38 Robin Michuel Garciu

Ramo, Joshua copopcr. 2004. 'l-ltt Bciling consensus. London: Foreign

.l
Policy
Center. From taboo thinkers to thought
Santa Romana,.losc Santiug0 "('hito." 20l(r. "Interview by Lucio Pitlo III."
Departntent ol l,ttlitittrl,s,,ir,rr.r,, Nttlirtrtul Ttriwtm Llnit,ersity: For China
studies Ieaders
March (http://
and Cros: Tttitttttrt '\lrttit llt'ltrtit'rr'v. l4 April' Retrieved 29 2018
www.china-sttrtl ics.trr i pci/rret02 pltp)' Media, Chinese politics, and
change
Schmidt, vivicn. 2010. "'luking ltlcirs irnd Discourse Seriously: E,xplaining
Through Discur.sivc l,sti(titi..irlis,r tts Ihe'Fourth'New Institutionalism'"
diplomacy
Europcutt l'rtlilitttl ,\t'iL'ttcc /lt't'i r'tr' 2( I ):l 25'
Shih, ('hih-Yu.2013. Sirrici::itr14 lrtlt,rrtulittrtLtl Relations; self, Civi.lization,
and
Jose Mari Hall Lanuza
Irttellt,ctuul l)rtlilit",; in Subullt,r'rt litr.tl /.siu. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
In,stitutional
Str.ecck, wollgang and Kathlecn'l'helcn. ctls. 2005. Beyond cc'tntinuitl;:
Clutngt, in idvrtncert lrolititul Dt'.r'tor,it,.s. Oxlord: Oxford University Press.

Tang, Slriping. 2011. "FotrndationaI Paradignrs o1'Social Sciences." Philo'sophy

of lrrlroduction
he I S c ie n t: e.s 4l(2):211 -249
S o c ia
Ilrc intellectual histories of Jaime FlorCruz and Eric Baculinao, former
t
Routledge.
Tang, Shiping .2012. A Gunerrl Theu'y of In,slitutional Change. London:
farrg, Striping . 2013. The Social Evoluticttt ol lnlernational Politics. New York: crilcd students-turned-Filipino journalists working for foreign media out-
le ts in Beijing, provide a rich context alongside a historicization of China's
Oxford University Press.
Thelen, Kathleen and James Mahoney, eds. 2009. Explaining Institutional
Change:
lrtrradigms of interaction with mass media, allowing a view of how China's
Ambiguity, Agency and Power. London: Cambridge University Press' llurnging approach to political communication affects its domestic and for-
In
Velasco, Renato. 1997. "Philippine Democracy: Promise and Performance'" tigrr policy.
New
Democratization in Southeait and East Asia, edited by Anek Laothamatas. ('hina's interesting position in the world as an emerging hegemon comes
York: St. Martin's Press. u'itlr challenges in peacefully maneuvering the spaces in domestic, regional,
wenger, Etienne. 7998. Comrnunities of Practice: Learning, Meaning and ldentity. rrntl international politics (He 2016). These challenges are further compli-
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press' r rrlctl by China's Party-state political setup, where virtually all facets of po-
Wertsch, James. 1985. Vygotsky and the Social Formation of the Mind. Cambridge'
litictl, economic, social, and cultural life are determined by the Chinese
MA: Harvard UniversitY Press.
('ornmunist Party (Guo 2013). While China seeks to remain in control, it
;rroiccts itsellas a state that allows some democratic space lor political par-
ilt'ipation in aid of increasing its political values capital (Li and Worm 2011).
llris exercise can be seen as an exhibition of soft power, which China can
u\c to consolidate regional influence. Soft power has been conceptualized
lo l'orre from three different sources: culture, political values, and foreign
policy (Nye 2006). In addition, other scholars have added economic model,
lrrlcrnational image, and economic temptation as other possible sources
ll irrrrd Worm 2011).
I irr China, the portrayal of a partially democratic image means allowing
rr r'crtain degree of openness to mass media without necessarily compro-
Irrrsirrg party influence in state operations. Tight or lax control over media
1,, eontingent on whether media outlets are "inside" or "outside" (Yamada
llll I ). The evolution of state policy on Party-state relationship with the me-
rlrrr lrirs a lot to do with the evolution of the Party's ideology more than
rrtry lh ing else.
I lrc media is a factor in Chinese policy making, albeit one with a difflcult
f rrlt' lo analyze, given China's nondemocratic setup (Wang and Wang 2014).
llrrs role, which will be expounded on later in the text, has carefully ex-
prr rrrlctl over tlre years thanks to the opening up of Chinese policy on media
1l
'lrirrrsct'rpc 201 l; Stockrnann 2013; Tibetan Review 2009; Zhang 2016), but
40 Jose Mari Hall Lanuza From taboo thinkers to thought leaders 4l

the state of press freedom in China remains very poor to this day (Freedo ' iim n\, lourists (including Americans and Canadians), who came in their pri-
House 2016; He 2008; Shirk 2011) and censorship is still the norm. This d Vr r (. ltpacity, lor brief stays in mainland China. These trips were part of a
e

namic of Party control and influence together with market-adapting beha illrrrr to build diplomatic relations with foreign countries. Such exchanges
ior has defined mass media in China (Scotton and Hachten 2010). iirlg,,:tl China in many aspects of development and modernization, such
r.r rcrcnce and industry (Wang 1999), athletics (Hong and Sun 2010), and
iii,,. 111,11 relations. These stays targeted people of different backgrounds-
Mass media during Mao's China r'iirrrrlrlists, activists, educators, among others and were usually invited
When the (l:lmrrlut'tist Party came into power rn 1949, there was a reorga illi tlr() government through "quasi-government agencies" (FlorCruz 2015;
ization of all state institutions and policies. During this period, media iiri l{)16). Non-governmental organizations such as the China Travel Ser-
viewed and characterized as an ideological state apparatus that served lirr' rrr)d the Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign
echo the regime's ideological leanings and views (Chang 1989; Zhang 20 i i,rrrrlries arranged (highly controlled) tourism appointments through the
Zhao 1998), which was referred to as thought work (Kalathil 2003). Nrrtr,'rral Committee on US-China Relations (Lin 2016). In the experience
Party quickly capitalized on the political potential of mass media and iii ilrre rrlinao and FlorCruz, it was the government who invited them and
oped newspapers and periodicals. This was done to promote Marxist 6tllr('r' plogressive student leaders through the China Friendship Association
aganda and prepare the people for a new ideological status quo in Chi !i I'irt,'r'uz 2015).
(Chang 1989; Zhang 2016). llrrr'rrlinao and FlorCruz were students in the Philippines at the time of
'rrlt u ral Revolution. Baculinao was a law student from the University of
During the early 1950s, the Party had already controlled virtually i[1q t
mass media outlets, from printing presses to radio stations (He 2008). {]rtt l'lrilippines, an institution known for being highly progressive and anti-
this period, the Party-led government had incorporated the entire m f61ri'r'i:rlrst. He was also the student regent in 1970 1911, a seat for student
structure into their own operations. More than promote Marxist ideol ir',;.rL:rrtation in the university's highest policy-making body. FlorCruz was
mass media was now being used as a Party organ for dissemination of in fftr rrl)us.journalist from the Polytechnic University of the Philippines and

mation, values, and other traits and characteristics (Zhang 2016) be i!ii'rrrhcr of nationalist organizations. FlorCruz explained how he became
in maintaining the influence of the Party. iiitil t lrctic with the left movement:
In 1957, Mao Zedong delivered a speech on propaganda work, where
said the now-famous quote "let a hundred flowers bloom and a hu llrcrc was the influence of Mao Zedong's ideas among student groups
schools of thought contend." Essentially, Mao called not for restriction lrl,t; t)r.rrSl we were looking for alternative models in terms of how we
for the open encouragement of opposing views in information dissemi ,.,,rrltl change the country. We were influenced by Mao's ideas on land
i ,.' li , r' rr r ; we opposed the Vietnam War and called for freedom of expres-
tion in the public sphere (Mao 1957). However, this was difflcult to rea
since the Party owned nearly all media organs and used them to saturate il(,il lill(l assembly. For that, some people branded us Maoists. But ap-
public with content that helped establish the Party and its ideology. lirrr',:rrlly. I hardly understood what Mao said. Before I went to Peking,
nalism was equated with state propaganda before the reforms, and I rlrrs rrltcnding PUP, where I was editor in chief of our college paper,
outlets were used to control popular opinion (Shirk 2011). This period r\rrrl I wus concurrently the President of the League of Editors for a
also the time of the Great Leap Forward, where exaggerated flgures of I )i'rrrocrltic Society, which was one of the national college editors asso-

duction were reported in the press (Zhang 2016). I irrt rrins. I was also active in a nationalist theatre group.
Another important use of the media for China is to create an alter (FlorCruz 2015:2)
tive image internationally (Rawnsley 2015; Romashkan 2013),
had already been used for that purpose during Mao's time, regardlest rr nrl)rllry with the left produced opportunities. Both of them had in-
whether the created image then was accurate (He 2008). Even the r r r (. lr r rlt a nd was invited by the Chinese government for a short trip
r

language presses were already co-opted into this purpose during that { iirn:r , St't:rr ls nationalist and anti-imperialist youth, they were offered
(Alvaro 2015). By using the media as such, the Party was able to co-opt rii.(.' t,l e()nrc to China in 1911. Baculinao explains how this chance
media into the state's political machinery. This allowed the Party-stallo ifrl rnlo rr l5-ycar stay in China:
produce a strong ideological narrative that was able to fonr a col
identity which adhered to the Party-state's teachings. ll l,t'prrrr rrs ir (lhina watcher] in exile. It was by accident, a political
The late early 1970s was a period where <l;lcrrirtg tt;-r to tl.tc Wcst ittrcl ir', r(l('nt. Wc curnc to Chinit in 197 I together with a youth delegation,
rcst ol'the world wats being contemplatctl. Irr lirct, tlrc Plrty-statc lrl iilrrnnnr,r, lo visit ('hina lirr 3 wccks, brrt u lcw tluys alter we arrived in
 From taboo thinkers to thought leaders 43
42 Jose Mari Hall Lanuza
' i\ luss rnedia in the post-Mao era
and the writ of habeas
Beijing, there were bombings in Manila'
arresting lots of students and an i lrrrr;r's economic reforms after Mao died in 1976 also resulted in paradigm
il.wi; suspenaea. Marcos"was
rlrrlt,, rlith the mass media. Baculinao (2015) reflects that before the reforms,
i,i.pp.ti,i.". ana tnen one vear rall' ltorw11: :::: "Tl'-Yi'""3:
but in fact' i!1, rr, rvore limited materials accessible to the people, other than People's
iffi#il'i;fria *"i, tbr two months' a vear or so;
il;ffi waiting lor 15 vears' be9aus3l"9 T q11:*T:i:,::
I had already finished. study
it ,,lt . llt,cl Flag, atd other theoretical publications. For foreigners in China
ilri.rr, letrrning about China had to be a personal endeavor about learning
have been arrestecl ... Ai that point.
rot I l,l rrrr,lrrrin to understand the government programs:
Chinese and I mentall; be;;;e.prepared l:ng -tlll.]::|ti
;Jffi :: il;;r;;;;iiraod China was becoming interesting i ntell
;;ii. u",:lt'P*il'.;T:.Y
;rh all tiie ,.to"n"u"iog launched since I got my pass llrcre were very limited publications in China at that point in time,
lrrrt by studying the language, we learned what political programs of
.m *i*" was topplerl and I could go home' kept rn" goi:l,I.Iu rlrt.clommunist Party of china [were there that] would help us under-
that
back. I-Iowever, china was changing, and
to the 'so-calle-d opening
up of china' ,,rrilrtl where China was going, and what direction it was taking at that
;;k,;* what u'ould happen by' in China to study language, and all the
1,, rirrI in time ... I went to school
b"for" I knew it, forty-four years had gone r. ^n 1 (
(Baculinao 2015:1 rr"-l lbout learning and understanding China was on my own' with my
;rr tltrired language facility. I learned to read all possible books about
day of the Plaza Miranda bon r lrirra that were available in Beijing. There weren't that many in the
The day they left for China was the
incidents in Manjla' l,)70s. early 80s; not that many publications. Now of course, there are
which was followed by a series of other bombing
was suspended and the students th rrrrrrry books about China-but in those days, very limited.
,fi.r, ,fr. writ of habeas corpus (Baculinao 2015:2)
that it would be best,;;;;i;"" thev.may 9.t 1tt"tl"d,,1'1.1t^t1::1i
members
nitely the moment th;;; oo fnltipiine ioil' Eventually' other
the group were able ,. t""ttit"' i"i died, China opened up: the economy to external markets, the
suttrtin"o fiir"r
t**u"tt olthe "il ry::t':::::,:,'ff-+il
and were not able to return'
l\''1116
reforms. At the same time, mass media was allowed to be
fif #.;-; group Si'r,r,'t\ le other
.rr,,rrriling through market competition and advertisements (Shirk 2011).
the Chinese during the Cultural Revolution:
iil., frt"Jfite p.pit
ii,,, ,,'1,,r'prs allowed China's economy to grow, which also allowed for the
The trend at that time was to go the
farms' So we worked on a I ,lrt,,r ;rtirrn and diversification of mass media (Zhang20l6). China's opening
loi,
in Hunan province r-
uUo't slven month: W" llP-j'Tl]^],tI:l: Sii ,, l'., ,lt'tl to a relatively less centrally controlled news reporting (Guan, Xia,
to work the whole day' T
in the morning. But *" *"" not required 6ii,l , 1,, ilr 2016), a sentiment that also resonated with Baculinao Q0l5:2):
nSfn
initial deal was to *tt;;;h";ornings-th'ough :1"Ytj::1.y"
we studild to learn Chinese-elemen r lrrr|lr's open door policy meant that its media policies had to be re-
the afternoon. After working,
Chinese-from an interpr#r who went.with-us' 1: -d:ll]:1.:: l,,r 111(.',; over time. Indeed, that Beijing now boasts of what probably is
3 months' until.we u
ii""ir.t"i"""rr"t. e"J *e did that for' like' went back.to
tlr,. lri[ucst foreign press corps in Asia attests to the advances made, es-
conversant in Chinese' After the interpreter Pilllg: 1,,', rrrlly after the Beijing Olympics, although strict controls do remain'
the whole dav' It was verv difficult because
ffi;#t"ils-;il;" i'
our lives' It was very *T11]1"
had not done any fur-i-"g 111i:. l,' I ronr rnedia expansion, media marketization from the late 1970s also
ginning. We were ,rot,.uily paid; we g-ot a.monthly stipend' 40 yu i r,,:r li'rv other things: the import of cultural and media content from
also had free board and I
which was a lot of -o'"V ui t'hat time'-We 1r.ii;rr rrrt.tlilr companies, the build-up of Chinese international networks
ing at the farm. (FlorCruz 201
i ilr;rr.rt'-lirnnation internationally, and the advancement of media tech-
iir \ (/ lriurg 2016). The growth of chinese media has also allowed it to be
irii2 1,,111 ol'tlrc economy (Hong 2010), thus becoming a great asset to the
realized that they would be stity
When martial law was declared' they \ ll ol' t hcsc contribute to China's reconfiguration of its media policies
longer, and so tlr"v u't"Jio *ottt ugai"tt
Ot |,!r 1r), llrc rclirrnts. lnstead of beilg reactive, China retained the lessons
1P':,1:,lt::' T:'^:"lT::ll'lt
;ilt"T'dffirir."'"rrrl*arng andiatking with their guides or friends ui ,r lr,,rrr i(s Lcrrinist irt[luenceof treatingthemediaasapowerfultoollbr
they worked witrr. latet on, it'"v *"t" ttl: obl:,lo:l::] ]l:::l:j.:lt:iL irrr,rlrrlrrlron iutil ltrottctivcly r-rscd thc oltl itrtcl tlew lormS and StrUCtUres of
i::l -,,-,]n}I";,i,i di;^ i.rr*;riv a v' lr'.u gh c n ga gccl tl i
rrcl i r li,r' nr. ll t
rrtc rrrr'rli:r lirl its tlwrt bcrtclit.
sions with Pccrs.
44 Jose Mari Hall Lanuza From taboo thinkers to thought leaders 45
It did this through a policy referred to as the need to provide correct gu , iirrrr;rrrd whether from domestic commercial and ideological demands or
ance to public opinion, especially after the Tiananmen Square Incident ii,,rn iuternational moral and ethical requirements.
1989 (Chan 2007).It is important to notice the difference in the Party's lrr rrnother instance, in 2001, despite being more ideologically open com-
proach to public opinion formation. Whereas, in the past, they resorted !1ti
rr-(l to decades before, the Party-state exercised a sort of mass media
censorship and outright suppression of public opinion unrepresentative uii',rnsing, where closure of publications was enforced, and journalists were
Party teachings, the changing times led them to instead guide or direct !1r l1,. rr i n for political training in Beijing (Kalathil 2003). At the same time,

flow of public opinion. More than limiting what people can think about, t liii' , 'pcning up has led the mass media to pursue topics that would have pre-
Party-state now decided to use the media to change what people can th liL,rr',lY been considered as either taboo or contrary to the values and ideals
of instead (Chan 2007) and what people can ignore. This was also a peri hr,,,,11 ;rromulgated by the Party.
where people wcrc not cliscouraged from debating and discussing what I rr:ntually, both Baculinao and FlorCruz were able to get jobs in jour-
pened during the Cultural Revolution, and what was next for China, lrtr lr\nr: with Baculinao starting as a translator and researcher for media
cording to FlorCruz (2015): f,lirrrlr;111ies and a columnist for a Hong Kong paper, and FlorCruz starting
[.t rr rllinger for Newsweek's newly opened Beijing Bureau in 1981 and Time
But it was also a time of reflection a time when students and tea $Vitry.'rz.ine in 1982. Baculinao eventually settled at NBC's Beijing bureau,
were debating about what happened in the Cultural Revolution; gTitrr,: hc later on became bureau chief. FlorCruz became Time's Beijing bu-
China should go; and what it meant to reform China. It was just flrrrr ,.'lrieI from 1990 to 2000, which then led him to take a fellowship in New
beginning of that period. There was this intellectual ferment and ,
liir h lirrm the Council of Foreign Relations (CFR) After his fellowship, he
called it, "the liberation of the mind" wherein people were really llir ,,|'lL'red a position in China as a CNN correspondent and bureau chief.
ing to break away from the dogmas of the recent eras, and to think l\r lirreign journalists in the media, they are "hosted by the Chinese for-
ofthe box andjust debate about where we should go from here. rr rrrinistry. That is the offlcial relationship, a professional relationship
(FlorCruz 2015: hiir, ,:1,1' we are able to do our work, do interviews . . . but we have to follow
r rrlt:s irl China. It's a very professional relationship" (Baculinao 201514).

These were changing times for China, and Baculinao and FlorCruz iii'r,;lirr.c, their engagements with the Chinese government are purely pro-
able to experience them firsthand as people who lived through the ex frmr,,11;1;, and their journalism is also bound by what the government deems
ences, and as journalists who covered them as well thanks to the entry lit lr rrr I hc acceptable range, further proving that while there are attempts at
foreign media in China. Without making the false assumption that t,,,'n irrg up, press freedom is still farfetched
exhibits absolute press freedom, it is important to note that gradually Ch
has eased a certain level olcontrol over media not to the extent that it
irlr:rrrporary Chinese mass media
create and influence effective dissent against the state but enough to
ate spaces of discourse that differ lrom the offlcially sanctioned views o,',r ',lrirred and similar track of experiences have produced similar inter-
directives propagated by the state. Surely, China has had changes in tlrli,'rrs olChinese foreign policy and state relations. The views of Bacu-
overall sense of public communication allowed. FlorCruz (2015) liii ;rntl FlorCruz' on how to resolve the disputes between China and the
an example of the interconnected changes to China's economy and ilr;,pi11L'\, which are spread throughout their networks in the Philippines
media: ,tlrt:r'countries through talks, fora, and literature, are discussed in this
lrtr'r' rrs ir product of their lived experiences both as exiled youth and stu-
China in l91l and China now are as different as night and day, it 1,.';r(l(:r's. and as members of the media who get to interact with both the
is a huge billboard in a Beijing intersection which advertises trr,.'r,: Eovornment and Chinese academic societies.
phones or some commercial product. When I flrst saw that si iirr rrrslrrnce, the need for greater understanding of China on the side of
over forty years ago, it carried the slogan "NEVER FORGET ;ilililrirrt' policy makers and citizens alike is recognized. Baculinao even
STRUGGLE." That shows how much China has changed over the I r. l:rr'irs [o say that there is a strong, passionate appeal to national in-
(FlorCruz 2015: tlrrrl rr lbcit positive also restricts and hinders Philippine creativity
i!irrrllirrirrg othcr possible peacebuilding scenarios with China (2015). In
This change reflects not only the ideological shift in medizt lrrrcl p lililrl. llrc eirll lbr rnore agents of Chinese understanding is recognized
communication but also in economy and society. with l more globirli IrLllor';rlctl lirl by both BacLrlinito and FlorCruz, especially in Track 2
lrncl comrnercialized mass uredia changing its rrrcsslgcs lccrlltlirtg
I t't'atnI tittttltt IIIItllit,t t' It' IIIt)ItqlII lr,rltlt,t.,\' .\1
l'hc cxplicil clrll lill tlrc crcirtiorr rll'nrrrrrrrrl rrrrrlclsllrntlirrg irrrtl g
r1;,'ol |olc I'rr| tlrc ('lrirrcsc rrrctlirr llrc cr.crrtion ol'a nir rrativc Ihat pro-
clcvelopnrcnt ol'knowlodgc ol'('hinu irr tlrc l,lrilippirrcs wor.lis positivcly
both countries. For the Philippincs, such culls by thouglrt Iclclcrs ol'li 'rl rr.r't'libcrlrl vir luos irs wcll lls lr lrcw rrutional un<Jertaking: building
ir'r'rrltlr\ rrrrtl powcrlirl chirra (Zhnng 20r(r). Moreover, it has allowed the
more prudent alternative to Philippines-china relations. which lirrrri tr t,r trrPitrrlizo on both ol'thesc while at the same time continue using
maximize Philippine gains without jeoperrdizing domestio intercsts. ('h i
,r",lr:r t() noI or.rly retain control domestically but also project its power
on the other hand, gains non-chinese allies which can see both sides
1l r rrr. lrrle lnationtrlly.
offer analyses and insights that are more understanding than erbr.irsivB
china in general. That these outcomes exist from a china that is rror.c (ld
i,ir t lrirrr's state-owned media, chan (2007) argues that it has changed
[;ilL' r. ;rrr irgcnda-setting one in the 1990s, signaling the shift from propa-
to foreign media shows how foreign media can alfect chinese foreign po
ii !ir r, , 111'qg11-,ony. The same can be said of foreign media, requiring china
Socially. aside from limited approval to tackle once-taboo topics,
lrr,r11191,,'" policies especially with regards to how the news was depicted
reforms have led the Party-state to accord certain rights to foreign
vr Ir:rr .1;Ige11es it can produce in terms of public and international
media. The Foreign Correspondents' Club of China-which Baculi opin-
i lrr: rrr'rative-forming ability has been easier to use due to the shiit in
afflliated with is allowed to exist and operate, and foreign press corl):t-
ri llrtion policies
r,.'r.lrr
free to join. Furthermore, it acts as a mediator between foreign press (1r:
!!ri'r,'lirrns have had unintended consequences for the party-state and
anci the Party-state in terms of protection and representation. Foreigrr
l!i,'rL'rr('(l irr.'fhe opening up of the media to foreign networks have al-
dia members are also allowed to participate in international endeavo
l0rl rlr,- ('nlergence of media outlets that have more autonomy compared
a journalistic nature, such as fellowships hosted by foreign institutions
iii',,,."'tie networks, especially in airing and publishing views that are
the ctrR (trlorcruz 2015). They are also allowed to interact (although
ri'\,. ,'\\;t .ily similar in substance to the offlcial views propagated
extensively) with academic institutions as scholars and not just by the
as jour.rr
lr
(Baculinao 2015).
'! ir,'', rrtrv of foreign outlets such as NBC and cNN, where Baculinao
However, it is wrong to equate China's market liberalization with
I 1,,1r. 1 1;7 work, among others has also served dual purposes for China.
liberalization (He 2008); in fact, china has continuously re-institutcd
, rr lrrs served as additional windows with which the world can see
re-removed oppressive policies on mass media in china in the 2000s.
iiri ,,,r rrr least a version of china that the Party-state wants the world
pending on its situation. FlorCruz illustrates the difficulties of
ril;' rlltr J008). China has also cooperated with foreign media to offer
data in China:
i'|r r,l l)rrblication domestically in exchange for rights to run state-media
li", rrr ltr;'g[g1 media, such as The Washington post, The Sydney Morning
only three decades ago, weather forecast in China was virtually c
ft'r1'l. rrrrtl La Figaro (Gat2016'), in order to boost soft power.
cred a state secret. Phone numbers of officials and government
Ar rlr,'\irne time, it has also served as additional windows that can see
cies wcre also difficult, often impossible, to obtain. Twenty-five qlr,' 1,r1'-pllsduced image that china wants to project and
:rgo, r'cpo|ters were permitted nothing more than carefully guided v instead show
iirr rr. .l'chinese society that the Party-state wants to remain hidden.
ancl prcdictable interviews. Until 200J, on the eve of the 200g olyrrr
i'j,,.''.r.'rcc of relatively freer foreign media in china acts as a spotlight on
hosted by Beijing, foreign reporters in China were not allowed to t
i1 'rrrrrt-' rrctivities lor the rest of the world to see. In line with the watch-
and conduct interviews outside Beijing unless they secured pernril
ii,l,,'1yy'',.,* and Wang 2014), foreign media can influence actions olthe
lrorn local foreign affairs offices 10 days in advance. of couise. wc.
ig rtrrlt: ll'om local to national levels.
to defy that rule to do our usual job as reporters. That ,,10 day
0 lii r, ,1, , rl' t hiS, the introduction of the Internet and social media has made
ridiculous as it was, was not rescinded until 2007. Now. as China e
ril,'r lirr' the State to control what news can be aired or not. communi-
into a freer, more pluralistic society, getting timely information.
iir lrr', n()w become instantaneous, and citizens have the power to report
ducting interviews, and going on reporting trips have become rellr
lwu \ tlrirt the Party might otherwise find ill-suited for public consumption
easier.
lr,r,.';1 short time of controlling (Shirk 20ll). The China Internet
1'91'y
(FlorCruz 201 ri i, r L lirrmation center in 2008 found that people use the internet more
Irr

iirl,,r 111;11i,',,, than any other mass media outlet (Scotton and Hachten
The evolution of china's relationship with the media post-reforms h[$
sembled a very limited granting of autonomy. china's responsive or atlii
I N l,,rt' lhan the fast flow of information, the internet affords an alterna-
! li, t r ;rtlitior.ral "top-down messaging" (Mayer and Cornfield 2009).
authoritarianism (Han 2015; Stockmann 2013) has allowed chinesc
to both retain its credibility and become profltable. It did so by a 1ii,' l,,r' rnade the internet a public hub of citizens with an enabling var-
l,r' changing power relations (Mayer and cornfleld 2008) between
 4ll .lrt,tr Mtli lltrll
- Ltttttr:tt
l,'ronr tttltrto tlrinkcr,s, lo lhought
the citizcns and the state. In China.
internct ana ncw nrerria arc, sL.cn,t
leucle rs 4L)
trr ln(l llrc production of narratiyes
jo,Tt:T n i, i, u,a",,t,,,.ioii..
gi""n,
"]*:l::::::lir'::11*".
scholars argue that journarism in China
,."*"r. ,r'#iro.ilr* ,n llr',r ".1rrc ,rass meclia has been successful in weaving
narratives that
"arr*..-
watchdog role since I9g9 and that journarists
lsave for a ltrv otherstry ml
ttt[, 't
11r11'1'11' hcon effective in
maintaining the party-state,s influence. The
accept the Iirnitations set by the propaganda
Departm*, tgrrJy 10o6r, i,i i" rl)lrt produce these narratives are not
In response. the party-state has in'e-sted a " necessarily democratic or
rarge amount of funcrs for rr )ir'crlt. That is not the purpose. These are narratives
rrr
ternet control mechani.sms (He 200g) "r that are de_
and surveiilance t""fr"ofogy W, "l r(' ,rirl(c the Party-state look credible and efficient. In cortrast, nar_
,n!^p:rryqraphy as tr," ,,.in rar-seted contenrf I r ,."r(lc by non-state media are not always
7"ol]]:l,llf3]l,i:: on seen as beneficial o, good ,o
(Scotton and Hachlen zoiot. rt]r rul.,,.rr" ffi;;;il;,f,ii!,T; l',r I \ \llttc, and for good reason
* J::iY::,131:T-:-""se
9: I"o,
instabilitv (or at least unwanred change)
checked ro preserve the stat,,s qro, *li,.i
;;#il;'ffii;:J
r\r r,,1ql1;,q to Baculinao (2015), despite China,s
riii,r rrr r lre 80s, china was stilr u u.ry ihuil.nging
opening up to Western
beat forlouinalists then;
in the rorm of chinah colden shielj p,.i""irw,
IiX::,::lii.lT:l-
2001). a massive onlinc, polici,g rnechanism
and control ,yrt"r, iH. : irr,rrrl grl.oes were still^off-limits to foreigners.
The goverunent also h11^1e31ures in place In general, foreign media
for bureaucratic controls. i'r"lr"tleirlwithlotsofrestrictionsandoiherbureaucratictrrai.r,"rp"-
as we.bsite-licensing' In rggg. 250
websites appried to be one orthe accred llv il' the stories involved travelling outside Beijing. permissions
w'ebsites that were alrowecr to dispray had
o"*, Jort"nt; of these. only 136 r 'lrr
l' ' l'1' , v111',irr"d in advance, and if the
itories were deemed ,,sensitive,,
approved lBrady 2006).
But China's responsive authoritarianism 1;"111 11 ;1lly, socially, militarily-permits would prove
very oiincurt -...
,
the censorship-freedom of expressio, ,"r*
has enabled it to react bcr ll";'t,I ring from china in the g,s-when Deng's op.,
aoo. polici", w"."
and instead -ou" to Ini l"'r'rrri,g to take effect-had two characteristics: one,
the discussion and the narrative through
,h;
".;;f ,;;il]rooo"""- ", lrrrrrl'r 1' lirr information about china and
the world was
curious about where prri-nr".
Hancails the .,fifty_cent army,, luan zors). ihus, i lr rr ivus heading toward. china news had a huge market,
is abre Th*
:::T:1,",.1,:.:::,r rr
Parry-stare ro conrror or at least ,rr"", air.rirJ ro'to rp.ut.
r, iir" lrr"' t ;1inr,' bureaucracy and the western media were like strangers
liom China's unique intlraction with the ,',lirri'lil
,. Ilu^,^Ijonsrarrt media is i,, ,.',rt lr .ther, and news coverage had to contend
it^has continuousry recognized the ror. ;i;;#;li"'*"".ilii,li,
influence. and adapted u, u .orr"quence.
r,r,r,,pt.r'1pIi19 Chinese rules and restrictions.
with many tough and
:l::^y:..lld
between the Party-state ancr mass media has evorved
The relation
(Baculinao 2015:3)
sequence o[ china's poriticar-economic
primarily as .
developmenr. i, tn" r'u.ry_r, ir r, llr't rs the still-existent distrust that
ideology evolred and becilme less abrasive the party-state has over non_state
about openirr rO, ,tll. .,r, li'r 'rrrtl ,rore so for foreign non-state media. This distrust
with the mass media _with moments of stems from
tightening grips in between
also relativety loosened up, although
_r.;;;;i;;;,jil ;; ffi;;|r iir 't.1
55 of narrative production by the foreign media. sir".
tt.y a."
democratiz,ation. iVt it" mass media lrrr'rlictirble and the news content is not filtered by the na.ty-statl,
):,,,01,1:l"rlan tu, no,rrirf,..lili
trLr il i''1i r' 'r ( 'lrina to prohibit access
it is
its days of simply being a party mouthplec.,..ttre and dissemination altog.tt
process of openirrg
at strenithening party controt, by "" 'rl vulnerability. As a response, the party-state places more "i "rfl"iutty
restric_
il:of,::
ing :3,'""":as i.a reriable
mass media .1,:l,1i"Jura
.r"a'iir.-ffi..1i.'rri"#l,il 1,rr tlr:rt ,lll-d:1
lrinderr f=oreiqn
fnroi-- urtruraJournallsm.
rvrvr6, *^l:^ journalism.
m.efia. :^-,..-^^ri--
lhere
There are cases where foreign
forei
(Stockmann 2013). i rr'rlr"rs ] irrc harassed and isolated
from rocal scholars or opinion-mak,
r rrz l0l5; Wang 2017).
T::$ltir"l f::-i two_way dynamic between the Chinese
(*,"1, and wang, r.; ;;;;; slirrc: I rrr rlrr'r rrr.re, foreign media are also often
targets of media blackouts and
f"1'"':'^:.:':: ::9i" o
-.ai":ffi :l J
J
g. . r,pE.e i"', ;il;;;*M..;;J;illil
il i* rlr'rr rr.,hibit them from_broadcasting anything
(Timmons and Huang
:i:: i::ylljociety,watchogq
change with how citri";;r',h";;;;';;;, ir' \rr irrrd Albert 2017).rn March zo1l, i
t_*1.,'."1::l ln.a h; lr"l
crew from BBC china was
Y#"
what 11:lrrl.r.t:by
controlled
vvu4L vvuLrurreu
-.u^,I ize thegu,", r.-o_ u ;;:rffi1;
rne party
Dy the rarty butlemai
;;*:lii,
but remains credible, has international
rir ;rrrd forced by the police to sign a confession
for trying to"o.ra.-r.t
ill''r';il irrtcrview" on land reform in rural china (Haas'2)fi;sJ*ortn
and is profltable, \-lrr,a also becomes
vlvttLauto, China r I lor'('l'r_rz has also had similar experiences;
mcl carefirl
Decomes more careful nf onn,,,i-_ +L:
of allowing this s
mass media to report on its shortcominss
any nrher
gs or an\/ arr^-+ *r-,.,
other event that .--,
ntig.,. r'
construed as contributory to the weake"ni ,,r rulr L;nLroLlDrer rnat when
yhen we travel in towns and citi
theparty-sia,;i;;;;;:::l#J[$ffitng or nationarism and r.vir rt1' )) :ll. :ll,:ll""rl.r:,"f,,hu,
,rt rlrlt.slorics ljrtal acciclents,
cities to do unpal_
corruplion cases, street pl
protests
or labor
,rrr'\r. ctc. l,.cirl of'lici.ls cl. rr.I wirrt tlrc rneclia there
because they
7
50 Jose Mari Hall Lanuza From taboo thinkers to thought lead.er;^ 5l
know that we are sniffing at unpalatable issues that, in their mind, i lrrr' slrows that media can be political actors in the sense that their powcr
embarrass them, or will tarnish the image of their place, thus fut 1,,,
',' Public and international opinion is seen as a delicate variable by
turning off tourists or investors, or will simply get them into t l{i' ( l,i,,cse Party-state, who is aiming to be seen as a peaceful and nonag-
with their higher supervisors. So sometimes, they employ local polico rising power. The unwanted international attention stems from the
thugs to shadow, confront, or intimidate us ostensibly because we ii r,,rr tlurt china's development has two extremes: the remarkable growth
no offlcial permit. Or they come up with other excuses. In 2001, when i lrirrr's economy by international standards, and the increasing atten-
tried to do a story on the AIDS epidemic spreading in Henan vi l,,. irru given to the social costs of this growth, manifesting in domestic
because of the sale of blood for money, we had to sneak into a lrrrrlil ies and environmental degradation (Hou 2014). These qualities are
with the help of Chinese NGOs. To get our stories, we had to play iir,.',.1 unacceptable for a rising power aiming to be the new world he-
and seek with local offlcials and police so we could interview vi ,1,n. l hus, China tries its best to curb reports on these issues.
families, shoot in the villages, and get out safely to tell our stories, Iii 1.1, rrcral, foreign media portrayal of china has been perceived as mixed
rare cases, harassment involved briefdetention and questioning by rir[rrlivc, with perceptions to its political system and its actions on disputes
police whenever we got busted. That happened to our crew when rli" rrrrin cause. According to wang Qiu, a member of the legislature and
tried to cover labor unrest in Guangzhou, a sad story which i iil .l ;1 sf 21s-6wned radio station, around 60 percent of all western media
cases of overworked and disturbed migrant workers committing sui i ir,' .,r'crr as a negative campaign against China (Allen-Ebrahimian 2016).
by jumping off buildings. fi,rr'i,'rrvor, this has caused negative perceptions for China. In one case,
(FlorCruz 2015:l() llrrr,l. and Baviera found that the Philippine media had negative por-
lr ol'China in light of the Philippines-China maritime disputes, and
The Party-state's control over mass media's production of narrativcs ,i l!',.'l the citizens echoed these sentiments (2013). There have also been
an effort to create a good international image-can largely be seerr 1ti ri;rlionol backlashes over certain incidents, such as the China's rare

success, as measured by the massive flow of foreign investments into ilr\,.:\t)ort trade dispute (Nikkei Asian Review 2016; Stahl20l5) ancl the
Chinese economy (He 2008). Although China has lost its position as thc rLrrl;1bls record on human rights (Calgary Herald 2008; Deutsche Well
destination for foreign direct investments to the United States and i llorvever, it is observable that in some cases, the Party-state made
Kong, it still ranks as the second-most attractive economy lor multinati i\rrr(:r)ts to its policies for appeasement purposes-whether for domes-
companies from 2016 to 2018, and foreign direct investment inward !!r rrrI()r'nzltional opinions. China did drop its export restrictions in 2015,
and stocks have been increasing from 2013 to 2015 (UNCTAD 2016). ii,rr.ilr irlter first struggling with the decision made by the World Trade
A peaceful rise is most optimal for the case of China, a rising powet. trirrrzrrtion. Also as a response to both domestic and international con-
2016) since its focus is still on internal development rather than extc tir, ( lrina officially addressed its environmental problems, although the
conquest, and its culture favors moral strength over military power (l-.i iltr lr;rr,c been criticized as inadequate (Silk 2013).
Worm 2011). For it to receive peaceful accommodation, it needs to put i !iir is rrot to say that foreign media in china has only reported negatively
lavorable image, one that is more in line with the standards of the 1rr ( lrirra. If anything, foreign media has tried its best to be objective in
hegemon. In an international political realm that has sovereign states aa ii trrrrs. lrr the case of Baculinao and Florcruz, they are seen as third-
most basic unit, this means respecting sovereignty and maneuvering a l i I rr rctl irr personnel-meaning neither westerners nor west-influenced,

established rules and boundaries. Therefore, it is important for Clrin i,,rr',.'l_\,('hinese. In addition to this, they have been in China since the
maintain this favorable image. ,,l tlrc Cultural Revolution. These two factors award them a certain
One case study follows the 2011 Wukan rebellion and the role of r, |, l' t r-ust. They cover news and current events for NBC and CNN bu-
r r r

media in resolving the issue. Protests ensued in the village of Wrrkrl :'' rn llci.jir.rg, respectively. They also maintain a strict policy on keeping
Guangdong Province following the death of a local village ir l r. sl)t: ciirlly in public communication, as a sign of respect and loyalty
after meeting with local government offlcials. This resulted in an a loiirr rrrrlisrr. Although they do engage with the public as opinion-makers,
standoff between villagers and local police and anti-riot troops, which rir'r'l.r'nl this role not only as media personnel but also as scholars, es-
covered by foreign media. The study showed that due to the prcssrl rrllr rr lrr:rr cltgaging with outsiders on an inlormal basis.
being portrayed negatively in front ofa global audience, higher ranking lliiir lr , ,l' l lrcnr cngage with the public outside of china through talks and
vincial officers negotiated a resolution with the protest leaders a l'tcr. d i c(lr..ls .rtl I;ilipino communities inside and outside the philippines.
conflict (Hess 2014). ilir, (.'rs(:. thcir ptrblic cnqagenlerlts call lor more understanding for
7
52 Jose Mari Hall Lanuza
From taboo thinkers to thought leader.s 53
china and greater improvement in bilateral relations (Bacutinao 2015; rrrrrlists in china (Yuan 2010). Baculinao and Florcruz are more unique
C.oz 2015). These engagements affect perceptions of china by scholars rr rlrt' other foreign journalists because of their long experience in china.
policy makers alike. For Baculinao, there needs to be more understan( i1',1rr ,:rPosure to the gradual reforming of China has granted them a lens
on the side of the Philippines as to why China acts the way it does: i,.'lr (rubles understanding despite being non-citizens.

There is so much ideological baggage that constricts our views of

possible strategies can be used to engage the Chinese and to win isilrg remarks
case with China on our maritime disputes, successfully and i'.r lie riences ol Baculinao and FlorCruz-living through the Cultural
Sometimes I'd like try to explore different approaches and ideas,
'ti,lrli()n, witnessing first-hand the reforms following Mao's death, cover-
can rmmedialely sense a sense of resistance.
I irrr1r.l-1nrr1 moments in chinese history have given them a certain level
And I think maybe it's because nationalism is an important lslrrt li'om the chinese. They are not seen as complete outsiders devoid of
It's natural to encounter resistance, especially ifyou challenge < i;., rt;rrrding Chinese politics and society. Rather, they are third-country
tional positions; you run the risk of being called anti-nationalist or r i'r.'r's who are able to analyze China with a historical appreciation and
patriotic, even if it's not the case. I think the main difficulty of brr 1i rtrrrrding. Moreover, this deep understanding of china and the party-
through our restricted understanding of China is the fact that we \tr'nrs from China's attempts at opening itself up: first, to the world by
passionate about our national interest-which is a very positive thi liirrl/;rccommodating young scholars, such as Baculinao and Frorcruz,
that sometimes we neglect to see the weaknesses of our own positi iiri'irr China in the 1970s; and second, to the media by allowing more
of our own understanding, which then leads us to very weak it r lirr'1sps11ing and data gathering. These initiatives have produceci
or tactics; weak in the sense that they cannot conceivably lead irr,. irrtellectuals and observers who can explain china's position in the
peaceful negotiated outcome of our disputes. irrrrri.rral arena without being seen as Party-state puppets precisely be-
(Baculinao 201 ti' ,,1'llrcir status as third-countrv observers.
$r/ir,.lr;r cnn shape policy. Specifically, how mass media reports on a cer-
Baculinao argued this point as well in a forum at the University of the ir',r(' creates public and international opinion can shape both domestic
ippines last January 2016 on prospects ofpeople-centered policy actio: i, ,.' ir:. n policy. This in turn can be favorable or unfavorable for the state
, r

Asian development and peace, where members of the academe and u'r rr,,',1. cerusing it to respond accordingly through policy formation or re-
sentatives from government agencies were in attendance. fl lrr rlrc case of china, its peaceful rise is contingent on two things: the in-
Similarly, Florcruz also stressed the fostering of greater understa Irorurl image depicted by both its own media and the foreign media, and
more so by having more China watchers in the philippines: i,'rrvincing this image is for the international community. As such, there
fiii1ri' irt stake for china in terms of ensuring positive mass media coverage.
I tlrink understanding China is one of the pressing needs. We all i',',,.'1,111 nrass media in China is able to affect Chinese policy because the
that China will be important as a neighbor and as a global play .rr' l':rr'ty-state has given it the power to do so, as seen in both
the cases
obviously, we should know how to co-exist amicably with Chirra. utrcrl above and in the experiences of Baculinao and FlorCruz. The pros-
the first step is to understand it. Hopefully China will seek to ur r rl rrrirss media's potential as a catalyst for change was virtually nil during
stand the Philippines as well. But on our part, I really hope thul rlrryr where it acted as a mere Party mouthpiece. However, major sociopo-
can boost our knowledge about the country by developing morc ('J ! r ,.'l t,r'rrr s and regional political interests required the chinese party-state
watchers, people who really focus on the task of learning about it, Irii,.'r r l) rrllrss media and allow media outlets with more leeway into a brand
then imparting the knowledge to the general population and shari !i, ,r lisn) which did not simply echo Party statements. The change in chi-
to the policymakers. It is about time to do that, and one step 1o t,lr-r rr i'irr , r(:n ( ol- mass media resulted in the emergence of mass media's poten-
is through collective wisdom of our China watchers. who are lotr
i t, r | ,, ,t lr r tlcslabilizing agent and a bridge to the outside world
(FlorCruz 201 i'r,r llrrt'rrlinuo and Florcruz, their ability to be media practitioners as well
iii,irrrr.lrt lcirrlcrs who advocate for greater understanding of china inde-
That two Beijing-based Filipino journalists from foreign media oullc:ls Itrrtlv l'r'orn the Party-state shows how China's change in mass media in-
mote more understanding of china is reflective of how fair Ibrcigrr rr
can be. Foreign media are less impervious to palty-statc inllucncc, irrrrl
ri,
', lurs pnrcluocd political actors which can be helpful to china's cause:
i1tsri,,'l rrl risc in thc rcgion. Baculinao and FlorCruzhave been shaped by
ture more able to portray aspects both lavtlrlrblo urrd urrlirvorirblc to
i ,.'\lr(:r'i('nccs in u changing china. unrl thcy havc been witnesses to the ide-
stlrtc agcncltr. Sirnilar stirtcmcnLs lurvc lr lso bccrr cclroctl hv othcr. l'r
hrtl sltil'ls ls wcll as viclinrs to thc Party-stirtc's policies on mass mcdia.
 54 .ltt:;r Muri I Iull Luttu:tr
From tttboo thinkers to thought leaders 55
More than this. their own worrdviews werc arso i,flucncetr
by the cvents s/1 f1 ina/ecorromyrarticrer20545r5/communist-party-rnourhpiece_
rounding china's reforms since these rvere /r'erlexperie,ces. "r'r/1;111
The poricy rcrt r1rr,,r,, 1 11i1111-daily-foreign-media).
have.also helped Baculinao and Florcruz see and unclerstand
China as u ii",,r ltrrg. Ying Xia, and Gong Cheng. 2016. "Structure and Media Autonomy
namic a-nd changing society, with its own chalrenges and problems,
a monolithic enrity controred by the chinese Communist party.
ratlrcrr t ir { lllril: The Case of Southern Weekend.,, Journal of Contemporary
China
As such. t ll).1)lt-l 249.
rr,t
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ueing ,tina t(l [rr, strijirn.2013. chinese politics antl Government: power, Ideology, and
interests olthe Philippines a.d other countries with rvhonr
china"has di llt fi trt i :rt I ion. New York: Routledge.
,;'i , ll( rrirrin.20lT. "BBCCrewAttackedinchinaandForcedtoSignconfession.,,
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