The fifth stage is of Construction. On the basis of inputs from the designer, the shipyard
orders long lead items and materials and proceeds with activities preparatory to commencing
production in the workshops. These include faring of lines, preparation of workshop drawings
and assembly of jigs and fixtures.

PROJECT 25 KHUKRI CLASS CORVETTES

In the mid 1960's, Government had accepted in principle the Navy's requirements for 500 ton
patrol craft. In subsequent years, various options were considered - building them in Bombay
in the Gun Carriage Basin near INS Kunjali, building them in the new Naval Dockyard at
Visakhapatnam etc. By the early 1970's, two schools of thought had emerged. One view was
that with the cost of ships steadily increasing, the Navy had no option but to go in for small,
fast, missile armed corvettes. The other view was that in view of foreseeable threats, all the
staff requirements could not be met in a 500 ton patrol craft. The outcome was that the 500
ton patrol craft got renamed as the Corvette Project, to be built in two versions - anti aircraft
and anti-submarine.

Mr Parmanandan, the Director General of Naval Design at that time, recalls:-

After five or six years of working with the Petyas, the Naval Staff wanted a new generation
of ships. The Corvette Project had been going up and down, with French collaboration, with
international tenders and with British private companies putting in a bid. All that took very
nearly three years. But nothing came out of the series of discussions we had, either with the
French or with the British. The Naval staff then took a decision to go ahead and start work on
a design and construct a Corvette to our own specification, which would accommodate a helo
plus four Soviet surface to surface missiles and a Soviet gun mounting. After this decision
was taken, the normal process of model testing, powering and general layout were all
finalised as a preliminary design.

WARSHIP MODIFICATIONS UNDERTAKEN 1965 TO 1975

Major modifications designed and implemented between 1965 and 1975 were: -

The modernisation of and fitment of Soviet surface to surface missiles in TALWAR and
TRISHUL, which had been acquired in the early 1960's.

32
- The conversion to the training role of the British Type 41 frigates, BRAHMAPUTRA,
BEAS and BETWA which had been acquired in the end 1950's.

- Phase One Modernisation of and modifications to the aircraft carrier VIKRANT.

33
 CHAPTER 7

THE 1971 INDO-PAKISTAN WAR

THE EVENTS PRIOR TO THE 1971 WAR

THE PAKISTAN NAVY'S DEVELOPMENT BETWEEN 1965 AND 1971

THE PAKISTAN NAVY'S INTERACTION WITH THE SOVIET UNION (1966 TO 1969)

After the Rann of Kutch incident in May 1965, the US had suspended all military and
economic aid both to India and to Pakistan. In July 1965, the Soviet Union offered economic
and other assistance to Pakistan, in an endeavour to entice Pakistan away from its dependence
on the US and on China.

In November 1965, in preparation for the Pakistan Foreign Ministers delegation to Moscow
to prepare for the later discussions at Tashkent, Pak NHQ put in a requirement for six
submarines, eight missile boats, twelve motor torpedo boats, maritime reconnaissance
aircraft, mines and torpedoes

. In June 1966, a Pakistan naval delegation visited the Soviet naval bases in Odessa and
Sevastopol in the Black Sea. They were shown a submarine, an anti-submarine vessel, a
missile boat, a Landing Ship Tank (LST) and a motor torpedo boat. Neither mines nor
maritime reconnaissance aircraft were offered or shown.

"The Story of the Pakistan Navy" states:

`After the Russian `verdict', there was much soul searching in NHQ. Lengthy discussions
eventually produced a consensus that it would not be in our interest to opt for the Osa Class
missile boats. Apart from the obvious limitations of weather, there were other considerations
too. Unlike the Indian Navy in time of war, the Pakistan Navy missile boats would have to
look for targets in an area 500 miles or more away from their base. The range, endurance and
anti-aircraft defence of Osa class boats were woefully inadequate for such operations.

`Admiral Ahsan's impressions of the Soviet policy objective in regard to Pakistan at the time
were recorded, and some of them were valid for many years thereafter.

Briefly, the main points were:

(a) The Russians aimed to replace Chinese and western influence in Pakistan.

(b) Normalisation of relations could be encouraged without a serious attempt to solve the
Kashmir dispute to avoid a common Indo-Pak outlook.

(c) The Indo-Soviet interest inhibited Soviet actions to resolve the Kashmir dispute on terms
unfavourable to India.

(d) The stoppage of US military aid had created a problem. A Russian offer of military
assistance could be irresistible if the terms were attractive.
34
 (e) Military aid was the quickest and most effective means of gaining and developing
powerful influence.

(f) The Soviets hoped to gain influence in the formation of Pakistan's foreign policy by a
generous supply of military aid.

(g) The Russians hoped to create within Pakistan's Armed Force, a cadre of personnel
oriented towards Russia.

(h) Gain a secure foothold on the littoral of the Indian Ocean which has a vast potential for
furthering Soviet interests, and in providing enormous dispersal for maritime units in war'.

THE INDIAN NAVY'S DEVELOPMENT BETWEEN 1965 AND 1971

1969 and 1970 had been busy years for the Navy. The first series of Soviet acquisitions had
arrived. These were :

- Five Petya class submarine chasers (KAMORTA, KADMATT, KILTAN, KAVARATTI

and KATCHALL)

- Four submarines (KALVERI, KHANDERI, KARANJ and KURSURA)

- Submarine depot ship AMBA

- Submarine rescue vessel NISTAR

- Two Polish built landing ships LST (M)s (GHARIAL and GULDAR)

- Five Police patrol boats (PANVEL, PULICAT, PANAJI, PAMBAN and PURI)

The West and the Soviet Union had been engaged in a Cold War since 1947. Until 1965,
naval acquisitions were primarily from Britain. In 1964, contracts had been signed for British
collaboration in the indigenous construction in Mazagon Docks Bombay of their latest
Leander class frigates. In 1965 contracts had been signed for naval acquisitions from the
Soviet Union. To ensure that India continued to get the best possible naval equipment from
both sources, the Navy had to reassure each side that it could be trusted to safeguard the other
sides naval technology. Two major decisions had therefore to be taken:

(a) To safeguard the security of information, the knowledge of all Soviet acquisitions was
strictly controlled on a `Need to Know' basis. Soviet equipment handbooks had security
classifications which differed from those of the Indian Navy. The Navy was chary of
downgrading these Soviet classifications. As a result the Navy as a whole got to know very
little about the new concepts which had arrived in the Soviet acquisitions. Tactically,
operationally and technically, the Navy started over-utilising the Soviet ships which had been
carefully designed only for essential usage. As a result, considerable wear and tear had taken
place in the Soviet acquisitions by the end of 1971 when the war broke out.

35
(b) It was decided to physically segregate all the Soviet acquisitions by basing them on the
East coast in Visakhapatnam and set up entirely new facilities comprising:

(i) A new submarine base together with associated submarine headquarters, berthing pens,
battery charging facilities and shore accommodation for submarine crews

(ii) Officers and sailors of all branches who would be manning Soviet ships and submarines
would be given `type training' (training appropriate to the type of vessel they would be going
to) in a new Integrated Type Training Establishment, the ITTE, (later named INS
Satavahana). The Soviet side would install in the ITTE, as per Soviet training practice, full
suites of working and sectionalised weapons, systems and machinery, de-partmentwise for all
the Soviet ships and submarines supplied to India.

(iii) A new Naval Dockyard would be built at Visakhapatnam to maintain, repair and refit all
Soviet ships and submarines

. (iv) A new Combined Equipment Depot would be set up to stock the spare parts and spare
machinery of all Soviet acquisitions.

(v) A Torpedo Preparation Workshop for the new torpedoes in Soviet ships and submarines.

(vi) An enlarged Naval Armament Depot to stock, maintain and repair the new Soviet
munitions.

THE PAKISTAN NAVY'S PERCEPTIONS AND PLANS

"The Story of the Pakistan Navy" states: `The political deadlock over the transfer of power
from the Martial Law administration to an elected government developed into full fledged
insurgency in East Pakistan in early 1971. The insurgency had India's full moral and material
support from the outset. It was India's strategic aim to exploit Pakistan's predicament and the
growing discontent in the eastern wing to its own advantage, and cut Pakistan to size.

`In March 1971, the Government directed that all East Pakistan defence personnel were to be
segregated and taken off active duties. The Pakistan Navy lost a third of its personnel, the
worst affected being engine room, electrical and domestic branches. This led to numerous
desertions, including those from the elite SSG group.

`The Navy continued to be accorded a lower priority, and the fleet was allowed to degenerate
into a shrinking force quite incapable of taking on the task of providing protection to the sea
lines of communication between the two wings. The addition of three Daphne class
submarines to the fleet in the late sixties was the only redeeming feature. However, their
limited endurance confined them to duties in the Arabian Sea. The Navy particularly lacked
an air reconnaissance capability which was to prove a significant factor in the outcome of the
1971 war.

36
 CHAPTER 8

THE EVOLUTION OF THE NAVY'S PLAN OF OPERATIONS

When the military crackdown occurred in East Pakistan on 25 March 1971, the Eastern
Naval Command deployed a few ships on patrol across the sea lane to Chittagong and
Khulna. Soon thereafter, in April 1971, Ceylon requested India's help to quell an imminent
leftist uprising. It was suspected that North Korean merchant ships were ferrying arms to the
insurgents. The Navy reacted swiftly and silently. Ships of the Western Fleet patrolled
Ceylon's west coast remaining out of sight. A frigate entered Colombo harbour to act as
communication link. Ships from Visakhapatnam patrolled Ceylon's east coast, also remaining
out of sight. After a few weeks, the crisis blew over and ships returned to their base ports.
This was the Navy's first ever deployment in support of foreign policy to assist neighbours in
distress. Its successful outcome made a significant impact in the Ministries of Defence and
External Affairs.

THE OPERATIONAL PLAN OF EASTERN NAVAL COMMAND

The following tasks emerged from this analysis:

(a) Attack from the sea on Chittagong harbour.

(b) Attack from the sea on harbours at Cox's Bazar, Chalna, Khulna and Mongla.

(c) Destruction of enemy shipping off the ports and on the seas.

(d) Subsequent and similar offensive actions on opportunity targets.

(e) Diversionary or real amphibious landings.

OPERATIONAL PLAN OF SOUTHERN NAVAL AREA

Four tasks were given to the Flag Officer Commanding Southern Naval Area (FOCSOUTH)

. - The destruction of enemy warships encountered in his area. - The interception of Pakistani
merchant shipping transiting his area, either interwing or bound to and from ports in East
Asia and China. - Contraband Control.

- Defence of the ports of Cochin and Goa. For these tasks FOCSOUTH was allocated
AMBA (submarine depot ship), GODAVARI and GANGA (old destroyers), CAUVERY (old
frigate) KONKAN (an old coastal minesweeper), HATHI (a tug) and BASSEIN (an inshore
minesweeper)

. FOCSOUTH's plan was to deploy:

(a) AMBA on patrol east off Ceylon.

(b) GODAVARI and GANGA across the route between Colombo and the 8 and 9 Degree
Channels.
37
(c) CAUVERY and BASSEIN off Goa.

(d) KONKAN and HATHI off Cochin. When NHQ signalled the likelihood of a pre-emptive
Pakistan strike on 14 October, three Alizes anti submarine recce aircraft and four Seaking
anti submarine helicopters were moved up to Bombay. On 3 December, AMBA,
GODAVARI and GANGA sailed for their initial patrol positions.

Lt Gen Jaocb's book states:

"Our Signal Intelligence Unit was capable of limited code breaking. Even though they had
only little success with critical Army codes, they were able to break the Naval code. We
intercepted signals from the submarine GHAZI, off Ceylon and on her entering the Bay of
Bengal. These were passed on to the Navy, both in Delhi and Visakhapatnam.

"On 1 December, we intercepted a message from West to East Pakistan advising them of the
warning sent to all Pakistani merchant shipping not to enter the Bay of Bengal. We passed
this on to the three Service Headquarters, Army, Navy and Air Force, as also an intercept
warning civil aircraft not to fly near the Indian borders."

When Pakistan initiated the war on 3 December 1971.

(a) Cruiser BABUR and minesweeper MUHAFIZ were at the anchorage.

(b) Tanker DACCA was at Manora anchorage.

(c) Destroyer SHAHJAHAN and two coastal minesweepers were in harbour preparing for
passage to East Pakistan. Arrangements had beeneen made for them to refuel at Colombo.

(d) Destroyer BADR and the two ex Royal Saudi Navy fast Jaguar class patrol craft
SADAQAT and RIFAQAT were in harbour.

(e) Destroyer ALAMGIR was under repair and frigate TUGHRIL was under refit.

(f) Destroyer KHAIBAR and frigate TIPPU SULTAN were 80 miles southwest of Karachi.

(g) Destroyer JAHANGIR was on patrol 60 miles south of Karachi.

(h) Frigate ZULFIQAR was on the inner patrol 30 miles south of Karachi.

38
 CHAPTER 9

NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE EASTERN NAVAL COMMAND

This account of naval operations in the Eastern Naval Command has been reconstructed
from Vice Admiral Krishnan's book "No Way But Surrender", from the "Story of the
Pakistan Navy" and from discussions with the participants. Four topics have been dealt with
in separate sections:

- The Sinking of the GHAZI.

- The Commando Operation at Mongla/Khulna. - Amphibious Operation Beaver.

- The Enterprise Incident. The ensuing account deals with the Operation of the Eastern Fleet,
VIKRANT's air strikes, submarine operations and contraband control.

Day to Day Events - 04 to 16 December

04 DECEMBER

Having sailed from the Andaman Islands on 2 December, the Eastern Fleet was within
striking distance of Cox's Bazar on the morning of 4 December. As previously arranged, the
Air Force had carried out strikes on Cox's Bazar and Chittagong, after which VIKRANT was
cleared to strike these ports.

Air Strikes

Time Target Results

AM Cox's Bazar Rocket and strafing attack on airfield installations? ATC set on
fire.
Power house and wireless station damaged. Fuel tank set on
fire.
PM Chittagong Hangar and control tower damaged. Fuel dump set on fire.

Two gunboats immobilised, one on fire. Six Pakistan merchant

ships in outer anchorage attacked, two damaged heavily.
Medium and heavy AA fire.

5 DECEMBER

Throughout the day, there was not enough wind to launch aircraft. Contraband Control
continued. Wind conditions improved at night.

VIKRANT'S AIR OPERATIONS

When asked what were his greatest worries and VIKRANT's close calls during the 1971 war,
Captain Parkash recalls:

39
(a) Operating Seahawk aircraft in marginal wind conditions.

(b) One day, the after lift got stuck because one of the twelve keeps would not retract. Two
Seahawks were waiting to be recovered and were running low on fuel. A huge hammer had to
be used to blunt the nose of the stuck keep, after which the aft lift unstuck and the aircraft
landed just in time. Had this not seen successful, both Seahawks would have had to ditch.

(c) The flooding of the forward machinery space. One of the turbo generators had low
vacuum because its condenser needed cleaning. In peacetime, this would only have been
attempted in harbour. It was decided to attempt this at sea. The inlet and outlet valves were
20 feet below the waterline and operated by rod gearing. The top plate of the turbo generator
suction filter was loosened for cleaning the filter before opening the condenser door. Within
minutes water came gushing in. One of the valves had not been fully shut and the water was
coming past the loosened plate. The situation was saved by the 1000 ton pump in the
machinery space.

THE SINKING OF THE GHAZI

The Pakistan Navy's Deployment of Ghazi in The 1971 Indo Pakistan War In his book,
"Pakistan's Crisis in Leadership", written in 1972 soon after the war, Maj General Fazal
Muqeem Khan states:

"The submarine GHAZI was despatched to the Visakhapatnam Naval Base in the Bay of
Bengal. The GHAZI's task was to carry out offensive mine laying against Visakhapatnam.

"GHAZI which had sailed towards Visakhapatnam with special instructions, had to reach its
destination on 26 Nov 71. She was to report on arrival but no word was heard from her.
Efforts were made to contact her but to no avail. The fate of the GHAZI was in jeopardy
before 3 Dec. The Indians made preposterous claims about the sinking of the GHAZI.
However, being loaded with mines, it seems to have met an accident on her passage and
exploded. A few foreign papers at that time also reported that some flotsam had been picked
up by Indian fishermen and handed over to the Indian Navy, which made up stories about its
sinking".

THE INDIAN NAVY'S ASSESSMENTS OF GHAZI'S DEPLOYMENT

In his book `No Way But Surrender - An Account of the Indo Pakistan War in the Bay of
Bengal 1971', Vice Admiral N Krishnan, then Flag Officer Commanding-inChief of the
Eastern Naval Command, states:

"The problem of VIKRANT's security was a serious one and brought forth several headaches.
By very careful appreciation of the submarine threat, by analyzing data such as endurance,
distance factors, base facilities, etc we had come to the definite conclusion that the enemy
was bound to deploy the submarine GHAZI against us in the Bay of Bengal with the sole aim
of destroying our aircraft carrier VIKRANT. The threat from GHAZI was a considerable one.
Apart from the lethal advantage at the pre-emptive stage, VIKRANT's approximate position

40
would become known once she commenced operating aircraft in the vicinity of the East
Bengal coast. Of the four surface ships available, one had no anti-submarine detection device
(sonar) and unless the other three were continually in close company with VIKRANT (within
a radius of 5 to 10 miles), the carrier would be completely vulnerable to attack from the
GHAZI which could take up her position surreptitiously and at leisure and await her
opportunity.

ANALYSIS OF GHAZI'S SINKING

Two points merit analysis:

(a) When did the GHAZI sink?

(b) What caused the GHAZI to sink?

WHEN DID THE GHAZI SINK

According to the `Story of the Pakistan Navy,' GHAZI failed to make its check report from
26 November onwards. Lt Cdr (SDG) Inder Singh was the Commanding Officer of INS
RAJPUT in 1971. He recalls:

"At about 1600 hrs on 1st December 1971, I was called by the FOCINCEAST Vice Admiral
Krishnan to his office. He said that a Pakistani submarine had been sighted off the Ceylon
Coast a couple of days back which would be heading for Madras/Visakhapatnam. He was
absolutely certain that now the submarine was expected to be anywhere between Madras and
Vizag and that she was sent here to attack VIKRANT the moment hostilities were declared at
a time chosen by Pakistan. Till that time, the submarine would be looking for VIKRANT and
shadowing her. So the submarine would have to be prevented from locating VIKRANT at
any cost before hostilities commenced.

WHAT CAUSED THE GHAZI TO SINK

Commodore KS Subra Manian recalls:

"In the course of the diving operation, I interrogated the divers to find out how exactly the
damage had happened to the submarine. From what I gathered, it looked to me that there had
been an internal explosion. The hull had blown outwards. That could only be attributed to an
internal explosion of a mine which was still in the tubes. Again a hydrogen explosion inside
could also be the cause. At that time, I put down the cause of the GHAZI's sinking as a case
of internal explosion due to her own mines blowing up or due to hydrogen. Looking back
now after the lapse of so many years, it seems to me that the cause of her blowing up was
most probably a hydrogen explosion. I base this conclusion on the fact that the hull had
blown outwards near the mid section of the submarine and not right forward near the torpedo
tubes. Had a mine exploded in the tube or in the forward compartment while being handled,
the damage would have been for'd.

41
 CHAPTER 10

NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE WESTERN NAVAL COMMAND

The ensuing account of naval operations in the Western Naval Command has been
reconstructed from several sources. Admiral Kohli was the Flag Officer Commanding in
Chief, Western Naval Command in 1971. His book "We Dared - Maritime Operations in the
1971 Indo Pak War" was published in 1989. The Pakistan Navy's account is contained in the
"The Story of the Pakistan Navy 1947 to 1972" published in 1991. The present account is
based on the above sources and on discussions with the main participants. The thought
process which preceded each major operation has been correlated with what actually
transpired and the reasons for its success or failure. The evolution of the plans which
preceded these operation has been discussed in the chapter on the "Evolution of the Navy's
Plan of Operations."

The operations have been discussed under the following headings.

The First Missile Attack on Karachi.

- Western Fleet Operations and the Second Missile Attack on Karachi.

- Anti Submarine Hunter Killer Operations and the Loss of the KHUKRI.

- Submarine Operations.

- Loss of Alize 203.

- Trade Warfare.

- Defence of Bombay.

- A Retrospect of Operations in Western Naval Command.

THE FIRST MISSILE ATTACK ON KARACHI

Event Before the Attack Vice Admiral (later Admiral) Kohli, was the Flag Officer
Commanding-in-Chief, Western Naval Command (FOCINCWEST). In his book "We
Dared", he states:

"After Pakistan proclaimed a National Emergency on 23 November, three missile boats

were placed at Okha to carry out patrols. They gained very valuable experience of the area
and the waters around and in the vicinity of Okha and also proved the facilities provided at
the advance base there.

"As the Fleet would be operating not far from Karachi, a demarcating line was established
which neither the ships of the Fleet nor the missile boats would cross. This would prevent any
unfortunate incidents of own forces engaging each other.

42
THE ATTACK

On the afternoon of 4 December, when the Strike Group was on its way to Karachi,
FOCINCWEST sent a signal directing the Petyas and the missile boats to remain in company
throughout. The Task Group's approach to Karachi was by and large uneventful.

Despite some confusion, contacts detected en route were eventually analysed as undeserving
of missile attack. When 70 miles south of Karachi, a target was detected to the northwest at a
range of 45 miles. It was classified as a warship.

A second target was detected to the northeast at a range of 42 miles, heading for Karachi.
Both targets were tracked and missiles prepared for launch. The contact to the northwest was
engaged by missile boat NIRGHAT with two missiles. The target sank. It was later learnt that
this was the Pakistan Navy destroyer KHAIBAR.

The contact to the northeast was engaged by missile boat NIPAT with two missiles. The
target sank. It was learnt later that this was a merchant ship MV VENUS CHALLENGER.

EVENTS AFTER THE ATTACK

In Bombay, there was elation at the Task Group's unprecedented achievement. At the
professional level however, there was disquiet as to the reasons for not bombarding the
Karachi installations with missiles. The Commander of the the Task Group, Cdr (later
Commodore) KP Gopal Rao was the Commanding Officer of the Petya KILTAN. The
Commander of the Missile Boat Squadron (K 25) was Cdr (later Commodore) BB Yadav,
embarked in missile boat NIPAT. FOCINCWEST received differing accounts from them. He
directed both of them to put up an agreed report. They were not able to agree. The
disagreement hinged on who was in command of the attack, particularly after all contacts had
been sunk.

THE ATTACK

"The Task Group in formation was heading northward at high speed and was about 70 miles
to the south of Karachi at 2150 hrs. Soon after, KILTAN detected a target to the northwest at
a range of 45 miles, which was classified as a warship on patrol. A second target was
detected to the northeast, at a range of 42 miles and classified as a large unidentified ship,
proceeding in shallower waters at 16 knots towards Karachi. Pakistan had issued a warning
that no merchant ships should approach closer than 75 miles from the Pakistan coast at night.
All the ships of the Task Group were ordered to switch on their radars and acquire the targets.
After the missile boats confirmed that they had acquired the targets, I designated the enemy
warship to the northwest to NIRGHAT and the unidentified large ship to the northeast to
NIPAT at about 2200 hrs and ordered them to proceed for the attacks. Both the missile boats
hauled out of the formation and proceeded at higher speeds towards their respective targets.

43
THE SECOND MISSILE ATTACK ON KARACHI

FOCWEF's primary concern now was to distract the Pakistan Navy's attention towards the
MYSORE group so as to reduce the probability of the Karachi group being detected during
approach and withdrawal. TRISHUL, TALWAR and VINASH set course for Karachi at high
speed. En route, electronic emissions were detected on a Pakistan Naval frequency which was
being monitored. It was appreciated that a vessel was reporting the presence of the group to
Karachi. The vessel was soon sighted. TALWAR was told to sink the vessel which she did
and rejoined.

FOCWEF had already told the CO of TRISHUL that VINASH should fire all four missiles.
VINASH proceeded to do so: -

The first missile homed on to the oil tanks at Keamari and started a huge fire.

- The second and third missiles homed on to merchant ships. It was subsequently learnt that
the British vessel HARMATTON had been damaged and the Panamanian vessel GULF
STAR had sunk.

- The fourth missile homed on to the Pakistan Navy's tanker DACCA which had been
camouflaged and anchored amidst the merchant ships because, laden with oil, she could not
seek safety inside Karachi port as the other Pakistan Naval ships had done.

THE PAKISTAN NAVY'S ACCOUNT OF THE SECOND MISSILE ATTACK

The Second Missile Attack "The second missile attack code named `Python' was planned and
executed under the direction of Flag Officer Commanding Western Fleet from his flagship
INS MYSORE. The Western Fleet sailed out of Bombay on 2 December, just one day before
the commencement of hostilities and was detected moving north towards Karachi by the
submarine HANGOR. Two missile boats had been taken in tow. The fleet maneuvered to
take up a position to launch a missile attack. "The first missile attack having been handled
directly by the FOCINCWEST, the Fleet Commander was tasked to launch the second
missile attack on the following day. But in a bid to shake off our submarines and
reconnaissance aircraft, the Indian Fleet moved so far south that the attack was no longer
feasible on schedule. This shows the extent to which Indian plans were foiled by our
submarines and meagre reconnaissance effort by a few requisitioned civil aircraft.

AFTER THE WAR

After the war, there was considerable debate on:

(a) Whether two ships were a viable enough force to send on an anti-Daphne Hunter Killer
mission without anti submarine air effort in direct support.

(b) Whether KHUKRI's doing so low a speed was related to the experimental Sonar 170
modification. (c) Whether the Seakings could have been utilised more offensively.

44
 CHAPTER 11

NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE SOUTHERN NAVAL AREA

FOCSOUTH's responsibility was to interdict enemy shipping between the two wings of
Pakistan and thus prevent any seaborne reinforcement of the East Bengal garrison. When war
broke out, AMBA was deployed east of Ceylon whilst GODAVARI and GANGA were
patrolling across the route from Colombo to the 8 and 9 Degree Channels. On 4 December,
GODAVARI captured Pakistani merchant ship PASNI and sent her under escort to Cochin.
Interrogation of the PASNI's crew indicated that Pakistani merchant ships had been instructed
to use the 8 Degree Channel. AMBA was therefore redeployed to the west of the 9 Degree
Channel from which position she could cover all ships making for either the 8 or 9 Degree
Channels. On midnight of 12 December, AMBA detected two contacts near the 9 Degree
Channel heading southeast at high speed. Air reconnaissance the next day revealed these to
be British warships, one of which was the aircraft carried ALBION. Since Naval
Headquarters were aware of the movements of this force, further action became unnecessary.
In the course of their patrols during the war AMBA, GODAVARI and GANGA interrogated
a total of 144 neutral merchant ships for contraband and cleared them as not bound for
Pakistan ports.

CHAPTER 12

ANALYSIS OF THE PAKISTAN NAVY'S ACCOUNTS OF THE 1971 WAR

The perceptions, plans and activities of the Pakistan Navy can be discerned from the
following source documents

: (a) "Pakistan's Crisis in Leadership" by Maj Gen Fazal Muqeem Khan published in 1972,
soon after the war.

(b) "The Story of the Pakistan Navy 1947-1972", compiled by the PN History Section in
1991, twenty years after the war.

(c) "The History of the Pakistan Air Force" by Syed Shabir Hussain and Squadron Leader M
Tariq Quareshi published in 1982 by the PAF Press. To present a balanced overview,
excerpts which relate to specific naval operations have already been conjoined with the
Indian accounts of these operations e.g. the First Missile Attack, the Second Missile Attack,
the Sinking of the KHUKRI and Naval Operations in East Pakistan. The remaining excerpts
of relevance have been presented in this chapter.

To facilitate analysis, the source material has been rearranged under the following headings:

(a) Pakistan Flotilla Operations

(b) Pakistan Submarine Deployment

(c) Assessment of Pakistan Air Force Performance

45
(d) Pakistan Navy and Air Force Cooperation

Excerpts from "Story of the Pakistan Navy"

"On 22 November, the Government of Pakistan issued a proclamation of state of emergency.

The Pakistan Navy took on added precautions on 24 November, and the fleet came to standby
with instructions to avoid creating the impression of an aggressive posture, as directed by the
Government. Harbour defence measures were advanced and the Pakistan Navy took over
control of all merchant shipping. Sea traffic from the west was diverted to a safe route. "A
critical element in the war at sea was the correct and timely deployment of the submarines.
As tensions with India continued unabated, hostilities were inevitable. The Navy ordered the
submarines to slip out of harbour quietly on various dates between 14 and 22 November.
They were allocated patrol areas covering the west coast of India while GHAZI was
despatched to the Bay of Bengal with the primary objective of locating the Indian aircraft
carrier, INS VIKRANT, which was reported to be operating in that area. Interdiction of
merchant shipping was, however, not permitted due to lack of Government approval for this
form of warfare. It may be mentioned that the Indians suffered no such inhibitions.

PAKISTAN SUBMARINE DEPLOYMENT

In Dec 71, the Pakistan Navy had four submarines

- the GHAZI on loan from America since 1964 and three new Daphne class submarines
HANGOR, MANGOR and SHUSHUK acquired in 1970/71.

Excerpt from the " Story of the Pakistan Navy"

"The Navy ordered the submarines to slip out of harbour quietly on various dates between 14
and 22 November. The Daphnes were allocated patrol areas covering the west coast of India,
while GHAZI was despatched to the Bay of Bengal to locate VIKRANT. "

The operational orders issued to the submarines confined them to attacks against warships
only and interdiction of merchant ships was not permitted." On 22 November after the
skirmish off Boyra in East Pakistan the previous day, COMSUB signal DTG 221720 to
SUBRON 5 stated:

"Following areas occupied.

1. PAPA ONE, TWO, THREE, FOUR.

2. PAPA FIVE, SIX, SEVEN, EIGHT.

3. BRAVO ONE, TWO THREE, FOUR, FIVE, SIX.

4. MIKE".

46
ASSESSMENT OF PAKISTAN AIR FORCE PERFORMANCE

In his book, Pakistan's "Crisis in Leadership", Maj Gen Fazal Muqueem Khan analysed the
Pakistan Air Force's performance during the 1971 war. His conclusions were:

(a) The PAF plan was based on the war lasting six months.

(b) The PAF C-in-C's main idea was to conserve the Air Force. The PAF chose to be on the
defensive,both tactically and strategically. It was committed to defending its air bases only
and waiting for the enemy to come and attack them. This kept the aircraft perpetually busy in
air patrols over the defended air bases.

(c) The PAF defensive strategy relied too heavily on the expectation that the IAF would carry
out mass raids on the PAF air bases and would thus suffer heavily. Confining the PAF to
selected airfields away from the border decreased the effective strike range of PAF aircraft
and increased the reaction time.

(d) The C-in-C PAF over-centralised his command and allowed little flexibility to his
subordinates. Hardly any action could be taken without clearance from the C-in-C.

ANALYSIS

Indian Naval ships and submarines reported shadowing aircraft on the following dates.
Available records do not indicate whether all the aircraft made detection reports.

03 Dec - PM - Western Fleet 210 miles south of Karachi

04 Dec - AM - Western fleet southwest of Okha. - AM - Submarine KURSURA returning to

Bombay after R/V with KARANJ.

05 Dec - AM - Trident force withdrawing from Karachi. - PM - TIR and Trident force
refuelling at Mangrol.

06 Dec -PM - RANJIT south of Makran Coast.

07 Dec -AM - TIR, KATCHALL,missile boat group west of Okha.

08 Dec -PM - Western Fleet 75 miles south of Jiwani. Submarine KARANJ off Karachi. TIR
off Saurashtra.

09 Dec - AM - Submarine KARANJ east of Ormara. KIRPAN off Diu. -PM KHUKRI,
KIRPAN off Diu.

10 Dec - PM - Submarine KARANJ south of Ormara. Naval observers were flown in the
PIA Fokker recce aircraft which had been tasked with locating missile boats :

47
 CHAPTER 13

RETROSPECT OF THE 1971 WAR

The foregoing accounts and analyses of the major events of 1971 war have examined why
and how certain operations were successful and other operations less so. As in all wars, many
of the outcomes were not foreseen.

NAVAL OPERATIONS IN THE ARABIAN SEA

The withdrawal of the Pakistan Fleet into the inner harbour of Karachi on 7/8 December
yielded maritime supremacy to the Western Fleet within the first six days of the war. This
withdrawal was exactly the opposite of our expectation that repeated attacks alternately from
Saurashtra and the southwest would provoke the Pakistan Flotilla to react and join in a gun
battle with the Indian Fleet, for which the latter had so assiduously prepared.

SUBMARINE ATTACKS ON MERCHANT SHIPS AT SEA

In the 1971 war, the policy regarding attacks on merchant shipping proved to be quite
complex.
PAKISTAN NAVY'S POLICY ON ATTACKING MERCHANT SHIPS

"The Story of the Pakistan Navy" states:

"The operational orders issued to submarines confined them to attacks against warships only
and interdiction of merchant ships was not permitted.

"The Indian Navy made no effort at maintaining even a semblance of legal propriety, by
declaration of a blockade or a war zone before embarking on a callous slaughter of
merchantmen and their crew by those who claim to have taken up arms to champion the
cause of the oppressed. For it was well known to the Indians that missiles hurled blindly at
ships at Manora anchorage were bound to take a toll of neutral merchant ships."

INDIAN NAVY'S POLICY ON ATTACKING MERCHANT SHIPS

There were two basic problems to be resolved:

(a) Clearly neutral ships were not to be attacked. But what was one to do when a Pakistan
merchant ship changed identity and masqueraded as a neutral merchant ship - as
MADHUMATI did in the Arabian Sea and ANWAR BAKSH did in the Bay of Bengal? The
only way out was to put the onus for positive identification on the attacker.

(b) How was a submarine expected to positively identify a warship or a merchant ship before
attack? The Pakistan Navy solved its problem by restricting its submarines to only attacking
Indian warships. The Indian Navy directed its submarines to attack only positively identified
Pakistani merchant ship and warships. No encounter occurred between Pakistani warships
and KARANJ in the Arabian Sea or with KHANDERI in the Bay of Bengal.

48
 CHAPTER 14

THE RUSSIAN ACQUISITIONS 1972 TO 1975

PREAMBLE

Indo Russian naval interaction between 1972 and 1975 centred on a number of key issues:

(a) In view of the delay in setting up repair and refit facilities at Visakhapatnam, how to
solve the growing backlog of biennial refits of submarines and Petyas which had become due
from 1970 onwards and for six-yearly refits which would become due from 1973 onwards.
Ships and submarines had developed major defects which needed immediate attention. A
stage had been reached when the new equipment received for the Training Complex was
being used to replace defective equipment on board ships.

(b) Consequent on the decision, immediately after the 1971 War, to base some Petyas and
submarines at Bombay and some missile boats at Visakhapatnam, the maintenance and repair
facilities at Bombay and Visakhapatnam had to be augmented.

(c) In the light of the experience gained of operating Russian ships and submarines in Indian
conditions and of their performance in the 1971 War, the acquisition of better ships,
submarines and missile boats with better sensors and longer range weapons.

(d) The acquisition for the Air Arm of maritime reconnaissance aircraft and, if possible, of
vertical-take-off-and land aircraft to replace VIKRANT's aging Seahawks.

(e) The fitment of surface to surface missiles in existing ships and coast batteries.

(f) The feasibility of `Design Collaboration' for building future warships in India.

(g) Finding ways and means to resolve the mounting problems of spares and Repair
Technical Documentation.

(h) Resolving the difficulties being experienced as a result of the Russian side's restriction
that only use of lubricants supplied by them or of the brand approved by them was
permissible during the guarantee period. In effect, this prohibited use of other available
lubricants of identical specification on occasions when Russian specified lubricant was not
available.

(i) Providing advanced tactical and technical training for officers

ACQUISITION OF IMPROVED MISSILE BOATS

An agreement was signed for the acquisition of a second squadron of longer range missile
boats. These new boats would have better tropicalisation, extra air conditioning and more
powerful engines. They would also have anti-missile gunfire control systems instead of visual
sights as in the earlier boats. An agreement was also signed for the supply of these systems
for retrofitting in the earlier boats.

49
 CHAPTER 15

NAVAL METEOROLOGY AND OCEANOLOGY

PREAMBLE

The Second World War highlighted the tactical importance of accurately forecasting the
meteorological conditions on, above and below the surface of the sea:

-Anomolous propagation conditions affected radars and wireless communications.

- Hydrological conditions affected sonars.

- Humidity, temperature and pressure conditions affected the accuracy of naval gunfire and -
Wind conditions affected naval flying operations.

DEVELOPMENT TILL 1975 METEOROLOGY

Meteorological training in the Navy began in 1949 when an Education officer was deputed to
the British Navy for a course in naval meteorology. He in turn imparted meteorological
training to four officers of the Education Branch and four sailors in 1952. They were taught
to keep a continuous weather-watch and record and disseminate meteorological observations
to air traffic controllers, aircrew and ships, to code and decode weather messages and to issue
weather warnings. With the advent of the Naval Air Arm, a regular meteorological service
started in 1952. Naval air arm sailors were trained as "meteorological observers".

They were required to take surface and upper air met observations, do their coding and
decoding, receive and transmit observations on teleprinter, and chart and plot the data on met
charts. This enabled the "weather forecaster" to analyse the charts and issue forecasts. A
teleprinter circuit with the India Met Department enabled met observations to be obtained
from all over India and adjoining countries. Since Education officers usually possessed sound
knowledge of mathematics and physics, they were trained as "weather forecasters" by the
India Met Department at Poona.

DEVELOPMENTS AFTER 1975

In December 1980, an Oceanographic Forecasting Cell (OFC) was established at Cochin

under the operational control of the FOCINCSOUTH. This marked the beginning of
oceanographic studies and forecasting in the Navy. The OFC was located in the premises of
the Met School and headed by the officer who had been trained by the American Navy. The
OFC's terms of reference were to liaise with the National Physical and Oceanographic
Laboratory (NPOL) located in Cochin and

(a) Provide a general description of the major oceanographic and acoustic factors affecting a
specified area of operation for a specified forecast period, the sea state at the beginning of the
forecast period and significant changes expected during the forecast period.

50
(b) Collect and store processed oceanographic data in the form of atlases, charts and reports
issued by the NPOL and the Chief Hydrographer.

(c) Collect oceanographic information, records and research outputs from agencies like the
National Institute of Oceanography, OSTA and ONGC.

(d) Provide forecasts of thermal structure and salinity profiles based on the available past data
and current oceanographic observations received from fleet ships during exercises.

(e) Devise and standardise codes for transmission

Formation of the Directorate of Naval Oceanology and Meteorology (DNOM)

In 1982, the need was felt for the establishment of a dedicated Directorate of Oceanology.
The rationale was:

(a) Oceanographic forcasting was vitally important for anti-submarine warfare.

(b) It was necessary to safeguard the security aspects arising out of the increased
oceanographic activity in Indian waters.

(c) The Navy's existing arrangements to plan, co-ordinate and progress oceanographic tasks
were inadequate.

(d) The Navy should assist in ocean development.

WELFARE INDIAN NAVAL BENEVOLENT ASSOCIATION

The Indian Naval Benevolent Association was established in 1942 as a registered charitable
organisation. Its object is to relieve financial hardship/distress amongst serving and ex-naval
personnel and their dependents. Its sources of income are:-

(a) Subscriptions from serving naval personnel.

(b) Donations.

(c) Interest on Investments.

(d) Contribution from the Armed Forces Benevolent Fund.

(e) Flag Day Fund.

(f) Allocations from the IN Amenities Fund for the welfare of ex-servicemen and their
families from 1988-89 onwards.

SCHOLARSHIP SCHEME 1972

The Scheme was introduced from the academic year 1971-72 to award scholarships for:

51
(a) Undertaking post 10+2 courses. Scholarships were made available for the children of
serving sailors and the children of officers and sailors killed in action or who died whilst in
Service. In 1971, the annual scholarships for a maximum period of five years were Rs 300 for
day scholars and Rs 700 for boarders.

(b) Undertaking Graduation/Post Graduation degree Courses without imposing any criteria of
merit. Scholarships were made available for the daughters of serving and deceased sailors.
The number of scholarships is limited to only two daughters of a sailor throughout his entire
service career.

(c) Availing of coaching through correspondence courses for joint Entrance Examinations
through authorised institutions. Reimbursement was made available for the children of
serving sailors of Rs 2000 for a maximum of two children.

Developments After 1975

INBA's Naval Group Insurance Scheme the Group Insurance Scheme has been improved
from 1978 onwards to provide higher insurance cover:-

(a) The disability cover was introduced for the first time in 1980.

(b) Additional group insurance schemes for Aviation, Submarine and IMSF personnel were
introduced at the behest of the Government from 1 September 1981 to provide additional
cover for these high risk groups.

(c) The Post Retirement Death Insurance Scheme was introduced in 1982.

CHANGES IN NAVAL HEADQUARTERS ORGANISATION

Soon after independence in 1947, the staff at Naval Headquarters was grouped under five
Principal Staff Officers (PSO's). These were the Chief of Staff, Chief of Personnel, Chief of
Material, Chief of Administration and Chief of Naval Aviation.

THE 1955 REORGANISATION The first major re-organization of NHQ after independence
took place in 1955. The Chief of Staff/Deputy C-in-C was re-designated Deputy Chief of
Naval Staff. The Chief of Administration was abolished and its Directorates redistributed
between the Staff, Personnel and Material Branches. In 1959, DCNS was upgraded to Rear
Admiral. This functioned satisfactorily until 1961, when the combined impact began to be
felt of growth, modernization and self-sufficiency.

CHANGES IN COMMAND AND CONTROL STRUCTURE 1965 TO 1975

In January 1966, proposals were initiated to redesignate the nomenclature of the four Naval
Operational and Administrative Authorities. In war, these operational authorities would be
responsible for the conduct of maritime operations and operational control of maritime forces
in their respective sea areas. After harmonisation with other concurrent proposals for

52
rationalisation and upgradation, the following major reorganisation came into effect on 1
March 1968:

- The Flag Officer Bombay (FOB) who had hitherto been junior to the Flag Officer
Commanding Indian Fleet (FOCIF) was redesigned as Flag Officer Commanding in Chief
Western Naval Command (FOCINCWEST) and upgraded in rank to Vice Admiral.

- The Flag Officer Commanding Indian Fleet (FOCIF) was subordinated to the Flag Officer
Commanding in Chief Western Naval Command (FOCINCWEST). Instead of "all front line
ships," including those undergoing refit being under FOCIF "only operational ships" as
allotted by FOCINCWEST would be under the Flag Officer Commanding the Western Fleet
(FOCWEF). The nonoperational Fleet ships undergoing refit in Bombay Dockyard would be
administered directly by FOCINCWEST.

- In anticipation of the formation of the Eastern Fleet under the Flag Officer Commanding
Eastern Fleet (FOCEF) after the arrival of the Petyas and submarines from Russia, the
Commodore East Coast (COMEAST) at Visakhapatnam was re-designated as Flag Officer
Commanding in Chief Eastern Naval Command (FOCINCEAST) in the rank of Read
Admiral.

53
 Present State
Indian Navy Developments.

The Indian Navy embarked on developing indigenous capability and capacity across the
complete spectrum of warship construction, right up to equipment and component level. Thus
during the last few decades, we rapidly transformed from a Buyer’s Navy to a Builder’s Navy
with active participation of the Indian industry towards indigenisation of ship/ submarine
design, construction material, machinery, equipment and systems integration.
Indigenous development of Naval systems and platforms are highly specialized, requiring
deep understanding in their respective domains. Therefore, development of indigenous
capability has been judiciously and very thoughtfully distributed across vertically specialized
organizations in the Navy that cater to surface ships design, submarine design, weapon
systems integration, armaments, etc. The Navy has also been leveraging the capabilities of
DRDO in developing appropriate technologies and products that go into making potent Naval
platform.

80 new warships in 5 years: Indian Navy’s concern at China’s growing

marine reach

Senior army leaders of India, Australia, France, Japan and the US on Wednesday batted for

freedom, a rules-based order and strategic alliances in the Indo-Pacific to counter China’s

growing reach and assertiveness.

The Chinese Navy added 80 warships in last five years and is “a force which is here to stay”,

Indian Navy chief Admiral Sunil Lanba said during a session on Indo-Pacific at Raisina

Dialogue.

“No navy has grown so rapidly in the last 200 years as the Chinese Navy,” he said, adding the

force has six to eight warships in the northern Indian Ocean.

The Chinese Navy has had a permanent presence in the Indian Ocean, in the form of an anti-

piracy escort force, since 2008, he said. “There is no doubt that they are spending a huge sum

of money in developing their military capabilities. They are modernising their forces and

command structure,” he added.

54
French Navy chief Admiral Christophe Prazuck said his country is monitoring the change in

the strategic landscape as the Chinese Navy is growing very fast in an area where it has not

been present for centuries.

Admiral Philip Davidson, head of the US Indo-Pacific Command, said his country is focused

on capabilities that will allow it to dominate in all domains, including alliances and

partnerships.

Admiral Katsutoshi Kawano, chief of joint staff of Japan’s Self-Defense Force, said his

country was engaged in a “severe conflict” with China in East China Sea, while Gen Angus

Campbell, chief of Australia’s Defence Force, acknowledged China’s growth and expanding

capability had caused uncertainty.

Australian foreign minister Marise Payne said her country and India both support “an open

and inclusive Indo-Pacific”. She added: “Our respective futures are intertwined and heavily

dependent on how well we cooperate on the challenges and opportunities in Indian Ocean in

decades ahead.” Australia wants to develop a “deep strategic partnership with India,

supporting its role as an anchor” and welcomes “India’s leadership in Indian Ocean”, she

added.

 India and Russia have signed an agreement for the leasing of a nuclear-powered
attack submarine for the Indian Navy for a period of 10 years.
 About the Agreement Russia will be delivering the Akula class submarine, to be
known as Chakra III, to the Indian Navy by 2025.
 India had earlier leased two nuclear submarines from Russia. They are INS Chakra
leased in 1988 under a three-year lease and second INS Chakra was taken.
 Russia will lease Akula class submarine for the period of 10 years at the cost of USD
3 billion.
 Chakra III will be equipped with Indian communication systems and sensors,
including the indigenously-developed USHUS integrated sonar system
Chakra III will be powered with 190 mW nuclear reactor. Addition of a nuclear-
powered submarine is an attempt to bolster the naval prowess of the country
as a counter to attempts being made by China to expand its influence in the Indian

55
 Ocean region. India has already commissioned French Scorpene submarine INS
Kalvari and is in the process of inducting another French Scorpene submarine INS
Khanderi.

BeatingRetreatCeremony

The Beating Retreat Ceremony marks the conclusion of Republic Day celebrations. Through
this ceremony, the defence forces which had come to the national capital to be a part of
Republic Day celebrations are sent back to their barracks by the President.

he Beating Retreat Ceremony is held every year on January 29th at Vijay Chowk.
Traditionally the bands of the three wings of the military, the Indian Army, Indian
Navy and Indian Air Force, and pipe bands from the Army participated in the Beating retreat
ceremony. From 2016 bands of the Central Armed Police Forces and the Delhi Police are also
participating in the event..

The bands play traditional Indian tunes like ‘Herana Heran”, ”Mushkoh Valley”, ”Tejas”,
”The Great Marshal”, ”Namaste India”.. . A popular western tune ”Abide with me” would
also be played by the bands. The ceremony comes to a conclusion with the popular tune
”Sare Jahan se Acha”. Once the bands conclude ”Sare Jahan se Acha”, the Raisina Hill
complex would be lit up in the riot of colours.

The maritime environment of the 21st century is highly complex, influenced by constantly
varying political and socio-economic currents. Technology plays an indivisible role in
determining the strength of the maritime forces today making it evident that modernization is
the way forward if a nation aims to establish and maintain supremacy over the waters.
When it comes to shipping, modernization is not limited to the huge frigates or stealth
submarines. It encompasses all relevant spheres, from smaller boats, infrastructure, logistics
and operations, to ports and service centres. Modernization entails a whole change in the
basic approach towards boat building, right down to the basics. As one of the leading
maritime nations in the world, India has embraced modernization as well, with the intention
of becoming a technically strong adversary along its complete coastline.
Seeing these intense preparations for a modern, technologically advanced navy, one wonders
what the reason is, for all these efforts – or in other words, what is the need for
modernization. Add to that the fact that modernization of varying levels is implemented
across all the different naval powers functioning in India, such as the Indian navy, the Indian
Coast Guards (ICG), the Border Security Force (BSF), and the merchant navy to name a few.
In this article, we explore the answers to the above questions, as well as the challenges which
these naval powers face in while walking the modernization road.

56
Need for Modernization

Among the many factors influencing the need for modernization of our naval forces, the
looming threat of nations with their own political agendas is especially significant. The
freedom of access offered by seas to every nation of the world makes it imperative for us to
have a ready, capable force at all times.
Maritime terrorism and piracy have increased over the years as well, which threaten the
social integrity of our civilization. The rampage of these activities at sea causes great loss of
life and property to the detriment of the economy. To combat these activities, a modern naval
force is a must.
The third reason is maritime diplomacy and regional expansion for safeguarding trade at sea.
We know that 90% of India’s trade by volume is carried out by sea. The security of these
goods and their efficient transportation depends to a great extent on the efficiency of the ship.
Consequently, this requires modernization.
Last, but not the least, environmental considerations are a major factor influencing
modernisation. Green is the new blue is gradually becoming the new mantra, as the fleet of
the future is expected to be much more fuel-efficient and non-polluting than the ones we see
currently.
All of these reasons why our naval forces are working towards modernization, with greater
emphasis on indigenization. Let’s see how their progress has been and their plans for the
future.
Modernization in Indian Navy

Of all the coastline protection forces in India, the Indian Navy is chiefly responsible for
handling the military activities in our ocean territories. Consequently, the drive towards
modernization has been from a military perspective, aimed at making India a strong maritime
military power by 2030. According to the Maritime Security Strategy published in 2016, the
Indian Navy has evolved over the years to become a multi-dimensional force, with a
combination of ships, boats, submarines, and aircraft having strong satellite communication
systems.
Indigenization for self-reliance and self-sufficiency is one of the primary approaches under
this modernization effort, as is maritime domain awareness, power projection, and sea
control. To this end, some of the projects that are on the naval horizon are:
 Indigenous Aircraft Carrier – The INS Vikrant is under construction at the Cochin
Shipyard, expected to be complete by 2023. The feasibility study for IAC-2 is also underway
 Projects 15A and 15B – These ships are follow-ons to the Delhi class destroyers, under
development at Mazgaon Docks Limited, Mumbai.
 Project 17A – Seven stealth frigates of the Shivalik class are under construction at
government and private docks.

57
  Project 75 and 75(I) – The projects helms the development of 6 Scorpene submarines,
some in collaboration with international manufacturers, under construction at Mumbai. The
first of these, the INS Kalvari was launched in 2015.
 Immediate Support Vessel – These are rescue boats equipped with modern life-saving
equipment and made of sustainable material. An order for 14 ISVs was placed at SHM
Shipcare, out of which 11 have been commissioned.
 Training Ship – Three new training ships are under construction at ABG Shipyard, Surat.
It is evident that the Indian Navy is implementing a multi-pronged plan in developing
national capabilities and simultaneously improving the supporting infrastructure for a holistic
approach towards surface combat modernization.

Modernization in BSF and ICG

The unfortunate Mumbai terror attacks on 26/11/2008 were a wake-up call for the coastal
security forces of India, as they exposed major security loopholes in our naval protection
forces. Consequently, over the past decade, the Indian Coast Guard and the naval wing of the
Border Security Force have developed slowly but consistently as a strong, mission-ready
force. Precision-weapon technology, electromagnetic and LASER technologies, and
improved propulsion systems are some of the advanced equipment that is powering the new-
age boats and ships of these two forces.
The government has approved a five-year development plan for the coast guard to acquire
offshore patrol vessels, helicopters, small boats, emergency and rescue vessels, and aircraft to
tighten security gaps in the maritime web. An ambitious target of 175 ships and 110 aircraft
to be manufactured by 2022 is being considered, which will be across the entire spectrum of
the ICG’s responsibilities.
The Border Security Force is focused on using advanced satellite imagery and real-time
tracking to keep border threats in check. The Coastal Security Scheme Phase 1 and Phase 2
are targeting the procurement of 150 boats, 75 special carrier boats, and the construction of
marine police stations across 131 locations, creating a virtual coastal protection grid.

Challenges for Modernization

The road for overcoming challenges for naval modernization is far from smooth. The
modernization of coastal protection forces is hampered by a lot of factors, some of which are
discussed here.
 Project Delays due to Limited Capital Allocation
The capital allocation for naval modernization has been sluggish over the years, with budget
constraints leading to slashed quotas. As a result, several projects are being stalled or delayed
indefinitely, till the projected expenses fall in place. This includes the postponing of several

58
 high-profile ships of the Indian fleet, which are expected to play an important role in
bolstering the naval military strength.

 Shortcomings of Existing Coast Protection

Despite the current three-tier structure of coastal protection, there have been glaring slips
through the levels of the defence. There are many instances in the recent past where small
boats and rouge ships have travelled close to coastline before being detected by fishermen or
locals. These incidents expose the glaring shortcomings of the coastline protection forces,
which does not seem to have improved although the number of boats and patrols is supposed
to have increased.
Shortage of manpower and a reduction in night patrols are some of the reasons why these
infiltrations have been partially successful.

 Inadequate Training
The lack of training of coastal personnel in the new technology being implemented on boats
is also one of the reasons why modernization is hampered. For efficient operation, training is
a must. However, as the number of people available to train personnel is less, advanced
technology cannot be used on the boat, which in turn leads to aversion towards technology.
The “Ideal” Way Ahead

Ideally, the Indian naval force is expected to become a strong maritime power by 2030.
While there have been delays in projects, the country is gradually inching towards that goal
and stands ready to face potential threats.
Several Indian manufacturers have taken up the initiative for indigenisation, as they provide
boats and ships constructed with materials and designs from India. Companies like Siemens,
Reliance Shipping Services, etc. are providing modern technology such as propulsion
systems, high-intensity sensors, and other equipment, as well as manufacturing frigates and
destroyer ships in their docks.
The newly inaugurated Medium Voltage Lab at INS Valsura in January 2018 is expected to
be the hub of research for electric energy-efficient propulsion systems, manufactured by
Siemens Limited. This marks a new step for the naval ships as they progress towards clean
and sustainable technology. Similarly, smaller boat manufacturers in India like SHM
Shipcare are experimenting with new sustainable materials for building small boats, such as
FRP, with a focused approach towards sustainability.

59
 FUTURE GROWTH

Future of the Indian Navy

The Indian Navy has been focusing on developing indigenous platforms, systems, sensors
and weapons as part of the nation's modernization and expansion of its maritime forces. As of
2014 the Indian Navy has 41 vessels of various types under construction, including an aircraft
carrier; destroyers; frigates; corvettes; and conventional-powered and nuclear-powered
submarines. In 2013 a senior naval official, Rear Admiral Atul Kumar Jain, outlined the
Indian Navy's intention to build a 200 ship navy over a 10-year period. According to Chief of
Naval Staff Admiral RK Dhowan, India has transformed from a buyer's navy to a builder's
navy. All 41 ships under construction are being produced in Indian shipyards, both publicly
and privately owned. However some projects have suffered from long delays and cost
overruns.

Increasing Chinese People's Liberation Army Navy interest in the Indian Ocean region has
led the Indian Navy to invest more in anti-submarine ships, such as the Kamorta-class
corvette, long-range maritime reconnaissance aircraft, and ships such as the Saryu-class
patrol vessel[6] and unmanned aerial vehicles such as the IAI Heron-1. However the lack of a
strong submarine fleet has diminished its capabilities to some extent.

Contents

 1Submarines
o 1.1Nuclear-powered
o 1.2Conventional
o 1.3Midget submarines
o 1.4Deep submergence rescue submersibles
 2Ships
o 2.1Aircraft carriers
o 2.2Amphibious warfare ships
o 2.3Destroyers
o 2.4Frigates
o 2.5Corvettes
60
 o 2.6Mine countermeasure vessels
o 2.7Patrol vessels
o 2.8Utility and special mission ships
o 2.9Replenishment ships
o 2.10Survey vessels
o 2.11Miscellaneous

No. of
Role Origin Status Note
Picture airframes

Naval variant of HAL

Tejas. A prototype (NP-
1) is currently under
flight testing.[64] The
Indian Navy plans has a
requirement for 40 or 50
Carrier Under Tejas to equip two front-
Naval
Borne 40 to development line squadrons for the
Tejas Mk India
Multi-role 50 (flight trials aircraft
II
Fighter phase) carriers INS Vikramadity
a and INS Vikrant.[65][66] I
n December 2016, the
navy announced that the
HAL Tejas is overweight
and it will seek other
alternatives.

In late January 2017, the

Indian Navy released an
international Request for
Multi-
Carrier Information (RFI) for 57
Role
Borne "Multi-Role Carrier
Carrier 57 Planned
Multi-role Borne Fighters"
Borne
Fighter (MRCBFs). The main
Fighters
contest is
between Boeing F/A-
18E/F Super

61
 Hornet and Dassault
Rafale-M.

Ministry of Defence has

ordered 194 light trainers
to the Indian Air Force
(72 aircraft), Indian
Navy (12 aircraft) and
National Cadet Corps
Pipistrel (110 aircraft).[72][73] the
Microlight Sloven 12 aircraft on
Virus SW 12[70][71] entire quantity of 194
trainer ia order
80 aircraft will be delivered
within 30 months from
the day of the first
delivery with an option
for an additional 100
aircraft within the third
year.

The Indian Navy issued

an RFP for six medium-
range maritime
reconnaissance (MRMR)
Medium aircraft. The possible
Range Reconnaiss contenders are; the ATR-
Maritime ance and Under 72MP/ATR-42MP,
6 to 9
Reconnais SAR Procurement the EADS C-
sance missions 295MPA/C-235MPA,
Aircraft the Dassault Falcon
900MPA and
the Embraer P-99A. The
procurement number was
increased to nine as per

62
 news reports in February
2012.[74]

Indian Navy will acquire

Reconnaiss
Boeing P- 8 in service 4 more aircraft at a cost
ance, United
8I 12 4 under of $1 billion to
ASW, States
Neptune procurement supplement 8 P-8Is
ASuW
already in service.

Indian navy intends to

acquire 12 US-2
amphibian aircraft for
conducting long-range
Air-sea search-and-rescue
ShinMay
rescue(SA 12 Japan Planned operations at cost of
wa US-2
R) $1.65 billion. Two US-2s
will be directly imported
and remaining ten will be
assembled locally in
India.

The helicopters will

replace the ageing Sea
King
helicopters.[78] 'Letter of
Sikorsky Multi-Role United
24 Planned request' sent to US
MH-60R Helicopter States
administration for
purchase
through FMS for $2
billion.

Naval
Multi- Multi-Role To replace Westland Sea
123 Planned
Role Helicopter Kinghelicopters.
Helicopter

Naval
Utility
Utility 111 Planned To replace HAL Chetak
helicopter
Helicopter

63
HIGHLIGHTS
 Indian army plans to spend Rs. raffle 3,500 cr. on rifle acquisition

 Army has cited urgent operational requirements for procurement of weapons

 An official said the rifle procurement is a top priority for the infantry

A US-made battle rifle and a UAE-made carbine have emerged as the lowest bidders for the
Indian Army's requirement for equipping its soldiers with a new rifle. The US arm-maker
SIG Sauer's SiG 716 finished with the 'L1' or lowest quote for the army's fast track
procurement of 72,000 new automatic rifles.
The UAE arms firm Caracal's CAR 816 close-quarter carbine finished 'L1' in a separate bid
for 94,000 carbines, when price bids were opened this week.
250 terrorists trying to sneak into India from PoK: Army
The SIG weapon chambered for the 7.62x51 mm round beat two contenders, a Caracal battle
rifle and a rifle from Israeli Weapons Industries. Caracal's 816 carbine chambered for the
5.56x45 round, priced out a competitor fielded by Thales-Australia.
The army plans to spend Rs 3,500 crore on these rifle acquisitions for which it had issued
RFPs on 17 global arms manufacturers in February this year. It has cited urgent operational
requirements for the procurement of these weapons. A senior army official called the rifle
and carbine procurements a "top priority" for the infantry.
Indian Army is considering a plan of cutting about 20 percent of its manpower in all
departments at its central headquarters in Delhi. The idea is to have more officers and jawans
available for field formations.

The move aimed at enhancing the army’s combat capabilities and turn it into a better fighting
machine is part of an internal study to restructure the headquarters. It was a main point
presented to senior army veterans during a seminar organised in Delhi on Sunday on Army
Chief ..

The Indian Navy is the naval branch of the Indian Armed Forces. The President of India is
the Supreme Commander of the Indian Navy. The Chief of Naval Staff, a four-star admiral,
commands the navy.

The Indian Navy traces its origins back to the East India Company's Marine which was
founded in 1612 to protect British merchant shipping in the region. In 1793, the East India

64
Company established its rule over eastern part of the Indian subcontinent i.e. Bengal, but it
was not until 1830 that the colonial navy was titled as His Majesty's Indian Navy. When India
became a republic in 1950, the Royal Indian Navy as it had been named since 1934 was
renamed to Indian Navy.

The primary objective of the navy is to safeguard the nation's maritime borders, and in
conjunction with other Armed Forces of the union, act to deter or defeat any threats or
aggression against the territory, people or maritime interests of India, both in war and peace.
Through joint exercises, goodwill visits and humanitarian missions, including disaster relief,
Indian Navy promotes bilateral relations between nations.

As of 1 July 2017, 67,228 personnel are in service with the Navy.[7][8] As of March 2018, the
operational fleet consists of one aircraft carrier, one amphibious transport dock, eight landing
ship tanks, 11 destroyers, 13 frigates, one nuclear-powered attack submarine, one ballistic
missile submarine, 14 conventionally-powered attack submarines, 22 corvettes, one mine
countermeasure vessel, four fleet tankers and various other auxiliary vessels.

In the 21st century, the Indian Navy has played an important role in maintaining peace for
India on the maritime front, in spite of the state of foment in its neighbourhood. It has been
deployed for humanitarian relief in times of natural disasters and crises across the globe, as
well as to keep India's maritime trade routes free and open.

The Indian Navy was a part of the joint forces exercises, Operation Parakram, during
the 2001–2002 India–Pakistan standoff. More than a dozen warships were deployed to the
northern Arabian Sea.[56] In October, the Indian Navy took over operations to secure the Strait
of Malacca, to relieve US Navy resources for Operation Enduring Freedom.

The navy plays an important role in providing humanitarian relief in times of natural
disasters, including floods, cyclones and tsunamis. In the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean
earthquake and tsunami, the Indian Navy launched massive disaster relief operations to help
affected Indian states as well as Maldives, Sri Lanka and Indonesia. Over 27 ships, dozens of
helicopters, at least six fixed-wing aircraft and over 5000 personnel of the navy were
deployed in relief operations.[58] These included Operation Madad in Andhra Pradesh
and Tamil Nadu, Operation Sea Waves in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Operation
Castor in Maldives, Operation Rainbow in Sri Lanka and Operation Gambhir in
Indonesia.[59] Gambhir, carried out following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, was one of the
largest and fastest force mobilisations that the Indian Navy has undertaken.
65
 CONCLUSIONS
The mix of actors, capabilities and agendas, internal and external to the Indian Ocean,
makes the strategic analyst's task no easy one. As noted in the Introduction, the lack
of regional strategic cohesion tends to force a fragmentary or sectional perspective
rather than an Indian-Ocean-wide view. Nevertheless, it is possible to attempt an
answer to the central question of this paper: what effects will Indian naval expansion,
so far as it has gone or is likely to go, have on the overall power structure of the
Indian Ocean?
The basic conclusion which can be drawn is that Indian naval development has
peaked, and is likely to plateau for some time to come. The preceding analysis
suggests that in many (though not all) ways India's naval forces resemble those of the
Soviet Union and the now-defunct Warsaw Pact: that is, they have sacrificed too much
quality for quantity. This choice, which comes naturally to states with relatively
limited resources, has consequences for the strategic credibility of the force which
cannot be ignored.

In particular, worst-case hegemonistic theories fail because they neglect quality/cost

issues. The Indian Navy has indeed expanded but, because of the Soviet-style
tradeoff of quality for quantity discussed previously, simply lacks the capability
to enforce maritime domination of the ocean against opposition. It is, nevertheless
a viable, though not crushingly superior, force in comparison with other regional
navies and is certainly capable of protecting India's vital maritime security interests in
a range of credible contingencies. Its greatest credibility, as one might expect, would
probably be in operations against Pakistan, especially within the range of Indian land-
based air cover.

The Indian Navy is but one element in the regional strategic balance: external actors,
notably the United States, remain very important but have agendas largely driven by
extra-regional concerns. No doubt if a regional state were to threaten any vital interest
of the United States, Washington would consider itself justified in threatening and
perhaps even using force. And no regional power, including India, has the maritime
capacity to do more than damage the Americans should they choose to enforce their
will militarily in such a situation.

These conclusions might well have been different had Delhi not run up against the
financial and technological practicalities of building up military power. India
presently spends somewhat over three percent of its GOP on defence; this is
not an unreasonable outlay for such a state." But one reason the "Indian threat"
school of thought was able to gain a hearing is that certain of India's actions,
though from Delhi's perspective entirely legitimate national security initiatives,
can easily be misinterpreted by those wishing to do so as signs of military
ambition. This problem is neither new nor unique to India: in the sixties and
seventies, for example, the old men then running the Kremlin unwisely thought

66
that they could increase national security by increasing the armed forces - on the
principle that if some military capacity is good for security, then much more ought
to be far better. In fact, the Kremlin bought less, not more, security by arming
to a point and behaving in a way that convinced much of the world that it was
itself a threat. The law of diminishing marginal returns is as valid in military affairs
as in economics.

Had India created a Navy with its present numerical strength but with modern and
effective weapons and platforms then, by generating real regional concerns and
stimulating others to arm against a perceived threat, Indian security (like that of the
Soviets) could well have been diminished rather than enhanced. The cost of such a
naval armament program, however, would have been immense. It is one thing to buy
the bulk of one's equipment from the Soviets (or to acquire superannuated western
platforms) and "top up" with some western equipment, and another entirely to bund
a substantial western-style navy. Driven by economic necessity, India went the
cheaper route, acquiring more but less expensive and less effective naval systems;
recently, it has had to curtail defence outlays. This restrains future Indian naval
capabilities for some time to come, ensuring that India will be a significant local
naval power, but not one whose forces could credibly threaten the order and stability
of its wider environment.

67
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aircraft-losses-turn-fy-costly-for-indian-air-force/articleshow

8. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southern_Naval_Command

9. htpp://google.co.in

10. https://www.indiannavy.nic.in/node

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