Peasants and Religion

This study permits the authors to open new perspectives for the
understanding of key features of Dominican culture. It is based on an
impressive empirical investigation and a penetrating contribution with
respect to popular religion and messianic movements.
Roberto Cassá, Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo

A remarkable and exhaustive study that should be required reading for

anyone with a serious interest, not only in the island of Hispaniola, but in
the Latin American peasantry and folk religion.
Bernard Diederich, ex Time magazine correspondent for Mexico,
Central America and the Carribbean

Peasants and Religion is a very rare example of a work of ‘social science’

in the true sense of the word, one that transcends the traditional divisions
between economics, history, anthropology and political science. Its
analytical depth and richness make it a remarkably integrated contribution
in the tradition of Gunnar Myrdal.
Ronald Findlay, Columbia University

Its importance lies in the attempt to show how this microcosm might explain
the continuing power of religion. It provides a laboratory ‘experiment’ which
could also explain the origins of the world’s great religions.
Deepak Lal, University of California, Los Angeles

The authors have given us a painstakingly detailed reconstruction of

dramatic events. With a fine historical sense, they analyze the subject
within the framework of economic and political change in the Dominican
Republic.
Magnus Mörner, University of Göteborg

An ambitious and meticulous work, whose conceptual significance stretches

well beyond the Dominican Republic.
Allan Pred, University of California, Berkeley
Peasants and Religion
A socioeconomic study of Dios Olivorio
and the Palma Sola Movement in the
Dominican Republic

Jan Lundius and Mats Lundahl

London and New York

First published 2000
by Routledge
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge
29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor and Francis Group

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002.

© 2000 Jan Lundius and Mats Lundahl

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or

reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photo-
copying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval
system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Lundius, Jan, 1954–
Peasants and religion: a socioeconomic study of Dios Olivorio
and the Palma Sola movement in the Dominican Republic/Jan
Lundius and Mats Lundahl.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Mateo, Olivorio, 1908–1922. 2. Dominican Republic—
Religion—20th century. 3. Cults—Dominican Republic—History—
20th century. 4. Religion and sociology—Dominican Republic—
History—20th century. 5. Palma Sola (San Juan de la Maguana,
Dominican Republic) —Religion—20th century. 6. Cults—
Dominican Republic—Palma Sola (San Juan de la Maguana) —
History—20th century. 7. Religion and sociology—Dominican
Republic—Palma Sola (San Juan de la Maguana) —History—20th
century. I. Lundahl, Mats, 1946– . II. Title.
BL2566.D65L86 2000
306.6’097293–dc21 99–24619
CIP

ISBN 0-415-17411-2 (Print Edition)

ISBN 0-203-01696-3 Master e-book ISBN
ISBN 0-203-22040-4 (Glassbook Format)
Peasants and Religion

Peasants and Religion examines the relationship between economics,

politics and religion through the case of Olivorio Mateo and the religious
movement he inspired from 1908 in the Dominican Republic. The authors
explore how and why the new religion was formed, why it was so
successful and why it was violently suppressed, considering such factors as
the geographical and political context, changes in the international
economic system and the arrival of modern capitalism in the country.
Comparing this case with other peasant movements, they show ways in
which folk religion serves as a response to particular problems which arise
in peasant societies during times of stress.
This fascinating work will be of importance across the social sciences,
offering new perspectives on the development and influence of religion and
on the much-noted links between peasant rebellion and religious cults.

Jan Lundius is a research officer at the Department for Research

Cooperation, Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency
(SAREC/SIDA), Stockholm. He has worked as a consultant for several
UN agencies.

Mats Lundahl is Professor of Development Economics at the Stockholm

School of Economics. His previous publications with Routledge include
New Directions in Development Economics (1996), Economic Crisis in Africa (1993),
Markets or Politics? Essays on Haitian Underdevelopment (1992) and Agrarian
Society in History (1990).
Routledge Studies in Development and Society

1 Searching for Security

Women’s responses to economic transformations
Edited by Isa Baud and Ines Smyth

2 The Life Region

The social and cultural ecology of sustainable development
Edited by Per Råberg

3 Dams as Aid
Anne Usher

4 Politics of Development Cooperation

NGOs, gender and partnership in Kenya
Lisa Aubrey

5 Psychology of Aid
A motivational perspective
Stuart Carr, Eilish McAuliffe and Malcolm MacLachlan

6 Gender, Ethnicity and Place

Women and identities in Guyana
Linda Peake and D.Alissa Trotz

7 Housing and Finance in Developing Countries

Edited by Kavita Datta and Gareth Jones

8 Peasants and Religion

A socioeconomic study of Dios Olivorio and the Palma Sola
Movement in the Dominican Republic
Jan Lundius and Mats Lundahl
Contents

List of figures xii

Preface xvi
Acknowledgements xx
Some Spanish and Creole words that appear in the text xxi
Map of the Dominican Republic xxv
Map of the Olivorista heartland xxvi

1 Introduction 1
The subject 2
The local scene 3
A plausible story 5
Peasants and outsiders 8
The problem of oral transmission 13
The hidden transcript 15
The spiritual sphere 17
Religion in peasant society: a local phenomenon 19
The socioeconomic context: the failure to inculturate capitalism 25
The scene of modernization 27

PART I
The events 31

2 Olivorio Mateo: the life and death of a peasant god, 1908–22 33

A strange savior 33
The source material: myth and reality 34
The field laborer 39
The great storm 47
The three signs 48
The cult site 60
viii Contents

The thaumaturge 62
Promiscuity? 65
Life within Olivorio’s community 69
Olivorio’s teachings 75
The followers of Olivorio 79
The Olivorista dress 85
Olivorio and the Americans 88
The Haitian connection 103
On the run 112
Olivorio and urban residents 114
The death of Olivorio 117
The heritage of Olivorio 121

3 Interlude: the survival of Olivorismo, 1922–61 123

The occupation and the San Juan elite:
resistance and collaboration 124
The Yanquis and the Olivoristas 127
Departure of the Americans and return of the caudillos 128
The San Juan Valley under President Vásquez: ‘The principality
of the Ramírezes’ 134
The survival of the cult 137
The rise of Trujillo and the subjugation of the Ramírezes 143
Trujillo’s initial attacks on the Olivoristas 153
The Dominicanization of the San Juan Valley 156
The Ramírezes under Trujillo 161
Trujillo and the Olivoristas 166

4 Palma Sola: the revival of Olivorismo, 1961–62 171

Olivorio resurrected: the twins of Palma Sola 172
The foundation and organization of Palma Sola 179
The road to the massacre 193
The massacre 221
After the massacre 237

PART II
The myth 253

5 Olivorista lore 255

Folklore 256
A magical environment 265
 Contents ix

Olivorista salves 269

The great code 276
A legendary life of Olivorio 279
The salves and the theology of Palma Sola 298
The violent message: sectarians and outsiders 305
The hidden transcript of Olivorismo 306
Conclusions 309
Appendix: Jonestown and Palma Sola 310

PART III
The causes 315

6 Popular religion in the Dominican Republic

and its influence on Olivorismo 317
The Indian presence in Dominican popular religion 319
The religion of the conquistadores 333
The cofradías: an Afro-Europan fusion 339
Other expressions of popular religion in the Dominican Republic
reflected in Olivorismo 353
Rural prophets in the Dominican Republic 377
Conclusions 381

7 Economic and political changes in the San Juan Valley,

1503–1922 383
The San Juan Valley 384
The economy: the early years 390
In the doldrums 398
The creation of a trade pattern 404
Consolidation of the pattern 408
Land tenure: the rise of the terrenos comuneros 417
Destruction of the cattle economy 420
The Haitian occupation: the rise of a peasantry 425
The late nineteenth century 431
Property rights in land 437
Socioeconomic changes: the sugar industry 442
Changes in the Southwest 447
The border problem 453
Surveying the land 460
Political chaos and anarchy: the crisis of caudillismo 469
War and occupation 475
x Contents

The gavilleros 477

A social bandit 482
Olivorio’s appeal 485
Who killed Olivorio? 489

8 A new era: economic change, politics and Palma Sola,

1922–63 493
The American heritage 493
The Vásquez years: irrigation and colonization 499
The Dominican economy under Trujillo 504
The San Juan Valley under Trujillo 511
The sección of Carrera de Yeguas at the beginning of the 1960s 520
Local politics and Palma Sola 522
National politics and Palma Sola 533

9 Justifying a massacre: official religion and ideology

in the Dominican Republic, 1492–1962 560
The condemnation of Palma Sola 561
True Spaniards versus Ethiopian vices 564
The Dominican church and the Spanish crown 566
Negroes’ and ‘Indians’ 569
The black ‘menace’ from the west 572
Voodoo as the ultimate threat to Hispanidad 575
El Jefe and his crusade against voodoo 580
The Catholic church and its Benefactor 586
The changing attitude of the church 595

PART IV
The wider context 601

10 Prophets, messiahs and gods: Olivorismo

in a universal context 603
Was Olivorio a charismatic leader? 604
El Gran Poder de Dios 606
The illiterate message 620
Thaumaturges 623
Prophet, messiah or god? 630
The taxonomy problem 651
The spirit of the place: La Maguana and Palma Sola as hierophany 657
 Contents xi

Communitas 660
Pilgrimages 664
Conclusions 667

11 Conclusions 670
Biography 671
The emergence of a folk religion 673
The creation of a myth 674
The economics of continuity and change 675
The border: trade and prejudice 678
The political dimension 680
Topdogs, underdogs and social bandits 681
The right time and the right place but the wrong men 684
The global context 685

12 Epilogue, 1963–90 688

Bosch, Imbert, Caamaño and the 1965 civil war 690
Some other actors 702
The survivors 703
Bosch, Balaguer and the Olivoristas 707
Conclusions 718

References 721
Index 759
List of figures

Map of the Dominican Republic xxv

Map of the Olivorista heartland xxvi
2.1 Olivorio Mateo (Liborio), probably in 1909 36
2.2 Emigdio Garrido Fuello 37
2.3 Wenceslao Ramírez 40
2.4 Wenceslao Ramírez with three of his sons at the
beginning of the 1920s. l. to r. José del Carmen
(Carmito), Juan de Dios (Juanico) and Octavio 41
2.5 María Olegario Carrasco 43
2.6 A rural pulpería 44
2.7 Juan Samuel and Olivorio 46
2.8 Dr Alejandro Cabral in his operating room 51
2.9 General Ramón Cáceres Vásquez, president 1906–11 53
2.10 Fortification in the Puerta del Conde, Santo Domingo
during one of the civil wars 58
2.11 A calvario in the road 61
2.12 Rara scene, by Haitian painter André Normil 72
2.13 James McLean 83
2.14 Painting of Olivorio by Priamo Morel 86
2.15 Juan Isidro Jimenes Pereyra, president 1899–1902 and 1914–16 89
2.16 Hiram Bearss 91
2.17 Marine railway patrol, on the Puerto Plata-Navarrete line, 1916 92
2.18 Carmito Ramírez in the 1920s 96
2.19 Marine corps instructors train the Guardia Nacional Dominicana 97
2.20 Charlemagne Peralte 104
2.21 Marines searching a house for weapons; 1916 110
2.22 The corpse of Olivorio while exposed in the central
square of San Juan de la Maguana 120
3.1 Interior of the store of Domingo Rodríguez, San Juan
de la Maguana 126
3.2 Fabio Fiallo in prison clothes, 1920 131
3.3 General Horacio Vásquez Lajara, president
1899, 1902–3, 1924–30 133
 List of figures xiii

3.4 Carmito Ramírez in the 1930s 135

3.5 Rafael Trujillo, 1930 146
3.6 Carmito Ramírez in the 1940s 147
3.7 Juan de Dios Ramírez 150
3.8 Manuel Arturo Peña Batlle 158
3.9 The model town of Elias Pina 161
3.10 Miguel Angel Ramírez Alcántara 163
3.11 Bishop Thomas Reilly 167
4.1 Plinio Ventura 174
4.2 León Romilio Ventura 174
4.3 Fording the Yacahueque River on the road to Palma Sola 180
4.4 The center of Palma Sola 181
4.5 The checkpoint at the entrance to Palma Sola 182
4.6 The book of the Unión Cristiana Mundial 183
4.7 The great cross for oaths of allegiance at Palma Sola 183
4.8 The calvary of Palma Sola 185
4.9 Kneeling at the calvary at Palma Sola 186
4.10 The coat of arms of Palma Sola 188
4.11 Patoño Bautista Mejía and León Romilio Ventura 189
4.12 Inés Aquino, ‘La Virgen Purísima de Palma Sola’ 190
4.13 Miguel Tomás Suzaña, 1962 197
4.14 Major Francisco Caamaño Deñó, commander
of the White Helmets 203
4.15 Plutarco Caamaño 204
4.16 Germán Ornes, editor of El Caribe, around 1961 208
4.17 Radhamés Gómez Pepín, around 1961 210
4.18 Procession of pilgrims going from Carrera de Yeguas
to Palma Sola 218
4.19 General Miguel Rodríguez Reyes 223
4.20 After the massacre: the calvary 232
4.21 Major Francisco Caamaño, wounded and bandaged,
after the massacre at Palma Sola. On the right,
Attorney General Antonio García Vásquez 233
4.22 Corpse being removed from Palma Sola to be put
in the mass grave 234
4.23 Two of the victims 235
4.24 Victim covered with propaganda leaflets for the
Unión Cívica Nacional 236
4.25 Press conference after the Palma Sola massacre. l. to r.
Antonio Imbert Barrera, Attorney General Antonio
García Vásquez, General Belisario Peguero,
Dr Tabaré Alvarez Pereyra 238
4.26 …Ahora, a combatir la ignorancia [Now, let’s fight
ignorance]. El Caribe, 31 December 1962 245
5.1 Santiago Matamoros, by Haitian artist Manno Paul 286
xiv List of figures

6.1 Bartolo de Jiménez, keeper of the Spring of St John,

at La Agüita 329
6.2 La Cofradía del Espíritu Santo in San Juan de la Maguana
during Whit Week 1989 351
6.3 Drums (palos) from an Olivorista sanctuary 352
6.4 Soldiers in the calvary of Palma Sola after the massacre 354
6.5 Altar from an Olivorista sanctuary 359
7.1 The southwestern Dominican Republic 385
7.2 Provinces of the Southwest 385
7.3 The location of the San Juan Valley 386
7.4 Natural subregions in the San Juan Valley 387
7.5 The San Juan Valley and the Plateau Central 389
7.6 The evacuation of western Hispaniola, 1605–06 397
7.7 The border towns of Santo Domingo, around 1770 413
7.8 The Central Ansonia, around 1920 449
7.9 The interior of the Marranzini store, Las Matas de
Farfán, around 1920 452
7.10 Liberato Marranzini 467
7.11 Flor Marra 468
7.12 Ulises Heureaux, president 1882–84, 1887–99 472
7.13 Desiderio Arias 480
7.14 Víctor Garrido 492
8.1 Calle Trinitaria, San Juan de la Maguana, 1925 494
8.2 Road conditions in the Dominican Republic, 1917 495
8.3 The public market-place of San Juan de la Maguana, 1925 497
8.4 Trujillo and his son Ramfis at the Gulfstream
Polo Fields, Delray Beach, Florida, in 1953 506
8.5 Olivorista prisoners after the Palma Sola massacre,
displaying the Olivorista banner, a sheet containing
the motto of the Unión Cristiana Mundial: ‘Todo con
Dios y María, El Cristo, La Unión Cristiana’ [Everybody
with God, and Mary, Christ, Unión Cristiana], and
a Palmasolista banner, with the letters P, S, M, J,
indicating Palma Sola, María and Jesús 531
8.6 Joaquín Balaguer in the 1960s 535
8.7 Antonio Imbert Barrera and John Bartlow Martin 539
8.8 Luis Amiama Tió 540
8.9 The body of Miguel Rodríguez Reyes, entering the
military hospital F.Lithgow Ceara, on the evening
of 28 December 1962 544
8.10 President Rafael Bonnelly, followed by Antonio Imbert
Barrera and José A.Fernández Caminero, members
of the State Council government at the funeral of Miguel
Rodríguez Reyes 545
8.11 Monseñor Eliseo Sánchez, Luis Amiama Tió and
 List of figures xv

Donald Reid Cabral, members of the State Council,

at the funeral of Miguel Rodríguez Reyes 546
8.12 Juan Bosch in the 1960s 550
9.1 ‘Superstitious burial ceremony in the Rosario chapel’.
Drawing by James E.Taylor, 1871 567
9.2 Archbishop Ricardo Pittini and Trujillo. With his back to
the camera, the papal nuncio, Salvatore Siino 582
9.3 Trujillo and Pope Pius XII, following the signature of
the Concordat with the Dominican Republic, June 1954 588
9.4 Cardinal Francis Spellman bids farewell to Trujillo
and the Dominican Republic on his departure from
Ciudad Trujillo, 1959 590
9.5 Trujillo and Bishop Thomas Reilly 593
12.1 Peasant dwellings in the San Juan Valley, early 1980s 689
12.2 Donald Reid Cabral 694
12.3 Elías Wessin y Wessin 695
12.4 Francisco Caamaño,1965 696
12.5 Antonio Imbert Barrera 698
12.6 The body of Francisco Caamaño, 1973 701
12.7 León Romilio Ventura and Juana María Ventura,
daughter of Delanoy Ventura, 1986 705
12.8 Juan Bosch in the 1980s 708
12.9 María Orfelia outside the ermita at Maguana Arriba, 1986 713
12.10 Joaquín Balaguer in the 1980s 716
12.11 Olivorista Julián Ramos, aged 102, with his wife, 1986 717
12.12 The mass grave at Palma Sola, 1986 719
Preface

The story of this book goes back to 1983 when one of us (Jan Lundius)
was teaching history of religions at Universidad Católica de Santo Domingo. He
then found out that the father of one of his students, Emigdio Garrido
Puello, had written a biography of a mysterious ‘messiah’, Olivorio Mateo,
who in the 1920s had been active in a valley close to the Haitian border.
The story of Olivorio sounded like a medieval tale, but the events had
taken place during the present century, and the cult was still active.
From there on it has been a long and winding road, both troublesome and
tiresome, but constantly thrilling and rewarding: from our initial, vague and
tentative discussion and identification of the problem, through innumerable
drafts until the preparation of the final text. Our cooperation in writing this
book has been sheer delight.
The book could never have been written without the unselfish and
dedicated collaboration of a large number of people. First we want to thank
all our interviewees, for opening both their homes and their hearts to us, and
discussing highly personal and painful matters and events with two complete
outsiders. We sincerely hope that we have been able to communicate their
story in the same spirit as it was offered to us, conveying at least some of
the love and respect that we feel for the people of the Dominican Republic.
Doña ‘Tala’ Cabral Ramírez shared her recollections of old San Juan with
us and directed us to the person who was to become a constant conversation
partner and source of information during a full decade, ‘Mimicito’ Ramírez,
who in spite of his advanced age accompanied us into the countryside and
introduced us to old Olivoristas, like the centenarian Julián Ramos, who had
been a friend of Olivorio himself and who became one of our main
informants. Very special thanks are due to one of the protagonists of our
study, León Romilio Ventura, to the daughter of Delanoy Ventura, Juana
María, and to the members of the vast Ventura family in Media Luna.
Macario Lorenzo, the ‘secretary’ of Palma Sola, introduced us to the theology
of the Palma Sola movement.
Leopoldo Figuereo brought us to Jínova and introduced us to Diego
Cépeda, who gave us the opportunity to take part in genuine Olivorista
ceremonies. Alina and David Alvarez put us in contact with several people
 Preface xvii

in San Juan de la Maguana and Las Matas de Farfán. Alina’s mother, Telma
Dotel Matos, put us on the track of Olivorio’s son and shared her
recollections of her childhood in San Juan with us. José Garrido Ramírez
introduced us to the subject of Olivorio, gave us access to his family’s
invaluable collection of El Cable, the newspaper which his father, Emigdio
Garrido Puello, edited between 1921 and 1930, and introduced us to Victor
Garrido, Jr, who put us in touch with people from the old business
community in San Juan and told us about his parents, Víctor Garrido and
Tijides Ramírez de Garrido, both influential members of the San Juan elite.
In San Juan we benefited from the wealth of information given to us by
Mayobanex Rodríguez, ex-mayor of the city, and by Monseñor Thomas
Reilly, who shared both his memories of the turbulent Trujillo decades and
his rum with us.
The Olivoristas around the queen of Maguana Arriba, María Orfelia, were
always generous and welcoming. Carlos Andújar, Juana López and Fradrique
Lizardo took us to see voodoo ceremonies. The sons of General Miguel
Rodríguez Reyes, Ramón Jesús and Miguel Antonio, gave us their trust and
confidence in discussions of the very sensitive matter of the death of their
father. ‘Patoño’ Bautista shared his manuscript of recollections of the Palma
Sola movement with us and in addition gave us as many interviews as we
requested. Jorge Feliz, Bryan Kennedy and ‘Zita’ Závala were helpful in
providing information about the Palma Sola episode.
The second category of people who have been instrumental for our
endeavor are our Dominican fellow researchers. Ana Marina Méndez
collaborated actively in the project, sharing with us her unique collection of
material surrounding the Palma Sola massacre, documented in her own book,
Palma Sola…desde el sol hasta el ocaso: Un aporte bibliográfico a su estudio (1986),
an indispensable source for any future study of the Palma Sola movement,
and in addition provided us with contacts to a large number of our
interviewees, as well as inputs in the form of photos, articles, videos, etc.
Without her the study would not have been carried out. Roberto Cassá also
deserves more than just an honorary mention. Over the years we have
bothered him with just about everything, ranging from material from his own
investigations of the Olivorista movement, via specifics on Dominican currency
history, to the significance of obscure Dominican terms and the spelling of
names of people, places and institutions. Always a busy man, he has never
failed to find the necessary answers for us.
Antonio Lluberes, of the Sociedad de Jesús, historian and good friend, both
served as an intermediary when it came to establishing contacts with the
Dominican clergy and published our first piece on Olivorio (Lundius and
Lundahl (1989)), in Estudios Sociales. Segundo Vásquez, journalist at the Hoy
newspaper, facilitated our access to the press archives and gave us useful
inputs about Dominican history and folklore. Frank Moya Pons gave us
access to the collections of the Sociedad Dominicana de Bibliófilos and helped us
to establish our first base in Santo Domingo. Angel Moreta, himself a
xviii Preface

Sanjuanero, who at the time was working on his thesis about agriculture in the
southwest, shared his knowledge about the San Juan Valley and its
inhabitants with us. César Iván Feris gave us the foothold in the Universidad
Católica de Santo Domingo which provided the initial idea for the book. Rubén
Silié went out of his way to secure the necessary permissions for some very
crucial material at the last moment. Michiel Baud, at the University of
Leiden, who must count as a Dominican, if not in terms of nationality,
definitely in terms of spirit and research orientation, gave us his findings
about rural change in the Cibao during the nineteenth century and was a
useful discussion partner in general.
We owe a special intellectual gratitude to our predecessors in the Olivorista
field. Emigdio Garrido Puello’s Olivorio: Un ensayo histórico (1963) remains the
logical starting point for all research on both Olivorio and Palma Sola.
Orlando Espín’s doctoral dissertation, ‘Evangelización y religiones negras: Propuesta
de modelo de evangelización para el pastoral en la República Dominicana’ (1984), put
Olivorismo in its wider social and religious context. Juan Manuel García’s La
masacre de Palma Sola (Partidos, lucha política y el asesinato del general: 1961–1963)
(1986), pioneered the political analysis of the 1962 massacre and Lusitania
Martínez’ Palma Sola (Su geografía mítica y social) (1991) not only provides an
account of the 1961–63 events, but also dissects the ideological and
theological message of Olivorismo. Lusitania furthermore willingly shared and
discussed her results and knowledge of the area with us.
Our interminable drafts have been read and improved upon by several
friends and colleagues: Rosemary Vargas-Lundius, David Stoll, Tord Olsson,
Arnim Geertz, Christina Rapp Lundahl, Kai Kaiser and Ronald Findlay.
Michael Pretes not only had to suffer the contents but also the form.
Together with Alan Harkess he is responsible for checking our English. Mats
Lundahl enjoyed the privilege of spending the spring of 1991 in the congenial
intellectual atmosphere of the Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study in the
Social Sciences (SCASSS), in Uppsala. Bo Gustafsson, Ulf Hannertz, Hernán
Horna, Jonas Pontusson, Tinne Vammen and Björn Wittrock all did their
best to improve what was presented at the SCASSS seminar. The influence
of Alan Pred, also at SCASSS in 1991, will be obvious to all readers. Some
chapters have also been presented at the international economics seminar at
the Stockholm School of Economics, to bewildered colleagues trying to figure
out exactly what economics had to do with it all. At the postgraduate
seminar at the Department of History of Religions at the University of Lund,
Lundius experienced a similar problem: trying to explain why on earth he
was working with an economist.
Mayra Ureña, Sagrada Bujosa and Carmen Rita Morera have assisted us
with a large number of practical details, ranging from translations of some
of our findings into Spanish, procurement of photos and publishing rights,
transportation and contacts of all kinds. Carin Blomkvist has displayed
unlimited patience keeping track of all our versions, emanating from such
diverse places as Lund, Santo Domingo, Uppsala, Guatemala, Hanoi, New
 Preface xix

York, Stockholm and Rome. She has had to introduce a larger number of
changes than we like to recall at this stage, chasing the most obscure
bibliographical references, trying not to lose the vast amount of paper in
circulation in any given moment. She is probably even happier than we that
our work has finally come to an end. Siw Andersson has had a similarly
traumatic experience attempting to draw maps from confused instructions,
not necessarily written, having to correct them as soon as we have changed
our minds about the courses of rivers, names of cities and the like.
Our research has been financed by the Swedish Agency for Research
Cooperation with Developing Countries (SAREC). This support is gratefully
acknowledged.
Last, but not least, we owe a debt of gratitude to those who for a lengthy
period have had to suffer the direct consequences of our research activities:
our wives, who may have had considerable doubts about the viability of the
project and who at this point are completely fed up with both local religion
and global economics, especially the never-ending mix of the two. Neither
carrot nor stick has proved successful in speeding up the pace of our work,
and local inputs, such as Brugal, have at times slowed it down. Al fin, sin
embargo, nos imaginamos que nos levantamos bien. To the two involuntary claimants
of the residual of our research process, Rosemary and Christina, this book
is dedicated.
Jan Lundius and Mats Lundahl
Rome and Stockholm, June 1998
Acknowledgements

The authors would like to acknowledge the following permissions to

reprint the figures used in the text:
Teresita Buonpensiere Cabral: 2.4
El Caribe. Figures 2.2, 2.7, 3.5, 3.10–11, 4.3, 4.5–9, 4.11, 4.14, 4.16–26, 6.4,
7.13–14, 8.5–6, 8.8–12, 9.4, 12.2–6, 12.8, 12.10
Roberto Cassá: 7.6–7
Fundación Peña Battle: 3.8
Juan Manuel García: 4.2, 4.15
Lusitania Martínez: 4.1, 4.12
Arturo Ramírez: 2.18
Carmen Rosalía Ramírez: 2.3, 2.5, 3.4, 3.6
Miguel Tomás Suzaña: 4.13
Time/Life Inc.: 8.7
United Press International: 8.4
United States Marine Corps: 2.16–19, 2.21
Bernardo Vega: 2.4, 2.8, 8.1–3, 9.1
The rest of the photographs either lie in the public domain or have been
taken by the authors.
Some Spanish and Creole* words
that appear in the text

aguardiente raw sugar cane liquor

alcalde mayor
alcaldía mayors’s office
audiencia regional court
ayuntamiento town council
La Bella Aurora the Beautiful Dawn
blé (ble*) blue denim
bohío hut
bòkò* sorcerer
brujo, f. bruja sorcerer, voodoo priest
caballo (horse), possessed person
cabildo town council
cacique chieftain
caco* guerilla
caída fall
calié, pl. calieses thug, henchman
calvario a group of three crosses
campesino peasant
candomblé Brazilian syncretic (African and Catholic)
religion
caridad charity
caudillismo local strongman leadership
caudillo local strongman leader
cayuco trunk
cebollín small onion
centinela sentry
cerca fence
chamarra shirt
cimarrón runaway slave
Cívico member of the Unión Cívica Nacional
clientelismo clientship
cocolo immigrant from the English-speaking
Caribbean
xxii Some Spanish and Creole words

cofrade brother, member of a cofradía

cofradía religious brotherhood
comisaría police station
compadrazgo ritual coparenthood
componer fix
común see provincia
conjuro spell
consejero member of El Consejo de Estado
El Consejo de Estado the State Council (the caretaker govern-
ment that ruled the Dominican
Republic in 1962)
conuco agricultural garden plot
convite (konbit*) communal work party
copla popular song
cuenta bill
curandero healer
enramada gathering place covered by a roof
ermita rural chapel
esperanza hope
El Espíritu Santo the Holy Spirit
estancia farm
evangélico Protestant
falda skirt
fanega 1 fanega=55 liters
fe faith
finca farm
forastero stranger
fucú bad luck
gagá (rara*) rural carnival band
ganadero cattle rancher
gavillero guerilla
gracia (divine) grace
El Gran Poder de Dios the Great Power of God
guayabo guava tree
guïro a musical instrument that is rasped
hatero rancher
hato cattle ranch
hermandad brotherhood
Hispanidad Spanishness, Spanish culture
holófrase holy phrase
hungan (ougan*) voodoo priest
indio claro (light Indian), light-skinned
indio oscuro (dark Indian), dark mulatto
ingenio sugar estate, sugar factory
El Jefe the Boss (Rafael Trujillo)
 Some Spanish and Creole words xxiii

jefe comunal local community leader

kleren* a cheap, white rum
labranza farm
luá (lwa*), pl. luases voodoo god
El Maestro Olivorio
Lo Malo the Evil
maniel runaway slave community
La Mano Poderosa the Powerful Hand
mellizo (marasa*) twin
minifimdista smallholder
misterio (mystery), voodoo god
moreno brown
novena vigil
La Número Uno Number One
ougan* voodoo priest
padrino godfather
palo stick, big drum
palo de piñón stick made from a branch of the piñón tree
pandero tambourine
panyòl* (Spaniard), Dominican
perico ripiao small rural orchestra
peristil peristyle
peso de posesión title to a share in a terreno comunero
plasaj* concubinage
ponerse chivo (make oneself a goat), pretend not to
understand
prieto very dark
procurador district attorney
promesa vow
provincia the Dominican Republic is divided into
provincias, each provincia is divided into
comunes (today municipos and distritos
municipales) and each común into
secciones
pulpería small (rural) shop
quintal 1 quintal=46 kilos
ranchero rancher
rancho hut
rayano border dweller
recua line of pack animals, usually mules
reina queen
rezador prayer man
rezo prayer
romería pilgrimage
rosario rosary, procession of penitents
xxiv Some Spanish and Creole words

sabio, f. sabia wise

sagrado holy
salve popular religious anthem
santería Cuban syncretic (African and Catholic)
religion
sección see provincia
ser voodoo god
sinvergüenza (a person with no shame), scoundrel
soletas rough peasant sandals
tarea 1 tarea=0.1554 acres, or 0.063 hectares
terrenos comuneros common land
trapiche crushing mill
tronco trunk
tronco del lugar trunk of the place, patriarch
vela, velación, velorio vigil
yagua leaf base of certain palm trees
zafra sugar harvest
zonbi* zombie
Map of the Dominican Republic.
Map of the Olivorista heartland.
1 Introduction

The landscape of the southwestern part of the Dominican Republic is

strange and varied. Sugar cane fields, rice paddies and fertile plains are
set among inaccessible mountain ranges, deserts and salt marshes. This
part of the country has been a place of refuge for many insurgents. Here
runaway slaves established their own communities and many a fierce
battle was fought between Haitian and Dominican armies. The border
between Haiti and the Dominican Republic has always been vague and
the exchange between the peoples on the two sides of the frontier has
been very lively. The governments of both countries have repeatedly
attempted to increase their control over the border area in order to
obliterate the possibilities of using the remote mountain areas as a base
for insurrections.
In these areas the population nourishes a well-founded suspicion of
authorities. Most of the fertile areas are in the hands of a few big
landowners and the majority of the peasants seek their meager livelihood
in poor, insufficient plots. The southwest is the poorest and most
neglected part of the Dominican Republic and has thus been an excellent
hotbed for peasant movements of different kinds.
In the present work we analyze one such peasant movement that was
quenched in blood—not only once, but twice. This movement is of a
messianic type that has been observed elsewhere in poor rural areas of
Latin America:

All are built around one individual, who is held to have supernatural
attributes and who prophesies catastrophes from which only his
followers will escape. The followers seek either to release the spell from
an enchanted Kingdom or to found a Holy City, thus carrying into
practice the forms of behaviour counselled by their leader. All these
messianic Kingdoms, moreover, have the same characteristics; they are
envisaged as celestial kingdoms with miraculous qualities which shall
come into being in this world. There will be no sickness, and men will
not need to work; there will be universal happiness in the abode of the
2 Introduction

saints. The communities formed in this spirit are almost invariably

destroyed by the forces of global society.1

The movement discussed in the present work came into being during times
of social and economic crisis. It can thus be analyzed with tools from the
social sciences. We will view peasant religion as a strategy employed to
meet particular problems and tensions that arise within peasant society
during periods of stress. Religious movements may then serve as collective
attempts to overcome the perceived threats to the community.

The subject
Some time around the year 1910, a fifty-year-old field hand from the
San Juan Valley in the southwestern part of the Dominican Republic,
named Olivorio Mateo, underwent a mystical experience that
completely changed not only his own life, but also that of many
others. He disappeared, was believed to be dead, and when he
reappeared claimed that God had ordered him to preach and heal the
sick. Olivorio thus initiated a career as faith healer, prophet and local
leader. His followers—mainly illiterate peasants and farm hands—were
inclined to believe that he was divine.
Others, however—particularly ‘progressive’ landowners, merchants and
local authorities—considered Olivorio to be an obstacle to the wheel of
progress and a representative of ‘African obscurantism’ and backwardness
in general. When the Dominican Republic was occupied by the United
States in 1916, Olivorio was put on the American list of suspect
individuals, and after a turbulent career of slightly more than a decade, he
was killed by the US marines, only to be converted into a spiritual presence
which, almost forty years after his death, would serve as the main
inspiration for another manifestation of the movement that eventually was
to be quenched in blood as well.
In 1961, the members of a family named Ventura founded a holy city in
Palma Sola, northwest of San Juan de la Maguana. At that time, one of the
most notorious of all Latin American dictators, Rafael Trujillo, had held the
Dominican Republic in his iron grip for more than thirty years, suppressing
all popular movements, including religious ones. Trujillo was murdered at the
end of May 1961 and it was then only a matter of weeks before the Palma
Sola movement sprang into full bloom. The Venturas had stated that their
mission would come to an end on 1 January 1963. On 28 December 1962,
however, the Dominican military moved into Palma Sola and massacred its
inhabitants.

1 Pereira de Queiroz (1965), p. 64.

 Introduction 3

The present study constitutes an investigation of how and why the

Olivorista religion was formed, why the movement and its revival in Palma
Sola were successful in attracting large numbers of followers and why on
both occasions it was violently suppressed. Our analysis will combine tools
and methods from various social sciences. In this chapter we provide an
overview of the approach that we will follow in the book.

The local scene

Every person lives and acts within a particular environment. A social
phenomenon, like a religious movement, must be analyzed in relation to
the cultural means of expression that are at the disposal of the adherents
to a particular faith. This leads to a study not only of the interaction
between individuals, their sets of values and attitudes, their relationship to
the ecosystem, their economic activities, etc., but also of the historical,
economic and sociological roots of the society that generates the kind of
faith which triggers messianic movements.
When, at the beginning of the twentieth century, Olivorio Mateo, an
illiterate peasant, succeeded in gathering a large following around himself
and for several years was able to challenge the power of landowners,
merchants and foreign troops within an entire province, he could do so due
to the particular conditions that prevailed within the area of his activities.
The San Juan Valley constantly witnesses the rise and fall of soothsay-ers
and faith healers, but none of them have achieved the almost instant
success and strong influence of Olivorio Mateo (and the Ventura brothers
several years later). Extraordinary circumstances underpinned the attraction
of such personalities.
The majority of the believers in the message divulged by Olivorio and
the Venturas have been peasants and as such they live and work within a
production landscape, making use of their immediate physical environment.
Any change affecting their surroundings is likely to influence their
livelihood and consequently their view of the world. It is seemingly
contradictory that even if the peasant world is highly dynamic, in the sense
that slight climatological changes and political turbulence may have severe
repercussions on the peasants’ welfare and opinions, their traditions and
beliefs still tend to reflect a kind of long-term stability in both the physical
and social landscape.
In the case of the San Juan Valley this stability is provided by a production
landscape to which a religious system has been adapted. A belief system has
been constituted by ideas and traditions originating from both Europe and
Africa: a unique blend which can be traced in all the aspects of the religious
movements we will consider. Peasants’ religious convictions tend to serve
‘practical’ ends and are accordingly influenced by changes in their material
welfare and economic output—a pattern that becomes obvious when studying
the Olivorista movement in the San Juan Valley.
4 Introduction

As faith healers like Olivorio are always present in the San Juan Valley,
the extraordinary attraction he exercised must be related not only to his
particular personality, but also to structural changes that occured at the time
of his appearance, i.e. the transformation of traditional life, primarily by the
consolidation of agricultural holdings and the substitution of market-oriented
production for subsistence farming and cattle raising.
Just as the Olivorista movement was an answer to sociopolitical changes that
occured in the San Juan Valley in the 1910s and 1920s, its continuation
initiated by the Ventura brothers in Palma Sola in 1961 was a local
response to feelings of anomie that had taken hold of many Dominicans
in the agitated aftermath of the murder of Trujillo. The Trujillo years had
brought thorough structural change to Dominican society and the San Juan
Valley had not escaped the dictator’s ruthless rule. Several followers of
Olivorio Mateo suffered severe persecution. With the dictator gone,
however, the lid was lifted from the boiling pot of Sanjuanero discontent. As
in Olivorio’s times the actions and the speech of the peasants in the San
Juan Valley were steeped in religious language and behavior. Their protest
took the form of an Olivorista revival. In a highly volatile atmosphere of
political tension, the official response to the movement in Palma Sola was
fierce and meshed in political machinations. The result was a ruthless
massacre of unarmed peasants and a heritage of unanswered questions
which still haunt political debate in the Dominican Republic.
Religious beliefs and traditions in the San Juan Valley result from a
symbiosis between economic and ‘spiritual’ factors. The valley has served as
a melting pot for Indian, African and European creeds and only a long
historical perspective can illuminate some essential components of the
intricate ‘ideology’ which constitutes present-day Olivorismo. The same applies
to the particular socioeconomic environment which emerged in the valley,
and when stating that Olivorista religion is based on the economic reality of
the Sanjuanero peasantry, it must also be said that the socioeconomic reality
is influenced by religious notions.
The long and winding road leading up to present-day Sanjuanero
religiosity passes through religious fraternities in medieval Europe and West
Africa and beliefs in ‘suprahuman’ powers like the Holy Spirit in Europe
and Ashé among African Yoruba. Fertility cults, processions, dancing,
singing, drumming, possession beliefs, communal celebrations, etc., whose
origins can be found in various geographical contexts, have been fused
together by the people in San Juan Valley and adapted to their particular
socioeconomic environment.
An account of the economic history of the San Juan Valley leads us back
in time to the establishment of an economic system based on forced Indian
labor which subsequently led to imports of African slaves and sugar
production. When the importance of sugar dwindled and political
considerations depopulated the area around San Juan de la Maguana, cattle
breeding grew in importance, to be replaced by food production for the
 Introduction 5

market only during the present century, a shift that influenced

landownership structures and eventually triggered the rise of the Olivorista
movement. In order to understand and analyze the socioeconomic situation
which prevailed in the San Juan Valley at the time of Olivorio Mateo’s
emergence as a ‘living god’, a long historical perspective must be taken, and
we must analyze the complicated process in which the political realities of
the time and the ethnic composition of the Sanjuaneros interacted and created
a peculiar culture which constituted a fertile breeding ground for a
movement like Olivorismo.
However, a relatively isolated area like the San Juan Valley is not only
subject to more or less impersonal influences from the natural environment,
economic activities and ethnic traditions: the interaction between
individuals is also of crucial importance. The character and forceful
individuality of certain persons have always been important and must be
related to local traditions like coparenthood, affiliation to powerful men and
sociopsychological concepts like charisma—traits that come together and
constitute important ingredients in an intricate political power play.
Furthermore, politics in the San Juan Valley has often had a tendency to
expose tensions between the center and the periphery, between the capital
and the ‘backlands’ along the Haitian border. A pattern has thus been
created which exposes the tensions between an ‘urbanite’, ‘progressive’
ideology, tainted by racial and cultural prejudices, and the ‘conservative’
traditions of a fairly close-knit and isolated peasantry. Such contradictory
world visions frequently lead to violent conflicts, mainly due to a severe
lack of communication and understanding.
From a global perspective, the San Juan Valley may appear as nothing
but an insignificant speck on the world map. Accordingly, on one level,
Olivorismo can be considered as an obscure movement without much
influence or importance. However, the valley may just as well be
considered as a microcosm illustrating how economic, political and
cultural forces of diverse origins interact and clash with one another.
Agrarian communities like the one in the San Juan Valley exist all over
the world and all of them are subject to ‘alien’ influences and
‘development’ processes. Movements similar to Olivorismo have been
constituted in many geographically dispersed places and a multifaceted
study of an isolated and peculiar area like the San Juan Valley may
therefore provide insights that may prove helpful in studies of local
communities in other parts of the world.

A plausible story
The present work tells the story of Olivorio and Olivorismo. Storytelling
calls for an approach that is partly ‘literary’, something that is often
abhorred by economists, who often tend to argue that scholars ‘had better
be factual and logical’.2 However, even ‘theoretical’ economists tell stories,
6 Introduction

even though they are not always aware of it. In three celebrated and
controversial pieces on the methodology of economists, Donald McCloskey
makes the point that in practice economists tend not to adhere to their
official, rule-bound credo but instead engage in rhetoric of various kinds
to persuade their readers that the points they make are valid ones.3
McCloskey’s message is that rule-bound methodology is not good
because it amounts to no less than the impossible. It claims that we know
what makes for good science. In economics, the rulemaker has perfect
knowledge not only of all present economics but of all future economics,
too.4 In practice, this may be less important, however, because economists
do not adhere to the canon they have set up. Instead, they engage in
conversation with their audience, and that is precisely what they should do.
When doing so, they necessarily resort to rhetoric, i.e. ‘the art of speaking’.
They attempt to persuade those with whom they engage in conversation.
However, as a rule they are either not aware of the fact that this is what
they do or deny that they do so and make reference to the ‘official’ creed
instead. This, McCloskey argues, should be changed. Not even
mathematicians ‘prove’ theorems for good. ‘They temporarily satisfy their
interlocutors in a conversation.’5
The methodological implication of McCloskey’s view is that scientists of
all brands (natural, social, humanistic) are basically persuaders. Hence it
become necessary to focus on the techniques of persuasion. Which are the
best methods available? Quoting Wayne Booth, McCloskey points to the
various contributions an informed use of rhetoric can make to the economic
discourse. Rhetoric is

‘the art of discovering good reasons, finding what really warrants assent,
because any reasonable person ought to be persuaded’; it is ‘careful
weighing of more-or-less good reasons to arrive at more-or-less probable or
plausible conclusions—none too secure but better than what would be
arrived at by chance or unthinking impulse’; it is the ‘art of discovering
warrantable beliefs and improving these beliefs in shared discourse’; its
purpose must not be ‘to talk someone else into a preconceived view; rather
it must be to engage in mutual inquiry’.6

2 McCloskey (1990), p. 1.
3 McCloskey (1986), (1990), (1994).
4 McCloskey (1986), p. 20.
5 Ibid., p. 34.
6 Ibid., p. 29. The quotations are from Booth (1974), pp. xiv, 59, xiii, 137.
 Introduction 7

Economists seldom realize that out of the rhetorical tetrad—fact, logic,

metaphor7 and story8 —they need, and do in fact use, all four elements.
Above all, modern, or modernist, economics lacks an awareness of the role
of storytelling. Economists concentrate on making their metaphors—
‘models’ —meet rigorous standards of logic, and far less on making their
stories—‘stylized facts’ —meet equally rigorous standards of fact.9 That is
not a healthy state of things, since not even in scholarly writing is ‘the
content…separable from the style and the arrangement’.10 Facts, logic,
metaphors and stories must complement each other. None of these
elements is capable of standing on its own.
The present work should be read in the spirit of McCloskey. We are
telling the story of Olivorismo in factual, logical and metaphorical terms that
we feel have something to contribute to the understanding of the economic,
social, religious and political roots of the movement, its contents and the
historical events connected with it. The book in this sense represents an effort
to persuade our readers that what you get is a plausible story, one which is
more probable than those told about the movement hitherto. The focus is on
the explanation of the individual case seen in its local context. Like
McCloskey, we want to make ‘sense out of…[a determinate] economic [and
social] experience’.11
In this we will draw on, among other things, well-established principles of
economic theory—not in order to be ‘rigorous’, whatever that means,12 but as
a rhetorical device—i.e. we use these principles because we feel that their use
adds to the plausibility of our story. Needless to say, the same goes for our
use of other social science tools. Metaphors and stories should complement
each other in the construction of a persuasive argument. ‘Metaphors and
stories, models and histories, subject to the discipline of fact and logic, are
the two ways of answering “why.”’13 A story answers a model, if the model
is offered first, but a model also answers a story, in the opposite case. The
map is never the territory, but if it is well drawn it can help a great deal with
the orientation on the ground.

7 ‘A metaphor brings “two separate domains into cognitive and emotional relation by using language
directly appropriate to the one as a lens for seeing the other”’ (Black (1962), p. 236, quoted by
McCloskey (1990), p. 12).
8 ‘A story…sets down in chronological order the raw experience of one domain. It is a “presentation
of a time-ordered or time-related experience that…supplements, reorders, enhances, or interprets
unnarrated life”’ (Booth (1988), p. 14, quoted by McCloskey (1990), p. 12).
9 McCloskey (1990), p. 23.
10 McCloskey (1994), pp. 124–5.
11 McCloskey (1986), p. 175.
12 Cf. McCloskey (1994), p. 136.
13 McCloskey (1990), p. 10.
8 Introduction

Peasants and outsiders

In most of the literature dealing with the Dominican Republic, the rural
inhabitants are referred to as ‘peasants’ [campesinos].14 This is a convenient
term, although its use implies some difficulties—difficulties that pertain to
the very definition of the word. Almost every scholarly work that makes
use of the term ‘peasants’ dedicates a number of pages to a discussion of
its definition. 15 Still, the definition and application often tend to be
bewildering. An illustrative example—one which is highly pertinent in the
present case—is given by the ongoing debate about the emergence of a
Caribbean peasantry:

After ‘discovering’ a Caribbean peasantry in the 1950s, stressing its

uniqueness in the 1960s and 1970s, and denying that uniqueness in the
1970s and 1980s, scholars now tend to integrate the analysis of Caribbean
peasantries into the wider peasant debate without ignoring the specific
historical circumstances of the peasantries’ origins.16

One of the most outspoken and frequent participants in this debate,

anthropologist Sidney Mintz, draws attention to the fact that typologies are
‘tools of analysis, not truth “on the ground”. Their purpose must be to
understand better what is on the ground, rather than to be reified, as if
they somehow could transcend social and historical reality.’17
To describe the Olivoristas simply as ‘peasants’ would amount to a
rather crude generalization. In the first place, not all of them are peasants
in the sense of the term that will be employed in the present work.
Indeed, some of them are not even agriculturalists. Nor do all of them
live in the countryside. Second, it is also rather doubtful if all Olivoristas
engaged in rural activities can be described as ‘peasants’. Some are, or
were, cattle owners, squatters, day laborers, ‘proto-peasants’, pulpería [a
small rural shop] owners, truck drivers, school teachers, etc. Third, the
use of the term ‘peasant’ delimits the object of study, but possibly in a
biased way. Roy Wagner describes how a social anthropologist studying
other people, relating them to what he delimits as a certain culture or
society, himself in a way creates his object to be able to describe it:
‘anthropology teaches us to objectify the thing we are adjusting to as

14 Cf. e.g. the titles of three rather recent works: ‘The Dominican peasantry and the market economy:
the peasants of the Cibao, 1880–1960’ (San Miguel (1987)), Peasants in Distress: Poverty and
Unemployment in the Dominican Republic (Vargas-Lundius (1991)) and Peasants and Tobacco in the Dominican
Republic, 1870–1930 (Baud (1995)).
15 For the Dominican context, see Baud (1995), pp. 35–48.
16 Ibid., p. 37.
17 Mintz (1990), p. 37.
 Introduction 9

“culture”, much as the psycho-analyst or shaman exorcizes the patient’s

anxieties by objectifying their source.’18 There is, however, no evidence
that this process of objectification creates a ‘true’ picture of the ‘culture’
and its members, particularly when the analytical tools employed have
been manufactured within the lecture rooms and studies of European and
American universities:

When modern anthropology began to construct its Other in terms of

topoi implying distance, difference, and opposition, its intent was above
all, but at least also, to construct ordered Space and Time—a cosmos—for
Western society to inhabit, rather than ‘understanding other cultures,’ its
ostensible vocation.19

Needless to say, the same goes for the employment of ‘peasant’ in the
present context. Nevertheless, despite these reservations, we will use the
term in our analysis of Olivorismo. The majority of the faithful may be
described as people engaged in agrarian activities within an economic
and social framework commonly referred to as a ‘peasant society’. The
intention is not to dispute the uniqueness of Olivorismo but to indicate
certain traits and conditions that the rural inhabitants of the San Juan
Valley may share with other people in other places and at other times
so as to make it clear that Olivorismo is far from an isolated
phenomenon.
Thus, the protagonists of this study are ‘peasants’ and our discussion
concentrates to a large extent on the relations these ‘peasants’ have with
non-peasant society. But what then is a ‘peasant’? In economics and
economic history ‘peasants’ are sometimes identified as a ‘separate’
analytical category.20 Peasants live in rural areas and their main occupation
is agriculture. They till their own land,21 basically with the assistance of
their families. Their plots are often small and cultivated with the aid of
rudimentary tools in an uncertain and often outright niggard environment
which tends to make them averse to risk.22 As Arthur Lewis expressed it
in a formulation that has become classic, ‘Peasants…know how near they
live to the brink of disaster.’23 Most of the uncertain income derived from
the land goes to consumption and only lesser amounts are left for

18 Wagner (1981), p. 8.
19 Fabian (1983), pp. 111–12. Topoi derives from Greek topos, place, although Fabian employs the
term in a broader context, indicating something like a ‘mental image’ or ‘visualized object’.
20 Cf. e.g. Thorner (1965), Wolf (1966) and Shanin (1971), (1973), (1974), (1990). For a criticism of
this type of approach, see e.g. Dalton (1972).
21 In addition to his own plot, he may lease land from other owners.
22 Lipton (1968), Roumasset (1976), Scott (1976).
23 Lewis (1955), p. 227.
10 Introduction

investment in increased production possibilities. This, however, does not

imply that peasants do not want to make investments:

Although poor and close to the margin…there are still many occasions
when peasants do have some surplus and do make risky investments: the
fact that they are poor and risk averse does not imply, either logically or
factually, that they do not make investments. Peasants make long-term as
well as short-term investments, and therefore have long-term and short-
term investment crises, and they make risky as well as secure investments.
Peasants plan and invest throughout both the crop cycle and the life cycle,
and they place a high priority on investment for old age. Furthermore,
besides deciding between long-term and short-term investments, peasants
must choose between public and private investments, both long and short
run. Peasants do decide whether to invest in children, animals, land, and
other individual or family goods, on the one hand, or on the other,
whether to spend their surplus through the village, on insurance or welfare
programs or village improvements.24

Peasants live in small communities, often far away from political decision
centers. From an urban point of view, their education is frequently
deficient, or even non-existent, and the possibility of their obtaining
modern medical attention is remote. Compared with workers, peasants
possess a certain degree of autonomy. Much of what they and their
families consume comes from the family farm. Unlike modern farmers,
peasants do not run agricultural enterprises. They run household units
where production and consumption decisions are interdependent. This, on
the other hand, does not preclude peasants from engaging in production
for sale. Such activities complement subsistence production. Production for
the market is always an option for peasants, since much of what they
consume they may not be able to produce on their farms.
The relations between peasants and non-peasants are to a large extent
antagonistic. Peasants are subordinate to and dependent on an ‘outside’
society that appropriates a surplus and controls part of their economy, e.g.
through taxation. The outsiders in turn do not cultivate the soil themselves
but are forced to live off what the peasants produce. For them, the peasant
is thus not very much more than a supplier of products, and in addition an
object of taxation and a potential worker who may be recruited into non-
agricultural pursuits when there is a need for it. It has even been argued that
no peasantry existed before the first city came into being, i.e. that it is the
very dependence on outsiders that constitutes a peasant.25 Conversely,

24 Popkin (1979), pp. 18–19.

25 Cf. Wolf (1966).
 Introduction 11

When outsiders tried to obtain a hold on peasant society and to interfere

with its social and agricultural organization, their attempts often failed.
The evasiveness of peasant society has become proverbial. It infuriated
modernizing politicians and entrepreneurs and underlay the myriad
negative stereotypes of the cunning peasant or ‘lazy native.’ Peasants
defended that part of their life which they considered essential for their
material and immaterial continuation. This statement applies to social
relations and productive techniques, as much as to cultural institutions
such as witchcraft, rituals of birth and death, and popular religion. The
results may be different in each peasant society. What makes these
societies comparable is their efforts to create niches that outsiders cannot
penetrate.26

Culturally, peasants and urban dwellers are different. The urbanite is a

member of a much more cosmopolitan community than the peasant. New
ideas and ways of thinking penetrate the cities with greater ease than they
reach peasants in their environment.27 As a consequence, towns-people often
have a tendency to regard the peasant as an anachronism. The awkward
peasant is a stock figure in urban literature and popular humor, famous for
his ‘backward’ manners. In the urban environment, old traditions are made
subject to attacks. Old beliefs are reformulated. The future is viewed as being
different from the past. Peasants, on the other hand, as viewed by the
urbanite, resist innovations and cling to their antiquated ways.
Peasant societies have been described as ‘long-established homogeneous,
isolated and non-literate integral (self-contained)’ communities.28 This view
has, however, been harshly criticized from several quarters. ‘Many
theories…depict the peasantry as an immobile class of agricultural producers
who are stuck to their land and possess an extremely local world view’,
writes Michiel Baud. However, these theories ‘tend to ignore or disguise the
fact that individual members of peasant society often are extremely mobile
and spend an important part of their lives in migratory and off-farm
activities’.29 Peasant culture is not necessarily homogeneous, nor is it
particularly fixed or stable. Inhabitants of any village community manifest a
wide range of opinions and religious doubts. Accordingly, they also interpret
human and natural phenomena in different ways. Radical transitions often
take place in rural areas, and global changes which have affected the

26 Baud (1995), p. 45.

27 On this point, cf. Redfield and Singer (1954).
28 Ibid., p. 58.
29 Baud (1995), p. 39.
12 Introduction

economy over the past 150 years have undoubtedly left their mark on almost
every peasant’s notion of the world.30
Still, peasants have their own view of the world, and this often differs
sharply from the urban view. They work within a ‘production landscape’
where they make use of their immediate physical environment. They must
develop an ability to interpret, classify and cultivate the ecological system that
they live in. Changes in climate and vegetation are observed, registered and
interpreted through a body of knowledge most of which has been inherited
from older generations, and developed as a result of trial and error processes.
The environment that peasants have come to know through their constant
interaction with it makes a heavy imprint on their views. The local
geography, the plot and the village determine what the peasants express when
they make contact with an outside world which is to a large extent unknown
and frequently regarded as hostile. Outsiders are ‘different’. They are imbued
with ‘unknown’ powers.
The peasants’ view of life is to a large extent conditioned by the inputs
they receive from their immediate surroundings. They are members of close-
knit communities that influence their opinions heavily. The village and its
traditions constitute their point of reference. The membership in the village
community and the sense of belonging and security that this entails helps
peasants to face a world governed by capricious forces that they cannot
themselves control. The collective tradition of the community helps them to
interpret their environment in a meaningful way.
The urbanites may innovate more easily than the peasants. This,
however, does not mean that peasants can afford to ignore the future. We
have already pointed to how they must make investment decisons, and in
their production decisions they must plan ahead at all times. What is to be
planted and sown during the coming year? Peasants are constantly involved
in questions regarding survival. In a sense everything they do is
forestalling. They must leave enough means for their children to survive.
When peasants die their children will go on tilling their soil. Their
existence is precarious. Nature is capricious. Drought and pests easily
destroy their crops. The future is difficult to predict. Peasants live without
much protection against unforeseen difficulties. It becomes natural to strive
for order and security. Thus, they want to give meaning to the
inconceivable and make the unpredictable predictable. Tradition provides a
key to the future—to the way to avoid known and unknown dangers by the
development of survival algorithms.31 The village community means a great
deal to the individual peasant: ‘in a peasant community men must often

30 Christian (1987), pp. 371–2.

31 See e.g. Lipton (1968), Roumasset (1976) and Scott (1976), for discussions of such algorithms.
 Introduction 13

depend on each other if only for that sense of continuity which renders life
predictable, and hence meaningful.’32
The difference in outlook between peasants and outsiders will loom large
in the present work. The religious movements that we discuss arose in an
environment characterized by a pronounced lack of communication
between the urban authorities and the ‘sectarians’. The latter created their
own communities, designed to be independent of the former. This in turn
triggered reactions from the authorities who ended up by resorting to
violent action to destroy the rural ‘utopias’ built by the peasants. The
incapability of the outsiders in understanding and accepting the peasant
movements is evident, but so is the refusal of the peasants to mingle with
outsiders.

The problem of oral transmission

Much of the material presented in the present work has been orally
transmitted and hence tends to display the advantages and disadvantages
of such material. We have made the selection and the interpretations and
much of it must naturally be dependent on our own shortcomings as
interviewers, observers and interpreters. The study of ‘other cultures’ is,
after all, based on individual perceptions, what the so-called Realists of the
nineteenth century called ‘nature viewed through a temperament’,33 i.e. an
interpretation limited by the observer’s various qualifications, biases and
conditions.
On the other hand, our reading of newspaper cuttings, US marines’
reports, official correspondence and different scholarly works has convinced
us that such sources are in no way superior to oral ones. Nothing guarantees
that a written source is unprejudiced and correct. A US marine officer
putting together a report about the persecution of Olivoristas, or a
contemporary urban newspaperman condemning ‘base superstitions’ in
Palma Sola are no more reliable than a legendary tale told by a hundred-year-
old Olivorista. At best the accounts are complementary. All types of sources—
written or oral—must be scrutinized with an open mind. The truth is not easy
to find. What really happened is veiled by a shroud of contradictory voices
and what remains for the researchers is approximations and guesses, made on
the basis of their knowledge of the entire context of the happenings that they
are investigating.

32 Wolf (1966), p. 98. This does not mean that peasants live in a state of constant harmony with
their neighbors. As in all other societies, tensions are likely to erupt between individuals. Jealousy,
competition, slander and fights over land and inheritance are endemic in peasant societies.
33 About this concept in the fine arts, see Nochlin (1971), pp. 235–8.
14 Introduction

That the ‘truth’ is elusive is demonstrated by the interviews made with

León Romilio Ventura, the only surviving leader from the massacre that
ended the Olivorista revival in Palma Sola in 1962. It was not only dates and
figures that changed from one occasion to another. Certain events were also
related in new ways and songs, and dreams and visions were presented
differently from time to time.
For example, on one occasion León Romilio stated that in 1961 a small
child with blue eyes appeared and told him to go into the mountains and
find his brother, because the two of them had to carry out a mission
together.34 When reminded that on another occasion35 he had stated that it
was ‘a bearded, old man’ who gave him the mission, he did not seem to
care at all. Faced with the inconsistency León Romilio simply explained
that appearances are not important in themselves. It is the presence of the
power that counts. The old man and the child are both manifestations of
the same force: the Holy Spirit or the Great Power of God [El Gran Poder
de Dios].36
León Romilio is equally inconsistent when talking about Olivorio Mateo.
On one occasion he maintained that Olivorio ‘is the name of the soul of
God’,37 while later on he stated that ‘Olivorio is not God, and not Jesus
either. He is not the Holy Spirit. He is a prophet who came to earth, sent
by the Holy Spirit. We do not believe in him, but in his works.’38 When
it was once more pointed out that he had changed his version, León
Romilio maintained that it is ‘the work, not the appearance that counts’.39
This ‘relativist attitude’ towards what we are accustomed to call the
‘truth’ is apparently quite common in other cultural settings as well. To take
but one example, in his studies of Moroccan folk culture Vincent
Crapanzano states that ‘truth’ often has to be viewed in relation to
‘determined contextual frameworks’. The way in which things are told is
not so important as the message, open or concealed, that is conveyed.40
According to Crapanzano, one may talk about both a ‘personal’ and a
‘historical’ truth and it is not always easy to judge which one is most
‘correct’. We cannot always disqualify one ‘truth’ with the help of another.41
In the San Juan Valley, León Romilio Ventura is not unique in expressing
himself ambiguously. Other ‘missionaries’ underline that the ‘spiritual sphere’
must be ‘felt’ or ‘experienced’. When it was pointed out to them that their
own stories of personal encounters with the dwellers of the spiritual sphere

34 Interview with León Romilio Ventura, Media Luna, 5 May 1986.

35 Interview with León Romilio Ventura, Media Luna, 17 January 1986.
36 Interview with León Romilio Ventura, Las Matas de Farfán, 14 May 1989.
37 Interview with León Romilio Ventura, Media Luna, 17 January 1986.
38 Interview with León Romilio Ventura, Media Luna, 5 May 1986.
39 Ibid.
40 Crapanzano (1985), pp. 80–1.
41 Ibid., p. 6.
 Introduction 15

differ from one occasion to another, they simply shrugged their shoulders
and stated that this is not important, since the force and the message do not
change. After talking to several people and learning some of the
‘idiosyncrasies’ of the valley, you soon realize that in most cases the
discrepancies in their stories are not very large and not of any crucial
importance. As the informants themselves state: ‘We do not change the
message or the truth.’42

The hidden transcript

Much of the Olivorio story consists of myths and folklore and the
borderline between real and imagined events is often very difficult to
draw. Olivorio is seen as a spiritual being and is worshiped as such. All
religions have their sacred myths that serve to highlight the
extraordinary, superhuman qualities of their gods, saints, spirits, etc., and
around these a variety of folkloric tales are spun. Olivorismo is no
exception to this rule.
The myths are interesting in their own right, as they provide us with
the core ideas of each particular religion. We will therefore analyze the
Olivorista ideas in the present work. The lore surrounding Olivorio,
however, has more to offer. Myths, tales, songs, etc. tell us a great deal
about how those who collectively created them viewed the world they
lived in and its social and economic realities, i.e. they allow us to acquire
a deeper understanding of their ideologies. These cannot always be freely
or openly expressed because the worshipers are dominated by and
dependent on other groups in society—the typical situation for peasants.
Because ideologies, including religious beliefs, typically express wishes
and hopes, not least for change, they are often considered rebellious or
insubordinate and are hence viewed with suspicion by outsiders, and this,
in turn, creates a tendency for the insiders to express themselves in ways
not easily understood by others.
In this sense, James Scott’s concept of the hidden transcript becomes
relevant.43 A transcript is defined as ‘a complete record of what was said’, a
public transcript is ‘a shorthand way of describing the open interaction
between subordinates and those who dominate’ and the term hidden transcript
denotes the ‘discourse that takes place “offstage,” beyond direct observation
by powerholders’.44 The members of the latter group by and large define
what is appropriate to reveal in public, and the extent to which open

42 Interview with Zita Závala, Paraje El Ranchito, Carrera de Yeguas, 10 April 1986.
43 Scott (1990). Cf. also Scott (1985), pp. 284–9.
44 Scott (1990), note, p. 2, p. 4. Note, however, that dominant groups also may have hidden transcripts.
16 Introduction

communication of ideas is possible is very much a function of the inequality

between them and the subordinate group.45
The underdogs create a ‘social space’ where they may give vent to their
frustrations, hatred, aspirations and dreams:

At its most elementary level the hidden transcript represents acting out in
fantasy—and occasionally in secretive practice—of the anger and reciprocal
aggression denied by the presence of domination. Without the sanctions
imposed by power relations, subordinates would be tempted to return a
blow with a blow, an insult with an insult, a whipping with a whipping,
a humiliation with a humiliation. It is as if the ‘voice,’ to use Albert
Hirschman’s term,46 they are refused in the public transcript finds its full-
throated expression backstage.47
An individual who is affronted may develop a personal fantasy of revenge
and confrontation, but when the insult is but a variant of affronts suffered
systematically by a whole race, class, or strata [sic], then the fantasy can
become a collective cultural product. Whatever form it assumes—offstage
parody, dreams of violent revenge, millennial visions of a world turned upside
down—this hidden transcript is essential to any dynamic view of power
relations.48

It is precisely the existence of domination that prevents an open exchange

of earnest views and creates the hidden transcript, and the strength and
extent of domination bear strongly on the contents of it. However, the
transcript which has been formed behind the back of the powerholders ‘is
typically expressed openly—albeit in disguised form…rumors, gossip,
folktales, songs, gestures, jokes and theater of the powerless…’.49 The
hidden transcript is always present in the public discourse of subordinate
groups, but in ‘a partly sanitized, ambiguous, and coded version’ which is
difficult to interpret,50 and only under special circumstances does it come
into the open and produce direct confrontation with the discourse of the
dominant groups. Exactly what these circumstances are is very difficult to
determine.
However, certain events are more likely than others to trigger eruptions of
the hidden transcript into the open. To this category belong ‘economic and
political changes that result in an increase in the indignities and
appropriations to which subordinate groups are subjected’. These will increase

45 Scott (1985), pp. 286–7.

46 See Hirschman (1970).
47 Scott (1990), pp. 37–8.
48 Ibid., p. 9.
49 Ibid., pp. xii–xiii.
50 Ibid., p. 19.
 Introduction 17

the probability that acts of open, ‘both symbolic and material’, defiance will
occur.51
In the present work, we make an attempt to decipher the hidden transcript
of Olivorismo, with the aid of the Olivorista lore as expressed in the songs,
myths and tales that have sprung up around Olivorio’s person. This is an
important exercise because this transcript was to a large extent forced into the
open when the movement had to confront the outsiders, and knowledge of
its contents contributes to our understanding of why the latter took a hostile
view of the Olivoristas and their behavior—to the point where this hostility was
conducive to two massacres of Olivorio’s followers.

The spiritual sphere

‘Religion’ is a word that is constantly encountered in studies of peasant
society. On some occasions, religious matters take precedence above all
else. This is the case in ‘closed’ or ‘corporate’ peasant communities in
Latin America, i.e. communities that represent ‘a bounded social system
with clear-cut limits, in relations to both outsiders and insiders…[with]
structural identity over time’.52 In these communities, which attempt to seal
off their members from the surrounding world and try to prevent outsiders
from becoming community members,53 it is the very right to participate in
the religious affairs of the community that defines who is a member in the
community and who is not. Those who are included in the circle of
participation are members; those who are outside it are not members.
Religious participation thus defines the boundary between the community
and the outside. Those who participate belong; those who do not
participate remain strangers.54 Here, religion is the most important activity
in the community, the one around which everything rotates.
Religion is also important in ‘open’ communities, which interact to a much
larger degree with the outside world, although it is not the hub of things.
Still, religious beliefs often constitute the core of peasant ‘ideology’ and are
as such in turn strongly colored by the peasant way of life. Peasants live a
life that is characterized by exposure to powers that they cannot control and
which therefore predispose them to religious thinking and supernatural
explanations. The vagaries of nature are of importance here. The size and
quality of the harvest are never given, and peasants may easily find that a
promising crop has failed and that their very existence is in peril. This type
of experience tends to make the peasants explain events as a result of fate
or supernatural causes,55 and vice versa; peasant religion is practical and

51 Ibid., p. 219.
52 Wolf (1955), p. 456.
53 Wolf (1957).
54 Wolf and Hansen (1972), p. 100.
18 Introduction

utilitarian. It deals, for example, with problems related to the yearly cycle of
cultivation and problems of protecting crops and animals against natural
hazards.56
Compared with the faiths found in urban areas, peasant religion exhibits
some particular characteristics. The religion of peasants is intimately tailored
to their needs and environment. It is a local phenomenon that can rarely be
studied from a distance: ‘The ways that it consecrates relationships with
nature, society, and identity must be lived to be understood. Context is
crucial, for it gives meaning, often of a particularly local variety, to religious
behavior that might otherwise appear to be universal.’57 If peasant religious
beliefs are studied at close range, it soon becomes evident that these beliefs
constitute a highly dynamic faith which adapts smoothly to changing local
conditions and furthermore interacts with the developments that take place in
urban areas. Rural worshipers share several religious beliefs with their urban
counterparts. However, compared with the urban setting, there is an aspect
of permanence in the peasant’s life, ‘a long-term stability in his physical and
social landscape’.58
The peasants’ religious beliefs perpetuate traditions that have become
extinct in more dynamic urban settings. Traditional places of veneration are
often situated on the same spot for thousands of years, and traditional acts,
such as religious vows and offerings, are often the same acts that have been
carried out during previous centuries. In essence, they have survived within
the local landscape, been transmitted through use and kept alive for centuries
in close-knit family communities.
Contrary to the opinion often held by outsiders, peasants tend to be
practical-minded and think in terms of ‘real’ situations and realizable
possibilities. 59 Economic considerations influence daily decisions. The
peasants want to get something in return for their effort and this is also true
in religious matters. Peasants often approach religion in a businesslike
fashion, making ‘deals’ with the representatives of the ‘other’ world. They
offer gifts that are believed to please their deities, such as candles, flowers and
different types of other vows. In turn, they expect the recipients to favor
them in other ways.
The peasant treats nature as analogous with society. According to
Maurice Godelier, the human world consists of two spheres, one which is
visible and which can be controlled and one which cannot. The latter—
nature—is the realm of the invisible, spiritual forces and is more difficult
to cope with. In peasant society, the forces of the invisible world are often

55 Ortiz (1971), pp. 330–1.

56 Wolf (1966), p. 99.
57 Christian (1987), p. 371.
58 Ibid., p. 372.
59 Cohn (1970), p. 245. Cf. Berger (1979), pp. 195–213.
 Introduction 19

conceived of in analogy with the visible world. In this way, they assume
a shape that is understandable for the human mind. ‘Impersonal’ forces
assume human qualities.60 It then also becomes natural to communicate
with the invisible beings. These spiritual entities may be deceased
relatives, saints, any kind of supernatural forces, and they are more
powerful than living beings, but at the same time they also display human
characteristics. Just like your neighbors, they can be both vain and
capricious, good or evil. Thus, religious ceremonies constitute important
recurrent events in peasant everyday life and since the beings of the
‘other’ world are often dangerous the peasant needs expert assistance to
communicate with them.
To these experts the peasant can turn in times of crisis. Often refuge is
taken collectively, since peasants are members of collectives and their religion
is partly based on social relations. According to Max Weber, the peasantry
becomes a carrier of religion only when threatened by enslavement or
proletarianization.61 This is, however, not true. In one sense, the peasantry is
always a carrier of religion, since religion is an important part of peasants’
daily life. Most of the time this goes unnoticed by the outsider who only sees
the ‘superstitious’ acts of the peasants without realizing that these acts are
integrated in their universe. The spiritual sphere for peasants is as important
a part of their universe as is the community in which they are living and the
work that they perform. Their existence is multiplex, not specialized on a
single activity.62
When the peasant’s existence crumbles, he grasps for his ideology, turning
to the religious specialists who then assume vastly increased importance in
the community. His religion comes to the surface and becomes an explicit
carrier of his hopes for a just world, and in this the community— the
collective—is in the center. What is good for one peasant is good for all. The
peasants adapt their lives to their religion and become what outsiders
characterize as ‘fanatics’.

Religion in peasant society: a local phenomenon

Even though most potential popular religious leaders do not attract large
crowds, Olivorismo, of course, does not constitute an isolated success story.
On the contrary, similar movements are common in tribal and peasant
societies all over the world.63 Peasant religiosity reflects the peasant view of
the world, as locally conceived, and springs from the immediate
environment. It forms part of local peasant ideology; the ‘system of

60 Godelier (1975), pp. 202–3.

61 Weber (1968a), p. 284.
62 Bailey (1966), p. 401.
63 See La Barre (1971) and Turner (1977), (1979).
20 Introduction

meanings through which [peasant] peoples interpret and understand the

world’.64
The local geography, the plot, the village and other similar factors to a
large extent determine how the peasant interprets ‘the cycles of nature, day
and night, the human cycle, the life cycles of animals and plants—all [of
which] hold particular importance for cultivators’.65 Peasants face a world
governed by forces over which they do not have full control. Droughts,
insects or plagues can easily mean ruin and death for themselves and their
families. Thus, they have to seek order in their lives; they try to make
events predictable. In this they are surrounded by others who find
themselves in exactly the same situation. The collective tradition of the
community thus helps peasants to interpret their environment in a
meaningful way.
Religious rituals and routines assist peasants in shaping the time and the
landscape that surrounds them into something comprehensive. They
‘sanctify’ the calendar and the physical environment: ‘peasants tend to
establish locally distinct sacred places, times and divinities. Whether it is at
a spring, cave, mountain-top, river-bank, or a special tree, peasants come to
pay homage to their divinities according to the calendar, and in times of
crisis.’66
Consequently, peasant religiosity, to a very large extent, is a local
phenomenon, and as such it can only rarely be studied from a distance,
detached from its immediate context. On the other hand, once this is
realized, it becomes evident that peasant religion is dynamic: it adapts to
changing local conditions and it interacts with urban developments. As
long as the physical, economic and social landscape of the peasant
remains more or less unaltered, there is ‘permanence’ in peasant life.
However, if this apparent stability is shaken or altered in an abrupt way,
the adaption of the peasants to the new situation may be a difficult and
painful process. The threats to their traditional way of life may lead to
desperate efforts to save the old traditions and search for solutions with
the aid of ‘ideology’ or religion, i.e. ‘nativistic’ solutions are sought that
represent conscious attempts to revive or perpetuate certain aspects of
peasant culture.67
At times, this type of behavior leads to a total repudiation of ‘outside’
society—the society which appropriates part of what the peasants produce
because it controls an important part of the peasant economy. The town
dwellers who live off the peasants’ produce are frequently those who
introduce the new ideas that are perceived as threats to the age-old way of

64 Harriss (1982), p. 215, quoted in Kahn (1985), p. 49.

65 Christian (1987), p. 371.
66 Ibid.
67 Linton (1943).
 Introduction 21

life in rural areas. As a result, some peasants may refuse to have anything
to do with changes signaled from the outside. They may even withdraw to
form secluded—frequently religiously based—societies of their own, opting for
self-sufficiency and turning their backs on society at large. Others may
choose to take up arms against the intruders.
Olivorio’s first biographer, Emigdio Garrido Puello, has stated that
Olivorio was ‘a product of his environment’.68 We agree. In order to
understand and interpret his movement and its relative success, we will
therefore make use of a deliberately multidimensional approach which
focuses precisely on the events that shaped and changed the particular
community where he made his appearance.69
In a discussion of how to counteract the tendency that prevailed within
geography in the 1970s, of splitting the analysis into limited, specialized
fields, thereby losing the larger, synthesizing perspective, Torsten
Hägerstrand cites Håkan Törnebohm and advocates a distinction between
two main types of synthesis: compositional ones and contextual ones.70 The
former deals with ‘how a certain whole is divided into a hierarchy of
constituent parts and maps how the parts are joined so as to form the
whole’.71 It represents an ‘anatomic’ and ‘static’ way of arriving at the
synthesis, but it conveys little insight into how coexisting phenomena
influence each other when change is taking place. The contextual synthesis,
on the other hand, concentrates on ‘the contexts of which an object is part
and the relations which exist between the characteristics of the object and
its appearance in the different contexts’. 72 It emphasizes processes.
Hägerstrand notes that the compositional approach has been the
predominant one in geography.
Sciences of religion also tend to be somewhat limited in their approach.
Common are hermeneutical and phenomenological research methods. The
former fix the interest on a single interpretative key to reveal the mysteries
of investigated phenomena. The latter tend to focus on the synchronic
elements of religion, describing creed and rituals without reference to
particular historical contexts. History of religions, on the other hand,
intends to ‘grasp religion in its concreteness, in its historical creativity, and
its meaningfulness for the cultural, social and individual lives with which
it is interwoven’.73 The historian of religions ‘is not concerned with facts
isolated from their historical contexts and processes, but rather with these
contexts and processes themselves’.74 Religion cannot be isolated from its

68 Garrido Puello (1963), p. 54.

69 Cf. Abrahams (1976), pp. 15–16.
70 Hägerstrand (1974), pp. 86–7.
71 Ibid., p. 87.
72 Ibid.
73 Bianchi (1987), p. 400.
22 Introduction

immediate environment and any analysis of the phenomenon ought to

consider ‘[historical] processes as they actually developed, in their own
milieux and it tries to take into consideration all the problems of historical
influence, of convergence or divergence in relation to other processes or
milieux’.75
In short, a principle of holism ought to serve as the final criterion of
adequacy, thus avoiding the danger inherent in ‘certain intellectualist
rigidity of principles which, because it presumes to define or to
presuppose too much on a theoretical basis, runs the risk of
misunderstanding the phenomena in question, comparing them too
arbitrarily with “patterns” or systematic formulae which are not always
appropriate’.76
Religion must be studied as it is today and be seen in relation to the
complex framework of the modern world. This means that not only themes,
motives, details of creeds and cults, but the entire system of which they form
an integral part must be studied, so that details may be illuminated by the
light of the whole. Nevertheless, ‘interest in today’s events does not in any
way deprive of their decisive importance problems of genesis and
developments in past, or even in remote, times’,77 always keeping in mind that
it is not only the modern world which is complex.
Hence, the phenomenon we are interested in cannot be analyzed within
the framework of a single traditional academic discipline. We need building
blocks both from the history of religions and from economics, and in
addition from geography, sociology, anthropology, psychology and linguistics.
The reason is the one pointed out above. Peasant religion is a
multidimensional phenomenon about which it makes no sense to discuss
other than in relation to its local context, because this very context has a
decisive influence when it comes to shaping religion and its interaction with
the surrounding society. ‘Biographies should be carried out in the form of
contextual syntheses’, observes Hägerstrand.78 We agree.79
Religion is a human phenomenon. Like other human activities it manifests
itself within the environment of its practitioners. Accordingly, we will argue
that religion is an integrated part of Sanjuanero peasant existence. Its threads
run through the entire warp of traditional peasant life. If society changes,
religion is doomed to follow suit. Such a shift may sometimes mean a
complete break with old traditions and former ways of life. However, if the

74 Ibid., p. 402.
75 Bianchi (1975), p. 3.
76 Ibid., p. 34
77 Ibid., p. 163.
78 Hägerstrand (1974), p. 87.
79 In addition, ‘To anyone who is not a blockhead, all the sciences are interesting…’ (Bloch (1953),
p. 7), and scholars can be absorbed by more than one of them.
 Introduction 23

peasant remains within the same environment, the ‘new’ religion will
probably become more adjusted to local traditions and develop other
characteristics.
The backdrop for our analysis of Olivorista religion is the ‘animated’
landscape of the Dominican San Juan Valley and the Cordillera Central.
Over the years the actors have changed and mingled. The valley has been
a meeting place for different peoples and different faiths. We trace the
possible origins of various beliefs and rituals, describing the process of their
assimilation to local conditions. Even if historical, political and ecological
factors have shaped the San Juan religion over time, the setting and the
traditional way of life have maintained a certain kind of stability. Sanjuanero
religion may be likened to a play performed by different actors, but acted out
on the same stage, in front of unchanging side screens and in similar
costumes. Beliefs were brought from Europe and Africa, but over the years
they became adapted to the valley and the traditions that survived there. The
‘play’ has been updated and changed in response to the demands of viewers
and participants. Even the set has been somewhat changed, but the ‘message’
stays essentially the same, and the Olivoristas would probably say that the
director who manages the performance from behind the scenes has always
been the same—the Great Power of God, who is eternally present within the
landscape and animates everything.
We provide a description of the Olivorista environment and the changes
that affected it at the time of Olivorio Mateo’s appearance. We also present
some local traditions and rituals which may have affected Olivorio and his
cult. Within a limited space like the San Juan Valley, it is easy to discern the
importance of certain individuals who exercise power over their fellow
beings. The intricate web of power relations in the valley is conditioned by
concepts like caudillismo [local strongman leadership], compadrazgo [ritual
coparenthood] and clientelismo [clientship], and a phenomenon such as
Olivorismo must be related to these Latin American ‘institutions’. In order to
explain the attraction of Olivorio, we have also touched on concepts like
charisma and thaumaturgism, comparing his movement with similar
phenomena from entirely different settings. The intention has been to see
how general concepts have been ‘acted out’ within a particular ‘habitat’ like
the San Juan Valley.
We present Olivorismo as a local agrarian religion which absorbs notions
and rituals from different cultural settings and adapts them to a particular
habitat. In this context, Olivorismo stands out as a practical creed which
answers to the needs of its practitioners. It is not a ‘pure’ religion. It is a
conglomerate, a syncretistic religion, which interacts and answers to the
environment of its believers. A religion that is not adapted to its environment
is like a play in an incomprehensible language. It does not tell its spectators
anything and the spectators do not have any use for it. Social life and beliefs
in the San Juan Valley offer an example of how changing socioeconomic
conditions shape religious beliefs and how different creeds mix within a given
24 Introduction

setting, creating a religion that serves as an instrument for individual and

communal interpretations of existence and thus becomes a tool for change
and adoption to new ways of life.
Beliefs that have been adapted to Olivorismo appear to have undergone a
process similar to what is nowadays promoted by a radical wing of the
Catholic clergy. When Latin America in 1992 ‘celebrated’ the 500th
anniversary of the Spanish discovery of the ‘New World’, the Latin American
Catholic bishops met in Santo Domingo and lamented the violent conversion
of the Indians while indicating how the church had been instrumental in the
destruction of their religions and often been guilty of treating the native
inhabitants as second-class citizens in the conquerors’ society. In order to
make up for these sins, the concept of ‘Theology of Inculturation’ was
introduced.
This concept was explained as a theological term which does not denote
a relation between two cultures, but the relation between the Christian
gospel and a determinate culture into which the Christian message enters.
The beliefs, values, customs, symbols and institutions of that particular
culture thus transform and perfect the Christian message.80 According to
the Latin American bishops, the message of the gospel is eternal and all-
embracing, but in order to be properly understood it has to be translated
into not only the language, but also the culture of the recipients of
Christian doctrine.
The theological base for such a transformation is Chapter 1 in John: ‘In
the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word
was God. […] And the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us…’81 The
word of God is incarnated within a culture. Accordingly, Jesus was a Jew and
he used the Jewish culture in order to divulge his message. Likewise, in order
to fulfill his mission Paul had to be a ‘Jew among Jews’ and a ‘Greek among
Greeks’.82 The Christian message is being adapted to Mayan culture among
Guatemalan Indians and to voodoo among Haitian peasants (to give but two
examples).
Unwittingly, the Catholic bishops have given an apt description of the
workings of religion in the San Juan Valley. Religious notions from different
corners of the world became ‘inculturated’ by the inhabitants of the valley
and were adapted to the needs of the Sanjuaneros. A study of Olivorismo thus
turns into a study of religion as a social force which reacts to, and adapts
itself to the ‘development’ of a certain area inhabited by persons who are

80 Espeja (1993), p. 12. The concept of inculturation developed among the Jesuits. The first official
mention of the word is found in the Decrees from the Jesuits’ 31st General Congregation in
September 1966 (Martin (1987), p. 386).
81 John 1:1, 14, The Holy Bible: King James Version (1991). All references to the Bible in the following
are to the King James Version.
82 Celada (1993), p. 84.
 Introduction 25

mainly agriculturists. Olivorismo is accordingly but one example of a

dynamic process which constantly has manifested itself throughout history
and which, at this very moment, continues to unfold itself all over the
world.

The socioeconomic context: the failure to inculturate capitalism

Two of the main tasks of the present investigation are to explain why
the Olivorista movement was successful and why—twice—it was put
down violently. The analysis of these interrelated problems will to a
large extent be carried out with the aid of economic tools. The area
in which Olivorismo developed was an agrarian society with a specific
production system. With the aid of the theories of international trade
and transaction costs, we will at some length investigate how this
production structure evolved over the course of the centuries that
elapsed since the first Europeans arrived in Hispaniola in 1492 and
how this structure was destroyed in the course of a few decades
around the time Olivorio was active in the San Juan Valley. What took
place in Palma Sola almost half a century later from the economic
point of view was a continuation of these events. Herein lies the clue
both to the success of the Olivorista movement and to the tragedy that
befell it.
Putting emphasis on economic factors means that we subscribe to a largely
materialistic view of the process that we analyze. In this, we do not lack
precedents. In a footnote in the first book of Capital, Karl Marx calls for a
materialistic analysis of religion: ‘Every history of religion…that fails to take
account of [the] material basis, is uncritical.’83 This call for a social science
based analysis of religion was heeded by later generations of social scientists.
One need only to think of the classic works of Max Weber and R.H.Tawney
on the influence of the contents of creed on economic practice in European
society and vice versa. 84 A modern variety is the one presented by
anthropologist Marvin Harris and his attempts to found an entire theory of
culture on materialist principles.85

83 Marx (1954), note, p. 352. Marx continues: ‘It is, in reality, much easier to discover by analysis
the earthly core of the misty creations of religion, than, conversely, it is, to develop from the
actual relations of life the corresponding celestialised forms of those relations. The latter method
is the only materialistic, and therefore the only scientific one’ (ibid.). It is by no means evident
what Marx meant by the latter statement. One is bound to agree with Eli Heckscher that when it
comes to Marx’ discussion of historical materialism, much of it was carried out as ‘quite short
remarks on the subject, and they are buried in layers of interpretation that are as deep as for any
passage in the Bible’ (Heckscher (1944), p. 9).
84 Weber (1930), Tawney (1947). Samuelsson (1965) provides a critical review.
85 Harris (1980).
26 Introduction

Not surprisingly, the same strand of thought has been brought to bear in
analyses of Third World communities, and in particular in discussions of
cultural obstacles to economic and cultural change.86 The present book deals
with the interaction between religion and the economy among peasants in a
remote corner of the Dominican Republic and their religious beliefs as
manifested during periods of economic and social stress. It analyzes the kind
of circumstances that gave rise to the Olivorista movement and the factors that
led to the repression of it by the worldly authorities.
The theological concept of inculturation may be transferred to the
socioeconomic sphere. As will be demonstrated during the course of the
present investigation, one of the keys to the understanding of the Olivorista
movement is the introduction of modern capitalism in the Dominican
Republic towards the end of the nineteenth century and at the beginning of
the twentieth century, and its resistance by the followers of Olivorio. In this
confrontation, the ‘modernizing’ forces pulled the longer straw, destroying
economic relations which had existed for almost four centuries. In the same
way as the Catholic church failed to merge with the preexisting American
cultures at the time of the European conquest, capitalism failed to merge with
the economic order that existed in the San Juan Valley at the time when
Olivorio appeared and founded his movement.
Thus, our analysis is concerned with what in Marxist geography is
sometimes called restructuring.87 In particular it will deal with how, when

capitalist enterprises respond to changing competition by altering… the

way production and distribution are organized, […] these changes result
in consequential changes in the way economic activity is organized across
geographical space, through the creation and destruction of spatial
divisions of labour […and] some of the links between the spatial division
of labour and the geographical pattern of social relations.88

Our analysis will not be carried out within a Marxist framework. However,
we share the conviction of those employing the reconstructing approach
that both local and global circumstances must be taken into consideration:

it is not sensible to focus on a town or region in isolation […] But…

modest spatial zones—localities—may be meaningful units for research.
This is because most people live, work, and form their immediate social
relationships within a restricted geographical area. The ‘local community

86 Cf. e.g. Lewis (1955), pp. 101–7, for an early summary, and Long (1977), and the works cited
there, for a later discussion.
87 Cf. e.g. Lovering (1989).
88 Ibid., p. 199.
 Introduction 27

[involves] sets of relations which are multiplex (neighbours who are

workmates, who are leisure-time companions etc), where “everybody
knows everyone else”’ …Its emphasis on social relations leads the
restructuring approach to pay special attention to the locality. But at the
same time, its emphasis on the capitalist character of the market (which
is by no means local), means that this approach cannot be satisfied with
a treatment of localities as autonomous units. No man, woman, no place
is socially an island.89

We will argue that Olivorismo arose as a mixture of the same, local and
foreign, ingredients that constitute Dominican popular religion in general:
Catholicism, notably of the Spanish variety, Taino religion, African
reminiscences and, to a minor extent, voodoo. Hence, the Olivorista
movement represented successful religious inculturation. This to a large
extent explains its creation and survival as a religion. On the other hand,
it proved impossible for the preexisting economic structure in the San
Juan Valley to absorb and transform modern capitalism—imposed from
outside as a result of changes in the world economy—in a way which
would have made it possible to preserve the traditional socioeconomic
structure, values and lifestyle. The advent of modern capitalism implied
an either/or choice for the inhabitants of the valley. The requirements of
capitalism were not compatible with the structure of the economy of the
San Juan Valley. Either this economy had to change—become
‘modernized’ —or capitalism had to be rejected. It is in this local context
that we must seek both the attraction of the Olivorista movement to the
peasants and the causes of its persecution and destruction as a major
social movement.

The scene of modernization

The Olivorista story is a modernization drama. It deals with how a
time-honored way of life constructed over several centuries was
destroyed by exogenous, ‘modernizing’ events. Marshall Berman
defines ‘modernity’ as

a mode of vital experience—experience of space and time, of the self and

others, of life’s possibilities and perils—that is shared by men and
women…To be modern is to find ourselves in an environment that
promises us adventure, power, joy, growth, transformation of ourselves
and the world—and at the same time, that threatens everything we have,

89 Ibid., pp. 199–200. The quotation is from Lash and Urry (1987), p. 91.
28 Introduction

everything we know, everything we are. […] But it is a paradoxical unity,

a unity of disunity: it pours us into a maelstrom of perpetual disintegration
and renewal, of struggle and contradiction, of ambiguity and anguish. To
be modern is to be part of a universe in which, as Marx said, ‘all that is
solid melts into air.’90

‘Modernization’, then, is ‘the social processes that bring this maelstrom into
being, and keep in a state of perpetual becoming’.91 Most relevant in the
present context, as stressed by Edward Soja, it

is a continuous process of societal restructuring that is periodically

accelerated to produce a significant recomposition of space-time being in
their concrete forms, a change in the nature and experience of modernity
that arises primarily from the historical and geographical dynamics of
modes of production. For the past four hundred years, these dynamics
have been predominantly capitalist, as has been the very nature and
experience of modernity during that time. Modernization is, like all
social processes, unevenly developed across time and space and thus
inscribes quite different historical geographies across different social
formations.92

Modernization may be conceived of as a general process. As such, it lends

itself to theoretical analysis. However, theoretical work alone ‘can never
generate all the types of discovery necessary to give knowledge of specific
spatial outcomes’. 93 General processes produce qualitatively different
outcomes in different localities because the localities themselves differ
qualitatively from each other. Thus, the mere use of social sciences theories
will not make the Olivorista story intelligible. For a full understanding of the
events, knowledge of the local context and of how this context has
developed is indispensable:

All histories are geographically specific,

and their making is context dependent
dependent on what is already present,
already situated,
is inseparable from the social production of spaces and places,
from the place-specific conduct of everyday life
and nonroutine activities

90 Berman (1983), p. 15.

91 Ibid., p. 16.
92 Soja (1989), p. 27.
93 Levering (1989), p. 218.
 Introduction 29

states Alan Pred, in his characteristically emphatic way. 94 The

homogenizing influences can be readily interpreted with the aid of theory
alone, but

Any homogenizing influences that may be produced by corporate

capitalism, the State, and the mass media do not easily translate into the
homogenization of resistance and conflict. Metaphorically, as well as
physically, each place has its own sites of confrontation, its own spaces of
struggle, its own arenas of contention, even if the contested issues are
embedded in nonlocally based power relations and geographically
extensive processes. Such conflicts cannot escape intersecting with unique
local historical geographies, cannot avoid the bringing into play of locally
sedimented, practice-based knowledge and experience, cannot but come
up against the singular ways in which interests locally cross-cut one
another and in which local agendas are set.95

Where do we begin to disentangle this web? This is no simple task.

In one sense, our study of Olivorio and Olivorismo represents an
attempt to write biography. However, biographies are not formed in a
vacuum. On the one hand, their formation is affected by historical
events, by institutions that already exist as a result of human action in
the past, by economic and social power constellations that have been
created before, by behavioral patterns that have been set and handed
down by previous generations. On the other hand, the presence of the
Olivorista movement and the events that took place in the San Juan
Valley in connection with it had a definite influence on the course of
history in the valley. For both reasons, a historical approach is
indispensable if we are to gain any insight into why events took the
course they did, and, for the same reasons, we need to anchor the
analysis in the local context. Events were shaped by the unique local
mixture of institutions, power constellations and behavioral patterns,
and events, past and contemporary, in their turn, made an imprint on
the local geography, transforming it profoundly. All this has to be
taken into account in the analysis. The constituent parts are all what
Pred calls ‘elements of the same geographically and historically specific
process of becoming’. 96
Nevertheless, we must start somewhere. Our beginning will be a
‘traditional’ one. In Part I we will try to reconstruct the events as they took
place, with the aid of written sources and oral information extracted from

94 Pred (1990), p. 1.
95 Ibid., p. 232.
96 Pred (1986), p. 21.
30 Introduction

interviewees who were either present themselves or had privileged access to

people who were present.
In the single chapter of Part II we turn from the actual events to legend,
by examining some of the Olivorista lore. We make an attempt to map some
of the mythical universe of which Olivorismo forms an integral part, and
decipher the hidden transcript of the movement. The difference between
‘urban’ and ‘rural’ ideologies will become apparent here.
Part III presents the interpretation of the events with the aid of the
framework sketched in the present chapter. Our interpretative chapters will
be explicitly historical. In the first, the roots of the Olivorista religion is traced.
In the second, the economic history of the San Juan Valley is sketched
against the backdrop of events in the larger national and international
economy, notably its continuity during four centuries and the disruptive
events that took place at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the
twentieth century.
In the chapter that follows, our analysis of local economic events in the
San Juan Valley is continued until 1963 and the rise and fall of the Olivorista
movement in Palma Sola. The political power play within the valley and at
a national level is brought to the forefront, because the persecution of the
movement in Palma Sola was intimately connected with the political
discourse prevalent in the Dominican Republic at the time. The political
language used in the persecution of the Olivoristas in Palma Sola cannot be
understood without a description of its ideological background, something
that is provided in the chapter that comes after our account of local economic
and political developments in San Juan.
In Part IV the perspective is widened. Some aspects of Olivorismo are
compared with similar phenomena within religious movements in other parts
of the world. We argue that the official justification of the massacre in Palma
Sola as an annihilation of a superstitious anomaly imported from Haiti had
littie foundation in reality. A movement like Olivorismo is an often logical and
not uncommon answer to social anomie. In a concluding chapter we provide
an interpretation of the Olivorista episode as a story with many bottoms—a
historically contingent process unfolding in a local context. Finally, the
epilogue briefly describes the Olivorismo of today and the fate of some of the
actors in the tragic drama of Palma Sola.
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756 References

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 References 757

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parish of Santa Lucía in Las Matas de Farfán. Las Matas de Farfán, 4 May
1986.
Juana López. 24 years, domestic worker. Santo Domingo, 24 July 1983.
Macario Lorenzo. 52 years, teacher, former secretario of Palma Sola. Las Matas de
Farfán, 14 May 1989.
Ana María Luciano (Pimpina). At least 84 years (‘15 years when Olivorio was
killed’). Mao, 22 January 1995. Ana María was interviewed by the Dominican
historian Roberto Cassá, who generously gave us access to his tapes and
transcripts.
Eugenio de Jesús Marcano Fondeur. Professor of Botany, Universidad Autónoma
de Santo Domingo. Santo Domingo, 27 January 1989.
Americo Marra. 75 years, hotel owner (La Posada). Son of Flor Marra, retail
dealer in San Juan de la Maguana. San Juan de la Maguana, 19 January
1989.
Lusitania Martínez. Teacher of philosophy and sociology at the Universidad
Autónoma de Santo Domingo (UASD). Santo Domingo, 5 August 1985.
Juan José Medina Mesa. 60 years, medical doctor and senator. San Juan de la
Maguana, 18 January 1989.
‘Jamín’ Medina Mora. 40 years, day laborer. Maguana Arriba, 13 December
1985.
Manuel Emilio Mesa. 98 years, former rancher. San Juan de la Maguana, 20
January 1989.
Angel Moreta. Director of the Faculty of Philosophy at the Universidad
Autónoma de Santo Domingo (UASD). Moreta wrote a thesis on the San
Juan area. Santo Domingo, 25 July 1985.
An Olivorista who wanted to remain anonymous, former member of ‘the armed
forces of Palma Sola’. Las Matas de Farfán, 5 July 1990.
María Orfelia, (La Reina). Keeper of the sanctuary in Maguana Arriba. Maguana
Arriba, 13 December 1985 and 18 January 1986.
Marcelina Ovando. At least 87 years (born under Lilís), wife of Javier Jovino.
Río Limpio, 1 May 1986.
Carlos Peguero Matos. 80 years, former retail dealer, son of José Peguero, former
retail dealer and mayor in San Juan de la Maguana during the US
occupation. San Juan de la Maguana, 4 July 1990.
José del Carmen Ramírez Fernández (Mimicito). 82 years (1985), son of José del
Carmen Ramírez (Carmito). Three times province governor (Provinicia El
Benefactor) San Juan de la Maguana, 14 December 1985, 15–18 January, 4
April, 11 April 1986, 1 June 1989 and 4 July 1990.
Leopoldo Ramírez (Sarni). 85 years, former member of the Dominican border
patrol. Bánica, 2 June 1989.
Wenceslao Ramírez. Medical doctor, son of José del Carmen Ramírez (Carmito).
Las Matas de Farfán, 17 January 1986.
Julián Ramos. 102 years, smallholder, Olivorista. Higüerito, Sección Maguana en
Medio, 16 January 1986.
758 References

Thomas Reilly. 78 years, former bishop in San Juan de la Maguana, active in the
San Juan Valley since 1948. San Juan de la Maguana, 12 December 1985, 5
January and 12 March 1986.
Mayobanex Rodríguez. 81 years (1985), twice mayor of San Juan de la Maguana.
Son of Manuel de Jesús Rodríguez Varona, politician, author and for various
periods chief of the police in San Juan de la Maguana. San Juan de la
Maguana, 12 December 1985, 18 January 1989.
Miguel Antonio Rodríguez Landestoy. 44 years, agriculturist, son of General
Miguel Rodríguez Reyes. Santo Domingo, 29 April 1986.
Ramón Jesús Rodríguez Landestoy. 49 years, retired major general, son of
General Miguel Rodríguez Reyes. Boca Chica, 15 June 1989.
Maximiliano Rodríguez Piña. 88 years, son of Domingo Rodríguez, former
businessman and hotel owner in San Juan de la Maguana. Santo Domingo, 23
April 1986.
Inés Rosario Alcántara. 50 years, former ‘Virgin’ of Palma Sola. Bánica, 2 June
1989.
Jesús Antonio Mario Santos (Maclín). 76 years, rice factory owner, son of Félix
Valoy de los Santos Herrera, friend of Olivorio and McLean and former
mayor in San Juan de la Maguana. San Juan de la Maguana, 19 January
1986.
Narciso Serrano. 40 years. His father served as guide to James McLean. Bánica,
3 May 1986.
Martín Solís (Pirindín). 73 years, smallholder. El Batey, 11 April 1986.
Miguel Tomás Suzaña. 62 years, procurador [district attorney] of the Court of
Appeal in San Juan de la Maguana. San Juan de la Maguana, 7 May 1986.
Arquímedes Valdez. 91 years, smallholder, son of Olivorio Mateo. Maguana
Abajo, 31 May 1989.
Juana María Ventura. 51 years, daughter of Delanoy Ventura. Media Luna, 17
January and 5 May 1986.
Bolívar Ventura Rodríguez. 35 years, smallholder. Palma Sola, 5 May 1986.
León Romilio Ventura Rodríguez (El Mellizo). 62 years (in 1986), smallholder,
Olivorista, former leader of the cult in Palma Sola. Media Luna, 17 January
and 5 May 1986, Las Matas de Farfán, 14 May 1989.
Ramón Závala (Zita). 66 years, smallholder and Mennonite. Paraje El Ranchito,
Sección Carrera de Yeguas, 10 April 1986.