Anti Mughal Resisteance in Bengal - Asrarul Haque

“The Bara-Bhuiyans and Their Times: A Study of the local
anti-Mughal Resistance in Bengal (1576-1612 A.C.)”
Thesis Submitted to The University of Dhaka for the award

of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN
ISLAMIC HISTORY AND CULTURE
by
A.A. Sheikh Md. Asrarul Hoque Chisti (B.A. Honours)

M.A. and M. Phil. D.U.
Ph.D. Researcher
Registration No: 1
Session: 2007-2008
Under the Supervision of Professor Dr. Mohammad

Ibrahim
(B.A. Honours), M.A. and LL.B. (Dhaka)
M. Phil. and Ph.D. Aligarh, (India).
Department of Islamic History and Culture

University of Dhaka
October, 2013.
Dhaka University Institutional Repository
Supervisor’s Certificate
It is hereby being certified that this thesis entitled “The

Bara-Bhuiyans and Their Times: A Study of the local anti-Mughal
Resistance in Bengal (1576-1612 A.C.)” has been prepared under my
supervision for the award of the Ph.D. degree in Islamic History and
Culture. It is based on the contemporary, the near
contemporary and the later sources available in Persian,
English and Bengali.
It is hereby being recommended to be forwarded to the examiners.
(Professor Dr. Mohammad Ibrahim)

Department of Islamic History and
Culture
University of Dhaka
Supervisor
Acknowledgements
In preparing the Ph.D. thesis entitled “The Bara-Bhuiyans and

Their Times: A Study of the local anti-Mughal Resistance in Bengal
(1576-1612 A.C.)” I at the very outset express my feelings of gratitude
to The Almighty Allah and His Prophet (Sm.) for enabling me to
accomplish the task.
In compilation of the thesis the first person to whom I owe my
debt of gratitude is my revered teacher and supervisor Professor Dr.
Mohammad Ibrahim of the Department of Islamic History & Culture,
Dhaka University, without whose kind help, proper encouragement,
learned advices and constant supervision, it would have been very
difficult for me to accomplish this arduous task. In fact, to my respected
teacher and supervisor I owe so much that it is difficult for me to specify
my indebtedness.
I am also grateful to Professor Dr. Md.Tawfiqul Haider,
Chairman, Department of Islamic History & Culture, Dhaka University
and all other faculty members who inspired me in my research pursuit at
the time of need.
I am also profoundly grateful to all those authors, scholars and
experts of this field from whose works I have freely drawn upon
materials for my present work.
In preparing this thesis I had to work in the Dhaka University
Library, the Bangla Academy Library, the Bangladesh National
Museum Library and the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh Library. I am
grateful to the officers and staff of these libraries who always helped me
in locating rare books and gave other assistance whenever I needed.
i
My thanks are due to Mr. Imtiaz Ahmed, Assistant Professor,

Department of Islamic History & Culture, Govt. Gazaria College,
Munshiganj, Mr. Abdul Malek Mallik, Associate Professor, Department
of Islamic History & Culture, Govt.Victoria College, Narail, Dr. Sheikh
Md. Akramul Hoque Chishti, my younger brother, and Mr. Iftekhar
Ahmed, my well-wisher who helped me in my research in various ways.
At last I express my respectful gratitude to my father reverend
Abul Ula Sheikh Md. Farid Uddin Chishti, who is my worldly and
spiritual source of inspiration.
ii
Contents
Page
Acknowledgement s : i-ii i-ii

Chapter I : The Background 1-17 1-18
Chapter II : The Bara-Bhuiyans and the places of 19-99

their Origin and activities
Section I : The term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ explained 19-53

Section II : Identification of the Places of their rise 54-58
Section III : Identification of the Bhati region 59-69
Section IV : Identification of the Bara-Bhuiyans 70-99
Sub Section I : The Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of 70-81
Badshah Akbar: A General Study
Sub Section II : The Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of 82-87
Badshah Jahangir: A General Study
Chapter III : The Rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans 100-129

Section I : The Cause of Their Rise 100-111
Section II : The period of Their Rise 112-125
Chapter IV : The Bara-Bhuiyans and their 130-144

neighbouring Chieftains: A Study of
their mutual relationships
Chapter V : The Mughal Conquest of Bengal: The 145-183

preliminary Phase
Section I : Mughal restoration in Northern 145-162
India: Badshah Akbar and his
imperialistic design
Section II : Mughal attitude to Eastern India and 163-167
its rulers
Section III : Mughal empire on its march towards 168-178
Eastern India up to1576 A.C. and the
reaction of the local Chieftains
Chapter VI : The Bara-Bhuiyans in Action: Their 184-324

Struggle against the Mughals for the
perpetuation of independence and
Sovereignty
Section I : The Age of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala 184-227
(1576-1599 A.C.): The Local
resistance of the Bara-Bhuiyans Under
his Leadership
Phase I : The Bara-Bhuiyans Versus Badshah 184-198
Akbar’s Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan
(1576-1578 A.C)
Phase II : The Bara-Bhuiyans Versus Badshah 199-220
Akbar’s Subahdars Shahbaz Khan and
Sadiq Khan (1578-1586 A.C)
Phase III : The Bara-Bhuiyans Versus Badshah 221-227
Akbar’s Subahdar Man Singh
Kachhwaha (1586-1599 A.C.)
Section II : The Age of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala: 228-291
The Local resistance of the Bara-
Bhuiyans Under his Leadership
Phase I : The Bara-Bhuiyans Versus The 228-231
Subahdars of Badshah Akbar and
Jahangir (1599-1608 A.C.)
Phase II : The Bara-Bhuiyans Versus Badshah 232-291
Jahangir’s Subahdar Islam Khan
Chishti (1608- 1612 A.C.)
Section III : The Bara-Bhuiyans and the Mughals: 292-299
A Study of their relative advantages
and disadvantages
Section IV : Final outcome of the struggle: 300-309
Extinction of the independence of
Bengal
Chapter VII : A general survey of the socio- 325-362

economic and cultural aspects of
Bengal during the period under review
Chapter VIII : Conclusion 363-370

Appendix : Review of Sources 371-383
Bibliography : 384-396
Chapter I
The Background
Qutb al-Deen Aibak, laid the foundation of Muslim rule in

Northern India in the opening years of the thirteenth century and he
made Delhi his capital. Henceforth, the authority of Delhi over almost
the whole of Northern India was firm till the first half of the fourteenth
century. But in the last days of the reign of Muhammad-bin-Tughlaq
began the declination of Delhi Sultanate and ultimately a number of
independent kingdoms arose on the ruins of Delhi Sultanate in Northern
and Southern India. Gujrat1, Malwa2, Jaunpur3 and Bengal4 were the
notable among the Northern and Eastern Indian kingdoms. Though,
Bahlul Ludi5 laid the foundation of Afghan rule in Delhi in the second
half of the fifteenth century, it was not possible to re-establish the
authority of Delhi over other independent kingdoms except Jaunpur
before sixteenth century. There was no political unity among these
independent kingdoms of Northern India and they were engaged in
conflicts with one another. Taking advantage of this political disunity
Mughal Badshah Babur attacked India in the sixteenth century. On the
eve of the Indian expedition of Babur the Sultans, who ruled over
Northern and Eastern India were Afghan Sultan Ibrahim Ludi of Delhi,
Muzaffar Shah II of Gujrat, Mahmud Shah II of Malwa and Sayyid
Sultan Nusrat Shah of Bengal.
Babur laid the foundation of Mughal rule in Northern India by
defeating Afghan Sultan Ibrahim Ludi in the battle of Panipat in 1526
A.C. The rise of the Mughal power under Zahir al-Deen Muhammad
Babur in the political arena of this sub-continent brought about an epoch
making change in the political history of this country. Because, as a
result of the defeat of Ibrahim Ludi to Babur, on the one hand, the
1
Afghans were compelled to yield the sceptre of India to the hands of the
Mughals and on the other hand, this change of crown was followed by a
bitter Mughal-Afghan contest. Indeed, the Mughal-Afghan contest for
supremacy throughout the sixteenth century and Afghan infiltration into
Eastern India added a stimulating chapter in the history of Muslim rule
in India. This Mughal-Afghan contest of sixteenth century exerted
profound influence over Bengal and it was the last centre of this contest.
As a result of the defeat of Ibrahim Ludi to Babur the Afghans were
forced to seek asylum in Bengal6, just as Sultan Husain Shah Sharqi of
Jaunpur, who was compelled to take shelter in Bengal being defeated by
Sultan Sikandar Ludi of Delhi. It may be mentioned here that Sultan
Husain Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur was forced to seek asylum in Bengal
being completely defeated by Sultan Sikandar Ludi of Delhi, in 1495
A.C.7 Ala-al-Deen Husain Shah, the Bengal Sultan, received him with
due honour and provided for his residence at Kahlgaon in Bhagalpur8.
Sikandar Ludi sharply reacted to this by sending an expedition to Bengal
under the command of Mahmud Khan and Mubarak Khan Nuhani. Ala-
al-Deen Husain Shah also sent an army under his son Daniyal to
intercept the Delhi forces. The two armies remained encamped face to
face for some time at Barh, Bihar. Thus the Afghan Sultan of Delhi first
came into contact with Bengal. Ultimately, negotiations were opened
resulting in the signing of a non- aggression treaty. According to the
terms of the treaty, it was decided that both parties should cease to
attack each other and that they should not give protection to their mutual
enemies9. After the conclusion of this treaty till the first quarter of the
sixteenth century there was no news of conflict between the Ludi
Afghan Sultan of Delhi and the Sultan of Bengal is found in history.
Husain Shah’s treaty with Sikandar Ludi had established a balance of
power between Bengal and Delhi. But Babur’s victory over the Ludis
2
destroyed that balance. Because, a large number of Afghan nobles found

refuge with Nusrat Shah, the Sultan of Bengal10, after the defeat of
Ibrahim Ludi by Babur in the field of Panipat. Babur’s immediate
attention was directed not towards the fugitive Afghans in Bengal, but to
the formidable coalition of the Hindu Chiefs under Rana Sangram Singh
of Mewar. The latter had hoped that Babur would break the Ludi
kingdom for him and would then retire from India, as Timur had done.
As that did not happen, Sangram Singh placed himself at the head of a
coalition of some 120 Hindu chiefs and advanced against Babur with an
overwhelming army including 80,000 horse and 500 war elephants.
Under the circumstances Babur naturally wanted to prevent the
accession of others like the Bengal ruler and the fugitive Afghans to the
enemy camp. Hence, early in 1527 A.C. Babur sent an envoy to Nusrat
Shah asking for his neutrality in the ensuing contest11. Thus the Mughal
ruler of Delhi first came into contact with the ruler of Bengal. Realising
Babur’s preoccupations, Nusrat Shah was in no hurry to give any
positive reply. However, Babur was able to defeat Rana Sangram Singh
in the battle of Khanua on 16th March, 1527A.C. Then he rounded off
his victory by capturing the Chanderi fort from the Rajputs on 29th
January, 152812.Thus Babur destroyed the chance of political revival of
the Rajputs in India13.
After the suppression of the Rajputs, Babur turned his attention
to the Afghans in Oudh and elsewhere and he sent an envoy to Nusrat
Shah once again. Now, the latter thought it inadvisable to make further
delay and professed neutrality by sending his envoy, Ismail Mitha, with
presents to Babur14. Meanwhile, the Afghans in Oudh and South Bihar
under their leaders like Mahmud Shah a brother of Ibrahim Ludi, Sher
Khan (later Sher Shah) and Jalal Khan, attempted to organise
themselves against the Mughals. But as soon as Babur advanced against
3
them they fell back. In order to haunt them down Babur now demanded
free passage for his army through the trans- Ghagra territory of Nusrat
Shah, as the latter hesitated and temporised, Babur applied force,
defeated a contingent of the Bengal Sultan posted there and occupied the
territory up to Saran. Further trouble was averted by the prompt
conclusion of a treaty by Nusrat Shah’s military governor of Monghyr
who accepted on behalf of the Sultan all the terms dictated by Babur.
Shortly afterwards the latter died in 1530 A.C. During the four years that
Babur spent in India though, he was able to conquer a considerable
portion of Northern India, it was not possible for him to subjugate the
whole of Northern India. After the death of Babur his son Humayun
gained a decisive victory over the Afghans at Daurah and drove out
Mahmud Ludi from Jaunpur15. After that it was rumoured that Humayun
was going to attack Bengal. To counteract this possibility Nusrat Shah
sent his envoy Malik Marjan to Bahadur Shah of Gujrat with a view to
concluding a friendly alliance with him. Bahadur Shah’s response to this
proposal was quite favourable for Nusrat Shah, for the former received
the envoy of the latter cordially. But Nusrat Shah died before the
alliance could materialise16. However, no more engagement took place
between the Sultan of Bengal and the Mughals, during the lifetime of
Nusrat Shah.
Giyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah, the last Husain Shahi Sultan of
Bengal, ascended the throne at such a time when the political situation
of Northern India was extremely enraged and the Mughal-Afghan
contest for supremacy enter its acute phase under the leaderships of
Humayun and Sher Khan (Shah) respectively. On the one hand,
Humayun made unsuccessful attempts to subjugate Malwa, Gujrat and
Bengal and on the other hand, he was expelled from India by Sher Shah.
Both these leaders, particularly Sher Shah, wanted to draw Bengal into
4
the struggle and to use it as a stepping stone for gaining mastery over
Northern India. Besides, the Portuguese increasingly pressed on from
the sea-side and intruded into the Southern districts of Bengal. Above
all, since Giyath al- Deen Mahmud occupied the throne of Bengal by
killing Ala al-Deen Firuz Shah, son of Nusrat Shah, courtiers of the
country became hostile to him and internal feud appeared in the country,
Mahmud’s brother- in- law and governor of Hajipur, Makhdum Alam,
now turned a deadly enemy and allied himself with Sher Shah to bring
about Mahmud’s ruin. Consequently, Mahmud Shah locked in war with
Sher Shah when he went to suppress Makhdum Alam. Sher Shah first
defeated the Bengal army in the battle of Suraj Garh in 1534 A.C. and at
last occupied Gaur the capital of Bengal in 1538 A.C.17 In this situation
Mahmud Shah sent an envoy to Mughal Badshah Humayun, who was at
that time halting at Barkunda after having captured Chunar, seeking his
help and requesting him to attack the Afghans in Bengal18. Hence, as
Badshah Humayun approached Gaur, Sher Shah retreated towards Bihar
and Humayun entered the capital of Bengal unopposed in the middle of
July, 1538 A.C.19 But after defeating Humayun in the battle of Chausa
in 1539 Sher Shah re-occupied Gaur and ascended the throne of Delhi
by defeating Humayun in the battle of Bilgram in 1540 A.C.20
Consequently, on the one hand, the independent Sultanate of Bengal
came to an end and Bengal was again yoked to the authority of Delhi, on
the other hand, the Mughal-Afghan contest for supremacy came to an
end for the time being.
The Afghan Sultan Sher Shah died after a very short reign of five
years, that is, from 1540 to 1545 A.C. Though, within this short time he
was able to establish his authority over Bengal, Bihar, Jaunpur, Malwa,
Delhi, Agra and other places of India, Gujrat was out of control of Delhi
even then. After the death of Sher Shah the Afghans were engaged in
5
internal quarrel once again. Sultan Islam Shah, son of Sher Shah,
though, was able to protect the integrity of his father’s empire, after his
death the internal quarrel of the Afghans reached at the most critical
stage and the Mughals made an endeavour to restore their lost territories
taking advantage of this internal discord of the Afghans. Ultimately,
they were able to snatch the sceptre of India from the Afghans once
again. After Islam Shah’s death his minor son Firuz Khan ascended the
throne. But within a few days of his accession, Firuz was killed by his
maternal uncle Mubariz Khan Sur who then ascended the throne and
assumed the title of Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah. But it was not
possible on his part to control the turbulent Afghan nobles. There was a
faction fight at his court in his very presence, with heavy mutual
slaughter among the Afghan chiefs. Of the survivors many took to flight
to save themselves and broke out in rebellion in their respective
provinces. For example, Taj Khan Kararani rebelled and established
himself in South Bihar, Muhammad Khan Sur, the governor of Bengal,
declared independence and assumed the royal title of Shams al-Deen
Abu al- Muzaffar Muhammad Shah and prepared to make a bid for the
sovereignty of Northern India, and Ibrahim Khan Sur and Ahmed Khan
Sur rebelled and pretended for the Afghan throne21. When Adil was
engaged in fighting these rebels and pretenders, Baz Bahadur, son of
Shujaat Khan Sur, succeeded his father in the governorship of Malwa
and assumed sovereign power in that province22. In this situation, at
first, Sultan Adil defeated Taj Khan Kararani at Chapparamau, 40 kos
from Agra and 30 kos from Kanauj, with the help of his commander-in-
Chief Hemu. The defeated Kararani chief, joined by his brothers and
other Afghans, established himself in South Bihar. Adil and Hemu again
tried to suppress the Kararanis of South Bihar, but failed. About this
time, the pretender Ibrahim Khan Sur had defeated Adil’s general Isa
6
khan Niyazi in a battle near Kalpi and occupied Delhi, Agra and the
neighbouring territories. Adil and Hemu tried to recapture Delhi and
Agra, but failed and returned in a helpless state to Chunar, which he had
made his capital23. Ibrahim Khan Sur assumed the title of Ibrahim Shah
and had his name entered in the khutba and on coins24. Another
pretender Ahmed Khan Sur had declared himself an independent ruler in
the Panjab and assumed the title of Sikandar Shah and advanced towards
Delhi and Agra. In the later part of 1554 A.C. a fierce battle took place
at Farrah and Sikandar Shah obtained a decisive victory over Ibrahim
Shah. He then occupied Agra and Delhi and pursued Ibrahim Shah from
Sambal to Etawa. About this time, he received the news of Humayun’s
occupation of Lahore25.
Ibrahim Shah now, collected a fresh army and advanced towards
Kalpi. About this time, Adil sent his commander-in-Chief Hemu from
Chunar with a large army to recover Agra and Delhi. When Hemu
reached Kalpi, he resolved first to dispose of Ibrahim Shah. In a battle
he defeated Ibrahim Shah and pursued him to Biana. Again in a battle in
the outskirts of Biana, Hemu defeated him. As Ibrahim Shah took
shelter in the fort of Biana, he besieged it and the siege continued for
three months26.
When Hemu was in Biana, Muhammad Khan Sur of Bengal
captured Jaunpur and made for Kalpi and Agra. In this situation Hemu
abandoned the siege of Biana. As he proceeded towards Kalpi, Ibrahim
Shah followed him and at Mandagar, 6 kos from Agra, attacked his rear.
Hemu, however, defeated him and drove him away. Ibrahim Shah first
went to Alwar and then went to Patna27. After his victory over Ibrahim
Shah, Hemu joined Adil at Chapparghata, 15 kos from Kalpi and 15 kos
from Agra, and in a battle in December, 1555, Hemu defeated and killed
Muhammad Khan Sur. Then Adil occupied Bengal and appointed
7
Shahbaz Khan as the governor of Bengal28. On the other hand, the

defeated nobles and officers of the late Bengal ruler Muhammad Khan
Sur assembled however at Joshi on the left bank of the Ganges opposite
to Allahabad and crowned his son Khizr Khan as the Sultan of Bengal.
The latter assumed the title of Giyath al- Deen Bahadur Shah. He
captured Gaur by defeating Shahbaz Khan, immediately after his
coronation29.
When Adil was engaged in dealing with Ibrahim Shah and
Muhammad Khan Sur, the fugitive Mughal Badshah Humayun occupied
Delhi and Agra. Though, after 1552 A.C. Humayun dared not invade
India so long as Islam Shah lived, the news of the death of that energetic
Afghan Sultan, the feeble rule of Adil and the internal discord among
the Afghans however encouraged him to make an attempt for the
recovery of his throne. On November 12, 1554, Humayun marched from
Kabul to invade India. Engrossed in civil wars the Afghans had
neglected the defence of the north-west-frontier. So, Humayun crossed
the Indus unopposed and made a swift attack on the fort of Rohtas and
then on February 24, 1555 A.C. the Mughals captured Lahore by
expelling the Afghans. From Dipalpur also the Afghan generals,
Shahbaz Khan and Nasir Khan took to flight in great panic and
confusion. At last on June 22, 1555A.C. Humayun was able to defeat
Sikandar Shah in the battle which took place near Sirhind. Defeated
Sikandar Shah fled to the Siwalik hills. Then on July 20, 1555, after
fifteen years of exile, Humayun re-entered his capital Delhi. He then
occupied Agra and the adjoining territories. His general Muhammad
Khan Atka invested Biana. Being in a strained condition, Ibrahim
Shah’s father Gazi Khan Sur surrendered and he was killed by the
Mughals. But Humayun did not long survive his restoration and he died
8
on January 28, 1556. On February 14, 1556, his son Akbar, who was in
Panjab with his guardian Bairam Khan, was crowned at Kalanur30.
Badshah Akbar took the leadership of the Mughals at such a time
when the political situation of India was very confused and the Mughal
supremacy over India was still far from being assured. At this time, each
of the independent kingdoms in different parts of India was contending
for power. In the north- west, Mirza Muhammad Hakim, Akbar’s half
brother, governed Kabul almost independently. In the north Kashmir
was under a local dynasty and the Himalayan States were also
independent. Sind and Multan had become free from the control of
Delhi after the death of Sher Shah. Orissa, Malwa and Gujrat and the
local chieftains of Gondwana were also independent. South of the
Vindhyas the Vijayanagar kingdom and Khandesh, Berar, Bidar,
Ahmadnagar and Golkunda were independent and they did not feel any
interest in northern politics. Above all, the Portuguese had established
their influence on the western coast by the possession of Goa and Diu.
Humayun had been able to recover only a small fragment of his
territories in India before he died. The Sur Afghans were still in
occupation of the greater portion of Sher Shah’s empire31. It was Akbar
under whose leadership the last phase of Mughal-Afghan contest came
to an end and he was able to establish the Mughal Empire in India on
firm footing.
After the death of Humayun, Adil Shah sent Hemu with a large
force towards Agra and Delhi and he himself stayed in Chunar. In
October 1556, Hemu re-occupied Delhi by expelling the Mughals32. But
on 5th November, 1556, the Mughals defeated the Afghan army under
the command of Hemu in the battle of Panipat II and Hemu was killed
by Bairam Khan33. The battle of Panipath II was a decisive battle which
led the Mughal-Afghan contest for supremacy to a conclusion.
9
In Hemu’s death, Adil became helpless. On the other hand, though,

the battle of Panipat had dispossessed the Afghans of the territories from
the Panjab to Agra, still they held a large part of India34. But on account
of their factions, the Afghans could not see the long-term interest of the
Indian Afghans. They continued to fight one another even after their
great common calamity and thus prepared their own grave. A few
Afghan chiefs fought individually against the Mughals and fell, while
others remained passive spectators expecting to profit by the fall of the
chiefs of their own race. However, when Adil’s general Hemu was
fighting at Panipat, Giyath al- Deen Bahadur Shah of Bengal occupied
Bihar and advanced to revenge the death of his father against Adil. In
April, 1557, Bahadur Shah with the help of Sulaiman Khan Kararani of
South Bihar defeated and killed Adil at Fathpur, 4 miles west of
Surajgarh35. It was Akbar’s good fortune that his Afghan enemies were
fighting and killing themselves and thus facilitated the establishment of
his supremacy in Northern India. On July 25, 1557, Sikandar Shah of
Panjab was forced to surrender to Akbar. Besides, the Mughal army
occupied Alwar and Mewat by expelling Haji Khan. On the other hand,
Mughal general Khan-i –Zaman defeated and drove away Rukn Khan
Nuhani from Sambal and he also defeated another Afghan chief Jalal
Khan Sur near Lucknow in the same year. As a result of these defeats,
the Afghans lost to the Mughals the territories from Sambal to
Lucknow36. In 1558 A.C. Khan-i-Zaman occupied Jaunpur by defeating
Ibrahim Shah and the latter fled to Orissa. In the same year, Bahadur
Shah of Bengal advanced towards Jaunpur intending to drive away the
Mughals from Northern India. But Khan-i-Zaman drove him back to
Bengal37.
The Afghan chiefs continued their isolated efforts to recover
Northern India. The partisans of Adil placed his son Sher Khan (called
10
Sher Shah II) on the throne at Chunar and in 1561, they proceeded to
recover Jaunpur with a large force. Though, initially they were able to
defeat Mughal general Khan-i-Zaman in an engagement near Jaunpur, in
the end they were defeated by the Mughals. After this defeat, Sher Shah
II took to the life of a recluse. On the other hand, feeling that the Afghan
fortune was irretrievably shattered and ruined and it was impossible for
him to continue the possession of Chunar, Fattu Khan Masnad-i-Ala a
noble of Adil, surrendered to the Mughals and entered the service of
Badshah Akbar38. Besides, when the nobles of Adil placed his son Sher
Shah II on the throne at Chunar, the supporters of the family of Islam
Shah chose his son Awaz Khan as their king at Rohtas. They took
advantage of Khan-i-Zaman’s pre-occupation with Sher Shah II to siege
some Mughal territories. Then in 1561 A.C. after Sher Shah II’s defeat,
they advanced towards Jaunpur with a large army. Though, in an
engagement at Andhiari, the Afghans were able to defeat a detachment
of Mughal general Khan- i Zaman, they could not retained this victory
till the last. Awaz Khan’s was the last attempt of the Afghans to recover
their lost territories. After this, they ceased to launch any systematic
offensive against the Mughals and they gave their attention mainly to
preserving what they still held in India39. But the intention of Mughal
Badshah Akbar was not to allow them retain possession of any territory
in India. So it is seen that the Mughals conquered Malwa from Baz
Bahadur in A.C. 1561-1562 A.C.40 Thus, Badshah Akbar taking the
advantage of the internal discord among the Afghans snatched almost
whole of Northern India except Bengal and Bihar from the Afghans.
Akbar became irresistible in India by driving away his mighty opponent,
the Afghans, from Northern India and occupied Chitor, Ranthambhor
and other territories by defeating the Rajputs41. Besides, Akbar
11
established his authority over Gujrat by defeating Muzaffar Shah III in

1572 A.C.42
Even after the loss of Northern India, the Afghans possessed
Eastern India. From the beginning of his reign Badshah Akbar resolved
to expel them from Eastern India, that is, from Bengal and Bihar. But he
did not attack Bengal and Bihar, until Kararani Afghan ruler Sulaiman
Khan had died in 1572 A.C. However, Giyath al- Deen Bahadur Shah,
the Sur Afghan Sultan of Bengal, in 1558 A.C. being failed to capture
Jaunpur from the Mughals remained content with his position in Bengal
and Bihar. He died in 1560 A.C. and was succeeded by his brother Jalal
al-Deen Sur, who assumed the title of Giyath al- Deen Abul Muzaffar
Jalal Shah. The latter died in 1563 and was succeeded by his son, whose
name is not known. After a reign of seven months and nine days, he fell
a victim to the hand of a usurper, who assumed the title of Giyath al-
Deen. The latter reigned one year and eleven days. In 1564 A.C. he was
killed by Taj Khan who laid the foundation of the Kararani Afghan
Sultanate in Bengal and Bihar43.
In 1564 A.C. Taj Khan Kararani ascended the throne of Gaur. But
in 1565, a few months after his accession, he died. After the death of Taj
Khan, his brother Sulaiman Khan Kararani, the ruler of Bihar,
succeeded to the Sultanate of Bengal and Bihar44. As a result of the
recovery of the throne of Delhi by Mughal Badshah Humayun and after
his death gradual expansion of the Mughal Empire by Badshah Akbar
when the Afghan power was decaying day by day, it was Sulaiman
Khan Kararani who became the helmsman of the Afghan power in
Bengal and Bihar. After the establishment of Mughal authority over
Northern India, the defeated Afghans now came to Bengal and Bihar,
and entered the service of Sulaiman Kararani. As a result, his strength
increased gradually. He had a force of 3,600 elephants, 40,000 cavalry,
12
14,000 infantry and 20,000 pieces of cannon and several hundred war
boats45. He was not hot-headed like the other Afghans and in his foreign
policy he showed great political wisdom and sagacity. As the Mughal
authority was re- established in Northern India, he realised that it would
not be possible for the quarrelling and hot-headed Afghans to stand
against the Mughals. So, he decided to avoid conflict with the Mughals.
In order to placate the mighty Mughal Badshah Akbar, he made an
outward show of submission to him by making occasional presents and
reading the khutba in the name of Akbar. Though, he was de facto
sovereign of Bengal and Bihar, he did not assume the title of Shah or
Sultan. He took upon himself the title of Hadrat-i-Ali or His Exalted
Highness, like other Afghan nobles. Even he kept friendly relation with
Khan-i-Zaman, the Mughal viceroy of Jaunpur. Thus Sulaiman Khan
Kararani was able to protect Bengal and Bihar in the face of the
opposition of mighty Mughal Badshah Akbar. Infact, during Sulaiman
Kararani’s lifetime Badshah Akbar did not try to conquer Bengal and
Bihar46 and this is the best result of his foreign policy. The most
remarkable event of the reign of Sulaiman Khan Kararani is the
conquest of Orissa in 1567 A.C. Because, no Muslim ruler was able to
conquer Orissa before47. He also attacked Kuch Bihar in 1568. But he
settled the enmity with the Koch King and made amity. Because, he felt
to secure the Northern frontier of his territory in the event of a Mughal
invasion of Bengal and Bihar48.
Sulaiman Khan Kararani died on 11th October, 1572, after a reign
of about seven years with success49. There were some reasons behind his
success. Firstly, Mughal Badshah Akbar was at that time busy in
consolidating his position in North-Western and Central India so that he
could not turn any serious attention to Bengal and Bihar. Secondly, as
the Mughal authority was established in Northern India, most of the
13
Afghan chiefs and nobles now came to Bengal and Bihar and gathered
round their fellow clansmen there. With their help Sulaiman was able to
build up a very strong army. Thirdly, he himself was wise and prudent
man and he had a wise and distinguished minister, named Ludi Khan,
who gave him proper advices. Fourthly, Sulaiman was very cautious and
watchful. So, he did not assume any insignia of royalty to make
Badshah Akbar angry. But after his death due to indiscretion,
unworthiness and imprudence of his sons, the Afghans became divided
once again and disorder appeared in the Afghan Sultanate of Eastern
India. Taking advantage of this disorder the Mughals attacked Bengal
and defeated Daud Khan Kararani, the second son of Sulaiman Khan
Kararani, on 3rd March, 1575 A.C. in the battle of Tukaroi50. Being
defeated in the battle, Daud fled to the fort of Katak. On reaching Katak
he first intended to continue the battle, but at last he was forced to
conclude a treaty with Munim Khan Khan-i- Khanan, the Mughal
general. According to the treaty Daud Khan acknowledged the
suzerainty of Mughal Badshah Akbar and he was given Orissa to rule as
a Mughal vassal. This treaty is known as the treaty of Katak in history51.
Though, Daud Khan Kararani concluded the treaty of Katak with
the Mughals, the Afghans in general did not accept the treaty. They
continued to resist the Mughals in Bihar, Jharkand, Ghoraghat, Gaur and
in other places. Daud Khan had no control over the Afghans52. On the
other hand, the treaty of Katak could not achieve its object. Because, it
secured for the Mughals neither peace nor an undisputed possession of
Bengal. However, thinking that residence at Gaur would enable him to
deal effectively with the Afghans of Ghoraghat, Munim Khan shifted
the capital from Tanda to Gaur53. Just a month later, after the transfer of
the capital to Gaur, an epidemic, caused by bad climate broke out in the
city which resulted in the death of a large number of Mughal troops.
14
Then Munim Khan ordered his men to return to Tanda. But he could not
enter Tanda. In the outskirts of Tanda, he was taken ill and on
October23, 1575A.C. he died54.
Munim Khan’s death encouraged Daud Khan to make a bid for
the recovery of Bengal and Bihar. He broke the treaty of Katak and
swiftly fell on the Mughal General Nadr Bahadur, defeated and killed
him and occupied Bhadrak. At his approach, the Mughals fled away
from Jaleswar and Tanda. Daud re-entered his capital and easily
recovered Teliagarhi from the panic-striken Mughals. At this time of
confusion, Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala the chief of Bhati, fell upon Shah
Bardi, the Mughal admiral, and drove him away from the vicinity of
Sonargaon55. It is noteworthy that Abul Fazl, the contemporary historian
referred to Isa Khan here for the first time in his book the Akbar Nama.
So, it may be mentioned here that the local Chieftains of Bengal began
their anti-Mughal resistance for the sake of the preservation of the
independence of their homeland thenceforth.
Notes and References

1. In 1401A.C. Zafar Khan, who had been appointed governor of
Gujrat in 1391 by Muhammad Shah, the youngest son of Firuz of
the house of Tughlaq, formally assumed independence.
Majumdar, R.C., Raychaudhuri, H.C., Datta, Kalikinkar, An
Advanced History of India, Second Edition (with correction),
London, 1965, p.351; henceforth cited only as Ad. Hist.
2. Dilawar Khan Ghuri, who had been appointed governor of Malwa
probably by Firuz of the house of Tughlaq, made himself
independent of the Delhi Sultanate for all practical purposes in
1401 A.C. Ibid., p.348.
3. During the period of confusion following the invasion of Timur in
1398 A.C., Khwaja Jahan threw off his allegiance to the Delhi
Sultanate and founded a dynasty of independent rulers at Jaunpur,
known as the Sharqi dynasty after his title “Malik-ush-Sharq”.
Ibid., pp.336,347.
15
4. In 1342, 1346 and 1352 A.C., Shams al-Deen Ilyas Shah occupied
Lakhnawati, Satgaon and Sonargaon respectively, and established
the independent Ilyas Shahi dynasty in Bengal. Karim, Abdul,
Banglar Itihas (Sultani Amal) [History of Bengal (Sultanic
Period)], Second Edition, Bangla Academy, Dhaka, January,
1987, pp. 152,155; henceforth cited only as Sultani Amal.
5. Sultan Bahlul Ludi first established the Afghan Sultanate in India
in 1451 A.C. In 1484 he defeated the Jaunpur Sultan Husain Shah
Sharqi and brought Jaunpur under the authority of Delhi. Halim,
Abdul, History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, University
of Dacca, 1961, pp.18-20, 44-45.
6. Salim, Ghulam Hussain, Riyazu-s-Salatin, Translated from the
Persian by Abdus Salam, Reprint, Delhi, 1975, pp. 134-135;
henceforth cited only as Riyaz.
7. Tarafdar, Momtazur Rahman, Husain Shahi Bengal(1494-1538
A.D.): A Socio-Political Study, Second Revised Edition,
University of Dhaka, May 1999, p. 38; henceforth cited only as
Husain Shahi.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid., pp. 38-39; Ali, Muhammad Mohar, History of the Muslims
of Bengal, Vol. IA, First Edition, Riyadh, 1985, pp.191-192;
henceforth cited only as Muslims of Bengal.
10. Riyaz, p.135.
11. Muslims of Bengal, pp.217-218.
12. Ibid., p.218.
13. Ad. Hist., p.429.
14. Riyaz, p.135; Muslims of Bengal, p. 218.
15. Ad. Hist., p.433; Muslims of Bengal, p. 218; Husain Shahi, p.79.
16. Sarkar, Sir Jadu-Nath (Edited), The History of Bengal, Vol.II,
Third Impression, Dacca University, August 1976, p. 157;
henceforth cited only as H. Bengal; Muslims of Bengal, pp. 218-
219; Husain Shahi, p.79; Sultani Amal, p.328.
17. For details see, Sarwani, Abbas Khan, The Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi,
Vol. II, Translated from the Persian by Imamuddin, S. M.,
University of Dacca, 1964, pp. 44-78; henceforth cited only as
Tarikh; Muslims of Bengal, pp. 223-224, 228.
16
18. Ibid., pp.81-82; Ibid., 228.

19. Sultani Amal, p.361; Muslims of Bengal, p.235.
20. For details see, Tarikh, pp.90-116; Sultani Amal, pp.362-364.
21. For details see, Rahim, Muhammad Abdur, The History of the
Afghans in India, First Edition, Karachi, 1961, pp. 114-121;
henceforth cited only as The Afghans; H. Bengal,p.179. Abul
Fazl mentioned Taj Khan as Taj Kararani; Akbar Nama Vol. II,
Translated into English by Beveridge, Henry, Low Price
Publications, Delhi, Reprinted, 1998, pp.45,477.
22. The Afghans, p. 121.
23. Ibid., pp. 121-122.
24. Ibid., p. 122.
25. Ibid., pp. 122-124.
26. Ibid., p. 124.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid., pp. 124-125; Muslims of Bengal, p. 241.
29. Muslims of Bengal, p. 241.
30. The Afghans, pp.125-127.
31. Ad. Hist., p.445.
32. The Afghans, p.127.
33. For details see, Ibid., pp. 131-133.
34. Ibid., p. 134.
35. Ibid., pp. 133-134; Sultani Amal, p.369; Muslims of Bengal,
pp.241-242.
36. The Afghans, pp.134-136. Abul Fazl mentioned Rukn Khan as
Rukn Khan Nuhani, Allami, Abu-l-Fazl, the Akbar Nama, Vol.II,
Translated from the Persian by Beveridge, Henry, Low Price
Publications, Delhi, Reprinted in 1998, p.45; henceforth cited
only as Akbar Nama, Vol.II.
37. Ibid., p. 136.
38. Ibid., pp. 136-137.
39. Ibid., pp. 137-138.
40. Ad. Hist., p.350.
17
41. The Mughals occupied Chitor in 1567-1568 and Ranthambhor in

1569 A.C., Ad. Hist., pp.449-450.
42. Ibid., pp. 353, 451-452.
44. Ibid., pp. 173-174. Abul Fazl mentioned Sulaiman Khan as
Sulaiman Kararani; Akbar Nama Vol. II, p.338.
45. Ibid., p. 174;Sultani Amal, p.371.
46. Ibid., pp. 178-179; Ibid., p. 372.
47. Sultani Amal, p.372.
48. Ibid., p.373; The Afghans, p.177.
49. Ibid.
50. Allami, Abu-l-Fazl, the Akbar Nama, Vol.III, Translated from the
Persian by Beveridge, Henry, Low Price Publications, Delhi,
Reprinted in 1998, pp.174-175; henceforth cited only as Akbar
Nama; Muslims of Bengal, pp.254-255.
51. Akbar Nama,pp. 182-185; Khan, Iqtidar Alam, The Political
Biography of A Mughal Noble: Mun‘im Khan Khan-i-Khanan,
1497-1575, Orient Longman, New Delhi,1973, pp.143-144;
henceforth cited only as Mughal Noble; The Afghans, p.202;
Sultani Amal, p.382.
53. Akbar Nama, p.226; The Afghans, p.203; Mughal Noble; p.145.
54. Ibid., pp.226-227; Ibid., pp. 203-204; Ibid., p.146.
55. Ibid., pp.226, 228; Ibid., p. 204; Chisti, A.A.Sheikh Md. Asrarul
Hoque, Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala: Jivan O Karmer Ekti Rajnoitik
Bishleshon (Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala: His Life and Activities: A
Political Analysis),Unpublished M.Phil. Dissertation, March,
1998, Dhaka University, pp.93-94; henceforth cited only as
Masnad-i-Ala.
18
Chapter II
The Bara-Bhuiyans and the places of their Origin and
activities
Section I: The term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ explained
The Bhuiyans who fought against the mighty Mughals for

independence in the reigns of Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir
under the leaderships of Isa Khan and his son Musa Khan have been
mentioned as the Bara-Bhuiyans in the contemporary writings and
chronicles. The Mughal historians Abul Fazl1 and Mirza Nathan2 also
have mentioned Isa Khan and Musa Khan as the leaders of the Bara-
Bhuiyans. The Bara-Bhuiyans fought gallantly during the reign of
Badshah Akbar and the first part of the reign of Badshah Jahangir, and
although they were forced to surrender in the end, they successfully
retained the independence of the country, specially the region of Bhati,
for more than three decades. The brilliancy of their achievements
dazzled the eyes of their contemporaries and made them heroes of
popular legends in their life time. But the history of the heroic struggle
for resistance of these heroic sons of the soil is still gloomy.
The Muslims are known for consciousness of their history. They
introduced a chronological and systematic history writing in Indian-
subcontinent. The Muslim rulers of Delhi, both in the pre-Mughal and
the Mughal period, had a number of contemporary histories written by
scholars and also patronised other historians who undertook such tasks.
But unfortunately no contemporary writer worth the name has written on
the history of Bengal. Consequently, the history of the Sultanate period
of Bengal and of the heroic struggle for resistance of the Bhuiyans
remained obscure in many respects. So, for the study of the history of
the independent Sultans of Bengal and of the Bhuiyans (Zamindars) it is
19
necessary to depend on the treatises written in Delhi and other places.

Similarly, for the study of the history of the Bara-Bhuiyans, the
principal and contemporary sources are the Akbar Nama and the Ain-i-
Akbari of Abul Fazl and the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi of Mirza Nathan, the
Mughal historians. Abul Fazl in his Akbar Nama writes about the family
of Isa Khan and the expeditions sent against him by the Mughals, the
resistance offered by the Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal under the
leadership of Isa Khan, death of Isa Khan etc. Though, Abul Fazl’s
accounts appears to be biased and misleading in many respects, the
Akbar Nama and the Ain-i-Akbari are the only contemporary sources for
the study of the history of the Bara-Bhuiyans during the reign of
Mughal Badshah Akbar. On the other hand, the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi of
Mirza Nathan is the only contemporary source-book for the study of the
history of the Bara-Bhuiyans during the reign of Badshah Jahangir.
Apart from these, much information is being found concerning the
Bara-Bhuiyans in different folk-songs, ballads and legends prevailing in
the country. But these are full of fables and fictions3. So, it has been
rather difficult to reconstruct the history of the Bara-Bhuiyans. But
historians did not remain effortless to find out the truth and those who
achieved some success in reconstructing the history of the Bara-
Bhuiyans are James Wise4, Henry Blochmann5, Henry Beveridge6, S.C.
Mitra7, N.K.Bhattasali8, M.A. Rahim9, M. Mohar Ali10 and Abdul
Karim11. These scholars have tried to explore the real history of the
Bara-Bhuiyans. But their writings have turned out to be inadequate and
at the same time, it is evident from their writings that none of them
could offer proper answers to the following questions concerning the
Bara-Bhuiyans;(a)What is the significance of the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans?;
(b) Who are the Bara-Bhuiyans?; (c) When and how did they rise to
power?; (d) Where were the territories of the Bara-Bhuiyans actually
20
located?etc.etc.Nevertheless, it is undeniable that their writings paved

the way for the present generation of researchers in many respects. The
main proposition of the present study is to reach a plausible conclusion
on the significance of the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’, that is, to explain the
term properly as far as possible by re-examining the writings of the
afore-mentioned scholars and with the help of the Akbar Nama, the
Baharistan-i-Ghaybi and other historical sources.
During the 19th and the 20th centuries, many European (chiefly
English) and Bengalee scholars have discussed more or less in different
Journals and Books about the Bara-Bhuiyans. But different scholars
tried to explain the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ in various ways and also held
mutually contradictory views regarding the significance of the term
‘Bara-Bhuiyans’. Now, a humble attempt is being made to solve this
issue.
James Wise first attempted to recover the history of the Bara-

Bhuiyans and he published an article in the Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal in 1874. In this article he provides the following
information:
a) During the period from 1576 to 1593, Bengal was ruled by twelve
great princes or twelve Bhuyans, hence Bengal was called as the
Barah Bhuya Mulk (country of the Bara-Bhuiyans). Five of these
ruled over southern and eastern Bengal.
b) The terms Bhuinhar, Bhumik or Bhuya literally mean a landholder
and Bhumik or Zamindar bears the same meaning. It is also a
respectful term to address any landholder.12
It appears from the above information given by James Wise that the
term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ was in vogue in Bengal during the period from
1576 to 1593. Though, James Wise mentioned that Bengal was ruled by
21
twelve Bhuiyans, he named only seven of them and dealt chiefly with
five.13 On the other hand, he only explained the term ‘Bhuiyan’. But he
did not explain the term ‘Bara’. So, it is not possible to reach a
reasonable conclusion regarding the significance of the term ‘Bara-
Bhuiyans’ on the basis of the information given by James Wise, which
necessitates to examine the writings of other scholars to explain the term
properly.
Among the Bengali writers on Bara-Bhuiyans the first name worth
mentioning is Kailash Chandra Sinha, who published an article in the
Bengali Journal Bharati in 1287 B.S., Paush. In this article he says,
“Once upon a time Bengal was called the country of the Twelve Bhumik
(Bara-Bhuiyan Mulk). Some historians imagine that the Gangetic-delta
was divided into twelve divisions. The Zamindars of those divisions
were known as the Twelve Bhumik or Bara-Bhuiyans…Infact during
the Pathan (Afghan) rule Bengal was divided into twelve divisions.The
Zamindars of those divisions were termed as the Bhumik or Bhuiyan”.14
Then he gave a list of the Bara-Bhuiyans.15
The above statement of Kailash Chandra Sinha is not supported
by history in some respects:
Firstly, he mentioned that some historians imagine that the Gangetic-
delta was divided into twelve divisions and the Zamindars of those
divisions were termed as the Twelve Bhumik or Bara-Bhuiyans. But this
statement is only an assumption without any direct historical evidence in
its support.
Secondly, though, Sher Shah divided Bengal into a number of fiefs
(jagirs), 16 there is no proof that these fiefs were only twelve in number.
Thirdly, the list of the Bara-Bhuiyans given by him shows that the Bara-
Bhuiyans were spread throughout the whole of Bengal, which is not
correct. Because, in the Akbar Nama and the Bharistan-i-Ghaybi, Abul
Fazl and Mirza Nathan, while mentioning the Bara-Bhuiyans, also
22
mention Bhati, that is, they limited the Bara-Bhuiyans within the region
of Bhati. Besides, it will be seen later that the Bara-Bhuiyans were the
people of Bhati. So, it is apparent that the statement of Kailash Chandra
Sinha does not help to draw a conclusion regarding the significance of
the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’.
In 1905, E.A.Gait published his A History of Assam. In this book
he writes,
“It is not clear why the number “twelve” should always be
associated with them, both in Bengal and Assam. Whenever they are
enumerated, twelve persons are always mentioned, but the actual names
vary, just as in the case of the Muhammadan “Panch Pir”, different
saints are counted by different people. It seems to have been the practice
in this part of India for kings to appoint twelve advisers or governors.
Nar Narayan had twelve ministers of State; twelve chiefs or ‘dolois’
administered the hilly portion of the Raja of Jaintia’s Dominions, and
there were twelve State Councillors in Nepal. The number may thus
have become connected in the minds of the people with all dignitaries
ranking next to a Raja, and so have come to be used in a purely
conventional sense.”17
It appears from the above mentioned statement of E.A.Gait that
he assumes that the number ‘twelve’ was used in a purely conventional
sense, which indicates that he takes the number ‘twelve’ for an
indefinite number . But, though, he mentioned the practice of the
number ‘twelve’ in the cases of the kings of Assam, Koch and Nepal, he
did not cite any example of such practice of the number ‘twelve’ in the
case of Bengal. So, the matter requires further investigation.
In 1906, Kedarnath Majumdar brought out his Mayaman Singher
Itihash (History of Mymensingh). This book contains following
information:
When the rebellion in Bihar became firm and was spreading out
the whole of Bengal, then the Bara-Bhuiyans were gradually rising to
position and power in different parts of Bengal. At this time, those
twelve Bhumiks or Zamindars of Bengal, who proclaimed independence,
23
are known as the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bengal. Among these twelve

Bhuiyans Chand Rai and Kedar Rai of Bikrampur, Lakshman Manikya
of Bhulua, Kandrapa Narayan of Chandradvip, Fazl Ghazi of Bhawal
and Isa Khan of Khizrpur, these five Bhuiyans established five different
domains in Eastern Bengal and were ruling Dhaka, Noakhali,
Backerganj, Faridpur and Mymensingh.18
The main points of Kedarnath Majumdar are two:
Firstly, he says that during the rebellion of Bihar the Bara-Bhuiyans
rose to position and power in different parts of Bengal.
Secondly, he is of the opinion that those twelve Zamindars are known as
the Bara-Bhuiyans, who proclaimed independence. But he named only
five of them.
The first point of Kedarnath Majumdar is not acceptable. For, it is
known that the rebellion of Mughal Captains in Bihar and Bengal took
place in 1580 A.C.19 and Isa Khan, the leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans, in
1575, 20 prior to this rebellion, already gained enough strength to defeat
the Mughal Navy under Shah Bardi. Besides, it is also known that
‘Twelve Chiefs’ of Bengal helped Daud Khan Kararani in 1573 in his
expedition in Chittagong against Udaya Manikya, the King of Tripura.21
The first part of his second point indicates an important feature of

the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’, that is, the term applied only to those
Zamindars who proclaimed independence. It may be acceptable and it
will be discussed later. In the second part of his second point, though, he
referred to twelve Bhuiyans, he named only five of them, which implies
that in this case he just followed James Wise.
In Ashar, 1311 B.S., Nikhilnath Ray published an article in the

Bengali Journal Sahitya entitled ‘Baro-Bhuiyan’. In this article he has
given following information:
24
a) So far it is known that the Bara-Bhuiyans originated during the

reigns of Pala kings and probably they were treated as vassal kings
under the Pala kings. The Bara-Bhuiyans were mentioned along
with the Pala kings in the Dharmamangal and they enjoyed their
right hereditarily for a long time.
b) It is probable that during the Afghan rule the original dynasty of the
Bara-Bhuiyans was abolished, and new Bhuiyans were appointed in
place of them. Perhaps, their number might have varied.
Nevertheless, they were named as the Bara-Bhuiyans.22
The above information provided by Nikhilnath Ray reveals that the
Bara-Bhuiyans originated during the reigns of Pala kings in Bengal and
Dharmamangal lends support to it. Though, their number was
indefinite, they were named as the Bara-Bhuiyans. It seems that
Nikhilnath Ray took the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ for an indefinite number
of Bhuiyans. Now the question is, if the number of Bhuiyans were
indefinite, why then they will be called as the Bara-Bhuiyans? But
Nikhilnath Ray gave no explanation for this. On the other hand,
elsewhere he mentioned that among these twelve Bhuiyans nine were
Muslims and three were Hindus, 23 which is apparently contradictory.
In 1318 B.S. Anandanath Ray published his book Barabhuiyan and

he gives following information:
a) In the middle of the Sixteenth Century a number of landholders of
Bengal became unanimous and were determined to liberate
themselves from the subjugation of the Delhi Emperor (Mughal
Emperor). They are commonly renowned as the Bara-Bhuiyans.
b) The Bara-Bhuiyans were not merely the aggregate of twelve
landholders. But it was like that of an act which is accomplished by
25
many people is said to be the act of Panchayet or Bara-iyari or a

‘Twelve-men undertaking’.24
The main points of Anandanath Ray are two:
Firstly, the Bara-Bhuiyans were those who did not acknowledge the
Mughal suzerainty.
Secondly, he takes the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ to mean many. But
elsewhere he mentioned that among these twelve Bhuiyans nine were
Muslims and three were Hindus.25
His first point is acceptable and it will be discussed later. But his
second point is contradictory and it appears that he only followed the
previous writers.
In 1913 Rev. H. Hosten published an article entitled ‘The Twelve
Bhuiyas or Landlords of Bengal’. He wrote this article on the basis of
the writings of the contemporary European writers Du Jarric, Sebastien
Manrique and others. It is learnt from this article that Du Jarric says,
“This country of Bengala, which comprises about two hundred leagues
of sea-coast, was inhabited partly by native Bengalis, who are generally
Pagans, partly by Saracens… the Mogors attacked them, and, having
killed their king and the chief of their leaders, they took themselves
possession of the country. They did not keep it long, however; the
twelve Lords, the governors of the twelve kingdoms, which the said
king of the Patans possessed, leagued together, dispossessed the
Mogors, and usurped each the state which they governed; so much so
that they are now sovereign lords and acknowledge no one above them.
Yet, they do not call themselves kings, though they consider themselves
such; but, Boyons, which means perhaps the same as Princes. All the
Patans and native Bengalis obey these Boyons: three of them are
Gentiles, namely those of Chandecan, of Sripur, and of Bacala. The
others are Saracens;”26
He further writes,
“Of these twelve Lords nine are Mahometans, which much retards the
progress of the faith.” 27
In the above statements of Du Jarric there is reference to the
twelve Bhuiyans. Of these Bhuiyans three were Hindus, those of
26
Chandecan (Jessore), Sripur and Bakla, the other nine were Muslims.
But the names of the Muslim Bhuiyans and their territories are not
given. So, his statements seem to be incomplete, which does not help to
reach a reasonable conclusion.
The next European writer is Sebastien Manrique. He states that
the twelve Bhuiyans were those of;
1. Bengala; 2. Angelim [Hijli]; 3. Ourixa[Orissa];4. Jassor [Jessore]; 5.
Chandecan; 6. Midinimpur [Midnapore]; 7. Catrabo [Katrabuh]; 8.
Bacala [Bakla]; 9. Solimanvas [Sulaimanabad];10. Bulva; 11. Daca; 12.
Rajamol [Rajmahal].28
It is seen in the above list given by Manrique that he refers to
twelve Bhuiyans. But instead of giving the names, he has only referred
to the territories of the Bhuiyans. Besides, his list is confusing. Because,
he includes Orissa into the twelve kingdoms of Bengal, but at that time
Orissa was a separate Subah in the Mughal administrative set-up.
Manrique also includes Jessore and Chandican as two separate
kingdoms, but Jessore and Chandican were one and the same place.29
Moreover, though, Manrique gives the names of twelve kingdoms of
Bengal, he includes Bengala in the list separately. The inclusion of
Bengala separately again gives rise to suspicion about the authenticity of
his statement. In this case, Rev. Hosten supported Manrique and tried to
show that Bengala stands for Tanda. He says,
“I suggest then that the Bhuiya of Bengala in Manrique’s time governed
the district of Tanda. It had become the capital of Bengal after Gaur, and
was a favourite residence of the Moghul Governors of Bengal until the
middle of the XVIIth Century.” 30
But this opinion of Hosten is not supported by the facts. Because,

Tanda was the capital of Bengal Subah up to 1595, in which year, Man
Singh transferred the capital from Tanda to Rajmahal.31 In 1610, Islam
27
Khan Chishti transferred the capital from Rajmahal to Dhaka, and

Dhaka was the capital up to Manrique’s time and even later.32 So, it
cannot be accepted that Bengala stood for Tanda. Above all, the list
given by Manrique shows that the territories of the Bara-Bhuiyans were
spread throughout the whole of Bengal and Orissa, which is not correct.
Because, the contemporary historians Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan,
while mentioning the Bara-Bhuiyans, also mention Bhati, that is, they
limited the Bara-Bhuiyans within the region of Bhati and it will be seen
later that the Bara-Bhuiyans were the people of Bhati and they rose to
power in Bhati.
In 1329 B.S. Satish Chandra Mitra published his Jashohar-
Khulnar Itihas (History of Jessore and Khulna) Vol. II. In this book he
has given some information regarding the origin of the term ‘Bara-
Bhuiyans’. It would be better to quote him in translation as under:
“It is said that before or after the Mughal conquest of Bengal twelve
such Bhuiyans came to prominence. So to say, they divided Bengal or
the lower-southern Bengal among themselves. This is why Bengal was
then called as the Bara-Bhuiyan Muluk (kingdom of the twelve
Bhuiyans ) or Bara-Bhati Bangala (Bengal of the twelve Bhatis).But it
cannot be said that they were exactly twelve in number and all those
twelve existed at the same time…”
As the number twelve was sacred to the Hindus, the assemblage
of twelve Kings was also a peculiar feature of India. The tradition of
twelve feudal lords has been continuing since very ancient times. In old
book like Manu-Samhita, there is reference to twelve kinds of kings
round the Chief or Mandaleshor king (emperor) holding different
relations with him. The powerful kings spoken of in Old Bengali
Literature sat in their Courts surrounded by the Bara-Bhuiyans. In
Assam also, like Bengal the country was not ruled without the help of
twelve kings or ministers and as in the case of Panch-Pir, various
scholars give the name of various Pirs. In Assam too, scholars give
various names to complete the list of twelve kings. In Arakan and Siam
also twelve feudal lords or Bhuiyans were required during the
coronation of Chief King and at the same time these twelve Bhuiyans
were also installed to office. Even now in our country no task can be
28
accomplished without the co-operation of twelve persons, the task which

is accomplished by many people is called Bara-iyari (a twelve-men
undertaking) or Barowari. There is no rule that exactly twelve persons
are to take part in it. The case of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bengal is a
similar one. Some leading Bhuiyans established authority over Bengal
and they were therefore called the Bara-Bhuiyans. Infact, it does not
appear that they were exactly twelve in number….”33
The main observations of Satish Chandra Mitra are as follows:
Firstly, he says that “twelve” is a sacred number to the Hindus and the
tradition of twelve kings or feudal lords has been continuing from very
ancient times. The evidences are found in old book like Manu-Samhita
and also in old Bengali literature like Dharmamangal. But N.K.
Bhattasali did not accept this observation of Satish Chandra Mitra (it
will be discussed later).
Secondly, he has taken the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ for an indefinite
number. But elsewhere he tried to give the names of twelve Bhuiyans,
which makes confusion. Because, on the one hand, he assumes that the
number of Bhuiyans were indefinite, on the other hand, he gave the
names of twelve Bhuiyans. So, it appears that his second observation is
confusing and though he referred to Manu-Samhita, Dharmamangal and
a Bengali proverb like Barowari, he just followed the writings of
previous scholars like E.A.Gait, Manrique, Rev. Hosten, Anandanath
Ray and others.
N.K. Bhattasali published a series of articles entitled ‘Bengal
Chiefs’ Struggle for Independence in the reign of Akbar & Jahangir’ 34.
In these articles he first evaluated the writings of previous scholars on
the subject and then analysed the history of the Bara-Bhuiyans. He also
discussed the significance of the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ under the
caption “How the number of the Chiefs came to be fixed at “Twelve”.
He first quoted and then examined the statements of S.C.Mitra and says,
29
“In the passage quoted above, there is unfortunately a confusion of

issues. Regarding the Bengal Bhuiyans, Which explanation is true? Was
their number fixed at 12 because 12 is a sacred number to the Hindus
and because there were, accordingly, 12 Chiefs exactly? Or does 12
signify an indefinite number?
I think Satish Babu is right in his second contention that number twelve
is made to denote an indefinite number. It became a custom to speak of
‘Twelve’ Bhuiyans, whenever one had to refer to them, because their
number was indefinite… But whence was this partiality for this
particular number 12 derived even to signify an indefinite number? Are
we justified in holding that it was the prescription of Manusamhita that
an overlord should have 12 subordinate Chiefs under him that was
obeyed in Bengal and continued down to the 16th century A.D.? Let us
consider what was the condition of things before the rise of the so-called
Twelve Bhuiyans.”
Then he reviewed the administrative system of the ancient period
and observes,
“I do not find any place for “Twelve Chieftains” in this fabric of
Government, nor is there any evidence to prove that the Vishayapatis or
district officers were only twelve in number.”35
Bhattasali also reviewed the administration of the Muslim period
and says,
“But we have no proof that this Jagirdars were only twelve in number.
How is it possible then that just in the beginning of the Mughal rule, we
meet with Manu’s number 12 in the enumeration of the Bhuiyans that
held the country? Was there a Hindu Revival? This would have been a
plausible supposition if all the Chiefs were Hindus…How then to
account for this number 12? 36
Henceforth, Bhattasali discussed the history of Assam and Kuch
Bihar and says,
“The intermediate territory between the Kingdom of Kamta on the west
and the Chhutiya and the Kachhari Kingdoms on the east was occupied
by a number of petty principalities, and these were known as the
Kingdoms of the “Twelve Bhuiyans”. These Bhuiyans were able to
maintain their independence for a period of about 70 years.”37
Bhattasali then recorded two traditions regarding the origin of
these Bhuiyans. The traditions are as follows:
30
“ One tradition says that when Ratna Simha, the son of Arimatta, the
last Kshatriya prince of Kamrup (Assam), was dethroned by Samudra…
the Kingdom of Kamrup passed on to Samudra’s son Manohara.
Lkshmi, the daughter of Manohara, obtained two sons Santanu and
Samanta… Each of these two sons is said to have become the father of
12 children. Santanu’s 12 sons gradually came to occupy the district of
Nowgong, south of the Brahmaputra. Samanta’s twelve sons, on the
other hand, occupied Lakshmipur district, north of the Brahmaputra, and
both of these sets came to be known as the Twelve Bhuiyans. During the
reign of Sukhang-fa, the Ahom King (1293-1332 A.D.), these Bhuiyans
submitted to him. These Bhuiyans are called the Adi or the original
Bhuiyans.”38
“Another tradition commemorates altogether a different set of people.
The King who was on the throne of Kamta in 1314 A. D. is called
Durllabha-narayana….In order to protect his Eastern frontier from the
depredations of the Ahoms, he posted a number of Brahmin and
Kayastha wardens of the marches over the frontier. Even in the time of
Durllabha-narayana, they succeeded in founding petty semi-independent
principalities. After Durllabha’s death, they became completely
independent and came to be known as the “Bara-Bhuiyans”. They
maintained their independence for about two centuries and when Bisva-
Simha founded the Kingdom of Cooch Behar by about 1515 A.D., he set
about subduing these Bara-Bhuiyans one by one…. So the suppression
of the Bara-Bhuiyans by Bisva-Simha is to be dated about 1515-1555
A.D. These Bhuiyans were without doubt different from the Bhuiyans of
Central Assam, the descendants of Samudra and Samanta.”39
Then Bhattasali says,

“The rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bengal is to be dated from 1576 A.D.,
the year of the fall of Daud, the last Karrani King of Bengal. In Assam
history, we find that when the overland (sic, overlord?) disappeared or
became weak, a number of petty Chiefs arose and became independent.
Their common appellation was Bara-Bhuiyan. When in 1576, with the
fall of Daud, conditions became similar in Bengal, the suppression of
the Bara-Bhuiyans of Assam by Bisva-Simha was still fresh in
everybody’s memory. And thus the independent Chiefs that arose in
Bengal promptly received the name of Bara-Bhuiyans on the analogy of
Assam. This appears to me to be the most plausible explanation of the
nomenclature.”40
He further says,
31
“The Bara-Bhuiyans of Arakan, however, appears to have been brought

into existence, following the dictates of Manu, as Brahmanism was a
late importation in Arrakan. It was considered an indispensable part of
the fabric of the State to have exactly 12 Chiefs under the overlord. The
Bara-Bhuiyans of Assam and Bengal are products of anarchy, whereas
those of Arrakan were the products of peaceful Statecraft.”41
The main points of Bhattasali are as follows:

Firstly, Bhattasali controverts the opinion of S.C.Mitra regarding the
origin of the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’. S.C.Mitra says that it was a tradition
continuing right from the Manu Samhita, but Bhattasali says that the
appellation Bara-Bhuiyans came from the traditions of Assam and Kuch
Bihar. This view of Bhattasali may be acceptable. Because, according to
Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan there were Hindus and Muslims Bhuiyans
among the Bara-Bhuiyans who fought against the Mughals during the
reigns of Badshah Akbar and Jahangir. So, it is reasonable to assume
that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ did not derive from the prescription of
Manu Samhita. On the other hand, Abdul Karim also accepts this view
of Bhattasali and he thinks that the concept of Bara-Bhuiyans owes its
origin to Eastern India and is specially connected with the thoughts of
Kuch Bihar, Assam, Arakan and Eastern Bengal.42
Secondly, Bhattasali agrees with S.C.Mitra and says that number twelve
is made to denote an indefinite number. But according to Bhattasali
himself, in the cases of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Assam, Kuch Bihar and
Arakan the number of Bhuiyans was fixed at twelve. Now the question
is why the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bengal should be an indefinite number?
Bhattasali gives no explanation for this.
Thirdly, Bhattasali says, “The rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bengal is to
be dated from 1576 A.D., the year of the fall of Daud, the last Karrani
King of Bengal.”43 But this opinion of Bhattasali is not acceptable.
Because, Isa Khan, the leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans, gained strength
32
enough to defeat the Mughal navy under Shah Bardi even before the fall
of Daud.44 Besides, it is also known that ‘Twelve Chiefs’ of Bengal
helped Daud Khan Kararani in 1573 in his expedition in Chittagong
against Udaya Manikya, the king of Tripura.45
Fourthly, Bhattasali discussed the issue of the Bara-Bhuiyans from a
different angle of view. While giving the identification of the Bara-
Bhuiyans he says,
“...we are concerned only with those who were really independent and
had continuously fought with the imperial forces to maintain that
independence. Only a few Chiefs pass this test…”46
By omitting Raja Pratapaditya of Jessore and Raja Satrajit of

Bhushna from the list of Bara-Bhuiyans he says,
“The omission of the well-known name of Pratapaditya will surprise
many of my readers. As far as I have been able to understand and sift
historical evidence, I have obtained no proofs to show that Pratapaditya
ever fought with the forces of Akbar. Pratapaditya of Jessore and
Anantamanikya of Bhulua appear to me to have fought the Mughals for
the first and the last time in 1612 and 1613 in the reign of Jahangir when
they had no other recourse but to fight, and they went down in the
contest. Mukundaram of Bhushna never fought with the Mughals ….I
have not included Pratapaditya of jessore and Satrajit son of
Mukundaram of Bhushna in this list as both of them were imperial
partisans and saw Islam Khan with presents and offered him
assistance…”47
It appears from the passage quoted above that Bhattasali is of the
opinion that only those Bhuiyans, who fought against the Mughals to
protect their independence and freedom, should be termed as the Bara-
Bhuiyans. But those Bhuiyans who did not fight against the Mughals to
protect their independence cannot be regarded as the Bara-Bhuiyans. In
this respect, Bhattasali’s opinion may be acceptable. Because, according
to Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan the greatest obstacle to the Mughal
conquest of Bengal were the Bara-Bhuiyans and that is why the Mughal
33
Subahdars devoted their whole energy to subdue them ( it will be

discussed later).
In 1854 Saka, that is, 1931A.C. H.M. Chatterjee compiled his
book Vikrampur, Vol.I (Bengali). This book contains following
information:
Long before the Muslim rule, the Hindu emperors used to appoint
Vassal rulers of different grades for the well governance of the empire.
These Vassal rulers were generally called Baro-Bhuiyan (eo f~uTv),
Madhya-Bhuiyan (ga¨ f~uTv) and Chhota-Bhuiyan (‡QvU f~uTv). Possibly, the
word Baro-Bhuiyan (eo f~uTv) was transformed into Bara (Twelve)
Bhuiyan in the succeeding ages.”48 This view is only an assumption
without any direct historical evidence in its support. On the other hand,
in the Rajmala, the Chronicle of Tripura, the Bara-Bhuiyans are
mentioned as Dwadesh Bangla or Bara-Bangla (Twelve Bhuiyans) 49.
So, it would not be reasonable to assume that the word Baro-Bhuiyan
was transformed into Bara-Bhuiyans.
In 1956 A.D. Syed Muhammad Taifoor published his book
Glimpses of Old Dhaka. In this book he says,
“The Bengal zeminders were then collectively known as ’12 Bhuiyans’
(from Persian Bumiyan meaning landlords, number twelve being an
imaginary number to denote a collective organisation)”. 50
It appears from the above statement of Syed Muhammad Taifoor
that the number “twelve” has no literal significance. He takes the
number “twelve” for an imaginary number to denote a collective
organisation, which implies that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ (12
Bhuiyans) only signifies a symbol. In this respect Syed Muhammad
Taifoor’s opinion may be acceptable. It will be discussed later.
In his book entitled The History of the Afghans in India
M.A.Rahim says,
34
“The Bengali word ‘Bara Bhuyans’ literally means twelve zamindars or

landlords. A good deal has been written about the implication of the
word ‘Bara’ or ‘twelve’ associated with ‘Bhuyans’ by Prof. S.C.Mitra…
and by Mr. N.K.Bhattasali…They reached the identical conclusion and
held the view that ‘Bara’ or twelve denotes an indefinite number in
Bengal. Indeed it is true that in the common phraseology in Bengal
‘twelve’ is conveyed to mean a number without limit, i.e., many,… It is
in this sense of ‘many’ that the word ‘Bara’ has been associated with the
Bhuyans.”51
It appears from the passage quoted above that M.A.Rahim agrees
with S.C.Mitra and N.K.Bhattasali. He has taken the term ‘Bara-
Bhuiyans’ to mean an indefinite number of Bhuiyans. But he does not
discuss the origin and growth of the term. It seems that he agrees with
Bhattasali, that is, the appellation Bara-Bhuiyans came from the
traditions of Assam and Kuch Bihar.
In his book entitled History of Bengal (Mughal Period 1526-1765

A.D.) A.C. Roy says,
“So it is clear from the foregoing analysis that the number twelve as
applied to Bhuiyas does not mean ‘twelve’, but an indefinite number.”52
It appears from the above statement of A.C. Roy that he just
followed the writings of previous scholars like E.A.Gait, S.C.Mitra,
N.K.Bhattasali and others.
Dr.M.Abdul Qader has discussed the significance, origin and
growth of the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’.53
The main points of Abdul Qader are three:
Firstly, he takes the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ for an indefinite number, that
is, many, which indicates that he only followed the previous writers.
Secondly, he thinks that the real seat of the Bara-Bhuiyans was the
region of Bhati.
Thirdly, the concept of Bara-Bhuiyans owes its origin to Eastern India.
35
Abdul Qader’s second and third points may be acceptable.

Because, if the expeditions were sent against the Bara-Bhuiyans by the
Mughals during the reigns of Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir is
reviewed it will be seen that the main theatre of their resistance was
Bhati and the main source of power and strength of the Bara-Bhuiyans
was also the region of Bhati. On the other hand, modern historians
Bhattasali and Abdul Karim suggest that the concept of Bara-Bhuiyans
is Eastern Indian and is specially connected with the thoughts of Assam,
Kuch Bihar, Arakan and Eastern Bengal.
M. Mohar Ali has also examined the writings of the previous
writers and he observes,
“...the figure “twelve” is not perhaps just imaginary and that it has most
probably some relevance to the number of units in the anti-Mughal
confederacy under the leadership of Isa Khan and Musa Khan.”54
He gives the following list of 12 units of Bhuiyans:
1. Masnad-i-Ala Musa Khan, together with his four brothers, Daud
Khan, Abd Allah Khan, Mahmud Khan and Ilyas Khan, his chief
officer in charge of the capital, Haji Shams al-Din Baghdadi; his
minister Khwaja Chand; his admiral of the fleet Adil Khan; and his
cousin Alaul Khan.
2. (a) Bahadur Ghazi; (b) Sona Ghazi; (c) Anwar Ghazi (most
probably son of Bahadur Ghazi’s brother Mahtab Ghazi).
3. Shaykh Pir, son of Haji Bhakul.
4. (a) Masum Khan Kabuli, his son (b) Mirza Mumin, together with
(c) Darya Khan, relationship not known.
5. Kedar Rai.
6. Madhu Rai.
7. Binod Rai.
8. Pahlwan.
36
9. (a) Uthman Khan, nephew of Qutlu Khan Luhani of Orissa; his son
(b) Mumriz Khan; and Uthman Khan’s three brothers: (c) Malhi,
(d) Wali and (e) Ibrahim
10. (a) Anwar Khan, his brother: (b) Husain Khan, with some other
Afghans.
11. (a) Bayazid Karrani, his brother: (b) Yaqub Karrani, with some
other Afghans.
12. Majlis Qutb.55
He further says, “These were the associates and allies of Musa
Khan whom Mirza Nathan and other contemporary sources call the
Bara-Bhuiyans. If all the names are taken singly they would definitely
be far more than twelve, but they together represent twelve families or
units in the confederacy, as arranged in the above list. The term Bara
Bhuiyans evidently refers to the heads of the families or groups;…”56
It appears from the above statement of M. Mohar Ali that he takes
the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ for twelve families or groups or units of
Bhuiyans. But it cannot be acceptable on the following grounds:
Firstly, M. Mohar Ali says, “These were the associates and allies of
Musa Khan whom Mirza Nathan and other contemporary sources call
the Bara-Bhuiyans.”57
But there is no evidence of Usman Khan’s (no.9) relationship
with Musa Khan in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi. After Musa Khan’s final
defeat and surrender, and in connection with the expedition against
Usman Khan and his brothers, it is recorded by Mirza Nathan:
“When all these numerous conquests took place and Musa Khan
surrendered with all his brothers and the Twelve Bhuyans, it was
decided that Musa Khan would personally remain at the Court ( of the
governor), and Mahmud Khan his younger brother with all the
Zamindars would proceed with Shaykh Kamal against the rebellious
Usman and his brothers…”58
The statement clearly shows that Usman Khan was considered as
“the rebellious Usman”, not as the allies of Musa Khan or one of the
members of the Bara-Bhuiyans by Mirza Nathan. Besides, Mirza
37
Nathan did not mention the name of Usman Khan, when he gave the
names of Zamindar allies of Musa Khan. Moreover, Abdul Karim says
that there is no evidence of his (Usman Khan) good relationship with
Musa Khan.59 He further says that when the Bara-Bhuiyans were
attacked by the Mughal forces, Usman Khan remained silent.60
Therefore, Usman Khan cannot be counted among the allies of Musa
khan and his name must be excluded from the list of units of Bhuiyans
prepared by M. Mohar Ali. Now, if the name of Usman Khan is not
included in the list then the number of units of Bhuiyans will not remain
fixed at twelve.
Secondly, M. Mohar Ali says,
“A little careful analysis of the contemporary sources, both Mughal and
European, enables us to identify the following distinguishing features of
the Bara-Bhuiyans...(c) Thirdly, they were persistent in their hostility
towards the Mughals. (d) They followed the lead of Isa Khan and, after
him, of his son Musa Khan;…”61
He further says,
“Keeping in view these characteristics it may be stated that the other
individuals who are found to have carved out an independent existence
in their respective localities…but who do not otherwise satisfy all the
above mentioned characteristics, should not be counted among the Bara
Bhuiyans….and were also anti-Mughal in their policies, but who did not
follow the lead of Isa Khan or Musa Khan, should not be grouped with
the Bara Bhuiyans.”62
These statements of M. Mohar Ali clearly show that according to

him the Bara-Bhuiyans were those who followed the lead of Isa Khan or
Musa Khan. But there is no evidence in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi that
Bayazid Karrani (no.11) ever followed the lead of Musa Khan. So, it
may be suggested that Bayazid Karrani cannot be grouped with the
Bara- Bhuiyans and his name must be excluded from the list of units of
Bhuiyans prepared by M. Mohar Ali. In that case the number of units of
Bhuiyans will not remain fixed at twelve.
38
Thirdly, M. Mohar Ali says,

“...the figure “twelve” is not perhaps just imaginary and that it has most
probably some relevance to the number of units in the anti-Mughal
confederacy under the leadership of Isa Khan and Musa Khan.”
But there is no evidence in the Akbar Nama that Bahadur Ghazi
(no.2) ever fought against the Mughals during the reign of Badshah
Akbar or one of the members of the anti-Mughal confederacy under the
leadership of Isa Khan. On the contrary, it is known that he was loyal to
Badshah Akbar and also agreed to supply 35 sundar and kusa type of
boats to Akbar.63 Though, his name is seen among the names of
Zamindar allies of Musa Khan, he was not persistent in his hostility
towards the Mughals. So, he cannot be counted among the Bara-
Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar.
Fourthly, the list prepared by M.Mohar Ali does not represent the all
allies of Isa Khan. It may be mentioned here that when Mughal
Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan marched towards Bhati to subdue Isa Khan, a
hot engagement took place on the borders of Kastal in 1578 A.C.
Though, Isa Khan was initially defeated by the Mughals, they could not
retain their victory longer, for the Mughals were counter attacked by
Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap,64 the Zamindars of Joanshahi and
Khaliajuri Parganas respectively, the allies of Isa Khan and two
bonafide members of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar.
But there is no mention of these allies of Isa Khan in the list prepared by
M.Mohar Ali. So, their names should be included in the list of the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Above all, the list prepared by M. Mohar Ali does not
represent separately the twelve units or families or groups of the time of
Badshah Akbar and of the time of Badshah Jahangir. Therefore, it would
not be reasonable to assume that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ refers to the
39
heads of the families or groups of Bhuiyans as claimed by M. Mohar

Ali.
Abdul Karim one of the leading historians, who had a long
discussion on the Bara-Bhuiyans, and he says,
“...the Bara-Bhuiyans were people of Bhati…”65 and “The number of
these bhuiyans of Bhati was twelve and so they were called the Bara-
Bhuiyans.” 66
He further says,
“It should be remembered that the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Akbar
were not the same as those of the time of Jahangir.”67
Then he gives two separate lists of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time

of Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir. The list of the Bara-Bhuiyans
of the time of Badshah Akbar is as follows:
1. Ibrahim Naral, 2. Karimdad Musazai, 3. Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, 4.
Majlis Dilawar, 5. Majlis Pratap, 6. Tila Ghazi, 7. Kedar Rai, 8. Sher
Khan, 9. Bahadur Ghazi, 10.Chand Ghazi, 11. Sultan Ghazi, 12.Selim
Ghazi, 13. Qasim Ghazi.68
The list of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Jahangir is
as follows:
1. Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, 2. Alaul Khan, 3. Abdullah Khan, 4.
Mahmud Khan, 5. Bahadur Ghazi, 6. Suna Ghazi, 7. Anwar Ghazi, 8.
Shaikh Pir, 9. Mirza Mumin, 10.Madhav Rai, 11. Binod Rai,
12.Pahlwan, 13.Haji Shams-ud-Din Baghdadi.69
Though, Abdul Karim says that the number of these Bhuiyans of
Bhati was twelve, it is seen that there are thirteen names of the Bhuiyans
in both the lists of the reigns of Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir.
Abdul Karim explains the matter in the following words:
“Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan also speak of the thirteen bhuiyans; for
example, Abul Fazl says; “Isa acquired fame… and made the 12
zamindars of Bengal subject to himself.” and Mirza Nathan always
40
stated “Musa Khan and his twelve zamindar allies.” So the number of
bhuiyans was twelve, with the chief (Isa Khan in the time of Akbar and
Musa Khan in the time of Jahangir), they were thirteen.” 70
The main points of Abdul Karim are two:

Firstly, he says that the Bara-Bhuiyans were people of Bhati.
Secondly, he is of the opinion that the number of the Bhuiyans of Bhati
was twelve and so they were called the Bara-Bhuiyans. In a word he
takes the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ for number twelve. The first point of
Abdul Karim may be acceptable and the matter will be discussed later.
But his second contention cannot be accepted on the following grounds:
Firstly, agreeing with Bhattasali, Abdul Karim suggests that only
those Bhuiyans, who fought against the Mughals to protect their
independence and freedom, should be termed as the Bara-Bhuiyans,
those Bhuiyans who did not fight against the Mughals cannot be
regarded as the Bara-Bhuiyans. By omitting Raja Pratapaditya of
Jessore and Raja Satrajit of Bhushna from the list of the Bara-Bhuiyans
Abdul Karim says,
“We do not consider Pratapaditya as one of the Bara-Bhuiyans.…when
Islam Khan Chishti reached Rajmahal and was planning to attack Bhati,
Pratapaditya was the first man to send his envoy along with his younger
son to Islam Khan professing loyalty and with presents and later
Pratapaditya himself saw the subahdar with presents. So Pratapaditya
was loyal to the Mughals from the beginning and the Mughals also
considered him as one of their loyal vassals. Pratapaditya later fought
against the Mughals, but for a different reason and to pay for his failure
to keep the pledge he had given to Islam Khan. Raja Satrajit of Bhushna
also fought one battle and then submitted and remained loyal to the
Mughals throughout the rest of his life.”71
So, it is seen that like Bhattasali, Abdul Karim also applied the
same criterion to judge the Bara-Bhuiyans. But the criterion applied by
Abdul Karim to judge the Bara-Bhuiyans has not been maintained by
himself. Because, he included the name of Tila Ghazi (no.6) into the list
41
of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar, though he never

fought against the Mughals and was a Mughal partisan. It is known from
the Akbar Nama the Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan sent a large
detachment against Isa Khan and a hot engagement took place on the
borders of Kastal in 1578 A.C. Though, Isa Khan was initially defeated
by the Mughals, they were counter attacked by Majlis Dilawar and
Majlis Pratap, the Zamindars of Joanshahi and Khaliajuri Parganas
respectively, the allies of Isa Khan, and were badly defeated. If Tila
Ghazi did not help the Mughals they would have been completely
annihilated and could not retreat safely72. So, it is clear that Tila Ghazi
did not fight against the Mughals, on the contrary, he helped them to
retreat safely. Therefore, like Pratapaditya the name of Tila Ghazi
cannot be included into the list of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of
Badshah Akbar for the same reason.
Secondly, according to the Akbar Nama Ibrahim Naral (no.1) also sent
his son with presents to Khan-i-Jahan, the Mughal Subahdar, and
sought protection and Khan-i-Jahan accepted his excuses.73 So, it is
apparent that Ibrahim Naral joined hands with the Mughals and his
name also should be excluded from the list of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the
time of Badshah Akbar.
Thirdly, in the Akbar Nama, Abul Fazl mentioned the name of Sher
Khan (no.8) for one time only. Abul Fazl says,
“Sher K., the proprietor, then had the wisdom to wait upon the Rajah
(Man Singh, the Mughal Subahdar of Bengal).”74
The statement clearly shows that Sher Khan was loyal to the
Mughals and he saw Man Singh and showed his allegiance. Therefore,
Sher Khan cannot be regarded as one of the members of the Bara-
Bhuiyans according to the criterion applied by Abdul Karim to judge the
Bara-Bhuiyans.
42
Fourthly, there is no evidence in the Akbar Nama that Bahadur Ghazi

(no.9) ever fought against the Mughals during the reign of Badshah
Akbar. On the other hand, Abdul Karim himself mentioned that Bahadur
Ghazi was a contemporary of Badshah Akbar and he was loyal to
Badshah Akbar. It is also known that Bahadur Ghazi agreed to supply
35 sundar and kusa type of boats to Akbar.75 So, his name cannot be
included into the list of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah
Akbar.
Fifthly, there is no evidence in the Akbar Nama that Chand Ghazi
(no.10), Sultan Ghazi (no.11), Selim Ghazi (no.12) and Qasim Ghazi
(no.13) ever fought against the Mughals. Abdul Karim himself says, “It
is not on record whether they ever fought the Mughals.”76 So, for this
reason they cannot be regarded as the members of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Sixthly, Abdul Karim did not include the names of Daud Khan and Ilyas
Khan, the two sons of Isa Khan and brothers of Musa Khan, into the list
of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Jahangir. According to the
Akbar Nama77 and the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi78 Daud Khan played an
important role in the anti-Mughal resistance during the reigns of
Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir. Their names should be counted
among the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Jahangir. Because , if
Musa Khan’s cousin Alaul Khan and his two brothers Abdullah Khan
and Mahmud Khan each be considered as separate Bhuiyans, then his
other two brothers Daud Khan and Ilyas Khan should also be treated as
separate Bhuiyan.
Seventhly, according to Mirza Nathan Haji Shams-ud-Din Baghdadi
(no.13) was the chief officer of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala79. But Abdul
Karim counts him as a separate Bhuiyan in the list of the Bara-Bhuiyans
of the time of Badshah Jahangir and his name should be excluded from
the list.
43
The above discussion makes it very clear that the criterion applied
by Abdul Karim to judge the Bara-Bhuiyans has not been maintained by
himself. Because, the reason he did not consider Pratapaditya as one of
the Bara-Bhuiyans, for the same reason the names of Tila Ghazi,
Ibrahim Naral, Bahadur Ghazi and Sher khan cannot be included into
the list of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar. So, if these
names are not included into the list of the Bara- Bhuiyans of the time of
Badshah Akbar prepared by Abdul karim then the number of the
Bhuiyans will not remain fixed at twelve. On the other hand, if the
names of Daud Khan and Ilyas Khan are included into the list of the
Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Jahangir then the numbers of
Bhuiyans will not remain fixed at twelve and if the name of Haji Shams-
ud-Din Baghdadi is excluded from the list then the result will also be the
same. Therefore, it may be suggested that the statement made by Abdul
Karim, that is, “the number of these bhuiyans of Bhati was twelve and
so they were called the Bara- Bhuiyans” is not justified.
In the foregoing discussion the writings of previous scholars on

the subject have been presented and their opinions have also been
examined as far as possible. Now, the statements concerning the matter
given by the contemporary historians Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan in the
Akbar Nama and Baharistan-i-Ghaybi will be discussed here:
In the Akbar Nama Abul Fazl says,
“Isa acquired fame by his ripe judgment and deliberateness, and made
the twelve (dawazdah bumi or bumiyan or twelve Bhuiyans) zamindars
of Bangal subject to himself.”80
The above statement clearly shows that Abul Fazl only refers to
twelve Zamindars or Bhuiyans. But he does not definitely say who these
twelve Bhuiyans were. On the other hand, if the expeditions were sent
against Isa khan and his allies by the Mughals during the reign of
44
Badshah Akbar is reviewed it will be seen that the number of allies of

Isa Khan, who fought against the Mughals under his leadership, were
less than twelve. According to the Akbar Nama and other sources at
least four expeditions were sent against Isa Khan under the commands
of Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan, Shahbaz Khan, Sadiq Khan and Man
Singh in 1578, 1584, 1586 and 1597 A.C. successively 81. At these times
the allies of Isa Khan were Ibrahim Naral (who later submitted to the
Mughals), Karimdad Musazai, Majlis Dilawar, Majlis Pratap, rebel
Mughal General Masum Khan Kabuli, Khwaja Sulaiman Khan Nuhani,
Khwaja Usman Khan Nuhani, Kedar Rai, and Chand Rai. But their
number is by no means twelve.
On the other hand, in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi Mirza Nathan says,
“Now I shall give a short account of Masnad-i-Ala Musa Khan and the
Twelve Bhuyans (dawazdah Bumias)…. he (Musa Khan) came in great
haste with all the Zamindars whose names will be mentioned later on….
Musa Khan went with all his Zamindar allies to a place called Dakchara;
during the night he constructed in this place a high fort and a deep
trench on that bank of the river Padmavati,…he (Musa Khan) became
ready for battle. Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, Alaul Khan, his cousin
(maternal uncle’s son), Abdullah Khan and Mahmud Khan, the younger
brothers of Musa Khan, Bahadur Ghazi, Suna Ghazi, Anwar Ghazi,
Shaykh Pir, son of Haji Bhakul, Mirza Mumin, Madhava Ray, Zamindar
of Khalsi, Binud Ray, Zamindar of Chandpratap,Pahlawan, Zamindar of
Matang and Haji Shamsu’d-Din Baghdadi were in Musa Khan’s
camp.”82
The above statement clearly shows that Mirza Nathan has given
twelve names of Musa Khan’s allies who were in his camp at Dakchara.
He has also given the names of Zamindaris of Madhava Rai, Binod Rai
and Pahlawan. But he did not mention the names of Zamindaris of Musa
Khan’s cousin Alaul Khan, Musa Khan’s brothers Abdullah Khan and
Mahmud Khan, Bahadur Ghazi, Sona Ghazi, Anwar Ghazi, Shaykh Pir,
Mirza Mumin and Haji Shamsu’d-Din Baghdadi. On the basis of this
statement of Mirza Nathan, Abdul Karim says,
45
“It is our firm belief that Mirza Nathan has given here the names of the
Bara-Bhuiyans in the reign of Jahangir...”83
But it would not be reasonable to assume that Mirza Nathan has
given here all the names of the Bara-Bhuiyans in the reign of Badshah
Jahangir on the following grounds:
Firstly, Mirza Nathan did not mention here the names of Daud Khan and
Ilyas Khan, the two sons of Isa Khan and brothers of Musa Khan.
According to the Akbar Nama84 and the Baharistan-i- Ghaybi 85
Daud
Khan played an important role in the anti-Mughal resistance during the
reigns of Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir. Nevertheless, his name
is not seen in the names of Musa Khan’s allies mentioned by Mirza
Nathan. So, it proves that Mirza Nathan did not mention here all the
names of Musa Khan’s allies.
Secondly, if Musa Khan’s cousin Alaul Khan and his two brothers
Abdullah Khan and Mahmud Khan each be regarded as one of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, then Musa Khan’s other two brothers Daud Khan and Ilyas
Khan each should also be considered as one of the Bara- Bhuiyans. In
that case, the number of Musa Khan’s allies Bhuiyans will be more than
twelve.
Thirdly, Haji Sham’s-ud-Din Baghdadi cannot be considered as one of
the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, Mirza Nathan himself elsewhere
mentioned him as the chief officer of Musa Khan.86
So, it may be suggested that Mirza Nathan has not given here all
the names of the Bara-Bhuiyans in the reign of Badshah Jahangir. He
only mentioned the names of those Zamindar allies of Musa Khan who
were present at that time in Dakchara camp with him.
It is clearly evident from the above statements of Abul Fazl and
Mirza Nathan that they are completely unequivocal about the term
“twelve” (dawazdah) and the term was in vogue before the Mughal
46
invasion of Bengal. Though, Abul Fazl mentioned that Isa Khan made
the “twelve zamindars” subject to himself and Mirza Nathan repeatedly
mentioned Musa Khan and “Twelve Bhuyans”, neither Abul Fazl nor
Mirza Nathan definitely mentions who were these “twelve Zamindars”
or “Twelve Bhuyans”, that is, who these Bara-Bhuiyans were .On the
other hand, the history of the warfare between the Mughals and the
Bara-Bhuiyans during the reigns of Badshah Akbar and Badshah
Jahangir, as has been described in the Akbar Nama and the Baharistan-i-
Ghaybi by Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan, gives the clear impression that
the number of the allies of Isa Khan is less than twelve and the number
of the allies of Musa Khan is more than twelve. Most probably, these
issues have made the modern scholars confused. So, they differ as to the
significance of the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’, many of them holding that the
term denotes an indefinite number, and among the others, one took the
term for twelve units of Bhuiyans, one for exactly twelve Bhuiyans and
at least one, took the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ for a symbol.
The above rather lengthy discussion makes clear the following
points:
Firstly, the sources used by the previous scholars are mainly Manu-
Samhita, Dharmamangal, the local traditions, Bengali Proverbs, the
European writings, the Akbar Nama of Abul Fazl and the Baharistan-i-
Ghaybi of Mirza Nathan. Among these, the only contemporary sources
are the European writings, the Akbar Nama and the Baharistan-i-
Ghaybi. But the European writings have turned out to be confusing. On
the other hand, it has been stated earlier that though, Abul Fazl
mentioned that Isa Khan made the “twelve zamindars” subject to
himself and Mirza Nathan repeatedly mentioned Musa Khan and the
“Twelve Bhuyans”, neither Abul Fazl nor Mirza Nathan definitely
mentions who these Bara-Bhuiyans were. Moreover, the history of the
47
warfare between the Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans during the reigns
of Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir, as has been described in the
Akbar Nama and the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi by Abul Fazl and Mirza
Nathan, gives the clear impression that the number of the allies of Isa
Khan is less than twelve and the number of the allies of Musa Khan is
more than twelve. Most probably, these matters have made the modern
scholars confused. So, they differ as to the significance of the term
‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ and different scholars hold different views.
Secondly, the literary meaning of the terms ‘Bhumik’ and ‘Bhuiyan’ is a
landholder. The terms ‘Bhumik’ and ‘Zamindar’ also bear the same
meaning.
Thirdly, E.A. Gait, N.K.Bhattsali, M.A.Rahim, M.Abdul Qader and
Abdul Karim think that the concept of the Bara-Bhuiyans owes its
origin to Eastern India and is specially connected with the thoughts of
Kuch Bihar, Assam, Arakan and Eastern Bengal.
Fourthly, among the previous scholars E.A. Gait, Nikhilnath Ray,
S.C.Mitra, N.K.Bhattsali, M.A.Rahim, A.C.Roy and M.Abdul Qader
and others think that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ does not convey the
literal meaning or does not denote exact number or does not mean
twelve Bhuiyans. It was used to denote an indefinite number.
Fifthly, Syed Muhammad Taifoor thinks that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’
(12 Bhuiyans) only signifies a symbol.
Sixthly, M.Mohar Ali takes the term for twelve units of Bhuiyans.
Seventhly, Abdul Karim has taken the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ for exactly
twelve Bhuiyans.
Above all, N.K.Bhattsali, M.Abdul Qader, M.Mohar Ali and
Abdul Karim suggest that only those Bhuiyans, who fought against the
Mughals to protect their independence and freedom, should be termed as
48
the Bara-Bhuiyans, but those who did not fight against the Mughals to
protect their independence cannot be regarded as the Bara-Bhuiyans.
So, it is quite evident that the previous scholars are not in
agreement about the meaning or significance of the term ‘Bara-
Bhuiyans’. Almost, all of them think that the term “Bara” or “twelve”
was used to denote an indefinite number of Bhuiyans. But they could not
prove this opinion reasonably and also could not mention any
contemporary historical source in favour of this opinion and they merely
followed each other uncritically. Moreover, some kind of doubt has been
already expressed earlier about this opinion and it has also been
questioned as to why while in Assam and Arakan the number of Bara-
Bhuiyans was fixed at twelve, in the case of Bengal it should be
indefinite. On the other hand, though, M.Mohar Ali takes the term
“twelve” for twelve units of Bhuiyans and Abdul Karim for exactly
twelve Bhuiyans, their opinions have not been accepted on reasonable
grounds. So, it would not be an exaggeration to say that the previous
scholars could not explain the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ satisfactorily. In
the following pages therefore, a humble attempt has been made to
explain the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ in the clearest possible way.
The term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ neither bears the literal meaning nor
denotes an indefinite number. Infact, the term was not used in the
numerical sense. But it was used to signify the symbol of dignity, power
and prestige of the Zamindars of Eastern Bengal, specially of the region
of Bhati. In favour of this proposition it may be mentioned here that
according to contemporary historians Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan that
the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ was in vogue before the Mughal conquest of
Bengal. On the other hand, though, the previous scholars are not in
agreement about the significance of the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’, almost
all of them suggest that the concept of the Bara-Bhuiyans owes its origin
49
to Eastern India and is specially connected with the thoughts of Kuch

Bihar, Assam, Arakan and Eastern Bengal. It becomes a custom among
the Kings of Eastern India to appoint twelve Advisers or Governors or
Ministers in the middle ages. For example, Nar Narayan, the Koch king,
had twelve ministers of State, twelve chiefs or dolois administered the
hilly portion of the Raja of Jaintia’s Dominions and there were twelve
State Councillors in Nepal.87 Though, it was a custom to appoint twelve
dignitaries, it, that is, the twelve dignitaries, also signifies the symbol of
dignity, power and prestige of respective kings.
Secondly, according to Bengali literature Dharmamangal the kings used
to sit on the throne surrounded by the Bara-Bhuiyans.88 Here also, the
Bara-Bhuiyans signifies the symbol of dignity, power and prestige of
respective kings.
Thirdly, attendance of twelve vassals was necessary in the coronation
ceremonies of the kings of Arakan and Siam. Fray Sebastien Manrique
who himself attended the coronation of a king of Arakan who boasted of
being “...not only Lord of the twelve Boiones [Bhuiyas] of Bengala, but
of the twelve Kings on the crown of whose heads the soles of his feet
always rested… On the day of the Emperor’s coronation, these twelve
vassal kings walked before him in procession and stood around his
throne.”89 In this case twelve vassals or twelve Bhuiyans also signifies
the symbol of dignity, power and prestige.
Fourthly, according to Abul Fazl, Isa Khan made the twelve Zamindars
subject to himself 90. Here the twelve Zamindars also implies the symbol
of dignity, power and prestige of Isa Khan.
Fifthly, according to Bhattasali, the appellation Bara-Bhuiyans came
from the traditions of Assam and Kuch Bihar. He records two traditions
regarding the origin of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Assam. Of which one is as
follows:
50
“The King who was on the throne of Kamta in 1314 A. D. is called

Durllabha-narayana…In order to protect his Eastern frontier from the
depredations of the Ahoms, he posted a number of Brahmin and
Kayastha wardens of the marches over the frontier. Even in the time of
Durllabha-narayana, they succeeded in founding petty semi-independent
principalities. After Durllabha’s death, they became completely
independent and came to be known as the “Bara-Bhuiyans”.91
A careful study of this tradition reveals that the Brahmins and
Kayasthas, who were posted as wardens of the marches by Durllabha-
narayana, came to be known as the Bara-Bhuiyans after achieving the
independent status. So, it may be assumed that on account of their
independent status they have been regarded as the Bara-Bhuiyans. Here
the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ implies the symbol of dignity, power and
prestige of those Brahmins and Kayasthas.
Sixthly, Kedarnath Majumdar thinks that those twelve Zamindars are
known as the Bara-Bhuiyans, who proclaimed independence92. Here
Kedarnath Majumdar applied the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ to those
Zamindars who proclaimed independence. So, it seems that on account
of their proclamation of independence, that is, their freedom-loving
attitude, which denotes their power and position, they have been
regarded as the Bara-Bhuiyans. Here again the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’
signifies the symbol of dignity, power and prestige of those freedom-
loving Zamindars.
Seventhly, Anandanath Ray says that in the middle of the Sixteenth
Century a number of landholders of Bengal became unanimous and
were determined to liberate themselves from the subjugation of the
Mughal Emperor. They are commonly known as the Bara-Bhuiyans93.
This statement indicates that those landholders of Bengal, who because
of their freedom-loving attitude did not acknowledge the Mughal
suzerainty, came to be known as the Bara-Bhuiyans. Here their
freedom-loving attitude implies their power and position. So, it can be
51
said that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ signifies the symbol of dignity,

power and prestige of those freedom-loving landholders.
Eighthly, S.C.Mitra says, “some leading Bhuiyans established authority
over Bengal and they were therefore called Bara-Bhuiyans.”94 It appears
from this statement that some leading Bhuiyans were called Bara-
Bhuiyans because of their act of establishing authority over Bengal,
which indicates their power and position. So, in this case the term
‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ signifies also the symbol of dignity, power and
prestige of those leading Bhuiyans.
Ninthly, modern historian Bhattasali is of the opinion that only those
Bhuiyans who were really independent and had continuously fought
against the Mughals to maintain that independence should be termed as
the Bara-Bhuiyans. But those who did not fight against the Mughals
cannot be regarded as the Bara-Bhuiyans95. So, it is clear from this
opinion of Bhattasali that only those Bhuiyans were regarded as the
Bara-Bhuiyans who had independent status and fought against the
Mughals to retain that independence. Their independent status and
struggle against the Mughals implies their power and position, and
therefore, it may be suggested that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ signifies
the symbol of their dignity, power and prestige.
Tenthly, Abdul Karim says,
“It is not true that the bhuiyans or zamindars who rose to power on the
eve of the Mughal conquest, were all patriots or belonged to the Bara-
Bhuiyans.” 96 “ Among the bhuiyans, Bara-Bhuiyans became very
famous, they fought gallantly during the reign of Akbar and the first part
of the reign of Jahangir, and although they were forced to submit in the
long run, they were able to keep the independence of the country for
long three decades.” 97 He further says,
“The Bara-Bhuiyans fought against the Mughals for independence,
those who did not fight cannot be regarded as the Bara- Bhuiyans.
Infact, Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan give the impression that the greatest
obstacle to the Mughal conquest of Bengal were the Bara- Bhuiyans and
52
that is why the Mughal subahdars devoted their whole energy to subdue
them.”98
These statements clearly show that the Bara-Bhuiyans are only

those who became very famous and they became very famous due to
their having fought gallantly and were able to keep aloft the
independence of the country for long three decades and proved to be the
greatest obstacle to the Mughal conquest of Bengal. Here their
independent status, heroic struggle for independence and their
obstruction in the way of Mughal advancement in Bangal indicates their
power and dignified position, which suggests that the term ‘Bara-
Bhuiyans’, signifies the symbol of dignity, power and prestige.
On the basis of the foregoing discussion it is possible to reach this
conclusion that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ signifies the symbol of
dignity, power and prestige of those Zamindars of Eastern Bengal,
specially of Bhati, who by their independent status, freedom-loving
attitude, patriotic zeal, indomitable courage and heroic struggle for
independence against the mighty Mughals achieved that legendary
dignity, power and prestige.
53
Section II
Identification of the Places of their Rise
It has been shown in the previous discussion that the term ‘Bara-
Bhuiyans’ signifies the symbol of dignity, power and prestige of those
Zamindars of Eastern Bengal, specially of Bhati, who by their
independent status, freedom-loving attitude, patriotic zeal, indomitable
courage and heroic struggle for independence against the mighty
Mughals achieved that legendary dignity, power and prestige. Now the
question is where they have originated from? Although, it is true that
there is dearth of source-materials regarding the history of the places of
their rise, an attempt has been made to resolve the question on the basis
of the Akbar Nama and the Ain-i-Akbari of Abul Fazl, the Baharistan-i-
Ghaybi of Mirza Nathan and the writings of the Europeans.
Among the European writers who have given the name of the
twelve Kingdoms of twelve Bhuiyans (Bara-Bhuiyans) is Fray Sebastien
Manrique and who stayed in India from 1628 to 1641A.C.99He states
that the twelve Bhuiyans were those of:
1. Bengala; 2. Angelim [Hijli]; 3. Ourixa[Orissa]; 4. Jassor [Jessore]; 5.
Chandecan; 6. Midinimpur [Midnapore]; 7. Catrabo [Katrabuh]; 8.
Bacala [Bakla]; 9. Solimanvas[ Sulaimanabad];10. Bulva; 11. Daca; 12.
Rajamol [Rajmahal] 100.
It appears from the above statement of Manrique that the Bara-
Bhuiyans were spread over the whole of Bengal and Orissa. This
statement of Manrique greatly influenced the modern writers, such as,
S.C. Mitra and Rev. H. Hosten. S.C. Mitra prepared his list of the Bara-
Bhuiyans chiefly on the basis of the list of Manrique101. S.C. Mitra’s list
also shows that the Bara-Bhuiyans spread over the whole of Bengal and
Orissa. On the other hand, Hosten entitled his article “The Twelve
54
Bhuiyas or Landlords of Bengal”102. So, it is clear that S.C. Mitra and

Hosten think that the Bara-Bhuiyans spread over the whole of Bengal.
But the list given by Manrique is confusing on the following grounds:
Firstly, he includes Orissa into the twelve kingdoms of Bengal, but at
that time Orissa was a separate Subah in the Mughal administrative set-
up103. Secondly, the whole of Medinipur was not a part of Bengal Subah
at the time of Manrique104. Thirdly, he included Jessore and Chandican
as two separate kingdoms, but Jessore and Chandican were one and the
same place105. Fourthly, though, Manrique mentions the names of
twelve kingdoms of Bengal, he includes Bengala in the list separately.
The inclusion of Bengala in the list separately gives rise to suspicion
about the authenticity of his statement. In this case, though, Hosten
tried to show that Bengala stands for Tanda, is not acceptable. He says,
“I suggest then that the Bhuiya of Bengala in Manrique’s time governed
the district of Tanda. It had become the capital of Bengal after Gaur, and
was a favourite residence of the Moghul Governors of Bengal until the
middle of the XVIIth century.” 106
But it is not true. Because, Tanda was the capital of Bengal Subah
up to 1595 A.C., in which year, Mughal Subahdar Man Singh
transferred the capital from Tanda to Rajmahal 107. In 1610, Islam Khan
Chishti transferred the capital from Rajmahal to Dhaka, and Dhaka was
the capital up to Manrique’s time and even later108. So, it can be sayed
that the places of the origin of the Bara-Bhuiyans cannot be identified
basing on the statement of Manrique.
Another European writer is the English traveller Ralph Fitch,
who came to Bengal in February, 1586 A.C. and in November he was
travelling in Eastern Bengal (Dhaka-Mymensingh zone) and reached
Sripur on the 28th November, 1586, he took ship for Burma from
Sripur109. He says,
55
“… I went to Serrepore… the king is called Chondery. They be all

hereabouts rebels against their king Zebaldin Echebar: for here are so
many rivers and Islands, that they flee from one to another, whereby his
horsemen cannot prevail against them… Sinnargan is a town six leagues
from Serrepore… The chief king of all these countries is called Isacan,
and he is chief of all the other kings.”110
The above statement of Ralph Fitch provides the following

information:
1) Ralph Fitch travelled in Sripur and Sonargaon and these two towns
are situated in Eastern Bengal.
2) The names of the Zamindars of Sripur and Sonargaon were Chand
Rai and Isa Khan respectively.
3) They were all, that is, Isa Khan, Chand Rai and other Zamindars or
Bhuiyans of that region rebelled against Mughal Badshah Akbar.
4) The chief of all other kings, that is, the chief of all rebels was Isa
Khan, which indicates that they were engaged in rebellion against
Mughal Badshah Akbar under the leadership of Isa Khan. Due to so
many rivers and islands they (Isa Khan and his allies Zamindars)
fled from one to another and the Mughal cavalry could not succeed
against them. It may be mentioned here that according to the Akbar
Nama Mughal Subahdar Shahbaz Khan led two campaigns against
Bhati from 1584 to 1586 A.C.111 Ralph Fitch might have mentioned
about these campaigns.
From the information provided by Ralph Fitch the following points
are clear:
Firstly, the places ( Sripur and Sonargaon) mentioned by Ralph Fitch are
situated in Eastern Bengal, that is,in Bhati, and Isa Khan and Chand Rai
were the Zamindars or Bhuiyans of that region.
Secondly, Isa Khan, Chand Rai and other Bhuiyans rebelled against
Mughal Badshah Akbar and Isa Khan was the chief of all rebels. In this
56
case, though, Ralph Fitch did not mention the word Bara-Bhuiyans, he
must have referred to the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Thirdly, Ralph Fitch says, “for here are so many rivers and Islands that
they flee from one to another…” Here he speaks of the riverrine Eastern
Bengal, that is, Bhati, and not of the whole of Bengal.
In the light of above discussion it may be concluded that the

Bara-Bhuiyans were the people of riverrine Eastern Bengal, that is, of
Bhati region.
In the Ain-i-Akbari Abul Fazl says,

“The tract of country on the east called Bhati, is reckoned a part
of this province. It is ruled by Isa Afghan…”112
In the Akbar Nama he says,
“… Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai waited for an opportunity of
making a disturbance in the country of Bhati, Isa the zamindar of that
country spent his time in dissimulation.”113 He further says, “Isa
acquired fame by his ripe judgment and deliberateness, and made the
twelve zamindars of Bengal subject to himself.”114
In the first statement Abul Fazl mentioned Isa Khan as the ruler of
Bhati, in the second statement as the Zamindar of Bhati and in the third
statement he mentioned Isa Khan as the chief of twelve Zamindars, that
is, Bara-Bhuiyans of Bengal. Here Abul Fazl mentioned Isa Khan as the
Zamindar of Bhati and the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bengal. So it
cannot be said surely on the basis of Abul Fazl’s statements that the
Bara-Bhuiyans were the people of Bhati or of Eastern Bengal. But, if the
geographical location or the theatre of warfare between the Mughals and
the Bara-Bhuiyans in 1578115 and 1584 A.C.116 led by Mughal
Subahdars Khan-i-Jahan and Shahbaz Khan are examined carefully it
will be seen that the battles took place in the Parganas of Sonargaon,
Maheswardi, Joanshahi and Khaliajuri, which were surely situated in the
57
Bhati region. From this point of view it can be suggested that the Bara-
Bhuiyans were the people of Bhati.
In the Baharistan-i- Ghaybi, Mirza Nathan says,
“After the rainy season he (Islam Khan) would personally march to
Bhati in order to punish Musa Khan and the Zamindars of that region
who were raising the head of arrogance…”117
“When the rainy season just set in, Islam Khan, at the advice of the
imperial officers, kept the expedition to Bhati in abeyance and marched
towards Ghoraghat, and decided to proceed with his campaign against
Musa Khan and the Twelve Bhuyans at the first appearance of the
Canopus.”118
“Now I shall give a short account of Masnad-i-Ala Musa Khan and the
Twelve Bhuyans.”119
It appears from the above statements of Mirza Nathan that Musa
Khan Masnad-i-Ala and the twelve Zamindars or Bhuiyans, that is, the
Bara-Bhuiyans were the people of Bhati. So, in the light of above
discussion it may be concluded that the Bara-Bhuiyans were the people
of Bhati and they rose to power in Bhati, that is, the places of their rise
were in Bhati.
58
Section III
Identification of the Bhati region
It has been seen in the previous discussion that the Bara-Bhuiyans

were the people of Bhati and the places of their rise were also in Bhati.
Now, an attempt has been made to identify the Bhati region with the
help of the writings of previous scholars, the Akbar Nama and the Ain-i-
Akbari of Abul Fazl and the Baharistan-i- Ghaybi of Mirza Nathan.
According to H. Beveridge Bhati is derived from Bengali word
bhata (ebb) and bhati (low-land) 120. James Grant includes Hijli, Jessore
and Bakerganj within Bhati121. H. Blochmann thinks that the coast-strip
from the Hugli to the Meghna is Bhati122. He further says that the name
means “Low lands overflowed by the tide.”123 Thus all previous scholars
think that the whole tract of low land of Bengal is called Bhati. In fact,
Bhati means low land and accordingly, the whole low-lying area of
Bengal is Bhati. The aim of the present study is not to define the word-
meaning of Bhati, but is only to identify the Bhati ruled by the Bara-
Bhuiyans, which is the real seat of power of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
In the Akbar Nama Abul Fazl has defined the Bhati in the
following words, “Bhati is a low country and has received this name
because Bengal is higher. It is nearly 400 kos in length from east to west
and about 300kos from north to south. East of this country are the ocean
and the country of Habsha? West is the hill country where are the
houses of the Kahin? tribe. South is Tanda. North also the ocean and the
terminations of the hill-country of Tibet.”124
The above statement of Abul Fazl is confusing on the following
grounds:
59
Firstly, he says that the length of Bhati is 400 kos from east to west and
the breadth of it is about 300 kos from north to south. But he himself, in
the Ain-i-Akbari says,
“Its (Bengal Subah) length from Chittagong to Garhi is four hundred
kos. Its (Bengal Subah) breadth from the northern range of mountains to
the southern frontier of the Sarkar of Mandaran, is two hundred
kos…”125
So, it is clear from this statement of Abul Fazl that the region of
Bhati is greater than the province of Bengal, which is not correct.
Secondly, Abul Fazl says that on the east of Bhati is the sea and on the
north is again the sea, which is not also correct.
Thirdly, the boundaries for the country of Bhati given by Abul Fazl in
the Akbar Nama seemed confusing and unintelligible to modern
writers126. So, it may be suggested that the definition of Bhati given by
Abul Fazl in the Akbar Nama is confusing.
It has been seen that the definition of Bhati given by Abul Fazl in
the Akbar Nama is confusing, but when he gave the accounts of warfare
between the Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans, he also mentioned the
location of battle-fields in the Akbar Nama. On the basis of these
accounts of warfare and the location of battle-fields the identification of
Bhati region can be made.
In the Akbar Nama Abul Fazl first referred to Isa Khan, the chief
of Bhati, after the death of Mughal Subahdar Munim Khan Khan-i-
Khanan. After the death of Munim Khan on 23rd October, 1575 A.C.,
Daud Khan Kararani broke his treaty and fell upon the Mughals. At the
same time Isa Khan Attacked the Mughal admiral Shah Bardi and
defeated him. Here Abul Fazl did not mention the place of war between
Isa Khan and Shah Bardi. Abdul Karim thinks that the battle took place
somewhere in Eastern Bengal127. But it has been shown in a recently
research work that the battle took place in Sonargaon Pargana or in its
60
vicinity, which was then the Zamindari of Isa Khan128. So according to

this account of the Akbar Nama Sonargaon Pargana was within the
territory of Bhati.
After the death of Daud Khan Kararani Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-
Jahan led his Bhati campaign in 1578 A.C. Abul Fazl has given the
account of this campaign in the following words:
“Among the occurrences was the arrival of a report from Khan
Jahan. When by the glory of activity and skill the delightful country of
Bengal had been cleared of the weeds and rubbish of the ingrates,
Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai waited for an opportunity of
making a disturbance in the country of Bhati. Isa the zamindar of that
country spent his time in dissimulation…The able servant (Khan Jahan)
led an army thither….When the town of Bhawal became the station of
the army , Ibrahim Naral, Karimdad and other Afghans of that country
brought forward propositions of obedience and used the language of
harmony. Isa however sate in the ravine of disobedience, and was
presumptuous. A large force was sent against him under Shah Bardi and
Muhammad Quli. It proceeded by the river Kiyara Sundar, and a hot
engagement took place on the borders of Kastal? Isa was defeated and
fled,…Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap, who were landholders in that
part of the country, suddenly brought out a crowd of boats from the
rivers and channels and kindled the flames of contention. The warriors
of the victorious army lost courage and turned to flee, and in that
encounter some of the voyagers left their boats and fled…when the
army was retreating , Tila Ghazi, a landholder, came and opened the
hand of courage so that …He proceeded to Sihhatpur which he had
founded in the neighbourhood of Tanda…” 129
The above statement of Abul Fazl provides the following
Information:
When Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai, the two Afghan
chiefs, waited for an opportunity of making a disturbance in the country
of Bhati and Isa Khan the Zamindar of Bhati spent his time in
dissimulation then Khan-i-Jahan led an army against them and
proceeded to Bhati. When he reached Bhawal Ibrahim Naral, Karimdad
Musazai and other Afghans of Bhati submitted to Khan-i-Jahan. But Isa
61
Khan, the Zamindar of Bhati, did not submit. So, Khan-i-Jahan sent a
large army under Shah Bardi and Muhammad Quli against Isa Khan.
The Mughal navy proceeded and passing “Kiyara Sundar” reached
Kastul and defeated Isa Khan. But, suddenly Majlis Dilawar and Majlis
Pratap, two Zamindars of that region attacked the Mughal army and
defeated them. With the help of another Zamindar, Tila Ghazi, the
Mughals, somehow, succeeded in retreating. Thus the Bhati campaign of
Khan-i-Jahan completely failed and he returned to the capital.
It appears from the above information given by Abul Fazl in the
Akbar Nama that he has mentioned the places of war between the
Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jhan and Isa Khan and his allies Zamindars
which would be helpful to identify the region of Bhati ruled by the
Bara-Bhuiyans.
Firstly, the name of Bhawal mentioned by Abul Fazl must be the
Bhawal of Bhawal Pargana. The headquarters of the Ghazis of Bhawal
were at Chaura, near Kaliganj on the river Lakhia. Bhawal is at present
known as Nagri.130
Secondly, the name of “Kiyara Sundar” mentioned by Abul Fazl must
be Egara Sindur of present time. The place is situated on the bank of the
main channel of the Brahmaputra, opposite which the river Banar rises
and where Tok another important place is situated. Egara Sindur is now
in the Pakundia Upazila of the Kishoreganj district.131
Thirdly, Kastul is situated on the bank of the river Meghna, two miles to
the west of Astagram. It was situated in the Pargana of Joanshahi and
the place is at present known as Kathail.132 Here at Kastul Isa Khan was
defeated by the Mughal navy. But two other Zamindars, Majlis Dilawar
and Majlis Pratap defeated the Mughals.So, it is seen that the battle-
fields were spread from Bhawal to Egara Sindur and Kastul, that is, the
battle- fields were spread over the vast area watered by the rivers
62
Lakhia, Banar, Brahmaputra and Meghna and all the places mentioned
above were within Bhati. The names of the Zamindaries of Isa Khan,
Majlis Dilawar, Majlis Pratap and Tila Ghazi have not been mentioned
specifically in the Akbar Nama. But it will be seen later that Isa Khan
was at that time the Zamindar of Sonargaon and Maheswardi Parganas,
Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap were the Zamindars of Joanshahi and
Khaliajuri Parganas respectively and Tila Ghazi was the Zamindar of
Talipabad Pargana. Here Sonargaon, Maheswardi, Joanshahi, Khaliajuri
and Talipabad Parganas were within the territory of Bhati and Isa Khan,
Majlis Dilawar, Majlis Pratap and Tila Ghazi were the Zamindars of
Bhati.
The next Bhati campaign during the reign of Mughal Badshah
Akbar was led by Subahdar Shahbaz Khan in 1584 A.C. against Isa
Khan and his allies Bhuiyans. But it was a complete failure. Abul Fazl
has also given the detail account of this campaign in the Akbar Nama.133
According to the account of Shahbaz Khan’s Bhati campaign of 1584
A.C. given by Abul Fazl in the Akbar Nama that the places of war were
Khizrpur, Sonargaon, Karabhu (Katrabo), Bara Sindar, Totak, Kinara
Sindar, Bajasrapur and Bhawal. The geographical locations of Bara
Sindar or Kinara Sindar or Egara Sindur and Bhawal has been discussed
previously, now the geographical locations of Khizrpur, Sonargaon,
Karabhu, Totak and Bajasrapur will be discussed.
Khizrpur: Khizrpur is situated to the north-east of modern
Narayanganj on the river Lakhia. Abdul Karim thinks that the fort of
Khizrpur was first built by Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala.134
Sonargaon: Sonargaon is situated three miles east to Khizrpur in
between the rivers Lakhia and Meghna.135
63
Katrabo: Karabhu or Katrabo is situated on the left bank of the

river Lakhia in modern Rupganj Upazila of Narayanganj district. Now it
is known as Masumabad136.
Tok: Totak or Tok is situated on the bank of the river
Brahmaputra, just where the river Banar takes off. 137
Bajitpur: Bajasrapur or Bajitpur is an Upazila in modern
Kishoreganj district.138
So, it is evident that the battle-fields were spread from Khizrpur
to Tok and Bajitpur, that is, the Bhati campaign of Shahbaz Khan in
1584 A.C. was extended throughout the rivers Lakhia, Banar,
Brahmaputra upto the river Meghna. Here it is noteworthy that the battle
of Khan-i-Jahan of 1578 and the battle of Shahbaz Khan of 1584 A.C.
took place in the same geographical area and all the aforementioned
places were within the region of Bhati.
In 1597 A.C. Mughal Subahdar Man Singh sent an expedition
against Isa Khan in Bhati under his son Durjan Singh. Abul Fazl gave an
account of this campaign in the Akbar Nama in the following words:
“… Rajah Man Singh sent off a force by land, and also sent some men
by the river under command of his son Durjan Singh in order that the
houses of the proprietors might be plundered…On the 25th the river-
detachment plundered many places, and made an expedition against
Katrabu. Six kos from Bikrampur Isa and M’asum arrived with a large
number of war-boats. They surrounded the river detachment and after a
hard contest the leader (Durjan) and many soldiers delivered up the coin
of their lives. Some men were made prisoners, and some escaped.”139
According to the above statement of Abul Fazl the places of war
were Katrabo and a place six kos from Bikrampur, that is, the
neighbourhood of Bikrampur. Here the first place mentioned is Katrabo
which is situated on the left bank of the river Lakhia and was the capital
of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala. The second place mentioned is Bikrampur,
which is situated on the bank of the river Padma and was the Zamindari
64
of Kedar Rai, one of the allies of Isa Khan. So, it is clear that this battle
took place in the area between Katrabo and Bikrampur, that is, within
the Zamindaries of Isa Khan and Kedar Rai and Katrabo and Bikrampur
were also within the region of Bhati.
In 1602 A.C. Man Singh further led an expedition to Bhati. Abul
Fazl also has given a detailed account of this campaign in the Akbar
Nama.141 According to this account the places of war were Bhawal,
Bikrampur and Sripur, which was the capital of Kedar Rai. Needless to
say that these places were within the region of Bhati.
Therefore, on the basis of the discussion of the accounts of wars
of 1575, 1578, 1584, 1597 and 1602 A.C. given in the Akbar Nama it
may be concluded here that Bikrampur, Khizrpur, Katrabo, Sonargaon,
Bhawal, Tok, Egara Sindur, Bajitpur, Joanshahi, Khaliajuri and
Astagram were all situated within the territory of Bhati.
In the Ain-i-Akbari Abul Fazl says,
“The tract of country on the east called Bhati, is reckoned a part of this
province….Adjoining it, is an extensive tract of country inhabited by the
Tipperah tribes.”142
On the basis of this statement of Abul Fazl, Bhattasali says,
“This makes the situation of Bhati clear, and we can comprehend that
the tract of country comprising of the eastern portions of Dacca and
Mymensing and the western portions of Tippera and Sylhet is the region
which has been designated by Abul Fazl as Bhati.”
On the other hand, Abdul Karim says,
“The low-lying area of the greater districts of Dhaka, Mymensingh,
Tippera and Sylhet… constituted Bhati in the days of Akbar and
Jahangir.” 143
But there statement cannot be acceptable on the following
grounds:
Firstly, though, eastern portions of Dacca and Mymensingh and the
western portion of Sylhet may be regarded as Bhati, the western portion
65
of Tripura or a part of Tripura district cannot be regarded as Bhati or a

part of Bhati. Because, here Abul Fazl categorically mentioned that
“Adjoining it (Bhati), is an extensive tract of country inhabited by the
Tipperah tribes.” Which indicates that the kingdom of Tripura lies on
the eastern frontier of Bhati. So, as district of Tripura was situated
within the territory of the Kingdom of Tripura, Tripura district or a part
of it cannot be within the territory of Bhati.
Secondly, while W.W. Hunter in his book A Statistical Account of
Bengal, Vol. VI, indicating the boundaries of the district of Tripura says,
“Tipperah is bounded…on the west by the river Meghna.”144 It appears
from this statement of Hunter that the western frontier of Tripura is the
river Meghna, that is, Tripura lies on the eastern bank of the river
Meghna and Bhati lies on the western bank of it. Therefore, no part of
Tripura district or Kingdom of Tripura situated on the eastern bank of
the river Meghna can be regarded as the part of Bhati.
Thirdly, if the encounters between the Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans,
mentioned in the Akbar Nama and Baharistan-i-Ghaybi is reviewed, it
will be seen that no battle took place in the district of Tripura.
On the basis of the above discussion it can be concluded here that
the western portion of Tripura is not within the territory of Bhati as
indicated by Abul Fazl and here Abul Fazl regarded the eastern portions
of Dacca and Mymensingh districts and the western portion of Sylhet
district as Bhati. So, it is clear that the eastern boundary of Bhati is the
Kingdom of Tripura.
Mirza Nathan has also given the accounts of warfare between the
Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi. By
following these accounts of warfare the region of Bhati may be
identified. According to Mirza Nathan Mughal Subahdar Islam Khan
Chishti left Rajmahal with the intention of invading Bhati. Musa Khan
66
Masnad-i-Ala and his Zamindar allies first opposed the Mughals at

Jatrapur, thirty miles west of Dhaka, on the bank of the river Ichamati.
Jatrapur is situated in the Pargana of Chandpratap and Binod Rai was
the Zamindar of this Pargana. Here at Jatrapur Musa Khan tried his best
to check the Mughals and continued his fight for a long time. He posted
his three Zamindar allies, Mirza Mumin, Dariya Khan and Madhava Rai
at Jatrapur145. Mirza Nathan says,
“Then all these three men were deputed (by Musa Khan to guard)
to the Mohana of Isamati at Jatrapur and they were given much
encouragement thus: - “Immediately after the arrival of the imperial
army, you would find me at the aforesaid Mohana along with the
Twelve Bhuyans.”146
On the basis of this statement of Mirza Nathan, Abdul Karim
thinks that Jatrapur was situated at the western frontier of the territory of
the Bara-Bhuiyans and the western boundary of Bhati was the
Chandpratap Pargana, or to be more specific, the river Ichamati147. In
this context Abdul Karim’s opinion may be acceptable. But this western
boundary of Bhati ruled by the Bara-Bhuiyans was not always fixed.
For, it is seen that during the reign of Badshah Akbar, Isa Khan and his
ally Masum Khan Kabuli raided upto Ghoraghat148 and Chatmohar,
situated in the Sonabazu Pargana, the neighbouring Pargana of
Chandpratap, was the capital of Masum Khan Kabuli. Besides, during
the reign of Badshah Jahangir Sonabaju Pargana was under the
authority of Mirza Mumin, son of Masum Khan Kabuli, Khan Alam
Bahbudi, son of Dariya Khan and Madhava Rai, the Zamindar of
Khalsi, before Islam Khan Chishti reached Katasgarh149.After
Katasgarh, situated the stronghold of Jatrapur of Chandpratap Pargana
of the Bara-Bhuiyans.150
The southern boundary of Bhati can be determined with the help
of another statement of Mirza Nathan. According to the latter when
67
Majlis Qutb, Zamindar of Fathabad (Faridpur), was attacked by the

Mughals, he had written a letter to Musa Khan and other Zamindars
thus:
“Up till now, whatever was possible to be done alone by me, has
been done. Now I have been brought to this critical situation. If you help
me, I will never betray you as long as I live, and I will join the fight. If
you do not come to my aid and leave me in neglect, I shall be compelled
to surrender to the imperial army and shall have to go forward with the
imperial army from this side to Bhati.” 151
It appears from this statement, particularly, “from this side to
Bhati” that Fathabad or Faridpur was not within the territory of Bhati.
So, it may be suggested that the southern boundary of Bhati was
Faridpur, or to be more specific, the river Ganges (Padma).
Abul Fazl or Mirza Nathan did not mention the northern boundary
of Bhati. But it may be assumed that the northern boundary of Bhati was
the district of Mymensingh and it was extended towards north-east upto
Baniachang in the western portion of the district of Sylhet.
Firstly, it is known that almost the whole of Mymensingh district was
within the territory of Isa Khan, except a small portion (Bukainagar) of
it, which was conceded to Khwaja Usman Khan by Isa Khan himself.152
Secondly, according to Mirza Nathan, Anwar Khan, the Zamindar of
Baniachang, was one of the allies of Musa Khan153. Under the leadership
of Musa Khan, Anwar Khan played an important role in the anti-Mughal
resistance. So, Baniachang can be regarded as the north-eastern
boundary of Bhati.
On the basis of above discussion the boundaries of the region of
Bhati, ruled by the Bara-Bhuiyans, may be identified as follows:
The kingdom of Tripura in the east, the river Ichamati in the west,
the river Ganges in the south and the northern boundary was the district
of Mymensingh and it was extended towards north- east upto
68
Baniachang in the western portion of Sylhet. In a word, the districts of

Dhaka, Mymensingh and western portion of Sylhet, watered and
surrounded by the rivers the Ganges, the Brahmaputra and the Meghna
and their numerous tributaries comprised of the region of Bhati, ruled by
the Bara-Bhuiyans, during the reigns of Badshah Akbar and Badshah
Jahangir. The Bara-Bhuiyans rose to power in this region of Bhati and
put up stubborn resistance to the Mughal aggressions.
69
Section IV
Identification of the Bara-Bhuiyans
Sub Section I
The Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of
Badshah Akbar: A general Study
In the Akbar Nama, Abul Fazl mentioned that Isa Khan made the
“twelve zamindars” or Bhuiyans subject to himself154. But he did not
definitely mention the names of these twelve Zamindars or Bhuiyans.
On the other hand, Mirza Nathan repeatedly mentioned Musa Khan and
the “Twelve Bhuyans”155 and he also did not definitely mention who
these Bara- Bhuiyans were. Moreover, the contemporary European
writings have also turned out to be confusing156. So, the identification of
the Bara-Bhuiyans is not an easy task. The main proposition of the
present study is to identify the Bara-Bhuiyans on the basis of the
writings of previous scholars and the accounts of the warfare between
the Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans during the reigns of Badshah Akbar
and Badshah Jahangir as given in the Akbar Nama and the Baharistan-i-
Ghaybi by the contemporary historians Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan and
other historical sources.
Among the previous scholars Kedarnath Majumdar157 is of the
opinion that those twelve Zamindars are known as the Bara-Bhuiyans,
who proclaimed independence.
Secondly, Anandanath Ray158 says that in the middle of the sixteenth
century a number of landholders became unanimous and were
determined to liberate themselves from the subjugation of the Mughal
Emperor. They are commonly known as the Bara-Bhuiyans.
70
Thirdly, modern historian N.K.Bhattasali159 thinks that only those

Bhuiyans, who were really independent and had continuously fought
against the Mughals to maintain that independence should be termed as
the Bara-Bhuiyans. But those who did not fight against the Mughals
cannot be regarded as the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Fourthly, M.Abdul Qader160 says,
“The principal characteristic of the historic Bara Bhuyans was their
opposition to the progress of Mughal arms in Bengal.”
He further says,
“It is apparent that the real seat of the Bara Bhuyans was the Bhati
country inundated by the Brahamaputra and the Meghna…”
He also thinks that Isa Khan and Musa Khan were their chiefs.
Fifthly, according to M.Mohar Ali those Bhuiyans, who were allied with
one another forming a sort of anti-Mughal confederacy, who were
persistent in their hostility towards the Mughals, who followed the lead
of Isa Khan and, after him, of his son Musa Khan and who belonged
generally to eastern Bengal which was the main theatre of their
resistance, were the Bara-Bhuiyans. He also says,
“Keeping in view these characteristics it may be stated that the other
individuals who are found to have carved out an independent existence
in their respective localities by taking advantage of the troublous and
unsettled conditions of the time but who do not otherwise satisfy all the
above mentioned characteristics, should not be counted among the
BaraBhuiyans.” 161
Sixthly, Abdul Karim162 says,
“It is not true that the bhuiyans or zamindars who rose to power on the
eve of the Mughal conquest, were all patriots or belonged to the Bara-
Bhuiyans.” “Among the bhuiyans, Bara-Bhuiyans became very famous,
they fought gallantly during the reign of Akbar and the first part of the
reign of Jahangir, and although they were forced to submit in the long
run, they were able to keep the independence of the country for long
three decades.” 163 “…the Bara-Bhuiyans fought the Mughals, those who
did not fight cannot be regarded as Bara- Bhuiyans. In fact Abul Fazl
and Mirza Nathan give the impression that the greatest obstacle to the
71
Mughal conquest of Bengal were the Bara- Bhuiyans and that is why the
Mughal subahdars devoted their whole energy to subdue them.” 164 “So
we conclude without any hesitation that the Bara-Bhuiyans were people
of Bhati.” 165
He also says that the Bara-Bhuiyans followed the lead of Isa
Khan in the time of Akbar and Musa Khan in the time of Jahangir.
From the above mentioned observations the following
distinguishing features of the Bara-Bhuiyans can be identified: (a) The
Bara-Bhuiyans were those who were really independent and had
continuously fought against the Mughals during the reigns of Badshah
Akbar and Badshah Jahangir to retain that independence and proved to
be the greatest obstacle to the Mughal conquest of Bengal. But those,
who did not fight against the Mughals, cannot be regarded as the Bara-
Bhuiyans. (b) They established rapport with one another and forged an
anti-Mughal politico-military alliance and followed the lead of Isa Khan
and, after him, of his son Musa Khan. (c)They were the people of Bhati
which was the main theatre of their resistance and (d) They were
persistent in their hostility towards the Mughals.
These characteristics of the Bara-Bhuiyans that emanated from
the observations of the previous scholars may be acceptable on the
following grounds:
a) It has been previously shown that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ signifies
the symbol of dignity, power and prestige of those Zamindars of Eastern
Bengal, specially of Bhati, who by their independent status, freedom-
loving attitude, patriotic zeal, indomitable courage and heroic struggle
for independence against the mighty Mughals achieved that legendary
dignity, power and prestige.166
b) It may be mentioned here that the contemporary historians Abul Fazl
and Mirza Nathan, while mentioning the Bara-Bhuiyans, also mention
Bhati167, that is, they limited the Bara-Bhuiyans within the region of
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Bhati. Besides, the history of the warfare between the Mughals and the
Bara-Bhuiyans during the reigns of Badshah Akbar and Badshah
Jahangir as has been described in the Akbar Nama and the Baharistan-i-
Ghaybi, gives the clear impression that the Bara-Bhuiyans were the
people of Bhati and they rose to power in Bhati and they followed the
lead of Isa Khan and, after him, of his son Musa Khan and they jointly
resisted the Mughal aggression.
c) It will be seen later that many of the Bhuiyans did not fight against
the Mughals and some were also not persistent in their hostility towards
the Mughals and some did not follow the lead of Isa Khan or of Musa
Khan. So, they cannot be counted among the Bra-Bhuiyans.
Therefore, to identify the Bara-Bhuiyans the above mentioned
characteristics should be taken into consideration. Apart from these,
there are other elements which should also be taken into consideration.
Firstly, it should be remembered that the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of
Badshah Akbar were not exactly the same as those of the time of
Badshah Jahangir. Because, some died in the intervening period and
some remained out of trace. For example, Isa Khan died 168 in the reign
of Badshah Akbar and was succeeded by his son Musa Khan, who took
up the leadership of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Besides, Majlis Dilawar and
Majlis Pratap, the Zamindars of Joanshahi and Khaliajuri Parganas,
were two important allies of Isa Khan, and bona fide members of the
Bara-Bhuiyans, who fought against the Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan
169
in 1578A.C. in the reign of Badshah Akbar, but in the reign of
Badshah Jahangir no trace of them is found. Secondly, some Parganas
changed hands in the mean time. For example, Chand Rai and Kedar Rai
were the Zamindars of Bikrampur and Sripur170, who fought against the
Mughals under the leadership of Isa Khan, and died during the reign of
Badshsh Akbar. Their Parganas are found in the hands of Musa Khan
73
during the reign of Badshsh Jahangir171. Thirdly, it has been stated

earlier that the Bara-Bhuiyans were the people of Bhati, they rose to
power in Bhati and Bhati was the main theatre of warfare between the
Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans. So, to identify the Bara-Bhuiyans they
should be looked for in the region of Bhati.
In the following pages a humble attempt has been made to
identify the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar on the basis of
the accounts of the warfare between the Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans
in Bhati as given in the Akbar Nama.
According to Abul Fazl Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan(1575-
1578A.C.) first led the expedition against Bhati in 1578 A.C. and he
proceeded up to Kastul.172 Abul Fazl gives a description of this
expedition in the following words:
“When by the glory of activity and skill the delightful country of Bengal
had been cleared of the weeds and rubbish of the ingrates, Ibrahim Naral
and Karimdad Musazai waited for an opportunity of making a
disturbance in the country of Bhati. Isa the zamindar of that country
spent his time in dissimulation….The able servant (Khan Jahan) led an
army thither ….When the town of Bhawal became the station of the
army, Ibrahim Naral, Karimdad and other Afghans of that country
brought forward propositions of obedience and used the language of
harmony. Isa however sate in the ravine of disobedience, and was
presumptuous. A large force was sent against him… and a hot
engagement took place on the borders of Kastal? Isa was
defeated….Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap, who were landholders in
that part of the country, suddenly brought out a crowd of boats from the
rivers and channels and kindled the flames of contention. The warriors
of the victorious army lost courage and turned to flee, and in that
encounter some of the voyagers left their boats and fled….One of the
wonderful results of daily-increasing fortune was that when the army
was retreating, Tila Ghazi, a landholder, came and opened the hand of
courage….He (Khan Jahan) proceeded to Sihhatpur which he had
founded in the neighbourhood of Tanda…”173
It appears from the above account of Abul Fazl that Khan-i-
Jahan’s first opponents were Isa Khan, the chief the Bara-Bhuyans, and
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two Afghan chiefs Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai, and later
Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap.When Khan-i-Jahan reached Bhawal
Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai submitted to the Mughals without
offering any resistance. But Isa Khan did not submit. So, Khan-i-Jahan
sent a large force against Isa Khan. As a result a hot engagement took
place on the borders of Kastul and Isa Khan was defeated. But suddenly
Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap, two Zamindars of that region, counter
attacked the Mughal army and badly defeated them. With the help of
another Zamindar Tila Ghazi the Mughals somehow managed to retreat.
Consequently, the Bhati campaign of Khan-i-Jahan completely failed
and he was compelled to return to the capital.
Here, it may be pointed out that Ibrahim Naral, Karimdad
Musazai, Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap were all the allies of Isa
Khan, the chief the Bara-Bhuiyans. At that time, Isa Khan was the
Zamindar of Sonargaon and Maheswardi Parganas, 174 Majlis Dilawar
175
was the Zamindar of Joanshahi Pargana, Majlis Pratap was the
Zamindar of Khaliajuri Pargana176 and Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad
Musazai, the two Afghan chiefs, had no Zamindari of their own. Then,
they were staying in the Zamindari of Isa Khan and were engaged in the
anti-Mughal activities being aided by Isa Khan. So, it is clear that the
Zamindars of Sonargaon, Maheswardi, Joanshahi and Khaliajuri
Parganas were the main opponents of Khan-i-Jahan and all these
Parganas were situated in the region of Bhati.177 Though, Ibrahim Naral
and Karimdad Musazai were the allies of Isa Khan, they cannot be
counted among the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, they submitted to the
Mughals as soon as Khan-i-Jahan reached Bhawal without offering any
resistance. It is also known that Ibrahim Naral sent his son with presents
to Khan-i-Jahan and asked for protection while he was retreating from
Bhati178.Therefore, it may be suggested that Ibrahim Naral and
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Karimdad Musazai were not persistent in their hostility towards the

Mughals and they do not satisfy all the above- mentioned characteristics
of the Bara-Bhuiyans and they cannot be ranked with the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Apart from this, Tila Ghazi, the Zamindar of Talipabad
Pargana179, with whose help the Mughals were able to retreat, was a
Mughal partisan.
On the basis of above discussion it may be mentioned here that
when Khan-i-Jahan led the expedition against Bhati in 1578 A.C. the
main opponents of the Mughals, that is, the members of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, were Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and his allies Majlis Dilawar
and Majlis Pratap, who jointly fought against the Mughals and
compelled them to leave Bhati.
The next Bhati campaign was led by Mughal Subahdar Shahbaz
Khan during the reign of Badshah Akbar in 1584 A.C.180 At this time,
the battle fields were spread from Khizrpur181 to Tok182 and Bajitpur183
and all these places were within the region of Bhati and the main
opponent of Shahbaz Khan was Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala. Abul Fazl did
not mention any other names of Isa Khan’s allies except Masum Khan
Kabuli184. Though, the latter was one of the allies of Isa Khan, he cannot
be regarded as one of the members of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, the
Bara-Bhuiyans were landholders, their source of power was land and
they never served under the Mughals. But Masum Khan Kabuli was a
Mughal officer, he rebelled against Badshah Akbar and fought against
the Mughals till his death.
In 1585A.C. Shahbaz Khan and Sadiq Khan and in 1586 Shahbaz
Khan led two expeditions against Bhati185. On both occasions Isa Khan
was the main opponent of the Mughals and Masum Khan Kabuli was his
ally and the battle fields were limited within the region of Bhati.
Though, Abul Fazl did not mention any other names of Isa Khan’s allies
76
in the Akbar Nama except Masum Khan Kabuli, the English traveller
Ralph Fitch saw Chand Rai in Sripur in 1586, who was at that time
engaged in fighting against the Mughals as well as Isa Khan. Ralph
Fitch says,
“I went to Serrepore…the king is called Chondery. They be all
hereabouts rebels against their king Zebaldin Echebar…. The chief king
of all these countries is called Isacan…”186
This statement of Ralph Fitch indicates that at this time Chand
Rai was engaged in fighting against the Mughals as well as Isa Khan.
According to Abul Fazl Chand Rai was the son of Kedar Rai187, one of
the allies of Isa Khan. They were the Zamindars of Bikrampur and
Sripur. Both Chand Rai and Kedar Rai were contemporaries of Badshah
Akbar and they fought against the Mughals jointly with Isa Khan. So, it
may be suggested that Chand Rai was one of the allies of Isa Khan and
he may be regarded as one of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
On 17th March, 1594 A.C. Raja Man Singh Kachhwaha was
appointed Subahdar of Bengal and on 4th May Badshah Akbar sent him
to his new province188. The main task in Bengal for Man Singh was to
subjugate Isa Khan and his allies Bhuiyans and others. On arriving at
Tanda, the capital of Bengal, he took preparations for resuming the
offensive against Isa Khan and his allies. As preparatory measures he
sent a few reconnoitering expeditions in all directions and also
transferred the capital from Tanda to Rajmahal on 7 th November, 1595
A.C189. From the new capital, Man Singh himself proceeded on 7th
December, 1595, to conquer Bhati from Isa Khan and his allies190. At his
approach Isa Khan retreated beyond the Brahamaputra191. At last, in
September, 1597 Man Singh sent two large forces by both land and
water against Isa Khan192.The Mughal army under the command of
Durjan Singh, son of Man Singh, attacked Isa Khan’s capital Katrabo193.
77
But finally on 5th September of the same year a fierce naval-engagement

took place 12 miles off from Bikrampur194.This resulted in the death of
Durjan Singh195 and the ruination of the Mughal army. Thus Man
Singh’s much prepared expedition against Isa Khan and his allies ended
in failure. So, being depressed Man Singh left Bengal for Ajmeer in
1598 A.C.196
It may be mentioned here that the main opponent of Man Singh
was Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, and his
allies were Masum Khan Kabuli, Khwaja Usman Khan and his brother
Khwaja Sulaiman Khan197, the nephews of Qutlu Khan Nuhani of
Orissa, Chand Rai and Kedar Rai, the Zamindars of Bikrampur, and the
main battle fields were Katrabo and Bikrampur and these places were
within the region of Bhati. Though, Khwaja Usman Khan and his
brother Khwaja Sulaiman Khan were allies of Isa Khan, they cannot be
counted among the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, the Bara-Bhuiyans were
people of Bhati and they rose to power in Bhati. But Khwaja Usman
Khan and his brother Khwaja Sulaiman Khan came to Bengal driven
away by Man Singh from Orissa and the latter also assigned them fiefs
in the Faridpur (Khalifatabad) district of Eastern Bengal198. So, here
only Chand Rai and Kedar Rai, the Zamindars of Bikrampur, may be
regarded as the members of the Bara-Bhuiyans among the allies of Isa
Khan.
At the end of 1600A.C. Man Singh returned to Bengal and
defeated the Afghan rebels in the battle of Sherpur Atai on 12 th
February, 1601A.C.199 In 1602 Man Singh engaged in several battles in
Bhati. Among these, he first marched to Dhaka and tried to win Kedar
Rai over to the Mughal side, but failed200. Then Man Singh himself
came to Bhawal from Dhaka to punish Usman Khan, who drove back
the Mughal thanadar Baz Bahadur Qalmaq of Mymensingh to
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Bhawal201. So, Man Singh attacked Usman Khan on the bank of the
river Banar and defeated him202. From there Man Singh came to Dhaka
and sent a detachment across the river Ichamati to punish Musa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala and his brother Daud Khan, the sons of Isa Khan Masnad-
i-Ala, who died in September, 1599 A.C. and after his death his eldest
son Musa Kha Masnad-i-Ala took up the leadership of the anti-Mughal
politico –military alliance, that is, the leadership of the Bara-Bhuiyans,
and also against Kedar Rai, the Zamindar of Bikrampur. But Musa
Khan’s brother Daud Khan and his allies Bhuiyans closed the ferries and
prepared for war203. So, Man Singh himself came up from Dhaka to
Shahpur. At his approach they retreated to Sonargaon204. Then Man
Singh came to Burhanpuri and Tarah, where Sher Khan, a local
Zamindar, waited upon him. 205
In 1603A.C. Kedar Rai joined the Maghs and attacked the
Mughal outpost of Srinagar, to which Man Singh had to send relief with
artillery206. Near Bikrampur a great battle took place in which Kedar Rai
was wounded and captured and he died soon later207. During the rainy
season of 1604 Man Singh went to Nazirpur to take rest and in February,
1605, he left Bengal for Agra208. Thus ended Man Singh’s viceroyalty of
Bengal during the reign of Badshsah Akbar.
It appears from the accounts of Mughal warfare which took place
in Bhati from 1602 to 1603 that the main opponent of Man Singh was
Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and his allies were his brother Daud Khan
and Kedar Rai. It may be pointed out here that though, Abul Fazl
mentioned Sher Khan as a local Zamindar, he cannot be regarded as one
of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, it is seen that he submitted to Man
Singh without offering any resistance. So, here only Musa Khan, his
brother Daud Khan and Kedar Rai were among the members of the
Bara-Bhuiyans.
79
Now, on the basis of the above discussion the following list of the
Bara-i-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar may be prepared:
1. Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans;
2. Majlis Dilawar, the Zamindar of Joanshahi Pargana;
3. Majlis Pratap, the Zamindar of Khaliajuri Pargana;
4. Chand Rai, the son of Kedar Rai, the Zamindar of Sripur and
Bikrampur;
5. Kedar Rai, the Zamindar of Sripur and Bikrampur;
6. Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, who took up the leadership of the Bara-
Bhuiyans after the death of his great father Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala
7. Daud Khan, another son of Isa Khan and brother of Musa Khan.
Though, Abdul Karim counted Ibrahim Naral, Karimdad
Musazai,Tila Ghazi, Sher Khan, Bahadur Ghazi, Chand Ghazi, Sultan
Ghazi, Selim Ghazi and Qasim Ghazi209among the Bara-Bhuiyans of the
time of Badshah Akbar, they cannot be ranked with the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Because, they do not satisfy all the above- mentioned characteristics of
the Bara-Bhuiyans. Firstly, it has been seen in the previous discussion
that Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai submitted to Khan-i-Jahan
without offering any resistance. It is also known that Ibrahim Naral sent
his son with presents to Khan-i-Jahan and sought protection and the
latter accepted his excuses. So, it is evident that Ibrahim Naral and
Karimdad Musazai were not persistent in their hostility towards the
Mughals. Secondly, Tila Ghazi was a Mughal partisan and he did not
fight against the Mughals. On the contrary, he helped Khan-i-Jahan to
retreat safely from Bhati in 1578 A.C. Thirdly, Abul Fazl mentioned the
name of Sher Khan for one time only in the Akbar Nama and he says,
“Sher K., the proprietor, then had the wisdom to wait upon the
Rajah210.” The statement clearly shows that Sher Khan was loyal to the
Mughals and he saw Subahdar Man Singh and showed his allegiance.
80
Fourthly, there is no evidence in the Akbar Nama that Bahadur Ghazi

ever fought against the Mughals during the reign of Badshah Akbar. On
the other hand, Abdul Karim himself mentioned that Bahadur Ghazi was
a contemporary of Badshah Akbar and he was loyal to Badshah
Akbar211. It is also known that Bahadur Ghazi agreed to supply 35
sundar and kusa type of boats to Akbar212. So, he was a Mughal
partisan. Fifthly, there is no evidence in the Akbar Nama that Chand
Ghazi, Sultan Ghazi, Selim Ghazi and Qasim Ghazi ever fought against
the Mughals. Abdul Karim himself says, “It is not on record whether
they ever fought the Mughals.”213 So, they cannot be counted among the
Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar.
In the light of above discussion it may be concluded here that the
members of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar are Isa
Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, Majlis Dilawar,
Majlis Pratap, Chand Rai, Kedar Rai, Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, who
took up the leadership of the anti-Mughal politico-military alliance, that
is, the leadership of the Bara-Bhuiyans, after the death of his great
father Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, and Daud Khan, another son of Isa Khan
and brother of Musa Khan.
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Sub Section II
The Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of
Badshah Jahangir: A general Study
In the foregoing discussion it has been tried to identify the Bara-

Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar.Now, an attempt has been made
to identify the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Jahangir on the
basis of the accounts of the warfare between the Mughals and the Bara-
Bhuiyans in Bhati as has been described in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi by
Mirza Nathan.
Badshah Akbar died on 15th October, 1605A.C.214 On his death
his son Jahangir ascended the throne on 24th October, 1605.215 After his
accession Badshah Jahangir sent back Man Singh to Bengal. The latter
remained in Bengal this time for only one year and he was finally
recalled from Bengal in September, 1606. After Man Singh’s recall
there followed two equally short viceroyalties, those of Qutb al-Deen
Khan Koka(1606-1607) and Jahangir Quli Khan(1607-1608 A.C).216
After the death of Jahangir Quli Khan, Badshah Jahangir appointed
Islam Khan Chishti as the Subahdar of Bengal on 6th May,1608.217
Towards the early part of June, 1608,Islam Khan reached Rajmahal, the
then capital of Bengal.218 He came to Bengal with the sole resolution to
crush the independent pretensions of the Bengal Zamindars and to
impose a uniform administrative system over the entire province.
Accordingly, on reaching Rajmahal he prepared his plan of operation for
the subjugation of the whole of Bengal and began preparations for going
to Bhati against the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, he realised that the chief
obstacle to the Mughal conquest of Bengal were the Bara-Bhuiyans
holding Bhati under their command. He also realised that the foremost
enemy of the Mughals is Musa Khan Masnad-i- Ala, the acknowledged
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leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans and he should be crushed first, otherwise it

would be extremely difficult to subdue the other Bhuiyans ( Zamindars).
So, Islam Khan decided to march and wage war against Bhati and the
Bara-Bhuiyans. On 7th December, 1608, he left Rajmahal for Bhati and
reached Shahzadpur219 through Ghoraghat.220Then he marched to
Baliya221by land and instructed Ihtimam Khan, the Mughal admiral, to
proceed at once to that place with the fleet and the artillery.222
At Baliya, Islam Khan took important decisions. He ordered
Ihtimam Khan and his son Mirza Nathan to go to the Mohana of Khal
Jogini223 and to erect forts and to halt there. On the other hand, Islam
Khan himself decided to march to the Mohana of Katasgarh,224 from
where he would issue orders to Ihtimam Khan and others for necessary
action.225Ihtimam Khan reached the Mohana of Khal Jogini and built
there forts on the three mouths of the rivers. He then joined with Islam
Khan at Katasgarh.226 Now, the Mughals came face to face with the
Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, the impregnable fort of Jatrapur227of Musa
Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, was not far from
Katasgarh. Islam Khan planned to conquer the fort of Jatrapur by the
combined attack of land and naval forces.
In this situation Musa Khan also did not sit idle and he took
preparation to resist the Mughal attack together with his allies Bhuiyans
and constructed a high fort and deep trench at Dakchara.228According to
Mirza Nathan on this occasion Musa Khan’s allies were Musa Khan’s
cousin Alaul Khan (maternal uncle’s son), Abdullah Khan and Mahmud
Khan, the younger brothers of Musa Khan, Bahadur Ghazi, Sona Ghazi,
Anwar Ghazi, Shaykh Pir, son of Haji Bhakul, Mirza Mumin, Madhava
Rai, Zamindar of Khalsi, Binod Rai, Zamindar of Chandpratap,
Pahlwan, Zamindar of Matang and Haji Shamsu’d-Din Baghdadi.229
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It may be mentioned here that on the basis of these names of

Musa Khan’s allies given by Mirza Nathan in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi,
Abdul Karim says, “It is our firm belief that Mirza Nathan has given
here the names of the Bara-Bhuiyans in the reign of Jahangir.”230But it
would not be reasonable to assume that Mirza Nathan has given here all
the names of the Bara-Bhuiyans in the reign of Badshah Jahangir on the
following grounds:
Firstly, Mirza Nathan did not mention here the names of Daud Khan and
Ilyas Khan, the two sons of Isa Khan and brothers of Musa Khan.
According to the Akbar Nama and the Baharistan-i- Ghaybi Daud Khan
played an important role in the anti-Mughal resistance during the reigns
of Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir.231 So, the names of Daud
Khan and Ilyas Khan should be included among the names of the Bara-
Bhuiyans in the reign of Badshah Jahangir. Secondly, Haji Sham’s-ud-
Din Baghdadi cannot be regarded as one of the members of the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Because, Mirza Nathan elsewhere mentioned him as the Chief
Officer of Musa Khan232. Thirdly, though, Mirza Nathan mentioned
Bahadur Ghazi as one of the Zamindar allies of Musa Khan, he cannot
be counted among the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, it has been seen in the
previous discussion that he was a Mughal partisan during the reign of
Badshah Akbar. On the other hand, it is also known that when Islam
Khan Chishti sent his general Abdul Wahid against him, he made terms
with Abdul Wahid and surrendered to Islam Khan without offering any
resistance.233 So, he was not persistent in his hostility towards the
Mughals. Therefore, it may be suggested that Bahadur Ghazi does not
satisfy all the aforementioned characteristics of the Bara-Bhuiyans and
he cannot be ranked with the Bara-Bhuiyans.
84
Now, on the basis of the above discussion the following list of the
Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Jahangir may be prepared:
1. Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans;
2. Alaul Khan, Musa Khan’s cousin;
3. Abdullah Khan, son of Isa Khan and brother of Musa Khan;
4. Mahmud Khan, son of Isa Khan and brother of Musa Khan;
5. Daud Khan, son of Isa Khan and brother of Musa Khan;
6. Ilyas Khan, son of Isa Khan and brother of Musa Khan;
7. Sona Ghazi, the name of his Zamindari is not given by Mirza
Nathan;
8. Anwar Ghazi (Anwar Khan), the Zamindar of Baniachang;
9. Shaykh Pir, son of Haji Bhakul, the name of his Zamindari is not
given by Mirza Nathan;
10. Mirza Mumin, son of Masum Khan Kabuli;
11. Madhava Rai, Zamindar of Khalsi;
12. Binod Rai, Zamindar of Chandpratap and
13. Pahlwan, Zamindar of Matang.
Though, some previous writers234 counted Pratapaditya of Jessore,
Mukunda Ram and his son Satrajit of Bhushna, Kandarpa Narayan and
his son Ram Chandra of Bacla, and Lakshmana Manikya and Ananta
Manikya of Bhulua among the Bara-Bhuiyans, they cannot be ranked
with the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, they do not satisfy all the
characteristics of the Bara-Bhuiyans as mentioned erstwhile. Firstly, it is
known that Pratapaditya was loyal to the Mughals and he was the first
among the Zamindars (Bhuiyans) of Bengal to send his envoy and son
to Islam Khan. According to the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi he sent his
younger son Sangramaditya with his envoy Shaykh Badi with large gifts
on Islam Khan’s arrival at Rajmahal.235Later, Pratapaditya himself came
and paid his respects to Islam Khan. It is known that on 26th April,
85
1609 A.C., when Islam Khan reached Bajrapur, Pratapaditya came and
presented six elephants, some precious articles, camphor, aguru (aloe
wood) and about Rupees fifty thousand in cash as his tributes.236 Islam
Khan also received him cordially and he was presented with a horse, a
grand robe of honour and a bejeweled sword-belt. Thus Pratapaditya
was converted into a loyal officer237. Besides, he entered into a covenant
with Isalam Khan and he agreed to send military assistance in the
projected campaign against Musa Khan and the Bara-Bhuiyans. 238 So, it
is clear that Pratapaditya was loyal to the Mughals from the beginning
and the Mughals also considered him as one of their loyal vassals.
Though, he later fought against the Mughals, for a different reason, that
is, to pay for his failure to keep the pledge he had given to Islam Khan.
Modern scholars N.K.Bhattasali, M.Mohar Ali and Abdul Karim do not
consider him as one of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Abdul Karim says, “His
(Pratapaditya) activities do not prove that he was a patriot…” 239So,
Pratapaditya cannot be ranked with the Bara-Bhuiyans. Secondly, there
is no evidence in the Akbar Nama that Mukunda Ram ever fought
against the Mughals. During the reign of Badshah Jahangir the
Zamindar of Bhushna was Mukunda Ram’s son Satrajit. According to
Mirza Nathan, Islam Khan sent a detachment against Satrajit. Though,
the latter initially decided to resist the Mughals, in the end he entered
into an agreement with the Mughals and remained loyal to them
throughout the rest of his life.240So, he was a Mughal partisan. Thirdly,
there is no evidence in the Akbar Nama that Kandarpa Narayan ever
fought against the Mughals. During the reign of Badshah Jahangir the
Zamindar of Bakla was Kandarpa Narayan’s son Ram Chandra.
According to the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi Ram Chandra submitted to the
Mughals on the first onslaught.241Fourthly, there is no evidence in the
Akbar Nama or in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi that Lakshmana Manikya of
86
Bhulua ever fought against the Mughals. On the other hand, Ananta
Manikya fought against the Mughals for the first and the last time in
1611 A.C. in the reign of Badshah Jahangir when he had no other
recourse but to fight.242 Moreover, the history of the subjugation of
Bengal by Islam Khan Chishti, as described in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi,
gives the clear impression that Pratapaditya, Satrajit, Ram Chandra,
Lakshmana Manikya and Ananta Manikya had no contact with Musa
Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Not only that when
Musa Khan was attacked by the Mughals they did not come to his aid
and remained silent. Therefore, they cannot be regarded as the Bara-
Bhuiyans.
In the light of above discussion it may be concluded here that the
members of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Jahangir are
Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, Alaul Khan,
Musa Khan’s cousin, Abdullah Khan, Mahmud Khan, Daud Khan and
Ilyas Khan, the sons of Isa Khan and brothers of Musa Khan, Sona
Ghazi, Anwar Khan, Shaykh Pir, Mirza Mumin, Madhava Rai, Binod
Rai and Pahlwan.

1. Akbar Nama, p.648.
2. Nathan, Mirza The Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, Vol.I &II Translated
from the original Persian by Dr.M.I.Borah, Gauhati, Assam,
1936, Vol.I, p.56; henceforth cited only as Baharistan and
Baharistan II.
3. Sree Khitishchandra Moulik (Edited), Prachin Purbabanga Gitika
(Bengali), Vol.VII, “Dewan Isha Khaner Pala”, First Published,
Kolkata, 1975,pp.159-240.
4. James Wise first attempted to recover the history of the Bara-
Bhuiyans and he published an article titled “On the Barah Bhuyas
of Eastern Bengal” in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
No.III, 1874, pp.197-214, henceforth cited only as Wise.
87
5. Henry Blochmann died on 13th July, 1878, at the early age of 40

years only. He edited the vast text of the Ain-i-Akbari of Abu-l-
Fazl Allami and he also translated the first volume of the Ain-i-
Akbari into English from the Persian, Ain-i-Akbari Vol. II,
Second Edition, corrected and further annotated by Sir Jadu-Nath
Sarkar, Low Price Publications, Delhi, Reprinted in 1997, p.III;
henceforth cited only as Ain. Blochmann published a series of
articles titled “Contributions to the Geography and History of
Bengal” in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Vols.XLII, 1873; XLIII, 1874; XLIV, 1875.
6. Henry Beveridge published an article titled “On Isa Khan, the
ruler of Bhati, in the time of Akbar” in the Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, No. I, 1904, pp.57-63.
7. Satish Chandra Mitra published his book titled Jashohar-Khulnar
Itihash (History of Jessore and Khulna), Vol., II, in 1329 B.S.
(1922 A.D.). In this book he deals in detail with Pratapaditya and
more briefly with all the Bhuiyans; henceforth cited only as
Jashohar-Khulna.
8. Nalini Kanta Bhattasali published a series of articles titled
“Bengal Chiefs’ Struggle for Independence in the reign of Akbar
& Jahangir” in Bengal Past & Present, Vol.35, 1928; Vol. 36,
1928; Vol. 38, 1929; henceforth cited only as B.P.P.
9. Muhammad Abdur Rahim published his book titled The History
of the Afghans in India in 1961 from Karachi, henceforth cited
only as The Afghans.
10. Muhammad Mohar Ali published his book titled History of the
Muslims of Bengal, Vol. IA and Vol. IB, from Riyadh in 1985,
henceforth cited only as Muslims of Bengal and Muslims of
Bengal Vol.IB respectively.
11. Abdul Karim published his books History of Bengal (Mughal
Period), Vol.I and Banglar Itihash Mughal Amal, Vol.I (in
Bengali) in 1992 from the Institute of Bangladesh Studies,
Rajshahi University, Rajshahi, Bangladesh, henceforth cited only
as Mughal Period and Mughal Amal respectively.
12. Wise, pp.197-198.
13. Ibid., pp. 199-214.
14. Choudhuri, Kamal (Edited), Banglar Baro Bhuiya O Maharaj
Pratapaditya (Landlords of Bengal and Maharaj Pratapaditya), a
collection of the writings of different scholars on the Bara-
88
Bhuiyans, Dey’s Publishing, Kolkata,2005, p.45 ; henceforth cited

only as Baro Bhuiya.
15. Ibid.
17. Gait, E.A, A History of Assam, Second Edition Revised, Calcutta
and Simla,Thacker, Spink & Co, 1926,pp.38-39; henceforth cited
only as Assam.
18. Mazumder, Sree Kedarnath, Moymonsingher Itihash O
Moymonsingher Biboron (in Bengali, A History of Moymonsing
District of Bangladesh), Anandodhara First Published, Dhaka,
2005, pp. 31-32; henceforth cited only as Moymonsingher
Itihash.
19. Mughal Period, p.158.
20. Ibid., p.108; Akbar Nama, p.228; B.P.P., Vol.XXXVIII, No.75,
p. 37.
22. Baro Bhuiya, pp.98-99.
23. Ibid., p.99.
24. Ibid., pp.291-292.
25. Ibid., p.297.
26. S.J., Rev. H. Hosten, “The Twelve Bhuiyas or Landlords of
Bengal”, in the Journal of the Asitic Society of Bengal, Vol. IX,
No.10, November, 1913, pp. 437-438; henceforth cited only as
Landlords of Bengal.
27. Ibid..p.438.
28. Ibid., p.439.
29. H. Hosten himself agrees with the identification of Chandican
with Jessore, Ibid., pp.441-442.
30. Ibid., pp.445-446.
32. Ibid.
33. Jashohar-Khulna, pp.20-22, and also quoted and translated by
N.K.Bhattasali and Abdul Karim, B.P.P., Vol.XXXV, No.69,
p.30; Ibid., pp. 41-42.
89
34. B.P.P.,Vol.XXXV,No.69,pp.25-39,Vol.XXXV,No.70,pp.135-
142,Vol.XXXVI,No.71,pp.32-50 and Vol.XXXVIII,No.75,
pp.19-47.
35. Ibid., Vol.XXXV, pp.30-31.
36. Ibid., p.31.
37. Ibid., p.32.
38. Ibid.
39. Ibid.
40. Ibid., pp.32-33.
41. Ibid., p.33.
42. Mughal Amal, p.39.
43. B.P.P., Vol.XXXV, p.32.
44. Mughal Period, pp.108, 117.
46. B.P.P., Vol.XXXV, p.33.
47. Ibid., pp. 33, 39.
48. Chatterji, Sree Himangshu Mohan, Vikrampur, Vol. I (Bengali),
1931, p.282.
49. Sen, Kali Prasanna (Edited), Rajmala, Vol.3.not dated, p. 149.
50. Taifoor, Syed Muhammad, Glimpses of Old Dhaka, Second
Edition, 1956, p.66; henceforth cited only as Glimpses of Dhaka.
52. Roy, Atul Chandra, History of Bengal (Mughal Period, 1526-
1765 A.D.), Calcutta, 1968, p.60; henceforth cited only as History
of Bengal.
53. Qader, M.Abdul, Historical Fallacies Unveiled, Islamic
Foundation Bangladesh, 1988, p.40; henceforth cited only as
Historical Fallacies.
54. Muslims of Bengal, p.292.
55. Ibid., pp.296-298.
56. Ibid., p.298.
57. Ibid.
58. Baharistan, p.101.
90

60. Ibid., p.346.
62. Ibid.,p. 294.
64. Akbar Nama, pp.376-378.
65. Mughal Period,p.113.
66. Ibid.,p. 123.
67. Ibid.,p. 114.
68. Ibid.,pp. 114-115.
69. Ibid., pp.116-117.
70. Ibid., p. 117.
71. Ibid.,p. 47.
73. Ibid.,pp. 377-378.
74. Ibid., p.1215.
76. Ibid., p.115.
77. Akbar Nama, p.1215, Abul Fazl says, “The wicked Afghans
leagued with Daud, the son of Isa…and closed the ferries and
prepared for war.”
78. Mirza Nathan says, “...it was decided that …and Mirza Nathan
should be sent to Katrabu against Dawud Khan...”, “Nathan
proceeds against Dawud Khan”, “Plan of attack on Dawud’s
position,” “Dawud’s position carried” etc. Baharistan, pp. 79,
80, 81.
79. Ibid., p.85.
81. Ibid.,pp.376-378,648-651,660,672,674,676,693-694,695-696,
697,701,721-722, 779, 1031.
82. Baharistan, pp.56-57; Baharistan, II, p.799.
91
85. Baharistan, pp.79-81.

86. Mirza Nathan says, “Haji Shamsu’d-Din Baghdadi, the chief
officer of Musa Khan, came to see Islam Khan.” Ibid., p.85.
87. Assam, p.39.
88. Quoted by Satish Chandra Mitra, Jashohar-Khulna, p.20.
89. Landlords of Bengal, p.447.
91. B.P.P., Vol.XXXV, No.69, p.32.
92. Moymonsingher Itihash, pp.31-32.
94. Jashohar-Khulna, p.21.
95. B.P.P., Vol.XXXV, No.69, p.32.
97. Ibid., p.29.
98. Ibid., p. 48; Mughal Amal, p.39.
101. For details see, Jashohar-Khulna, pp. 27-28.
103. Mughal Amal, p.82; Mughal Period, p. 101.
104. Ibid.
105. H. Hosten himself agrees with the identification of Chandican
with Jessore, Landlords of Bengal, and pp.441-442.
106. Ibid., pp.445-446.
107. Mughal Period, p. 102.
108. Ibid.
110. Ahmed, Wakil, Banglay Bideshi Parjatak (Foreign Travellers in
Bengal), Chistiya Printing Press, Dhaka, Second Edition, October,
1990, p.116; henceforth cited only as Bideshi Parjatak.
111. For details see, Akbar Nama, pp.648-651,658-660, 721-722.
92
112. Ain, p.130.

114. Ibid., p.648.
115. Ibid., pp.376-378.
116. Ibid., pp.648-651,658-660.
118. Ibid.,p.28
119. Ibid.,p.56
120. Akbar Nama, p.376, f.n.2; Mughal Amal, p.88; Mughal Period,
p.108.
121. Ibid., pp.645-646, f.n.3; Ibid.; Ibid.
122. Ain, p.130, f.n.4; Mughal Amal, p.88.
123. Ibid., p.130.
124. Akbar Nama, pp.645-647.
125. Ain, pp.129-130.
126. Mughal Period, pp.107-108; Mughal Amal, pp.87-88.
127. Ibid., p.108.
128. Masnad-i-Ala, pp.93-94.
129. Akbar Nama, pp.376-378.
131. Mughal Period, p.109; Mughal Amal, p.89.
132. Ibid., p.148.
133. Akbar Nama, pp.648-651, 658-660.
135. Ibid.
136. Ibid., p.174.
137. Ibid.
138. Ibid.
139. Akbar Nama, pp.1093-1094.
93
141. Akbar Nama, pp.1214-1215.

142. Ain, p.130.
143. B.P.P., Vol.XXXVIII, No.75.p.26; Mughal Period, p.111.
144. Hunter, W.W., A Statistical Account of Bengal, Vol.VI, First
Print, 1876, Reprinted, 1973, p.356.
145. Mughal Period, p.111; Baharistan, p.55.
148. Mughal Amal, p.153; H.Bengal, pp.211-212.
149. For details see, Mughal Amal, pp.185-187.
150. Ibid., p.192.
152. Masnad-i-Ala, p.128, note, 68; The Afghans, pp. 227-228.
156. In 1913 Rev. H. Hosten published an article entitled “The Twelve
Bhuiyas or Landlords of Bengal”. He wrote this article on the
basis of the writings of the contemporary European writers Du
Jarric, Sebastien Manrique and others. It is learnt from this article
that Du Jarric referred to the twelve Bhuiyans. According to him
of these Bhuiyans three were Hindus, those of Chandecan
(Jessore),Sripur and Bacla, the other nine were Muslims. But he
did not mention the names of the Muslim Bhuiyans and their
territories. So, his statement seems to be incomplete, which does
not help to identify the Bara-Bhuiyans. On the other hand,
another European writer Sebastien Manrique also refers to twelve
Bhuiyans. But instead of giving the names, he has only referred to
the territories of the Bhuiyans. Besides, his list of the twelve
Bhuiyans is confusing. Because, he includes Orissa into the
twelve kingdoms of Bengal, but at that time Orissa was a separate
Subah in the Mughal administrative set-up (Mughal Period,
p.101). Manrique also includes Jessore and Chandican as two
separate kingdoms, but Jessore and Chandican were one and the
same place (Mughal Period, p.101). Moreover, though, Manrique
gives the names of twelve kingdoms of Bengal, he includes
94
Bengala in the list separately. The inclusion of Bengala separately

again gives rise to suspicion about the authenticity of his
statement.For details see, Landlords of Bengal, pp. 437- 449.
157. Moymonsingher Itihash, pp. 31-32.
159. B.P.P., Vol.XXXV, p.33.
160. Historical Fallacies, pp. 30, 40.
163. Ibid.p.29.
164. Ibid.p.48.
165. Ibid.p.106.
166. See Section I.
167. See Section III.
168. Akbar Nama, p. 1140.
169. Ibid.pp.376-378, Mughal Period, pp. 146-150.
170. Chand Rai was killed by Khwaja Usman Khan and his brother
Khwaja Sulaiman Khan, nephews of Qutlu Khan Nuhani of
Orissa, on 11th February, 1593 A.C., Akbar Nama, pp. 968-969;
H.Bengal, p.210; Kedar Rai died in 1603 A.C. during the reign
of Badshah Akbar, Akbar Nama, p.1235; MughalPeriod, p.69.
172. Akbar Nama, pp. 376-378. Kastul is situated on the bank of the
river Meghna, two miles to the west of Astagram. It was situated
in the Pargana of Joanshahi, and the place is at present known as
Kathail, Mughal Period, p.148.
173. Akbar Nama, pp. 376-378.
174. Masnad-i-Ala, p.96.
175. Ibid.p.95.
176. Ibid.
177. These Parganas are now situated in the districts of Narayanganj,
Narsinghdi and Kishoreganj.
178. Akbar Nama, pp. 377-378.
95

180. Akbar Nama, pp. 648-651, 658-660; Mughal Period, pp. 169-175.
181. Khizrpur is situated to the north-east of modern Narayanganj and
about 9 miles off from Dhaka, Mughal Period, p.173.
182. Tok is situated on the bank of the river Brahmaputra, just where
the river Banar takes off, Mughal Period, p.174.
183. Bajitpur is an Upazila in modern Kishoreganj district.
184. Masum Khan Kabuli was a military captain of the time of
Badshah Akbar. In 1580 A.C. Badshah Akbar introduced Din-i-
Ilahi, and at about the same time, the regulations of branding the
horses were strictly enforced and the field allowances of soldiers
of Bengal and Bihar were reduced. As a result discontent
prevailed among the field officers and soldiers, and discontent
turned into an open rebellion in Bengal and Bihar. The rebels
established contact with Mirza Hakim, brother of Badshah Akbar,
and conspired to place him on the throne. Masum Khan Kabuli
was one of the leaders of the rebels.The rebellion was suppressed,
but Masum Khan Kabuli did no more submit to Badshah Akbar.
He declared independence and joined with Isa Khan Masnad- i-
Ala and continued his war against the Mughals till his death in
1599A.C., Mughal Period, p.62; Akbar Nama, p. 1130.
185. For details see, Akbar Nama, pp.672-674, 676,694-697, 701,721-
722,779; Mughal Period, pp.175-184.
186. Mughal Period, p.104; Bideshi Parjatak, p.116.
188. Ibid. pp.999-1001; H. Bengal, p.211.
189. Ibid. pp.1042-1043; Ibid.
190. Ibid. p.1043; Ibid.
191. H.Bengal, p.211.
192. Akbar Nama, pp.1093-1094; H.Bengal, pp.211-212.
193. Ibid., p.1093. Katrabo is at present known as Masumabad, a
village of Rupganj Upazila of Narayanganj District, Mughal
Period, p.174.
194. Akbar Nama, p.1093; H. Bengal, p. 212.
195. Ibid.; Ibid.
196. Ibid.,p.1140; Ibid. p.213.
96
197. Khwaja Usman Khan and his brother Khwaja Sulaiman Khan,
these two Afghan Chieftains were driven out from Orissa by Man
Singh, the Mughal general, in 1592 A.C. and went to the fort of
Bhushna, where they engaged in conflict with Chand Rai and his
father Kedar Rai and killed Chand Rai. Later, Isa Khan made a
settlement between the two parties and as a result Kedar Rai
appointed Khwaja Sulaiman Khan Commander-in-chief of his
army and Isa Khan established Khwaja Usman Khan in his own
Zamindari of Bukainagar. After this, these two Afghan Chieftains
engaged themselves in the anti- Mughal resistance jointly with Isa
Khan, Akbar Nama, pp.968-969; Mughgal Period, p. 95.
198. Akbar Nama, p.968; H.Bengal, p. 210.
199. Ibid., p.1174; Ibid., pp.213, 229.
200. Ibid., p.1213; Mughal Period, pp.200-202; Muslims of Bengal,
p.299.
201. Ibid., p.1214; H. Bengal, p.214.
202. Ibid.; Ibid.
203. Ibid., pp.1214-1215; Mughal Period, pp.202-203.
204. Ibid., p.1215; Ibid., p.203; H.Bengal, p.214.
205. Ibid. Barhanpuri and Tarah, none of which cannot be identified,
MughalPeriod, p.203.
206. Ibid. p.1235; Mughal Period, p. 205.
207. Ibid. p.1236; Ibid.
208. Ibid. pp.1240, 1256-1261; Ibid.pp.205-206.
209. Mughal Period, pp.114-115.
212. Ibid., p.92.
213. Ibid.p.115.
214. Ibid., p.206.
215. Ibid., p.217.
216. Muslims of Bengal, p. 300; H.Bengal, p.229.
97
218. Ibid.
219. Ibid., pp. 226, 228. Even now Shahzadpur is an important place in
Pabna District on the west bank of the river Karatoya.
220. On 2nd June, 1609A.C. Islam Khan Chishti reached Ghoraghat,
Mughal Period, p.227.
221. Jadunath Sarkar thinks that Baliya is situated about 10 miles
south-east of Shahzadpur, H.Bengal, p.253.
223. Ibid., p.53; Mughal Period, p.245. Mohana Khal Jogini cannot be
located in modern map; it must have been washed away by the
rivers. Abdul Karim thinks that Mohana Khal Jogini was near
Katasgarh and Baliya, Mughal Period, p. 283, note, 87.
224. At present Katasgarh is known as Kashtasagar. The place is
situated in the Ulail Union of Shibaloy Thana of Manikganj
District, Masnad-i-Ala, p.287, note, 8.
225. Baharistan, p.53; Mughal Period, p.245.
226. Ibid., p.54.
227. Jatrapur is situated about 30 miles west of Dhaka and a road from
this place goes to Dhaka via Nawabganj, Mughal Period, p. 283,
note,91.
228. Baharistan, p.56. At present Dakchara is known as Dhakijora and
it is situated in the Shimulia Union of Harirampur Thana of
Manikganj District, Masnad-i- Ala, p.287, note, 11.
229. Ibid.,p. 57.
231. For details see, Baharistan, pp.79-81; Akbar Nama, p.1215.
232. Ibid., p. 85.
233. Ibid., pp. 80, 88.
234. Kailash Chandra Singh, Satish Chandra Mitra, Nikhil Nath Rai,
Anandanath Rai and others. For details see Baro Bhuiya, pp. 45,
83-85, 98-126, 297, 349, 357, 363, 369.
238. Ibid., p. 28.
98

241. Ibid., pp.131-132.
242. Ibid., pp.96-98; Mughal Period, pp. 269-271.
99
Chapter III
The Rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans
Section I
The Cause of Their Rise
In the previous discussion it has been tried to identify the Bara-

Bhuiyans of the times of Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir. Now
the question is what was the cause of their rise? The following causes
can be traced for the rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans:
Firstly, to trace the cause of the Bara-Bhuiyans, it would be
relevant here to give an idea of the land-revenue system of the pre-
Mughal Bengal, that is, of the Bengal Sultanate. The land-revenue was
the principal source of income for the government of pre-Mughal
Bengal. According to Minhajus-s-Siraj, after ascending the throne of
Lakhnauti the Rais of the surrounding places sent presents and tribute to
Ali Mardan Khilji.1 Sultan Fakhr al-Deen Mubarak Shah realised the
land-revenue from the outskirts of Sonargaon2. Some of the rulers even
issued special coins out of the land-revenue of specific territories. For
instance, Sultan Mughith al-Deen Yuzbak issued coins from the land-
revenue of Nadia and Burdwan, and Sultan Rukn al-Deen Kaikaus
issued coins out of the land-revenue of Bang (east Bengal)3. Apart from
these, Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq of Delhi proclaimed a general
remission of land-revenue in course of his expedition against Bengal in
order to win the support of the land-owners (Zamindars) in general4. So,
it appears from these instances that the rulers of pre-Mughal Bengal
realised the land-revenue regularly.
Now, the question is what was the method of land-revenue

collection, was the collection made directly by the government, or it was
100
done through the intermediaries? There are many contemporary

references which show that the collection of revenue was done by the
government through Zamindars, Ijaradars, and other revenue agents,
besides, the Amil, Shiqdar and other government officers5. The Amils or
Shiqdars were direct revenue collecting government officers. Generally
the collection of revenue through Amils or Shiqdars operated in the
ryotwari system which linked ryots directly with the government in
matters of land and revenue6. On the other hand, the collection of
revenue from the ryots through such middlemen as Zamindars and
Ijaradars, may be termed as the Zamindari or Ijaradari system7. There
were two classes of Zamindars in Bengal, (i) Peshkash or tribute paying
Zamindars and (ii) Ijaradars or revenue contractors or agents, who in
course of time became permanent and hereditary revenue farmers 8. The
tribute paying Zamindars had their origin from the beginning of the
Muslim rule in Bemgal. They were petty Hindu Rajas who submitted to
Muslim rulers. The Muslim rulers allowed these Rajas to continue as
Zamindars in their territories on their promise to pay regular tribute and
remain loyal to the established government. The Muslim writers called
them by the name of Zamindar9. The existence of a powerful class of
Zamindar in the earlier period of Muslim rule in Bengal is shown by the
proclamation of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq of Delhi issued to the
Zamindars and influential section of Bengali people on the eve of his
campaign against Sultan Haji Shams al-Deen Ilyas Shah of Bengal. It is
also known that several Zamindars of Bengal joined Firuz Shah in his
campaign and many Hindu Zamindars fought in the side of Ilyas Shah10.
It is to be noted here that Raja Kans, Zamindar of Bhaturia, acquired so
much power in the state that he ousted Ilyas Shahi dynasty and became
the practical ruler of Bengal11. The Vaishnava literature of the sixteenth
century mentions of a large number of Hindu Zamindars in Bengal12.
101
There were many Zamindars both Muslims and Hindus during the
Afghan rule in Bengal13. All these Zamindars did not have their origin
from early Muslim time. Many of the old Zamindars had disappeared
and new ones appeared in their places. Some of the Zamindars had their
rise as a result of contract with Muslim rulers in the collection of
revenue14. Among them some were Muslim Zamindars. It is but natural
to expect the rise of some Muslim Zamindars after the Muslim conquest
of Bengal.15
The Zamindars thus included both Peshkash paying Zamindars

and Ijaradars, who later on came to be known as Zamindars16.
Originally name Zamindar was applied to small Hindu Rajas, who
submitted to Muslim rulers and paid Peshkash. Later on the name
included also revenue farmers who became permanent and hereditary in
this office by regular collection and payment of Government revenue 17.
There are evidences of Ijaradar turning Zamindar. For example,
Hiranyadas was a Zamindar of Satgaon during the reign of Ala al-Deen
Hussain Shah. He was originally a Chowdhury.18 The government
granted him a sanad for Satgaon territory on his agreeing to pay twelve
lakhs of rupees as state revenue. Thus he became a Zamindar of
Satgaon19. It is also known that Muslim rulers generally granted
contracts to Hindu officers, such as Qanungoes and Chowdhuries for the
collection of revenue. If these contractors paid the government revenue
regularly, they were allowed to continue permanently. Such revenue
farmers were dignified with the name of Zamindar.20
So, it is clear from the above discussion that there were a large
number of Zamindars in pre-Mughal Bengal, which indicates that the
collection of revenue through these middlemen was the prevailing
practice in pre-Mughal Bengal. For the sake of convenience, this system
102
of collection of revenue through the middlemen may be termed as

Zamindari21. There are some special reasons for Muslim rulers to prefer
this system. Firstly, they did not oust Hindu chiefs who submitted and
promised to pay tribute and remain loyal to the Muslim government.
Secondly, Muslim rulers needed the co-operation of Hindu chiefs in the
consolidation of their power. Thirdly, they did not want to disturb the
tradition and introduce an experiment in the revenue system of Bengal.
They found collection through existing Zamindars most convenient and
economical. So, the revenue was collected mostly through Zamindars,
and the collection by Amil or Shiqdars was confined to a limited area. 22
The following points are clear from the above discussion:

a) The land-revenue was collected mostly through the Zamindari
system in pre-Mughal Bengal.
b) On the basis of this system of land-revenue collection there raised
a large number of Zamindars and
c) The existence of a large number of Zamindars shows that their
Zamindaries comprised a large part of Bengal.
Thus the Zamindars continued through centuries in this country

and they formed a powerful aristocracy of the Bengali society in Muslim
period and they also exercised a great influence on the politico-
economic as well as socio-cultural life of their times23. Therefore, it
would not be an exaggeration to assume that some of them were the
ancestors of the Bara-Bhuiyans who defied the Mughal authority. For
example, Chand Rai and Kedar Rai, the Zamindars of Sripur in
Bikrampur, played a notable role in the history of Bengal. The family
tradition of this house traces its origin to one Nim Rai. According to the
family tradition collected by James Wise, Nim Rai was the founder of
this Zamindar family. He migrated from the Carnatic and settled at Ara
103
Phulbari in Bikrampur, 150 years before the reign of Mughal Badshah

Akbar. He acquired a Zamindari and obtained the sanction of the
reigning Sultan. Chand Rai and Kedar Rai were his descendents24. They
were the bonafide members of the Bara-Bhuiyans and fought under the
leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala against the establishment of
Mughal sovereignty in Bengal.
Secondly, the geography of the country, such as the natural

barriers on the borders, the innumerable rivers through its plains, the
marshes and swamps in many places and the reportedly bad climate,
which frightened the people of Northern India, had far-reaching effects
on the history of Bengal and the life of its people25. These geographical
and natural features of Bengal facilitated her to maintain an isolated and
independent political life for several centuries. It is also noteworthy in
this connection that natural features were largely responsible for the
growth of the sense of isolationism and such other notions in the
political life of the people of Bengal. They had a special charm for the
beauties of the nature around and developed a romantic love for rivers
and rains. The green plains, monsoonic weather and river highways
fostered a sense of local patriotism and spirit of freedom in the people of
this country. So, they were always opposed to the rule of an outsider26.
On the other hand, the alluvial plain, monsoonic weather and network of
rivers contributed to the fertility of the soil and prosperity of the people
of Bengal. The prosperity of the people and the wealth of the country
enabled its rulers to maintain an independent existence27. A part from
these, the natural barriers accounted for its inaccessibility and they also
acted as its first line of defence against any outside invader. For
example, a small Bengal force could stay a big invading force at the
passes in the northern frontier. Further, the rivers, rains and marshes
104
provided Bengal with a second line of defence. Because, it was not easy
in those days for an enemy force to cross the Ganges, the Brahmaputra,
the Mahananda, the Kosi and their numerous tributaries and
distributaries. The long rainy season and the inundated plains were
uncongenial for the Northern Indain soidiers to carry on warfare in this
country. In addition, the climate of the country which was thought,
without justification, to be hellish, served as a third line of defence
against an outside attack.28
Moreover, because of the existence of the rivers and waters all
around, the Bengali people naturally became expert in boatmanship and
naval warfare. While speaking of the use of boats and boatmanship of
the Bengalis, Abul Fazl observes,
“Travelling is by boat, especially in the rains, and they make them of

different kinds (of boats) for purposes of war, carriage or swift sailing.
For attacking a fort they are so constructed that when run ashore, their
prow overtops the fort and facilitates its capture.”29
It is to be noted in this connection that the early Muslim

governors of Bengal, who aspired for an independent dominion in this
province, realised the advantage of naval warfare and accordingly
developed the navy and trained their people in the art of naval warfare.
They also laid greater importance to the naval warfare rather than to
fighting on land. Because, the Bengal soldiers and sailors could move
swiftly in the waters, attack the enemy at the vantage places and easily
score the victory against the Northern soldiers, who had little experience
of boatmanship and naval warfare. On many occasions, a small naval
force of the Bengalis achieved decisive advantages over a large enemy
force. It was because of the naval superiority of the Bengalis and the
impossibility of the cavalry movement during the six rainy months,
abundance of trees and shrubs favourable to ambushes and surprise
105
attacks that the Bengal governors defied the Delhi Sultans and even
Zamindars like Isa Khan and his allies maintained their independence in
this province in the face of the strong opposition of Badshah Akbar30.
So, it is seen that Bengal had a fleet of war-boats from the beginning of
Muslim rule. The independent rulers of Bengal and even Zamindars
used it as a powerful force in maintaining their independence against the
north.31
On the basis of above discussion it may be said that the

geography and natural features of Bengal made it inaccessible to the
outside invader and her people freedom-loving, wealthy and expert in
boatmanship and naval warfare, which substantially helped Bengal in
maintaining an independent political career for several centuries.
In fact, the geography, nature and riches of Bengal facilitated its

governors to rebel and to become independent. Once the governor had
rebelled, his fellow chiefs also were seized with the ambition for the
sovereign power of the province. Thus there were frequent strifes among
the Khilji chiefs for attaining the supreme power in Bengal 32. So, Barani
writes,
“Shrewd and knowing people had given to Lakhnauti the name of

Bulghakpur (the city of strife), for since the time when Sultan Muizzu-d
din Muhammad Sam conquered Dehli, every governor that had been
sent from thence to Lakhnauti took advantage of the distance, and of the
difficulties of the road, to rebel. If they did not rebel themselves others
rebelled against them, killed them, and seized the country. The people of
this country had for many long years evinced a disposition to revolt, and
the disaffected and evil disposed among them generally succeeded in
alienating the loyalty of the governors.”33
Abul Fazl also holds the same view about Bengal and observes,
106
“…a country which from old times was called a house of contention
(bulghak-khana). That is to say, the dust of commotion was always
being stirred up in that country by wicked men.”34
The kings and emperors of the north found it difficult to impose
their authority on the rulers of this country in the Hindu as well as in
Muslim times. Even if they somehow occupied Bengal, they could not
keep their hold on it for long. Because, favoured by the natural
advantages the governors of Bemgal easily threw off the yoke and set up
an independent rule in the province35. So, it is seen that Bengal enjoyed
an independent status throughout the Hindu period, with the exception
of a few years under Asoka and about a century in the reigns of the
imperial Guptas. In the Muslim period also, Bengal remained practically
independent, ever since its conquest by Ikhtiyar al-Deen Muhammad
Bakhtiyar Khilji. Of the Delhi Sultans, only Iltutmish, Balban, Ala al-
Deen Khilji and Ghiyath al-Deen Tughlaq, could exercise control over
the Turkoman governors of Bengal. But in the later part of the reign of
Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq, Fakhr al-Deen Mubarak Shah established
an independent kingdom in East Bengal with Sonargaon as his capital.
From this time Bengal drifted away from the Sultanate of Deihi and
severed even the nominal tie of subordination to the rulers of Northern
India. After this, Bengal developed completely a separate political
career under the rule of Ilyas Shahi dynasty, the Abyssinian family and
the Sayyid dynasty of Ala al-deen Husain Shah.36 After these, Bengal
lost her sovereignty to the Sur Afghan leader Sher Shah and again
became a province of the Sur Afghan Sultanate of Delhi. But later on,
Bengal got back her independence under the Sur and Kararani Afghans
Successively.
Bengal thus enjoyed an independent status for more than two

centuries. In this period the geographical and political unity of Bengal
107
was established, which gave rise to a sense of patriotism and regional

sovereignty among the people of this country. Though, the history of the
independent Sultanate of Bengal closed with the defeat and death of
Daud Khan Kararani in the battle of Rajmahal in 1576 A.C. at the hands
of Mughal Badshah Akbar’s general Khan-i-Jahan, the conquest proved
to be a nominal one. Because, inspired by local patriotism the Bengali
Zamindars ( Bhuiyans) continued the struggle for anti-Mughal resistance
under the leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and after him, of his son
Musa Khan Masnad-i- Ala and defied the Mughal authority
successfully and maintained their independence in their respective
territories for more than three decades.
Therefore, on the basis of above discussion it may be concluded

here that the geographical and natural features of Bengal was one of the
causes of the rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Thirdly, the Afghan rule in Bengal was particularly favourable for

the rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans and their coming into prominence.
Because, the feudal character of the Afghan system of political and
social organization largely accounted for the rise of the Zamindars to
such prominence. The Afghan rulers favoured the growth of the
Zamindaries, as they preferred the government by jagirs as the most
convenient one to them. In view of the rebellion of his governor (Khizr
Khan) and troubles in Bengal and the distance of Bengal from the seat
of the imperial authority at Delhi, even Sher Shah, who was opposed to
the system of feudal government, adopted this expedient in the
administration of this province. Sher Shah divided Bengal into a number
of smaller areas, most probably sarkars, and gave them to the tribal
chiefs of the Afghans37. This suggests that several Afghan Zamindars
had their origin from this time. For example, Majlis Dilawar and Majlis
108
Pratap are mentioned in the Akbar Nama as the Zamindars of Bhati,

who compelled the Mughal general Khan-i-Jahan to retreat to Sihhatpur
in1578A.C.38 These Zamindars flourished during the time of the Afghan
rule39. It has been stated earlier that they were the Zamindars of
Joanshahi and Khaliajuri Parganas and were the members of the Bara-
Bhuiyans.
Another great Zamindari is found existing from the time of the

Mughal conquest of Bengal in the reign of Badshah Akbar40. This was
the Zamindari of Sripur in Bikrampur under Chand Rai and Kedar Rai.
Ralph Fitch, who visited Sripur in 1586A.C. found Chand Rai ruling
there.The former referred to him as a rebel against Badshah Akbar. This
Zamindar family had its origin in the pre-Mughal period41. According to
the family tradition, Nim Rai was the founder of this Zamindari. He
migrated from the Carnatic and settled at Ara Phulbari in Bikrampur,
150 years before the reign of Mughal Badshah Akbar. He acquired a
Zamindari and obtained the sanction of the reigning Sultan. Chand Rai
and Kedar Rai were his descendents. They flourished in the period of
the Kararani Sultanate in Bengal42. It has been mentioned earlier that
they were the bona fide members of the Bara-Bhuiyans and fought
under the leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala against the establishment
of Mughal sovereignty in Bengal.
The most powerful and influential of the Bara-Bhuiyans was Isa

Khan Masnad-i-Ala of Sonargaon. His father Sulaiman Khan was
originally a descendant of an Afghan chief, who came from the region
of the Sulayman Mountains of Afghanistan. Sulaiman’s grand father
first came to India during the reign of Sultan Bahlul Ludi of Delhi, who
gave him a jagir and he settled in India. But the Afghans lost their
kingdom of Delhi Sultanate with the defeat of Sultan Ibrahim Ludi in
109
the battle of Panipat in 1526 A.C. and this time Sulaiman Khan along
with the family of Mahmud Ludi, brother of Ibrahim Ludi, took shelter
in Bengal. Nusrat Shah, the Sayyid Sultan of Bengal, was sympathised
to these Afghan refugees. He established marital relationship with them
and gave jagirs to many of them. Among these Afghans Sulaiman Khan
also settled in Bengal permanently. He married a daughter of Sultan
Nusrat Shah and became a member of the Sayyid family. But after the
death of Sultan Nusrat Shah, his brother Giyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah
occupied the throne of Bengal by killing his son and successor Ala al-
Deen Firuz Shah, which led to the internal feud. At this time the
partisans of Firuz Shah along with Sulaiman Khan and other members
of his family took shelter in the region of Bhati for the sake of self-
defence. After this Sulaiman Khan gradually gain strength and with the
help of the nobilities of the dethroned royal family and by organising the
other Afghans he established a small domain in the inaccessible region
of Bhati surrounded by the rivers and canals. After the death of Sher
Shah, during the reign of Islam Shah, Sulaiman Khan revolted twice to
re-establish the rule of Husain Shahi dynasty. But finally he was
defeated and killed by Taj Khan and Dariya Khan, the generals of Islam
Shah. After the death of Sulaiman Khan his son Isa Khan was brought
up by under the tutelage of his paternal uncle Qutb al-Deen in the Bhati
region. Subsequently, Isa Khan regained his father’s domain by the
grace of Taj Khan Kararani, the founder of the independent Kararani
Afghan dynasty in Bengal in 1564 A.C. This suggests that Isa Khan
started his career as a feudatory of the Kararani Afghan rulers of
Bengal. He remained a loyal vassal of the Afghan rulers down to the end
of the Kararani Sultanate and gradually increased his strength under the
umbrella of Kararani rulers and finally became the chief of the Bara-
110
Bhuiyans43. So, it appears that the Afghan rulers of Bengal favoured the
growth of the Zamindaries, which gave rise to the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Therefore, it may be suggested that the land-revenue system of

pre-Mughal Bengal, the geographical and natural features of Bengal,
which gave rise to a sense of patriotism and regional sovereignty in the
minds of the people of Bengal, and finally the tribal and feudal
character of the Afghan system of political and social organisation, were
the most plausible causes of the rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
111
Section II
The Period of their Rise
In the previous discussion it has been tried to trace the causes of

the rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Now the question is, when did they rise?
In this section a humble attempt has been made to answer the question
on the basis of the writings of the previous scholars and other relevant
source-materials.
Bhattasali says,
“The rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bengal is to be dated from1576 A.D.,
the year of the fall of Daud, the last Karrani King of Bengal. In Assam
history, we find that when the overland (sic, overlord?) disappeared or
became weak, a number of petty Chiefs arose and became
independent…When in 1576, with the fall of Daud, conditions became
similar in Bengal,…The Bara-Bhuiyans of Assam and Bengal are
products of anarchy…”44
According to this statement of Bhattasali the Bara-Bhuiyans of
Bengal were the product of anarchy. Taking advantage of the absence or
weakness of the central government Bara-Bhuiyans arose and became
independent. Such conditions arose in Bengal after the fall of Daud
Khan Kararani, the last Kararani Sultan of Bengal in1576 A.C.
On the other hand, Abdul Karim thinks that when due to having
absence or weakness of the central government confusion prevailed in
Bhati, the Bara-Bhuiyans rose to power. Such confusion arose in Bhati
after the fall of the two hundred year old independent Sultanate of
Bengal, when Sher Shah occupied Gaur, the then capital of Bengal, by
defeating Sultan Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah in 1538 A.C. and
turned Bengal into a province of his Delhi Sultanate.45
There appears similarity and dissimilarity between the statements

of Bhattasali and Abdul Karim. The dissimilarities are:
112
a) Bhattasali thinks that the Bara-Bhuiyans spread throughout the

whole of Bengal, on the other hand, according to Abdul Karim the
Bara-Bhuiyans rose to power in Bhati. Here the opinion of Abdul
Karim may be acceptable. Because, it has been seen earlier that
the Bara-Bhuiyans were the people of Bhati and they rose to
power in Bhati.
b) Bhattasali is of the opinion that the rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans is to
be dated from 1576 A.C., the year of the fall of Daud Khan, the
last Kararani ruler of Bengal. But Abdul Karim does not agree
with him and says that Isa Khan, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans,
gained strength enough to defeat the Mughal navy under Shah
Bardi even before the fall of Daud46. Here also the opinion of
Abdul Karim may be acceptable. Because, it is learnt that Isa
Khan first obtained the ikta of Sonargaon and Maheswardi
Parganas from Taj Khan, the founder of the Kararani Afghan rule
in Bengal in 1564 A.C.47 and in 1571 he gained the authority to
rule the region of Bhati from Sulaiman Khan Kararani and Abul
Fazl mentioned him as the ruler of Bhati in the Ain-i- Akbari 48.
After the death of Sulaiman Khan Kararani during the reign of
Daud Khan Kararani, Isa Khan gained more strength and was one
of the Bara-Bhuiyans who helped him actively in his expedition
in Chittagong against Udayamanikya, the king of Tripura, in1573
A.C.49 Moreover, according to the Akbar Nama Isa Khan defeated
the Mughal navy under Shah Bardi in 1575 A.C.50 So, it cannot be
said specifically that the rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans is to be dated
from 1576 A.C. But it may be suggested that the process of the
rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans had started long before the fall of Daud
Khan Kararani in 1576.
113
c) According to Bhattasali the Bara-Bhuiyans arose during the time

of confusion and this confusion arose after the fall of Daud Khan
Kararani in 1576. On the other hand, Abdul Karim says that such
confusion arose in Bhati after the fall of the two hundred year old
independent Sultanate of Bengal, when Sher Shah occupied Gaur,
the then capital of Bengal, by defeating Sultan Ghiyath al-Deen
Mahmud Shah in 1538 A.C. and turned Bengal into a province of
his Delhi Sultanate.
Both of these scholars similarly agree that the Bara-Bhuiyans
arose during the time of confusion, which arose due to having absence
of the strong central government. This observation may be acceptable.
But the question is, when did such confusion arise? According to
Bhattasali such confusion arose after the fall of Daud Khan Kararani in
1576 and Abdul Karim says such confusion arose after the fall of Sultan
Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah in 1538 A.C. But this chaotic condition
had started even before the fall of Sultan Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud
Shah when the latter killed his nephew Ala al-Deen Firuz Shah, son of
Nusrat Shah, and occupied the throne of Bengal in 1533 A.C.51 Not only
that this chaotic condition did not come to an end with his accession to
the throne of Bengal and it continued till 1564 A.C. with some intervals.
A study of the history of Bengal from 1533 to 1564, the year of the
foundation of the Kararani Afghan rule in Bengal under the leadership
of Taj Khan, reveals that during this chaotic condition different
freedom- loving chiefs often rebelled against the central government.
In 1533 A.C. Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah killed his nephew
Ala al-Deen Firuz Shah and then ascended the throne of Bengal.
Though, the former succeeded in capturing the throne, the time and
circumstances were against him. Because, some external and internal
troubles appeared during his reign in full force which made the central
114
government of Bengal unstable. For example, Mughal-Afghan contest

for supremacy entered its acute phase under the leadership of Mughal
Badshah Humayun and Sher Khan (Shah) respectively during this time.
Both these leaders , particularly, Sher Khan, wanted to draw Bengal into
the struggle and to use it as a stepping stone for gaining supremacy over
Northern India. Besides, the Portuguese increasingly pressed on the sea-
side and intruded into the southern districts of Bengal52. On the other
hand, by killing Ala al-Deen Firuz Shah, Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud
Shah created enemies among the nobilities and sown seeds of internal
feud in his own territory. It is noteworthy that after the death of Sultan
Nusrat Shah the nobilities of Bengal were also divided among
themselves on the question of succession, one section supported
Mahmud Shah and the other stood by Firuz Shah53. Now, with the death
of Firuz Shah this feud reached its climax. In this context it may be
mentioned here that at this time the partisans of Firuz Shah along with
Sulaiman Khan, father of Isa Khan, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, and
brother-in-law of Firuz Shah, and other members of his family took
shelter in the region of Bhati for the sake of self-defence. After this
Sulaiman Khan gradually gain strength and with the help of the
nobilities of the dethroned royal family and by organising the other
Afghans he established a small domain in the inaccessible region of
Bhati surrounded by the rivers and canals54. Apart from this, Mahmud’s
brother-in-law and governor of Hajipur, an immensely powerful man,
Makhdum Alam, now turned a deadly enemy and refused to recognize
his accession and on the pretext of avenging Firuz’s death, he allied
himself with Sher Khan, the deputy of the Nuhani ruler of Bihar, to
bring about Mahmud’s ruin and prepared for rebellion55. Moreover,
another noble named Khuda Baksh Khan, who was most probably a
governor or general in the Chittagong region, assumed independence in
115
the tract between the Karnafuly River and the Arakan hills56.These
developments undoubtedly created a difficult situation for Ghiyath al-
Deen Mahmud Shah, which consequently turned out to be an irreparable
damage to him and his family.
It is not clear whether Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah took any

measures against Sulaiman Khan and Khuda Baksh Khan. But it is
apparent that Khuda Baksh Khan could maintain his authority until
Bengal was finally occupied by Sher Shah in his estate57. On the other
hand, Sulaiman Khan also retained his authority even after the death of
Sher Shah58. Having rebelled against Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah,
Makhdum Alam, the governor of Hajipur, entered into a friendly
alliance with Sher Shah. Thus in subduing Makhdum Alam’s rebellion
Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah entered into direct conflict with Sher
Shah, which ultimately caused the final defeat of Ghiyath al-Deen
Mahmud Shah at the hands of Sher Shah, who captured Gaur, the then
capital of Bengal on 6th April,1538 A.C.59
History reveals that at least five engagements took place between

Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah and Sher Shah from 1533 to 1538 A.C.
The latter fought the first battle against the Bengal army in June-July of
1533 and Qutb Khan, the governor of Munghyr, was the commander-in-
chief of Bengal army. Sher Shah defeated and killed Qutb Khan and
captured a large quantity of treasures and military stores belonging to
the Bengal army60. After this, Sher Shah fought the second battle against
the Bengal army at the end of 1533. In this battle Sher Shah did not join
personally, he sent his general Mia Hassu to the assistance of his ally
Makhdum Alam. The battle which followed ended in latter’s defeat and
death61. The third battle took place in 1534A.C. on the plains of
Surajgarh, resulted in the defeat and death of Ibrahim Khan, the
116
commander-in-chief of Bengal army, and Jalal Khan, the Nuhani ruler

of Bihar, had to go back to Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah62. The defeat
at Surajgarh marks the beginning of the end of the independent Muslim
Sultanate of Bengal. Until now, Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah
followed aggressive policy, but henceforth, Sher Shah led expeditions
against Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah63. Consequently, the fourth
battle took place between them. After the battle of Surajgarh Sher Shah
waited for some time to watch the movements of Mughal Badshah
Humayun. Taking advantage of Humayun’s preoccupation with Bahadur
Shah of Gujrat Sher Shah marched against Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud
Shah and suddenly appeared in Gaur, the capital of Bengal, in 1536 A.C.
At this juncture, Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah contended Sher Shah
by offering 13 lacs of gold coin and the latter went back to Bihar64. At
the end of 1537 A.C. Sher Shah again attacked Gaur and finally
succeeded in capturing it on 6th April1538 A.C.65 Being defeated and
wounded Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah fled with his followers
towards north Bihar. From there he sent an envoy to Mughal Badshah
Humayun, who was at that time halting at BarKunda after having
captured Chunar, seeking his help and requested him to attack the
Afghans in Bengal. Joining Humayun at Darweshpur, Ghiyath al-Deen
Mahmud Shah now proceeded towards Bengal. Arriving at Kahlgaon,
Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah came to know of the execution of his
two sons by the Afghans at Gaur and died in grief and affliction66. With
the defeat and death of Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah Bengal lost her
sovereignty to the Sur Afghan Leader Sher Shah.
So, it is evident that the reign of Sultan Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud

Shah was full of chaos and conflict. During this time the governmental
machinery was out of gear67. Moreover, it seems that Ghiyath al-Deen
117
Mahmud Shah could not pay special attention towards the outlying areas
on account of his engagements with Sher Shah. Therefore, it may be
assumed that Sulaiman Khan, father of Isa khan, carved out a small
domain, taking advantage of this chaotic condition in the region of
Bhati.
The defeat and death of Sultan Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah

did not serve to remove the chaos and confusion in Bengal. Sher Shah
first occupied Gaur, the capital of Bengal, on 6th April, 1538 A.C. But
after a few months, in July 1538, Mughal Badshah Humayun captured
Gaur and he stayed there about nine months, during this time he
abandoned himself to pleasure68. In the mean time, taking advantage of
Humayun’s merry-making in Gaur, Sher Shah blocked his passage to
north India and when Humayun proceeded towards the capital Agra,
Sher Shah began to harass him by constant flank attacks from the rear.
At last Humayun was defeated by Sher Shah on 26th June, 1539, at
Chausa69. Then Sher Shah hastened to Bengal to deal with the Mughal
viceroy Jahangir Quli Beg, where he defeated the latter and reoccupied
Gaur in October, 1539A.C.70 After this, by defeating Humayun in the
battle of Bilgram on 17th May, 1540, Sher Shah occupied the throne of
Delhi71. So, it is clear that the period from 1538 to1540 A.C., was full of
troubles. During this period neither Sher Shah nor Humayun could
establish authority in the whole of Bengal. Their administration centred
round the capital city of Gaur, the outlying area must have been outside
their effective control.72
Sher Shah introduced his administration in Bengal by appointing

Khizr Khan as governor and he engaged himself in consolidating his
newly acquired empire. But the conquest of Bengal did not give him
much relief. For, Khizr Khan, the governor of Bengal, started to show
118
signs of disaffection. He married the daughter of ousted Bengal Sultan

Ghiyath al-Deen Mahmud Shah and began to behave in the fashion of
the Bengali Sultans. Consequently, Sher Shah quickly marched from the
Salt Range to Gaur in 1541, where he threw Khizr Khan into prison and
set to organise the government of Bengal in such a way that the
possibility of the rebellion of the governor in future might not arise. At
this time, Sher Shah divided Bengal into several smaller governorships
internally independent of one another and appointed Qazi Fazilat as
amin of Bengal to supervise their work73. Apart from this, another
noteworthy event of this time is the discovery of two coins, one of
which bears the name of a Sultan named Barbak Shah and the coin was
issued in 1542-43A.C., that is, during the reign of Sher Shah. The first
coin was discovered from Jasodal in Kishoreganj, that is, heart of Bhati,
and the second coin was discovered from Sonakhira in Sylhet. By
connecting these two events Abdul Karim thinks that Sher Shah had no
control over the region of Bhati at least by 1542-1543 A.C.74 In support
of his this observation he mentioned that there were no mints of Sher
Shah in Dhaka, Mymensingh, Sylhet or in the region of Bhati and the
region east of the Meghna upto Chittagong. So, the absence of Sher
Shah’s coins from any mint in the region of Bhati, and the discovery of
these two coins together reveals the fact that in the region of
Kishoreganj and Sylhet, that is, in the region of Bhati, there was a
resistance against Sher Shah and he had no control over Bhati. Abdul
Karim further thinks that there was unrest, instability and chaos in
Bengal, that is, in Bhati. In support of this observation by referring
Abbas Khan Sarwani he says that Sher Shah turned Bengal into a
Muluk-ut-tawaif. Then he takes the term Muluk-ut-tawaif for disorder,
chaos and disintegration75. In this regard it cannot be agreed with him.
Because, among the modern scholars N.B. Roy translated the term by
119
saying that Sher Shah divided Bengal into a number of fiefs (jagirs)
under his favourites76, Iqtidar Hussian Siddiqui says that Sher Shah
parceled out Bengal into pieces of well-defined boundaries and posted a
muqta in every one77 and S.M. Imamuddin translated the term by saying
that Sher Shah divided Bengal into several smaller governorships
internally independent of one another78. So, it is clear that all the modern
scholars took the term Muluk-ut-tawaif for the decentralization of
Bengal administration. In the Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi, Abbas Khan Sarwani
says, Mulk Bangalah Muluk-ut-tawaif Sakht 79 which means Sher Shah
makes country of Bengal Muluk-ut-tawaif. According to the Persian-
Bengali-English Dictionary, edited by Ali Avarseji and published by
Cultural Centre of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Dhaka, Bangladesh, the
meaning of the term Muluk-ut-tawaif is feudal system, 80 which indicates
that Sher Shah introduced a new administrative system in Bengal instead
of existing one. In a word he decentralized the Bengal administration to
remove the possibility of the rebellion of the Governor of Bengal.
Therefore, it would not be reasonable to take the meaning of the term
Muluk-ut-tawaif for disorder, chaos and disintegration as mentioned by
Abdul Karim. But it may be assumed that Sher Shah could not pay
special attention towards the outlying areas of his empire, particularly,
to the region of Bhati, of his Bengal province, on account of his very
short reign of five years, most part of which he engaged himself in
consolidating his newly acquired empire, and the vastness of his
territory. Consequently, the inaccessible region of Bhati surrounded by
the rivers and canals may have been out of his effective control. In
support of this contention here it may be noteworthy that it is not known
whether Sher Shah took any action against Barbak Shah, whose coins
had been discovered from the region of Bhati. On the other hand, history
reveals that after the death of Sher Shah during the reign of his son
120
Islam Shah, Sulaiman Khan, the father of Isa Khan, twice revolted in the
area of Bhati against the Delhi authority to restore the Sayyid Sultanate
in Bengal81. So, it would not be an exaggeration to say that there was
some sort of unrest and instability in the region of Bhati during the
reigns of Sher Shah and his son Islam Shah.
Islam Shah Sur died on 30th October, 1553 and was succeeded by
his minor son Firuz Khan. After the death of the former came the
dissolution of the new Afghan Empire and Bengal was one of its first
limbs to break off 82. Islam Shah’s son Firuz Khan was murdered after
only a few days of kingship by Sher Shah’s nephew Mubariz Khan, who
then ascended the Delhi throne under the title of Mohammad Shah Adil,
which caused rebellions and gave rise to chaos and anarchy in the
provinces of the Sur Afghan Empire83. At this time the Sur Afghan
governor of Bengal Muhammad Khan Sur, who was the supporter of the
ousted family, declared himself as a sovereign ruler of Bengal and
assuming the title of Shams al-Deen Muhammad Shah Ghazi. He struck
coins in his own name84. Thus Muhammad Shah Sur laid the foundation
of independent Sur Afghan dynasty in Bengal. The most important
events of Muhammad Shah’s rule were an expedition against Arakan,
his march towards Northern India to make a bid for the Sultanate of
Delhi and conquest of Chunar, Jaunpur and Kalpi and finally his defeat
and death at the hands of Adil’s general Hemu at Chapparghata, 15 kos
from Agra, in December, 1555 A.C.85
After the death of Muhammad Khan Sur, Muhammad Shah Adil

occupied Bengal and appointed Shahbaz Khan as his governor. On the
other hand, the defeated nobles and officers of the late Bengal ruler
Muhammad Shah Sur assembled at Jhusi, opposite to Allahabad, and
crowned his son Khizr Khan as the Sultan of Bengal. The latter assumed
121
the title of Ghiyath al-Deen Bahadur Shah. Then he marched against

Adil’s governor Shahbaz Khan in Bengal. Shahbaz Khan was defeated
and slain in the battle field and Bahadur Shah captured the city of Gaur
in 1556 A.C. and issued coins and had the khutba read in his name86.
In the meantime the fugitive Mughal Badshah Humayum had

reappeared on the Indian scene and after having recaptured the Panjab
and Delhi from the Sur Afghan Sultan Sikkandar Sur, he died on 26th
January, 1556, and his minor son Akbar was crowned by the Mughal
nobles as the Badshah of Delhi. Afterwards, Akbar’s general Bairam
Khan finally defeated the Sur Afghan army under Hemu in the famous
second battle of Panipat on the 5th of November. Adil’s general Hemu
was killed in the battle. Driven out of Agra, Adil now retreated towards
the east. This gave Ghiyath al - Deen Bahadur Shah the opportunity to
avenge his father’s death. He marched out against Adil, and assisted by
Sulaiman Kararani of South Bihar, defeated and killed him in the battle
of Fathpur, four miles west of Surajgarh, in April, 1557 A.C.87
After this Ghiyath al- Deen Bahadur Shah resolved to expel the
Mughals from Northern India and to recover the lost sovereignty of the
Afghans. In 1558 he advanced towards Jaunpur with 30,000 horses and
was defeated by Mughal general Khan-i-Zaman, then posted in Oudh.
This first encounter with the Mughal forces gave Bahadur Shah an idea
of their superior strength and thenceforth, he maintained friendly
relations with the Mughal Viceroy in Oudh.88 Bahadur Shah died in
1560 and was succeeded by his brother Jalal al- Deen Sur, who assumed
the title of Ghiyath al- Deen Abul Muzaffar Jalal Shah. Jalal Shah died
in 1563 and was succeeded by his son, whose name has not been
mentioned by the contemporary historians. After a reign of seven
months and nine days he fell a victim to the hand of a usurper, who also
122
assumed the title of Ghiyath al-Deen. The latter reigned for one year and
eleven days. In 1564 A.C. he was killed by Taj Khan, who established
the independent Kararani Afghan rule in Bengal.89
So, it appears that during the period from 1553 to 1564 Bengal
passed through almost troublous times. Because, after the death of Islam
Shah in 1553 the Sur Afghans of Delhi entered into fratricidal wars
among themselves which gravely affected the political situations of
Bengal. Secondly, at this time the Sur Afghans of Delhi and Bengal
appeared into the contest for supremacy. Thirdly, the Mughals under the
leadership of Humayun reappeared and drove the Sur Afghans from
Northern India, which ultimately caused a threat to Bengal. Moreover,
this period was also marked by frequent changes on the throne of
Bengal, which undoubtedly impaired the strength of the Bengal
Sultanate. Therefore, it may be suggested that it was not possible for the
Sultans of Bengal to pay proper attention to the outlying areas of Bengal
like Bhati, surrounded by rivers and canals, during this period. For
example, Bijaymanikya, the king of Tripura, raided Bengal in 1559 and
proceeded up to Maheswardi, Sonargaon and Bikrampur, that is, the
region of Bhati, through old Brahmaputra, Lakhia and river Padma
without any opposition90. This proves that the Sultans of Bengal did not
have firm control over the region of Bhati. In these circumstances, it
does not seem that the freedom-loving Bhuiyans of Bhati remained idle.
In support of this observation it may be mentioned here that Ghiyath al-
Deen Bahadur Shah sent several expeditions against the petty local
chiefs during the last years of his reign91.
In the light of above lengthy discussion it may be suggested here

that after the killing of Sultan Ala al-Deen Firuz Shah by Ghiyath al-
Deen Mahmud Shah in 1533 A.C. an era of chaos and confusion
123
emerged in the history of Bengal and it continued till 1564 A.C.with

some intervals, which undoubtedly weakened the central government of
Bengal. Consequently, the Sultans of Bengal could not pay due attention
to the outlying areas like Bhati surrounded by rivers and canals. Taking
advantage of this situation the Bara-Bhuiyans arose in the region of
Bhati during this period. So, the period from 1533 A.C. to 1564 can be
termed as the rising phase of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
The Kararani rulers, particularly, Sulaiman Khan Kararani

brought about order, peace and prosperity in Bengal by putting end to
the period of chaos and confusion which had started after the killing of
Sultan Ala al- Deen Firuz Shah by his uncle Ghiyath al- Deen Mahmud
Shah. It is also noteworthy that the Bara-Bhuiyans flourished during this
period. This was possible on account of the following reasons.
In the first place, a sizable Afghan people made Bengal as their

home during their own rule. Not only that after the loss of Northern
India to the Mughals the Afghans treated Bengal as their seat of power
and home and they have become amalgamated with other local people 92.
Secondly, in the face of growing Mughal threat the Afghans have to
identify their interests with the local people and helped in their progress
in various ways to draw their support. Thirdly, the Afghan rulers
favoured the growth of the Zamindaries as they preferred the
government by jagirs as the most convenient one to them. For example,
in the days of Sher Shah, Bengal was divided into a few parts and these
were given to the tribal chiefs. The Sur and Kararani rulers gave jagirs
to their kinsmen. The tribal chiefs, who owed allegiance to the king and
helped him with their tribal force in times of need and paid him the
stipulated amount of tribute, ruled in practical independence in their
respective territories.93
124
It was because of the above mentioned reasons that many of the

members of the Bara-Bhuiyans like Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, Chand Rai
and Kedar Rai, Majlis Dilwar and Majlis Pratap flourished during the
reign of the Kararanis. The Bara-Bhuiyans who flourished during this
period were naturally grateful and loyal to their benefactors. They
rendered them military service whenever they were called upon to do so
by their Afghan suzerains. For example, the Bara-Bhuiyans joined as
loyal vassals with their forces in the Chittagong expedition of Daud
Khan Kararani against Udayamanikya, the ruler of Tripura94. Isa Khan
and other landlords fought against the Mughals for the interest of the
Afghan Sultanate. They fell upon the Mughal officers and forces in east
Bengal when Daud Khan Kararani attacked the Mughals in North and
west Bengal after the death of Munim Khan the Mughal General95. So, it
is clear that the Bara-Bhuiyans co-operated with their Kararani Afghan
suzerain against the king of Tripura and the Mughals. Thus the Bara-
Bhuiyans remained loyal to the Kararani Afghan rulers down to the end
of the Kararani Sultanate. They did not owe any allegiance to the
Mughal Badshah after the fall of the last Kararani Sultan Daud Khan in
1576 A.C. and emerged as the independent rulers in their respective
territories.
Therefore, it may be concluded here that the period from 1533 to

1564 was the rising phase of the Bara-Bhuiyans. They flourished during
the period from 1564 to 1576 and they emerged as independent rulers
after 1576 A.C.
125
1. Elliot, Sir H. M. and Dowson, John, the History of India As Told

By Its Own Historians, Vol. II, Low Price Publications, Delhi,
Reprint, 996, p, 316; henceforth cited only as History of India.
2. Muslims of Bengal Vol. IB, p. 713.
3. Ibid.; Sultani Amal, p.396.
4. Ibid.; Ibid.
5. Rahim, Muhammad Abdur, Social and Cultural History of
Bengal, Vol.I.Karachi, 1963, Vol.II, 1967, p.111; henceforth cited
only as Cultural Hist.I. and Cultural Hist.II, respectively.
6. Ibid., p.112.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid., pp. 112-113, 185.
11. Ibid., p.113.
12. Ibid.; The Afghans, pp. 217-227.
13. Ibid.; Ibid.
14. Ibid., pp.113, 185; Ibid. p.218.
16. Cultural Hist.II., p.113.
17. Ibid.; Moreland, W.H., The Agrarian System of Moslem India,
Low Price Publications, Delhi, Second Reprint, 1994, pp. 205-
206,279.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid.., pp.185-186.
20. Ibid.., p.114.
21. Ibid.., p.115.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid., p.185; Hoque, M.Inamul, Bengal Towards the Close of
Aurangzib’s Reign (1690-1707), Published by Islamic Foundation
Bangladesh, Dhaka, First Edition, June 1994, p.233; henceforth
126
cited only as Aurangzib’s Reign; Hoque,M.Inamul, Banglar

Itihash: Bharate Ingrej Rajotyer Suchana Parba (1698-1714),
Published by Bangla Academy, Dhaka, First Edition,March 1999,
p.143; henceforth cited only as Banglar Itihash.
24. Wise, p.202; Jashohar-Khulna, p.37; The Afghans, pp.223-224.
25. Cultural Hist.I., pp.26-27.
27. Ibid., p.38.
28. Cultural Hist.I., p.27.
29. Ain, p.134.
33. History of India, Vol.III, p.112.
36. Ibid., pp.29-30.
37. The Afghans, pp.217, 220,230; Cultural Hist.II., pp.189-190.
40. Ibid., p.223.
41. Ibid.
42. Ibid., p.224.
43. For details see, Masnad-i-Ala, pp.67-68, 77-99.
44. B.P.P., Vol.XXXV, No-69, pp.32-33.
45. Mughal Period, p.118; Mughal Amal, pp.97-98.
46. Ibid., p.117.
48. Ibid., pp.82-84; Ain, p.130.
127

52. Ibid., p.223.
53. Husain Shai, p.86.
54. Masnad-i-Ala, pp. 67-68.
55. Muslims of Bengal, pp.223; Husain Shahi, p.91.
56. Ibid.; Ibid., pp. 89-90.
57. Husain Shahi, p.90.
58. Masnad-i-Ala, p. 68.
59. Muslims of Bengal, p.228; Riyaz, pp.138-139.
60. Ibid., pp. 223-224; Ibid.;H. Bengal, p.160; Sultani Amal, p.339.
61. Tarikh, pp. 45-46; Sultani Amal, p.340.
64. Ibid., pp. 342,345; Muslims of Bengal, pp.226-227.
65. Ibid., pp. 346-347.
66. Riyaz, pp.141-142; Muslims of Bengal, pp.227-228.
68. Sultani Amal, p.361-362.
70. H. Bengal, p. 173.
71. Ibid., p. 175; Muslims of Bengal, p.238.
73. Tarikh, pp. 128-129; H. Bengal, p.177; Muslims of Bengal, p.238.
74. Mughal Period, pp. 118-120; H. Bengal, p.174; Mughal Amal,
pp. 98-99.
75. For details see, Ibid., pp. 118-123.
76. H. Bengal, p. 177.
77. Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain, History of Sher Shah Sur, First
Published, Aligarh, 1971, p. 107; henceforth cited only as Sher
Shah Sur.
78. Tarikh, p.129.
128
79. Sarwani,Abbas Khan, the Tarikh-i- Sher Shahi, Vol. I. (Persian

Text), Edited by S. M. Imamuddin, University of Dacca, 1964,
p.172.
80. Avarseji, Ali (Edited), Persian-Bengali-English Dictionary,
Published by Cultural Centre of the Islamic Republic of Iran,
Dhaka, Bangladesh, March, 1998, p. 908.
81. Masnad-i-Ala, p. 68.
82. H. Bengal, p. 179; The Afghans, p.114.
83. Sher Shah Sur, p.151.
85. Ibid., pp.165-166; Muslims of Bengal, p.241; H. Bengal, p.179;
Sultani Amal, p. 368.
86. Ibid., pp.166-167; Ibid.; Ibid.
87. Ibid., pp.167-168; Ibid., pp.241-242; Ibid., pp.179-180; Sultani
Amal, p.369.
88. Ibid., p.167; Ibid., p.242; Ibid., p.180; Ibid., pp.369-370.
89. Ibid., p.168; Ibid.; Ibid.
90. B.P.P., Vol.XXXVIII, No, 75, pp, 38-39.
91. H. Bengal, p.180.
92. Cultural Hist.II. pp.50-52.
93. The Afghans, pp. 211-212, 230, 233, 306.
94. Ibid., pp. 230-231.
95. Ibid., p.231; Akbar Nama, p.228.
129
Chapter IV
The Bara-Bhuiyans and their neighbouring
Chieftains: A Study of their mutual relationships
It is learnt from the previous discussion that the Bara-Bhuiyans

were those who were really independent and had continuously fought
against the Mughal forces during the reigns of Badshaha’s Akbar and
Jahangir to retain that independence and proved to be the greatest
obstacle to the Mughal conquest of Bengal. Besides, it is also known
that the Bara-Bhuiyans established rapport with one another and forged
an anti-Mughal politico-military alliance with Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala,
the chief of Bhati, as their leader, during the reign of Badshah Akbar
and after him, his son Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala during the reign of
Badshah Jahangir. Apart from the Bara-Bhuiyans under the leaderships
of Isa Khan and his son Musa Khan there were some other Afghan
Chieftains and Bhuiyans (Zamindars) during the reigns of Badshah
Akbar and Jahangir. Some of them fought against the Mughals and some
of them are seen taking side with the Mughals directly. The main
objective of this chapter is to portray the relationships between the
Bara-Bhuiyans under the leaderships of Isa Khan and Musa Khan and
these Afghan Chieftains and Bhuiyans (Zamindars) on the basis of the
Akbar Nama and the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi and other relevent source-
materials.In this connection discussion is being made firstly on the
relation between the Bara-Bhuiyans under the leadership of Isa Khan
and the neighbouring Afghan Chieftains and Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of
the time of Badshah Akbar.
It is learnt from the Akbar Nama that Isa Khan was an astute and
foresighted politician, which made him the leader of the Bara-
130
Bhuiyans1.He realised that the Bara-Bhuiyans could not solely face the
mighty Mughal Badshah Akbar with their relatively limited resources
for long. So, he tried to keep good relation with the neighbouring
Afghan Chieftains and the Bhuiyans (Zamindars). Not only that, Isa
Khan, the leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans, also made friendship with Amar
Manikya and Raghu Dev the neighbouring kings of Tripura and Kamrup
respectively, so that in time of need they could get help from them.
Apart from the Bara-Bhuiyans under the leadership of Isa Khan

there were some other Afghan Chieftains who fought against the
Mughals during the reign of Badshah Akbar. Among them Ibrahim
Naral, Karimdad Musazai, Khwaja Usman and Khwaja Sulaiman were
notable. Besides, it is also seen that Masum Khan Kabuli, the rebel
Mughal General, fought against the Mughals under the leadership of Isa
Khan Masnad-i-Ala.
Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai were two Afghan

Chieftains. According to the Akbar Nama they were engaged in the anti-
Mughal activities aided by Isa Khan in 1578 A.C. when Mughal
Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan made his first campaign against Bhati. But when
Khan-i-Jahan reached Bhawal, Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai
submitted to the Mughals without offering any resistance2. After that
nothing is known about them.
Usman Khan (Khwaja Usman) and Sulaiman Khan (Khwaja

Sulaiman ) these two Afghan Chiftains were the sons of Isa Khan Mian
Khel, the minister and brother of Qatlu Khan Nuhani of Orissa. They
were driven out from Orissa by Mughal General Man Singh in 1592
A.C. and went to the fort of Bhushna, where they engaged in conflict
with Chand Rai and his father Kedar Rai, the Zamindars of Sripur and
131
Brikrampur, and the two important members of the Bara-Bhuiyans and

the allies of Isa Khan, and Killed Chand Rai3. It will be seen later that
Isa Khan made settlement between the two parties and as a result Kedar
Rai appointed Khwaja Sulaiman commander-in-chief of his army and
Isa Khan established Khwaja Usman in his own Zamindari of
Bukainagar4. After this, these two Afghan Chieftains engaged
themselves in the anti-Mughal resistance and Khwaja Sulaiman died in
the battle of the fort of Bhushna in 1596 A.C. at the hands of the
Mughals5. On the other hand, Khwaja Usman is found fighting against
the Mughals during the reign of Badshah Jahangir.
Masum Khan Kabuli was a military captain of Muhgal Badshah

Akbar. In 1580 A.C., Badshah Akbar introduced Din-i-Ilahi and at about
same time the regulations of branding the horses were strictly enforced
and the field allowances of soldiers of Bengal and Bihar were reduced.
As a result discontent prevailed among the field officers and soldiers
and discontent turned into an open rebellion in Bengal and Bihar. The
rebels killed Muzaffar Khan Turbati, the then Subahdar of Bengal.
Masum Khan Kabuli was one of the leaders of the rebels. Though, the
rebellion was suppressed, Masum Khan Kabuli did no more submit to
the Mughals and took shelter with Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the leader of
the Bara-Bhuiyans, and continued his war against Akbar till his death in
1599 A.C.6 After the death of Masum Khan Kabuli, his son Mirza
Mumin continued the war joining with Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, son of
Isa Khan and is found fighting against Islam Khan Chishti, Subahdar of
Bengal, during the reign of Badshah Jahangir.
So, it is clear that there was a sort of mutual relationships between

the Bar-Bhuiyans and the neighbouring Afghan Chieftains. At this time
132
the Bara-Bhuiyans were the only safe shelter for the anti-Mughal
Afghan Chieftains.
Apart from the above mentioned Afghan Chieftains there were

some other neighbouring Zamindars contemporary of the Bara-
Bhuiyans under the leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala. Among them
Pratapaditya, Zamindar of Jessore, Tila Ghazi, Zamindar of Talipabad
Pargana, Bahdur Ghazi, Zamindar of Bhawal, Sher Khan, Zamindar of
Barhanpuri and Tarah (two small places between Narayanganj and
Surajadi)7, Lakshmana Manikya, Zamindar of Bhulua, Mukunda Rai,
Zamindar of Fathabad and Kandarpa Narayan, Zamindar of Bakla were
notable. But among them nobody is found fighting against the Mughlas
for the sake of the preservation of the independence of their home-land
and there is no reference in the Akbar Nama that they ever fought
against the Mughals. On the contrary, it appears that some of them were
Mughal partisans. For example, Tila Ghazi, Zamindar of Talipabad
Pargana, is seen taking side with the Mughals directly and he helped
Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan during his retreat from Bhati in
1578A.C.8On the other hand, Sher Khan, the Zamindar of Barhanpuri
and Tarah submitted to Mughal Subahdar Man Singh without offering
any resistance9. Besides, it is known that Bahadur Ghazi was a
contemporary of Akbar and was loyal to him and he agreed to supply 35
sundar and kusa type of boats to the Mughals at a cost of rupees
48,37910.
So, it is apparent that among the contemporary Bhuiyans

(Zamindars) only the Bara-Bhuiyans fought gallantly against the mighty
Mughals for the sake of the preservation of the independence of their
home-land. Though, it is not known how was the relation between the
Bara-Bhuiyans and the afore mentioned Bhuiyans (Zamindars), it is
133
known that Isa Khan, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans graced by his
presence many festivities at the court of Pratapaditya, Zamindar of
Jessore.11
According to the Rajmala, the history of Tripura, and the Akbar

Nama there was a good relationship between the Bara-Bhuiyans and
Amar Manikya and Raghu Dev, the neighbouring kings of Tripura and
Kamrup. It is learnt from the Rajmala the history of Tripura, Amar
Manikya had started the excavation of a big tank called Amara Sagara
in 1500 Saka, that is , in 1578 A.C. At this time he needed a large
number of labourers and sought help from the Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of
Eastern Bengal. On the request of Amara Manikya, the Bara-Bhuiyans
extended their hands of help by sending him labourers12. It is known to
all that several engagements took place between the rulers of Bengal and
Tripura from the time of the Sayyid Sultans of Bengal for gaining
supremacy over Chittagong and continued to the reigns of Sur Afghan
and Kararani Afghan rulers of Bengal. In 1573, it is seen that the Bara-
Bhuiyans helped Daud Khan Kararani the Kararani Afghan ruler in
Bengal, in his expedition in Chittagong against Udaya Manikya, the
13
King of Tripura . So, it appears that there was a hostile relation
between Bengal and Tripura for a long time. But on the one hand,
Udaya Manikya died in 1576 A.C. and in 1577 Amar Manikya ascended
the throne of Tripura and it is not recorded whether any engagements
took place between Amar Manikya and the ruler of Bengal14. On the
other hand, in 1576 A.C. Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan finally
defeated and killed Daud Khan the last Kararani Afghan Sultan of
Bengal and with the defeat of the latter the Kararani Afghan rule of
Bengal came to an end and the Bara-Bhuiyans raised arms against the
Mughals under the leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala. In this
134
changed circumstances being an astute politician, Isa Khan, the leader of

the Bara-Bhuiyans, forgot the previous hostility between Bengal and
Tripura and considered to establish a new relationship with the King of
Tripura. That is why the Bara-Bhuiyans responded to the request of
Amar Manikya. Besides, Isa Khan realised that it would not be wise to
fight the mighty Mughals leaving behind the enemy. So, the Bara-
Bhuiyans helped Amar Manikya by sending labourers, which proves
their good relationship with the king of Tripura.
The chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, Isa Khan, also had a good

relation with Raghu Dev, the king of Kamrup. It will be seen later that
the former was looking for an opportunity to keep the Mughals busy
towards Kuch Bihar to take away their eyes from Bhati to elsewhere. On
the other hand, according to the Akbar Nama there was a domestic
quarrel between Lakshmi Narayan, the king of Kuch Bihar and his
cousin Raghu Dev, the king of Kamrup. The later implored assistance
from Isa Khan and he extended his hands of help to Raghu Dev.
Consequently, a good relation was established between them. In this
connection Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharyya says, “…the new alliance
was purely defensive in character” 15. It is noteworthy that Raghu Dev
aided by Isa Khan attacked Lakshmi Narayan more than once and
gained some success and recaptured Bahirband from Lakshmi Narayan.
On the other hand, Lakshmi Narayan being attacked by Raghu Dev
sought assistance from Mughal Subahdar Man Singh and the latter also
helped the former. Thus, the Mughal army marched towards Kuch Bihar
more than once in aid of Lakshmi Narayan and fought against Raghu
Dev. On 3rd May, 1597 the Mughal army defeated the latter. At this time
Isa Khan set out to help Raghu Dev. Man Singh countered this move by
detaching a force by land and river against Isa Khan under his son
135
Durjan Singh16. Consequently, Isa Khan could not help his ally Raghu
Dev in spite of his good will. But Isa Khan’s object was realised.
Because, the Mughal army could not make any attack against the Bara-
Bhuiyans in Bhati for about one year due to having their business in the
Kuch Bihar front.
On the basis of above discussion it may be suggested that among

the contemporary Bhuiyans (Zamindars) and Afghan Chieftains only the
Bara-Bhuiyans under the leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala played
the leading role in the anti-Mughal resistance during the reign of
Badshah Akbar. In this connection it may also be mentioned that the
Bara-Bhuiyans made effort to maintain amity with the neighbouring
Bhuiyans (Zamindars), Afghan Chieftains and the kings of Tripura and
Kamrup with a view to consolidate their position against the mighty
Mughals. As a result a good relationship developed between the Bara-
Bhuiyans and the neighbouring Afghan Chieftains and the king of
Tripura and Kamrup, which brought mutual benefit for all parties.
Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala died in 1599 A.C.17 and on his death his
eldest son Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala took up the leadership of the anti-
Mughal politico-military alliance. Musa Khan was undoubtedly the
worthy successor of his father who successfully continued the task
undertaken by his father and gallantly checked the Mughal advance in
Bengal for more than a decade during the reign of Badshah Jahangir.
During this period there were some other Afghan Chieftains and
Bhuiyans (Zamindars) apart from the members of the Bara-Bhuiyans
under the leadership of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala. Among the Afghan
Chieftains Khwaja Usman Afghan and Bayazid Kararani were notable.
Khwaja Usman’s identity has been mentioned earlier. Usmans were five
brothers, Khwaja Sulaiman, Khwaja Usman, Khwaja Wali, Khwaja
136
Malhi and Khwaja Ibrahim. Khwaja Usman had two sons, Khwaja
Mumriz and Khwaja Yakub. All the brothers of Khwaja Usman came to
Bengal, but Khwaja Sulaiman died in the battle of the fort of Bhushna in
1596 A.C. leaving his son Khwaja Daud. Khwaja Usman came through
Satgaon and Bhushna and ultimately settled at Bukainagar aided by Isa
Khan Masnad-i-Ala. He was a man of indomitable courage, his aim was
fixed and his love of freedom was unquestioned. His brothers Wali,
Malhi and Ibrahim, his sons Mumriz and Yakub and his nephew Daud
gave him ungrudging support. He fought against the Mughals till his
death and was succeeded in resisting them for about a year. But in the
long run he died on 3rd March 1612 in the battle of Daulambapur in
Sylhet. After the death of Khwaja Usman his sons, brothers and other
Afghans submitted to the Mughals and they were presented before
Badshah Jahangir on 13th September, 1612 A.C. Khwaja Usman had
good relations with Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, but no evidence is available about his relationship with Musa
Khan Masnad-i-Ala. Though, S.N. Bhattacharya is of the opinion that
Khwaja Usman continued his political alliance with Isa Khan’s son
Musa Khan and proved always eager to attack the Mughals in the course
of their campaign against Musa Khan, 18 he is found completely inactive
during Islam Khan’s warfare with the Bara-Bhuiyans. On the other
hand, there is no evidence in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi that he took any
step in support of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Moreover, Abdul Karim is of the
opinion that it is also not known whether Khwaja Usman had any
intention to keep contact with Musa Khan and his allies, the Bara-
Bhuiyans.19
The names of Bayazid Kararani and his brother Yakub are found
only in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi. In the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi also there
137
is an account of the Mughal warfare against Bayazid Kararani20, but

how and when he had established a kingdom in Sylhet or what is his
pedigree, is not mentioned. Only the family or tribal epithet suggests
that he was a Kararani Afghan. Abdul Karim is of the opinion that he
had connections with the Kararani Sultans of Bengal and after the fall of
Daud Khan Kararani, some Afghans under Bayazid Kararani fled to
Sylhet and carved out an independent kingdom for themselves21. They
were allies of Khwaja Usman Khan. They offered a brave resistance to
the Mughals. But after the fall of Khwaja Usman they submitted to the
Mughals. It is not known whether Bayazid Kararani had any relation
with the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Apart from the above mentioned Afghan Chieftains there were

some other neighbouring Bhuiyans (Zamindars) contemporary of the
Bara-Bhuiyans under the leadership of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala.
Among them Pratapaditya of Jessore, Satrajit of Bhushna, Ram Chandra
of Bakla, Ananta Manikya of Bhulua,Dariya Khan ,son of Khan-i-Alam
Bahbudi, Raja Rai of Shahzadpur, Bahadur Ghazi of Bhawal, Majlis
Qutb of Fathabad and Raja Raghunath of Shusang may be mentioned.
The Zamindari of Jessore founded by Sri Hari Bikramaditya, a

minister of Daud Khan Kararani, the last Kararani Afghan Sultan of
Bengal. Realising that the fall of Daud Khan was imminent, Sri Hari
established contact with the Mughal generals Khan-i- Jahan and Raja
Todarmal, handed over to them the Afghan records and necessary
information and thus got an assurance from them, of assigning him the
jagir of Jessore. After the fall of Daud Khan, Sri Hari established the
Zamindari of Jessore and the Mughal authority also allowed him to stay
there in peace. The treasures of Daud Khan were also in the hands of Sri
Hari. After the fall of the former the latter appropriated to himself the
138
whole treasures and with these he enhanced the prosperity of his

Zamindari. The generals of Badshah Akbar did not interfere in Jessore
even in the later period, and in the early years of the reign of Badshah
Jahangir also there is no evidence of Mughal interference in Jessore.
After Sri Hari’s death his son Pratapaditya succeeded to the
Zamindari22. He was also loyal to the Mughals as his father was.
Pratapaditya was the first among the Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal to
send an envoy pledging loyalty to the Mughal Subahdar on Islam Khan
Chishti’s arrival at Rajmahal. He sent his younger son Sangramaditya
with his envoy Shaikh Badi with large gifts and a few elephants to Islam
Khan Chishti. Later he himself came and paid his respects to the
Subahdar on 26th April, 1609, when Islam Khan reached Bajrapur. He
also entered into a covenant with the Subahdar and agreed to send
military assistance in the projected campaign against Musa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala and the Bara-Bhuiyans23. So, it is clear that Pratapaditya
was loyal to the Mughals from the very beginning and the Mughals also
considered him as one of their loyal vassals. Though, he later fought
against the Mughals, for a different reason, that is, to pay for his failure
to keep the pledge he had given to Islam Khan. The Mughal army
moved towards Jessore in the second week of December, 1611 A.C. and
by the first week of January, 1612 the conquest of Jessore was
accomplished. Pratapaditya submitted to the Mughal officer Ghiyas
Khan at the Mughal camp at Kagarghata. Then was presented before
Islam Khan Chishti in Dhaka and was put into prison24. It is not known
whether Pratapaditya had any mutual contact with the Bara-Bhuians.
During the reign of Badshah Jahangir, Satrajit, son of Mukanda

Rai, was the Zamindar of Bhushna. He submitted to the Mughals
without offering any resistance and remained loyal throughout the rest
139
of his life and is seen fighting for the Mughals against the Bara-
Bhuiyans and Kamrup and Assam25. So, he was a Mughal partisan.
During the reign of Badshah Akbar Bakla was ruled by Raja

Kandarpa Narayana. By 1600A.C. Kandarpa Narayana was dead and
was succeeded by his son Ram Chandra. The latter married the daughter
of Pratapaditya of Jessore. He treacherously murdered Lakshman
Manikya of Bhulua. Islam Khan Chishti sent an expedition against
Bakla simultaneously with the expedition to Jessore and Sayyid Hakim
was given the chief command of this expedition. When the Mughal
army reached the vicinity of Bakla, Raja Ram Chandra, on the advice of
his Brahmin ministers decided to offer resistance and raised a fort. But
after some resistance Ram Chandra submitted and was escorted by
Satrajit to Dhaka where he was kept confined. Abdul Karim assumes
that the conquest of Bakla was accomplished in the month of December,
1611A.C.26 There is no evidence in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi that Ram
Chandra had any relation with the Bara-Bhuiyans.
During the reign of Badshah Jahangir Bhulua was ruled by

Ananta Manikya. After the defeat of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, Islam
Khan Chishti sent a large expedition against Ananta Manikya under the
command of Shaikh Abd al-Wahid. Ananta Manikya made an attempt to
oppose the Mughal forces on the bank of the river Dakatia, but being
deserted by his chief minister Mirza Yusuf Barlas, who came over to the
Mughal side, first retreated to his capital and then escaped to Arakan.
Abdul Karim assumes that Bhulua was conquered just before the rainy
season of 1611A.C.27 It is not known whether he had any contact with
the Bara-Bhuiyans.
140
Dariya Khan was the son of Khan Alam Bahbudi. His Zamindari
probably lay near Shahzadpur of Pabna. He was one of the close
followers of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and fought against Islam Khan
Chishti under his inspiration and guidance. While Islam Khan was
proceeding against the Bara-Bhuiyans and the latter were also preparing
to resist the Mughal aggression, Mirza Mumin, son of Masum Khan
Kabuli, got Dariya Khan murdered for an improper act on the part of the
latter28. Nothing more is heard of about Dariya Khan. He used to keep
close contact with Musa Khan, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Raja Ray was the Zamindar of Shahzadpur in the north-east of the

Pabna district. He is found fighting against the Mughals. But after some
resistance he submitted to Islam Khan Chishti and joined hands with the
Mughals.29
Bahadur Ghazi belonged to the well-known Ghazi family of

Bhawal. It has been mentioned earlier that he was contemporary of
Badshah Akbar and was loyal to the Mughals. There is no evidence in
the Akbar Nama that he ever fought against the Mughals. But in the
Baharistan-i- Ghaybi it is found that he was an ally of Musa Khan and
fought jointly against the Mughals. Abdul Karim assumes that towards
the end of the reign of Badshah Akbar, or after Akbar’s death, Bahadur
Ghazi withdrew his allegiance and rebelled against the Mughals and
joined hands with Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala30. But when Islam Khan
Chishti sent his general Abdul Wahid against him he made terms with
him and surrendered to Islam Khan without offering any resistance.31So,
he was not persistent in his hostility towards the Mughals.
Majlis Qutb was the Zamindar of Fathabad. He was in close

contact with Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and fought against the Mughals.
141
After the defeat of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala he also surrendered to

Islam Khan Chishti.32
Raja Raghunath, Zamindar of Shusang, whose territories covered

the north-east border of Mymensingh district. He readily submitted to
the Mughals and rendered long and devoted service to the Mughal cause
in Bengal and Kamrup. He participated in the campaigns against the
Bara-Bhuiyans. 33
It appears from the above discussion that among the neighbouring

Afghan Chieftains and Zamindars only Dariya Khan, Bahadur Ghazi
and Majlis Qutb had some contact with the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of
Badshah Jahangir. On the other hand, the history of the subjugation of
Bengal by Islam Khan Chishti, as described in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi,
gives the clear impression that there were no mutual relationships
among the Bhuiyans (Zamindars) or among the Bhuiyans (Zamindars)
and the Afghan Chieftains, because when one was attacked by the
Mughals others did not come to his aid. But there was close co-
operation only among the Bara-Bhuiyans and the Bara-Bhuiyans with
Majlis Qutb and Dariya Khan. It may be mentioned here that there were
three great powers in contemporary Bengal, these were, the Bara-
Bhuiyans, the Afghan Chieftains under the leadership of Khwaja Usman
and Raja Pratapaditya of Jessore. If Khwaja Usman and Raja
Pratapaditya kept contact with the Bara-Bhuiyans and fought jointly
against the Mughals the course of the history of Bengal would have been
different. But when the Bara-Bhuiyans were attacked by the Mughals
Khwaja Usman and Raja Pratapaditya did not come to their aid and
remained silent, when Khwaja Usman was attacked, Raja Pratapaditya
was silent34. So, the Mughals were able to defeat them one by one
easily.
142

2. Ibid., pp. 376-378.
3. Ibid., pp. 968-969; Mughal Amal, p.76; Muslims of Bengal, p.283.
5. Akbar Nama, p.1059; H. Bengal, p. 211.
6. Ibid., p. 1130; Mughal Period, p.62.
7. Ibid., p.1215; H.Bengal, p.214.
8. Ibid., pp.376-377.
9. Ibid., p.1215; H.Bengal, p.214.
10. Mughal Period, pp.92, 114.
12. B.P.P., Vol.XXXVIII, No. 75, p.41; Mughal Period, p.78; Sen,
Kali Prasanna, Edited, Sri-Rajmala, vol.III.1336-41 Tripurabd,
pp. 87-90, 128-135; henceforth cited only as Rajmala.
13. Rahim,M.A., Chittagong Under the Pathan Rule in Bengal,
Journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol.XVIII, No.I, 1952,
pp.21-30; The Afghans, p.226; Sultani Amal, pp.301-313,328.
14. B.P.P., Vol.XXXVIII, No. 75, pp.39-40.
15. Bhattacharyya, Sudhindra Nath, A History of Mughal North-East
Frontier Policy, Dacca, January, 1929, p.119.
16. For details see, Akbar Nama, pp. 1066-1068, 1081-1082, 1093;
H.Bengal, p.212; Masnad-i-Ala, pp.135-136.
17. Ibid., p.1140.
18. H.Bengal, p.241.
19. For details see, Mughal Period, pp. 287-289, 325,332.
20. Baharistan, pp. 160,163, 171-173,195-196.
21. Mughal Period, pp.93, 332-333.
22. Ibid., p.343.
23. Ibid., p.344; Baharistan, pp.14, 27-28.
143
24. For details see, Ibid., pp.344-356; Ibid., pp. 28,121, 126-130, 134-
138; Mughal Amal, pp. 263-274.
25. Ibid., p.65; Ibid., pp.18-19.
26. Ibid., pp.65-66, 359-360; Ibid., pp.131-132.
27. Ibid., pp.269-271; Ibid., pp.96-98.
28. Ibid., p.63; Ibid., pp.54-56.
29. Ibid., pp.64, 240; Ibid., p.32.
30. Ibid., p.92.
31. Baharistan, pp.80, 88.
32. Ibid., p.88; Mughal Period, pp.64-65.
33. Ibid., pp.40, 61; Ibid., pp. 283,note,82, 242,247,251,257,334;
Baharistan II, p.807; H.Bengal, p.252; Muslims of Bengal, 317.
144
Chapter V
The Mughal conquest of Bengal: The preliminary phase
Section I
Mughal restoration in Northern India: Badshah
Akbar and his imperialistic design
There are three apparent phases in the history of the establishment

of Mughal Empire in the Indian-Subcontinent. The first phase is from
1526A.C. to 1530, which was preoccupied with the subjugation of the
Afghans and the Rajputs and the foundation of Mughal Empire in
Northern India by Zahir al-Deen Muhammad Babur. The second phase
from 1530 to 1540, which covers the history of the rule of Babur’s son
Humayun, his futile attempts to conquer Malwa, Gujrat and Bengal and
at last his expulsion and revival of Afghan power in India by Sher Shah.
The third phase from 1545 A.C. to 1556 witnessed the restoration of
Mughal Empire in Northern India by Humayun and its consolidation by
his son Akbar1. In this phase that Akbar laid the foundation of Mughal
rule in Bengal. But the Mughal rule was firmly established in Bengal by
his son Jahangir. The history of the restoration of Mughal Empire in
Northern India is now being discussed in the following pages.
It is known that Mughal Badshah Humayun had to leave India

defeated by Afghan Sultan Sher Shah in the battle of Kanauj or Bilgram
on the 17th May, 1540 A.C. From this time he had to lead the life of a
wanderer for about fifteen years2. The victory at Bilgram enabled Sher
Shah to establish the Afghan rule in India once more replacing the
Mughals. After ruling India peacefully and gloriously Sher Shah died on
23rd May, 1545 A.C.3 But after the death of Sher Shah the Afghans of
India entered into internal feud once more. Though, Islam Shah, son of
145
Sher Shah, was able to maintain the integrity of his father’s empire, after
his death the internal feuds of the Afghans reached its climax on the one
hand, and on the other hand, taking advantage of this internal feuds of
the Afghans, the Mughals ventured in re-capturing their lost territories
under the leadership of Humayun and in the end they were able to
snatched the sceptre of India from the hands of the Afghans once more.
On Sher Shah’s death, his second son, Jalal Khan, ascended the
throne of Delhi under the title of Sultan Islam Shah, commonly known
as Salim Shah, on May 28, 1545A.C. He was an efficient ruler like his
father. Islam Shah Sur died on 30th October, 1553A.C.4and the disorders
appeared in the Afghan empire and the Sur Empire was running towards
the decline. On the death of Islam Shah, his son Firuz, a boy of twelve,
was placed on the throne and was killed by his maternal uncle Mubariz
Khan Sur, a son of Sher Shah’s younger brother Nizam Khan Sur, on the
third day of his accession5.Then Mubariz Khan Sur ascended the throne
assuming the title of Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah. But it was not
possible on his part to establish his control over the turbulent Afghan
chiefs and within a short time the different Afghan chiefs rebelled in
different parts of the Afghan empire and there arose a number of rival
claimants for the throne. Most of the contemporary historians are of the
opinion that Adil’s murder of Firuz and usurpation of the throne, his
elevation of low-born Hindu Hemu to the supreme position in the
Sultanate, the repugnance of the Afghan chiefs to obey a Hindu and
Hemu’s insolent behaviour towards the Afghans accounted for a
widespread rebellion in the Afghan empire6. Within in a short time
Bengal and Malwa passed out of Adil’s hand, his own relatives rebelled
against him and his authority was also challenged by Ibrahim Khan Sur,
who assumed the title of Ibrahim Shah, and Sikandar Khan Sur (Ahmad
146
Khan Sur), who assumed the title of Sikandar Shah, the two nephews of
Sher Shah, who asserted their claims to the Afghan throne7. Ibrahim
Shah had defeated Adil’s general Isa Khan Niyazi in a battle near Kalpi
and occupied Delhi, Agra and the neighbouring territories8. But soon
afterwards Sikandar Shah occupied Delhi and Agra by defeating
Ibrahim Shah in a fierce battle took place in Farrah in the later part of
1554A.C.9
On the other hand, Humayun continued to keep the chaotic

situations of the Afghan Sultanate under his vigilant eyes. Though, he
dared not invade India so long as Islam Shah lived, the news of the
death of Islam Shah, the feeble rule of Adil and the internal discord
among the Afghans encouraged him to make an attempt for the recovery
of his throne. On November 12, 1554, Humayun marched from Kabul to
invade India. Engrossed in civil wars the Afghans had neglected the
defence of the north-west frontier. So Humayun crossed the Indus
unopposed and made a swift attack on the fort of Rohtas. Tatar Khan
Kasi, Sikandar Shah’s governor of the Panjab fled without offering any
resistance. On February 24, 1555 A.C. the Mughals captured Lahore by
expelling the Afghans. From Dipalpur also the Afghan generals,
Shahbaz Khan and Nasir Khan took to flight in great panic and
confusion. At last on June 22, 1555A.C. Humayun was able to defeat
Sikandar Shah in a fierce battle took place near Sirhind. Defeated
Sikandar Shah fled to the Siwalik hills then on July 20, 1555, after
fifteen years of exile, Humayun re-entered his capital Delhi10. He then
occupied Agra and the adjoining territories. His general Haidar
Muhammad Khan Atka invested Biana. Being in a strained condition,
Ibrahim Shah’s father Gazi Khan Sur surrendered and he was killed by
the Mughals11. Thus Humayun had been able to recover only a fragment
147
of his territories in India. But he died on January 28, 1556A.C. before

consolidating the Mughal Empire.12
After the death of Humayun on February 14, 1556, his son Akbar,
who was in the Panjab with his guardian Bairam Khan, was crowned at
Kalanur13. But the Mughal supremacy over India was still far from being
assured. As a matter of fact, India in 1556 “presented a dark as well as a
complex picture.” While the country had ceased to enjoy the benefits of
the reforms of Sher Shah through the follies and quarrels of his
successors, it was subjected at the same time to the horrors of a terrible
famine. Further, each of the independent kingdoms in different parts of
India was contending for power14. In the north- west, Mirza Muhammad
Hakim, Akbar’s half brother, governed Kabul almost independently. In
the north Kashmir was under a local dynasty and the Himalayan States
were also independent. Sind and Multan had become free from the
control of Delhi after the death of Sher Shah. Orissa, Malwa and Gujrat
and the local chieftains of Gondwana were also independent. South of
the Vindhyas the Vijayanagar Kingdom and Khandesh, Berar, Bidar,
Ahmadnagar and Golkunda were independent and they did not feel any
interest in northern politics. Above all, the Portuguese had established
their influence on the western coast by the possession of Goa and Diu.
Humayun had been able to recover only a small fragment of his
territories in India before he died. The Sur Afghans were still in
occupation of the greater portion of Sher Shah’s dominion.15
The news of Humayun’s death and the accession of a boy on the

throne induced Adil to send Hemu towards Agra and Delhi. Then Hemu
defeated the Mughal army under Tardi Beg and occupied Delhi on 7th
October, 1556A.C.16. But the victory of Hemu did not last long.
Because, on 5th November, 1556, he was defeated by Akbar in the
148
second battle of Panipat and was killed by Bairam Khan 17. The second
battle of Panipat was a decisive one. By winning this battle Akbar was
able to recapture Delhi and Agra, the centre of the Mughal Empire. This
victory of the Mughals sealed the fate of the Afghan supremacy in India
for ever and the Mughal-Afghan contest for supremacy in India came to
an end.18
The battle of Panipat dispossessed the Afghans of the territories

from the Panjab to Agra. But still they held a large part of India. For
example, the Siwalik hills of the Panjab remained under Sikandar Shah.
Rukn Khan Nuhani, an amir of Adil, held Sambal. Haji Khan governed
Alwar and Mewat. Adil retained his hold on the territories from Luknow
and Gwalior to the borders of Bengal. Baz Bahadur and Bahadur Khan
Sur ruled Malwa and Bengal respectively. Thus the territories under the
Afghans were twice as extensive as the empire of Akbar and their united
action still have retrieved the situation even after the disaster of
Panipat19. But on account of their factions, the Afghans could not see the
long-term interest of the Indian Afghans. They continued to fight one
another even after their great common calamity and thus prepared their
own grave20. Taking advantage of the defeat of Hemu at Panipat Giyath
al- Deen Bahadur Shah of Bengal occupied Bihar and advanced to
revenge the death of his father against Adil Shah. In April, 1557, he
defeated and killed Adil at Fathpur, 4 miles west of Surajgarh. It was
Akbar’s good fortune that his Afghan enemies were fighting and killing
themselves and thus facilitated the establishment of his supremacy in
Northern India21. Taking this opportunity Akbar defeated Sikandar Shah
of Siwalik hills of the Panjab, Haji Khan of Alwar and Mewat, Rukn
Khan Nuhani of Sambal and other Afghans and occupied the territories
from Sambal to Luknow within 1557 A.C.22 On the other hand, Sikandar
149
Shah also being defeated by Mughal general Khan-i-Zaman fled to

Orissa and in 1558 the latter occupied Jaunpur23. Even after this, the
other Afghan chiefs continued their isolated efforts to recover Northern
India. But after the defeats of Sher Shah II, son of Adil, and Awaz Khan,
son of Islam Shah, at the hands of Mughal general Khan-i-Zaman in
1561 A.C., the Afghans could not take any systematic offensive against
the Mughals24. In a word, there was none noteworthy left among the Sur
Afghans to oppose the Mughals in Northern India. Then, the Afghans
gave their attention mainly to preserving what they still held in India.
Even after the loss of Northern India, the Afghans possessed Eastern
India25 and Bengal and Bihar of Eastern India became the last
stronghold of the Indian Afghans.
It is seen in the foregoing discussion that Mughal Badshah

Humayun was compelled to cede the sceptrer of India to the hands of
Afghan Sultan Sher Shah being defeated in the battle of Bilgram. But
after the deaths of Sher Shah and his son Islam Shah the Afghans were
again locked in internal feuds which caused disorders in the Afghan
Sultanate. Taking this opportunity Humayun succeeded in recapturing
the fragments of his lost territories. After the death of Humayun the
Afghans tried to recapture Northern India. But Mughal Badshah failed
their attempt by defeating Hemu, the general of Sur Afghan Sultan Adil
Shah, in the second battle of Panipat in 1556 A.C. Then Akbar gradually
succeeded in restoring Mughal sovereignty over Northern India by
defeating the quarelling Afghan chiefs and after consolidating his
position on firm footing he turned his attention to conquest.
Badshah Akbar was undoubtedly a man of strong imperial

instincts, and wished to make himself the supreme ruler of India. With
this object in view he set himself to the task of destroying the
150
independence of every state in India, and this policy was continued until
1601, when the capture of Asirgarh was accomplished26. Interested in
warfare imperialist Akbar himself held that, “A Monarch”, “should be
ever intent on conquest, otherwise his neighbours rise in arms against
him.”27 Akbar was able to free himself from the influences of his
guardian and protector Bairam Khan in 1560 and from his foster-mother
Maham Anga and her son Adam Khan and others by the month of May
1562 A.C.28 Then he himself took the charge of the empire and
commenced the task of expansion of his territory.
After the second battle of Panipat, between 1558 and 1560,

Gwalior, Ajmeer and Jaunpur were incorporated into Mughal Empire. In
1561, Akbar sent a large army under Adham Khan and Pir Muhammad
Shirwani against Malwa and they defeated Baz Bahadur and occupied
Malwa. But in 1562 Baz Bahadur recovered Malwa. Akbar immediately
sent Abd Allah Khan Uzbek to Malwa. As resistance to the mighty
Mughal force was beyond his power, Baz Bahadur left the country
without an engagement with them.29
In 1564 Akbar sent Asaf Khan, governor of Kara and the eastern
provinces, to conquer the kingdom of Gondwana in the Central
provinces. The Mughals defeated Rani Durgavati and her minor son Bir
Narayan in a battle between Garah and Mandala in the modern
Jabbalpur district and occupied the kingdom.30
Though, defeated in the battle of Khanua in 1527 A.C. at the

hands of Babur, the Rajput power of India was not totally eclipsed.
Rajputna still formed a powerful factor in the history of India. Gifted
with the true insight of a statesman and liberal in outlook, Akbar
realized the value of Rajput alliance in his task of building up an empire
151
in India for his dynasty. Accordingly, he tried as far as possible, to

conciliate the Rajputs and secure and ensure their active co-operation in
almost all his activities. Akbar won the hearts of most of them by his
wise and liberal policy and was able to gain their valuable services. In
1562, Raja Bihari Mall, of Amber (Jaipur), tendered his submission to
Akbar and cemented his friendship with him by a marriage alliance. Not
only that Raja Bihari Mall was given a command of 5000 and his son
Bhagwan Das and his grandson Man Singh were granted commissions
in the Mughal army31. But Udai Singh, the king of Mewar, did not bow
his head in obedience to the Mughal Badshah. As a result, Badshah
Akbar seized the fort of Chitor in October, 1567 A.C. Udai Singh fled to
the hills, leaving his capital to its fate. But Jaimall and Patta, two of his
brave followers, offered a stubborn opposition to the Mughals for four
months. With the deaths of Jaimall and Patta the fort of Chitor came to
the hands of the Mughals.32
Struck with terror at the fall of Chitor, the other Rajput chiefs,
who had so long defied Akbar, submitted to him. In February, 1569, Rai
Surjan Hara of Ranthambhor surrendered to Badshah Akbar and entered
into the imperial service. Raja Ramchand, the chief of Kalinjar in
Bundelkhand, followed suit in the same year. In 1570 the rulers of
Bikaner and Jaisalmer not only submitted to the Mughals but also gave
their daughters in marriage to him.33
Thus, one by one, the Rajput chiefs acknowledged Mughal sway,

but Mewar still refused to own it. Though, Udai Singh had lost his
ancestral capital Chitor, he retained his independence. After the death of
Udai Singh on the 3rd March, 1572, his son Rana Pratap Singh took the
leadership of the Rajput and he also refused to own the Mughal sway. In
April, 1576 A.C., Mughal Badshah Akbar sent Man Singh of Amber and
152
Asaf Khan against Rana Pratap Singh. A fierce battle took place at the
pass of Haldighat near Gogunda and being defeated the latter retreated
into the hills and the Mughal army captured his strongholds one by one.
But he could not think of submission even in the midst of the direful
adversity. He died on the 19th January, 1597, at the age of fifty- seven.
After his death his son Amar Singh, tried to carry out the behest of his
father but was attacked by a Mughal army under Man Singh in 1599 and
was defeated after a gallant resistance. Akbar could not undertake any
other invasion of Mewar owing to illness. 34
After annexations of Ranthambhor and Kalinjar in 1569, the

Mughals subjugated Gujrat. In 1572 Akbar marched in person against
Gujrat and by defeating Muzaffar Shah III, conquered the country. Then
he captured Surat on the 26th February, 1573A.C. and returned to his
headquarters at Fathpur Sikri. But no sooner had Akbar reached at
Fathpur Sikri than trouble broke out afresh in the newly conquered
province. Akbar marched hurriedly to Ahmadabad and thoroughly
vanquished the insurgents in a battle near Ahmadabad on the 2nd
September, 1573. As a result, Gujrat came under Akbar’s authority.35
Thus Badshah Akbar established the Mughal sway in Northern
India by defeating the Afghans and was able to secure and ensure the
future of Mughal Empire in India through establishing the control over
the Rajput power. Then he turned his attention to the Afghan Sultanate
of Eastern India, that is, Bengal and Bihar.
It is known that as a result of the defeat of Ibrahim Ludi in the

first battle of Panipat in 1526 A.C. the Afghans ceded the sceptrer of
India to the hands of Mughal Badshah Babur. Afterwards Sher Shah
was able to reinstate the Afghan rule once more. It is noteworthy that
153
during the time of the reawakening of the Afghan power in India under
the leadership of Sher Shah, he first established his authority over
Eastern India, specially, on Bengal, and then he established his authority
over Delhi by using Bengal as his foothold. Not only that after the
deaths of Sher Shah and his son Islam Shah, though, the Afghans were
expelled from Northern India, they had a stronghold in Eastern India.
But the Afghans lost their authority over the whole of India as soon as
they lost their authority over Eastern India, that is, over Bengal and
Bihar. On the other hand, though, the Mughals snatched the authority of
Nothern India from the Afghans, the Afghan Sultanate of Eastern India,
that is, Bengal and Bihar appeared to be a great threat to the Mughal
sovereignty. The Mughal imperialist Badshah Akbar could not become
the supreme ruler of the whole of India until he established his authority
over Eastern India, that is, over Bengal and Bihar. So, it may be said
that, Bengal had a great importance to both the nations the Afghan and
the Mughal. The two main causes of such importance of Bengal are;
firstly, its geographical and natural conditions. Secondly, its proverbial
wealth.
Realising the importance of Bengal for its geographical and

natural conditions and proverbial wealth, Sher Shah, a wise and far-
sighted politician, decide to make it, the citadel of the last Afghan power
in India36. It is known from the accounts of the foreign travellers who
visited Bengal during the Muslim rule and from other sources that
Bengal was fabulously rich. Ibn Battuta, who visited Bengal in 1346
A.C., spoke in glowing terms of the general prosperity of the country37.
He remarked that nowhere in the universe did he see a country where
commodities sold so cheap as in Bengal. Ibn Battuta wrote that it
abounded in rice and was full of all good things. The Italian merchant
154
Varthema was struck by the abundance of everything he saw all around

in this province and observed that it was the best place to live in 38. It is
because of the comfortable living in Bengal that a proverb was in
common use among the Portuguese, English and Dutch that ‘the
Kingdom of Bengale has a hundred gates open for entrance, but not one
for departure.’39 The Mughal Badshah Babur has recorded that there was
great hoard of wealth in Bengal. Humayun was struck by the prosperity
of Bengal and he called it Jannatabad. After the occupation of Gaur, the
capital of Bengal, in 1538 A.C., Sher Shah engaged more than two
hundred horses and camels to transport its gold and precious metals to
Rohtas fearing Humayun’s invasion of the province. It is also known
that every Mughal soldier who came to serve in Bengal at the time of
Akbar returned to Northern India rich and prosperous with the gold of
this country40. So, it appears that Bengal was a land of plenty and
proverbial wealth during the Muslim rule.
Besides, its wealth, Bengal also possessed a notoriously bad

climate on account of its swamps and marshes41. According to the
contemporary reports, these marshes and swamps bred foul climate and
diseases42. Abul Fazl observes, “For a long time past, at the end of the
rains, the air had been felt to be pestilential and seriously affected
animal life…”43 All the Muslim historians of the earlier period have also
depicted Bengal as a land of plague, malaria and other diseases. In their
statements, they have expressed the idea of the upcountry people about
the climate of Bengal. This is best reflected in the writings of Ibn
Battuta, who informs that the people of Khurasan called Bengal as a
‘duzakh-i-pur niamat’ or a hell of all good things. The people of
Northern India were frightened of the climate and rains and generally
avoided serving and staying in Bengal. After the capture of Gaur,
155
Mughal Badshah Humayun appointed Zahid Beg as the governor of

Bengal. Far from being grateful to the Badshah for appointment to such
a high office in a prosperous province, Zahid Beg said, “Your majesty
could not find a better place to kill me than Bengal.” Even in the early
part of the reign of Badshah Akbar, the Mughal soldiers did not like to
serve in Bengal, although they were offered double the salary44.
So, it appears that the people of Northern India possessed an

unfavourable attitude towards the climate of Bengal. But the climate of
the whole of province was not so bad and unwholesome as it was
supposed in those days. It is true that the climate of a few places, such as
Gaur and Pandua became bad, on account of the receding of the river
from near these cities and also because of the rise of marshes and
swamps45. Indeed, Bengal had such a climate that was perfectly natural
in a country of rivers, rains and waters. The climate was strange to
those, who were strangers to such kind of natural environment.46
The geography of the country, such as the natural barriers on the

borders, the innumerable rivers through its plains, the marshes and
swamps in many places and the reportedly bad climate, which
frightened the people of Northern India, had far-reaching effects on the
history of Bengal and the life of its people. The natural barriers
accounted for its inaccessibility and they also acted as its first line of
defence against any outside invader. For example, a small Bengal force
could stay a big invading force at the passes in the northern frontier.
Further, the rivers, rains, marshes and swamps provided Bengal with a
second line of defence. Because, it was not easy in those days for an
enemy force to cross the Ganges, the Brahmaputra, the Mahananda, the
Kosi and their numerous tributaries and distributaries. The long rainy
season and the inundated plains were uncongenial for the northern
156
Indain soidiers to carry on warfare in this country. In addition, the

climate of the country which was thought, without justification, to be
hellish, served as a third line of defence against an outside attack47.
These natural conditions of Bengal facilitated its governors to rebel and
to become independent. Once the governor had rebelled, his fellow
chiefs also were seized with the ambition for the sovereign power of the
province. Thus there were frequent strifes among the Khalji chiefs for
attaining the supreme power in Bengal48. So, Barani writes,
“Shrewd and knowing people had given to Lakhnauti the name of
Bulghakpur (the city of strife), for since the time when Sultan Muizzu-d
din Muhammad Sam conquered Dehli, every governor that had been
sent from thence to Lakhnauti took advantage of the distance, and of the
difficulties of the road, to rebel. If they did not rebel themselves others
rebelled against them, killed them, and seized the country. The people of
this country had for many long years evinced a disposition to revolt, and
the disaffected and evil disposed among them generally succeeded in
alienating the loyalty of the governors.”49
Abul Fazl also holds the same view about Bengal and observes,
“…a country which from old times was called a house of contention
(bulghak-khana). That is to say, the dust of commotion was always
being stirred up in that country by wicked men.”50
Realising the importance of Bengal for its wealth and climate,

Sher Shah, from the beginning of his career, made repeated attempts to
conquer it and in 1538 succeeded in occupying its capital Gaur51. Before
the battle of Chausa, Mughal Badshah Humayun wanted to leave Sher
Shah Bihar and other territories except Bengal. The latter did not agree;
he was willing to cede to the Badshah all his territories, but not Bengal.
On this occasion, Sher Shah said, “For five and six years I have exerted
myself and conquered Bengal by my sword. Many of my soldiers have
been killed in this conquest. So I shall not give Bengal to anyone.”52
This expresses how great an importance was attached by Sher Shah to
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his possession of Bengal, on account of its geography, nature and also

riches. It is known that the wealth of Gaur enabled Sher Shah in
recruiting a large force and defeating Humayun at Chausa and Kanauj 53.
So, it would not be an exaggeration to say that Bengal was the pivot of
Sher Shah’s power. Because, the treasure of Bengal strengthened his
position against Mughal Badshah Humayun. Consequently, he was able
to reinstate the Afghan rule In India once more by defeating Humayun.
During the reigns of Sher Shah and his son Islam Shah Bengal
was a province of Delhi Sultanate. But after the death of Islam Shah,
came the dissolution of the Afghan Sultanate of Delhi and Bengal was
one of its first limbs to break off. Islam Shah’s son Firuz was murdered
by Sher Shah’s nephew Mubariz Khan, who then ascended the Delhi
throne. At this time, the governor of Bengal Muhammad Khan Sur
declared himself as sovereign ruler of Bengal and struck coins in his
own name. Thus he laid the foundation of independent Sur Afghan rule
in Bengal, which continued till 1564 A.C. In 1564, Taj Khan established
the independent Kararani Afghan rule in Bengal. After the death of Taj
Khan his brother Sulaiman Khan Kararani ascended the throne of
Bengal. The conquest of Orissa is one of the important events of his
reign in Bengal, which enabled him to become the paramount ruler of
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, that is, the ruler of Eastern India. In 1572,
after the death of Sulaiman Khan Kararani, his eldest son Bayazid
Kararani succeeded him in his possessions in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.
But he had a very short reign and was killed by an Afghan named
Hansu, who was his cousin and brother-in-law. Shortly afterwards, Daud
Khan Kararani, the second son of Sulaiman Khan Kararani, was
installed on the throne of Bengal. During his reign Mughal Badshah
Akbar invaded Bengal.
158
The Mughals fought against the Bengal army during the reign of
Sultan Nusrat Shah on 5th May, in 1529 A.C., under the leadership of
Babur for the first time. Though, the Bengal army was defeated in this
battle, peace was restored between both the parties in the end54. After
the death of Babur, his son Humayun succeeded in capturing Gaur, the
capital of Bengal, in July, 1538 A.C. But in the end he had to leave the
authority of Bengal to the hands of Sher Shah55. Mughal Badshah
Akbar, the son of Humayun, from the very beginning of his reign was
bent on the conquest of Bengal and Bihar in order to destroy the
stronghold of the Afghans56. Because, he greatly disliked and distrusted
the Afghans. Besides, one of his main objects was to become the
paramount ruler of India and the Afghan leader Sulaiman Khan Kararani
of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa was the greatest obstacle in his way. In
view of the strength and the resources of Sulaiman Khan Kararani and
also his own troubles in the empire, Akbar could not realise his
objects57. Indeed, Badshah Akbar waited only for a favourable
opportunity to destroy the Afghan power in Eastern India. The death of
the powerful Afghan ruler Sulaiman Khan Kararani gave him the much
looked for opportunity. Accordingly, as soon as the news of the death of
Sulaiman Khan Kararani reached Akbar, he ordered Munim Khan to
advance at once to conquer Bihar and Bengal.58
The Mughal army under the command of Munim Khan, on March

3, 1575 A.C., in the battle of Tukaroi and under the command of Khan-
i-Jahan, on July 12, 1576, in the battle of Rajmahal, was finally able to
defeat Daud Khan Kararani, the last independent Kararani Afghan
Sultan of Bengal. With the defeat and killing of Daud Khan, the
independent Afghan Sultanate of Eastern India, centred in Bengal, came
to an end. After the battle of Rajmahal the Mughals occupied Afghan
159
possessions in Bengal and Bihar59. But all these events did not
immediately confirm the Mughal sovereignty over the whole of Bengal.
In fact, Badshah Akbar died in 1605 A.C. before Mughal rule was
established in the whole of Bengal60. On the other hand, Qatlu Khan
Nuhani, the treacherous general of Daud Khan Kararani, received from
the Mughals the territory of Orissa, as a reward for his treachery in the
battle of Rajmahal. But in 1592, Mughal general Man Singh finally
incorporated Orissa in the Mughal Empire.61
In 1580 A.C. the Mughal armies of Bengal and Bihar revolted
against Badshah Akbar for different causes. The rebels killed Subahdar
Muzaffar Khan on April19 and immediately formed a government in
Bengal. They also declared Mirza Muhammad Hakim, the step-brother
of Akbar, as Badshah and khutba was read in his name62. Inspired by
this event and instigated by some discontented officers of the court, like
Khwaja Mansur, the Diwan of the Empire, and others, he cherished the
ambition of seizing the throne of India for himself and even invaded the
Panjab. In this circumstances Akbar marched from his capital on
February 8, 1581 A.C., towards Afghanistan. Mirza Muhammad Hakim,
on hearing of Akbar’s advance, fled from the Panjab to Kabul without
offering any resistance. Hereafter, on August 9, 1581, Badshah Akbar
entered Kabul and was able to defeat Mirza Muhammad Hakim. But
Akbar pardoned his offences and Kabul was entrusted to him on
condition that he would remain faithful to him63. Kabul was formally
annexed to the Mughal Empire after the death of Mirza Muhammad
Hakim in July, 1585 A.C.64
After the conquest of Kabul Badshah Akbar first defeated and

destroyed the turbulent Afghan tribes of the frontier, such as the Uzbegs,
the Yusufzais and the Roshniyas to ensure the security of the North-
160
West frontier65. Hereafter Akbar was able to annex Kashmir in 1586,

Sindh in 1590-1591 and Bilochistan and Qandahar in 1595A.C. to the
Mughal Empire66. Thus Mughal Badshah Akbar made himself
undisputed ruler of the area extending from the Himalayas to the
Narmada and from Hindukush to the Brahmaputra, with the exception of
a narrow strip of the tribal area beyond the Indus and a few other tracts
within 1595 A.C.67
Having thus consolidated his authority over Northern and Central

India, Akbar decided to extend his sovereignty to the Deccan. Mainly,
with the ideal of an all-India Empire, he naturally sought to bring rhe
Deccan Sultanates, Ahmadabad, Bijapur, Golkunda and Khandesh,
under his leadership. Akbar first tried to extort from them a formal
acknowledgement of his suzerainty over the Deccan by sending
ambassadors to their respective Courts in 1591 A.C. But all, except
Khandesh, returned evasive answers to his proposals. Henceforth,
Ahmadnagar was besieged by the Mughal army under the commands of
Prince Murad, second son of Badshah Akbar, and Abdur Rahim, son of
Bairam Khan, in 1595 A.C. The city was defended with splendid
courage and extraordinary resolution by Chand Bibi, a dowager-queen
of Bijapur and daughter of Husain Nizam Shah. The besiegers
concluded a treaty with Chand Bibi in 1596, whereby Berar was ceded
to the Mughals and the boy king of Ahmadnagar promised to recognise
the overlordship of Akbar. But after the murder of Chand Bibi the
Mughal army captured Ahmadnagar in 1600 A.C.
Mian Bahadur Shah, the ruler of Khandesh, refused to submit to

the Mughal authority. So, Badshah Akbar himself marched to the south
in July, 1599. He soon captured Burhanpur, the capital of Khandesh, and
easily laid siege to the mighty fortress of Asirgarh. Finally, Akbar
161
succeeded in capturing Asirgarh in 1601 A.C. This was the last conquest
of Akbar. The Deccan campaigns of Badshah Akbar resulted in pushing
the Mughal frontier from the Narmada to the upper courses of the
Krishna River.68
162
Section II
Mughal attitude to Eastern India and its rulers
After the first battle of Panipat the Mughals came into contact
with the Eastern India, that is, Bengal and Bihar, under the leadership of
Badshah Babur for the first time. At that time Nusrat Shah was the
Sultan of Bengal and Bihar was under the rule of Nuhani Afghan. The
battle of Panipat made a few Afghans, including Ibrahim Ludi’s brother
Mahmud Ludi and some members of his family flee to Bengal. Sultan
Nusrat Shah gave Parganas and towns for their maintenance and
married a daughter of Ibrahim Ludi69. Besides, some Afghans found
refuge with thw Nuhani and the Farmuli Afghans of Bihar and
Jaunpur70. At this time Babur got involved in battle with the Sultan of
Bengal in the course of suppressing the Afghans under the leadership of
Mahmud Ludi in Bihar. But at last, peace was established between both
the parties71. After the death of Babur, his son Humayun entered Gaur,
the capital of Bengal, in response to the appeal of Ghiyath al-Deen
Mahmud Shah, the last Sayyid Sultan of Bengal, in the middle of July,
1538 A.C.72 But after defeating Humayun in the battle of Chausa on
June 27, 1539, Sher Shah established his authority over Bengal once
more.73
In the sixteenth century, the general attitude of the Afghans to the

Mughals was one of hostility. Babur and Humayun sought to win them
over by following a conciliatory policy74. This policy left the Nuhani
and Sur Afghans undisturbed in Bihar75, which turned out be suicidal for
the Mughals. Since, Babur and Humayun left the Afghans undisturbed
in Bihar, which turned out to be suicidal for the Mughals.Since Babur
and Humayun left the Afghans undisturbed in Bihar, they were able to
163
occupy Gaur under the leadership of Sher Shah and strengthened

themselves with the wealth of Bengal. At last Sher Shah was able to
drive out Humayun from India by defeating in the battles of Chausa and
Kanauj and established Afghan rule in India once more.
The Afghans however, lost the sovereignty to Humayun in 1555
and finally to Akbar in 1556 A.C. Nevertheless, they did not except the
authority of Akbar and created troubles throughout his reign. In the
period from 1556 to 1561, the Afghans made several attempts to recover
their sovereignty, but failed. After these failures, the Afghans seem to
have realised that the recovery of their power was an impossible task
and they made effort to maintain their sovereignty in Bengal and
Bihar.76
Badshah Akbar thoroughly disliked the Afghans as a body. In

view of their past conduct to Babur and Humayun and their hostility
towards his own rule, he also distrusted them. Akbar could not certainly
forget that the Afghans had deserted Humayun and caused his expulsion
from India77. So, it is seen that from the very beginning of his reign,
Badshah Akbar was eager to expel the Afghans from Bihar and Bengal
and showed an aggressive attitude towards the Afghan rulers of Bengal
and Bihar. Firstly, when in 1557, Sikandar Khan Sur surrendered
Mankot, Akbar issued a farman giving him a temporary jagir in Jaunpur
and promising him one permanently in Bengal as soon as Khan-i-Zaman
would conquer it from the Afghans78. Secondly, in 1563 A.C., when
appointing Khan-i-Zaman a second time to the viceroyalty of Jaunpur,
Akbar promised him Bengal, if he could conquer that country from the
Afghans79. Thirdly, in 1565, when Khan-i-Zaman rebelled in Jaunpur,
Akbar feared that as Sulaiman Khan Kararani was friendly with the
powerful viceroy, he might help him in his rebellion. To prevent such a
164
development of military combination, Akbar sent Haji Muhammad

Sistani as an envoy to the Afghan ruler Sulaiman Khan Kararani of
Bengal. Not only that he also sent another diplomatic mission led by
Hasan Khan Khanzanchi and Mahapatra to the Raja of Orissa to
persuade him to an agreement that if Sulaiman Khan Kararani helped
the rebel viceroy Khan-i-Zaman, he would invade Bengal and Bihar.
The Raja received the envoys with honour and formed an alliance with
Akbar. He agreed to put forth Ibrahim Khan Sur, who was a refugee at
his court, as a rival claimant for the throne of Bengal and Bihar, and to
fight for his cause against Sulaiman Khan Kararani80. Fourthly, it is also
known from the writings of Mughal historian Abul Fazl about the
attitude of Badshah Akbar towards Eastern India and its Afghan ruler.
He writes,
“One of the occurrences of this time was that Sulaiman Kararani who
exhaled the breath of power in Orissa, Bengal and Bihar departed this
life. Ascetic sages, and politicians who had regard to the repose of
mortals, which is bound up with one rule, one ruler, one guide, one aim
and one thought, recognised in the emergence of this event an instance
of the helps of fortune, whilst those who were void of understanding and
who made the agitation of the black-fated Afghans in the eastern
provinces an argument in support of their own views, and opposed the
expedition to Gujrat, were by this event cast into the pit of failure.
Another faction whose narrow intellects could not comprehend the idea
of marching to Gujrat and of overcoming it, and which indulged in
foolish prattle, made the event a pretext for prating and urged the
propriety of marching to the eastern provinces. As the God-worshipping
Khedive reflected that the oppressed ones of Gujrat should be brought
into the cradle of grace he did not give ear to these futilities and said
with his holy lips that it was good that the news of Sulaiman’s death had
come during the march to Gujrat, for had it come while he was in the
capital, assuredly he would, out of deference to the opinions of most of
his officers, have addressed himself in the first place to an expedition to
the eastern provinces. What necessity was there now for the
Shahinshah’s personal visit to these countries after Sulaiman’s death?
Now the conquest of that country would be accomplished by the skill
and courage of the officers. Accordingly an order was sent to Munim
165
Khan Khan-Khanan that he should conquer Bihar, Bengal and Orissa in

concurrence with the other officers.” 81
Besides, Abul Fazl also explains Akbar’s motive for the conquest
of Bihar and Bengal saying,
“… so should justice- loving rulers not be satisfied with the countries of
which they are in possession, but should set their hearts upon
conquering other countries and regard this as a choice form of Divine
worship…Hence it is that the Adorner of fortune’s parterre in our age is
continually engaged in the conquest of other countries.” 82
The above statements of Abul Fazl undoubtedly proved the
imperialistic attitude of Badshah Akbar towards Eastern India, that is,
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, and its Afghgan ruler.
Therefore, it may be said without hesitation that from the very
beginning of his reign, Badshah Akbar fostered an imperialistic and
aggressive attitude towards Eastern India and its Afghan rulers and was
eager to establish his authority over Eastern India. But due to having
different adverse circumstances he could not realise his objects. Firstly,
the independent Sur Afghan and the Kararani Afghan rulers of Bengal
maintained good relations with the Mughal viceroys Khan-i-Zaman and
Munim Khan of Jaunpur. Secondly, within this time Khan-i-Zaman
rebelled against Badshah Akbar more than once83.As a result, the
situation was not in favour of Badshah Akbar to invade the Afghan
Sultanate of Eastern India. Thirdly, in view of the strength and resources
of Sulaiman Khan Kararani and also his own troubles in the empire,
Badshah Akbar could not materialize his objects. Fourthly, Sulaiman
Khan Kararani was a shrewd and prudent ruler. So, he did not assume
any insignia of royalty to enrage Mughal Badshah Akbar.
In the light of above discussion it may be said that from the very
beginning of his reign, Badshah Akbar fostered an aggressive attitude
towards Eastern India and its Afghgan rulers and was waited for an
166
opportunity to invade Eastern India. But due to above mentioned

circumstances he could not invade Eastern India till the reign of
Sulaiman Khan Kararani. As soon as the news of the death of Sulaiman
Khan Kararani reached him, he sent a farman to Munim Khan ordering
him to advance atonce to conquer Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. This order
undoubtedly reveals the imperialistic and aggressive attitude of Badshah
Akbar towards Eastern India and its rulers.
167
Section III
Mughal Empire on its march towards Eastern-India up
to 1576 A.C.and the reaction of the local Chieftains
It has been discussed earlier that from the very beginning of his
reign, Badshah Akbar was so eager to occupy the Afghan Sultanate of
Eastern India and was waited for a favourable opportunity. In October,
1572, the death of Sulaiman Khan Kararani, the independent Afghan
ruler of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa, gave him that opportunity and he
ordered Munim Khan, the Mughal viceroy of Jaunpur, to advance atonce
to conquer Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.84
In 1572 A.C., after the death of Sulaiman Khan Kararani, his

eldest son Bayazid Khan Kararani succeeded him in his possessions in
Bengal, Bihar and Orissa85. But due to his imprudence he was killed by
the Nuhani Afghans under the leadership of Hansu, the son-in-law of
Sulaiman Khan Kararani, within a few days of his accession86. The
murder of Bayazid unchained the spirit of discord and factious fight
among the Afghans; the interested chiefs set up three rival candidates
for the throne. The Nuhani Afghan chief Qatlu Khan Nuhani raised
Hansu and Ludi Khan, who had the supreme authority in the state,
installed Sulaiman Kararani’s youngest son Daud Khan Kararani on the
throne. On the other hand, in Bihar, Gujar Khan Kararani placed a son
of Bayazid Kararani as a rival candidate for the Sultanate. Daud and
Ludi Khan fought against Hansu and killed him. Being hard pressed, the
Nuhanis submitted to Daud. Then Ludi Khan proceeded from the capital
Tanda to deal with Gujar Khan Kararani in Bihar87. About this time,
under the instruction of Badshah Akbar, Mughal general Munim Khan
advanced from Chunar towards Bihar to invade the Afghan territories.
168
He sent Tengri Quli, Farrakh Irghliq and Payanda Muhammad Sagkash

and others against Hajipur and Talibi, Mirza Ali, Nadim Beg and others
against Patna88. Under these circumstances, Ludi Khan, the wazir of
Daud Khan, realised the importance of this invasion of Munim Khan.
So, he made up the quarrel with Gujar Khan and bought Munim Khan
with valuable presents. Thus Ludi Khan impeded the first Mughal
expedition.89
Ludi Khan, the wazir of Daud Khan, understood that, though,

Munim Khan had made peace with the Afghans, Badshah Akbar would
never be satisfied until Bengal and Bihar had been annexed to his
empire. So, he tried to strengthen the Afghan position and create trouble
for the Mughals90. About this time, Munim Khan was busy in dealing
with the rebellion of Sulaiman Uzbek’s son Yusuf Muhammad in
Gorakhpur. Ludi Khan availed this opportunity to march towards
Jaunpur and occupy the fort of Zamaniya. After defeating Yusuf
Muhammad, Munim Khan proceeded to meet Ludi Khan. Then, Ludi
Khan and Munim Khan confronted each other near Ghazipur. Ludi
Khan’s strategy placed the Mughal army in a very precarious position.
In despair, Munim Khan made proposals for peace. Though, initially
Ludi Khan did not agree, a peace was concluded between both the
parties in the end91. Then, probably, some time in the beginning of
March, 1573, the Afghan army got back to Patna from Ghazipur.92
After his return from Gujrat in June, 1573, Badshah Akbar finally
decided to annex Bengal and Bihar without further delay. Orders were
sent to Munim Khan to take steps in this direction. Distinguished nobles
like Khan-i-Alam, Ashraf Khan, Qasim Ali Khan, Muinuddin Ahmad
Khan and Mirza Ali were sent to assist him. A few days later, Raja
Todar Mal arrived from Agra with verbal instructions for Munim Khan
169
in connection with the impending expedition. Todar Mal returned to

Agra after reviewing the troops and made a favourable report to
Badshah Akbar about the loyalty and the preparedness of army.
Accordingly, the mind of Badshah Akbar was set at rest93. The stage
was thus set for an invasion of Eastern India by the Mughal. But it could
not be undertaken immediately due to the renewed of disturbances in
Gujrat, which necessitated a brief expedition by Akbar to Ahmadabad in
August 1573 A.C.94
In October 1573, Akbar returned from Ahmadabad and as soon as

he reached the capital he sent Lashkar Khan, the mir bakhshi, and
Parmananda to Jaunpur with a flotilla. Orders were issued to the
jagirdars of the east to act harmoniously together and follow strictly the
orders of Munim Khan. 95
On the other hand, listening to the evil counsels of Qatlu Khan,

Srihari and Gujar Khan Kararani, Daud Khan distrusted his wazir Ludi
Khan. His evil counsellors made him understand that Ludi Khan, who
had been an old servant of Taj Khan Kararani and had also affianced his
daughter to his son Yusuf, would soon set him aside in favour of his
son-in-law. Believing their allegations, Daud went from Bengal to
Munghyr and imprudently put Yusuf to death and planned to destroy
Ludi Khan. As soon as the news reached Ludi Khan he left Daud and
made peace with Munim Khan. Then Ludi Khan turned against Daud,
who in great panic, retreated from Munghyr to Bengal. In order to keep
the Afghans by his side, Daud distributed the treasures of his father
among them. About this time Jalal Khan Sadhauri and Kala Pahar left
Ludi. This obliged Ludi to retreat to the fort of Rohtas and he sought the
help of Munim Khan96. In response to his appeal Munim Khan sent
Hashim Khan, Tengri Quli Khan, Bari Tawachi-bashi and Moulana
170
Mahmud Akhund with a force to assist him against Daud Khan

Kararani. Munim Khan also moved himself from Jaunpur to Rohtas 97.
These developments were reported to Akbar some time before February
8, 1574 A.C. Akbar, who had already made up his mind to annex the
Afghan Sultanate of Eastern India, ordered Munim Khan to invade
Bengal immediately. To ensure the smooth course of the expedition,
Raja Todar Mal was appointed to look after matters concerning the
discipline and organization of the army. Todar Mal joined Munim Khan
on the way to Bihar at Tromohini. Then Munim Khan advanced against
Daud Khan Kararani with fullest enthusiasm. 98
In this circumstances, Daud Khan remembered Ludi Khan once

more. After a long discussion a peace was established between Daud
Khan and Ludi Khan by the efforts of Gujar Khan99. Ludi Khan then
marched against the Mughals and effectively checked Munim Khan’s
forces on the bank of the river Son. To avart any further invasion of the
Mughals, Ludi Khan proposed peace to Munim Khan agreeing to pay to
Badshah Akbar a tribute of two lacs of rupees in cash and one lac of
rupees in stuffs. In recollection of the old friendship with Sulaiman
Khan Kararani and Ludi Khan, Munim Khan made peace with the
Afghans of Bihar and Bengal and returned to Jaunpur100. But shortly
after this, at the instigation of his evil counsellors, Daud Khan
imprudently imprisoned Ludi Khan and put him to death.101
The death of Ludi Khan induced Munim Khan to invade Bihar.

Crossing the river Son, he advanced within the striking distance of
Patna. Though, Daud had a large army, yet he retreated to Patna and
shut himself up in the fort102. Towards the end of February 1574, Munim
Khan besieged the fort of Patna103. In spite of a siege lasting three
months, Munim Khan failed to dislodge Daud Khan from Patna104. At
171
last Badshah Akbar himself arrived at Patna on August 3, 1574 A.C.105

He realised that the fort of Patna drew its support and supplies from the
subsidiary fort of Hajipur on the north bank of the Ganges facing Patna.
Therefore, on August 5, he sent an well-equipped force supported by
war-boats to capture Hajipur and after a fierce resistance the town was
occupied by the Mughals.106
The fall of Hajipur broke the spirit of the Afghan resistance to the
Mughals.The Afghan chiefs, particularly, Qatlu Khan Nuhani, advised
the evacuation of Patna. As Daud could not be persuaded to leave the
fort, at night Qatlu administered a narcotic to him and carried him
senseless by a boat to the capital Tanda. Daud’s minister Srihari placed
his master’s treasures in a boat and followed him to Bengal. On the
other hand, Gujar Khan Kararani evacuated the fort with the army and
elephants. The night was very dark and the rivers were swollen and the
country around was flooded. So, Daud’s army suffered terribly in the
evacuation. A large number of them were drowned in the ditch round
the fort. A few were trampled to death by the frightened elephants.
Many more were drowned owing to the collapse of the bridge over the
river Pun Pun.107
On the morning of August 8, 1574, Badshah Akbar entered Patna

with his army. Then he pursued the fleeing Afghans and chased them
upto Daryapur. Munim Khan joined Akbar at Daryapur about 12th
August108. Akbar entrusted Munim Khan with the task of completing the
conquest of Bengal and left for the capital. It was towards the middle of
August 1574 A.C. that Munim Khan started from Daryapur to invade
Bengal. The first stronghold of the Afghans which he came across was
Surajgarh. The Afghan garrison gave it up without offering any
resistance and fled eastward. Next, Munghyr was also taken without any
172
fighting. From Munghyr, the Mughal army pushed on towards

Teliagarhi, passing through Bhagalpur and Khalgaon. On September 2,
1574, the Mughal army occupied Teliagarhi. Towards the end of
September, Munim Khan occupied Tanda and Daud Khan fled to
Satgaon without making any attempt to defend his capital.109 Then,
Munim Khan sent several detachments of his forces against the Afghans
in different places of Bengal. One division under Muhammad Quli Khan
Barlas pursued Daud to Satgaon and another under Majnun Khan
Qaqshal and Baba Khan Qaqshal advanced to Ghoraghat, where Kala
Pahar, Babui Mankali and Sulaiman Mankali had taken shelter. A third
division under Murad Khan was sent to occupy Fathabad and Bakla and
a fourth under Itimad Khan to acquire Sonargaon110. Munim Khan
himself stayed at Tanda and directed these operations111. To mobilize
the local resources for the struggle against the Afghans, the territories
which had already come under the control of the Mughals in Bengal
were immediately given as jagirs to the officers, who buised themselves
in collecting revenues and re-equipping their contingents.112
Of the expeditions which were sent against the Afghans in

different parts of Bengal, the one to Ghoraghat met with swift success.
Majnun Khan Qaqshal, who was sent Ghoraghat succeeded in defeating
the Afghans of Ghoraghat under Sulaiman Mankali, who died in the
fight, and the Mughal army occupied Ghoraghat. On the other hand, at
the approach of the Mughal general, Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, who
was sent against Daud Khan, Daud retreated from Satgaon to Orissa113.
About this time, his minister Srihari escaped to Jessore with his
treasures. Daud entrenched himself at Debra Kesai, 15 miles east of the
Midnapur town, to fight the Mughals. But when Muhammad Quli Khan
Barlas, reinforced by Todar Mal, advanced fromMandaran to Kulia, 23
173
miles north-east of Midnapur town, he fell back on Garh Haripur, 11

miles south-east of Danton station on the B.N.R.114
In the mean time, Daud’s cousin Junaid Kararani, a son of Imad

Kararani, was causing great trouble to the Mughals. He plundered the
Mughal possessions in Bihar and continued successfully his plundering
and devastating incursions into the MughalTerritories. It was at the
advance of a superior army under Todar Mal that he retreated to the
Jungles of Jharkhand. 115
In 1575 A.C., Munim Khan and Raja Todar Mal took up the plan
of a vigorous campaign against Daud116. Todar Mal reached Cheto on
13th February, 1575, from Mandaran. About this time Munim Khanr
received an explicit order from Badshah Akbar and he also reached
Cheto on 16th February, 1575117. On the other hand, Daud encamped
himself at Garh Haripur and fortified his camp by digging trenches and
throwing breastworks. He also barricaded at strategic points the regular
road from Midnapur to Garh Haripur. Munim Khan marched out from
Cheto on 18th February. At Nanjura, 11 miles east of the Danton
Railway Station, it became known that Daud was advancing to give
battle. On 3rd March, the two armies met at Tukaroi, 9 miles east of
Danton and 3 miles west of Nanjura118. At the initial stage of the battle
the Mughal army was disarrayed and was about to meet defeat at
vigorous attack of the Afghans. But in the end the Mughals fortunately
won the battle. Being defeated in the battle Daud fled to the fort of
Katak.The Mughals pursued and slaughtered the Afghans and captured a
large number of them. Munim Khan vented his wrath by making eight
minarets reaching to the skies, with the heads of the Afghan prisoners119.
This battle is renowned as the battle of Tukaroi or Mughalmari 120.
Though, on reaching Katak, Daud Khan first wanted to continue the
174
battle, he made proposal to Munim Khan for peace in the end. In spite of
the strong disapproval of Todar Mal, Munim Khan entered into a treaty
with Daud Khan Kararani. The latter submitted to Badshah Akbar and
Orissa was left to him to be held as a vassal of the Mughal. This treaty is
known as the treaty of Katak.121
Though, Daud Khan Kararani concluded the treaty of Katak with

the Mughals being defeated in the battle of Tukaroi, the Afghan chiefs
and the Bhuian-Zamindars of Bengal did not accept the treaty. They
continued to resist the Mughals in different places of Bihar and Bengal.
The Afghan chiefs maintained their hold on Rohtas, Chaund and
Sahsaram. From his stronghold in Jharkhand, Junaid Kararani raided
south Bihar. Kala Pahar, Babui Mankali and Jalal al-deen Sur drove
away Majnun Khan Qaqshal from Ghoraghat. They also expelled the
Mughals from Gaur and recovered the whole of North Bengal. They
even pursued the Mughals to Tanda. The timely arrival of Munim Khan,
however, saved the situation. He relieved the capital Tanda, and then
hastened to Gaur and recaptured it. He sent Majnun Khan Qaqshal with
a large army to Ghoraghat. After a fierce fighting he recovered
Ghoraghat. Still the Afghans continued to give trouble to the Mughals in
North Bengal and south Bihar.122
Thinking that residence in Gaur would enable him to deal with the
Afghans of Ghoraghat and also being attracted by the magnificent
buildings of the old capital of Bengal, Munim Khan shifted his capital
from Tanda to Gaur123. Just a month later, after the shifting of capital at
Gaur, an epidemic, caused by bad climate, broke out in the city, which
resulted in the death of a large number of Mughal troops. Then Munim
Khan ordered his men to return to Tanda. But he himself could not reach
175
Tanda. In the outskirts of Tanda, he was taken ill and on October23,

1575 A.C., he died.124
The death of Munim Khan encouraged Daud Khan to make a bid

for the recovery of Bengal and Bihar. He swiftly fell on the Mughal
General Nadr Bahadur, defeated and killed him and occupied Bhadrak.
At his approach, the Mughals fled away from Jaleswar and Tanda. Daud
re-entered his capital and easily recovered Teliagarhi from the panic –
striken Mughals. At this time of confusion, Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the
chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, fell upon Shah Bardi, the Mughal admiral,
and drove him away from the vicinity of Sonargaon. In a word, panic
and confusion prevailed among the Mughals everywhere and, leaving
Bengal; they proceeded towards Bihar by the way of Purniya and
Tirhut.125
When the news of the death of Munum Khan reached Badshah

Akbar, he sent Bairam Khan’s sister’s son Husain Quli Khan entitled
Khan-i-Jahan as Subahdar in Bengal. Raja Todar Mal was appointed to
assist him in recovering Bengal from the hands of the Afghans. In
November 1575 A.C. they left Agra and near Bhagalpur they met the
Mughals officers and soldiers fleeing from Bengal. With great difficulty,
Khan-i-Jahan and Todar Mal persuaded them to turn towards Bengal. At
Teliagarhi, their advance was opposed by 3000 Afghans under Ayaz
Khash Khail. In a fierce engagement, the Mughal generals overpowered
the Afghans and Teliagarhi again passed into the hands of the
Mughals126. Then Khan-i-Jahan advanced towards Tanda. Daud,
however, blocked his passage at a narrow place, situated between the
Ganges on the north-west and the hills on the south-east, in Rajmahal. In
this Rajmahal pass, he had fortified his position and held up the
Mughals for seven months from December 1575 to June 1576 A.C.127
176
In spite of his best efforts, Khan-i-Jahan could not make his way
through the pass. On the other hand, his position became weaker day by
day. The rains, the interception of the supply of his provisions by the
Afghans in Bihar and the difficulties of the place unnerved the Mughal
soldiers. Besides, the Sunni Mughals did not like to fight under a Persian
Shia, Khan-i-Jahan. Moreover, the Afghans were daily increasing in
number and Daud had diplomatically caused the desertion from Mughal
service of Raja Gajapati, the Zamindar of Patna and Hajipur and
induced him to create trouble for the Mughals in Bihar and Ghazipur128.
Being in a precarious position, Khan-i-Jahan sent urgent representations
to Badshah Akbar for food and re-inforcements. Akbar despatched boat-
loads of food from Agra and ordered Muzaffar Khan to advance
immediately from Bihar to the assistance of Khan-i-Jahan. On July10,
1576, Muzaffar Khan, with his men and supplies, joined the Mughal
forces at Rajmahal129. Khan-i-Jahan then arranged his forces in battle
array and, on July 12, 1576, a fierce battle took place between the
Mughals and the Afghans in the field of Rajmahal130.The Mughal army
won this battle as well as the Tukaroi. Daud Khan Kararani fled from
the battle-field. But his horse, in course of his flight, was stuck fast in a
quagmire and he was brought a captive before Khan-i-Jahan. The latter
ordered his immediate execution. Daud was beheaded and his head was
sent to Badshah Akbar and his body was affixed to a gibbet in Tanda,
the capital of Bengal.131 Thus with the fall of Daud Khan Kararani ended
the independent Afghan Sultanate in Eastern India, that is, in Bengal,
Bihar and Orissa. 132
The Afghan historian Nimat Allah says that the Afghans lost their
Sultanate in Eastern India on account of Qatlu Khan Nuhani’s baseness.
According to this Afghan historian, on the eve of the battle of Rajmahal,
177
Qatlu formed a treasonable connection with Khan-i-Jahan. On condition

that some parganas of Orissa would be given to him, he promised to
take such a position in the battle as to render Daud’s defeat unavoidable.
Accordingly, after the battle of Rajmahal, the Mughals occupied the
Afghan possessions in Bengal and Bihar. But Qatlu Nuhani was
remained undisturbed by the Mughals in Orissa. On the other hand,
Srihari achieved the Zamindari of Jessore as the reward of his treachery
with Daud Khan Kararani133. However, In December 1576, Todar Mal
and Itimad Khan Khwajasara went to see Badshah Akbar and met him at
Banswara in Rajputna and they presented him the booties, which were
gathered from Bengal. They also informed Akbar the accounts of battle
against the Afghans.134
After the battle of Rajmahal nothing is on record in the Akbar

Nama about Bengal. It seems that then nothing noteworthy happened in
Bengal to be recorded in the Akbar Nama. It may be assumed that after
the defeat of Daud Khan Kararani the local Afghan Chieftains and the
Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal became astonish and they took some
time to settle their next step. On the other hand, Khan-i-Jahan was busy
during this time in consolidating his position round about Tanda.135
1. Ad. Hist., p.425.

2. Ibid., p. 438.
4. H.Bengal, p.179.
6. Ibid., pp. 118-119.
7. Ibid., pp. 120-121; Ad. Hist., p.443.
178
8. Ibid., p. 122.
9. Ibid., pp. 123-124.
10. Ibid., pp. 125-126.
11. Ibid., pp. 126-127.
12. Ibid., p. 127.
13. Ibid.
14. Ad. Hist., p.445.
15. Ibid.
17. Ibid., pp.131-133.
18. Ad. Hist., p.446.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid., pp.135-136.
23. Ibid., p.136.
24. Ibid., pp.137-138.
25. Ibid., p.161.
26. Prasad, Ishwari, A Short History of Muslim Rule in India,
Allahabad, 1939, pp.344-345; henceforth cited only as Short Hist.
27. Ad. Hist., p. 448.
28. Ibid., pp.447-448.
30. Ad. Hist., p. 448; Short Hist., p.345.
31. Ibid., pp. 448-449.
32. Ibid., p. 449.
33. Ibid., p. 450.
34. Ibid., pp. 450-451.
35. Ibid., pp. 451-452.
179
37. Ibid.
39. Ibid., p. 403.
40. Ibid.
43. Ain, pp.132-133.
44. Cultural Hist.I. p.23.
45. Ibid., pp. 23-24.
46. Ibid., p.26.
47. Ibid., pp. 26-27.
48. Ibid., p.29.
49. History of India, Vol.III, p.112.
52. Cultural Hist.I. p.28.
53. Ibid., p.403.
55. Ibid., pp. 361-363.
57. Ibid., pp. 192,248; Sultani Amal, p.376.
58. Ibid., p. 193.
59. Ibid., pp. 195-209.
60. Mughal Amal, p. 25.
61. The Afghans, pp. 209, 247.
63. Ad. Hist., p. 453.
64. Ibid.
65. Ibid., pp. 453-454.
66. Ibid., pp. 454-455.
180
67. Ibid., p.455.

68. Ibid., pp. 455-456.
70. Sultani Amal, p. 319.
71. Ibid., pp.319-327.
72. Ibid., pp.347, 361.
73. Ibid., p.363.
75. Ibid., pp.161-162.
76. Ibid., pp.242-243.
77. Ibid., p.248.
78. Ibid., p.192.
79. Ibid.
80. Ibid., p.182.
81. Akbar Nama, pp. 5-6.
82. Ibid., p. 122.
83. Smith, Vincent A., Akbar The Great Mogul, Second edition
revised, Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1919, pp.55, 74.
86. Ibid.; Akbar Nama, p. 28.
87. Ibid., pp.186-187; Ibid.
89. Ibid.; Sultani Amal, p.376;H. Bengal, p. 185; The Afghans,p.187.
91. Ibid.; Sultani Amal, pp.376-377; Akbar Nama, pp. 29-31.
92. Mughal Noble, p. 118.
93. Ibid., p.119; Akbar Nama, pp.57-58.
94. Ibid.; Ibid., p.62.
95. Ibid.; Ibid., pp.91, 97.
181
96. Akbar Nama, p.31; The Afghans, pp.187-188.

97. Ibid., p.98; Mughal Noble, p. 131.
98. Ibid., pp.98-99; Ibid.
99. Ibid., p.99.
100. The Afghans, pp.188-189; Sultani Amal, p. 377.
102. Ibid., pp.100-101; The Afghans, p.195; Sultani Amal, pp. 377-378.
104. Ibid.
106. Ibid.; Ibid., pp.135-137; Sultani Amal, p. 378; The Afghans,
pp.195-196; Muslims of Bengal, pp.251-252.
107. Mughal Noble, p. 135; The Afghans, p.196.
108. Ibid.
109. Ibid., pp.135-138; The Afghans, p.198; Akbar Nama, pp.144,
150-153.
112. Ibid.
113. Ibid., p.140; The Afghans, pp.198-199.
115. Ibid.; Akbar Nama, pp.169-170.
116. Ibid., pp.199-200.
117. Ibid., p. 200; Mughal Noble, pp. 141-142.
118. Ibid.; Ibid., p.142; Akbar Nama, p.174.
119. Ibid., pp.201-202; Akbar Nama, pp.174-180.
121. Ibid., p.382; Akbar Nama, pp.182-185; Mughal Noble,
pp. 143-144.The Afghans, p.202.
123. Ibid.; Akbar Nama, p.226; Mughal Noble, p. 145.
182
124. Ibid., pp.203-204; Ibid., pp.226-227; Ibid.,p.146.

125. Ibid., p.204; Ibid., pp.228-229; Masnad-i-Ala pp.93-94.
126. Ibid.; Ibid.,pp.229-230.
127. Ibid., pp.204-205.
128. Ibid., p.205; Akbar Nama, pp.238-241.
129. Ibid.; Ibid., p.252.
130. Akbar Nama, pp.252-253.
131. Ibid., pp.254-255.
132. For details of the battle of Rajmahal see, B.P.P. Vol.XXXVI,
pp.41-50; The Afghans, pp.204-209; Sultani Amal, pp.382-384.
133. Ibid., pp. 45-47; Ibid., p.209.
134. Mughal Period, p.143; Mughal Amal, p.116; Akbar Nama, p.277.
135. Ibid.; Ibid.
183
Chapter VI
The Bara-Bhuiyans in Action: Their struggle
against the Mughals for the perpetuation of
independence and sovereignty
Section I
The Age of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala (1576-1599 A.C.): The
Local Resistance of the Bara-Bhuiyans under his leadership
Phase I: The Bara-BhuiyansVersus Badshah Akbar’s

Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan (1576-1578 A.C.)
It is true that with the defeat of Daud Khan Kararani, the last
independent Kararani Afghan ruler, in the battle of Rajmahal, the
independent Afghan Sultanate of Bengal has come to an end. But it is
also true that the defeat of Daud Khan did not immediately confirm
Mughal sovereignty over the whole of Bengal and the local Chieftains,
particularly, the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati, did not acknowledge Mughal
suzerainty. Though, the Mughals broke the Afghan central power, it was
not easy for them to establish their rule in the whole province. Because,
the defeat of Daud in the battle of Tukaroi and the treaty of Katak
concluded by him with the Mughals were not only denied by the Afghan
chiefs and the Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal, but the local Chieftains
also did not acknowledge defeat even at the fall of Daud in the battle of
Rajmahal. In the absence of Daud Khan Kararani they continued the
anti- Mughal resistance under the leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala,
the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Indeed, after the battle of Rajmahal the
struggle for resistance or the struggle for independence of the local
Chieftains of Bengal commenced directly.
It has been seen in the previous discussion that many of the
members of the Bara-Bhuiyans like Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, Chand Rai,
184
Kedar Rai, Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap flourished during the reign
of the Kararanis. Naturally they were grateful and loyal to their
benefactors1. They also rendered them service whenever they were
called upon by their Afghan suzerains. They did not owe any allegiance
to the Mughal Badshah after the fall of the family of their benefactors.
On the contrary, after the battle of Rajmahal they emerged as
independent rulers in their respective territories and continued their
struggle for independence against the Mughals under the leadership of
Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala.
Though, the defeat of Daud Khan Kararani stunned the local
Afghan Chieftains and the Bhuiyans (Zamindars), particularly the
Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati, sparing no time settled their next step. They
decided to continue the struggle for resistance to preserve the
independence of their homeland, rather than acknowledging Mughal
suzerainty. They also realised that it was not possible for each one of
them to face individually the mighty Mughal Badshah Akbar with their
relatively limited resources for long. So, they established rapport with
one another and forged an anti-Mughal politico-military alliance with
Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of Bhati, as their leader. Now they are
making effort to prepare for the struggle of resistence against the
Mughal aggression under the leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, in
the region of Bhati, particularly in Sonargaon and Maheswardi
Parganas, the iktas of Isa Khan. Consequently, the Bara-Bhuiyans
appeared in the struggle of resistance against the Mughals in 1578 for
the first time. For the history of the Mughal campaigns in Bengal and
the resistance offered by the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati under the
leadeaship of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala during the reign of Mughal
Badshah Akbar, the only contemporary source is the Akbar Nama of
Abul Fazl. But the statements of Abul Fazl regarding the campaigns sent
185
against the Bara-Bhuiyans by the Mughal generals are not always

unbiased. Because, it appears from his statements that the Mughal army
won against the Bara-Bhuiyans in almost all campaigns. On the other
hand, relying on him modern historian Sir Jadunath Sarkar also speaks
of the success of the Mughal generals. Besides, it is evident from the
accounts given in The History of Bengal, Vol.II edited by Jadunath
Sarkar regarding the conflicts between the Bara-Bhuiyans under the
leadership of Isa Khan and the Mughal generals Khan-i-jahan, Shahbaz
Khan, Sadiq Khan and Man Singh that he only repeated the accounts of
Abul Fazl given in the Akbar Nama 1(A). Moreover, relying on Abul Fazl
he praised the Mughal army by saying “Shahbaz Khan pacifies Bengal:
2
1586-87,” “His (Man Singh’s) vigorous measures,”3 “the flames of
disturbance in deltaic Bengal were quenched”4 etc. But if the accounts
and results of the struggle of resistance of the Bara-Bhuiyans under the
leadership of Isa Khan against the Mughal army in the region of Bhati of
1578, 1584, 1586 and 1597 A.C. are examined carefully it will be seen
that the statements of Abul Fazl or Jadunath Sarkar are not correct.
Because, though Abul Fazl and Jadunath Sarkar repeatedly
mentioned the success of the Mughals, Isa Khan and his allies are
seen remained safe in their respective territories. In a word, Jadunath
Sarkar reiterated the statements of the Mughal court historian Abul Fazl.
Even it appears from his writings that he only recorded history of the
Delhi based territorial expansion of the Mughal empire in Bengal, the
history of the struggle of resistance against the Mughal aggression of the
Bara- Bhuiyans of Bhati, that is, the history of the struggle for
independence of the local Chieftains of Bengal did not receive due
attention in his writings. Because, it is seen that Jadunath Sarkar showed
an unfavourable attitude to the patriotic feelings and heroic resistance of
the Bara- Bhuiyans and questioned their patriotism. Not only that, he is
186
reluctant to term the struggle of resistance against the Mughals of the

Bara-Bhuiyans as the struggle for independence. He has also mentioned
the Bara-Bhuiyans as “upstarts,” “captains of plundering bands,”
“usurpers,” “the enemies of Mughal peace and unification” etc. He
further says that, Pratapaditya and Kedar Rai, Isa Khan and Anwar Khan
(Ghazi) were not tribal heads, nor scions of any old and decayed royal
house5. But, in this context the statements of Jadunath Sarkar is not
completely acceptable. Because, if observed carefully the way the Bara-
Bhuiyans concertedly fought shoulder to shoulder against the common
enemy and aggressor the Mughals during the reigns of Badshah Akbar
and Jahangir under the leaderships of Isa Khan and his son Musa Khan
respectively, there can be no doubt regarding the freedom- loving
attitude of the Bara-Bhuiyans. It would not be possible for them to
check the Mughal advancement for more than three decades if there was
no co-relation between their personal interest and patriotism. Besides,
modern historians acknowledged the freedom- loving attitude and
patriotic feelings of the Bara- Bhuiyans without any hesitation. Even
they termed the anti-Mughal struggle of resistance of the Bara-Bhuiyans
under the leaderships of Isa Khan and his son Musa Khan during the
reigns of Badshah Akbar and Jahangir as the struggle for independence.
In this context the statements of N.K. Bhattasali and Abdul Karim is
worth mentioning. Regarding the patriotism of the Bara- Bhuiyans,
Bhattasali says,
“...I cannot but say that the thirty-eight years (1575-1612 A.D.) struggle
for independence of the Bengal Chiefs has not received the recognation
it deserves. Rana Pratap of Mewar spent his whole life in fighting Akbar
and ended his days sword in hand and independent. We have almost
deified Rana Pratap and there is no name more honoured from one end
of the country to the other than Rana Pratap’s. But what then have the
Bengal Chiefs done to deserve this oblivion? They did the same: they
187
fought with the greatest generals of Akbar, the very generals who had
fought Rana Pratap. Rana Pratap was strong in cavalry, the Bangalees
were strong in war-boats. The imperial generals were defeated again and
again and driven out of Bengal. Bengal was never at peace and constant
guerilla warfare was maintained throughout the reign of Akbar, with
occasional disasters to the imperial arms. It was not before 1613, in the
reign of Jahangir that Bengal was completely subjugated. And all these
the Bengal Chiefs accomplished with the children of the soil of Bengal
and not with hirelings from Nepal or Rajputana. Yet Bengalees are a
non-military race unworthy of receiving a soldiers training, though their
Chiefs and their forefathers had fought and maintained their
independence for more than a third of a century.”6
On the other hand, Abdul Karim says,
“If they were not lovers of freedom, why did they shed their blood with
huge loss of men and materials?... To say that the Bara-Bhuiyans were
not patriots is to deny them their due; compared to the Mughal power,
they were insignificant. They had neither wealth, nor manpower, nor
even equipments enough to face the Mughals, but they had indomitable
courage and valour and above all they were fired with patriotic zeal.”7
So, according to the aforementioned statements of Bhattasali and

Abdul Karim it may be said undoubtedly that, it would not be just to
question the patriotism and the freedom-loving attitude of the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Secondly, it cannot be said that Isa Khan was an upstart or he
and his son Musa Khan were not connected with blood with the old
royal house. Because, it is known that Isa Khan’s father Sulaiman Khan
was married to the daughter of Nusrat Shah, the Sultan of Husain Shahi
Dyansty of Bngal, and Isa Khan was a grandson of Nusrat Shah. It is
also known that he was born in Bengal and was a son of this soil. He
spent his childhood, early youth and youth in the region of Bhati and he
also regained his father’s domain by the grace of Taj Khan Kararani, the
founder of Kararani dynasty, which is located in the region of Bhati. Isa
Khan began his career as a feudatory of the Kararani rulers and
188
remained loyal to them down to the end of the Kararani Afghan dynasty.
He did not owe any allegiance to the Mughal Badshah even after the fall
of the family of his benefactors. On the contrary, after the fall of Daud
Khan Kararani in the battle of Rajmahal in 1576, he emerged as an
independent ruler and the undisputed leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans and
along with the Bara-Bhuiyans he took a stern vow to preserve the
independence of their homeland8. So, it would be tantamount to oppose
the historical truth if Isa Khan is termed as an upstart or usurper and
captain of a plundering band and to question his freedom loving-
attitude and patriotism.
Now, the events of the first struggle for resistance of the Bara-
Bhuiyans under the leadership of Isa Khan against the Mughals is being
discussed as follows:
In the later part of 1578, under the leadership of Isa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala in the region of Bhati, particularly, in the Sonargaon and
Maheswardi Parganas, Ibrahim Naral, Karimdad Musazai and other
Afghans making to prepare the struggle for resistance against the
Mughals. Even they were able to bring the Mughal admiral Shah Bardi
on their side. Consequently, Mughal Subahdar Khan-i- Jahan led an
expedition towards Bhati against Isa Khan, the leader of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, and his allies. Mughal historian Abul Fazl gives a long
description of this expedition in the following words:
“When by the glory of activity and skill the delightful country of Bengal
had been cleared of the weeds and rubbish of the ingrates, Ibrahim Naral
and Karimdad Musazi waited for an opportunity of making a
disturbance in the country of Bhati. Isa the zamindar of that country
spent his time in dissimulation. Shah Bardi also, the admiral (mir
nawara), raised the head of presumption. The able servant (Khan Jahan)
led an army thither.... (When Khan Jahan marched to Bhati) Shah Bardi,
who was a vagabond in the desert of insubordination, accepted good
counsels and became loyal. When the town of Bhawal became the
station of the army, Ibrahim Naral, Karimdad and other Afghans of that
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country brought forward propositions of obedience and used the

language of harmony. Isa however sate in the ravine of disobedience,
and was presumptuous. A large force was sent against him under Shah
Bardi and Muhammad Quli. It proceeded by the river Kiyara Sundar,
and a hot engagement took place on the borders of Kastal? Isa was
defeated and fled, and much valuable booty fell into the hands of the
warriors for dominion. Inasmuch as pride increases the blindness of the
heart and eyes, Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap, who were landholders
in that part of the country, suddenly brought out a crowd of boats from
the rivers and channels and kindled the flames of contention. The
warriors of the victorious army lost courage and turned to flee, and in
that encounter some of the voyagers left their boats and fled. Muhamad
Quli in his activity and courage threw himself upon the enemy’s boats
and carried on the fight. He contended as much as he could and then was
made prisoner. One of the wonderful results of daily-increasing fortune
was that when the army was retreating, Tila Ghazi, a landholder, came
and opened the hand of courage so that in despairs midday the lights of
victory revealed themselves to the imperial servants. Together with
abundant booty they gained their object...Just then Ibrahim Naral sent
his son with choice products of the country and asked for protection.The
general (Khan Jahan) accepted his excuses and returned.He proceeded to
Sihhatpur which he had founded in the neighbourhood of Tanda,...”9
The above statement of Abul Fazl furnishes the following
information:
Ibarhim Naral and Karimdad Musazai, the two Afghan chiefs, had
leagued themselves with Isa Khan and began rebellious activities in the
region of Bhati. The Mughal admiral Shah Bardi also showed
refractoriness. So, Khan-i-Kahan came out of the capital Tanda and
proceeded to Bhati and reached Bhawal. At his approach Shah Bardi
repented and rejoined the Mughals. Not only that when Khan-i-Jahan
encamped in the town of Bhawal, Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazi
and also other Afghans submitted to Khan-i-Jahan. But Isa Khan did not
submit. So Khan-i-Jahan sent a large army under Shah Bardi and
Muhammad Quli. The Mughal army proceeded by the river Kiyara
Sundar and a hot engagement took place on the borders of Kastal. Isa
Khan was defeated and fled and much valuable booty fell into the hands
190
of Mughal soldiers. In as much as pride increases the blindness of the

heart and eyes, Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap, two Zamindars of the
locality, suddenly brought out a crowd of boats from the rivers and
channels and kindled the flames of contention (which means, after the
defeat of Isa Khan, when the Mughal soldiers were taking part in looting
in Kastul, Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap two Zamindars of that
locality, suddenly brought out a crowd of boats from the innumerable
streams and canals of the region and fell on the Mughal nawara). As a
result the Mughal soldiers lost their courage and turned to flee. But
Muhmmad Quli, one of the Mughal admirals, fought bravely and was
ultimately taken prisoner. In a word, the Mughals were badly defeated.
But with the help of another Zamindar, Tila Gazi, they were succeded in
retrearing and Khan-i-Jahan was able to return to Sihhatpur, a town
which he had founded near Tanda.
Now, an attempt has been taken to discuss the courses and
results of the war between the Bara-Bhuiyans and Mughal Subahdar
Khan-i Jahan. But to determine the actual location of the war field the
places mentioned above like, Bhawal, Kiyara Sundar and Kastal should
first be identified.
Bhawal: Henry Beveridge takes Bhawal to be Ran Bhawal. But
according to N.K. Bhattasali and Abdul Karim this identification is not
correct. They think that Ran Bhawal is in gerater Mymensingh, whereas
Bhawal is in greater Dhaka. Ran Bhawal is a jungly place, whereas
Bhawal is situated on the bank of the river. Khan-i-Jahan proceeded by
boats on the river, so he could not go to Ran Bhawal, but he reached
Bhawal. Moreover, on his retreat Khan-i-Jahan was helped by Tila Gazi,
the Zamindar of Talipabad. So, Bhawal of Akbar Nama must be the
Bhawal of Bhawal Pargana. The headquarters of the Ghazis of Bhawal
were at Chaura. Chaura is situated on the bank of the river Lakhia near
191
present Kaliganj. Now it is known as Nagri.Chaura the capital of

Bhawal is situated one mile to the north of Kaliganj, half a mile to the
north of Tongi-Bhairab Bazar section of the railway line and about one
and a half mile south-east of the present Arikhola railway station.10
Egara Sindur: Bhattasali and Abdul Karim think that Kiyara
Sundar is identical with Egara Sindur of greater Mymensingh district.
Egara Sindur is situated on the eastern bank of the main stream of the
Brahmaputra, just in front of the place on the western bank from which
the river Banar rises and where Tok another important place is situated.
Egara Sindur is now in the Pakundia Upazila of the Kishoreganj
district.11
Kastul: Kastul is situated on the bank of the Meghna, two miles to
the west of Astagram. It was situated in the Pargana of Joanshahi and
the place is at present known as kathail, where the hot engagement took
place between Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the leader of the Bara- Bhuiyans
and the Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan. 12
However, Khan-i-Jahan came out of the capital Tanda and
proceeded to Bhati. First he reached Goash13. From Goash he advanced
towards Bhati and encamped in Bhawal. Abul Fazl did not mention
whether he halted on the way. It appears from his encampment in
Bhawal that he proceeded through the river Lakhia and reached Bhawal,
that is, Chaura, which is situated on the bank of the Lakhia. Though, at
first sight, Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazi were the first opponents
of Khan-i-Jahan, Isa Khan was the leading force behind them. Because,
it appears from the accounts of Abul Fazl that Ibram Naral and
Karimdad Musazai, the two Afghan chiefs, were staying in the
Zamindari of Isa Khan at that time and they had no Zamindaries of their
own14. So it can be said without hesitation that they were engaged in the
anti-Mughal activities being sheltered and aided by Isa Khan. It is
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known that at that time Isa Khan was the Zamindar of Sonargaon and
Maheswardi Parganas, Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap were the
Zamindars of Joanshahi and Khaliajuri Parganas respectively15 and they
were the members of the Bara- Bhuiyans. According to Abul Fazl
immediately after the defeat of Isa Khan in the battle of Kastul Majlis
Dilawar and Majlish Pratap fell upon the Mughals. It seems that other
membersof the Bara- Bhuiyans also took part in the struggle for
resistance against Mughal aggression under the leadership of Isa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala. In a word, Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai the two
Afghan chiefs, Majlish Dilawar and Majlish Pratap the two bonafide
members of the Bara- Bhuiyans were his stalwart allies at that time
which means, the Zamindars of Sonargaon, Maheswardi, Joanshahi and
Khaliajuri Parganas were the opponents of Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-
Jahan. So, it appears that the Zamindars of vast area watered by the
rivers Lakhia, Banar, Brahmaputra and Meghna put up resistance
against the Mughals. Even they were able to bring Mughal admiral Shah
Bardi on their side. However, when Khan-i-Jahan encamped in the town
of Bhawal Ibrahim Naral and Karimdad Musazai and some other
Afghans submitted to Khan-i-Jahan. Shah Bardi also rejoined the
Mughal forces. But Isa Khan, the main opponent, did not submit. So,
Khan-i-Jahan sent a large detachment against Isa Khan under Shah
Bardi and Muhammad Quli. It is learnt from a recent research work that,
in this situation, Isa Khan retreated from his Zamindari when the news
of the advancement of Mughal army reached him. This retreat was a war
strategy of Isa Khan. Because, he realised that to be successful against
that very Mughal army under Khan-i-Jahan, which defeated Daud Khan
Kararani in the battle of Rajmahal, he should select such a strategic
place from where he might have maximum advantages for his war-
boats, the backbone of his military power, and could be able to move
193
away safely from that place if necessary. It is worth mentioning that

war- boats were the most vital element of warfare in East Bengal, that is,
in the region of Bhati, which was full of rivers and canals at that time.
These war- boats were the main base of the military power of the Bara-
Bhuiyans and they were skilled in naval war. On the other hand, the
main strength of the Mughal army was cavalry. Probably, for this reason
Isa Khan did not want to face the Mughal army in land- fight. Moreover,
the main object of Isa Khan was to take the Mughal army in such a
strategic place where their main strength of cavalry will be of no use and
they will be compelled to engage in naval war. Considering these points,
Kastul was such a place situated on the bank of Meghna two miles west
of Astagram, where land-fight was not possible in any way. Because, in
the Joanshahi Pargana, Kastul situated in such a place, which is full of
swamps and marshes16, and it is only for those to be successful in wars,
who are well acquainted with the rivers and canals of this region. It
would not be wrong to say that for these reasons Isa Khan selected
Kastul as his war place17. However, the Mughal army under Shah Bardi
and Muhammad Quli reached Egara Sindur through the river Lakhia and
proceeded towards Joanshahi Pargana through Brhamaputra and
Meghna. Thus, when the Mughal army reached the boarder of Kastul,
Isa Khan checked their advance. Consequently, a fierce engagement
took place between both the parties. Isa Khan left the battle field being
defeated. It is noteworthy that though, Abul Fazl mentioned the defeat
and flight of Isa Khan, he did not mention where he fled. In this context,
Bhattasali and Abdul Karim quoting Rajmala, the history of Tripura,
opined that Isa Khan went to Tripura by the way of Meharkul being
defeated by the Mughals and sought help from Amara Manikya, the king
of Tripura18. But their observation cannot be accepted. Because, it is
learnt from a recent research work that Isa Khan never went to Tripura
194
and also never sought help from Amara Manikya.19 Besides, in this
context, the fact is that though, Isa Khan left the battle field being
defeated, he did not go to Tripura, it was natural for him to take shelter
in the Khaliajuri Pargana, the Zamindari of Majlis Pratap, one of his
allies and the members of the Bara- Bhuiyans. For, the battle took place
in Kastul, situated in the Joanshahi Pargana, the Zamindari of Majlis
Dilawar, one of the members of the Bara- Bhuiyans, and Khaliajuri
Pargana situated to the north of Joanshahi Pargana, was free from war
and also was safe, because it was full of marshes. So, it is more
reasonable for him to take shelter in the Zamindari of his ally, which is
full of marshes, than to take shelter in a foreign territory. Therefore, it
may be assumed that Isa Khan retreated towards further north leaving
Kastul being defeated in the battle and took shelter in Khaliajuri
Pargana. This flight or retreat was also a war strategy of Isa Khan.
Because, Abul Fazl did not mention that whether Majlis Dilawar,
Zamindar of Joanshahi Pargana and Majlis Pratap, Zamindar of
Khaliajuri Pargana, situated to the north of Joanshahi Pargana, played
any role when Isa Khan was engaged in fighting with the Mughals in
Kastul of Joanshahi Pargana. But, after the defeat of Isa Khan, when the
Mughal soldiers were engaged in looting in Kastul, Majlis Dilawar and
Majlis Pratap brought out a crowd of boats from the rivers and canals of
that region and suddenly attacked the Mughals. It appears that according
to previously set plan they might have been observing the courses of
battle between Isa Khan and the Mughals halted in a place nearby and
after the defeat and retreat of Isa Khan, when the Mughal soldiers were
engaged in plundering they suddenly attacked the Mughals taking
advantage of their carelessness. The reason for this assumption is that
Isa Khan might have been previously set such a scheme with his allies
that he himself would first face the Mughals and leave the battle field if
195
he could not resist them. Since, Isa Khan was the main opponent of the
Mughals, his defeat and retreat would creat a sense among the Mughal
soldiers that they have won the battle and when they will be engaged in
plundering then Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap will suddenly launch
an attack on them. This sudden attack will stun the Mughal army and
they will be compelled to flee being defeated. There is instance in
history that the opponent had won the battle in such a careless moment.
In this context, mention may be made of the initial stage of the battle of
Tukaroi in 1575A.C. between Daud Khan Kararani and Mughal general
Munim Khan. At the initial stage of the battle of Tukaroi the Mughal
army was scattered and Mughal general Munim Khan left the battle field
wounded in the face of severe Afghan attack. In this situation, the
Afghans thinking that they have won the battle and engaged in
plundering. Consequently, there were disorders in the Afghan army. The
Mughals took full advantage of this situation and Kiya Khan and other
Mughal generals re-organised their army and attacked the indisciplined
Afghan army. As a result, the Mughals won the battle20. Needless to say
that, the consequences of the Mughal army in the battle with the Bara -
Bhuiyans were the same as that of the Afghan army mentioned above.
Because, it is seen that when the Mughal soldiers engaged in plundering,
thinking that they have won the battle, Maglis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap
took full advantage of the careless Mughals and suddenly inflicted an
attack on them. As a result, the Mughal army was severely defeated and
the Mughal soldiers losing courage compelled to flee and their admiral
Muhammad Quli was also captured in the hands of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Had not Tila Gazi, the Zamindar of Talipabad, helped the Mughals to
escape they would have been completely destroyed. So, it appears that
the war strategyof the Bara- Bhuiyans was successful, which proves the
astuteness of their leader Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala. Though, Abul Fazl
196
mentioned that the Mughal army was able to return with their booty and
the enemies, that is, the Bara- Bhuiyans became dishearten, in fact,
Khan-i-Jahan was compelled to return to Sihhatpur with the devastated
army. Thus successfully ended the first struggle for resistence, that is,
struggle for the preservation of independence of the freedom- loving
Bara- Bhuiyans of East Bengal, that is, Bhati under the leadership of Isa
Khan.
It appears from the above discussion that though, Daud Khan
Kararani was defeated in the battle of Rajmahal, the Bara -Bhuiyans of
Bhati did not acknowledge the suzerainty of Mughal Badshsh Akbar.
Although, they were stunned at the downfall of Daud for the time being,
they soon organised themselves under the leadership of Isa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala and settled their next step. Accordingly, they endeavoured
to prepare for the struggle of resistance against the Mughals in
Sonargaon and Maheswardi Parganas, the iktas of Isa Khan. Even they
were able to bring Mughal admiral Shah Bardi on their side. In this
situation Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan led a campaign from the
capital Tanda towards Bhati. Initially Khan-i-Jahan’s opponents were
Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans, Ibrahim Naral
and Karimdad Musazai, the two Afghan chiefs and later Majlis Dilawar
and Majlis Pratap, two bonafied members of the Bara- Bhuiyans. When
Khan-i-Jahan encamped in the town of Bhawal, Ibrahim Naral and
Karimdad Musazai and other Afghans immediately submitted to him.
Shah Bardi also rejoined the Mughal camp. Albeit, the main opponent
Isa Khan did not submit. Consequently, a large detachment under
Muhammad Quli and Shah Bardi was sent against him. Isa Khan was
defeated at the initial stage of the battle of Kastul, but in the end the
Mughal soldiers fled away being severely defeated by Isa Khan and his
allies Majlis Dilawar and Majlis Pratap, who resorted to a remarkable
197
war tactics. As a result, Khan-i-Jahan, who came to subdue the Bara -

Bhuiyans, was compelled to return to Sihhatpur leaving Bhati being
himself harassed by them. Few days after returning from Bhati Khan-i-
Jahan died in December 1578, in Sihhatpur21. On the other hand,
resisting successfully this Mughal onslaught under Khan-i-Jahan, Isa
Khan and other members of the Bara -Bhuiyans remained safe in their
respective Zamindaries. In conclusion, it may be said that due to
extraordinary talent, worthy leadership and remarkable war strategy of
Isa Khan the Bara-Bhuiyans were able to drive away the army of mighty
Mughal Badshah Akbar from East Bengal, that is, from Bhati for the
first time, despite having relatively limited resources. This victory over
the mighty Mughal army undoubtedly enhanced their mental strength,
which accelerated their freedom- loving attitude. Consequently, the the
Bara-Bhuiyans became the formidable obstacle against the Mughal
expansion in Eastern Bengal, that is, in the region of Bhati. So it is seen
that Badshah Akbar subsequently sent his famous generals in Bhati
expeditions to subdue the Bara-Bhuiyans several times.
198
Phase II
The Bara-Bhuiyans Versus Badshah Akbar’s Subahdars
Shahbaz Khan and Sadiq Khan (1578-1586A.C.)
It has been discussed in the previous section that the Bara-

Bhuiyans successfully resisted the Mughal onslaught under Subahdar
Khan-i-Jahan in 1578. Since then, they did not have to face any Mughal
attack before March-April of 1584. But it does not mean that as a result
of the lamentable defeat of Khan-i-Jahan the imperialistic attitude of
Mughal Badshah Akbar has been changed or the Mughals have accepted
the freedom loving- attitude of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Infact, none of these
happened. On the contrary, it is seen that the Mughals led their second
campaign against Bhati under Shahbaz Khan in 158422. It proves that
even after the disastrous defeat of Khan-i-Jahan the Mughals did not
change their policy of aggression and also did not leave the design of the
Bhati campaign. But after an interval of a few years attacking Bhati for
the second time, it may be assumed that despite having eagerness the
Mughals could not invade Bhati on account of adverse situation in these
interim years. Firstly, probably, it was not possible on the part of the
Mughals to lead expedition again towards Bhati immediately on account
of the death of Khan-i-Jahan within a few days of his unsuccessful
return from Bhati. Because, they might have been waited for the next
order of Badshah Akbar or for the arrival of a new Subahdar. After
about four months of the death of Khan-i-Jahan the new Subahdar
Muzaffar Khan Turbati reached Bengal in April, 1579A.C.23
Immediately after his arrival in Bengal most of the Mughal officers in
Bihar and Bengal became rebellious against Mughal Badshah Akbar.
From the very beginning he had to face the rebels and was killed by
them on 19th April, 1580A.C.24 As a result, he did not get any
199
opportunity to lead expedition against the Bara-Bhuiyans. On the other

hand, after killing Muzaffar Khan, the rebels formed a government in
Bengal and they ruled Bengal for two years, that is, from 1580 to
1582A.C. Badshah Akbar did not have any authority over Bengal during
these two years25. Badshah Akbar appointed Khan Azam Mirza Aziz
Koka Subahdar of Bengal on 6th April, 1582. He continued his office in
Bengal till May, 158326. He also could not invade Bhati due to his pre-
occupation with the rebels. After Mirza Aziz Koka, Badshah Akbar
appointed Shahbaz Khan Subahdar of Bengal on 18th May, 1583. He
took his office after five months of his appointment 27. Soon after his
appointment Shahbaz Khan engaged himself in subduing the rebels and
on 15th November, 1583, in a fierce battle the head of the rebels Masum
Khan Kabuli being defeated by Shahbaz Khan fled towards Bhati28 and
met with the Bara- Bhuiyans. Taking advantage of the situation Shahbaz
Khan captured Ghoraghat and Sherpur Murcha the main strongholds of
the rebels. Thus, the Mughal authority was re-established in the region
up to the west bank of the river Jamuna within 158329. Hereafter,
Shahbaz Khan intended to invade Bhati and he finally did that in March-
April, 158430. So, it appears that the Mughals could not invade Bhati
due to their preoccupation in subduing the rebel Mughal generals. It is
known that this rebellion of the Mughal generals against Badshah Akbar
shook the foundation of the Mughal Empire. However, in a word, the
Mughals were so busy in managing their internal affairs that they could
not pay attention to the Bara-Bhuiyans in these interim years. Secondly,
on the other hand, Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans,
did not sit idle during this time. Taking advantage of the internal
quarrels of the Mughals he gradually increased his strength and became
so powerful that Abul Fazl, the Mughal court historian, designated him
as the ruler of Bhati at this time31. Even he led a successful expedition to
200
Koc (Kuch Bihar) during this time and returned with a large and well
equipped army32. Therefore, it would not be an exaggeration to assume
that the Mughals might have been thinking of the power and strength of
Isa Khan did not send any expedition against the Bara-Bhuiyans before
organising themselves.
However, after achieving some success against the Mughal
rebels Shahbaz Khan turned his attention towards the occupation of
Bhati and he commenced his Bhati campaign in March-April of 1584.
Abul Fazl writes about this campaign as follows:
“When the bank of the river Ganges near Khizrpur became an imperial
camp, there were strong forts on the two sides of the river ... In a short
time both of these were taken with severe fighting, and Sonargaon came
into the possession of the imperial servants. They also reached Karabuh?
Which was his (Isa’s) home. That populous city was plundered. A force
was sent against Bara Sindar, which is a large town, and much plunder
was obtained. From there they came to the Brahmaputra ... After a little
fight, which took place with the scouts (qarawalan), Masum lost
firmness and took refuge in an island. He was nearly made prisoner. At
this time Isa, who had gone to Koc (Cooch Bihar) arrived with a large
and well equipped army. The imperial servants took post at Totak on the
bank of the said river and opposite the city of Kinara Sindar and
established a fort there. On both sides there were hot engagements by
land and water. The imperialist were continually successful. They sent
to Tarsun K. and directed that he should make a demonstration at
Bajasrapur and so distract the enemy (lit. make them of two minds or
hearts). Two roads led from the town of Bhawal (i.e. Nagari). One was
far away from the enemy and the other was by the river bank, and this
was very near them. By heaven’s decree Tarsun K. took the latter route.
Masum K. heard of this and marched rapidly with a large force. Shahbaz
K. sent Muhibb Ali K., Rajah Gopal, Khangar and others. He also sent a
swift courier to warn him and to bid him take up a strong position until
the reinforcements arrived. He (Tarsun) did not believe the message and
grieved for Shahbaz K., thinking (or saying) that the rebels had
committed a fraud, and had by this contrivance separated a body of
troops from Shahbaz. As the courier was very urgent and his
201
companions represented the advantages of caution and the evils of

carelessness, he set about looking for a shelter and found a suitable
place. But as he in no way believed what the courier said he did not halt
there but went on towards the camp (of Shahbaz). Just then news came
that an enemy was approaching. He cast away the thread of
farsightedness and concluded that it was the reinforcement, and was
preparing to receive it with hospitality. He had gone some steps when
the tumult of the foe filled with dust the field of his security. Though his
well-wishers urged him to hasten to the shelter until the men should
come from the camp (of Shahbaz) and urged that possibly the officers of
the reinforcement might come up, it was of no avail. He set himself with
a strong heart and a tranquil mind to engage in combat. Some went off,
alleging that they were going for arms. Though not more than fifteen
men remained with him, he boldly took the field. Faridun Husain, and
Ali Yar, who was related to him, were favoured by fortune and bought
eternal fame with the money of life. Tarsun K. was wounded and made
prisoner. Masum K. ... put him to death,”
“When he went there, he encamped on the bank of the Panar which
is a branch of the Brahmaputra. He occupied himself in sending
messages and in giving counsels. The suggestion was that he (Isa)
should deliver up the rebels, or drive them away from his presence. Isa
had recourse to coaxing expressions, and for a time indulged in plausible
speeches. When it appeared that his tongue and his heart were not in
accord, there arose the turbulence of battle. For seven months there were
victories from time to time, and the evil-doers were put to shame and
suffered failure. It was a time when both parties (Shahbaz and his
officers) should have lighted the lamp of discernment, and have
practised conciliatory measures. But from somnolences of intellect,
there was an increase of blindness, and arrogance rose high. From self-
conceit Shahbaz K. vexed people and his officers snapped the thread of
moderation and behaved in a silly manner. The evil-doings of the enemy
increased. Death made his appearance and the stock of life became dear.
The enemy relied upon the circumstances that the rainy season was at
hand, and that the victorious troops would be compelled to return.
Fortunately the rainfall was less than usual, and so they had to wait in a
shameful condition for the dark days. They collected a number of
diggers (bildar) and cut the (bank of) river Brahmaputra in fifteen
202
places. The water rushed upon the camp and the batteries were
submerged. The enemy brought large war-boats, which had very high
and long bows, and in the country-language are called pitara, and took
them close to Shahbaz K.’s fort. On both sides there was firing of
artillery and muskets. The warriors were somewhat disconcerted, but by
heavens aid the enemy’s leader was struck by a bullet and killed, and
some boats were broken to pieces, and all at once the waters decreased,
and the enemy had to fly. A large amount of booty was obtained, and
many of the enemy were drowned… But the foe prevailed against
Saiyid Husain, the thanadar of Dacca, and he was made prisoner. Isa
awoke from his heavy sleep of ignorance and set afoot negotiations for
peace through the instrumentality of his prisoner. Shahbaz K. accepted
them. Isa bound up the waist of obedience, and thought that by service
he would obtain deliverance. He agreed that a royal daroghah should be
appointed in the port of Sonargaon, and that Msaum should be sent to
the Hijaz. He also sent presents and peshkash and won over the hearts of
the officers by large gifts, and the victorious army retired. When
Shahbaz K. had crossed the rivers and reached Bahwal, and was looking
for the fulfilment of Isa’s promises (lit, for words to be converted into
deeds), wicked men in the army in improper language made Isa doubtful
in his mind. He changed his language, and brought forward conditions.
The commander of the army was indignant, and said that to make
confusions on every occasion and to introduce new clauses was not the
rule with right-minded persons. He became stern and spoke harshly.
Preparations were made for battle, and on 19 Mihr, divine month, 30
September 1584, that crooked-minded one (‘Isa) came forward to fight.
The officers from short-sightedness saw their gain in what was their
loss, and thought that the defeat of Shahbaz K. would be an advantage to
themselves. The first to go off without fighting was Muhibb Ali K.
Everyone left his place and went a road less road. Shah Quli K. Mahram
made some stand and fought, but from being unsupported and from
being wounded he left Bhawal.Shahbaz K. awoke from his sleep of
haughtiness and made some effort to win the affections of his officers,
but misplaced repentance is of no avail. He was obliged to march for
Tanda. All his collections were lost, and the sons of Mir Adila and
others were made prisoners. S. Muhammad Ghaznavi and others were
killed.”33
203
The above statement of Abul Fazl furnishes the following

information:
Shahbaz Khan encamped on the bank of the river Ganges near Khizrpur.
There were two strong forts on both sides of the river at this place. After
a fierce battle the Mughal army captured the forts. Then they took the
possession of Sonargaon. They also went to Katrabo (Karabuh), the
home of Isa Khan, and plundered that populous city. From there
Shahbaz Khan sent a force against Egara Sindur (Bara Sindar), which
was also a large town and it was also plundered. Then the Mughal army
came to the Brahmaputra through the Lakhia, where Masum Khan
Kabuli came to oppose them. But he was defeated and took refuge in an
island between the Lakhia and the Brahmaputra. During this time Isa
Khan was away in Kuch Bihar, he returned with a large and well
equipped army. In this situation, the Mughals encamped at Tok (Totak),
on the bank of the Brahmaputra, opposite the city of Egara Sindur
(Kinara Sindur), and built a fort there. On both sides there were hot
engagements both by land and water. In these battles, according to Abul
Fazl, the Mughals were continually successful. In this situation, Shabaz
Khan sent a detachment under Tarsun Khan (then he was at Bhawal) to
Bajitpur (Bajasrapur) and directed him to make demonstration with a
view distracting the attention of the enemy (Isa Khan and his partisans).
There were two roads from the town of Bhawal (i.e.Nagari) towards
Bajasrapur. One was away from the enemy (Isa Khan and his partisans),
but the other was by the bank of the river and this was very near the
enemy (Isa Khan and his partisans). Tarsun Khan took the latter route.
When Masum Khan heard of the advance of Tarsun Khan, he marched
rapidly with a large force against him. Shahbaz Khan came to know of
this and sent Muhibb Ali Khan, Raja Gopal, Khangar and others to the
aid of Tarsun Khan. He also sent warning to Tarsun Khan about the
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advance of Masum Khan Kabuli and advised him to take up a strong

position until the reinforcements arrived. But Tarsun Khan did not
believe this, rather he thought that the rebels (Isa Khan and his
partisans) tried by this trick to separate a body of troops from Shahbaz
Khan. So, he neither took shelter in a safer place, nor halted where he
was awaiting the arrival of reinforcements. Soon news arrived that an
enemy was approaching, but Tarsun Khan thought that the
reinforcements sent by Shahbaz Khan were coming to his aid, and was
preparing to receive them with hospitality. He had gone some steps
when he realised that the enemies were approaching. In this situation his
well-wishers advised him to hasten to a safer place till the arrival of
reinforcements, but it was of no avail. He set himself with a strong heart
and a tranquil mind to face the enemy. In This situation some of his
soldiers left the field on the plea that they were going to bring arms.
Though, not more than fifteen soldiers remained with him, he boldly
took the field. Faridun Husain and Ali Yar, who was related to him, lost
their lives. Tarsun Khan was wounded and made prisoner and was killed
by Masum Khan Kabuli.
At this time Shahbaz Khan encamped on the bank of the river
Banar (Panar), which is a branch of the Brahmaputra. From there he was
leading the army. He also sent a proposal to Isa Khan that he should
either deliver up the rebels (Masum Khan Kabuli and others) to the
Mughals or should drive them away from his territory. But Isa Khan
persuaded him by blandishments. When Shahbaz Khan realised that Isa
Khan was not sincere in his heart, he ordered the army to fight. Clashes
continued for seven months but none proved decesive. But at this time
there appeared signs of dissentions and disaffection between Shahbaz
Khan and his officers due to “self- conceit” of Shahbaz Khan, and his
officers began to behave in a silly manner. On the other hand, the
205
enemy, that is, Isa Khan and his partisans, accelerated their activities.
Besides, the break out of pestilence reduces the numbers of Mughal
soldiers. In this situation, the enemy (Isa Khan and his partisans)
thought that the rainy season was imminent and the Mughal army would
be compelled to return. But the rainfall was less than usual and the
enemy (Isa Khan and his partisans) adopted different strategy. They
collected a number of diggers and cut the bank of the river Brahmaputra
in fifteen places. Consequently, water rushed upon the Mughal camp
and submerged the batteries. Isa took full advantage of the situation, he
and his partisans brought large war-boats and took them close to the
Mughal camp. Then there was firing of artillery and muskets on both
sides. Though, the Mughals were somewhat disconcerted, fortunately
the leader of the fleet of Isa Khan and his partisans was hit by a bullet
and killed and the water of the river also decreased suddenly. So, the
enemy (Isa Khan and his partisans) had to fly, some of them were
drowned and a large booty fell into the hands of the Mughals. But the
enemy (Isa Khan and his partisans) were able to make Saiyid Husain,
the thanadar of Dacca, a captive. Now Isa Khan sent proposals for
peace through him, and Shahbaz Khan also accepted the proposals. The
terms of peace are, (a) The Mughals would post a daroghah in the port
of Sonargaon and (b) Masum Khan Kabuli would be allowed to go to
Hijaz. Isa Khan also sent presents and tributes (Peshkash) to Shahbaz
Khan and won over the Mughal officers by large gifts. Then Shahbaz
Khan being satisfied crossed the river and reached Bhawal and was
looking for the fulfilment of the proposals. But the improper language of
the “wicked men in the army (Mughal army)” made Isa Khan doubtful.
Now he changed his mind and brought forward further conditions.
Consequently, Shahbaz Khan became angry and said that to make
confusions on every occasion and to introduce new clauses was not the
206
rule with right-minded persons. Then he ordered for battle and on 30th
September, 1584, Isa Khan also came forward to fight. But in the
meantime, the Mughal officers had been alienated from Shahbaz Khan;
they did not like his haughty nature and were eagerly waiting for his
defeat. The first officer to go off without fighting was Muhibb Ali Khan.
Others then followed him. Only Shah Quli Khan Mahram fought for
sometime, but as he was not supported by others, he became wounded
and left Bhawal. At last Shahbaz Khan came to his senses and made
some efforts to win the affections of his officers, but it was of no avail.
Consequently, he was compelled to march towards Tanda and lost all his
collections and the sons of Mir Adila and others were made prisoners
and Saiyid Muhammad Ghaznavi and others were killed.
Now, the courses and results of the war between the Bara-
Bhuiyans and the Mughal Subahdar Shahbaz Khan is being discussed in
the light of the information given by Abul Fazl. But to determine the
actual location of the war field the places mentioned above need proper
identification.
Khizirpur: The first place mentioned is Khizirpur. Sir Jadunath
Sarkar says that Shahbaz Khan entered Isa Khan’s country of
Bikrampur34. But in the Akbar Nama there is no reference to Bikrampur.
Abul Fazl says clearly that “When the bank of the river Ganges near
Khizrpur became an imperial camp ...” Khizrpur is situated to the north-
east of modern Narayanganj and about 9 miles off from Dhaka. It is on
the river Lakhia. Khizrpur was a very prominent place and considered as
a very important military outpost during the whole Mughal period.
According to Abdul Karim the fort of Khizrpur was first built by Isa
Khan Masnad-i-Ala.35
Sonargaon: Sonargaon is situated three miles to the east of
Khizrpur and in between the rivers Lakhia and Meghna36. Once
207
Sonargaon was the capital of Isa Khan and the English traveller Ralph
Fitch met Isa Khan in this Sonargaon in 1586 A.C.37
Katrabo: Karabuh or Katrabo is identical with the village named
Masumabad, on the river Lakhia and in the Rupganj Upazila of
Narayanganj district.38
Kuch Bihar: The kingdom of Kuch Bihar is situated on the north-
east frontier of Bengal.
Tok: Totak or Tok is situated on the bank of the river

Brahmaputra, just where the river Banar takes off.39
Bajitpur: Bajasrapur or Bajitpur is an Upazila in modern Kishoreganj
district.
However, towards the first half of 1584, taking the opportunity
of Isa’s preoccupation with Kuch Bihar expedition, Mughal Subahdar
Shahbaz Khan invaded the region of Bhati. Though, Abul Fazl did not
mention from where Shahbaz Khan started his march towards Bhati, it
may be assumed that he started from the capital Tanda. Shahbaz Khan
commenced his Bhati campaign towards March-April of 1584. Though,
it seems that Shahbaz Khan invaded Bhati chasing the rebel Mughal
general Masum Khan Kabuli, Isa Khan, the leader of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, was his main opponent. Because, regarding the motive of
Bhati campaign of Shahbaz Khan, Abul Fazl says that,
“His idea was to test Isa K. the ruler of that country, who was
always expressing his loyalty. If he delivered up Masum K. and the
other rebels, his lips and his heart would accord. Otherwise the veil over
his conduct would be removed, and his wickedness would have its
retribution.”40
It appears from this statement of Abul Fazl that in order to put

pressure on Isa Khan to deliver up the rebel Mughal general Masum
Khan Kabuli and other rebels, Shahbaz Khan invaded Bhati. Secondly,
208
though, Abul Fazl mentioned that Isa Khan always expressed his loyalty
to the Mughals, there is no mention in the Akbar Nama as to why and
when he acknowledged loyalty to the Mughals after the return of futile
Bhati campaign of Khan-i-Jahan in 1578. It indicates that to test Isa
Khan’s loyalty was only a plea of Shahbaz Khan’s Bhati campaign. So,
it would not be unreasonable to say that in order to subdue Isa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala, the leader of the Bara- Bhuiyans and the main obstacle in
the way of establishing Mughal supremacy in the region of Bhati,
Shahbaz Khan invaded Bhati. At this time no other names of the allies
of Isa Khan or the names of the members of the Bara- Bhuiyans are
found except Masum Khan Kabuli in the Akbar Nama. But it may be
assumed that Chand Rai and Kedar Rai, the Zamindars of Bikrampur,
might have been with Isa Khan at that time. Because, it is seen in the
previous discussion that they were the allies of Isa Khan and the
bonafide members of the Bara- Bhuiyans and when English traveller
Ralph Fitch visited Sripur, the capital of Bikrampur, in 1586, saw them
at war against the Mughals41. However, Shahbaz Khan encamped in
Khizrpur at the initial stage of his Bhati campaign. Taking advantage of
Isa Khan’s absence the Mughal army captured the forts of Hajiganj and
Nabiganj42, situated on both sides of the river Lakhia, near Khizrpur,
and they also took the possession of Sonargaon. Then the Mughal army
reached Katrabo, the capital of Isa Khan, and this populous city was also
ravaged by them. Then Shahbaz Khan sent a large force to Egara Sindur,
which was also a large town and it was also plundered. From there the
Mughals came to Brahmaputra through the Lakhia where Masum Khan
Kabuli came to oppose them. But he was defeated and took shelter in an
island between the Lakhia and Brahmaputra. Just then Isa Khan
appeared in the battle field with a large and well-equipped army. The
appearance of Isa Khan in the battle field soon after the defeat of
209
Masum Khan Kabuli gives the impression that hearing the news of the
Mughal army he hastened from Kuch Bihar and halted in a place nearby
observing the activities of the Mughal army. Besides, the almost
uninterrupted advance of the Mughal army up to Khizrpur, Sonargaon,
Katrabo and Egara Sindur appears that Isa Khan himself allowed them
to advance well inside the region of Bhati surrounded by rivers and
canals, so that he could face them at the time and place of his choice. At
the arrival of Isa Khan, Shahbaz Khan encamped at Tok on the bank of
the Brahamaputra, on the opposite side of the town of Egara Sindur, and
built a fort there. On the other hand, Isa Khan aided by the other
members of the Bara-Bhuiyans and Masum Khan Kabuli also prepared
himself for war against the Mughals. After that both sides engaged in a
fierce battle both on land and water. In this context though, Abul Fazl
stated about the continuous success of the Mughal army, still then the
result of the battle remain unresolved. In this situation, Shahbaz Khan
sent a detachment under Tarsun Khan from Bhawal towards Bajitpur in
order to distract the Bara-Bhuiyans. Hearing this news Masum Khan
swiftly advanced against Tarsun Khan. At this, Shahbaz Khan also sent
Muhibb Ali Khan, Raja Gopal, Khangar and others in the aid of Tarsun
Khan. Even he sent a curier to warn Tarsun Khan. But the latter did not
believe this and ignored the warning. Masum Khan Kabuli attacked
Tarsun Khan before the arrival of the Mughal reinforcements and he
defeated and captured Tarsun Khan and killed him in imprisonment.
On the other hand, at this time, Shahbaz Khan encamped on the
bank of the river Banar. From there he sent proposals to Isa Khan that
either he should deliver up the rebels, that is, Masum Khan Kabuli and
others to him or he should drive them away from his shelter. But Isa
Khan adopted the tactics of gaining time by delusive promises.
Consequently, war broke out between the two parties and lasted for
210
seven months and the results remained unresolved. But Isa Khan’s
tactics of gaining time proves successful. Because, it is seen that at this
time dissensions broke out between Shahbaz Khan and his subordinates
due to his rude behaviour on the one hand and also the arrival of the
expected rainy season on the other. But though, the rainfall was less than
usual in that year, the Bara-Bhuiyans faced the situation designing a
new strategy, which made Shahbaz Khan disconcerted. The Bara-
Bhuiyans collected a number of diggers and cut the bank of the river
Brahmaputra in fifteen places. Consequently, water rushed upon the
Mughal camp and submerged the batteries. Then the Bara-Bhuiyans
took full advantage of the situation and they brought large war-boats and
took them close to the Mughal camp and started firing of artillery. At
this, the Mughal soldiers were dispersioned. But the death of one of the
leaders of the fleet of the Bara- Bhuiyans hit by a bullet of the Mughal
army and sudden decrease of the water level of the river caused the
Bara-Bhuiyans leaving the battle field. Thus, Shahbaz Khan was
fortunately saved on this occasion. But, Saiyid Husain, the Mughal
thanadar of Dacca, was defeated and imprisoned by the Bara-Bhuiyans.
In this situation, according to Abul Fazl, Isa Khan sent proposals for
peace to Shahbaz Khan through Saiyid Husain. Shahbaz Khan also
accepted the proposals. But this statement of Abul Fazl is not beyond
doubt. Because, though, Shahbaz Khan was saved from severe disaster
despite water rushed upon the Mughal camp and submerged the batteries
and the Mughal army was dispersioned at the fierce onslaught of the
Bara- Bhuiyans and the water of the river being fortunately reduced,
which caused the leaving of the battle field of the Bara-Bhuiyans and
although, the Mughal thanadar of Dacca Saiyid Husain was imprisoned
at the hands of the Bara-Bhuiyans, is it not unreasonable to think that
being in a relatively advantageous position Isa Khan sent proposals for
211
peace to Shahbaz Khan? Infact, it was Shahbaz Khan who sent

proposals for peace to Isa Khan. Because, on the one hand dissensions
between Shahaz Khan and his subordinates reached its climax and the
embarrassment of the Mughal army at the hands of the Bara- Bhuiyans
on the other, left Shahbaz Kahn into a trouble. Consequently, he was
forced to sue for peace proposals to Isa Khan. Besides, Ahsan-Jan-
Kaisar opined that it was Shahbaz Khan who sent proposals for peace to
Isa Khan. He says, “Eventually, Shahbaz was forced to sue for peace.” 43
So, It would not be unreasonable to say that it was Shahbaz Khan not Isa
Khan, who sue for peace. Above all, even if Isa Khan sent proposals for
peace to Shahbaz Khan, it was also his tactics of gaining time. For, it is
seen that Isa Khan later procrastinated in fulfilling the terms of peace.
This also proves that Isa Khan was not bound to send the proposals for
peace. It was settled according to the terms of peace that a Mughal
daroghah will be posted in Sonargaon and Masum Kahn Kabuli will be
sent to Hijaj. Besides, Isa Khan sent presents and tributes to Shahbaz
Khan and won over the Mughal officers by large gifts. Then Shahbaz
Khan crossed the river and reached Bhawal and was looking for the
fulfilment of the proposals. But Isa Khan procrastinated in fulfiling the
terms of peace and brought forward further conditions. This made
Shahbaz Khan angry and he took preparation for battle. As a result, the
peace negotiation was broken off and a battle took place on 30 th
September, 1584. But in the meantime, the Mughal officers were vexed
due to Shahbaz Khan’s rude behavour (self-conceit) and many of them
left the battle field and were eagerly waiting for the defeat of Shahbaz
Khan.Though, Abul Fazl mentioned ‘self -conceit’ of Shahbaz Khan as
the cause of the vexation of Mughal officers, there are also other causes
behind it. On the one hand, the Mughal army lost their moral courage
for not being able to defeat the Bara- Bhuiyans fighting utmost for a
212
long time, and death of many Mughal soldiers at the hands of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, on the other hand, the appearance of pestilance and the
climate and rains of Bengal, particularly of Bhati, which frightened the
Mughal soldiers of Northern India, made them intolarable for staying
here long and they were eager to return to Delhi as soon as possible. So
it may be said that the hostile environment of Bengal was one of the
reasons for the vexation of the Mughal soldiers. As a result, it is seen
that many of them left the battle field.
The first officer to go off without fighting was Muhibb Ali Khan.
Shah Quli Khan Mahram also fought for some time, but as he was not
supported by others, he became wounded and left Bhawal. At last,
Shahbaz Khan came to his senses and made some efforts to win the
affections of his officers, but it was of no avail. Consequently, the Bara-
Bhuiyans completely defeated the Mughal army and Shahbaz Khan was
compelled to march towards Tanda, leaving behind all his
accumulations and many of his men as prisoners. On his way, he first
reached Sherpur Murcha of Bogra and tried to make preparations to
march again to Bhati. But his companions were disgusted with his bad
manners and did not agree to accompany him. At last, he returned to
Tanda44. Thus, under the leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala the
second anti- Mughal struggle of resistance, that is, struggle of
independence of the Bara-Bhuiyans of East Bengal, that is, of Bhati
ended with great success.
It is known from the above discussion that after an interval of a
few years of the futile Bhati campaign of Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-
Jahan in1578 A.C. the Mughal army invaded Bhati under the leadership
of Subahdar Shahbaz Khan once more in 1584A.C. At this time, though
no other names of the allies of Isa Khan or the names of the members of
213
the Bara-Bhuiyans are found except Masum Khan Kabuli, the rebel
Mughal general, in the Akbar Nama, Chand Rai and Kedar Rai, the
Zamindars of Bikrampur, might have been with Isa Khan at that time.
The battle field was extended throughout the rivers Lakhia, Banar,
Brahmaputra up to the river Meghna at that time. Taking advantage of
Isa Khan’s preoccupation in Kuch Bihar expedition Mughal Subahdar
Shahbaz Khan invaded Bhati and the Mughal army was able to advance
up to Khizrpur, Sonargaon, Katrabo and Egara Sindur almost
unopposed. Though, Masum Khan Kabuli tried to check the Mughal
advance, he was defeated. But immediately after the defeat of Masum
Khan Kabuli, Isa Khan appeared in the battlefield with a large and well-
equipped army and checked the Mughal advance effectively. Isa Khan
with his allies put up vehement resistance against the Mughal army both
on land and water. On the face of his fierce attack, the Mughal army
could not endure and they were disastrously defeated in the battles of
Egara Sindur and Bhawal, and were forced to turn back to Tanda the
then headquarters of the Mughal authority. Though, Abul Fazl
repeatedly mentioned about the victories of the Mughal army, infact Isa
Khan and his allies won the battles. Because, the Mughal army could not
able to establish the authority of Badshah Akbar over a fragment of the
region of Bhati. Even, they could not able to dislodge Isa Khan and his
allies from their firm positions. So, it may be said that due to Isa Khan’s
discreetness and new war tactis the Bara-Bhuiyans were able to defend
themselves and their homeland from Mughal aggressions for the second
time. This victory over the mighty Mughal army undoubtedly enhanced
their anti-Mughal attitude and it will be seen later that at the instigation
of Isa Khan, Masum Khan Kabuli proceeded to Sherpur Murcha in
Bogra and others took possession of the country upto Malda, only
214
twelve kos off from Tanda. As a result, the Mughal authority in Bengal
was contracted once again.45
However, it is seen that Shahbaz Khan’s Bhati campaign of 1584
was a complete failure and he was forced to turn back to Tanda. On
arriving at Tanda, he proposed to other Mughal officers that they should
again invade Bhati. But they could not agree to the proposal. Then, they
decided that the matter should be referred to Badshah Akbar. On hearing
the disasterous result of Shahbaz Khan’s Bhati campaign Badshah
Akbar became angry with the Bengal officers. He also issued an order to
Saiyid Khan and other fief-holders of Bengal and Bihar to act in concert
and put down Isa Khan, the leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans46. Nevertheless,
Shahbaz Khan could not convince his officers on a unified action. It
appears from the narratives in the Akbar Nama that as the officers did
not agree with him, Shahbaz Khan decided to go to the court. When he
reached Bihar, Badshah Akbar’s messengers met him and they turned
Shahbaz Khan back to Bengal and made the fief-holders of Bihar to
accompany him. Badshah Akbar also issued an order to Shahbaz Khan
to the effect that if he wanted more troops, Raja Todar Mal, Muttalib
Khan, Jamal Bakhtiyar and other able and zealous officers would be sent
to him. Shahbaz Khan replied that he had enough troops, and on 28th
December, 1584 A.C. he again entered Bengal and applied himself to
the conquest of Bhati.47
Isa Khan did not sit idle in the face of this danger. He made all
possible preparations and organised his allies for defence. He designed
two-fold policies to face this danger. Firstly, inspired by previous
victory Isa Khan adopted attacking policy against the Mughals. But, in
this context Isa Khan himself did not take part in open fight against the
Mughal army. On the contrary, he instigated Masum Khan Kabuli and
his other allies to attack the Mughals in order to keep them busy, so that
215
they would not get any chance to invade Bhati. Accordingly, Masum
Khan Kabuli proceeded up to Sherpur Murcha in Bogra and the others
took possession of the country up to Malda, only twelve kos off from
Tanda48. On the other hand, Shahbaz Khan proceeded to Bhati and when
he reached the bank of the river Ganges he learnt that Masum Khan
Kabuli had halted at Sherpur Murcha. Shahbaz Khan then crossed the
river and advance against Masum Khan Kabuli. On his approach,
Masum Khan Kabuli left Sherpur Murcha without fighting and went to
Fathabad, modern Faridpur district. As a result, the Mughals took
possession of Sherpur Murcha once again49. After that, the Mughal army
was divided into two parts. On 1st March, 1585, Wazir Khan, along with
a number of officers proceeded against Masum Khan Kabuli and
Shahbaz Khan along with other officers remained where they were, that
is, at Sherpur Murcha50. When the first division of the army proceeded
against Masum Khan Kabuli, the latter went to Trimohini, and built two
forts there and prepared himself for battle. There are differences of
opinions about the location of Trimohini among the scholars. According
to Abul Fazl Trimohini is situated in the meeting place of the Ganges,
the Jamuna and the Sakni rivers51. Beveridge identifies the Trimohini
with Tribeni in Hugli district52. Jadunath Sarkar also supported this
view53. But Abdul Karim thinks that Trimohini should be identified with
one of the Trimohinis of Jatrapur, Katasgarh and Khal Jogini. Masum
Khan Kabuli built forts in one of these three Trimohinis54. However, he
built two forts in Trimohini and left there Beg Muhammad, Ulugh Beg
and some other Bhuiyans. He designed that they should be his bulwark
and he himself took a lower place and prepared for battle. The Mughal
officers also prepared for battle under Wazir Khan. In these
circumstances Isa Khan sent proposals for peace to the Mughal generals.
But the Mughals paid no heed to his proposals and engaged themselves
216
in occupying the forts. After a fierce battle Mughal army captured the
two forts and when they marched against Masum Khan Kabuli, the latter
fled away through the river being failed to resist the Mughal onslaught55.
Although, Abul Fazl did not mention where Masum Khan Kabuli fled, it
may be assumed that he took shelter under Isa Khan in Bhati. Because,
he attacked the Mughal army at the instigation of Isa Khan. So, it was
natural to take shelter under Isa Khan after his defeat. Although, Masum
Khan Kabuli was defeated at the hands of the Mughals, the objective of
Isa Khan was successful in many parts. Because, the Mughal army did
not get any chance to attack Bhati for a while on account of their
engagement with Masum Khan Kabuli.
Secondly, Isa Khan adopted the tactics of preventing the Mughals
from attacking Bhati by sending proposals for peace and valuable
presents and tributes to the Mughal Subahdars and officers and by
pretending to be loyal to the Mughals. Accordingly, he sent proposals
for peace to the Mughal Subahdar. At this time, dissensions broke out
between Shahbaz Khan and Sadiq Khan and Badshah Akbar sent
Khwaja Sulaiman to Bengal in order to give them advice. Badshah
Akbar also issued an order to the effect that whoever assumed the
administration of Bengal should surrender Bihar to the other officer and
they will settle themselves who will stay in Bengal and who will go to
Bihar. Khwaja Sulaiman first went to Sadiq Khan and the latter agreed
to stay in Bengal, so he was entrusted with the charge of that province.
Consequently, Shahbaz Khan became annoyed and left Bengal
forthwith56. However, on the eve of the departure of Shahbaz Khan from
Bengal Isa Khan sent proposals for peace to Sadiq Khan. He agreed that
he would send Masum Khan Kabuli to the Hijaz and would send one of
his relations and valuable presents to the court of Badshah Akbar. Even
he proposed to return whatever he had taken from the Mughal army in
217
1584. But he changed his mind on account of sudden departure of

Shahbaz Khan, Saiyid Khan and other officers from Bengal and did not
send Masum Khan Kabuli to the Hijaz or any of his relations to the
Mughal court. At the same time he also did not allow Masum Khan
Kabuli to create any trouble, for the Mughals, that is, he prevented the
latter from leading any attack against the Mughals. Isa Khan also
showed some obedience to the Mughals. On the other hand, Sadiq Khan
ceded some territory to Isa Khan. In return Isa Khan also sent elephants,
guns etc. to Badshah Akbar, which he had seized from the Mughals
during the Bhati campaign of 1584. Badshah Akbar accepted these
things. But he did not approve of leaving of Mughal officers from
Bengal57. Here it is noteworthy that Abul Fazl mentioned the peace
proposals of Isa Khan as his “submission” to the Mughals. But in reality
it cannot be treated as ‘submission.’ For it is seen that Isa Khan did not
fulfil the promises he made to the Mughals except giving back the
elephants, guns etc. which he had seized during the campaign of 1584.
Besides, if he surrendered to the Mughals, Badshah Akbar would not
send Shahbaz Khan against Isa Khan once again. So, it can be said that
Isa Khan only sent peace proposals to the Mughals, by no means had he
submitted to them. In other words, according to his pre-planning, Isa
Khan only pretended to be loyal to the Mughals. Though, Isa Khan
succeeded in preventing the Mughals from attacking Bhati for the time
being and managed to acquire some territory from them by following
the tactics mentioned before, but this understanding did not last long.
For it is seen that Badshah Akbar sent again Shahbaz Khan from Bihar
to Bengal.58
In January, 1586, Shahbaz Khan took the charge of Bengal once
again.59 In these circumstances Isa Khan resorted to his previous tactics
of sending peace proposals to the Mughals. In course of his discussion
218
regarding this matter Abul Fazl mentioned first that Bengal was
pacified. Then he says,
“He (Shahbaz Khan) sent off troops to Bhati’ to punish ‘Isa K. Owing to
the wondrous fortune of H.M., ‘Isa had not the courage to fight, and the
territory which Sadiq had surrendered according to the peace, came into
possession. The conquests extended up to the port of Chattagong, and
things were satisfactorily arranged. ‘Isa sent rare presents, and used
conciliatory language. He represented that as Masum had, from ill-
fatedness, taken the path of ingratitude, he (Ma’sum, apparently)
trembled for himself, and wished to do good service at a distance. He
was now sending his son to Court. The answer was given that it would
be good if he (Ma’sum) would go to the Hijaz, and come from there to
Court.”60
The above statement of Abul Fazl is not fully acceptable. For, he

mentioned the pacification of Bengal by Shahbaz Khan in such a
manner, which seems that Isa Khan lost his courage and submitted to the
Mughals without offering any resistance or became eager to come to
terms with them as soon as Shahbaz Khan sent troops to Bhati. But,
where Khan-i-Jahan in 1578 and Shahbaz Khan himself in 1584 were
compelled to leave Bhati being defeated by Isa Khan, it is not credible
that Isa Khan would accept the suzerainty of the Mughals without
offering any resistance as soon as Shahbaz Khan sent troops to Bhati in
1586. Secondly, He says that Mughal conquest was extended up to the
port of Chattagong. This statement is also not true. Because, it is known
that Chittagong was never under Mughal authority before Shaista Khan
had conquered it in 1666A.C.61Thirdly, it is seen that in November,
1586, Shahbaz Khan was appointed Bakshi in Bengal with Wazir Khan
as Subahdar by Badshah Akbar62. So, it may be said that if Shahbaz
Khan pacified Bengal, he would not have been posted to a subordinate
position. Fourthly, Subahdar Man Singh’s campaign against Isa Khan in
December, 1595, Ghoraghat invasion of Isa Khan and Masum Khan
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Kabuli in 1596 and Bhati campaign of Man Singh’s son Durjan Singh in
1597 and his defeat and death at the hand of Isa Khan, all these things
prove that Shahbaz Khan could not establish peace in Bengal in 1586.
So, although Abul Fazl mentioned that Bengal was pacified by Shahbaz
Khan, the fact was different. For all practical purposes realising the
importance of Shahbaz Khan’s return to Bengal and his sending troops
to Bhati Isa Khan avoided direct confrontation with the Mughals and he
resorted to his previous tactics. Accordingly he sent proposals for peace
to the Mughals by returning the territory which he had acquired from
Sadiq Khan, sending rare presents, promising to send a son of Masum
Khan Kabuli to the Mughal court and using ‘conciliatory language’.
Since, no confrontation with the Mughals took place around this time it
may be assumed that they accepted the proposals for peace of Isa Khan.
The best testimony of this is that the Mughals did not send any
expedition against the Bara -Bhuiyans in Bhati during the times of
Wazir Khan63 and Said Khan64, the Subahdars of Bengal after Shahbaz
Khan. At this time the relationships between Isa Khan and his allies and
the Mughals were relatively peaceful and it is seen that Isa Khan once
sent presents to Badshah Akbar through Said Khan.65
From the foregoing discussion it is clear that Isa Khan was able to
prevent the Mughals from attacking Bhati for more than a decade, that
is, from 1584 to 1595, without direct confrontation with the Mughals, by
instigating Masum Khan Kabuli and his other allies to attack Mughal
territory in order to keep the Mughal army busy, sending presents to the
Mughal Subahdars and generals and pretending to be loyal to the
Mughals. Within the mentioned period, particularly, after concluding
peace with Shahbaz Khan in 1586 up to December,1595, Isa Khan and
his allies,that is, the Bara-Bhuiyans, virtually remained almost
undisturbed in their own territories, that is, in Bhati.
220
Phase III
The Bara-Bhuiyans Versus Badshah Akbar’s Subahdar
Man Singh Kachhwaha (1586-1599 A.C.)
Though the Mughals accepted the proposals for peace of Isa Khan
in 1586 and also refrained from invading Bhati for the next few years,
they subsequently did not accept it as a permanent agreement. Because,
it is seen that Badshah Akbar appointed Raja Man Singh Kachhwaha
Subahdar of Bengal instead of Said Khan to subdue Isa khan and his
allies and sent him to Bengal with many wise counsels as to the
administrative policy to be followed there on 4th May 159466. On
arriving at Tanda, the capital of Bengal, he took preparations for
resuming the offensive against Isa Khan and his allies. As preparatory
measures he sent a few reconnoitering expeditions in all directions and
also transferred the capital from Tanda to Rajmahal on 7 th November,
1595, in order to protect it from naval attack. The new capital was given
the name of Akbar Nagar67. Meanwhile, one of the reconnoitering
expeditions under Man Singh’s son Himmat Singh captured the
Bhushna fort from Kedar Rai, one of the bonafide members of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, on 2nd April, 159568. From the new capital, Man Singh
himself proceeded to conquer Bhati from the Bara-Bhuiyans.69
In the face of this danger Isa Khan also did not sit idle. He made
all possible preparations and organised his allies to resist the Mughal
attack. At this time noteworthy among the allies of Isa Khan were
Khwaja Sulaiman and Khwaja Usman sons of Khwaja Isa, the minister
and brother of Qatlu Nuhani of Orissa, Masum Khan Kabuli, the rebel
Mughal general, Chand Rai and Kedar Rai, Zamindars of Bikrampur,
and two bonafide members of the Bara -Bhuiyans. It may be mentioned
here that after the submission of the Afghans of Orissa Man Singh gave
221
Khwaja Sulaiman, Khwaja Usman, Sher Khan and Haibat Khan fiefs to
Faridpur (Khalifatabad). But later Man Singh took away their fiefs and
called them to his presence. Consequently, they became rebels and went
on plundering and reached Satgaon. But failing to capture Satgaon they
advanced to Bhushna, the Zamindari of Chand Rai. At the advice of his
father Kedar Rai, Chand Rai invited them and tried to intern them
tactfully. But Khwaja Sulaiman and Khwaja Usman failed the attempt of
Chand Rai and on 11th February, 1593, captured the fort of Bhushna by
killing Chand Rai. In the end there was a settlement between both the
parties at the arbitration of Isa Khan and the Afghans returned the fort to
Kedar Rai, the father of Chand Rai. Besides, Isa Khan appointed
Khwaja Sulaiman as the general of Kedar Rai and gave Khwaja Usman
the Zamindari of Bukainagar70. Thus, Khwaja Usman and Khwaja
Sulaiman became the allies of Isa Khan and they participated in the anti-
Mughal resistance with Isa Khan hereafter.
However, from the new capital Man Singh himself proceeded
against Isa Khan and his allies, that is, the Bara-Bhuiyans, on 7th
December, 1595. At Man Singh’s approach Isa Khan resorted to his old
tactics and retreated beyond the Brahmaputra. In this context Abul Fazl
mentioned that much of Isa Khan’s territory came into the possession of
the Mughals71. But this statement of Abul Fazl is not true. Because,
there is no evidence in the Akbar Nama in favour of this statement. On
the arrival of the rainy season Man Singh encamped at Sherpur Murcha
(in the Bogra district) and built a mud-fort there which he named
Salimnagar and spent there the rainy season72. On the other hand
Khwaja Sulaiman and Kedar Rai, the allies of Isa Khan, recaptured the
Bhushna fort from the Mughals. So, Man Sing sent an expedition under
his son Durjan Singh against them. After a hard fighting the latter
succeeded in recapturing the fort on 20th June, 1596. In course of
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investing the fort a gun exploded which cost the life of Khwaja
Sulaiman and wound of Kedar Rai, who took shelter with Isa Khan73.
Now, Isa Khan planned to attack the Mughal camp at Ghoraghat. When
Man singh encamped at Ghoraghat (in the Dinajpur district) in the rainy
season of 1596, that is, July-September, he fell very ill. Just at this time
Isa Khan along with Masum Khan Kabuli attacked Ggoraghat and came
within 24 miles of the Mughal camp. But due to paucity of rains and as
the water-level in the river became low they had to retreat. Immediately
of his recovery, Man Singh sent a detachment under his son Himmat
Singh against Isa Khan and his allies. At Himmat’s approach Isa Khan
repaired to Egara Sindur.74
Afterwards, Isa Khan resorted to different tactics to resist the
Mughal onslaught. In order to divert the Mughal attention from Bhati he
planned to keep Man Singh busy towards Kuch Bihar. Fortunately, the
internal fued between Lakshmi Narayan, the king of Kuch Bihar, and his
paternal uncle’s son Raghudev gave some opportunity to Isa Khan to
achieve his end. It is noteworthy here that Nara Narayan (Mal Gosain)
the father of Lakshmi Narayan, appointed his brothers son Raghudev
(Pat Kunwar) as his heir, when he was without a son. But after the death
of Nara Narayan, Lakshmi Narayan became the king of Kuch Bihar. As
a result, Raghudev revolted against him. In this situation, Isa Khan
extended his hands of co-operation to Raghudev. When Raghudev
attacked Lakshmi Narayan aided by Isa Khan, the latter asked for help
to Man Singh75. It may be mentioned here that Nara Narayan, the King
of Kuch Bihar, erstwhile sent presents to the Mughal Badshah Akbar76.
Besides, the military importance of Kuch Bihar, lying to the north -east
frontier of Bengal was immense to the Mughals. For, it is seen that
different Afghan Chieftains and Mughal rebels took shelter in Kuch
Bihar after being defeated at Ghoraghat and they launched attack on the
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Mughal army at Ghoraghat from there at their opportune moment77.

Now, Man Singh realised the appeal of Lakshmi Narayan, the king of
Kuch Bihar, with great importance and went to Anandapur78 from Salim
Nagar to help him. There Lakshmi Narayan welcomed Man Singh on
23rd December, 1596, and later gave his sister in marriage to Man Singh.
On the other hand, Raghudev retreated hearing the news of Man Singh’s
arrival79. But Raghudev again attacked Lakshmi Narayan aided by Isa
Khan as soon as Man Singh returned from Kuch Bihar and Lakshmi
Narayan again appealed to Man Singh for help. This time Man Singh
sent a detachment under Jajhar Khan and Fath Khan Sur to help
Lakshmi Narayan. On 3rd May, 1597, the Mughal detachment reached
there and after a heavy encounter Raghudev was defeated80. At this time
Isa Khan himself tried to advance to help Raghudev, but Man Singh sent
an expedition to Bhati against him81. Consequently, Isa Khan could not
advance in aid of his ally Raghudev despite having a wish on this
occasion. But his objectives became successful in many parts. For it is
seen that as many times Raghudev attacked Lakshmi Narayan aided by
Isa Khan, he asked for help to Man Singh and the latter also repeatedly
came to help Lakshmi Narayan. As a result, the Mughal army was
compelled to abstain from attacking Bhati directly form after September,
1596, to on the eve of September, 1597, due to their engagements in
Kuch Bihar aiding Lakshmi Narayan against Raghudev. So it may be
said that the new tactics of Isa Khan brought some success for him.
In September, 1597, Man Singh sent two large forces by both land
and water against Isa Khan in Bhati. The Mughal navy was under the
command of his son Durjan Singh, who plundered some places of Isa
Khan’s territories and even attacked his capital Katrtabo. Isa Khan was
also prepared and in this situation he along with his allies Kedar Rai and
Masum Khan Kabuli appeared six kos off from Bikrampur with a large
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number of war -boats and encircled the Mughal troops. On 5th

September, 1597, a fierce naval engagement took place between both
the parties, which resulted in the death of Durjan Singh and many
Mughal soldiers. Besides, many of the Mughal soldiers were captured at
the hands of Isa Khan and his allies and many of them fled away82.
Thus, Isa Khan and his allies firmly resisted the much prepared
expedition sent against him by Man Singh and completely destroyed the
Mughal army. But Abul Fazl to save the prestige of Badshah Akbar
says, “Though there was a disaster, yet the ruler of Koc was saved from
injury. Isa, from farsightedness, had recourse to blandishments and send
back his prisoners.”83 Following this statement of Abul Fazl, Sir
Jadunath Sarkar also says, “Isa Khan, however, thought it wiser to make
peace; he set the prisoners free, gave up his attack on Lakshmi Narayan
and offered submission to the Emperor.”84 But the statements of Abul
Fazl and Jadunath Sarkar are not completely acceptable. Because, in a
battle where many Mughal soldiers died alongwith their commander and
the Mughal army was completely ruined and Isa Khan won convincingly
is it not unreasonable to think that he submitted to the Mughals after that
battle? Secondly, in a battle where it was not possible for the Mughal
army to conquer even a part of Bhati it is not at all reasonable that Isa
Khan who was relatively in a better position, submitted to the Mughals
after that battle. Thirdly, the attitude of submission to the Mughals never
appeared in Isa Khan. If so, he would have submitted to the Mughals
before the battle and did not consider it necessary to submit to the
Mughals after winning the battle throwing his life at risk. So, it can be
said without hesitation that Isa Khan did not submit to the Mughals. But
it would not be unreasonable to assume that though, there was no peace
treaty concluded between Isa Khan and Man Singh, a sort of
understanding was seen between both the parties for the time being,
225
since no punitive expedition was sent against Isa Khan immediately

after this battle, the departure of Man Singh85 from Bengal, the release
of Mughal prisoners by Isa Khan and not attacking again Lakshmi
Narayan, the king of Kuch Bihar. This sort of understanding between Isa
Khan and Man Singh was not at all impossible. Because, on the one
hand, Man Singh became down-hearted due to the severe defeat of the
Mughal army and the deaths of his two worthy sons86 and he might not
had the mental strength to send any expedition against Isa Khan
immediately. On the other hand, Isa khan was also interested to reach an
understanding with Man Singh. Because, as Isa Khan became aged 87 at
this time, he might also wanted to spend the rest of his life peacefully
and independently avoiding any confrontation with the Mughals,
releasing the Mughal prisoners and leading no expedition against the
king of Kuch Bihar. It may be assumed that as the Mughal army did not
send any expedition against Bhati immediately there was an
understanding arrived at between both the parties for the time being.
There is no doubt that Jadunath Sarkar took this understanding as the
submission of Isa Khan to the Mughals. Isa Khan died in September,
1599, two years after this battle, 88 and no more expedition was seen to
be launched by the Mughals against Bhati during the lifetime of Isa
khan. So, the above mentioned battle was the last struggle of resistance,
that is, the struggle for independence of the Bara-Bhuiyans under the
leadership of Isa Khan against the Mughals.
It is seen in the above discussion that the Bara-Bhuiyans were
able to defeat the Mughal army in the last battle under the leadership of
Isa Khan by his extraordinary heroism and newly invented war tactics as
before. As a result, not an inch of territory under the possession of the
Bara-Bhuiyans was conquered by the Mughals, Isa Khan and his allies
remained where they were and Isa Khan himself breathed his last as an
226
independent sovereign. In a word, it can be said that to preserve the

independence of his motherland against Mughal imperialism Isa Khan
died keeping his sword aloft.
227
Section II
The Age of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala: The Local
Resistance of the Bara-Bhuiyans under his leadership
Phase I
The Bara-Bhuiyan’s Versus The Subahdars of
Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir (1599-1608A.C.)
It has been discussed earlier that the much prepared Bhati

campaign of Man Singh of 1597 under his son Durjan Singh was a
complete failure and Durjan Singh himself was killed along with many
others.Being depressed Man Singh left Bengal for Ajmeer towards the
end of 1597 or the beginning of 1598 A.C. Badshah Akbar ordered Jagat
Singh, the eldest son of Man Singh, to go to Bengal as deputy of his
father. But he died of heavy drinking at Agra on 6th October, 1598, and
Maha Singh, the son of Jagat singh, was sent to Bengal to serve as
deputy of his grand father89. In Bengal, Masum Khan Kabuli, the ally of
Isa Khan, died on 10th May 159990 and after a few months in September,
1599, Isa Khan Masnad-i- Ala also died91. From September, 1597 to
September, 1599, the Mughals did not send any expedition against the
Bara- Bhuiyans of Bhati. After the death of Isa Khan his eldest son
Musa Khan took up the leadership of the anti-Mughal politico-military
alliance, that is, the leadership of the Bara-Bhuiyans and it is seen in the
Baharistan-i-Ghaybi that like his father he assumed the title of Masnad-
i-Ala92. Musa Khan was undoubtedly the worthy successor of his father
and it will be seen later that he successfully continued the task
undertaken by his father.
It has been stated earlier that Man Singh left Bengal for Ajmeer
towards the end of 1597 or the beginning of 1598 and he was away from
Bengal when Isa Khan died in September, 1599. This was of some
228
advantage to Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and his allies as it offered them

a respite to get over the first shock of Isa Khan’s death. At this time,
among the noteworthy allies of Musa Khan were his brother Daud Khan
and Kedar Rai, the Zamindar of Bikrampur, and one of the bonafide
members of the Bara-Bhuiyans and trustworthy ally of Musa Khan’s
father Isa Khan. Musa Khan knew that Man Singh’s withdrawal was
only temporary and that the offensive against them would soon be
resumed. Accordingly, he took all possible steps to strengthen their
position and to strike the Mughals in Bengal during Man Singh’s
absence. His objectives were somewhat facilitated by the rebellions of
the Afghans of Orissa and of the different places of Bengal. During Man
Singh’s absence in 1600 A.C. the Afghans of Orissa under Usman and
Sajawal defeated the Mughal army led by Maha Singh, the grand son of
Man Singh, and Pratap Singh, a younger son of Man Singh, at Bhadrak
in the Bengal-Orissa Border. On the other hand, the Mughal arms in
Bengal also suffered a number of other reverses at the hands of the
Afghans at different places93. In view of these developments Man Singh
hurried back to Bengal and defeated the Afghan rebels in the battle of
Sherpur Atai on 12th February, 160194. In 1602 the Mughals in Bengal
were engaged in several battles. This time Kedar Rai, the Zamindar of
Sripur and Bikrampur and one of the bonafide members of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, created trouble for the Mughals. So, Man Singh marched to
Dacca and tried to win Kedar Rai over to the Mughal side. But he failed
and Kedar Rai remained steadfast in his alliance with Musa Khan. On
the other hand, rebellion broke out in north-Bengal centering round
Malda. So, Man Singh sent his grand son Maha Singh from Ghoraghat
against some Afghan chiefs like Jalal Khan and Kazi Mumin who raided
north-Bengal upto Malda. After a hard fighting Maha Singh succeded in
driving out the Afghan leaders from that region95. Besides, Khwaja
229
Usman of Bukainagar came out with a large force, crossed the river
Brahmaputra and drove back the Mughal thanadar Baz Bahadur
Qalmaq of Mymensingh to Bhawal. At this turn of events Man Singh
hurried up from Dacca to Bhawal and inflicted an indecisive defeat upon
Usman Khan (Khwaja Usman). Taking advantage of Man Singh’s
preoccupation with the Afghans of Orissa and of the different places of
Bengal Musa Khan united his allies against Man Singh. So Man Singh
had to face a serious situation. Because, now Daud Khan, brother of
Musa Khan, Kedar Rai, and other Zamindars united under the leadership
of Musa Khan on the bank of the river Ichhamati and they jointly and
collectively rose against Man Singh and closed the ferries,so that the
Mughal army could not move against them. As a result, another
indecisive encounter took place on the bank of the river Ichhamati
between Man Singh and the combined forces of Musa Khan and his
allies96.Though, Abul Fazl mentioned that the Mughal army ‘defeated
the enemy,’97 that is, Musa Khan and his allies, in reality, Man Singh
gained nothing and Musa Khan and his allies remained where they were.
In 1603 Kedar Rai again created trouble for the Mughals. Now, he
joined the Maghs with his own powerful fleet and attacked the Mughal
outpost of Srinagar, to which Man Singh had to send relief with
artillery. A great battle was fought near Bikrampur, in which Kedar Rai
was wounded and captured, but died before he was taken to Man
Singh98. Thus, passed away one of the powerful and trustworthy allies of
Isa Khan and his son Musa Khan and also one of the bonafide members
of the Bara- Bhuiyans. Before Man Singh could utilise this victory in
further pressing on Musa Khan and his allies, however, Badshah Akbar
fell seriously ill and summoned his trusted officers back to Agra in
March 1605.Man Singh remained there till the death of Badshah Akbar,
on 15th October, 160599. So, it is evident that the battle of 1603 was the
230
last encounter between the Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans during the
reign of Mughal Badshah Akbar.In this battle the Mughal army
succeeded in defeating Kedar Rai, but failed to pacify Bengal.
After his accession Mughal Badshah Jahangir sent back Man
Singh to Bengal. The latter remained in the province this time for only
one year which was uneventful. After his recall there followed two
equally short Subahbaries (viceroyalties), those of Qutb al-Din Khan
Koka, 1606-1607, and Jahangir Quli Khan, 1607-1608100. During their
period no expedition was sent against the Bara- Bhuiyans of Bhati by
the Mughals.
From the above discussion it is evident that during thr period from
1599 to 1608, the Bara-Bhuiyans had to face the Mughal onslaughts
twice, in 1602 and 1603, during the Subahdari (viceroyalty) of Man
Singh. In other words after taking the leadership of the Bara-Bhuiyans
by Musa Khan Masnad-i Ala, Man Singh led two expeditions against
Bhati. According to Abul Fazl he defeated the enemy, that is, Musa
Khan and his allies, extinguished the flames of disturbance in Bengal,
pacified Bengal and conquered the whole area and established thanas at
strategic places101. Jadunath Sarkar also accepts these statements of
Abul Fazl as true102. But the testimony of Abul Fazl is not completely
acceptable. Because, later events show that Bhati remained outside
Mughal control as it was before and the whole of Bhati is found in the
hands of Musa Khan and his allies, that is, in the hands of the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Infact, Man singh achieved nothing in Bengal, particularly in
Bhati. The only achievement of Man Singh was the murder of Kedar
Rai. So, it is seen that like his father Musa Khan also succeeded in
checking the Mughal advance in Bengal.
231
Phase II
The Bara-Bhuiyans Versus Badshah Jahangir’s Subahdar
Islam Khan Chishti (1608-1612 A.C.)
It has been stated earlier that the battle of 1603 was the last
encounter between the Mughals and the Bara- Bhuiyans during the reign
of Badshah Akbar. The latter died on 15th October, 1605 and prince
Salim ascended the throne on 24th October with the title of Nur-ud-Din
Muhammad Jahangir103. After his accession Badshah Jahangir sent back
Man Singh to Bengal. The latter remained there for only one year and it
was uneventful. After his recall there followed two equally short
Subahdaries, those of Qutb al-Din Khan Koka, 1606-1607, and Jahangir
Quli Khan, 1607-1608104. During their period no expeditions were sent
against the Bara- Bhuiyans of Bhati by the Mughals. So, the period from
1603 to 1608, Musa Khan and his allies were free from Mughal
onslaught. But the former knew that the offensive against them would
soon be resumed by the Mughals. Accordingly, they did not sit idle
during these years and they took all possible steps to strengthen their
position in order to preserve their independence.
On the receipt of the news of the death of Jahangir Quli Khan,
Badshah Jahangir appointed Islam Khan Chishti, then Subahdar of
Bihar to Bengal on 6th May, 1608 A.C.105 The new Subahdar was young
and energetic, being only 38 years of age at that time of his assumption
of office, and was determined to establish the Mughal authority over
Bengal106. On receipt of the order, Islam Khan proceeded towards
Rajmahal, the then capital of Bengal, and reached there towards the
early part of June, 1608107. On reaching Rajmahal he prepared his plan
of operation for the subjugation of Bengal and began preparations for
232
going to Bhati against the Bara-Bhuiyans. According to Abdul Karim

his plan of operation is as follows:
Firstly, Islam Khan realised that a well-trained, loyal and dutiful
armed force was needed to establish Mughal authority in a rebellious
province like Bengal. The old officers who proved dishonest and
treacherous should be replaced by a new set of honest, loyal and
efficient officers.
Secondly, he also realised that the chief obstacle to the Mughal
conquest of Bengal was Bhati and her Bara-Bhuiyans. So, he decided to
march and wage war against Bhati and the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Thirdly, Bhati is a low-lying area, full of rivers, streams and
canals. The effective means of warfare in Bhati is a strong fleet of war-
boats. So, Islam khan decided to reorganise and strengthen the navy.
Fourthly, the capital city of Rajmahal was situated in the western
corner of Bengal, and was far away from the troublous Bhati region. It
was not possible to keep the distant places under control from this
capital. So, he decided to shift the capital to a centrally situated place.
Fifthly, though Islam Khan realised that the Bara-Bhuiyans of
Bhati were the chief obstacles to the establishment of Mughal authority
in Bengal, he also did not fail to note the contemporary political
geography of Bengal. There were various Zamindars (Bhuiyans) to his
rear or on his way to Bhati who might attack the Mughal army from the
back. So, he took necessary steps to be sure of the allegiance of the
Zamindars (Bhuiyans) of his rear on his way to Bhati.108
Drawing up his plan, Islam Khan Chishti sent a representation to
Badshah Jahangir in the following words:
“The management of the affairs of this province should receive the
attention of the officers of the State. The office of the Diwan should be
given to a man of integrity. Ihtimam Khan who is one of the most
233
efficient officers of the imperial Court, or some one else as competent,

should be sent as the chief officer of the fleet and the artillery. All the
old officers who proved to be dishonest and treacherous and who are
unfit for service in this province should be recalled to the Court.”109
Badshah Jahangir also accepted the representation and ordered as
follows:
“Wazir Khan, the former Diwan of the province, the sons of Msaum
Khan, and Lachi Khan Qaqshal who were the leaders of the mischief in
that country are to be taken into custody and sent to the imperial Court.
Any one of these old officers who takes recourse to his old habits and
courses of action against your orders and advice, should be discharged
from service. Whoever is wanted by you from the Court, we shall
appoint him in that place.”110
Simultaneously, Badshah Jahangir appointed Abul Hasan Shihab
Khani (his title is Mutaqid Khan) as diwan and Ihtimam Khan as mir
bahr or admiral of the fleet111. Ihtimam Khan was ordered to take with
him to Bengal army of the previous Subahdar Raja Man Singh, and the
cannons that were brought from Bengal and Rohtas112. These were to be
used in the service of Bengal. He was also ordered to carry with him the
artillery to Bengal from Rohtas and Chaund113. Ihtimam Khan was also
ordered to take into possession the two big cannons which were brought
from Bengal by the wife of Jahangir Quli Khan, the deceased Subahdar.
So, it appears that Badshah Jahangir provided Islam Khan with all
necessary supports in army, navy and war equipment.114
At Rajmahal, Islam Khan awaited the arrival of the new diwan
115
and new admiral (mir bahr) . When Mutaqid Khan, the diwan, and
Ihtimam Khan116, the mir bahr reached Rajmahal, Islam Khan made a
review of troops and fleet of boats117. Thus Islam Khan took all possible
preparations for resuming the offensive against the Bara-Bhuiyans of
Bhati.
234
Though, the chief sources for the history of Bengal in the reign of
Mughal Badshah Jahangir are the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri of Badshah
Jahangir and Baharistan-i-Ghaybi of Mirza Nathan, Badshah Jahangir
did not pay due attention to the Mughal campaigns in Bengal and the
resistance offered by the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati under the leadeaship of
Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala during his reign. Even he did not mention the
names of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and his Zamindar allies. Besides, he
did not also mention the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ in the Tuzuk. Above all,
the names of Raja Pratapaditya of Jessore, Ramchandra of Bakla,
Ananta Manikya of Bhulua, Raja Satrajit of Bhushna, Majlis Qutb of
Fathabad and many other Bhuiyans (Zamindars) who submitted to the
Mughals also did not appear in the Tuzuk. For the study of the history of
the Mughal campaigns in Bengal and the resistance offered by the Bara-
Bhuiyans of Bhati under the leadeaship of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala
during the reign of Mughal Badshah Jahangir, the only contemporary
source is the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi of Mirza Nathan. Because, the
accounts of the warfare between the Bara-Bhuiyans and the Mughals
have been discussed in great details only in the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi.
The Baharistan gives the impression that Islam Khan correctly realised
that the chief obstacle to the Mughal peace in Bangal were the Bara-
Bhuiyans of Bhati. Although, the Afghan leader Usman Khan (Khwaja
Usman) of Bukainagar and other hostile Zamindars created troubles for
the Mughals, Islam Khan thought that unless the Bara-Bhuiyans were
suppressed, it would not be possible to suppress Usman Khan118 and
other hostile Zamindars. So, Islam Khan left Rajmahal with the
intention of going to Bhati and to suppress the Bara-Bhuiyans first, and
his first point of attack was Bhati and the Bara-Bhuiyans.
235
Mirza Nathan Writes:

“After the rainy season he (Islam Khan) would personally march to
Bhati in order to punish Musa Khan and the Zaminadars of that region
who were raising the head of arrogance due to their false hopes; and he
proposed to bring them to their senses from their idle dreams, with the
infliction of necessary chastisement”. 119And again
“Departure of the Imperial officers to the expedition of Bhati against
Masnad-i-Ala Musa Khan and the twelve famous Bhuyans of
Bengal…”120
During the stay of Islam Khan at Rajmahal, two important events
occurred. The first was a surprise attack on the Mughal thanah of
Alapsingh (the seat of a big Pargana along the right bank of the
Brahmaputra in Mymensingh) by Usman Khan of Bukainagar who,
captured it and killed the thanahdar Sazawal Khan, and occupied that
region. Islam khan took prompt action. He sent a strong force under the
command of his brother Shaikh Ghiyas-ud-din to recover the thanah
(out-post). The latter rendered splendid services and recovered the
thanah Alapsingh. So, Badshah Jahangir honoured Shaikh Ghiyas- ud-
din with promotion of rank and the title of Inayet Khan. 121
The other event was the submission of Raja Pratapaditya of
Jessore. Just before leaving Rajmahal, Islam Khan recieved Shaykh
Badi, the envoy of Pratapaditya, who came with Sangramaditya, the
younger son of Pratapaditya, and with a large gift to Islam Khan. Islam
Khan gave him leave to return to Raja Pratapaditya on the agreement
that Raja should present himself before Islam Khan at Alaipur with
sufficient war equipments to show his loyality to Mughal Badshah. 122
On 7th December, 1608, Islam Khan left Rajmahal with the
avowed intention of suppressing the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati. Bhati was
far away from Rajmahal and Islam Khan was going there by river
through zigzag way via Ghoraghat. There were the territories of many
other Zamindars both in his front and rear, he was not sure about their
236
loyality123. Because of this, on his way to Bhati, Islam Khan had to send
numerous re-connoitering expeditions against some Zamindars to ensure
undisturbed progress of the Mughal army towards Bhati.
Coming out of Rajmahal, when Islam Khan reached a place in the
Pargana of Gaur, he despatched a force of two thousand cavalry and
four thousand infantry under Shaykh Kamal against Bir Hamir of Bir
Bhum, Shams Khan of Pachet and Salim Khan of Hijli. Instructions
were given to Shaykh Kamal that if they submitted, they should be
given pro-tection and brought to the Subahdar with comfort, but if they
took recourse to impertinence, their territories should be conquered, and
the Zamindars should be brought as prisoners. If they were killed in
battle, their heads should be brought to the Subahdar. 124
First, Shaykh Kamal went to Birbhum, the territory of Bir Hamir,
the latter submitted without offering any resistance and came before
Shaykh Kamal. Not only that, he also led Shaykh Kamal to Pachet, the
territory of Shams Khan. The latter, after a fortnight of hard fighting,
was forced to submit. Shaykh Kamal then marched to Hijli against
Salim Khan, who offered his submission without fighting125. In the
meantime, Islam Khan arrived at Alaipur early in 1609A.C. At Alaipur
Bir Hamir, Shams Khan and Salim Khan, the Zamindars of Birbhum,
Pachet and Hijli respectively, arrived in the company of Shakyh Kamal,
and tendered presonal submission to Islam Khan, who, dealt with them
very leniently, allowed them to hold their own territories as jagirs, and
exempted them from personal service.126
After the submission of Birbhum, Pachet and Hijli, there were
two other big Zamindars in south Bengal, Raja Pratapaditiya of Jessore
and Raja Satrajit of Bhushna. It has been stated earlier that Pratapaditiya
sent his envoy and son with presents to the Subahdar at Rajmahal. Then
when the Subahdar was crossing the river at Goash, Pratapaditya sent
237
his petition requesting to know whether he should personally visit the

127
Subahdar, during this time, Raja Satrajit of Bhushna also sent his
brother with elephants to visit the Subahdar128. Islam Khan became sure
of the loyality of Pratapaditya, but probably he was annoyed with
Satrajit, because he did not himself come to the Subahdar’s camp. So,
reaching Alaipur, Islam Khan sent an army against Satrajit under the
command of Iftikhar Khan. He was instructed that if Satrajit submitted,
he should be given the hope of the grant of his territory as jagir to him
and he should be brought before Islam Khan, otherwise he should be
punished. Satrajit at first contemplated offering some resistance, but
when the Mughal forces entered his territory he submitted without any
fight. Islam Khan restored to him his lands and enlisted him in the
Mughal service. Thereafter he is always found on the Mughal side
fighting against the Bara-Bhuiyans and others.129
Islam Khan halted at Alaipur for about two months130. From
Alaipur, Islam Khan sent Mirza Nathan with an adequate force to crush
Mirza Mumin, son of Masum Khan Kabuli, Dariya Khan, son of Khan
Alam Bahbudi, and Madhava Rai, the Zamindar of Khalsi, one of the
allies of Musa Khan, who made a combined attack on the Pargana of
Sonabazu131. It may be mentioned here that Ihtimam Khan, the admiral,
was given the Jagir of Sonabazu Pargana by Islam Khan132. When
Ihtimam Khan was at Titulia, in the Malda District, he got disquieting
news from the revenue collector of the Pargana of Chilajuwar133 that the
neighbouring Pargana of Sonabazu, had been seized, the local agents
killed, and Chatmohar, the seat of the agents captured by three
Zamindars who had a permanent hold over the Pargana of Sonabazu-
Mirza Mumin, Dariya Khan and Madhava Rai. Ihtimam Khan at first
sent a force against the Zamindars, but when this proved ineffective, he
appealed for help to Islam Khan134. So, Islam Khan sent Mirza Nathan
238
in response to the appeals for help from Ihtimam Khan. Mirza Nathan
himself first went to Chilajuwar and then to Chatmohar. Later, Islam
Khan sent reinforcement to Mirza Nathan. At the latter’s approach, the
Zamindars left the area and went to Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala at
Sonargaon.135
It is noteworthy that when Ihtimam Khan was given the jagir of
Sonabazu Pargana, at the same time, Tuqmaq Khan was given the jagir
of Shahzadpur. It may be remembered that after the conquest of
Alapsingh thana (Paragana in Mymensingh), all the imperial officers at
Alapsingh were ordered by Islam Khan to return to their respective
jagirs and to make their arrangements to proceed to Bhati. Accordingly,
Tuqmaq Khan came to his jagir in Shahzadpur on the bank of the
Karatoya, about 20 miles east of Chatmohar and about 26 miles north-
east of Pabna town. He was suddenly attacked by the local Zamindar
Raja Rai with a large number of war-boats and besized the fort of
Shahzadpur. But Ultimately Raja Rai suffered a defeat and was driven
away. 136
Another Mughal officer, Mirak Bahadur Jalair had to face a more
severe and organised attack on his jagir of Chandpratap made by Binod
Rai, Zamindar of Chandpratap, an ally of Musa Khan, aided by Mirza
Mumin, Dariya Khan and Madhava Rai. The hostile Zamindars, with a
large force of cavalry, infantry, and a large number of war-boats, fell
upon the fort of Chandpratap. Reinforcements coming from Shahzadpur,
froced the Zamindars to hastily withdraw. 137
The above mentioned three battles were fought at the Pargans of
Sonabazu, Shahzadpur and Chandpratap and all three Parganas were
within the Sarkar Bazuha. Sonabazu and Shahzadpur were situated to
the south-east of Pabna. Chatmohar where the first battle was fought
was the capital of Masum Khan Kabuli, father of Mirza Mumin.
239
Pargana Khalsi was situated five miles off Jafarganj, near the
confluence of the rivers Padma and Dhaleswari, and the Pargana of
Chandpratap is in the present Manikganj district, stretching on both
sides of the Dhaleswari. These Parganas were very near the Bhati of the
Bara-Bhuiyans and Chandpratap was actually within the region of Bhati.
Islam Khan did not till then fight against the Bara-Bhuiyans, he was
only preparing himself to go against them. But it may be noticed that
Ihtimam Khan and other Mughal officers were given jagirs in these
places. They were given jagirs there either to keep the Bara-Bhuiyans
under threat or to keep the Mughal officers ready to fight against the
Zamindars, that is, the allies of Musa Khan. That the Zamindars invaded
the Mughal jagirdars time and again shows that they were alive to the
situation, and were prepared to face the impending Mughal attack. 138
It has already been stated that Islam Khan made his right, left and
rear clear of enemies on his way to Bhati. Now he took the initiative to
be sure of the attitude of the northern frontier kingdoms of Kuch Bihar
and Kamrup. It may be mentioned here that on 2nd March, 1609, Islam
Khan left Alaipur and reached Ghoraghat on 2nd June, 1609, through
Fathpur139, Rana Tandapur140, Bajrapur141, Shahpur142 and
143
Nazirpur144.After reaching Ghoraghat, Islam Khan sent envoy to the
Rajas of Kuch Bihar and Kamrup. Lakshmi Narayan, the Raja of Kuch
Bihar expressed his loyality through Raja Raghunath of Shushang (who
had already accepted vassalage) and sent a suitable Peshkash. But
Parikshit Narayan, the Raja of Kamrup, neither sent any envoy to Islam
Khan nor showed signs of co-operation and loyality. So, Islam Khan
despatched an army against the Raja of Kamrup under the command of
Shaykh Abdul Wahid. The latter was easily defeated by Parikshit
Narayan. As his chief aim at this time was to conquer Bhati, Islam Khan
postponed his Kamrup invasion for this time.145
240
Islam Khan spent the rainy season of 1609 A.C. at Ghoraghat146.

In the mean time he completed all preparations for the expedition to
Bhati. By diplomacy, persuasion, wars and battles, he made north, west
and southern Bengal clear of enemies; the Zamindars and chiefs there
either willingly submitted or were forced to submit. The Zamindars of
Birbhum, Pachet and Hijli whose territories situated in the south-
western corner of Bengal,tendered personal submission to Islam Khan.
Raja Satrajit of Bhushna also submitted to the Mughals and he was
allowed to go back to his territory and later he was ordered to act jointly
with Shaykh Habib-ullah in his expedition against Majlis Qutb of
147
Fathabad (Faridpur) . Raja Pratapaditya of Jessore came to tender
personal submission to Islam Khan at Bajrapur on his way to Ghoraghat.
He was allowed to go back to Jessore and was ordered to send his son
Sangramaditya with four hundred war-boats to join the imperial fleet
and to stay with the admiral Ihtimam Khan immediately after his return
to his kingdom. He was also ordered to proceed by the river Airal Khan
to Sripur and Bikrampur to fight against Musa Khan with twenty
thousand infantry, one hundred war-boots (to make the total of five
hundred) and one thousand maunds of gunpowder, at the time of Islam
Khan’s expedition to Bhati.148 Besides, the Mughal army defeated the
allies of Musa Khan in the battles of Sarkar Bazuha. Above all, Lakshmi
Narayan, the king of Kuch Bihar, and Raja Raghunath of Sushang were
submitted to the Mughals. Thus, being free from anxieties from all sides,
right, left and the rear, Islam Khan came out of Ghoraghat on 15th
October, 1609, in his expedition to Bhati.149
Islam Khan first sent an order to Ihtimam Khan, the admiral, to
come to Siyalgarh on the Karatoya with the imperial fleet of war-boats.
Ihtimam Khan passed the rainy season with the fleet at Pargana Amrual
at the confluence of the rivers Jamuna and Atrai. So, he was asked to
241
come to Siyalgarh through the Kudia Khal. Next Islam Khan sent his
trustworthy officers to different places to recall the imperial officers
from their respective places and jagirs to join him in the expedition to
Bhati. Then he sent a large force against Majlis Qutb, Zamindar of
Fathabad (Faridpur), under his brother Shaykh Habibullah. Mubariz
Khan, Bahadur Beg and Buzakhur, and Islam Khan’s personal officer
Shaykh Ismail were also ordered to accompany Shaykh Habib-ullah.
Then he wrote to Raja Satrajit of Bhushna to join Shaykh Habibullah
with his navy, artillery and land forces150. Hence, Islam Khan reached
Siyalgarh from Ghoraghat and halted there for a week awaiting the
arrival of the fleet under Ihtimam Khan. From Siyalgarh Islam Khan
wrote a letter to Ihtimam Khan urging his immediate arrival and himself
marched to Shahzadpur. On the other hand, Ihtimam Khan started for
Siyalgarh and entered the Kudia Khal with his fleet, but proceeding upto
a distance of two stages he found that the water was too shallow. He was
neither in a position to go with the boats to Siyalgarh nor was it possible
for him to go back to the river Atrai. In this situation Ihtimam Khan
consulted with his son Mirza Nathan and decided to act according to his
advice. At last Ihtimam Khan and Mirza Nathan reached Siyalgarh with
the imperial fleet. From Siyalgarh, Ihtimam Khan went with the imperial
fleet to Shahzadpur and met Islam Khan there. At Shahzadpur, the
imperialists celebrated the Eid-ul-Fitr festival on 28th December, 1609.
The imperialists took about two months and a half to reach Shahzadpur
after leaving Ghoraghat on 15th October, 1609.151
At Shahzadpur Islam Khan reviewed the imperial fleet and the
personal boats of Ihtimam Khan and the boats of other imperial officers.
Mirza Nathan arranged the boats like a moving bridge. Islam Khan and
other imperial officers became happy after the review and praised both
Ihtimam Khan and his son Mirza Nathan. Islam Khan then marched to
242
Baliya152 by land and instructed Ihtimam Khan to proceed at once to that

place with the fleet and the artillery. Islam Khan along with the imperial
officers reached Baliya in three marches by land route and crossed the
river by constructing a bridge with the boats of traders. On the other
hand, Ihtimam Khan also proceeded with the fleet and the artillery, but
owing to a zigzag course in the rivers he had to spend fifteen days on the
way.153
At Baliya, Islam Khan took important decisions, that is, he
planned a double pronged attack on Musa Khan’s position. Firstly, it
was decided that Ihtimam Khan and Mirza Nathan would go with the
fleet to the Trimohana of Khal Jogini154 and erect forts and halt there
and Islam Khan himself would go to the Mohana of Katasgrah155 in
order to attack Musa Khan from the west by the way of Jatrapur156.
Secondly, the most important decision taken by Islam Khan was to send
a detachment to Dhaka to distract the attention of Musa Khan and to
terrorise the Bara-Bhuiyans. Accordingly, Shaykh Kamal, Tuqmaq
Khan and Mirak Bahdur Jalair were sent to Dhaka with twenty war-
boats, one thousand musketeers, fifty cannons of small and big size, one
hundred maounds of gun powder, one hundred maounds of lead and
other necessary requisites for expedition. They reached Dhaka in six
marchers and became engaged in construction of the fort of Dhaka.
Meanwhile admiral Ihtimam Khan reached the Trimohana of Khal
Jogini and built three forts on the three mouths of the rivers. From
Baliya Islam Khan also reached the Mohana of Katasgarh and he
ordered Ihtimam Khan to join him there.157
Now, the Mughal army came face to face with the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Because, Musa Khan’s impregnable fort of Jatrapur lay near
Katasgarh. It may be mentioned here that Musa Khan inherited from his
father Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala a vast territory comprising a considerable
243
part of Dhaka District, almost the whole of Mymensingh District and

some portions of Tripura, Pabna, Rangpur, Bogra and Dinajpur
Districts158. After the death of his father his cousin Alaul Khan and his
younger brothers Daud Khan, Abdullah Khan, Mahmud Khan and Ilyas
Khan joined with Musa Khan in his stubborn struggle for independence.
Besides, Musa Khan also united his allies against the Mughals and built
a number of fortified posts in different places of military importance to
defend his territory, from the Mughal attack and to strengthen his
position. The fort of Jatrapur is one of the most important fortified posts
of Musa Khan and also his main fortified position on the Dhaka-
Rajmahal river route. So, the immediate objective of the Mughals is the
capture of the fort of Jatrapur and on his arrival at Katasgarh Islam Khan
concentrated all his energies on the capture of the fort of Jatrapur. Musa
Khan did hot sit idle in the face of this danger and he also made
preparations to face the Mughals and sent Mirza Mumin, Dariya Khan
and Madhava Rai, Zamindar of Khalsi to defend the fort of Jatrapur,
situated on the Ichhamati, about 30 miles west of Dhaka159. Musa Khan
also told them: “Immediately after the arrival of the imperial army, you
would find me at the aforesaid Mohana along with the Twelve
Bhuyans.”160 Mirza Mumin continued to hold the fort along with
Madhava Rai. But there was an untoward incident in the fort of Jatrapur.
Owing to some mischief of Dariya Khan, Mirza Mumin and his sons
killed him. As a result, there was chaos and confusion in the fort of
Jatrapur. After the murder of Dariya Khan, Mirza Mumin came to his
senses and he became extremely perplexed at this rash act and he was
particularly afraid of Musa Khan. At this time, Madhava Rai,
apprehending that Mirza Mumin (out of fear of Musa Khan) could join
hand with the imperialists. So, he wrote to Musa Khan about the state of
244
affairs. On the other hand, the news of chaos in the fort of Jatrapur
reached Ihtimam Khan. He represented to Islam Khan saying,
“The death of Dariya Khan created a great confusion in the navy
of the Zamindars stationed at Jatrapur. If I am permitted, I will
immediately despatch the fleet to Jatrapur. If Mirza Mumin takes
recourse to battle and violence, I will bring his head with the aid of the
Merciful Lord; otherwise I will present him before the imperial officers
as a prisoner with chains on his neck and hands.”161
Although, Mirza Mumin also feigned submission through his
envoys, Islam Khan did not agree to the proposal of Ihtimam Khan.
Instead he accepted the proposal of Raja Raghunath, Zamindar of
Susang (who was always with Islam Khan) and formulated the
following plan for the campaign. They should construct block houses
from the Mohana of Katasgarh to the Mohana of Jatrapur and keep the
land force ready in them for battle, and behind them fleet should be
posted by the side of the river and thus the Mohana of Jatrapur should
be conquered162. On the other hand, when the letter of Madhava Rai
reached Musa Khan, the latter came in great haste with all his allies and
with a fleet of seven hundred war-boats consisting of kusa, Jaliya,
dhura, sundara, bajra and Khelna. At this time among the allies of
Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, Alaul Khan (cousin of Musa Khan),
Abdullah Khan and Mahmud Khan (younger borothers of Musa Khan),
Bahadur Ghazi (of Chaura), Sona Ghazi, Anwar Ghazi ( Anwar Khan,
Zamindar of Baniachang, Sylhet), Shaykh Pir, son of Haji Bhakul,
Mirza Mumin, Madhava Rai, Zamindar of Khalsi, Binod Rai, Zamindar
of Chandpratap, Pahlwan, Zamindar of Matang, and Haji Shams-ud-din
Baghdadi (Chief officer of Musa Kahn) were in Musa Khan’s camp. At
night Musa Khan went with all his allies to a place called Dakchara163
and during the night he constructed in this place a high fort and a deep
trench on that bank of the river Padma, in which the Mughal army was
245
halting. Musa Khan then arranged his artillery and the weapons of
defence of the fort and became ready for battle. It seems that Musa
Khan’s policy was to keep his Jatrapur fort safe from the attack of the
Mughal army. Besides, the building of the Dakchara fort on the same
bank of the river on which the Mughal army was halting shows that
Musa Khan was preparing for an offensive battle164.
On the other side, Islam Khan came to know of the building of the
Dakchara fort by Musa Khan and he realised that Musa Khan was
becoming ready for battle. He ordered the admiral to bring the fleet into
the Ichamati river under the protection of the bank, so that they might
obtain their object without fighting. In the morning Islam Khan, riding
on a horse began to inspect the trenches of the imperial army. He first
came to his special trench and then inspected the trenches of Abdul
Wahid, Khawaja Tahir Mohammad Bakhshi, Ihtimam Khan, Mirza
Hasan, Mutaqid Khan Diwan, Iftikhar Khan and all others. After
inspecting the trenches, when Islam Khan was having his breakfast
(Mirza Nathan says dinner) Musa Khan began to fire cannon. The first
shot of Musa Khan broke Islam Khan’s all the utensils and the crockery
and killed about twenty to thirty of his servants. The second shot
wounded the arm of Islam Khan’s standard-bearer, who was sitting on
an elephant’s back. He was hit in such a way that he was shattered to
pieces along with the standard.Then a great commotion arose and the
battle continued up to mid-day. From the high bank, the Mughal artillery
men began to fire and they killed and wounded many a men of the Bara-
Bhuiyans fleet and several kusas of the Bara-Bhuiyans were sunk by the
cannon shots. The son of Madhava Rai and the brother of Binod Rai
were killed by the shots of the cannon. After mid-day, Musa Khan and
his allies went back to the other side of the river and Islam Khan
246
returned to his camp. The Mughal officers remained in their trenches up

to the next morning. 165
In the following morning, Islam Khan came to inspect the
trenches according to his usual practice. Musa Khan also again came
forward and began to fire his cannon. Madhava Rai and Binod Rai, who
had lost their son and brother respectively, on the previous day, rushed
with their boats towards the bank with a spirit of vengeance. Alighting
from their boats they offered a hand to hand fight with the Mughal army.
Every time the allies of Musa Khan advanced and launched an attack,
the Mughal army met it by a counter-attack and drove them back to a
considerable distance on the bank of the river. At the time of the third
assault, the Mughal army repulsed the Bara-Bhuiyans in such a way that
they could no longer make any advance and many of them were
drowned in the river and many of them were trampled to death by the
war elephants of the Maghals.In this context, Mirza Nathan says that the
Mughal army achieved a great victory. But, indeed, the battle of Islam
Khan with the Bara-Bhuiyans was yet indecisive and the Mughal army
could not capture the fort of Dakchara and also could not dislodge the
Bara-Bhuiyans from their position. Both the parties remained in the
same position where they were.166
It may be remembered that coming out of Ghoraghat, Islam Khan
sent his brother Shaykh Habibullah to lead an expedition to Fathabad.
When the battle of Islam Khan with the Bara-Bhuiyans was yet
indecisive, Shaykh Habibullah gained a victory over Majlis Qutb of
Fathabad. Shaykh Habibullah occupied the Mohana of Matibhanga and
looted a large territory of Majlis Qutb and besieged the fort of Fathabad.
In this situation, Majlis Qutb tried to defend his fort and wrote to Musa
Khan thus:
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“Up till now, whatever was possible to be done alone by me, has been
done. Now I have been brought to this critical situation. If you help me,
I will never betray you as long as I live, and I will join the fight. If you
do not come to my aid and leave me in neglect, I shall be compelled to
surrender to the imperial army and shall have to go forward with the
imperial army from this side to Bhati.”167
Musa Khan on receipt of the letter sent a number of Bhuiyans
under Mirza Mumin with a force of two hundred fully equipped war-
boats to the aid of Majlis Qutb. Mirza Mumin and his force proceeded at
mid-night and passing below the trenches of the Mughal army at the
other side of the river and attacked the fort of Shaykh Habibullah and
the Mughal army and offered a hand to hand fight. But in the meantime,
according to previous covenant Raja Satrajit of Bhushna had come to
join the Mughal army and had erected three forts in the Mohana of
Matibhanga. He offered a brave re-sistance to the allies of Musa Khan,
that is, to Mirza Mumin and other members of the Bara-Bhuiyans, who
also offered a hard battle. For three times, Mirza Mumin attacked the
fort of the Mughal army, particularly, that of Raja Satrajit, but all the
times the Raja and his soldiers drove them back. When Mirza Mumin
and other Bhuiyans found that nothing could be accomplished by them,
they thought it prudent to return to Musa Khan. So, they returned to
Musa Khan by the same route by which they went168. Therefore, the aid
sent by Musa Khan did not accomplish its ends.
Now, Islam Khan decided to occupy the fort of Dakchara by
assault. With the approval of the Mughal officers, he appointed Iftikhar
Khan to the command of one thousand cavalry, three thousand
musketeers and the whole herd of personal and imperial elephants and
ordered him to demolish the fort of Dakchara. But the task was not so
easy. Because, the Dakchara fort was surrounded on one side by the
river and on the other three by a marsh and so it was impossible for the
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cavalry to move to the fort. The war-boats also could not approach the
fort, because there was no water-way from the place where the Mughal
war-boats were kept. At this stage Raja Raghunath of Sushang gave the
following advice:
“There is a canal between the trenches of Iftikhar Khan and
Mutaqid Khan which has dried up and a large heap of sand has blocked
its mouth; if it is dug and the imperial navy is made to enter the river
Isamati through this canal then this fort as well as the fort of Jatrapur
may be occupied without a battle.”169
Islam Khan accepted the advice and divided the area of that canal
among Mughal officers for excavation. After three days, Islam Khan
inspected the progress of the work of excavation, but found that the
progress was not satisfactory. Mirza Nathan was then deputed to do the
work. He engaged ten thousand boat-men to do the work of excavation
and he personally supervised the work and cheered up the boat-men by
distributing among them copper coins, rice, bhang (Indian hemp) and
opium and finished the work within a short time. 170
Now, Musa Khan seriously considered his own position vis-a-vis
the Mughal power. He thought that it would not be possible for him to
resist the Mughal attack. So, he thought of surrendering himself to Islam
Khan and sent envoys to Iftikhar Khan, Ihtimam Khan and Mutaqid
Khan with proposals of peace. These three Mughal officers went to a
place in between the Mughal trenches and the Dakchara fort of Musa
Khan to hold discussion with the latter. Musa Khan also reached that
meeting place with his brothers. The Mughal officers gave Musa Khan
assurance of his personal safety by touching the Holy Quran. Though,
his brothers did not agree, Musa Khan relied on the assurance given by
the Mughal officers and accompanied them to Islam Khan’s camp. Islam
Khan treated him very sympathetically and after dinner and the
sprinkling of the otto of roses, he bestowed upon him a robe of honour,
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a be-jewelled sword belt, an Iraqi and a Turkish horse, a falcon and

sparrow hawk. Thus Islam Khan pacified Musa Khan and gave him
leave to return to his camp. Musa Khan returned with a happy heart and
urged upon his brothers to come to terms with the Mughals. Next
morning Musa Khan again met Islam Khan and returned to his camp.
But on the third meeting Musa Khan heard many unpleasant and painful
remarks from Islam Khan. The reason was as follows: The husband of a
dancing girl was serving under Musa Khan and this man had received
certain injury at the hand of Musa Khan. Then the dancing girl came to
Islam Khan for redress. The latter, forgetting the high rank of Musa
Khan abused him sharply. When Musa Khan returned to his camp, he
decided not to go to Islam Khan again; rather he strengthened his fort,
renewed his hostility and determined to take revenge on the Mughals.171
Sir Jadunath Sarkar thinks that the dancing girl was that of Islam
Khan172, but in the Baharistan it is not clear. As Islam Khan was hot
tempered and dictatorial in nature, so it was not improbable that he
abused Musa Khan on the complaint against him by a dancing girl173.
S.N. Bhattacharya thinks otherwise; he says:
“Musa Khan, at this stage, made overtures for peace, obviously
for the purpose of gaining time in order to make better preparations for
war. He visited Islam Khan’s camp and carried on negotiations for three
days. The peace move soon broke down as Islam Khan saw through the
designs of Musa Khan and did not take him seriously.”174
It was not improbable for Musa Khan to feign submission; if he
submitted at that time his whole territory and all his forts would have
remained in his possession and he could have risen again against the
Mughals by gaining strength. But the terms of peace between Islam
Khan and Musa Khan are not known in the Baharistan, even there is no
indication about the terms of agreement. It may be that the terms of
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peace were not acceptable to Musa Khan, and so he renewed

hostilities.175
Now, Islam Khan changed his plan, instead of trying to occupy
the fort of Dakchara, he now planned to make a night attack on the fort
of Jatrapur. While Mirza Nathan was busy in excavating the canal, Islam
Khan orderd Iftikhar Khan, Mutaqid Khan and other Mughal officers to
proceed to the fort of Dakchara and to go to an eminent place, from
where an attack can be launched on the fort of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Then
Islam Khan sent orders to Shaykh Kamal at Dhaka to send Mirak
Bahadur Jalair to the Mohana of Kathauriya176 with twenty imperial
war-boats and to send Tuqmaq Khan to the Mohana of Kudaliya177.
Shaykh Kamal was ordered to stay at Dhaka and to make necessary
arrangements for its defence. Islam Khan took Abdul Wahid with him
and went to the Mohana of Kathauriya form Katasgarh. Mirak Bahadur
Jalair also reached there with his war-boats. Then Islam Khan began to
cross the river Ichamati with the help of those twenty war-boats. As
soon as the news of this move of Islam Khan reached Musa Khan, the
latter at once rushed to the place with his war-boats. Islam Khan then
made his soldiers cross the river on elephant’s back and before the
arrival of Musa Khan’s war-boats, the Mughals went to the other side of
the river. The boats of the Bara-Bhuiyans then came and began to fire,
but it was of no avail. Islam Khan fell upon the fort of Jatrapur. The
attack was so surprise that Musa Khan and his allies being unable to
stand it, boarded their boats and took to flight and they crossed over to
the other side of the river Padma and the fort of Jatrapur was occupied
by the Mughals. This happened in early June, 1610A.C.178
Immediately after the occupation of the fort of Jatrapur, Islam
Khan concentrated all his efforts to capture the fort of Dakchara. He
ordered Shaykh Abdul Wahid, Mirak Bahadur Jalair, Shir Khan Tarin
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and Bayazid Khan Pani to cross the river Ichamati and to besiege the
fort of Dakchara. Although, the Bara-Bhuiyans opposed them, they were
able to cross the river and besiege the fort. In the meantime, Mirza
Nathan had completed the excavation of the canal, so it became easy for
the Mughal fleet to cross the canal and reach the river. Now, Islam Khan
ordered Mirza Nathan to lead the attack on the fort of Dakchara. It may
be remembered that Iftikhar Khan and other Mughal officers were
staying there from before. But Mirza Nathan led the attack in a new
plan. He felt the necessity of advancing with his soldiers and led them
towards the trenches of the Mughal officers. He ordered his subordinate
officials to lay a heap of three thousand rupees on the ground, and he
began to distribute them in handfuls among his wounded soldiers and
the relatives of those who had been killed in the battle. Thus his soldiers
felt encouraged to advance forward in the face of gun-shots from the
Bara-Bhuiyans. Mirza Nathan began to prepare barricades for their
defence on the ground which they had occupied in the first assault, then
they made the second assault and prepared barricades for the defence of
the ground which they had occupied and then they made the third assault
and in this way they proceeded towards the fort of Dakchara. All the
while, the Bara-Bhuiyans also showered arrows and cannon shots from
the ramparts of the fort and from the boats in the river. Now, Mirza
Nathan ordered wagons kept on the boats to be brought down, he also
kept grass and earth on the boats. One group of boat-men brought grass
and another group earth and placed the grass and earth in the wagons
and thus made them like walls. The soldiers took their stand under the
cover of these artificial walls and continued their attack on the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Although, many of them were killed or wounded, they
continued the fight. The Mughal officers, who were staying there for 35
days, remained silent spectators and indifferent to the efforts of Mirza
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Nathan. When Islam Khan heard about the indifference of the Mughal
officers, he sent men to every Mughal officer urging upon them to co-
operate with Mirza Nathan. On the other hand, Musa Khan did not sit
idle. Though, his fort was surrounded by deep trench, as additional
defensive measures he fixed bamboo-spikes around the fort to serve as
barriers to the Mughal army. Thus he tried to make his fort impregnable.
In this situation, Mirza Nathan ordered his boat-men to bring five
thousand bundles of straw and five thousand basketfuls of earth and they
first covered the bamboo-spikes then filled up the trench with earth and
straw. Then Mirza Nathan led the final assault with the aid of elephants
and elephant drivers. Though, Musa Khan and his allies launched a
counter attack, could not long withstand the assault. Many of his men
fell in the attempt to save the fort, and at last towards the end of the
night he abandoned the fort and withdrew to the other side of the river
Padma. The Mughal army demolished the wall of the fort and entered
the fort of Dakchara after a siege of more than a month on 15th July,
1610.179 Thus the Dakchara fort of Musa Khan was occupied by the
Mughal army.
The accounts of the occupation of the forts of Jatarpur and
Dakchara has been given above on the basis of the Baharistan-i-
Ghaybi.Though, the Mughal army defeated the Bara-Bhuiyans, the way
they resisted the Mughal attack show their indomitable courage and
unprecedented war tactics. For example, the location of the fort of
Dakchara was very important and it was situated in a strategic place
bounded on three sides by marsh and one side by the river and so it was
not easily accessible to the Mughal army. Musa Khan deserves credit for
selecting such a site for building the fort of Dakchara. As additional
defensive measures he fixed bamboo-spikes around the fort, which is
also praise-worthly. On the other side, the policy adopted by Mirza
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Nathan by filling up the bamboo-spikes and trench with straw and earth
also deserves to be praised. Besides, this was an unequal war. Because,
on the one side, there was the Subahdar of Bengal with active support of
the mighty Mughal Badshah Jahangir and on the other, there were a few
Zamindars of a part of the Subah. Islam Khan made preparations for the
expedition to Bhati for one year and a half, that is, from December 1608
to the middle of 1610. He was assisted by a large number of generals, a
large number of cavalary and war-boats. There were twelve thousand
boat-men in the fleet of Ihtiman Khan alone. It is not possible to fix the
exact number of boats in the Mughal fleet, because the number of
imperial boats and those of mansabdars is not separately mentioned. But
it may be assumed that Islam Khan had with him six to seven hundred
boats. While proceeding to Bhati from Rajmahal, Islam Khan had
elephants with him. But the number is not given in the Baharistan. On
his way from Rajmahal to Ghoraghat, the Zamindars (who showed their
allegiance to Islam Khan) presented Islam Khan with one hundred thirty
six elephants and eighty tangan (hill ponies) horses. Islam Khan catched
thirty two elephants according to Abdul Latif, and one hundred thirty
five elephants accoridng to Mirza Nathan, in the kheda operations at
Nazirpur. So, it may be assumed that during this time, Islam Khan had
with him about two hundred elephants180. Islam Khan fought against the
Bara-Bhuiyans with a large number of cavalry, infantry, musketeers,
about six to seven hundred war-boats and about two hundred elephants.
He had no dearth of war equipments, cannon shots, gun powder and
lead. On the other hand, Musa Khan and the Bara-Bhuiyans had seven
hundred war-boats under them. There is no evidence that they had
elephants or a large cavalry. They were strong only in navy. But above
all they had their indomitable courage and patriotism and love of
freedom, with which they resisted the mighty Mughal army for about
254
three months. There is no comparison to the courage shown by Musa

Khan in his first assault. His first shot broke the tent, utensils and
crockery of Islam Khan, his standard bearer and twenty to thirty servants
were killed and the standard was torn to pieces. What a perfect aim! If
Islam Khan was killed at that time, the history of Bengal would have
been written in a different manner. 181
With the occupation of the forts of Dakchara and Jatrapur by the
Mughals, the first phase of the war between the Mughals and the Bara-
Bhuiyans was over. As a result of this, Islam Khan’s route to Dhaka
became clear. So, he proceeded to Dhaka with a happy heart for
attacking the centre of Musa Khan’s power. In the meantime, the
Mughals had occupied Fathabad, so, Mubariz Khan came and met Islam
Khan on the way. Mubariz Khan was appointed to the charge of the fort
of Jatrapur. Islam Khan then reached Kathauriya, where Ilyas Khan, son
of Isa Khan, left the company of his brother Musa Khan and surrendered
to the Mughals and joined Islam Khan182. Next morning Islam Khan
reached Balra183, where he came to know that the Bara-Bhuiyans had a
fort at Kalakupa184. So, he despatched a large naval force under the
command of Mirza Nathan to Kalakupa. Next morning Mirza Nathan
reached Kalakupa and found that the Bara-Bhuiyans had already
evacuated that place. So, Kalakupa was occupied by the Mughals
without any battle. After reaching Kalakupa, Islam Khan sent Iftikhar
Khan to Sherpur Murcha, Bogra, to watch the state of affairs at
Ghoraghat and other places of that region, and to keep watch over the
movement of Khwaja Usman. Then Subahdar Islam Khan started for
Dhaka with Mutaqid Khan, Khwaja Tahir Muhammad Bakhshi and
other Mansabdars. Before departure, he sent the fleet and the artillery
by the river Ichamati under the command of Ihtimam Khan in the
following order. Mubariz Khan, Mir Bahadur Jalair, Shir Khan Tarin,
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Jahan Khan, Bayazid Khan Pani and Raja Raghunath were sent by the
right side of the fleet towards Sripur and Bikrampur under the command
of Shaykh Yusuf Makki, brother of Islam Khan.The land force of
Ihtimam Khan along with five hundred of his own (Islam Khan’s)
horsemen were sent by the left side of the fleet towards Kudalia under
the command of Shaykh Abdul Wahid. Ihtimam Khan was ordered to
proceed to the Mohana of Patharghata185 with great care and vigilance
by posting himself in the centre of the fleet and the artillery. Mirza
Nathan was to be in the advance reserve. Islam Quli with the fleet of
Baz Bahadur was to be in the van and the rear, the right and the left
wings were to be formed by the boats of nobles. Ihtimam Khan was
ordered to report to Islam Khan on his arrival at Patharghata and to stay
there with his fleet and officers till a fresh order arrived from Islam
Khan. Next day the Mughal fleet and the land-force encamped at
Patharghata.186
Islam Khan reached Dhaka towards the end of July 1610187. He
realised that until Musa Khan was defeated the conquest of Bhati will
remain incomplete and the Mughal authority in Bengal will also be not
firmly established. So, he began preparations for the second phase of
war against the Bara-Bhuiyans and he settled a fresh plan of military
operations and posted his officers at different strategic points.
Accordingly, he himself stayed in the fort of Dhaka. Mirak Bahadur
Jalair and Shir Khan Tarin were ordered to proceed to Sripur; Mubariz
Khan, Bayazid Khan and Jahan Khan Pani were asked to go to
Bikrampur. On the other hand, Ihtimam Khan, Shaykh Abdul Wahid
and the rest of the officers were ordered to go to Dhaka. When they
reached Dhaka, Islam Khan posted Ihtimam Khan and his son Mirza
Nathan to take charge of the two forts of Beg Murad Khan, situated on
either side of the Mohana of Demra Khal188, where the river Dulay189
256
divides into two branches, one flowing towards Khizrpur and the other
towards Demra.190
It may be mentioned here that after the loss of Jatrapur and
Dakchara Musa Khan took shelter at Katrabo. Now he made necessary
preparations for the second and final phase of war making the river
Lakhia as his base of defence. He established small chawkis (guard-
stations) at Bikrampur and Sripur. Musa Khan himself took position at
the mouth of the Bandr Canal, which flowing by Sonargoan and joined
the river Lakhia opposite Narayanganj. At present this canal is known as
Tribeni Khal. Musa Khan built two forts on each side of the canal and
himself took position in one fort and his cousin Alaul Khan was posted
at other fort. Musa Khan ordered Mirza Mumin to stay behind him with
war-boats. Of his brothers Abdullah Khan was placed in charge of the
fortified post at Qadam Rasul, opposite Narayanganj, Daud Khan in
charge of Katrabo, their family residence, north of Qadam Rasul,
Mahmud Khan in charge of another post at the point where the Dulay
joined the Lakhia at Demra four miles above Narayanganj, while
Bahadur Ghazi was stationed with 200 war-boats further up the Lakhia,
at Chaura one mile north of modern Kaliganj. It appears that Musa Khan
laid stress on the defence of the river Lakhia and the town of Sonargaon.
But he did not take steps to defend Khizrpur which commanded on the
one side the river Lakhia and on the other the Bandar Canal. 191
While Musa Khan was thus ready for battle, Islam Khan also re-
arranged his land and naval forces. He instructed Ihtimam Khan to stay
at the Mohana of Demara Khal and Shaykh Kamal and Mirza Nathan
were ordered to proceed in advance to Khizrpur and Kumarsar192.
Accordingly, Mirza Nathan with a large land and naval force started
with Shaykh Kamal and Mirza Nathan reached Khizrpur and Shaykh
Kamal Kumarsar and began to construct forts in theri respective places.
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Shaykh Kamal built his first fort at Kumarsar and on the second day he
raised another wall in the middle and then built a thrid battlement on the
bank and thus strengthened his position. On the other hand, when Mirza
Nathan Started building his fort, the Bara-Bhuiyans came to fight with
their fleet and began to fire. The Mughal army also discharged their big
cannon which resulted in much casuality on the side of the Bara-
Bhuiyans and some of their boats were sunk. Towards the end of the day
Mirza Nathan completed the construction of his fort on the bank of the
river. He made the mosque of Khizrpur his head quarters and took
necessary steps to protect the fort. After placing the artillery in different
positions Mirza Nathan posted his subordinate officers in the following
order:- Muhammad Khan Pani was posted at the Mohana of Khizrpur,
which is the confluence of the rivers Dulay and Lakhia, with five
hundred horsemen, and a bridge was constructed at the mouth of the
river with katari and maniki boats of the artillery.On the left of the
bridge, Shahbaz Khan Barij and a troop of fifty men were kept in charge
of an entrenchment and on their left Shaykh Sulayman Usmani and a
group of forty horsemen were posted. Ilahadad Khan Kasi with seventy
horsemen was posted behind them. Shaykh Chamru Bakhtiyar with
ninety men, Mirza Fath-jang, son of Yul Baba Khan with one hundred
and forty men, and Aqa Numan Bakhshi with two hundred horsemen
were posted in successive lines behind Ilahadad Khan. Besides, the
elephants were kept at a safe distance. It is evident that Mirza Nathan
strengthened the Mohana of Khizrpur with fort and bridge and by
posting the army to defend them. Because, he realised that the battle
with Musa Khan and the Bara-Bhuiyans was imminent and he also
correctly realised that in the war Khizrpur would play a very significant
role. From Khizrpur the Mughals could attack the Bara-Bhuiyans both
to the right and left with great success.193
258
From the preparations of Musa Khan and Islam Khan and their
posting of army, it appears that Musa Khan only defended the left bank
of the river Lakhia and his strategy was defensive, on the other hand,
Islam Khan strictly confined himself to the right bank of the river and he
took offensive steps. But, though, Musa Khan’s strategy was defensive,
he did not take steps to defend Khizrpur. By leaving Khizrpur
undefended he committed a great mistake. On account of its strategic
position he should have held and fortified Khizrpur, because it afforded
the link between Katrabo and Chaura on one side and Sonargoan and the
Bandar Canal on the other. By allowing the Mughals to hold in
possession of Khizrpur, Musa Khan allowed them to take a commanding
and vantage position over both wings of his army and naval
installations. It will be seen later that from Khizrpur the Mughals
attacked the Bara-Bhuiyans both to the right and left with great success.
The day following the construction of forts at Khizrpur and
Kumarsar, Islam Khan accompanied by Ihtimam Khan came to inspect
the forts. First of all, he went to Kumarsar and expressed staisfaction
over Shaykh Kamal’s arrangements and then he came to Khizrpur to
inspect the arrangements of Mirza Nathan. There at Khizrpur, Islam
Khan sat in the mosque and held a council of war. There it was decided
that Ihtimam Khan should take command of Khizrpur and Mirza Nathan
should go to Katrabo against Daud Khan, Shaykh Rukn to Demra Khal
against Mahmud Khan, and Abdul Wahid to Chaura against Bahadur
Ghazi. Besides, Islam Khan confirmed his previous order appointing
Shaykh Kamal at Kumarsar, Tuqmaq Khan at the mouth of Kudaliya,
Mirak Bahadur Jalair at Sripur, Jahan Khan and Bayazid Khan Pani at
Bikrampur. Thus satisfied, Islam Khan then returned to Dhaka.194
According to the decision made by Islam Khan, Mirza Nathan
reached the west bank of the river Lakhia and built a fort opposite that
259
of Daud Khan at Katrabo, and excavated deep ditch around it. Islam
Khan took Ihtimam Khan with him and went to inspect the fort of Mirza
Nathan. As it was the day of the New Year’s Festival, Mirza Nathan
arranged a dinner for his guests. After dinner Islam Khan stood behind
the wall of the fort and inspected the work of the artillery and become
highly pleased. Then, Mirza Nathan put before the Subahdar his plan to
carry on a sudden night attack on the fort of Katrabo and sought
permission of the Subahdar. Islam Khan first hesitated to permit, but as
he had confidence on Mirza Nathan, he gave the permission and asked
the latter to execute the work in such a way that no fatal misfortune
might happen. After this Islam Khan returned to Dhaka, Ihtimam Khan
left for Khizrpur and Mirza Nathan proceeded to accomplish his plan.195
Mirza Nathan held a council of war and discussed the plan of
action. As the discussion was going on, a merchant came in a khelna
boat (half-kusa) fleeing form the side of the Bara-Bhuiyans camp
towards the camp of Mirza Nathan. Some of the guards and watchmen
arrested him and brought him before that assembly. Mirza Nathan asked
the merchant about the movement of the Bara-Bhuiyans. The merchant
said that Daud Khan had heard that Bahadur Ghazi has made terms with
Abdul Wahid and that the was taking precautions so that Abdul Wahid’s
army could not cross the river and attack him. Daud Khan was not
worried about attack from the side of Mirza Nathan, because he had no
sufficeienct army with him and the Mughal fleet also would not move
out of the river Dulay. Mirza Nathan thought that the time was
opportune for him to attack, when Daud Khan was not vigilant. So he
made his plan for the surprise attack on the position of Daud Khan at
Katrabo. Then Mirza Nathan sent news to his father Ihtimam Khan at
Khizrpur through the merchant.
260
Mirza Nathan divided his army into three divisions, one division
under Shahbaz Khan Barij was asked to cross the river after midnight
with one hundred and forty picked horsemen and three hundred expert
infantry. When this division crossed the river, Mirza Nathan himself
decided to cross the river on elephant’s bank and the men, that is, the
swordsmen, of his division about one thousand were asked to cross the
river by floating on the plantain tree procured from the region. The third
divison was posted in the fort. Shabaz Khan Barij was asked to beat the
imperial trumpet and thus forward to the fort of Daud Khan to divert his
attention so that the Bara-Bhuiyans cannot attack the elephants from the
bank of the river. Those posted in the fort were asked to keep watch
over the river while Mirza Nathan and his party would cross the river, if
the fleet of the Bara-Bhuiyans happened to come, they (the army posted
in fort) were to attack the fleet by cannon shots. Mirza Nathan led his
expedition on 12th March, 1611 A.C. In the meantime Musa Khan
became aware of the move. He despateched his war-boats and they
arrived at a time when Mirza Nathan was in the middle of the river with
his elephants. As Ihtimam Khan was informed of Mirza Nathan’s plan
he also sent twenty war-boats for the aid of his son and they reached at
this critical moment. The army posted in the fort began to fire cannon to
the boats of the Bara-Bhuiyans and the boats sent by Ihtimam Khan also
attacked the boats of the Bara-Bhuiyans from the flank. So, Mirza
Nathan and his solders reached the other bank of the river safe and led
his men towards the side where the clarion was sounded to attack the
fort of Daud Khan. A great battle took place and after a hand to hand
fight Daud Khan was compelled to evacuate the fort and flee to Musa
khan and the Mughal army occupied the fort of Katrabo.196
After the victory at Katrabo Mirza Nathan heard that his father
Ihtimam Khan had proceeded to the thana of Qadam Rasul from
261
Khizrpur with his whole fleet against Abdullah Khan. Then Mirza
Nathan sent a detachment for the defence of Katrabo and ordered his
men of the fleet to transport the horses by their own boats as well as by
the boats captured from the Bara-Bhuiyans. Within a very short time
two to three hundred horses along with a large number of infantry,
musketeers and archers were transported to the other side of the river.
Then Mirza Nathan started for Qadam Rasul and arrived at a place near
Ihtimam Khan. There he saw that though, the Mughal army won the
battle, the fleet pursued the solders of the Bara-Bhuiyans in a disorderly
state without permission of the Mughal admiral Ihtimam Khan. When
the soldiers of the Bara-Bhuiyans found the Mughal fleet in a disorderly
state they counter attacked the Mughals. As a result the fleet of Baz
Bahadur under Islam Quli was seriously damaged and fell back and
came to the trench of Tuqmaq Khan. In this situation Tuqmaq Khan
came out with his cavalry and aided the Mughal fleet by shooting
arrows. Thus the battle was carried on in co-operation with the Mughal
cavalry and the war-boats. But the condition of the Mughal disorderly
fleet detereorated by the counter attack of the soldiers of the Bara-
Bhuiyans. At this time Ihtimam Khan ordered Mirza Nathan to go to the
aid of the fleet. The latter decided to attack the fort of Musa Khan and
Alaul Khan. Because, he realised that if the fort of Musa Khan was
attacked the soldiers of the Bara-Bhuiyans would leave this battle and
run to the help o their chiefs. He further realised that if the Bandar Canal
could be captured than a heavy defeat might be forced upon the fleet of
the Bara-Bhuiyans. So, he suddenly attacked the fort of Musa Khan.
When the Mughal elephants arrived near the fort of Musa Khan, he in
order to save himself left the fort without offering resistance and fled
away. Seeing this, Mirza Mumin also followed Musa Khan on a boat.
Mirza Nathan then crossed the Bandar Canal and attacked the fort of
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Alaul Khan, who also followed Musa Khan and fled on a boat. But in
the meantime, the Bandar Canal had been filled up with the flow-tide of
the river and it became difficult for men and horses to cross back. So,
Mirza Nathan ordered to draw together the boats left behind by the Bra-
Bhuiyans and lying about in the canal. These boats were arranged like a
bridge and the soldiers were ordered to carry saddles on their heads and
shoulders and make the horses swim to the other side of the canal by
holding their reins. The infantry also crossed the canal in that way.
Seeing this pitiable condition of the Mughals the Bara-Bhuiyans again
attacked the troops that had already crossed to the other side of the
canal. Bayram Beg and Rustam Beg, two Mughal officers, offered a
great resistance. But the former was killed and the latter was wounded
and many other Mughal soldiers lost their lives. In this situation Mirza
Nathan counter attacked the Bara-Bhuiyans with soldiers and elephants
and defeated them and they took to flight. A large number of boats and
artillery of the Bara-Bhuiyans were seized by the Mughals. Musa Khan
withdrew his all brothers and allies to Sonargaon. Mirza Nathan then
attacked Sonargaon and occupied the place and many of Musa Khan’s
belongings fell into his hands. Musa Khan retreated to the island of
Ibrahimpur197, and then he summoned Mirza Mumin from Sonargaon to
come to him with all his belongings. Musa Khan’s chief officer Haji
Shamsud-Din Baghdadi submitted to Islam Khan and formally handed
over Sonargaon to the Mughals in April 1611A.C.198 In the Baharistan-
i.Ghaybi there is no account of the warfare during the occupation of
Sonargaon by the Mughals. So, it appears that Musa Khan did not make
any attempt to defend Sonargoan. He lost his courage and war materials
being repeatedly defeated and “with a burning heart and weeping eyes
he ran to the Island of Ibrahimpur”.199 On the other hand, Musa Khan’s
brother Daud Khan continued to fight for he recovery of Katrabo. But
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the Portuguese pirates made a sudden night attack on his post and killed
him unrecognised.200
Though, Musa Khan was very much upset at the death of his
brother Daud Khan, he decided to launch another vigorous attack on the
Mughals and planned to proceed by building fort after fort. He first
occupied a deserted fort built by the king of Arakan, during the time of
Subahdar Raja Man Singh. Musa Khan came with all his Zamindar
allies with a large fleet and began fortifying the fort. Ihtimam Khan, the
Mughal admiral, came to know of this and he passed this news to Mirza
Nathan. The latter having equipped a large force went to fight against
Musa Khan. But after a short skirmish Musa Khan being defeated again
retreated to Ibrahimpur. So, he could not achieve his object for this time
also.201
Islam Khan having received this news sent his Bakhshi
Muhammad Zaman to Mirza Nathan with a letter of
encouragement.Now, the Subahdar made some official changes and he
sent Tuqmaq Khan to Alapsingh to help Ghiyas Khan and Shaykh Rukn
was appointed in place of Tuqmaq Khan at the fort of Kudalia. Shaykh
Rukn was a drunkard. So, after a week when Musa Khan heard the news
of the appointment of Shaykh Rukn in place of Tuqmaq Khan, he
decided to attack the fort of Kudalia. Musa Khan brought his boats close
to the bank and his soldiers attacked the outpost of Shaykh Rukn and he
was about to defeat. At this time, Mirza Nathan came to know of Musa
Khan’s attack and he came to the aid of Shaykh Rukn. He ordered his
cannoniers to discharge the big cannons against the Bara-Bhuiyans and
to keep them out of the Bandar Canal until the arrival of the Mughal
imperial fleet. After the arrival of the Mughal fleet the Mughals attacked
Musa Khan from three sides. In this situation, Musa Khan left Kudalia
canal and attacked the fort of Mirza Nathan. The latter ordered his
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matchlock-men to block the bank of the river and not to allow the boats
of the Bara-Bhuiyans to come to the shore. Then the Mughal army
began to shot from their guns like hailstones at the Bara-Bhuiyans. But
the Bara-Bhuiyans fought gallantly, they brought their boats to the bank
of the river by firing their cannon and pushed the Mughal musketeers
back. Meanwhile, Mirza Nathan sent Mirza Fath -jang Uzbek and Mirza
Sultan Murad, son of Muhammad Murad Uzbek, with two hundred
soldiers to the aid of the musketeers. They arrived at this critical
moment and a great battle was fought by both the sides. Mirza Nathan
sent another reinforcement of two hundred and fifty soldiers under the
command of Shahbaz Khan Barij. On the other hand, the Bara-Bhuiyans
also exhibited great courage and dexterity. Then Mirza Nathan came
forward with his huge elephants and he reached at a time when the
Bara-Bhuiyans were almost overthrowing the Mughal force. Mirza
Nathan then made a fresh attack on the Bara-Bhuiyans with the
elephants, which turned the course of the battle infavour of the Mughals.
Though, Musa Khan and his allies fought vigorously against the
Mughals, unfortunately they were defeated and were compelled to
retreat again and took shelter in the island of Ibrahimpur.202
This was Musa Khan’s last battle against the Mughals and after
this battle he lost his fighting capacity. Infact, the fall of Sonargaon
practically marked the end of Musa Khan’s resistance. Nevertheless, it is
seen that he made three more attempts to recover some of his lost
grounds, but each time he was repulsed by the Mughals. Now, Islam
Khan realised that he has no more need of sending expeditions against
Musa Khan. So, he diverted his attention to elsewhere. It may be
remembered here that Abdul Wahid was sent against Bahadur Ghazi at
Chaura, where Bahadur Ghazi submitted to the Mughals without
offering any resistance. Islam Khan received him well and assigned him
265
his own territory as his Jagir. But his fleet was impressed into the
Mughal imperial service. On the other hand, Majlis Qutb of Fathabad
also surrendered to the Mughals and Islam Khan left his territory to him
as his jagir and his fleet was employed in the Mughal imperial
service203. So, it appears that the defeat of Musa Khan paved the way for
the Mughals to subdue the other Zamindars.
After the defeat of Musa Khan, Islam Khan sent an expedition
against Ananta Manikya of Bhulua. From the point of view of strategy,
it was right step taken by Islam Khan. Because, he knew that after the
defeat of Musa Khan his next expedition would be directed against
Usman Khan (Khwaja Usman) of Bukainagar, so before sending that
expedition, he wanted to keep his rear clear of the enemies. On the other
hand, though Musa Khan was defeated, he had not yet surrendered and
his alliance with Ananta Manikya of Bhulua could not be ruled out. So,
Islam Khan arranged to guard the out posts evacuated by Musa Khan
and kept his experienced officers like Shaykh Kamal, Mirza Nathan and
Shir Khan Tarin in-charge of those posts. While these officers kept on
guard against Musa Khan, Islam Khan made preparations to attack
Usman Khan and sent a large expedition against Bhulua under the
command of Shaykh Abdul-Wahid, assisted by Haji Shamsud-Din
Baghdadi, the chief officer of Musa Khan, who had already submitted to
the Mughals, and other Mughal officers. In this situation, Ananta
Manikya strongly fortified the fort of Bhulua with the support of the
Magh king of Arakan and made an attempt to opppose the Mughal
forces on the bank of the Dakatiya204 canal, but being deserted by his
chief Minister, Mirza Yusuf Barlas, who came over to the Mughal side,
first retreated to his capital Bhulua and then escaped to Arakan. The
Mughal forces seized all his elephants and took possession of a large
booty. Thus Bhulua was conquered and became a part of the Mughal
266
territory. The Mughals established two thanas, one at Bhulua and the
other at Jugdia, on the Bank of the Big Feni River.205
In the mean time, the rainy season started. So, Islam Khan made
necessary arrangements for protectiong his thanas (military outposts)
against the possible attacks of Musa Khan and his allies. But being
dispirited by the defeat of Ananta Mahikya and the success of the
Mughals, Musa Khan now decided to surrender and opened negotiations
with Islam Khan through the mediation of Shaykh Kamal and ultimately
he surrendered to Islam Khan in July, 1611 A.C. at Jahangirnagar with
all his brothers and Zamindar allies (except Anwar Khan of Baniachang
and Pahlwan of Matang). After giving much consolation to Musa Khan
and his Zamindar allies, Islam Khan kept Musa Khan along with his
family and all his younger brothers under surveillance. The estates of
each of them were given back as their Jagirs for their maintenance.
Mahmud Khan, the other brother of Musa Khan and all the Zamindars
were enlisted in the imperial service and they were sent later to join the
expedition against Usman Khan of Bukainagar206. With the surrender of
Musa Khan the second phase of the war between the Bara-Bhuiyans and
the Mughals was over. Though, the defeat and surrender of Musa Khan
marked the end of the war between the Bara-Bhuiyans and the Mughals,
Anwar Khan of Baniachang and Pahlwan of Matang two of his allies
and bona fide members of the Bara-Bhuiyans, still remained to be
subdued.
It may be mentioned here that when Musa khan and his allies
submitted to the Mughals, Anwar Khan of Baniachang and Pahlwan of
Matang were in their respective territories. They were with Musa Khan
at the Dakchara fort but after the first phase of the war, when Musa
Khan fortified his defence in Sonargaon and on the river Lakhia, they
returned to their respective places and fortified their positions. After the
267
submission of Musa Khan when Islam Khan sent expedition against

Usman Khan of Bukainagar and the Mughal army was proceeding from
Hasanpur building fort after fort, Anwar Khan came with his brother
Husayn Khan and made submission to Islam Khan and promised to
support the Mughals in their attack upon Usman Khan and his
partisans207. Because, he found that Musa Khan and his Zamindar allies
had submitted, and the Mughals had proceed against Usman, so he was
despaired and thought it prudent to offer submission. Islam Khan,
considered it to be a favourable turn of the events, accepted Anwar
Khan’s surrender and granted him his whole territory as jagir. Islam
Khan then sent Anwar Khan to Sylhet under the command of Islam
Quli, a slave of Baz Bahadur; Anwar Khan was very much aggrieved at
being made subordinate to a slave. When he reached Egara Sindur a
letter from Islam Khan came to the effect that Mubariz Khan was
appointed to the command of the regiment and Anwar Khan would hold
the command till the arrival of Mubariz Khan. But when Mubariz Khan
reached Egara Sindur Islam Khan sent another letter saying that as he
was himself coming to Tok, Mubariz Khan should stop there and the
army should proceed under Islam Quli. So, Anwar Khan again became
disturbed at Islam Khan’s behaviour. Now, he hatched a conspiracy
aginst the Mughals and he wrote thus to Mahmud Khan (at this time
Mahmud Khan was in the Mughal camp), brother of Musa Khan,
“As the whole of the imperial army is engaged in this expedition and the
rest is with me and the strength of Islam Khan’s force is also known,
you do ally yourself with Usman, and securing a solemn covenant from
him ask him to come and attack from outside.You, with all the
Zamindars fall upon the imperial army from within and put them to
severe straits till the arrival of Usman, who will slaughter and imprison
them. And here, I shall imprison all the Sardars of the army and carry
them off to Baniachang with me. In short, Ghiyas Khan, immediately on
receipt of this news, will fly from Shah Bandar and I will imprison
268
Islam Khan alive at Dhaka. Musa Khan will also be released with his
family and thus the whole of Bhati (Eastern Bengal) will be freed and
will again come under the sway of the Zamindars.” 208
Accrodingly, Mahmud Khan accepted these terms, conspired with

the Zamindars and sent the news to Usman Khan. The latter also, being
satisfied with the words and promises of Mahmud Khan and began
preparations for attacking the fort of the Mughals209. This conspiracy
may be treated as the last effort of the allies of Musa Khan against the
Mughals.
According to the plan, Anwar Khan invited Mubariz Khan, Islam
Quli and other Mughal officers to a banquet. Though, Mubariz Khan
accepted the invitation, owing to indisposition he did not go. On the
other hand, Islam Quli and Raja Rai, Zamindar of Shahzadpur, who had
submitted to the Mughals earlier, also made excuses for Mubariz Khan’s
absence and did not go. But Anwar Khan came personally and arrested
both Islam Quli and Raja Rai and fled to Baniachang with the captives.
In the mean time, Islam khan came to know of this and got scent of the
conspiracy and particularly of the complicity of Musa Khan. So, he
immediately sent order to Shaykh Kamal to kill Mahmud Khan and
Bahadur Ghazi and imprison the other Zamindars who were involved in
the conspiracy. He sent Raja Satrajit, Zamindar of Bhushna, against
Anwar Khan and later Mubariz Khan was also sent against the former.
On the other hand, Shaykh Kamal imprisoned Mahmud Khan and
Bahadur Ghazi, but without killing them he sent them in chains to Islam
Khan, who in the mean time reached Tok. Other Zamindars were also
imprisoned and kept under trustworthy persons. Islam Khan kept
Mahmud Khan and Bahadur Gazi in fetters in safe custody.210
Going to Baniachang with the captives Anwar Khan kept them in
confinement and himself prepared for battle. Though Raja Satrajit
attacked him, could not force him to submit. But when Mubariz Khan
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reached their Mughals began the attack with renewed vigour and pressed
Anwar Khan hard. Then Anwar Khan made overtures for peace and
showing his submissiveness to the Mughals induced them to a cease
fire. But his real intention was to gain time and to see the result of the
battle between Usman Khan and the Mughals211. But when he came to
know of the Usman Khan’s evacuation of the fort of Bukainagar, Anwar
Khan thought that he would not be able to resist the Mughals. So, he
surrendered to Islam Khan through the mediation of Mubariz Khan and
Raja Satrajit. Islam Khan imprisoned Anwar Khan in chains and his
brother Husayn Khan was also imprisoned212. Subsequently, Islam Khan
ordered both Anwar Khan and Alaul Khan (cousin of Musa Khan) to be
blinded and both of them were sent to the fort of Rohtas.213
On the other hand, Husayn Khan, brother of Anwar Khan, was
always planning to get out of captivity. He prepared bread and sweets
with dhutura (a poisonous drug) and entertained the guards and the
custodians of the prison with them. When the guards became
unconscious at might, Husayn Khan came out of the fort of Dhaka and
boarded a khelna boat at Chandnighat which was kept ready for him by
his men and fled to his own territory of Baniachang. Reaching there he
killed his wives and daughters and those of his brother Anwar Khan and
thus freed from care, he mobilised his fleet and artillery and his people
flocked round him. When in the morning, Islam Khan came to know of
his escape, he punished the guards and then sent a force of two hundred
war-boats against him under the command of Raja Rai, Zamindar of
Shahzadpur. Reaching Baniachang, Raja Rai thought that Husayn Khan
had not yet been able to collect a sufficient force, so he proceeded
without caution. In this situation, Husayn Khan sent a few khelna and
dingi boats loaded with troops and instructed them to begin the fight and
then to retreat. He himself remained in ambush in a canal with twenty
270
boats fully equipped. When Raja Rai defeated the small number of
boats, which were sent by Husayn Khan earlier, and pursued the fleeing
boats in a disorderly way, taking advantage of this Husain Khan
attacked Raja Rai severely. Though, Raja Rai was able to flee with his
life, his boats and artillery was captured by Husayn Khan. When this
news reached Islam Khan, he sent for Musa khan Masnad-i-Ala and
rebuked him and said: “This is a rose sprung from your garden. Husayn
Khan is your product and now you must exert yourself to dispose of
him.”214 Musa Khan became perturbed at these words of Islam Khan and
he took a dao (big knife) and a piece of pan (betel leaf) from Islam
Khan, implying his determination to accomplish the task, and sent two
hundred war-boats against Husayn Khan under the command of Alu
Khan Afghan, a trustworthy officer of Musa Khan. Alu Khan reached
Baniachang and attacked Husayan Khan. There was a severe battle and
Husayn Khan put up a stiff resistance. Alu Khan himself was killed in
the battle, but in the end the soldiers and the officers of Musa Khan won
the battle and brought Husayn Khan alive as a captive to Islam Khan.
Husayn Khan was again put to strict confinement215. Thus Baniachang,
one of the strongholds of the Bara-Bhuiyans was finally captured by the
Mughals.
It has been stated above that Anwar Khan of Baniachang
surrendered to the Mughals and Islam Khan imprisoned him in chains.
Then Islam Khan sent an army under the command of Haji Shamsud-
Din Baghdadi and the three brothers of Mirza Saqi, Baqi and Pattani
against Pahlwan, Zamindar of Matang and one of the allies of Musa
Khan Masnad-i Ala. Haji Shamsud-Din Baghdadi first invaded Taraf216
and achieved victory and then proceeded against Pahlwan of Matang.
Pahlwan was a valiant warrior and he had a number of faithful brothers
who were also great fighters. A great battle took place between both the
271
sides. But none could achieve victory. In this situation, Pahlwan

suddenly threw a javelin to Haji Shamsud-Din Baghdadi whic struck his
chest. Simultaneously, Haji Shamsud-Din Baghdadi also aimed an
arrow at the chest of Pahlwan. Both proved fatal and both the
commanders died in the battle field. Then, Qurban Ali, an adopted son
of Haji Shamsud-Din Baghdadi collected the troops and put up a strong
fight against the troops of Pahlwan. After a severe fight the troops of
Pahlwan took to flight217. Thus Matang, the last stronghold of the Bara-
Bhuiyans was captured by the Mughal army.
Thus the glorious resistance of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati under
the leadership of Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala against Mughal aggression
came to an end. It has been stated earlier that the war of the Bara-
Bhuiyans against the mighty Mughal Badshah and his Subahdars was an
unequal war. But the way the Bara-Bhuiyans resisted the mighty
Mughals show their indomitable courage and patriotism. They showed
their great skill in the battles of Dakchara and the Bandar Canal. The
Mughals were almost going to be defeated in these battles, and, but for
the elephants, the Mughals would have been defeated. Though, the
Bara-Bhuiyans were defeated and were forced to submit, they resisted
Mughal aggression successfully for one and half year. Their defeat and
submission were not inglorious, the glory lies in the fact that none of
them submitted to the Mughals without offering stiff battle.
With the defeat and submission of the Bara-Bhuiyans, Islam
Khan became free from the threat of the most formidable enemy of the
Mughals and turned his attention to the subjugation of Usman Khan of
Bakainagar. It may be mentioned here that after Musa khan’s surrender
Islam Khan sent an expedition against Usman Khan. The expedition was
sent under the chief command of Ghiyas Khan and the leadership of
Shaykh Kamal and Shaykh Abdul Wahid. Islam Khan knew that Usman
272
was a great warrior, so he planned the attack in a grand way. Along with
the commanders a number of Mughal officers were sent and they were
Qaza Khan alias Mir Sharif Gulabi, Mubariz Khan, Ihtimam Khan,
Tuqmaq Khan, Mirak Bahadur Jalair, Mirza Nathan, Mirza Kazim Beg,
Hatim Beg, Mirza Kachkana, son of Mirza Yusuf Khan, Abdur Razzak
Shirazi, Mirza Quli, Mirza Beg Aymaq, Khuja Asl and Adil Beg. With
this army Islam Khan sent his own one thousand cavalry under his
personal officer Shaykh Ismail and in addition to the matchlock men of
the fleet, he sent five thousand musketeers. In addition to the war-boats
of the Bara-Bhuiyans, three hundred Mughal imperial war-boats were
sent with heavy artillery under Ihtimam Khan. Three hundred war
elephants were also despatched with the army. After making these
preparations, Islam Khan also drew up a plan of operation. Ghiyas Khan
was at that time at the thana of Alapsingh and he was asked to come to
Shah-Bandar218 to take the chief command of the army. He was
instructed to stay there and Shaykh Kamal and Shaykh Abdul Wahid,
with all the officers, Zamindars (Bhuiyans) were to begin operations
from Hasanpur219.
After making all preparations the officers were ordered to march
to Hasanpur. In October, 1611 A.C. the Mughal army reached
Hasanpur220. Reaching Hasanpur they began to cut the bank of the river
Brahmaputra and made all possible efforts to inundate the plain with the
water of the river to such a level that the fleet could be carried with ease
to Bukainagar to launch a naval attack on the fort of Usman Khan. But
in the mean time, the water of the river began to decrease and within
three days and nights, it diminished to such an extent that it became
impossible for the fleet to reach Bukainagar. So, the project of naval
attack was failed and Islam Khan directed his generals to attack
Usman’s position by land. According to the instructions of Islam Khan
273
the Mughal army proceeded to Bukainagar by raising block house or

fort after fort. In the mean time, Usman Khan did not sit idle, he often
came out with the intention of offering resistance, but feeling the
strength of the arms of the fort builders, he fell back. But often the
brothers of Usman Khan and other Afghans came and attacked and
unable to gain anything they used to return. In this way when the
Mughal camp was pitched at the eleventh fort, Usman himself came to
oppose, and one of his officers, Tatar Khan Naghir attacked the Mughal
camp with boldness. A hot engagement took place between both the
sides. But Tatar Khan being mortally wounded, died. With the death of
Tatar Khan, his soldiers left the field. The Mughals sent the dead body
of Tatar Khan to Usman Khan with due honour and solemnity. When
the eighteenth fort was built Usman Khan attacked the Mughals. But
after a short skirmish he had to retreat and the Mughals gained the
victory. After this, during the month of Ramazan, there was a cessation
of fighting and both party remained in their respective forts. When the
new moon (of the month of Shawwal) was sighted, the Mughal trumpet
was blown and all the fire arms of the artillery were discharged
simultaneously. On the day of the Id, the Mughals got the news that
Usman Khan had evacuted the fort of Bukainagar. It so happened that
two Afghan chiefs Nasir Khan and Dariya Khan Pani of Tajpur221, who
were Usman’s associates, left him and joined the Mughals. When
Usman Khan came to know of it left Bukainagar and retreated into
Sylhet via Laur222 hills and established himself in a place named
Uhar223. On the other hand, the Mughal generals Shaykh Kamal and
Shaykh Abdul Wahid occupied the vacant fort of Bukainagar on 7th
December, 1611 A.C. 224
After Usman Khan’s evacuation of Bukainagar, his brother Malhi
and son Mumriz went to Taraf. On the other hand, after the capture of
274
Bukainagar Islam Khan decided to launch a double campaign, one

against Malhi and Mumriz, stationed at the fort of Taraf, and the other
against Pahlwan, Zamindar of Matang (which has been discussed
earlier), as also to expedite the campaign already begun against Anwar
Khan, Zamindar of Baniachang (It has also been discussed earlier).
Islam Khan sent a strong force under the command of Haji Shams-ud-
Din Baghdadi and the three brothers Mirza Saqi, Baqi and Pattani and
they proceeded to Taraf and reaching there built a fort, with deep
trenches and waited there fully equipped for war. They also began to
plunder the villages on both sides of the fort. When news of their
activities reached Mumriz and Malhi they decided to attack the fort of
Haji Shams-ud-Din Baghdadi. So, they marched against the Mughals
and attacked the fort of Haji Shams-ud-Din Baghdadi. A serious battle
took place between both sides. But in the end the Afghans failed to stand
against the Mughal attack and fled away. Thus the Mughals won the
battle and occupied the fort of Taraf225. With this battle the first phase of
war against Usman Khan was over. After this battle, Islam Khan
postponed the expedition against Usman Khan and turned his attention
to Raja Pratapaditya of Jessore and Raja Ram Chandra of Bakla.
Before undertaking the final expediation against Usman Khan of
Bukainagar, Islam Khan wanted to secure his hold in the rear,
particularly over Raja Pratapaditya of Jessore, who had not kept his
promise of personally joining with his forces in the campaign against
Musa Khan. It may be mentioned here that Pratapaditya was the first
among the Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal to send an envoy,
pledging loyality, to Subahdar Islam Khan on his arrival at Rajmahal.
He sent his younger son Sangramaditya with his envoy Shaykh Badi
with a large gift to Islam Khan on the December, 1608, when Islam
Khan was about to proceed to Bhati, Pratapaditya’s envoy and son met
275
him. Islam Khan sent them back to their territory with orders that the
Raja should present himself before Islam Khan at Alaipur with sufficient
equipments as a proof of his loyality to Mughal Badshah226. Then, when
Islam Khan was crossing the river Ganges or Padma from Goash to
Alaipur, the envoy of Pratapaditya submitted a petition before Islam
Khan; Pratapaditya wanted to know whether he sould come personally
to see him227. Later Pratapaditya himself came and paid his respects to
Islam Khan. On 26th April, 1609 A.C., when Islam Khan reached
Bajrapur, Pratapaditya came and presented six elephants, some precious
articles, camphor, aguru (aloe wood) and about Rs. fifty thousand in
cash as his tribute228. Islam Khan received him cordially and for the sake
of drawing attention of the Zamindars, and also in consideration of his
high position among the Zamindars of Berrgal, bestowed honours upon
him. On the first day, he was presented with a horse, a grand robe of
honour, and a bejewelled sword-belt229. Then Islam Khan gave leave to
Pratapaditya to return to Jessore, but before leaving the Raja entered into
a covenant with Islam Khan with the following terms:
(a) Immediately after his return to his own territory, Pratapadity would
send his son Sangramaditya with four hundred war-boats to join the
Mughal fleet and to stay with the Mughal admiral Ihtimam Khan.
(b) Pratapaditya himself, at the time of Islam Khan’s expedition to
Bhati, would procced by the river Andal Khan (Arial Khan ) to Sripur
and Bikrampur to fight against Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and the other
Zamindars, with twenty thousand infantry, one hundred war-boats (to
make the total of five hundred) and one thousand maunds of
gunpowder.230
On returning to Jessore, Pratapaditya did not keep his word; he
did neither send Sangramaditya with war-boats, nor did he proceed
himself with infantry, war-boats or gunpowder against Musa Khan as
276
promised. So, Islam Khan now decided to punish Pratapaditya. Because,

he had proved guilty of disloyatity and disobedince as a vassal.
On the other hand, after the surrenders of the Bara-Bhuiyans,
Majlis Qutb of Fathabad, Ananta Manikya of Bhulua, and after Usman
Khan’s evacuation of Bukainagar, Pratapaditya came to his sense231. He
realised that Islam Khan was a man of differnet build, different from the
previous Mughal generals, he was not a man to return without
subjugating Bengal. Pratapaditya also realised that Islam Khan had
come to Bengal with the determination of subjugating it and the
Subahdar would soon fall upon himself, and so he tried to amend his
past folly. Mirza Nathan says,
“Raja Pratapaditya scrutinized the record of his own actions and
apprehending a very dark future for himself, repented very much for his
negligence. He sent his son Sangramaditya who came on a previous
occasion also, to Islam Khan with eighty boats for imperial service and
prayed for pardon for his past errors.”232
But Islam Khan had already made up his mind to invade Jessore
and to punish Pratapaditya for breaking his promise. He entrusted those
boats sent by Pratapaditya to the inspector of buildings and ordered him
to wear them off by carrying loads of timbers, thatches, bricks and
stones for the buildings and made preparations for an immediate
expediation against Pratapaditya233. To provide against any surprise
move by Usman Khan, Islam Khan kept Shaykh Kamal, Shaykh Abdul
Wahid and Other officers posted with a strong force at Egara Sindur,
backed by a part of the navy under Ihtimam Khan. Then towards the
second week of December, 1611 A.C., Islam Khan sent an expediation
against Pratapaditya234. The chief command of this expedition was given
to Islam Khan’s brother Ghiyas Khan and he was to be assisted by
Mirza Makki, Mirza Nathan and other officers. They were given one
thousand picked cavalry, a large force of Mansabdars and other officers,
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five thousand matchlock-men, three hundred fully equipped war-boats

and the fleet of Musa khan Masnad-i-Ala and other Zamindars. The
command of the war-boats was given to Mirza Nathan235. Islam Khan
knew that Raja Pratapaditya was a rich and powerful Zamindar and he
had a large army and navy, so he made adequate preparation before
sending the expedition. The only possibility of Pralapaditya’s receiving
help was from his son-in-law, Raja Ram Chandra of Bakla, the two
kingdoms had common border. So, Islam Khan decided to send an
expedition against Raja Ram Chandra of Bakla, so that the two Rajas
remained busy at the same time and one could not proceed to the help of
the other. The chief command of the expedition against Ram Chandra of
Bakla was given to Saiyid Hakim.236
Ghiyas Khan proceeded from Shah Bandar, near Egara Sindur
and reaching Alaipur crossed the river Ganges (Padma), then he passed
by the river Jalangi and by its branch Bhairab and reaching Mahadpur-
Baghwan237 waited till the arrival of other generals with their army. On
the other hand, after defeating Pitambar and Ananta, Zamindars of
Chilajuwar, and Ilah Baksh, Zamindar of Alaipur, Mirza Nathan came
and joined Ghiyas Khan and other Mughal officers also came and joined
by that time238. Then the Mughal army marched south-eastwards
towards Jessore along the Bhairab and the Ichamati and passing by
Bongaon reached the confluence of the rivers Jamuna and Ichamati.
Here at Salka239 Udayaditya, eldest son of Pratapaditya erected a lofty
fort to engage the Mughals in a naval battle240. Mirza Nathan gives a
good account of Pratapadity’s defensive arrangements against Mughal
general Ghiyas Khan at the Salka fort and he says,
“When Ghiyas Khan arrived near the territory of Jessore, Raja
Pratapaditya sent his eldest son Udayaditya to a place called Salka with
five hundred war-boats under the command of Khwaja Kanwal
278
(Kamal?) and one thousand horsemen and forty heated elephants under
Jamal Khan, son of Qatlu Khan. Udayaditya after his arrival constructed
a lofty fort there and the trenches around it were arranged in such a way
that one side of the fort became protected by the river, the other two
sides by an extensive jalah or marsh, and on the forth side a deep ditch
was excavated to such an extent that water came out of its bottom. Its
breadth was more than that of a rivulet and the water of the river was
connected to it by a breach in its bank and it was also joined with the
aforesaid jalah. Having water on all the four sides of the fort, he took his
stand with full strength without any fear. He aranged his fleet in the
river and the land-force in the fort.”241
In this situation, Ghiyas Khan, in consultation with Mirza Nathan,

prepared a plan for attacking Pratapaditya’s fort. They decided to divide
the land-force into two regiments and the two to proceed by two banks
of the river. In the river the boats will proceed in to rows, keeping
contact with the land force. If Udayaditya comes out of the fort, he will
be attacked; otherwise the Mughals will try to occupy the fort of Salka
by driving away their fleet with the aid of artillery. According to plan,
Mirza Nathan was given command over a land force on the other side of
the river (left side or the side of the fort). The land force of the right
bank of the river was commanded by Ghiyas Khan himself and Lachmi
Rajput was given the command over the war-boats. The Mughals
advanced according to plan, but Udayaditya did not come out of the fort
nor did he let loose his boats to oppose them. The Mughals, thereforce,
posted ten boats of each row as advance party against the boats of
Udayaditya, and ordered the boatmen of the rest to build two forts on
both sides of the river facing Udayditya’s fort of Salka. When half of the
construction of the forts was accomplished Udayaditya suddenly
appeared on the scene and launched a vigorous attack on the Mughals.
Leaving Jamal Khan in charge of the garrison and the elephants at Salka
fort, he advanced with the entire fleet putting Khwaja Kamal in the van
279
with the stronger and more powerful war-boats and floating batteries
(ghurabs), and himself leading the centre wih other types of boats242.
Consequently, a combined land-cum-naval battle took place on both
sides, in which Jamal Khan and Khwaja Kamal on Udayaditya’s side,
and Mirza Nathan on the Mughal side played prominent parts. Though,
the Jessore fleet of war-boats commanded by Khwaja Kamal was much
larger and stronger and gained an initial victory over the Mughals, the
Mughal land-forces, operating from the river banks, turned the scale in
favour of them. Khwaja Kamal fell in course of the fighting. The fall of
the latter resulted in a route of the fleet, and Udatiya hastily fled.
Though, Mirza Nathan pursued Udayaditya, could not capture him on
the other hand, at the death of Khwaja Kamal and the flight of
Udayaditya, Jamal Khan, who was guarding the fort of Salka, also
evacuated it and fled with all the elephants. Then the Mughals entered
the fort and occupied it.243
The battle of Salka, which closed the first stage of the campaign
against Pratapaditya, had important consequences. On the one hand,
though, Pratapadity engaged his full force in the Salka fort, the defeat
of his son Udayaditya in this battle ruined his prospect. On the other
hand, the success in this battle encouraged the Mughals and their
prospect of winning became brighter244. After the occupation of Salka
fort the Mughals spent the night there. Next morning Ghiyas Khan
marched with his force and reached the fort of Budhan and encamped
there245. Then the Mughals proceeded form Budhan and pitched their
camp in a place ahead of it246.In the meantime, the army under Saiyid
Hakim, Mirza Nurud-Din and Raja Satrajit, also came to attack Jessore
after accomplishing the task of subduing Raja Ram Chandra of Bakla. It
may be mentioned here that when Islam Khan sent expedition against
Raja Pratapaditya of Jessore he also sent an expedition against Raja
280
Ram Chandra of Bakla at the same time. In the time of Badshah Akbar,
Bakla was ruled by Raja Kandarpa Narayan, the kingdom comprised of
a large part of the distict of Bakerganj, bounding on the kingdom of
Jessore of Pratapaditya. During the time of Islam Khan, Bakla was ruled
by Raja Ram Chandra, son of Kandarpa Narayan. He was a tender-aged
boy and was the son- in- law of Raja pratapaditya. Islam Khan sent
expedition against Raja Ram Chandra of Bakla under the command of
Saiyid Hakim and he was assisted by Saiyid Kasu, Mirza Nurud-Din,
Raja Satrajit and Islam Quli. A large fleet, three thousand matchlock-
men, twenty famous elephants and other necessary equipments of war
were deputed to this expedition. Accordingly, Saiyid Hakim and his
force marched against Raja Ram Chandra and when they reached the
vicinity of Bakla, Raja Ram Chandra, on the advice of his Brahmin
ministers decided to offer resistance and raised a fort opposite the
Mughal entrenchments. Thouth, the mother of the Raja, from the
begining was not agreeable to the proposal of offering resistance, the
son without paying heed to the wise counsel of his mother fought
courageously for a week. But at last when the fort was captured by the
Mughals and they advanced forward, the Raja tried to oppose them
again, the mother of the Raja wanted to take poison as a protest against
the action of her son. The Raja then came forward and offered
submission to the Mughals. When the news of this victory reached Islam
Khan, he ordered the officers to send Ram Chandra in charge of Raja
Satrajit to Dhaka and asked other officers including the chief, Saiyid
Hakim to proceed against Pratapaditya. Saiyid Hakim and other acting
accroding to this order marched for the expedition to Jessore. On the
other hand, Raja Satrajit took Ram Chandra to Islam Khan at Dhaka.
Islam Khan assigned as much of the territories of Ram Chandra to him
as was necessary for the maintenance of his fleet and the rest was
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attached to the state. Ram Chandra was put under surveillance. Islam
Khan sent Raja Satrajit to join Saiyid Hakim in the expedition to
Jessore. It may be assumed that the conquest of Bakla was accomplished
in the month of December 1611 A.C.247
Now, Pratapaditya reviewed the situation. His son Udayaditya
had been defeated in the battle of Salka and the Mughals had no other
obstruction in their way to his capital. Apart from this, the other force
under Saiyid Hakim had also arrived after the conquest of Bakla. So,
Pratapaditya had no other alternative, but to gird up his loins for another
battle by constructing a fort far from the fort of Jessore. But he needed
time to construct the new fort, and to dupe the Mughals, he came out by
a canal to the fort of Budhan and started negotiations with the Mughals.
He thought that while he would thus engage the Mughlas in
negotiations, construction of his new fort would be complete. He sent
his envoy to Mirza Nathan saying, “As your father calls me a son, so I
consider you as my brother. I request you to introduce me to Ghiyas
Khan.”248 So, Mirza Nathan stoped Ghiyas Khan from marching forward
and informed him of the representation of Raja Pratapaditya. Ghiyas
Khan probably came to know of the real intention of Pratapaditya
through spies, so he sent a message to Pratapaditya saying, “I cannot
agree to tricks. If you are true to your words then see me to-morrow;
otherwise I will march to Jessore the day after to-morrow and will be
your guest; you will meet me their.”249 Pratapaditya tried to delay a few
days more by playing such tricks, but Ghiyas Khan did not give him
time. Being sure through the spies, about Pratapadityas tricks, Ghiyas
Khan marched from there on the third day towards Jessore and reached
Kharawan Ghat250 the next day.251
Pratapaditya raised a very strong fort similar to the fort of Salka at
a place between the rivers Jamuna and Kagarghata canal 252. Innumerable
282
boats were kept ready for battle in the river and Pratapaditya himself
took his position inside the fort with cannon, a huge army, elephants and
infantry and thus prepared himself for the battle. In this situation,
Ghiyas Khan laid out a plan for attack in the same manner as he attacked
the fort of Salka. He himself proceeded by the left side of the river and
asked Mirza Nathan to go by the right side. The war-boats were asked to
proceed by the river in two rows, with the support of the land force on
the bank. Pratapaditya’s fleet was posted at the mouth of the river
Jamuna253 which flows towards Jessore. Early in the morning of a day at
the begining of January 1612 A.C. the Mughals began the battle by an
attack on the fleet of Pratapaditya254. As a result a severe battle took
place and a large number of men were wounded and killed on both
sides. But as the fort was attacked on two sides, by Mirza Nathan on
land and by the fleet on water, Pratapaditya failed to resist any more and
took to flight. Then the Mughals occupied the fort of Kagarghata.255
This defeat sealed the fate of Pratapaditya. The latter with a
dejected heart and weeping eyes fell back to Jessore and joined
Udayaditya. But Jamal Khan, his commander-in-chief decided not to
rejoin his master. He perceived that the fall of Pratapditya was
imminent, more over his family and belongings were at Kagarghata. So,
he left Pratapaditya and joined the Mughals on the other hand, just at
this time spies brought the news that the army under Saiyid Hakim had
reached. In this situation, in consultation with his son Udayaditya,
Pratapaditya decided to give up further resistance and also to tender
submission to the Mughals. Accordingly, Pratapaditya lost no time in
tendering submission to the Mughal commander Ghiyas Khan at
Kagarghata. Then Ghiyas Khan started for Dhaka with Raja
Pratapaditya. When Ghiyas Khan reached Dhaka, he presented Raja
Pratapaditya before Islam Khan. The latter put Pratapaditya into prison
283
and the administration of the territory of Jessore was assigned to Ghiyas

Khan256. What became of the fate of Pratapaditya after being imprisoned
is not mentioned in the Baharistan or in any other source. The whole
operations against Jessore and Bakla were completed within a month
from the second week of December, 1611 A.C. to mid January 1612.257
Islam Khan now turned his attention to the final subjugation of
Usman Khan. It may be mentioned here that after having withdrawn
from Bukainagar the latter had taken his position in Uhar. On the other
hand, after the capture of Bakainagar dissension appeared among the
Mughal officers and Islam Khan realised that Usman Khan could not be
pursued and defeated due to weakness of leadership and dissension in
the Mughal army258. Infact, there was no senior Mughal officer in
Bengal at that time, all were almost of similar rank, and the Mughal
officers had reservation to serve under the Subahdar’s personal
officers259. So, Islam Khan made a representation to Badshah Jahangir to
send Shujat Khan260 to Bengal261. Badshah Jahangir accepted his appeal
and recalled Shujat Khan, who was in the Deccan and sent him to
Bengal. Shujat Khan took along with him his sons and brothers;
Kishwar Khan (son of Qutb-ud-din Khan Koka, a former Subahdar of
Bengal and cousin of Islam Khan) from Rohtas; Qasim Khan (brother of
Islam Khan) from Monghyr and came to Bengal. Others who came to
Bangal with Shujat Khan were Mukarram Khan and his other brothers
(sons of Muazzam Khan), Shaykh Achha and Saiyid Adam.262
When Shujat Khan reached Dacca with his sons and brothers and
other officers, Islam Khan received them cordially and then sat together
to draw a plan of operation against Usman Khan. Islam Khan asked the
opinion of all and all agreed to send an envoy to Usman with a letter
asking him to surrender and thus to avert war. He was told that
284
“The well-being of both the worlds consisted in this that, keeping aside
his self-conceit and arrogance, he should make himself eternally happy
by being loyal to the Court of the protector of the world. And he should
not deceive himself by hazarding the lives and properties of so many
thousands of people.” 263
Usman sent spirited reply and said:
“Inspite of all my pride, after tasting many vicissitudes of fortune, I have
retired to a corner. If I am allowed to stay in this corner of contentment
it is well and good. If, on the other hand, you desire to taste the trials of
battle by compelling me to move, and not satisfied with all your
territories, you want to seize this corner of mine also, and bring about a
war, then only two ways will be left open. You win, if fortune helps
you; on the other hand, if I am favoured by fortune I shall see where it
leads to.”264
Receiving this reply, Islam Khan began preparations to send
expedition against Usman Khan. But he realised that it would be
impolitic to send expedition against Usman alone, simultaneously an
expedition should also be sent against Bayazid Kararami of Sylhet,
another Afghan leader265. It has been stated earlier that after evacuating
Bukainagar, Usman established himself at Uhar in southern Sylhet, but
northern Sylhet was at that time under Bayazid Kararani and his
brothers. In the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, the political geography of Sylhet
was as follows: during this time North Sylhet was under Bayazid
Kararani, south Sylhet was under Usman Khan, Baniachang was under
Anwar Khan (one of the members of the Bara-Bhuiyans), Taraf was
under Usman’s son Mumriz and brother Malhi and towards the east of
Taraf, Matang was under Pahlwan (one of the members of the Bara-
Bhuiyans). It has been discussed earlier that Anwar Khan surrendered to
the Mughals and he was blinded and sent to the fort of Rohtas, Pahlwan
was killed in battle by Haji Shams-ud-din Baghdadi at the order of Islam
Khan and Mumriz and Malhi were also defeated by Haji Shams-ud-din
Baghdadi. So, Usman Khan, his sons and brothers and Bayazid Kararani
285
remained to be subdued. Islam Khan also realised that both these powers
should be attacked simultaneously so that one could not go to the aid of
the other.
So, Islam Khan planned two expeditions, one to be led by Shujat
Khan against Usman and the other to be led by Ghiyas Khan against
Bayazid Kararani. The following officers were attached to Shujat Khan:
Mutakid Khan Diwan, Iftikhar Khan, Kishwar Khan, Saiyid Adam,
Shaykh Bayizid, the elder brother of Shujat Khan, Shaykh Achha,
Saiyid Husayni, Mirza Qasim Khazanchi, Tatar Khan Miwati, Shaykh
Ashraf Hansiwal , Mirza Akbar Quli, Mirza Beg, Shaykh Qasim, son of
Shujat Khan, Shaykh Isa, nephew of Shujat Khan, Shaykh Mumin, son
of Shaykh Ambiya, Shaykh Idris, son of Shaykh Maruf, Shaykh Masum,
Sabit Khan and Mustafa, sons of Nasib Khan Turkman, Shaykh Farid
Dana and Mirza Nathan. They were given five hundred cavalry of Islam
Khan and four thousand matchlock-men. Besides, the elephant force of
Ihtiman Khan, twenty elephants of the Mughal imperial stable were
attached to them. The whole Mughal imperial fleet and artillery in
charge of Ihtiman Khan were also despatched in aid of the army. On the
other hand, the officers who were ordered to accompany Ghiyas Khan
were Shaykh Kamal, Mubariz Khan, Tuqmaq Khan, Mirak Bahadur
Jalair and Mir Abdur Razzak Shirazi. This party was given a large
number of the foot soldiers of the nobles and one thousand cavalry of
Islam Khan, four thousand matchlock-men, one hundred Mughal
imperial elephants and also the fleet of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Mir Ali Beg
was appointed bakhshi of this force266. It was decided that both chief
commanders would depart from Khizrpur at the same time. But Ghiyas
Knan was diffident of himself and expressed his inability to command
the army, so the command of the expedition against Bayazid Kararani
was given to Shaykh Kamal.267
286
Shujat Khan and his officers and fleet left Khizrpur and first went
to Egara Sindur and from there they went to Sarail. Then the army
marched forward and reached Taraf and halted there for a day for
vigilance and precaution. Here Shujat Khan left a regiment for keeping
guard in the rear. Then the army proceeded further and pitched their
camp below the mountain and the pass of Tupia268. The first engagement
with a Usman Khan was expected at this strategic point as it was being
guarded by Khwaja Wali, brother of Usman Khan. Hence Shujat Khan
thought it expedient to raise a strong fort below the pass and to guard it
with vigilance so that Khwaja Wali, who was staying at the fort of
Tupia, might not come down by any trick. Mirza Nathan was entrusted
with the task and he completed the construction of the fort with deep
trenches around. Big cannons were posted on its wall and towers and he
remained ready for battle during the whole night. Towards the end of the
night, Mirza Nathan sent a detachment of his troops to terrorise Khwaja
Wali and his men. But they brought the news that Khwaja Wali had
already left the fort of Tupia and had gone to join his brother Usman
Khan. As a result the Mughals easily occupied the vacant fort of Tupia.
Shujat Khan halted for a day at the fort of Tupia for celebrating the
festival of Id-i-Qurban, that is, Id-al-Adha. On 4th February, 1612 A.C.
the Mughal army resumed their march forward from the fort of Tupia.269
While the Mughal army was staying at the fort of Tupia, Mirza
Hasan Mashhadi came from Islam Khan with a plan for the battle order
of the Mughal army in their final battle with Usman. The Mughals
prepared the battle order as follows: The command of the centre was
entrusted to Shujat Khan along with Mutaqid Khan and Ihtimam khan,
the command of the vanguard was given to Mirza Nathan aided by
Saiyid Adam, Saiyid Husayni, Shaykh Achha, Mustafa and others, the
command of the right wing was entrusted to Iftikhar Khan with his own
287
troops, the command of the left wing was given to Kishwar Khan with
his own men and the command of the advance reserve was given to
Shaykh Qasim, son of Shujat Khan. Having thus formed the battle order
the Mughals resumed their march. At the news of the advance of the
Mughal army towards his capital, Usman marched forward to face them
in the following order. He himself led the centre with a force of 2000
cavalry, 5000 infantry and forty elephants. Khwaja Wali, younger
brother of Usman, was placed on the left wing with 1000 cavalry, 2000
infantry and thirty elephants and Shir Maydan, a slave of Usman, was
given the command of the right wing with a force of 700 cavalry, 1000
infantry and 20 elephants. The vanguard was assigned to his two
brothers Khwaja Malhi and Khwaja Ibrahim, and Khwaja Daud, son of
his elder brother Khwaja Sulaiman, with a force of 1500 cavalry, 2000
infantry and 50 elephants. From his capital Uhar, Usman marched and
reached Dawlambapur270 and pitched his camp there. On the other hand,
the Mughal army pitched their camp at a distance of half a kos from
those of Usman.271
When both the parties were thus ready for battle the Mughals
opened the attack on the right wing of Usman under Shir Maydan on 12
March, 1612A.C.272As a result a great battle took place between Usman
and the Mughals. At the initial stage of the battle Uslam Khan and his
men displayed their valour and proved their superiority against the
Mughal army. But at the point of victory Usman Khan was mortally
wounded by an arrow which passed through his left eye into the brain.
The arrow was shot by Shaykh Abdul Jalil, a devoted soldier of Iftikhar
Khan, the commander of the Mughal right wing. Usman Khan also
succeeded in killing his assailant, but he soon died on the battle field.
His son Mumriz quickly carried his dead father to the camp, kept the
news of his death carefully concealed and continued the battle
288
successfully till the end of the day. When the Mughals returned to their
camp at night they were still unaware of the death of Usman Khan and
spent the night with much vigilance and anxiety for the coming day as
their loss in men and officers was heavy. Infact, with the death of
Usman the life and soul of the Afghan resistance was gone. In the
Afghan camp the sons and brothers of Usman, along with other leading
nobles, decided to withdraw quietly to the capital and to reorganise
themselves under the leadership of Usman’s son Mumriz for renewing
the battle. Accordingly they left the field with there forces after mid-
height. In the morning the Mughals found that the Afghans had
retreated. As the fate of Usman was not yet known, and the Mughals
were very much weakened by the previous day’s fighting, Shujat Khan
did not want to undertake an immediate pursuit. But the task for the
Mughals was made easier by the dissenssions which soon developed
among the Afghans. Wali, brother of Usman Khan, aspired after the
leadership and refused to cooperate with Mumriz. In the meantime, fresh
reinforcements having arrived, Shujat Khan advanced towards the
Afghan capital Uhar. As he approached it, negotiations were opened by
Wali Mandu Khel, Usman’s minister, and on 14 March 1612 A.C.
Usman’s brothers Khwaja Wali, Khwaja Malhi and Khwaja Ibrahim and
Usman’s sons Khwaja Mumriz and Khwaja Yakub and Usman’s
nephew Khwaja Daud, together with other nobles tendered their
submission to Shujat Khan. Thus the battle of Dawlambapur though
began well for the Afghans, ultimately ended in disaster to them. Shujat
Khan posted troops at Uhar, made arrangements for the administration
of the territory, and then taking the Afghan leaders with him started for
Dacca where he reached on 8 April 1612 A.C.273 Islam Khan kept
Usman’s brothers and sons in confinement and sent a detailed report
about the campaign and victory to Badshah Jahangir who was much
289
happy and relieved to know about Usman Khan’s final defeat and death.
Badshah Jahangir records in his memoirs:
“When the joyful news reached in Agra this supplicant at the
throne of Allah, he performed the prostrations of gratitude, and
recognized that the driving away of this description of enemy was
brought about simply through the unstinted mercy of the Almighty
Giver.”274
It has been stated earlier that the day Shujat Khan left Khizrpur to
march against Usman Khan, Shaykh Kamal also left Khizrpur to march
against Bayazid Kararani of Sylhet. After marching with great care and
vigilance, Shaykh Kamal reached the vicinity of Sylhet. While marching
he plundered and pillaged the villages till he arrived at the bank of the
river Surma which flows by the side of Sylhet. As the Mughal forces
approached Bayazid Kararani’s capital Sylhet he sent his younger
brother Yaqub with a strong force to oppose the Mughals. Yaqub
erected a fort on the bank of the river Surma. At this news Shaykh
Kamal despatched a contingent under Raja Satrajit, the Zamindar of
Bhushna, to make a fort on the bank of the river Surma, on the opposite
side of the fort of Yaqub and in front of Kadamtala275 which was outside
the town of Sylhet, and to take the fort of Yaqub by assault.
Accordingly, Satrajit completed the construction of the fort and after a
week’s continuous fighting the Mughal forces succeeded in capturing
the fort of Yakub.The latter ran to his brother Bayazid Kararani who
was guarding another fort. But soon Yaqub received reinforcements,
from the Raja of Kachar who sent a large force to the aid of Bayazid.
So, Yaqub renewed his onslaught on the Mughals and drove them out of
the fort with heavy loss. Some more fightings followed in which the
Mughals were being successively beaten back. At this stage the news of
Usman’s death and the surrender of his sons and brothers reached
Sylhet. This completely dispirited Bayazid Kararani and his men.
290
Bayazid now begged for peace and handed over his elephants to Shaykh
Kamal, and also proposed to accompany him to Dacca to tender
submission to Islam Khan. Shaykh Kamal accepted the offer and after
placing an officer and a contingent of force there, returned to Dacca,
bringing with him Bayazid, his brother Yaqub and other Afghan chiefs.
Shaykh Kamal reached Dacca by the middle of April, 1612 A.C.276
Islam Khan kept Bayazid, his brother and the other Afghan chiefs in
close custody. With the submission of Bayazid Kararani the whole of
Sylhet came under the authority of the Mughals and the Mughal
supremacy was established over almost the whole of Bengal.
In the light of the above discussion it may be concluded here that
Islam Khan was able to remove almost all obstacles easily in the way of
Mughal advancement in Bengal by March, 1612 A.C. after the defeat of
the Bara-Bhuiyans under the leadership of Musa Khan.
291
Section III
The Bara-Bhuiyans and the Mughals: A Study of their
relative advantages and disadvantages
It would not be an exaggeration to mention here that the war of

the Bara-Bhuiyans against the mighty Mughal Badshah Akbar and
Jahangir and their Subahdars was an unequal war. Because, on the one
side, there were the Subahdars of Bengal with active support of the
mighty Mughal Badsha Akbar and Jahangir and on the other, there were
a few Zamindars of a part of the Subah. Besides, there was a large
number of generals, a large number of cavalry, war-boats and war-
elephants. Under the Mughal Subahdars there were twelve thousand
boat-men in the fleet of Mughal admiral Ihtimam Khan alone. It is not
possible to fix the exact number of boats in the Mughal imperial fleet,
because the number of imperial boats and those of Mansabdars is not
seperately mentioned. But it may be assumed that during the reign of
Badshah Jahangir Subahdar Islam Khan Chishti had with him six to
seven hundred war boats. While proceeding to Bhati from Rajmahal,
Islam Khan had elephants with him. But the number is not given in the
Baharistan-i-Ghaybi. On his way from Rajmahal to Ghoraghat, the
Zamindars (who showed their allegiance to Islam Khan) presented Islam
Khan with one hundred thirty six elephants. Islam Khan catched thirty
two elephants according to Abdul Latif and one hundred thirty five
elephants according to Mirza Nathan, in the kheda operations at
Nazirpur. So, it may be assumed that Islam Khan had with him about
two hundred elephants277. In a word, the Mughals fought against the
Bara-Bhuiyans with a large number of cavalry, infantry, musketeers,
about six to seven hundred war-boats and about two hundred elephants.
The Mughals had no dearth of war equipments, cannnon shots, gun
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powder and lead. Besides, the Mughal Subahdars, many Mughal

generals were also seen fighting against the Bara-Bhuiyas. During the
time of Mughal Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan notable Mughal generals were
Shah Bardi and Muhammad Quli, durign the time of Shabaz Khan,
Tarsun Khan, Muhibb Ali Khan and Shah Quli Khan Mahram, during
the time of Man Singh, his sons Himmat singh and Durign singh and
Jajhar Khan and Fath Khan Sur and during the time of Islam Khan
Chishti, admiral Ihthimam Khan, Mirza Nathan, Mutaqid Khan, Abdul
Wahed, Ghyias Khan, Shaykh Kamal and Shujat Khan. Apart from
these, there were many generals in the Mughal army. On the other hand,
the Bara-Bhuiyans did not have generals like the Mughal Subahdars
they themselves acted as generals. It is not known whether the Bara-
Bhuiyans had cavalry or war elephants. But they had a fleet of seven
hundred war-boats278. Above all, Mughal Badshah Akbar and Jahangir
are seen very often taking necessary steps for enhancing the strength of
the Mughal Subahdars. It is noteworthy here that after the return of
Shabaz Khan’s futile Bhati campaign in 1584, Badshah Akbar directed
Said Khan and other Mughal Zamindars of Bengal and Bihar in this
regard that they should work together in order to subjugate Isa Khan, the
chief of Bhati and the Bara-Bhuiyans. Apart from this, Badshah Akbar
sent Raja Todar Mal, Muttalib Khan, Sayid Jamal Bakhtiyar and other
able officers in aid of Shahbaz Khan279. It is seen that Badshah Jahangir
also sent reinforcements in aid of Subahdar Islam Khan Chishti to
subjugate Musa Khan and his allies the Bara-Bhuiyans. On the other
side, the Bara-Bhuiyans had no source to get such additional help.
Therefore, in terms of wealth, manpower and war equipments the
Mughals were relatively in advantageous position than the Bara-
Bhuiyans. But despite that the Bara-Bhuiyans had some sorts of geo-
strategic advantages which enabled them to resist the Mughal aggression
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for more than three decades effectively. It is noteworthy here that inspite
of having abundant of wealth, manpower and war-equipments, the
Mughal army had to face many adversaries fighting against the Bara-
Bhuiyans and the latter made proper use of the adversaries of their
opponents.
At the very outset the Mughal army faced natural barriers in their
campaigns against the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, the innumerable rivers,
marshes and swamps of Bengal at that time acted as the main obstacle in
the way of Mughal campaigns coming from north India. The Ganges,
the Brahmaputra and the Meghna and their innumerable tributaries and
distributaries strengthened the defence of Bengal, speciallay of Eastern
Bengal, that is, the region of Bhati. The region watered and surrounded
by these three great rivers and their numerous branches constituted Bhati
and the main stronghold of the Bara-Bhuiyans was also stationed here.
In the rainy season these rivers specially the Ganges and the
Brahmaputra became dreadful and it was not easy to cross and attack or
defeat the Bara-Bhuiyans on the part of the Mughals. Besides, the
Mughals were then not well acquainted with the rivers and the routes of
Eastern Bengal. On the other hand, as the Bara-Bhuiyans were the
people of Bhati, which was full of rivers, marshes and swamps, every
thing of this region was at their fingertips and it was somewhat easy for
them to resist the Mughal attack. Secondly, it was well known that the
people of Northern India were frightehed of the climate and rains of
Bengal.The Mughals were no exception to this. Many Subahdars and
soldiers among the Mughals did not like to serve and stay in Bengal. In
this context some events can be mentioned. After the capture of Gaur,
Badshah Humayun appointed Zahid Beg as the governor of Bengal. Far
from being grateful to the Badshah for appointment to such a high office
in a prosperous province, Zahid Beg said, “What! could Your Majesty
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find no other place to kill me than in Bengal.”280 It is also known that

as Khan-i-Azam, Subahdar of Bengal, disliked the climate of Bengal, he
made an appeal to Badshah Akbar to transfer him elsewhere. Badshah
Akbar accepted his appeal and he was replaced by Shahbaz Khan281.
Apart from this, Raja Man Singh was also frightened of the climate of
Bengal282. Even the Mughal soldiers grumbled at going to Bengal. So,
Badshah Akbar increased by 100 percent the pay of the soldiers serving
in Bengal283. In this context, Abul Fazl says, “...because that country is
by its climate inimical to horses, and some parts of it also are injurious
to men...”284 So, it is clear that the Mughal Subahdars and soldiers were
frightened of the climate of Bengal. There were also some reasons to be
frightened of the climate of Bengal. The Mughals coming from north
India were not acquainted with the long rainy season the swift flowing
rivers, travelling by boat etc. of this country and they were not also
accustomed to live under such conditions. Because, they were for
generations accustomed to live under the conditions of dry climate, and
were quite naturally afraid of living in the rainy and wet climate of this
province. Above all, the epidemic of this province was also a cause of
the frightened of the Mughals. Because, it is known that a great plague
broke out in Gaur at the time of the viceroyalty of Munim Khan in
1575A.C. and this epidemic carried away a large number of Mughal
generals, officers and soldiers. Besides, during the viceroyalty of
Shahbaz Khan a large number of Mughal soldiers were also died due to
an epidemic285. Naturally, these deaths arouse horror in the minds of
Mughal soldiers. The horror of Bengal climate dejected the Mughal
soldiers and it was undoubtedly an advantage for the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Thirdly, the main strength of the Mughal army was their cavalry. But the
region of Bhati full of rivers and channels, swamps and marshes, trees
and shrubs was not favourable for the easy movement of the Mughal
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cavalry. Therefore, in most cases the Mughal army had to fight against
the Bara-Bhuiyans in naval-warfare instead of land- warfare. But the
Mughal army did not gain success in naval war-fare against the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Because of the existence of the rivers and waters all around,
the people of this land naturally became expert in boatmanship and
naval- warfare, that is why it was possible on the part of the Bara-
Bhuiyans to build a strong fleet. Apart from this, the soldiers and sailors
of the Bara-Bhuiyans could move swiftly in the waters, attack the
Mughal army at the vantage points and easily score the victory against
them, who had little experience of the boatmanship and naval-warfare.
Above all, for here are so many islands the naval soldiers of the Bara-
Bhuiyans could easily flee from one to another, that is why, it was not
possible for the Mughals to trace them. So, it is seen that the Bara-
Bhuiyans under the leadership of Isa Khan were able to defeat miserably
the Mughal admiral Shah Bardi, Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan, Shahbaz Khan
and general Durjan Singh in the naval warfare in 1575, 1578, 1584 and
1597 A.C. successively. Consequently, the Mughals could not establish
their authority over the whole of Bengal for more than three decades,
that is, from 1576-1612 A.C.Fourthly, Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief
of the Bara-Bhuiyans, was one of the illustrious warriors and generals of
that time. In military organisation, generalship and chivalry, he
surpassed even the best generals of Badshah Akbar, such as Khan-i-
Jahan, Shahbaz Khan, Sadiq Khan and Man Singh. He cleverly built up
a mititary confederacy of the Bara-Bhuiyans under his leadership and
inspired them to fight against the mighty Mughals for the indepence of
theri homeland. Consequently, they fought courageously, defying the
Mughal authority in the province for many years. Moreover, Musa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala, the son of Isa Khan, who took up the leadership of the
anti-Mughal politico-military alliance after the death of his father, was
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undoubtedly the worthy successor of his father and he inherited his

father’s ability, ambition and military talents. Musa Khan was
understandably a great military organiser and the Bara-Bhuiyans fought
against the mighty Mughals under his inspiration and guidance and
gallantly checked the Mughal advarce in Bengal for more than a decade
during the reign of Badshah Jahangir. Fifthly, the army of the Bara-
Bhuiyans was well-organised and well disciplined in comparison to the
Mughal army. Because, it is often seen that there were dissensions and
disunity among the Mughal Subahdars and the other officers. In this
context, it may be mentioned about the dissensions between Subahdar
Shahbaz Khan and other Mughal officers, Shahbaz Khan and Sadiq
Khan and between Subahdar Islam Khan Chishti and other Mughal
officers. As to the dissension between Subahdar Shahbaz Khan and
other Mughal officers Abul Fazl says,
“It was a time when both parties (Shahbaz and his officers) should have
lighted the lamp of discernment, and have practiced conciliatory
measures. But from somnolences of intellect, there was an increase of
blindness, and arrogance rose high. From self- conceit Shahbaz K.
vexed people, and his officers snapped the thread of moderation and
behaved in a silly manner.” 286
He further says,
“The officers from short -sightedness saw their gain in what was their
loss, and thought that the defeat of Shahbaz K. would be an advantage to
themselves.The first to go off without fighting was Muhibb Ali K. Every
one left his place and went a roadless road ... Shahbaz K. awoke from
his sleep of haughtiness and made some effort to win the affections of
his officers, but misplaced repentance is of no avail. He was obliged to
march for tanda.”287
Because, of the dissension between Shahbaz Khan and Sadiq
Khan, Badshah Akbar sent Khwaja Sulaiman to Bengal to make
understand them. In his connection Abul Fazl says,
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“… the Bengal officers out of conceit and selfishness severed the thread
of singleness of heart. Sadiq went off with some men in one direction,
and Shahbaz went off in another… They withdrew their hands from
work and indulged in mutual animosity. Khwaja Sulaiman was sent to
them from court to give them advice, and an order was given that it was
not right to do one work in two divisions.”288
So, it is seen that there were dissensions among the Mughal
officers during the reign of Badshah Akbar. The reign of Badshah
Jahangir also marked indiscipline and dissension in the Mughal camp in
Bengal. Mutual jealousies among the Mughal officers hampered to a
considerable extent the progress of the Mughal arms against the Bara-
Bhuiyans. The inordinate pride and arrogance of Subahdar Islam Khan
Chishti also caused much trouble in the Mughal camp during the early
years of Badshah Jahangir’s reign. In the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, Mirza
Nathan frequently mentioned about the dissension and disunity among
the Mughal officers under the following captions; “Quarrel between
Nathan and Ilahyar”, “Disagreement between Ihtimam and Nathan”,
“Islam Khan’s displeasure on Ihtimam Khan”, “Dispute between Nathan
and Iftikhar”, “Calumny against Ihtimam Khan” and “Discord among
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the imperial officers.” Therefore, it is evident that there were
dissensions and disunity among the Mughal officers, which was
undoubtedly an additional advantage for the Bara-Bhuiyans. Sixthly, the
Bara-Bhuiyans had indomitable courage, valour, the ability of the
innovation of most various war tactics and above all they were fired
with patriotic zeal. This is why, inspite of having relatively limited
resources they never turned back to fight against the Mighty Mughals.
Above all, it would not be an exaggeration to say that the Bara-
Bhuiynas obtained the help, support and assistance of the people of this
country. Because, it is not possible to continue the struggle for
independence on the part of anybody with limited resources against any
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mighty ruler for long without help, support and assistance of general
people. It is not known whether they helped the Bara-Bhuiyans against
the Mughals. But it is known that the people of this country were
patriotic and there is instance in the history that they supported the
freedom-loving ruler of this country against the Sultan of Delhi. While
Sultan Ghiyas-al-Deen Balban of Delhi roamed about in search of
Tughral, the ruler of Bengal, no one of this country gave him any
information about the whereabouts of the Bengali governor. Even the
two beparis (small traders), who were returning from the camp of
Tughral, expressed their ignorance of him, when they were questioned
by the captains of the Sultan. It was when one of the beparis was put to
death that the other, in fear of losing his life, gave the information about
the place where Tughral and his men were encamped290. Therefore, it
may be assumed that the Bara-Bhuiyans were also supported by the
people of this country like Tughral and this support was also one of the
worth mentioned additional advantages for the Bara-Bhuiyans against
the Mughals.
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Section IV
Final outcome of the struggle: Extinction of
The Independence of Bengal
It has been seen in the previous discussion that the defeat of Daud
Khan Kararani in the battle of Tukaroi and the treaty of Katak concluded
by him with the Mughals were not only denied by the Afghan chiefs and
the Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal, but these local Chieftains of
Bengal, particularly, the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati, also did not
acknowledge Mughal suzerainty even at the fall of Daud Khan Kararani
in the battle of Rajmahal in 1576 A.C. In the absence of Daud Khan the
Bara-Bhuiyans continued the anti-Mughal resistance to preserve the
independence of theri homeland under the leadership of Isa Khan
Masnad-Ala, the chief of Bhati, Consequently, Mughal Badshah Akbar
sent repeated expeditions against Bhati to subjugate Isa Khan and his
allies. The Mughal army first led the expedition against Bhati in 1578
A.C under the command of Subahdar Khan-i-Jahan and they proceeded
up to Astagram in the district of Kishoreganj. Though, the Mughal army
initially achieved some success, in the end they were severely defeated
by the Bara-Bhuiyans and were compelled to return to Sihhatpur leaving
Bhati. After an interval of a few years the Mughal army attacked Bhati
in 1584 A.C. for the second time under the command of Subahdar
Shahbaz Khan. This time the Bara-Bhuiyans were also able to defeat the
Mughal army completely as before. As a result, their second attempt
was also foiled extremety. In 1586 A.C. Shahbaz Khan led an expedition
against Isa Khan and his allies for the third time. In this connection,
though, Abul Fazl mentioned that Bengal was pacified by Shahbaz
Khan, infact, it was not possible for Shahbaz Khan to do anything
against Isa Khan and his allies. Hereafter, in 1597 A.C. Subahdar Man
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Singh sent an expedition against Bhati under the command of his son
Durjan Singh for the fourth time. This resulted in the death of Durjan
Singh and the ruination of the Mughal army at the hands of Isa Khan
and his allies. So, the Mughal campaign of Bhati went in vain for this
time also, Though, Abul Fazl repeatedly mentioned about the success of
the Mughal army, infact, the Bara-Bhuiyans foiled every attempt of the
Mughals under the leadership of Isa Khan. Consequently, the Mughal
army could not able to establish the authority of Badshah Akbar over a
fragment of the region of Bhati during the life time of Isa Khan. Even
they could not able to dislodge Isa Khan and his allies from their firm
positions and Isa Khan himself breathed his last as independent
sovereign. In a word, it can be said that to preserve the independence of
his motherland against the Mughal imperialism Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala
died keeping his sword aloft. Isa Khan died in September, 1599 A.C.
After his death his eldest son Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala took up the
leadership of the anti-Mughal politico-military alliance, that is, the
leadership of the Bara-Bhuiyans. After taking the leadership of the
Bara-Bhuiyans by Musa Khan, Man Singh himself led two expeditions
against Bhati in 1602 and in 1603 A.C. Though, Abul Fazl mentioned
that Man Singh defeated the enemies, that is, Musa Khan and his allies,
extinguished the flames of disturbance in Bengal, pacified Bengal and
conquered the whole area and established thanas at strategic places,
later events show that Bhati remained outside Mughal control as it was
before and the whole of Bhati is found in the hands of the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Infact, the Mughals achieved nothing in Bengal, particularly
in Bhati on these occasions. So, it is evident that like his father Musa
Khan also succeeded in checking the Mughal advance in Bengal.
Consequently, the Bara-Bhuiyans succeeded in maintaining their
independence against the Mughal onslaughts for about three decades
301
and Badshah Akbar could not establish Mughal authority over the whole
of Bengal and died in 1605 A.C. It may be mentioned here that during
the reign of Badshah Akbar, Mughal control in Bengal was limited to
only a small portion centering round the city of Tanda, from Rajmahal
in the west to Ghoraghat in the north and Sherpur Murcha (Bogra) in the
east, and Burdwan and Satgaon in the south. But the region of Bhati
remained completely out of Mughal control.
After the death of Akbar his son Jahangir ascended the throne and
appointed Islam Khan Chishti as the Subahdar of Bengal on 6th May,
1608 and towards the early part of June, 1608, he reached Rajmahal, the
then capital of Bengal. Islam Khan Chishti came to Bengal with the sole
resolution to crush the independent pretensions of the Bengal Zamindars
and to impose a uniform administrative system over the entire province.
On reaching Rajmahal he prepared his plan of operation for the
subjugation of the whole of Bengal and began preparations for going to
Bhati against the Bara-Bhuiyans. Because, at this time the whole of
Bhati is found in the hands of the Bara-Bhuiyans and he realised that the
chief abstacle to the Mughal conquest of Bengal were the Bara-
Bhuiynas holding Bhati under their command. He also realised that the
foremost enemy of the Mughals is Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the
acknowledged leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans, and he should be crushed
first, otherwise it would be extremety difficult to subdue the other
Zamindars of Bengal. So, Islam Khan decided to march and wage war
against Bhati and the Bara-Bhuiynas. On 7th December, 1608, Islam
Khan left Rajmahal with the avowed intention of suppressing the Bara-
Bhuiynas of Bhati. Bhati was far away from Rajmahal and Islam Khan
was going there by river through zigzag way via Ghoraghat. There were
the territories of many other Zamindars both in his front and rear and he
was not sure about their loyality. Because of this, on his way to Bhati,
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Islam Khan had to send numerous reconnoitering expeditions against

some Zamindars to ensure undisturbed progress of the Mughal army
towards Bhati. Consequently, Bir Hamir, the Zamindar of Birbhum,
Shams Khan, the Zamindar of Pachet, Salim Khan, the Zamindar of
Hijli, Raja Satrajit, the Zamindar of Bhushna, Raja Raghunath, the
Zamindar of Shushang, and Lakshmi Narayan, the king of Kuch Bihar,
submitted to the Mughals. Thus being free from anxieties from all sides,
right, left and the rear, Islam Khan came out of Ghoraghat on 15th
October, 1609 A.C. in his expedition to Bhati and reached Shahzadpur
on 28th December of the same year. Then Islam Khan reached Baliya.
At Baliya, Islam Khan took important decisions, that is, he
planned a double pronged attack on Musa Khan’s position. Firstly, it
was decided that Ihtimam Khan and his son Mirza Nathan would go
with the fleet to the Trimohana of Khal Jogini and erect forts and halt
there and Islam Khan himself would go to the Mohana of Katasgarh in
order to attack the Bara-Bhuiyans from the west by the way of Jatrapur.
Secondly, the most important decision taken by Islam Khan was to send
a detachment to Dhaka to distract the attention of Musa Khan and to
terrorise the Bara-Bhuiyans. Accordingly, a detachment was sent to
Dhaka. On the other hand, Ihtimam Khan reached the Trimohana of
Khal Jogini and built there forts on the three mouths of the rivers. Islam
Khan also reached the Mohana of Katasgarh and he ordered Ihtimam
Khan to join him there. Now, the Mughal army came face to face with
the Bara-Bhuiynas. Because, Musa Khan’s impregnable fort of Jatrapur
lay near Katasgarh. The fort of Jatrapur is one of the most important
fortified posts of Musa Khan and also his main fortified position on the
Dhaka-Rajmahal river route. So, the immediate objective of the
Mughals is the capture of the fort of Jatrapur and on his arrival at
Katasgarh Islam Khan concentrated all his energies on the capture of the
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fort of Jatrajpur. Musa Khan did not sit idle in the face of this danger
and he also made preparations to face the Mughal onslanght and sent
three of his allies Bhuiyans to defend the fort of Jatrapur situated on the
river Ichamati, about 30 miles west of Dhaka. Besides, the Bara-
Bhuiyans constructed a high fort and a deep trench at Dakchara on the
same bank of the river Padma on which the Mughal army was halting.
Musa Khan then arranged his artillery and the weapons of defence of the
fort and became ready for battle. It was Musa Khan who first resumed
his assault on the Mughal entrenchments at Katasgarh with great vigour
and gained initial victory over the Mughals. But the latter soon made a
vigorous counter attack and at last succeeded in defeating the Bara-
Bhuiyans and capturing the fort of Jatrapur in early June, 1610 A.C and
the fort of Dakchara on 15th July, 1610. Though, the Mughals defeated
the Bara-Bhuiyans, the way they fought against the Mughals show their
indomitable courage and unprecedented war tactics.
With the occupation of the forts of Dakchara and Jatrapur by the
Mughals, the first phase of the war between the Bara-Bhuiyans and the
Mughals was over. The Bara-Bhuiyans now retreated to Katrabo and
began preparation for the second phase of war.On the other hand, Islam
Khan’s route to Dhaka became clear and he proceeded to Dhaka for
attacking the centre of Musa Khan’s power. Islam Khan reached Dhaka
towards the end of July 1610. He realised that until Musa Khan was
defeated the conquest of Bhati will remain incomplete and the Mughal
authority in Bengal will also be not firmly established. So, he began
preparations for the second phase of war against the Bara-Bhuiyans and
settled a fresh plan of military operations and posted his officers at
different strategic points.
The news of the Mughal preparations put Musa Khan also in
action and he made sufficient preparations for his second fight. He left
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his capital Sonargaon in charge of his chief officer Haji Shams-ud-din

Baghdadi and himself came out to face the Mughals making the river
Lakhia his main line of defence. He took position at a central strategic
point at the mouth of the Bandar Canal and posted his three brothers
Abdullah Khan, Daud Khan and Mahmud Khan at the three strategic
points, namely Qadam Rasul, Katrabo, their family residence, and
Demra. Musa Khan concentrated his forces on several strategic points
on the left bank of the river Lakhia. Besides, he retained a few posts at
Sripur and Bikrampur. Thus Musa Khan became ready for battle. But
despite comprehensive endeavor he was defeated by the Mughals in
several naval engagements. Consequently, the Mughal army occupied
the fort of Katrabo and then his capital Sonargaon in April, 1611 A.C.
and he was compelled to retreat to the island of Ibrahimpur. On the other
hand, Musa Khan’s brother Daud Khan continued to fight for the
recovery of Katrabo. But he was killed by the Portuguese pirates. Musa
khan was very much upset at the death of his brother Daud Khan. In
fact, the fall of Sonargoan practically marked the end of Musa Khan’s
resistance. Nevertheless, he made three more attempts to recover some
of his lost grounds, but each time he was repulsed by the Mughals and
retreated to the island of Ibrahimpur. On the other hand, Bahadur Ghazi
of Chaura and Maqlis Qutb of Fathabad submitted to the Mughals.
Moreover, after Musa Khan’s retreat to the island of Ibrahimpur the
Mughals defeated Aanata Manikya of Bhulua.
After the defeat of Ananta Mahikya of Bhulua, Musa Khan sitting
at Ibrahimpur thought over his own state of affairs. He lost his courage
and war materials being repeatedly defeated and was ousted from his
territories. Thus being dispirited he lost all hope in his struggles and
found no other way than to surrender to the Mughals. In July, 1611 A.C
Musa Khan surrendered to Islam Khan with all his brothers and
305
Zamindar allies and with that the second phase of the war between the
Bara-Bhuiyans and the Mughals was over. Though, the defeat and
submission of Musa Khan marked the end of the local anti-Mughal
resistance in Bengal, two of his bonafide allies and the members of the
Bara-Bhuiyans, Anwar Khan of Baniachang and Pahlwan of Matang are
yet to be subdued and they continued their fight against the Mughals.
But very soon they were also defeated and the Mughals captured
Baniachang and Matang, the last two strongholds of the Bara-
Bhuiyans.The Bara-Bhuiyans were defeated and were compelled to
surrender to the Mughals, but they exhibited great courage and dexterity
in the battles of Dakchara and Bandar Canal. The Mughals were almost
going to be defeated in these battles had not they have war elephants in
their contingent.
It may be mentioned here that Musa Khan was undoubtedly the
worthy successor of his father, who successfully continued the task
undertaken by his father and gallantly checked the Mughal advance in
Bengal for more than one decade even after the death of his
father.Infact, with the defeat and submission of the Bara-Bhuiyans,
Islam Khan bacame free from the threat of the most formidable enemy
of the Mughals. Because, this enabled Islam Khan to concentrate his
attention upon the other Bhuiyans (Zamindars). Not only that after the
defeat and subjugation of Musa Khan and his allies Bara-Bhuiyans, the
suppression of the other Bhuiyans (Zamindars) became comparatively
easy. So, it is seen that Islam Khan was able to subjugate Raja
Pratapaditya of Jessore, Ram Cahndra of Bakla, Usman Khan, who after
having withdrawn from Bukainagar had taken his position at Uhar in
southern Sylhet, his sons and brothers and Bayazid Kararani of nothern
Sylhet by March, 1612 A.C. In a word, within less then a year after the
defeat and subjugation of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati the Mughals
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subjugated the other Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal. So, it is evident

that none could stand long against the mighty Mughals after the defeat
and submission of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati. Islam Khan conquered
almost the whole of Bengal. It may be chronologically mentioned here
that he conquered Bhati of the Bara-Bhuiyans, Fathabad of Majlis Qutb,
Bhulua of Ananta Manikya, Jessore of Pratapaditya, Bakla of Ram
Chandra, Bukainagar and Uhar of Usman Khan, and northern Sylhet of
Bayazid Kararani. It may also be mentioned here that when Islam Khan
sent reconnoitering expeditions against the Zamindars on his way to
Bhati to ensure undisturbed progress of the Mughal army towards Bhati,
Bir hamir, Shams Khan, Salim Khan and Raja Satrajit the Zamindars of
Birbhum, Pachet, Hijli and Bhushna respectively, submitted to the
Mughals. Now the whole of Bengal from Ghoraghat in the north to the
sea in the south, and from Birbhum, Pachet and Hijli in the south- west
and Rajmahal in the west to Bhulua in the south- east and Sylhet in the
north- east were conquered by the Mughals. In a word, the whole of
Subah Bangalah of Abul Fazl’s description except Chittagong was
easily brought under the Mughal rule after the defeat and subjugation of
the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati. Therefore, it may be mentioned here that
with the defeat and the subjugation of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati ended
the long struggle for the perpetuation of independence of the local
Chieftains of Bengal and for all practical purposes Bengal lost its
independence to the Mughals.
In the light of above discussion it may be concluded here that
with the defeat of Daud Khan Kararani, the last independent Kararani
Afghan Sultan of Bengal, in the battles of Tukaroi and Rajmahal in 1575
A.C. and 1576 A.C. respectively, ended the independent Kararani
Afghan rule in Bengal. But the defeat of Daud Khan did not
immediately confirm the Mughal sovereignty over the whole of Bengal.
307
Because, the local Chieftains of Bengal, particularly, the Bara-Bhuiyans

of Bhati, sparing no time decided to continue the struggle for resistance
to preserve the independence of their homeland, rather than
acknowledging Mughal suzerainty. They also realised that it was not
possible for each one of them to face individually mighty Mughal
Badshah Akbar with their relatively limited resources for long. So, they
established rapport with one other and forged an anti-Mughal politico
military alliance with Isa Khan Masnd-i-Ala, the chief of Bhati, as their
leader. Under the leadership of Isa Khan they brilliantly resisted the
Mughal aggressions and succeeded in maintaining their independence
for a quarter of a century. Indeed, as against their protracted resistance
Mughal Badshah Akbar failed to establish his authority over the whole
of Bengal during his life time. On the contrary the Bara-Bhuiyans
established their authority over the whole region of Bhati and ruled their
respective territories as almost practically independent chiefs and turned
out to be the chief obstacle to the Mughal conquest of Bengal. After the
death of Isa Khan in September, 1599 A.C. his eldest son Musa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala took up the leadership of the anti-Mughal politico-
military alliance, that is, the leadership of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati,
and he successfully continued the task undertaken by his father and
gallantly checked the Mughal advance in Bengal for more than a decade.
But in the end Musa Khan and his allies the Bara-Bhuiyans suffered
repeated defeats due to relatively limited wealth and manpower and they
lost courage and were compelled to surrender to Islam Khan Chishti, the
Mughal Subahdar of Bengal, in July, 1611 A.C. in the reign of Badshah
Jahangir.This enabled Islam Khan to subjugate the other Zamindars and
conquered almost the whole of Bengal by March, 1612 A.C. Though,
the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati were forced to surrender and Bengal finally
lost its independence to the Mughals, they brilliantly resisted the
308
Mughal aggression and successfully retained the independence of the

country for more than three decades. Because of their protracted
resistance the Mughals could not establish their rule over the whole of
Bengal till March, 1612 A.C.
The Bara-Bhuiyans proved themselves to be the indomitable
politico-military force in the struggle for the preservation of the
independence of Bengal against Mughal imperialism and aggression in
the period from 1576 to 1612 A.C. This turned them to be the central
figures and pre-eminent personalities of Bengal in this time. It would not
be an exaggeration to designate them as the greatest national heroes in
recognition of their uncompromising and glorious heroism which they
demonstrated for the sake of the preservation of the regional sovereignty
of Bengal in a transitional phase, that is, during the period from 1576 to
1612 A.C.
1. Ibrahim, Muhammad, History of Karrani Rule, Unpublished
M.Phil. Dissertation, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim
University, U.P.India, 1984, p.82; Ibrahim, Muhammad, Afghan
Rule in Eastern India (1535-1612 A.D.), Unpublished Ph.D.
Thesis, Department of History, Centre of Advanced Study in
Medieval Indian History, Aligarh Muslim University, U.P.India,
1986, pp.157-158.
1(A). H.Bengal, pp.194-212.
2. Ibid., p.205.
3. Ibid., p.213.
4. Ibid., p.215.
5. Ibid., pp.225-226.
6. B.P.P., Vol.XXXV, No.69, pp. 29-30.
8. For details see, Masnad-i-Ala, pp.67-108.
309
10. B.P.P., Vol.XXXVIII, No.75, p. 44, Note, 15; Mughal Period,

p.147; Akbar Nama, p. 377, note, 1.
11. Ibid., p.45; Ibid., pp.109, 147.
12. Ibid.; Ibid., p.148;Mughal Amal, p.121.
13. Mughal Period, p.148.It is in Murshidabad district, and is a very
large and well-known Pargana. Akbar Nama, p. 376, note, 4.
15. Ibid.
16. Joanshahi and Khaliajuri, both the Parganas were full of swamps
and marshes.N.K. Bhattasali, Bharatbarsha (Bengali), Bangiya
Bhaumikganer Sahit Mogoler Sangharsha, Bhadra, 1336 B.S.,
p.378.
18. B.P.P., Vol.XXXVIII, No.75, p. 45; Mughal Period, p.149;
Mughal Amal, pp.121-122.
19. For details see, Masnad-i-Ala, pp.84-91,259-265.
20. Sultani Amal, pp. 380-381.
22. Mughal Amal, pp.137-140.
24. Akbar Nama, p. 449, Note, 3.
26. Ibid., pp.135-137; Akbar Nama, p.567.
27. Ibid., pp.137-138; Ibid., p.594.
28. Ibid., pp.137-139.
29. Ibid., pp.139-140; Akbar Nama, pp.619-622; Mughal Period,
pp.169-170.
30. Ibid., p.142.
32. Ibid., pp.649-650.
33. Ibid., pp.648-651,658-660.
34. H. Bengal, p.203.
35. Mughal period, p.173.
310
36. Ibid.; Mughal Amal, p.142.

37. Bideshi Parjatak, p.116.
38. Khatun, Habiba, In Quest of Katrabo, Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bangaladesh,Vol.XXXI, No.2, December, 1986,
pp.37-48; henceforth cited only as In Quest; Mughal Amal,p.143.
39. Mughal period, p.174.
43. Qaiser, A.J., ‘Shahbaz Khan Kambu’, Medieval India: A
Miscellany, Vol. One, Aligarh, 1969, p.67.
45. Ibid., p.672; Mughal Amal, p.144.
46. Ibid., p.660.
47. Ibid., p.672; Mughal Amal, pp.144-145.
48. Ibid.; Ibid., p.144.
49. Ibid.; pp.673-674; Ibid., p.145.
50. Ibid., p.676; Mughal Period, p.177.
51. Ibid., pp.693-694.
52. Ibid.note, 5.
53. H. Bengal, p.204.
55. Akbar Nama, p.694; Mughal Period, p.178; Mughal Amal, p.146.
56. Ibid., pp.695-696.
57. Ibid., pp.696-697.
58. Ibid., p.701.
59. Ibid., p.721; Mughal Amal, p.148.
60. Ibid., pp.721-722.
61. Mughal Amal, p.168, note, 98.
311
63. In November, 1586, Akbar reorganised the administration of

several provinces including Bengal. As Shahbaz Khan was failed
in his Bhati campaigns, he was relegated to a subordinate
position. Wazir Khan was appointed Subahdar of Bengal and
Shahbaz Khan was appointed bakshi of Bengal. Wazir Khan was
an inhabitant of Herat and was a trusted officer of Akbar. In
August, 1587 A. C., he died of diarrhoea at Tanda. Akbar Nama,
p.779; Mughal Period, p.184.
64. After the death of Wazir Khan, Badshah Akbar appointed Said
Khan Subahdar of Bengal. He occupied the post for six years
from 1588-1594. These six years are uneventful. Because, there is
no reference to his warfare in Bengal in the Akbar Nama.
Therefore, it appears that he did not send any expedition against
the Bara-Bhuiyans. Mughal Period, pp.184, 188.
66. Ibid., pp.999-1001; H. Bengal, p.211. Raja Man Singh belonged
to the Kachhwaha branch of the Kshatriya. The Kachhwahas
claim their descent from Kush, the second son of Raja Ram
Chandra of epic fame. R.N. Prasad, Raja Man Singh of Amber,
First Published, Calcutta, January, 1966, p. 1; 90; henceforth cited
only as Man Singh.
67. Ibid., pp.1042-1043; H. Bengal, p.211; Man Singh, p.91.
68. Ibid., p.1023; Ibid.; Masnad-i-Ala,p.229,note,196.
69. Ibid., p.1043; Ibid.
70. Ibid., pp.968-969; Ibid., p.210; The Afghans, pp.227-228.
71. Ibid., p.1043.
72. Ibid. Beveridge thinks that this Sherpur was the Sherpur of
Mymensingh. But Abdul Karim thinks that Sherpur is Sherpur
Murcha in Bogra district. He further opined that Man Singh did
not build any fort named Salimnagar. The fort was already there.
Perhaps Man Singh renovated the fort. Mughal Amal, p.153.
73. Akbar Nama, p.1059; H. Bengal, p.211; Man Singh, p.92.
74. Ibid., p.1063; Ibid., pp.211-212.
75. Ibid., pp.1067-1068.
76. Ibid., p.349. Abul Fazl mentioned Nara Narayan as Rajah Mal
Gosain.
77. Ibid., pp. 170,622,625.
312
78. Jadunath Sarkar and Abdul Karim Mentioned this place as

Govindapur. H.Bengal, p.212; Mughal Amal, p.154.
79. Akbar Nama, p.1068; H.Bengal, p.212.
80. Ibid., pp. 1081-1082.
81. Ibid., p. 1093.
82. Ibid., pp. 1093-1094; H.Bengal, p.212; Mughal Amal, p.154.
83. Ibid., p. 1094.
85. Man Singh left Bengal towards the end of 1597 or the beginning
of 1598 A.C. Badshah Akbar also ordered Jagat Singh, eldest son
of Man Singh, to go to Bengal as deputy of his father. Mughal
Period, p.196.
86. Man Singh’s son Himmat Singh died of cholera in Bengal on16th
March, 1597 A.C. and the other son Durjan Singh died in battle
with Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala. Akbar Nama, p.1093; H.Bengal,
p.212.
87. At this time Isa Khan was perhaps 67or 68 years old. Masnad-i-
Ala, p.234, note, 216.
88. Akbar Nama, p.1140. According to Syed Muhammad Taifoor Isa
Khan died in Katrabo. Glimpses of Dhaka, p.71.
91. Ibid.; Ibid., p.1140.
93. Akbar Nama, p.1151; Mughal Period, p.197; H. Bengal, p.213;
Muslims of Bengal, p.299.
94. Ibid., p.1174; Ibid., p.199.
95. Ibid., pp.1213-1214; Ibid., p.202; Muslims of Bengal, pp.299-300;
H.Bengal, p.213.
96. Ibid., pp.1214-1215; Ibid., pp.202-203; Ibid., pp.299-300.
97. Ibid., p.1215.
98. Ibid., pp.1235-1236; Mughal Period, pp.204-205; Muslims of
Bengal, p.300; Mughal Amal, pp.158-159; H. Bengal, pp.214-215.
313
99. Ibid., pp.1260-1261; Ibid., p.206; Ibid.; Ibid., p.159; Ibid., p.215.
101. Akbar Nama, pp.1215, 1236, 1240.
102. H. Bengal, pp.213-215.
105. There are disagreements among the scholars about the date of
Islam Khan’s appointment as the Subahdar of Bengal, since Mirza
Nathan did not mention the date in the Baharistan. Jadunath
Sarkar mentioned that Badshah Jahangir appointed Islam Khan as
Subahdar of Bengal on 26th April, 1608 A.C., (Sarkar, Jadunath,
‘Banglar Swadhin Zamindarder Patan’, Prabasi, Bhadra, 1329
B.S., p.638; henceforth cited only as Prabasi). But he did not
refer to any authority in favour of his statement.On the other
hand, Dr.M.I.Borah opined that Islam Khan was appointed as
Subahdar of Bengal in May, 1607 A.C. (BaharistanII, pp. 791-
792). But this date is not acceptable. Because, it is learnt from the
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri that the date Badshah Jahangir received the
news of the death of Jahangir Quli Khan, the predecessor of Islam
Khan, on the same date he appointed Islam Khan Subahdar of
Bengal. The news of the death of Jahangir Quli Khan reached
Badshah Jahangir on Tuesday, the 20th Muharram, 1017 A.H.,
that is, on 6th May, 1608 A.C. On this occasion Badshah Jahangir
Says, “I was much grieved at his death. I bestowed the rule of
Bengal…on my farzand Islam Khan…” From this statement it is
evident that Badshah Jahangir received the news of the death of
Jahangir Quli Khan on 6th May, 1608 A.C. and on the same date
he appointed Islam Khan Subahdar of Bengal. On the other hand,
modern scholars Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharya and Abdul Karim
also suggested that the actual date of the appointment of Islam
Khan to his office in Bengal was 6th May, 1608A.C., who
discussed the matter in great details. See, the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri
or Memoirs of Jahangir, Translated by Alexander Rogers, and
Edited by Henry Beveridge in 2 Vols. bound in one. Low Price
Publications, Delhi, Reprinted, 1999, Vol.I, pp. 141-143;
henceforth cited only as Tuzuk; H. Bengal, pp.270-272; Karim,
Abdul, ‘A Fresh Study of Abdul Latif’s Diary (North Bengal in
1609 A.D.)’, Journal of the Institute of Bangladesh Studies,
Rajshahi University,Vol.XIII, 1990, pp, 31-33; henceforth cited
only as Diary; Mughal Period,pp.221-222.
314

108. Mughal Period, pp.222-223; Mughal Amal, pp.174-175.
110. Ibid., p.4.
111. Ibid., p.4; Tuzuk, pp.139, 142. According to the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri
Islam Khan was appointed as the Subahdar of Bengal on 6th May,
1608 A.C. and Ihtimam Khan was also appointed as mir bahr or
admiral of the fleet of Bengal on the same date (Tuzuk, p.144).
112. Mughal Period, p.224. Rohtas is situated on the Son in the district
of Shahabad. Originally fort of Rohtas was built by a Hindu
Prince named Rohitaswa after whom it derives its name which
was corrupted into Rautas and Rohtas. Baharistan II. p.791.
113. Mughal Period, p.224. Chaund was the name of a Pargana
situated to the west of Sasaram. Baharistan II. p.791.
115. H. Bengal, p.248.
116. Ihtimam Khan whose name was Malik Ali was a commander of
250 horses during the reign of Badshah Akbar. Baharistan II.
p.790.
117. Baharistan, p.15; Mughal Period, p.225.
120. Ibid., p.15.
121. Ibid., p.9; Mughal Period, p.234; H.Bengal, p.248.
122. Ibid., p.14; Ibid.; Ibid.
123. Ibid., p.15;Ibid.;pp.233-235;Ibid.,p.249;Mughal Amal,p.181;
Muslims of Bengal, p.302. It may be mentioned here that Mirza
Nathan did not give the date of Islam Khan’s leaving Rajmahal in
the Baharistan. According to Abdul Latif the date was 7th
December,1608 A.C.; Diary, p.25; Sarkar,Jadunath, ‘A
Description of North Bengal in 1609 A.D.’, Bengal Past &
Present, Vol.XXXV, Nos.69-70, 1928,p.143; henceforth cited
only as North Bengal; Bideshi Parjatak, p.117.
124. Ibid., p.18;Ibid.;p.235; Mughal Amal,p.183.
315
125. Ibid., p.19;Ibid.;pp.235-237; Ibid.;pp.183-184; H. Bengal,p.249;

126. Ibid., pp.19-20; H. Bengal, p.250; Muslims of Bengal, p.302;
Mughal Amal, p.183.
127. Sarkar, Jadunath, Pratapaditya Sambandhe Kichu Natun Sambad,
Prabasi, Aswin, 1326 B.S. p.552; henceforth cited only as
Prabasi; Mughal Period, p.238; Mughal Amal, p.185.
128. Ibid.; Ibid.; Ibid.
129. Baharistan, pp.18-19; Mughal Period, pp.238-239; Mughal Amal,
p.185; H. Bengal, p.250; Muslims of Bengal, p.302.
130. H. Bengal, p. 250; Mughal Period, p.226. Alaipur is a village
situated opposite Sar-daha (Sarda) on the Ganges, 12 miles south-
east of Putia in Rajshahi district. MughalPeriod, p.279, note, 25.
131. Mughal Period, p. 239; History of Bengal, p.66. Sonabazu is a
Pargana in Sarkar Bazuha. It is in Pabna, situated to the north of
Pabna town. Mughal Period, p. 282, note, 72.
132. Baharistan, pp.12-13; Mughal Amal, p.185; H. Bengal, p.249.
133. Chilajuwar was a part of the Pargana of Bhaturiabazu. It is
situated on the Ganges near about the station of Sara-
ghat.B.P.P.,Vol. XXXV, No, 69, pp.36-37.
134. Baharistan, p.16; Mughal Period, pp.239-240; H. Bengal, p.249.
135. Ibid., pp. 16-17, 21-22; Ibid., p.240; Ibid.,p.251; Mughal Amal,
p.186.
136. Ibid., p.32; Ibid.; Ibid.,p.252.
137. Ibid., pp.32-33; Ibid.; Ibid.
138. Mughal Period, pp.240-241; H. Bengal, p.252.
139. Ibid., pp.226-227.
140. It was situated in between Natore and Suktigacha. Mughal Period,
p.279, note, 27.
141. Bajrapur was situated 25 miles north of Natore town and 4 miles
south of Suktigacha. Mughal Period, p.279, note, 28.
142. It is thirty five miles south-west of Ghoraghat. The river at its foot
is called Jabuna (Jamuna). Mughal Period, p.279, note, 29.
143. There is a Nazirpur near the head-quarters of the Patnitola police
station of Rajshahi. This must have been the place where Islam
Khan Chishti made Kheda operations.The place was formerly
316
included in the Dinajpur district. Mughal Period, pp.279-280,

note, 30.
144. Mughal Period, pp. 226-227. The dates of Islam Khan’s leaving
Alaipur for Nazirpur and reaching Ghoraghat was not furnished
by Mirza Nathan in the Baharistan. But these two dates were
given only by Abdul Latif;Diary, p.26; Prabasi, Aswin, 1326
B.S.,p.553; Bideshi Parjatak, pp.118-119; North Bengal,pp.144-
145.
145. Ibid., pp.242-243; H.Bengal, p.252; Mughal Amal, pp.188-189;
Baharistan, pp.39-41.
146. Ibid., pp.227, 243.
147. Baharistan, pp.18-19, 45.
148. Ibid., p.28; Mughal Period, pp.344-345; Mughal Amal, p.189;

H.Bengal, pp. 251-252; Muslims of Bengal, p.303.
149. Mughal Period, p.243; Mughal Amal, p.189; Bideshi Parjatak,
p.120.
150. Ibid.; Baharistan, pp.41, 45; Bengal, p.252; History of Bengal,
p.67.
151. Baharistan, pp.45-48; Mughal Period, pp.243-245. According to
Abdul Latif, Islam Khan left Ghoraghat on 15th October, 1609,
Diary, p.26; North Bengal, p.145; Bideshi Parjatak, p.120. But
Mirza Nathan did not furnish any date in the Baharistan.
152. Baliya has been identified with Bowleah six miles south-west of
Shahzadpur.H.Bengal, p.253, foot note, 1.
153. Baharistan, pp.48-53; Mughal Period, p.245; Mughal Amal,
p.191.
154. Mohana of Khal Jogini cannot be located in modern map, it must
have been washed away by the rivers. But from the narratives in
the Baharistan, it appears that the place was near Katasgarh and
Baliya. Mughal Period, p.283, note, 87.
155. At present Katasgarh is known as Kashtasagar. The place is
situated in the Ulail Union of Shibaloy Thana of Manikganj
District, Masnad-i-Ala, p.287, note, 8.
156. H. Bengal, p.254; History of Bengal, p.68; Mughal Period, p. 245.
317

p.191; .Bengal, p. 253; Muslims of Bengal, p.304; History of
Bengal, p.68.
158. Masnad-i-Ala, pp.121-122; H.Bengal, p. 238.
159. Baharistan, pp.54-55; Mughal Period, p.247; Mughal Amal,
p.192; H.Bengal, p. 254; History of Bengal, p.69.
160. Ibid., p.55.
161. Ibid., pp.54-55; Mughal Period, p.247; Mughal Amal, p.192.
162. Ibid., p.56; Ibid.; Ibid.; H.Bengal, p. 254; History of Bengal, p.69.
163. At present Dakchara is known as Dhakijora and it is situated in
the Shimulia Union of Harirampur Thana of Manikganj District,
Masnad-i-Ala, p.287, note, 11.
164. Baharistan, pp.56-57; Mughal Period, p.248.
165. Ibid., pp.57-58; Ibid., pp.248-249.
166. Ibid., pp.58-59; Ibid., p.249 ; Mughal Amal, p.193; H.Bengal,pp.

254-255; History of Bengal, pp.70-71.
167. Ibid., p.59.
pp.193-194; H.Bengal,pp. 252-253; History of Bengal, p.68.
169. Ibid., p.61.
171. Ibid., pp.62-63; Ibid., pp.251-252.
172. Prabasi, Bhadra, 1329 B.S., p.641.
174. H.Bengal, p. 255.
176. Kathauriya is the old name of the Kirtinasha, i. e. the portion of
the Padma which passes through Bikrampur and joins the
Meghna, Baharistan II, p.812, note, 12.
177. There is a village named Kudaliya near Narayanganj and also a
place called char Kudaliya on the northern bank of the
Dhaleswari, north of Patharghata. One of these places is probably
meant, Baharistan II, p.812, note, 13; Mughal Period, p.284,
note, 105.
318

p.195; H.Bengal, p. 255; Muslims of Bengal, p.306; History of
Bengal, p.71.
179. Ibid., pp.65-69; Ibid., pp.253-255; Ibid., pp.195-197; Ibid.,
pp.255-256; Ibid. Ibid., pp.71-72.
180. Mughal Period, p.256; Prabasi, Aswin, 1326 B.S., p.553; North
Bengal,p.144; BideshiParjatak, p.119; Baharistan, p.23.
181. Ibid., p.257.
183. Balra is on the bank of the river Ichamati, about 24 miles west of
Dacca, Baharistan II, p.812, note, 14.
184. Kalakupa is on the bank of the Ichamati river, about 17 miles to
the south-west of Dacca, Baharistan II, p.812, note, 15.
185. Patharghata is on the south bank of the river Dhaleswari, about
six miles south of Dacca, Baharistan II, p.813, note, 17.
186. Baharistan, pp.70-75; Mughal Period, pp.257-258.
187. H. Bengal, p.257; Mughal Amal, p.199; History of Bengal, p.72.
Abdul Karim suggested that Dhaka became the capital on Islam
Khan’s entry into the place or after he fixed his residence there.
The name of Dhaka was changed to Jahangirnagar during the
same time (Mughal Period, p.234; Mughal Amal, p.199).
188. Demra Khal is situated to the north-east of Dacca at the
confluence of the Lakhia and the Baloo rivers, Baharistan II,
p.814, note, 20.
189. Dulay river rises from the river Baloo and falls in the Buri Ganga
near Faridabad of Dacca. It is more of a canal than a river. One
branch of it passes through the city of Dacca and joins with the
Buri Ganga near Babu Bazar, Baharistan II, p.815, note, 21.
190. Baharistan, p.76; Mughal Period, p.258; H. Bengal, p.257.
191. Ibid., p.77; Ibid., pp.258-259; Ibid., pp.257-258.
192. Kumarsar is surrounded on three sides by the rivers Dhaleswari
and Lakhia and by a small stream on the west. Mughal Period,
p.284, note, 114.
194. Ibid., pp.78-79; Ibid.; pp.260-261; H. Bengal,p.258.
195. Ibid., pp.79-80; Ibid.; p.261.
319
196. Ibid., pp.80-82; Ibid.; pp.261-262; H. Bengal,p.258.

197. Ibrahimpur is an island in the Meghna which cannot be traced
now. H. Bengal, p.259.
198. Baharistan, pp.82-86; Mughal Period, pp.262-264; Muslims of
Bengal, p. 307.
199. Ibid., p.85.
200. Ibid., pp.85-86; Mughal Period, p.264; H. Bengal, p.259.
201. Ibid., p.86; Ibid., pp.264-265.
202. Ibid., pp.86-88; Ibid., pp.265-266; H. Bengal, p.259.
203. Ibid., pp.88-89; Ibid., p.266.
204. The Dakatiya river rises from the hills of Tripura and falls into the
Meghna near Chandpur, Mughal Period, p.286, note, 132.
205. Baharistan, pp.96-98; Mughal Period, pp.269-271; Muslims of
Bengal, p. 308.
206. Ibid., pp.98-100; Ibid., pp.271-272; Ibid.;H. Bengal, p.261.
207. Ibid., pp.104-105; Ibid., p.272.
208. Ibid., p.106.
209. Ibid., pp. 105-106; Mughal Period, pp.272-273.
210. Ibid., p. 107; Mughal Period, pp.272-273.
212. Ibid., pp.113-114,117; Mughal Period, pp.273-274.
213. Ibid., p.140.
214. Ibid., p.141.
216. To the south-east of Baniachang and north of Matang, lay the
hilly tract of Taraf, H. Bengal, p.240.
217. Baharistan, pp.117-119; Mughal Period, p. 275.
218. Shah Bandar was somewhere near Egara Sindur on the
Brahmaputra, Mughal Period, pp.336-337, note, 7.
219. Baharistan, pp.101-104; Mughal Period, pp. 289-290. Hasanpur
is situated on the eastern bank of the Brahmaputra; its present
name is Haibatnagar, Mughal Period, p.337, note, 8.
220. Mughal Amal, p.221; Muslims of Bengal, p.309.
320
221. There is a place known as Kella Tajpur, six miles north-east of

Bukainagar, there are ruins of an old fort made of mud-wall in
this place. Nasir Khan and Dariya Khan were probably rulers of
this Kella Tajpur, Mughal Period, p.337, note, 11.
222. Laur hill is to the north-west of Sylhet, and fourteen miles west of
Sunamganj town. Laur was strategically important even in the
Sultanate period, Mughal Period, p.337, note, 12.
223. It was situated in southern Sylhet, to be specific in modern
Maulvibazar district, Mughal Period, p.338, note, 13.
224. Baharistan, pp.104-110; Mughal Period, pp. 289-291.
225. Ibid., p.117-118; Ibid., p.295.
226. Ibid., p.14; Ibid., p.344.
227. Prabasi, Aswin, 1326, B.S., p.552.
228. This date is not given by Mirza Nathan, but only Abdul Latif
furnished the date; Prabasi, Aswin,1326, B.S., p.553; North
Bengal,p.144; Prabasi,Kartik, 1327 B.S., p.2; Bideshi Parjatak,
p.119; Mughal Period, p.344.
231. Ibid., p.121.
232. Ibid.
233. Ibid.
235. Baharistan, pp.121-123; Mughal Period, pp. 347-348.
236. Ibid., p.131; Ibid., p.348.
237. There is a place named Baghwan on the Bhairab, twenty miles
north of Krishnanagar, and another place named Mahatpur
orMahadpur, six miles north of Krishnanagar, Mughal Period,
p.386, note, 19.
238. Baharistan, pp.123-125; Mughal Period, p. 348; H. Bengal,
p.265.
239. Salka was ten miles south of Bongaon and twenty two miles north
of Buranhatty, Mughal Period, p.386, note, 21.
321
241. Ibid., p.126.

242. Ibid., p.127; Mughal Period, pp.349-350; H. Bengal, p.266.
243. Ibid., pp.126-130; Ibid., pp.349-351; Ibid., pp.266-267; Muslims
of Bengal, pp. 311-312.
244. Mughal Period, p.352; H.Bengal, p.267.
245. Baharistan, p.130; H. Bengal, p.267.Budhan is situated on the
east of Fort William at a distance of 38 Miles.The river Ichamati
flows by its eastern side, Mughal Period,p.387, note,27.
248. Ibid., p.134.
249. Ibid.
250. Kharawan Ghat is the name of a ghat or ford on the Ichamati river
on the north-east of the fort of Jessore, Mughal Period, p.387,
note, 30.
251. Baharistan, p.134; Mughal Period, pp.352-353.
252. Kagarghata is situated at a distance of 40 miles from Mirza Nagar
of Jessore. Here the river Ichamati is divided into three branches,
one of these may be named as Kagarghata, Mughal Period, p.387-
388, note, 32.
253. Nathan calls it Bhagirathi, Baharistan, p.135.
254. H.Bengal, p.268.
256. Ibid., pp.136-137,143; Ibid., pp.355-356.
257. Mughal Period, pp.347, 356; H.Bengal, p.270; Muslims of
Bengal, p.312.
258. Baharistan, p.110; Mughal Period, pp.295-296.
260. Shaykh Kabir, entitled Shujat Khan was an old soldier; he entered
into Mughal service in the reign of Badshah Akbar, and was
placed under Prince Salim. When the prince revolted against his
father, he was in favour of the prince. When the prince occupied
the throne, his rank was raised, and he got the title of Shujat
Khan, MughalPeriod, pp.298-299.
322
262. Ibid., pp.158-159; Mughal Period, pp.296-297; Tuzuk, pp.

192,209.
263. Ibid., p.159; Ibid., p.299; Ibid.,p.209.
264. Ibid., p.160.
265. Ibid.
266. Ibid., pp.160, 162-163; Mughal Period, pp.301-302.
267. Ibid., p.163; Ibid., p.302.
268. It is situated 7 miles east of Habiganj and beyond it is the range of
Satgaon hills, Mughal Period, p.339, note, 40.
269. Baharistan, pp.165, 167-170; Mughal Period, pp.303-304;
H.Bengal, p.274; History of Bengal, pp.92-93.
270. This village Daulambapur is to the north of Hail Haor at a
distance of one or one and a half miles, to the south of
Maulvibazar, Mughal Period, p.307.
271. Baharistan, pp.170-171, 173-174; Mughal Period, pp.304-305,
307; H.Bengal, pp.274-275; History of Bengal, pp.93-94.
272. H.Bengal, p.275; History of Bengal, p.95; Muslims of Bengal,
p.313; Tuzuk, p.210. But Abdul Karim thinks that the date of the
battle of Daulambapur was 3rd March, 1612 A.C. For details see,
Mughal Period, pp.322-325.
273. For details see, Baharistan, pp.175-195; Tuzuk, pp. 209- 214;
Riyaz, pp.173-179; Mughal Period, pp.309-330; H.Bengal,
pp.275-279. Abdul Karim thinks that Shujat Khan reached Dhaka
on 9th April, 1612 A.C.; Mughal Period, p.330.
274. Tuzuk , p.214.
275. Kadamtala was somewhere near the town of Sylhet by the side of
the river Surma, but the place cannot be identified now, Mughal
Period, pp.341-342, note, 96.
276. Baharistan, pp.171-173, 195-196,199; Mughal Period, pp.332-
335; H.Bengal, pp.280-281; History of Bengal, pp.103-105;
277. Diary, pp, 23-46; North Bengal, p.144; Mughal Period, p.256.
279. Akbar Nama, pp.660, 672.
323

282. Prabasi, Bhadra, 1329 B.S.p.637.
284. Ibid.
285. Akbar Nama, pp.226-227, 658.
286. Ibid., p.658.
287. Ibid., pp.659-660.
288. Ibid., p.695.
289. Baharistan, pp. 25, 30,33,69,71, 110.
290. Cultural Hist., Vol. I, pp.367-368.
324
Chapter VII
A general survey of the socio-economic and cultural
aspects of Bengal during the period under review
It is evident from the previous discussion that with the defeat of

Daud Khan Kararani, the last independent Kararani Afghan Sultan of
Bengal, in the battles of Tukaroi and Rajmahal in 1575 A.C. and in 1576
A.C. respectively, ended the independent Kararani Afghan rule in
Bengal. But the defeat of Daud Khan did not immediately confirm the
Mughal sovereignty over the whole of Bengal and Badshah Akbar died
in 1605 A.C. before his desire was fulfilled. It was only in the reign of
the next Badshah Jahangir that Subahdar Islam Khan Chishti could
consolidate the Mughal position and could bring almost the whole of
Bengal (except Chittagong) under Mughal control in 1612 A.C. The
period of more than three decades, that is, from 1576 to 1612 A.C. the
Bara-Bhuiyans fought gallantly against the mighty Mughals and
appeared to be the chief impediments to the Mughal conquest of Bengal.
Though, they were forced to submit in the long run, they were able to
retain their independence during this period. Even, they established their
authority over the whole region of Bhati and ruled their respective
territories as almost practically independent rulers. The Bara-Bhuiyans
played a very significant role in the politico-economic as well as socio-
cultural life of their times. The main proposition of the present study is
to make a general survey of the socio-economic and cultural aspects of
Bengal during the period under review on the basis of the Ain-i-Akbari
and Akbar Nama of Abul Fazl, the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi of Mirza
Nathan, the contemporary historians, the accounts of contemporary and
near contemporary foreign travallers and other historical sources.
325
Discussions on the socio-economic and cultural conditions are meant to

cover Bengal in general and the region of Bhati in particular.
Now, an attempt has been taken to make a brief survey of the
administration under the Bara-Bhuiyans and socio-economic and
cultural aspects of Bengal during the period in question. Before going
into discussion on socio- economic and cultural conditions it would be
pertinent to throw some light on the administration under the Bara-
Bhuiyans. Because, they were, at the top of the political and social life
of their times.
Section I: Administration under the Bara-Bhuiyans
The Bara-Bhuiyans introduced in Bengal the experiment of a new

system of government1, that is, the government of a military
confederacy of independent Zamindars. In absence of central
government they governed their respective territories as independent
rulers. In this connection Tapan Ray Chaudhuri remarks, “The rule of
the bhuiyas, no doubt, had given that part of Bengal the character of a
confederation of autonomous states…”2 For the purpose of common
interest and defence of their independence against the Mughal Empire,
they forged an anti-Mughal politico-military alliance and acknowledged
the leadership of Isa khan and then of his son Musa Khan.
The Bara-Bhuiyans were the fountain head of all powers in their
respective territories. Their main functions were the protection of their
territories, the collection of taxes, maintaining peace and order and
looking after the public interest in their respective territories. The Bara-
Bhuiyans had an organised administration in their respective
Zamindaries. They had several officials who helped them to conduct the
326
administration. For example, Khwaja Chand was a minister of Musa

Khan, Adil Khan his admiral and Ramai Lashkar and Janaki Vallabh his
commanders of the army. Haji Shams al-Deen Baghadadi was his chief
officer3. Khwaja Sulaiman Khan was a general of Kedar Rai, the
Zamindar of Bikrampur.4
The Bara-Bhuiyans had a well organised army and it was mainly
composed of infantry, artillery and navy. The navy was the most vital
element of the army of the Bara-Bhuiyans. They had a fleet of seven
hundred war-boats. There were various types of war-boats, such as
kushas, jalia, dhura, sundara, bajra, khelna, piara, balia, pal, ghurab,
machua, pashta, sloops, patita, ulakh, mayurpankhi, ghardur, chalkar,
pannshi, palwar, etc.5 In their swift war-boats, the Bengali soldiers, who
were noted for their boatmanship and clever naval tactics, enjoyed great
superiority over the Mughal forces. They appeared suddenly to surprise
the Mughal forces and disappeared before their opponents could prepare
themselves for retaliation. Skilled in rowing as well as swimming, they
were also ingenious in improvising newer tactics of warfare.6 In
appreciating the skill of the Bengali boatmen, Mirza Nathan says that
they also excelled in building ingenious forts over night. Such a fort
they constructed at Dakchara to resist the Mughal forces. It was covered
by the river on one side and marshes on the other three.7
The boatmanship and naval tactics of the Bengali soldiers
accounted for their great advantages in the warfare in Bengal. It is
noteworthy in this connection, that Isa Khan, the chief of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, drove away the Mughal nawara from the waters of Bhati in
1575 A.C.8 His brilliant naval victory near Bikrampur over the Mughal
fleet is a remarkable distinction of the naval force of Bengal in the
sixteenth century9. Besides, Musa Khan, the son of Isa Khan who took
the leadership of the Bara-Bhuiyans after the death of his father, showed
327
his great skill in the naval engagements of Dakchara and Bandar Canal
during the reign of Mughal Badshah Jahangir10. It was because of this
naval superiority the Bara-Bhuiyans could defy for many years the
might of the powerful Mughal Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir
and their veteran generals.
The land-revenue is the principle source of income for the
government of Bengal. In absence of central government the Bara-
Bhuiyans themselves collected the land revenue from the peasants in
their respective Zamindaries. Now the question is what was the method
of land-revenue collection. According to Abul Fazl in pre Mughal
period the peasants paid their annual land-revenue in eight monthly
installments and they paid it directly to the government in cash 11.
Though, modern scholars do not agree with Abul Fazl in some respects,
it is learnt that the peasants paid their annual land-revenue in cash
during Isa Khan’s time.12
The Bara-Bhuiyans were interested in public works of different
kinds. For example, Isa Khan, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, excavated
canals, for the supply of water. Among those, the Canal of Akal was
famous13. He also constructed a bridge on this river. He helped the
people immensely by providing these public works.
In fact, the Bara-Bhuiyans introduced such an administration that
was beneficial to the people. They always kept vigilant eyes on people’s
safety and welfare. So, people lived happily under their paternal rule.14
Section II: Economic Conditions
The period under review, that is, from 1576 to 1612 A.C., that is,
the end of the Afghan rule and the commencement of the Mughal rule
was a transitional phase in the history of Bengal. During this period
328
Bengal witnessed many wars, campaigns, rebellions and a succession of

Mughal generals and viceroys. In a word, during this period the
Mughals were fully engaged in suppressing the Bara-Bhuiyans on the
one hand and the Bara-Bhuiyans were also busy to resist Mughal
aggression on the other. Consequently, these to socio-political forces,
perhaps had no scope to bring about any substantial change in the
economic life of Bengal and it was the continuation of the economic life
of the past. But Isa Khan, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, in spite of his
preoccupation with the Mughals, was very careful about the economic
ease, progress and prosperity of his people.
Bengal could derive her wealth mainly from three sources,
namely agriculture, trade and industry15. As the society of medieval
Bengal was basically agricultural, people living in villages must have
outnumbered those of towns and cities16. During the time of the Bara-
Bhuiyans there were innumerable villages in the region of Bhati. These
villages were separated by the rivers, canals and marshes 17. Rural
settlements contained, in addition to habitations, roads and paths, tanks
with bathing ghats which supplied water to the people, jungles serving
the purpose of the pasture-land and canals forming a sort of drainage
system for the village18. During this time the roads were very narrow.
Among the canals of Bhati, particularly, the region of Sonargaon, the
Menikhali, Timohini Khal, Nalkhali, Issapura Khal, Pankhiraj Khal
were very famous19. Among the tanks, Khas Nagar Dighi and Pajghater
Dighi of Sonargoan were famous20. There were arable land and fallow
land. Some of the villages had local markets or hats where people used
to go to buy and sell the necessaries of life21. Peasants used to carry their
crops to hat or bazar by horses and boats22. It is known that rural areas
had fertile land (urvara bhumi), pasture land (gocharan bhumi), place
for religious sacrifice (vedi bhumi), bazar (vikrayasthana), lake (hrada),
329
barren land (usara bhumi), cross way (chatuspatha) and crematorium

(shamshana). Thus the disposition of land in rural settlements
conformed, in many respects, to the needs of the people23.
Considered from the point of view of its economic structure, the
village in medieval Bengal did not differ much from its modern
counterpart. It had a number of inter-dependent, socio-economic groups
which lived and functioned for sustaining the life of the entire rural
population. The cultivator needed the service of the carpenter and the
blacksmith who used to supply ploughs and iron implements for
cultivation. All sections of people were dependent on the potter who was
the traditional maker of earthen utensils prepared and designed to fulfill
the kitchen requirements. Similarly, other groups of people had direct
connection with the economic frame- work of the village. In a word,
“The rural settlement was, more or less, a self-contained unit of
habitation.” The peasant could, without much difficulty, exchange his
surplus product in the local market for salt, oil, cloth and other
necessaries of life. Though mainly based on land and its produce, the
village had thus a limited amount of trade and commerce.24
During the time of the Bara-Bhuiyans there were some towns and
cities in the Bhati region, namely, Sonargaon, Katrabo, Sripur, Egara
Sindur, Khizrpur and Dhaka. These towns and cities were brought into
being by political, commercial, strategic and military considerations.
People gathered in these towns and cities with the object of associating
themselves with administration, trade and commerce. According to Abul
Fazl Katrabo was the capital and family residence of Isa Khan, the chief
of the Bara-Bhuiyans. It was a populous city25. Katrabo is identical with
the village named Masumabad, on the river Lakhia and in the Rupganj
Upazila of modern Narayanganj district26. It served as a political centre.
So this city had considerable importance from the point of view of
330
administration. Khizrpur was a fort city. It is situated to the north east of

modern Narayanganj and about nine miles off from Dhaka. It is on the
river Lakhia and about three miles from Sonargaon. Khizrpur was a very
prominent place and considered as a very important military outpost
during the whole Mughal period. According to Abdul Karim the fort of
Khizpur was first built by Isa khan Masnad-i-Ala27. Therefore, Khizrpur
had a great importance from the strategic and military point of view.
Sonargaon is situated three miles to the east of Khizrpur and in
between the rivers Lakhia and Meghna. Several factors account for the
importance of Sonargaon. Firstly, it was the capital city of Isa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala. The latter transferred his capital from Katrabo to
Sonargaon after it was plundered by Mughal Subahdar Shahbaz Khan in
158428. The English traveller Ralph Fitch met Isa Khan in Sonargaon in
1586 A.C.29 Sonargaon continued as the capital city during the time of
Musa Khan even after the death of his father Isa Khan. Secondly, it was
a port city. Sonargoan port facilitated the sea-borne trade of Bengal for a
long time. Entering Bengal at the point of Chittagong, sea going ships
could go as far as Sonargaon following the course of the river Meghna30.
According to Ralph Fitch the cotton cloth and rice of Sonargaon were
exported to India, Ceylon, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra and other
countries31. So, it may be said that as a port city, capital and trade centre
Sonargaon had a great importance during the time of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Sripur was situated on the river Padma. It was the capital city of
Chand Rai and Kedar Rai, the Zamindars of Bikrampur. Towards the
end of the sixteenth century it became a prominent trade centre32. Ralph
Fitch visited Sripur in 158633. So, Sripur had a great importance as a
capital city and a trade centre during the time of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
The fort town of Egara Sindur is situated on the bank of the main
channel of the Brahmaputra, opposite which the river Banar rises and
331
where Tok another important place is situated. Egara Sindur is now in

the Pakundia Upazila of the Kishoreganj district 34. In the Akbar Nama
Abul Fazl very often referred to the city of Eagara Sindur. It was
strategically very important during the period of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Isa
Khan, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, built a fort there, which was
almost impregnable35. About the town of Egara Sindur Bhattasali says,
“The town of Egarasindur must have been a considerable one at the time
of its highest prosperity. Toke, on the opposite side, was a big mart, and
seems to have been to Egarasindur what Howrah now is to Calcutta.” 36
On the basis of the statement of Bhattasali it may be assumed that

Egara Sindur was not only a fort town, it had some sort of trade and
commercial importance during the period of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Dhaka was a place of some importance in the pre-Mughal Muslim
period. The discovery of a few mosques and inscriptions at the city
belonging to the Sultanate period proves that it was an important place
with a sizeable Muslim population37. The Mughals first established a
thana (fortified post) at Dhaka to guard the imperial positions against
the incursions of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Raja Man Singh in his expedition
to Bhati, made Dhaka as his base of operations38. It has been mentioned
earlier that during the reign of Badshah Jahangir Subahdar Islam Khan
Chisthi sent a detachment to Dhaka to terrorise the Bara-Bhuiyans. At
this time the Mughals built a fort there. In 1610 A.C., Islam Khan
Chishti transferred the capital from Rajmahal to Dhaka39. In 1629 the
Portuguise traveller Fray Sebastien Manrique came to Bengal and he
visited Dhaka40. He mentioned that Dhaka was the chief city of Bengal.
On account of its vast trade and commercial activities many foreigners
came here and settled permanently. Every year hundreds of ships full of
great variety of commodities were exported from Dhaka city.
Noteworthy among these commodities were rice, sugar, butter, wax and
332
cloth41. So, it is evident that during the period of the Bara-Bhuiyans

Dhaka was strategically, militarily and commercially an important city.
The above mentioned cities and towns served as the centres of
administration, military outpost, trade and commerce during the period
of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Among these habitations, particularly,
Sonargaon, Sripur and Dhaka played important role in the economic life
of Bengal.
While the towns and cities were serving as the centres of trade
and commerce, agriculture could flourish only in the rural areas which
provided lands for cultivation and pasturage. It can be inferred here that
lands were generally classified into two categories, waste land and
arable land. The government appears to have assessed only the lands
under cultivation42. Nothing is clearly known as to the rate or rates of
the revenue. I.H Qureshi thinks that in pre-Mughal period there were
several rates ranging from one half to one fifth of the total produce43.
But whatever the rates of the revenue may be, it was extremely cheap
during the time of Isa Khan, the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, and
peasants used to sing his praise in verse. “Kani Kshet lagila chaudda
burhi (pice)”44. It appears from the above verse that the land-revenue of
one kani, that is, 1920 square yards of land45 was fourteen paisa.
Since Bengal is primarily an agricultural country, it may be
reasonably assumed that a vast number of people belonged to the
peasantry. But although, agriculture was the backbone of the economy
of this country, it was surely of a primitive nature. Implements used in
those days did not differ from those used in recent times. These included
the plough and the yoke drawn by cows, scythe and others46. Very often
the cultivators had to depend on the mercy of rain. There was no
properly developed irrigation system. But it is known that Isa Khan, the
333
chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, excavated canals and tanks for the supply of
water to the cultivable lands.47
The Bhati region of Bengal which is proverbially fertile used to
produce numerous crops. Paddy was generally planted in the month of
Shravana and the reaping of harvest was possible in the month of
Agrahayana48. In this connection Abul Fazl says, “It is sown and reaped
three times a year on the same piece of land with little injury to the
49
crop.” Rice was of various kinds. Abul Fazl mentioned that a large
vase would be filled up, if a single grain of each kind were collected50.
There were other agricultural products among which cotton, sugarcane,
ginger, long pepper, turmeric, betel-nut, betel-leaf, radish, pulses, lentil,
mustard, jute, millet, sesame, beans, onions, garlics and cucumbers may
be mentioned. Most of the fruits which are found today were available
in those days also51. Abul Fazl states that flowers and fruits were in
plenty in this country52. The agriculturist had to face certain difficulties
such as draught and famine. In this connection it may be mentioned here
that there broke out a famine during Isa Khan’s time. At this time he
helped the people in various ways.53
Because of the great surplus of the agricultural and manufactured
articles and the new maritime spirit brought about by the Muslims
stimulated to the expansion of Bengal’s sea-borne trade54. The
commercial activities led to the development of many sea ports and river
ports in Bengal. During the period of the Bara-Bhuiyans Sonargaon was
an important port. Entering Bengal at the point of Chittagong, sea going
ships could perhaps go as far as Sonargaon following the course of the
river Meghna55. Referring to the export trade of the port of Sonargaon
Ralph Fitch mentioned that the cotton cloth and rice of Sonargaon were
exported to India, Ceylon, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra and other
countries56. Towards the end of the sixteenth century Sripur became a
334
prominent trade centre and was visited frequently by the foreign

merchants and travellers57. According to Ralph Fitch the cotton cloths
were produced abundantly in Sripur58. During the period under review
Dhaka came into prominence as trade centre. According to Sebastien
Manrique many foreigners came here in order to trade and commerce
and settled permanently. Every year hundreds of ships full of great
variety of commodities were exported from Dhaka. Noteworthy among
these commodities were rice, sugar, butter, wax and cloth. But cloth was
the most profitable commodity. The cotton cloth of Dhaka was very fine
and well-decorated. The finest quality of muslin of Dhaka was exported
to Khorasan, Persia, Turkey and other countries59. Most of the
commodities of Bengal sold at an incredibly higher price in the foreign
countries. Bengal cloth was in a very high demand all over south Asia so
that it used to sell at a very high price in Malacca60. Abul Fazl
mentioned that salt, diamonds, emeralds, pearls, cornelians and agates
were among the imported commodities in Bengal61. The list of exports
and import shows that the things brought to Bengal were mostly luxury
goods and that the exports included food and other necessaries of life.
It appears from the above discussion that the commodities
produced in Bengal were exported to different countries through the sea-
borne trade during the period in question. So, it may be mentioned that
the sea-borne trade was a very prominent feature of the economic life of
Bengal.
The commercial activities discussed above indicate the growth of
industry in this country. As a matter of fact Bengal, particularly,
Sonargoan, Sripur and Dhaka, important trade centres of Bhati region
made considerable progress in respect of industries like textiles, sugar
and others.
335
The variety and richness of the textile manufacture of Bengal

attracted the attention of the foreign travellers who have given valuable
information about the textiles that obtained in the country. Barbosa
mentioned about different kinds of fine cloth such as estravantes used as
headdress by the Portuguese ladies and as turbans by the Arabs and the
Persians, mamonas, duguazas, choutares, sinabafa and beatilha, each of
these pieces measuring 3 by 20 or 4 by 20 Portuguese yards62. Varthema
who wrote about Bengal in the first decade of the sixteenth century,
mentioned about the varieties of fine cloth such as bairam, mamone,
lizati, caintar, douzar and sinabaff. He also mentioned that nowhere in
the world he found such abundance of cotton cloth as in Bengal.63
Bengal, particularly, Sonargaon of Bhati region, produced the finest
quality of cotton known as muslin. Abul Fazl says,
“The Sarkar of Sonargaon produces a species of muslin very fine and in
great quantity. In the township of Egara Sindur is a large reservoir
which gives a peculiar whiteness to the cloths that are washed in it.”64
According to Ralph Fitch the cotton cloths were produced

abundantly in Sripur, another important city of Bhati, Sebastien
Manrique mentioned that the cotton cloth of Dhaka was very fine and
well-decorated. The finest quality of muslin of Dhaka was exported to
Khorasan, Persia, Turkey and other countries.65
Thus it is fairly certain that Sonargaon, Sripur and Dhaka of Bhati
region played an important role as the centres of textile manufacture.
Cotton produced in the extensive fields of the country, was generally
made into finished goods by the local artisans. Clothes were generally
“spun in wheels by men and woven by them.”66
The spinning and weaving were considered as an honourable
profession at that time. The spinners of Bajitpur and Jangalbari in Bhati
used to make super fine thread. The spinners earned a decent income.67
336
Sugarcane was one of the important agricultural products of

Bengal. Basing on it sugar manufacture developed into an important
industry in the Muslim period. About this industry of Bengal Barbosa
observes,
“White sugar of very good quality is made in this city, but they do not
know how to join it to make loaves, and so they pack it up in powder in
stuff covered over with raw hide, well sewn up. They load many ships
with it and export it for sale to all parts.”
In Malabar and Cambay it sold at a high price68. According to
Sebastien Manrique sugar was exported from Dhaka.69
Like other industries, metallic industry also flourished at least in
some parts of Bengal. There were iron mines in the Sarkar of Bazuha70
(part of Rajshahi, Bogra, Mymensingh and Dhaka districts).There were
many blacksmiths and goldsmiths in the country. The agriculturists of
Bengal must have needed the services of blacksmith for manufacturing
and repairing agricultural implements. According to Barbosa and Ralph
Fitch the women used to wear gold, silver and copper ornaments71. So, it
may be reasonably inferred that making of ornaments constituted a
profession for a considerable number of people. On February 12th, 1909
A.C. seven brass cannon were discovered by some men who were
excavating earth in the village of Diwan Bagh, seven miles off to the
north-east of Narayanganj. In one cannon, the name of Isa Khan, the
leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans, his title and date are inscribed in Bengali 72.
The cannon is now preserved in the Bangladesh National Museum,
Dhaka73. This certainly gives a clue to the development of metallic
industry during the period of the Bara-Bhuiyans in the region of Bhati.
The construction of the numerous brick buildings of the period of
the Bara-Bhuiyans, must have provided occupation to a good number of
architects and brick-workers.
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Thus it is evident that various industries played an important role

in the economic life of the people during the period in question.
With the progress of civilization, the system of barter began
gradually to recede into the background yielding place to money. In
fact, the Muslim rulers of Bengal issued gold coins and silver coins of
various sizes and weights and a large number of coins have been
discovered. Though Abul Fazl mentioned that Isa Khan, the leader of
the Bara-Bhuiyans, issued coin74, no coin of Isa Khan’s has been
discovered yet. So, it may be certainly mentioned that the coins of the
past were in circulation during the period in question. The cowries
which represented money of the lowest denomination were in
circulation down to the eighteenth century and their use lingered in rural
areas till the end of the nineteenth century. The use of cowries may be
explained by the extreme cheapness of commodities so that the people
did not have to use even silver coins (which were undoubtedly of a
higher value) in buying the necessaries of life. As cowries could be used
most conveniently in day to day affairs, the use of coins must have been
very restricted. Coins were used only in large scale transactions which
inland and foreign trade involved75.
There were the cultivators who were directly connected with the
production of wealth, could be divided into several categories and that
the big farmers and landless labourers were not absent in the country.
The weavers and the producers of different cloths were numerous. The
weavers formed a major section of Muslim population in rural area.
They were economically self sufficient, if not also affluent. As a class of
artisans they must have acquired considerable specialisation in their
professional activities. The looms were supplied by a group of people
called shanakar or maker of looms. It has been noticed earlier the
growth of metallic industry which must have involved the labour of
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various classes such as goldsmiths and blacksmiths. There were other

professional classes among which fishermen, woodcutters, potters,
barbers, carpenters, milkmen may be mentioned. Above all there were a
good number of architects and brick workers. The above mentioned
professional groups clearly indicate that Bengali society was growing to
its full economic stature76.
Thus, it is evident that the country enjoyed agricultural, industrial
and commercial prosperity during the period under study. It is known
that Isa Khan assumed a friendly attitude towards the Portuguese settlers
in expectation of increased trade77. Trade, commerce and industry
flourished in this time as witnessed by Ralph Fitch who visited
Sonargoan in 1586 A.C. and was struck by the prosperity of the city and
he observes,
“Sinnergan is a town six leagues from Serrepore, where there is the best
and finest cloth made of cotton that is in all India. The chief king of all
these countries is called Isacan.... Many of the people are very rich....
Great store of cotton cloth goeth from hence, and much Rice, wherewith
they serve all India, Celon, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra and many other
places.”78
As to the economic condition of the general people during the

period under consideration, it may be mentioned that they led a life of
economic ease. The foreign travellers referred to the abundance and
cheapness of food- stuffs and other necessaries of life. Visiting Bengal
about 1640 A.C., Sebastien Manrique wrote that in every mart or town
here was such super-abundance of food-stuffs, house-hold, necessaries
and manufactured articles, such as cotton cloths, that each of these
articles of one mart could load several vessels. He observed that prices
were so low in the cities of Bengal specially of food-stuffs that he was
tempted to have many meals a day79. In spite of Isa Khan’s
preoccupation in military pursuits it is evident that his people had
339
comparative ease and prosperity and it is said that rice was sold at four
maunds to the rupee80. This speaks of the security which his strong
hands could give to his people and the interest he took in the welfare of
his people.
To conclude, it may be said that during the period under review

Bengal, particularly, the region of Bhati enjoyed prosperity in
agriculture, industry and commerce. The life of even the most ordinary
people was easy, because of abundance and cheapness. They had fewer
needs and their life was simple.
Section III: Society and Culture
It is necessary to form an idea about the society and culture

during the period under study. Islam and Hinduism were the two main
component elements which constituted the whole socio-religious
structure of the country81. The advent of the Muslims is an important
landmark in the social and cultural history of Bengal. By the
immigration of the foreign Muslims and by the acceptance of Islam by
many non-Muslim, the number of Muslims had steadily increased in
Bengal. There was also higher birth rate among the Muslims. The sufis
and ulema had the most significant role in the spread of Islam and the
development of the Muslim community in Bengal. The khanqahs and
madrasahs acted as powerful integrating forces of the Muslim society82.
Living side by side for centuries, the Muslims and the Hindus naturally
influenced one another. The liberalism of the Muslims with their ideas
of social equality and brotherhood in every field, the simplicity of their
religion and life and their enlightenment and culture reacted the Hindus
in many ways. The Hindus came in contact with the Muslims either as
340
courtiers and officers of the Muslim rulers or as neighbours of the

Muslim population. Naturally the Hindus were greatly influenced in
many fundamental aspects of their life by the superior ideas and culture
as well as the etiquette and ways of life of the Muslims 83. But the latter
did not react much to the traditions of the former. The simple faith and
the democratic social set-up of the Muslims had practically nothing to
take from the complex, caste-ridden and priest dominated Hindu society.
Yet centuries of contact could not but leave behind some influence of
the Hindus on the social life of the Muslims84.
One remarkable aspect of the social life of the Bengali people
during the period of Muslim rule was the promotion of the feeling of
understanding and co-operation between the Hindus and the Muslims. In
fact, as a result of social intercourse and exchange of ideas, the Hindus
and the Muslims came to form a better understanding of each other. The
Muslim interest in the knowledge of the Hindu scriptures naturally
evoked the reverence of the enlightened Hindus to the religious works of
the Muslims. In this connection, it may be mentioned here that by their
enlightened patronage, the Muslim rulers made significant contribution
to the development of the Bengali literature. Not only that the Muslim
rulers were keenly interested in the religious knowledge of the Hindus
and they were the first to popularise the teachings of their scriptures
among the Hindus in general by providing for the translation of the
Mahabharata, the Ramayana and the Bhagavada into Bengali. The
Hindu sastras were discussed in the courts of the Muslim rulers and
governors85. This really helped in bringing about a better social and
cultural understanding between the Hindus and the Muslims and in
building a common cultural platform of the two communities of Bengal.
As a result, an atmosphere of harmony and amity prevailed in the
Hindu- Muslim relations and this accounted for the peace and prosperity
341
in Bengal and also for the development of several common cultural

institutions of these two communities of Bengal. It is to be borne in
mind that although, the socio-cultural life of the past continued during
the period under review, the Bara-Bhuiyans emerged as a new socio-
cultural force in the history of Bengal.
The Bara-Bhuiyans were at the top of the society in their
respective territories during the period under consideration. Their
wealth, position and power caught the imagination of the people and
they followed the lead of the Bara-Bhuiyans. The halo which gathered
round the Bara-Bhuiyans in the eyes of the people was sung in local
ballads and their names are enshrined in local traditions of the
province86. These express their powerful impression on the minds of the
people and social life of the time.
The upper class of the Muslim society was composed of the
Saiyids87, Mughals, Pathans88 and the high government officials89. In
speaking of the respectable Muslims, Barbosa referred to their luxurious
life. In towns and cities they lived in brick-built houses which had flat
roofs and flights of steps. They had great bathing tanks attached to their
houses90. They used to have at their table varieties of dishes of fowl,
mutton and meat, both roasted and soaked. Different kinds of sweets and
fruits formed part of the menu91. They used to put on very thin, white,
long garments reaching to their ankles with girdles of clothes beneath
them and silk scarves over them. They wore rings studded with jewels,
and turbans, and publicly carried daggers in their girdles92. Drinking
wine was common in the upper class circles93. But it was not a common
practice of all the people of the upper classes. It was confined to a few
and was never done in the public94. Barbosa has incidentally mentioned
a kind of wine prepared from the palm and used by respectable ladies.95
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The wealthy Muslims had their occasional social gatherings

which were rendered quite lively by music and dance. On such
occasions, they invited musicians and dancing girls whose coloured
dress and dazzling ornaments added much to the pomp and grandeur of
the festivities.96
Polygamy was widely practiced by the wealthy Muslims and the
number of their wives was possibly without any limit. While confining
these women to their respective houses, they did not forget to behave
well with them, “giving them great store of gold, silver and apparel of
fine silk.” The female folk used to meet only at night, the occasions
being attended by “great festivities, and rejoicings and superfluity of
wines.” They could skillfully play on different musical instruments.
Barabosa has mentioned gold, silver and apparel of fine silk which
clearly indicate that the ladies of the upper class used to put on gold and
silver ornaments and silk clothes97. In the light of above discussion it
may be mentioned that the upper class Muslim enjoyed complete
economic affluence and spent their lives in state of luxury and
extravagancy.
The cultivators, weavers and those who had adopted similar other
professions, belonged to the lower class of the Muslim society. Some of
them were converts from Hinduism or the descendants of such converts.
Certain professions were monopolised by the Muslims. Even the Hindus
had to depend upon Muslim tailors. The tailor class of Bengal was
mostly composed of Muslims. The broad economic divisions of the
Muslims including the pithari (cake seller), kabari (fish seller), kagazi
(the maker of paper), rangrez (the cloth dyer), hazam (those whose
profession was to circumcise children), kasai (butcher) and shanakar
(the Maker of looms) bear out the truth of the conclusion that the
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economic structure of the Muslim society had grown almost to its full
stature towards the end of the sixteenth century.98
The lower class people, living in towns and cities, were greatly
influenced by the upper class whom they used to imitate in their day to
day affairs. Put on short white shirts which come half way down their
thighs, and on their heads little twisted turban of three or four folds, and
also used well wrought and gilded sandals and shoes99. It is also known
that the common people particularly the cultivators and labouring class
put on lungi (a cloth like skirt), nima or a small half shirt and a cap100.
The lower class people lived in houses built of bamboo with straw
thatchings101. Bengali food has not changed materially in the course of
the last few centuries. Rice, as now, was the staple food of the people.
Rice soaked in water (pantabhat or amani) was the breakfast not only of
the poorer class as now, but the richer section of the community also
used to take it with relish102. It is known that the Muslims of Bengal
favoured fowl, mutton and meat curries. Besides, rice, fish and
vegetables were the common food of the people. The common people
among the Muslims could prepare sundry fish and vegetable curries for
their meal. Khichri (a preparation of rice and pulse usually with ghee or
oil) was a favourite dish of the people. Even the upper class people had
special liking for it.103
Widow remarriage was a common institution at least among the
Muslims of lower classes. The Muslim widows mourned their husband’s
death by abstaining from taking meat or fish for at least a week104.
The Muslims of Bengal followed the ideal of education of the
early Muslims. The Muslim rulers, nobles, officers and well-to-do
persons were devoted to learning and exerted themselves for the spread
and progress of education in every possible way. The ulema and sufis
promoted the cause of learning among the Bengali people. As a result, a
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large number of madrasahs, academies and schools developed in towns

and important localities. The sayings of the prophet (Sm) were inscribed
on the madrasahs and educational institutions to impress upon the
Muslims the significance of education in their mental and moral
advancement.105
Primary education was common among the Muslims during the
period of Muslim rule in Bengal. This was particularly because,
Muslims regarded education of children as a religious duty. Education
of Muslims under the Muslim rule was a political and administrative
necessity. It was also held as a social distinction. The founding of
institutions of education was considered as service in the way of Allah
and a pious deed. The education of the Muslim children began in the
maktab, which was attached to every mosque and also to the house of a
rich man, so that every town and even village had many primary
schools.106
Religious teaching formed the basis of the primary education.
Every Muslim child, boy or girl, was taught the fundamentals of religion
and the precepts of the faith107. Besides, religious knowledge, other
subjects were also taught in the maktab. The students, in the primary
schools had to learn three languages Arabic, Persian and Bengali. For
the reading of the Quran and Hadith the learning of the Arabic language
was essential. Persian was the language of the court and culture
throughout the Muslim period. Hence the study of the Persian language
and literature was indispensable for employment in the government or
any other institution. Bengali was the mother tongue of many Muslims
as well as of the non-Muslims. Hence the Bengali Muslims could not
have neglected the learning of the Bengali language. Indeed Bengali
played a significant part in the literary and cultural life of the Muslims
of Bengal.108
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Secondary education was imparted in the madrasahs. Many

madrasahs were set up in the province and most of the towns and
important Muslim localities had a secondary school109. The secondary
course included the Quran, the Hadith, theology, jurisprudence and
other Islamic subjects. Secular sciences, such as logic, arithmetic,
medicine, chemistry, geometry, astronomy and others were also taught
in the madrasahs.110
In discussing the higher education, it is noteworthy that
chemistry, medicine and natural sciences were taught in the madrasahs
of Bengal as in other parts of this subcontinent. The Unani and Irani
medicine was studied and practiced in this province111. Seats of higher
education developed in many towns and important localities. Several
khanqahs of the celebrated sufi-scholars also formed the nucleus of
illustrious seats of learning. The khanqah of the vastly learned sufi
Shaikh Al al- Haq and his distinguished son Shaikh Nur Qutb Alam was
a renowned seat of learning as well as spiritual knowledge. Hadrat Nur
Qutb Alam built a great madrasah and hospital at Pandua112. Up to the
Mughal times Lakhnawti (Gaur), Pandua, Mahisun, Sonargaon,
Satgaon, Nagor, Mandaran, Bagha, Rangpur and Chittagong were some
of the centres of higher learning. Many of these seats of education
continued their career of the diffusion of knowledge in the period of the
Mughal rule in Bengal. It may be mentioned here that Sonargaon
continued to be an intellectual centre during the Muslim rule. Shaikh
Ala al-Haq, his grandson Shaikh Badr-i-Islam and great grandson
Shaikh Zahedi, who were noted for their learning, lived in this city
several years. It was the abode of a great jurist and muhaddith of the
sixteenth century, Taqi al-Din who was regarded as the chief of the
lawyers and teachers of the Hadith literature. Sonargaon was a
flourishing port city and the capital of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief
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of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati. Many nobles and eminent persons lived

in this city. As such, the tradition of Sonargaon as an educational centre
continued throughout the sixteenth century and early seventeenth
century, if not later113. It may be mentioned here that Sonargaon was the
only notable seat of learning in the region of Bhati during the period
under study.
The teachers appointed by the rulers were perhaps well-versed in
certain subjects including law and enjoyed much prestige in the society.
Taqi al-Din, one of these teachers, whose name is recorded in the
Sonargaon inscription of Nusrat Shah, had the high sounding title of
malik-ul-umara wal-wazara, and was regarded as the chief of the
lawyers and teachers of traditions of the sixteenth century114. The
teacher of the primary school held a place of special importance in the
social and cultural life of village. The students also had great respect and
attachment for their teacher and served him with devotion. The teachers
of the madrasahs and other educational institutions were provided for
their subsistence from the rent free endowments which were granted to
every institution either by the state or by some well-to-do Muslims. The
teacher was also the imam or the guide of the Muslims of the village in
their rituals ceremonies and festivities. He conducted such ceremonies
as marriage, etc. For this he used to get gifts from the people. The
students also would make presents to him after the successful
completion of the primary education115.
From the facts discussed above, it appears that the Bengali
Muslims attached great value to education and there was urge for the
acquisition of learning in the Bengali Muslim society. It is also to be
noted in this connection that the Muslims of the Mughal Bengal were
comparatively wealthy and prosperous, and hence they had better
facilities for the education of their children. All these factors contributed
347
to the progress of learning among the Muslins of Bengal. As a result, a

large number of works on various branches of knowledge were
compiled by the celebrated scholars of Sultani Bengal. This trend also
continued till the period under study. It may be mentioned here that
Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, son of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of
the Bara-Bhuiyans, was a patron of learning and men of letters. He gave
his patronage to Pandit Nathuresh in compiling a Sanskrit dictionary
called Shabdha Ratnakari.116
It is learnt from the writings of the contemporary Bengali poets
that the Muslim society was noted for its religious character and the
Muslims regulated their life in accordance with the Quran and the
Hadith (Prophetic traditions). They were punctilious in the performance
of their religious rites and ceremonies. Even in their dress and manners,
they followed the tradition of the early Muslims. A glimpse of the
religious character of the Muslim society may be obtained from the
writings of Mukundaram, who says, “they (Muslims) rise early in the
morning and, spreading a red pati (mat), say their prayers five times a
day. Counting on the Sulaimani beads, they meditate on the pir and
Paighambar (Prophet) and illuminate the seat of the pir. Ten or twenty
of them sit together to decide cases. They always recite the Quran and
the kitab (religious book).” The poet also adds, “They are very wise,
they care for none (except God) and they never give up fasting (roza)
even to the last breath.”117 So, it is evident that the Muslims had strong
religious feeling. The Muslims of Bengal were also very particular about
their dress and habits. The pious Muslims used to shave their heads,
wear beards, and put on the ijar (trouser), turban and cap. While
meeting one another, they did not forget to exchange salam (Islamic
Salutation). In fact, mosques and maqams (shrines of the pirs) were the
meeting places for them. The picture of the pious Muslims of Bengal, as
348
depicted in the Bengali literature, does not fundamentally differ from

that of the religious minded Muslims residing in other parts of the
world.118
The Muslims of Bengal celebrated some religious festivals among
which Id al-Fitr, Id al-Azha, the Birthday of the Prophet (Sm), Shab-i-
Baraat, the Ashura of Muharram and a ceremony known as Bera
festival may be mentioned.119
A notable trait of Muslim religious life of mediaeval Bengal was
the influence of sufi mysticism. Of the numerous Indian sufi orders, at
least seven are definitely known to have entered Bengal in different
periods. These seven orders are the Suhrawardia, the Chishtia, the
Qalandariyah, the Madariyah, the Adhamiyah, the Naqshbandia and the
Qadiriyah. Several of these orders had considerable influence during the
Muslim rule in Bengal120. These sufi orders played an important role to
build up the Muslim society in Bengal. It may be mentioned here that in
earlier period sufism maintained its orthodox character and its impact
was deeply felt in the Hindu society. But from the sixteenth century
onwards it fell increasingly under the influence of Hindu yogism and
trantrikism and degenerated into heterodox mysticism. The monism of
Hindu mystics made way into the Muslim mysticism. Un-Islamic ideas
and practices prevailed in the society throughout the sub-continent.
Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564-1624), known as the Mujaddid-i-Alf-i-
Thani, aimed at purifying the Muslim society of these evils and re-
establishing the orthodox faith and sufism.121
It may be said that the above mentioned religious features of the
Muslim society of Bengal remained almost unchanged during the period
under review.
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Hindu society was based on the caste system and they were
divided into four castes, the Brahmin, the Kayastha, Vaisya and Sudra.
There were, besides, many sub-castes and sects among them. The social
barriers between different castes and even sub-castes continued to exist
and deny social intercourse with one another122.
The Brahmins, during the Hindu rule, maintained their position of
precedence in the Hindu social life. But the Muslim rule and their social
ideals greatly relieved the lower class people from the domination and
exclusiveness of the Brahmins and accorded them many rights and
facilities to improve their life and status in the society. The Brahmins
however lost the monopoly of the rights and privileges and were
virtually faced with the condition of competition from the Hindus of
other castes in intellectual, political and social life with the
establishment of the Muslim power in Bengal. Being thus denied of the
monopoly of the privileges in the State, the Brahmins took to different
professions. These professions decided their status in the society. Thus
the Brahmins were divided into several sections on the basis of their
occupation and they also lived in separate quarters of the villages or
towns123.
The Kayasthas lived in one side of the town or village and
represented the middle class in the Hindu society. Under the Muslim
rule, they got opportunities to show their talents and attainments. They
excelled in learning and intellect and qualified themselves for a
dignified position in the state and society. Because of their learning and
devotion to government and the patronage of the Muslim rulers, the
Kayasthas prospered in government service and also as revenue farmers
and Zamindars. Indeed they occupied a position of pre-eminence in the
Hindu society in consequence of their rise to office and wealth during
the period of Muslim rule in Bengal.124
350
The Vaisays were mostly cultivators and traders. The Vaisays

lived in one part of the village or town, on the lines of their occupations.
The Vaisays cultivators lived in one quarter and the trading Vaisays of
various categories were settled in their neighbourhood. There were also
various classes of manufactures and artisans among them.125
The Sudras were either cultivators or labourers in the society.
They were divided into many sub-castes on the basis of their
occupations. One class ploughed land and another caught fish. There
were weavers, barbers, blacksmiths, carpenters, potters, washermen and
other classes of Sudras. They lived in one extremity of the town or the
village.126
On the eve of the Muslim conquest of Bengal, the Hindu society
was demoralised. But after the Muslim conquest of Bengal, there was
moral and cultural development of the Hindu society, as a result of the
religious and social influence of the Muslims.127
The rich, both Hindus and Muslims, used to live in brick built
houses and the poor had their houses built of bamboo with straw128. The
dhuti was the common dress of the Hindus. The upper class people wore
an angarakhi or a long coat reaching the knee-joint and fastened in the
neck and breast. There was also the use of chadar and turban in the
aristocratic and educated circles. The wealthy Hindus, particularly the
merchants, put on necklace, ear-ring, and rings of diamonds and
precious metals. The common dress of the women was sari. There were
different kinds and qualities of saries. Sack-cloths or jute saries were
worn by women of the poorer class. The women of well-to-do families
generally put on kanchuli (tight-breast) and orna (scarf). They adorned
themselves with various ornaments, such as necklace, bracelet, bangles,
ear-ring, nose-ring etc. They put on nupur or anklet in their feet. The use
of vermilion marks was common among all classes of women. They
351
used scents of musk and sandal-wood.129 Abul Fazl remarks that the
men and women of Bengal for the most part went naked, wearing only a
cloth (lungi) about their loins. Ralph Fitch also had similar reflection
about the Bengali people he says, “They go with a little cloth before
them, and all the rest of their bodies is naked.”130 The statements of
Abul Fazl and Ralph Fitch should not be accepted in their literal
meaning. It was not that the Bengalis were poor and could not afford to
buy clothes. But in view of the rains, waters and mud, trouser, shirt etc.,
were inconvenient for work in the field in Bengal. A small dhuti was
therefore the most convenient dress for the cultivators and labourers
working in the soil of this riverine province.131
Rice and fish were the chief food of the Bengali people.
According to the accounts of Ralph Fitch, there was a section of the
Hindus who were strictly vegetarians. Regarding the people of
Sonargaon, this English traveller writes “Here they will eat no flesh, nor
kill a beast. They live on rice, milk and fruits.”132 The people in general
took rice, fish and vegetables. On festive occasions however they used
to take flesh.133
In the pre-Muslim Bengal education was confined mostly among
the Brahmins and the lower class Hindus were denied the right to any
kind of knowledge whatsoever. But from the beginning of the Muslim
rule in Bengal the lower class Hindus found scope for acquiring learning
and improving their life134 . Because, the Muslim rule opened equal
opportunities to all classes of people Muslim and non-Muslims, high or
low, for advancement, spiritual, material and intellectual. The system of
education followed in the Hindu society was different in many respects
from its modern counterpart. Village schools were common in those
days. They were attended by a large number of students coming not only
from the richer class in the society but also from the poorer section as
352
well. The education of the Hindu boy began with the ceremony called
hatekhadi and he used to learn the alphabets possibly at his own home.
When this initial stage was over the boy could go to join one of the
neighboring tols conducted individually by a Brahmin Pandit (scholar).
Since the pattern of education was thoroughly classical, he had to learn
grammar, logic and rhetoric. It seems that the Vedas together with their
commentaries were taught at a higher stage of the student’s intellectual
maturity. The different systems of Indian philosophy such as Nyaya,
Samkhya, Patanjala, Mimamsa and Vaishesika were also studied by the
advanced students135. Bengali and Persian were also taught in some of
the tols. There were several centres of Sanskrit learning in Bengal in the
Muslim period. The most celebrated of these was Navadvip. It was a
great seat of learning in the Hindu times. In the Muslim period it
developed into a brilliant centre of the New School of philosophy
(Navya Nyaya) and attracted students from all parts of India.136
During the period of the Muslim rule in Bengal, the Hindu
society, apart from the various castes and sub-castes was divided into
many religious groups and sects. Among these the Vaishnavas, the
Dharma cult, the Saivas, the Saktas, the Sahajiya, and the Avadhuta
may be mentioned. The Hindus observed many religious rites and
ceremonies. Besides, the worship of Siva and Kali, they worshipped
many gods and goddesses. The worship of the goddesses Manasa and
Chandi occupied a prominent place in the Hindu society from the
fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century, the worship of Durga became
common among the Hindus. There were also Laksmi puja, Saraswati
puja, Vasuli puja, Sasthi puja and Charak puja, etc., in the Hindu
society. The Hindus of the time regarded it as a religious duty to bathe
in the Ganges and the Barhmaputra rivers. Bathing in a holy river on the
seventh of the Bengali month Magh, was Known as Maghi Saptami
353
Snan, Dolyatra, Rathayatra and Holi festival became very common in

this period. In course of time the Holi formed a common festival of the
Hindus. It was performed amidst great rejoicings. The Muslims
patronised and even participated in this festival of the Hindus.137
The customs of the Hindu society were intermingled with
prejudices. It was believed that musical performances would lead to the
increase of the price of paddy and create famine in the country. If the
pitcher that used to be kept on the exit-door (yatraghat) was broken by
any accident, or if the head touched the upper doorframe, the journey
was considered to be inauspicious. There appears to be no end of
inauspicious signs. The chirping of the house lizard on the left side, the
movement of the snake on the right and the howling of jackals, were all
considered as indicating that the journey would not be an auspicious
one. The falling of vermilion from women’s head and of bracelets from
their hands and the breaking of shankhas were regarded as inauspicious
signs. In the morning people did not like to look at the face of a childless
man who was believed to be helpless in the next world138. Some of these
beliefs are still lingering in a modified form in the society of modern
rural Bengal.
The above mentioned characteristics of the social life of the
Hindus remained unchanged during the period under study.
The social and cultural understanding that developed between the
Muslim and the Hindu communities during the Sultanate period in
Bengal continued during the period under review. For example the
Bara-Bhuiyuans derived from both Hindu and Muslim communities.
Among the Bara-Bhuiyans, the Hindu Bhuiyans were Chand Rai and
Kedar Rai, the Zamindars of Bikrampur and Sripur, Madhava Rai, the
Zamindar of Khalsi and Binod Rai, the Zamindar of Chandpratap. They
were the bona fide members of the Bara-Bhuiyans and they followed the
354
lead of Isa Khan and, after him, of his son Musa Khan. So, it is evident
that the Bara-Bhuiyans were derived from both Hindu and Muslim
communities. Not only that, the Muslim Bhuiyans had Hindu high
officers under them and the Hindu Bhuiynas had Muslim high officers.
For example, Ramai Lashkar and Janaki Vallabh were commanders of
Musa Khan’s army139 and Sulaiman Khan was a general of Kedar Rai140.
So, the Hindus and Muslims joined in their resistance against the
Mughals. It is learnt that in Bengal, during the Sultanate period also, the
Hindus joined the Muslims in resisting the aggression of the Sultans of
Delhi. At that time, the Hindus served under the Muslim rulers, but now
they joined the Muslims to preserve their independence against the
Muslim Mughals, the joint effort of the Hindus and Muslims of Bengal
against the Muslim Mughal aggression, ushers in a new chapter in the
socio-cultural history of Bengal.
The Hindu Zamindars celebrated pujas and other socio-religious

rites and festivities in great pomp and the Muslim Zamindars
participated in these ceremonies. It is learnt that Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala,
the chief of the Bara-Bhuiyans, graced by his presence many festivities
at the court of Pratapaditiya of Jessore141. Thus the Bara-Bhuiyans
continued the socio-cultural harmony and amity between the Hindus and
the Muslims which had developed during the Sultanate period in
Bengal.
Like the Sultans of Bengal, Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, the chief of
the Bara-Bhuiyans, and his son Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala, who took the
leadership of the Bara-Bhuiyans after the death of his father, were
patrons of learning and men of letters. Under their patronage there was
some progress of literatures. In a cannon the name of Isa Khan has been
inscribed in Bengali142. This fact, though small in itself, is significant, as
355
it is related to the position of the Bengali language. The Hindu rulers

used to have their inscriptions in Sanskrit. The Muslim rulers issued
their inscriptions either in Arabic or in Persian. Sher Shah was the first
ruler both among Muslims and Hindus to issue an inscription in
Bengali143. Isa Khan followed this great Afghan Sultan in according a
status to the Bengali language. Isa Khan’s son Musa Khan gave his
patronage to Pandit Nathuresh in compiling a Sankrit dictionary called
Shabdha Ratnakari.144
The Bara-Bhuiyans had also some contributions to the field of
architecture. Some mosques and forts were built during their times,
among which the Mosque of Katrabo, the Mosque of Qutub Shah, the
Mosque of Jangalbari, the Mosque of Musa Khan, the Fort of Katrabo,
the Fort of Khizrpur, the Fort of Qadam Rasul, the Fort of Sonakanda,
the Fort of Egara Sindur and the Fort of Jangalbari may be mentioned.145
To conclude, it may be mentioned here that the characteristics of
the healthy society and culture that had developed during the time of the
Sultans of Bengal continued to flourish during the period under study. In
absence of any central government the Bara-Bhuiyans emerged as the
independent rulers and became fountainheads of all powers in their
respective territories. Not only that, they were the virtual protectors and
guardians of the society of their times. They added a new social element
and cultural force to the province. They supplied a class of influential
aristocracy to the Bengali people and contributed to the vigour and
progress of the society in many ways.
1. Cultural Hist. Vol. II, p.201.
356
2. Raychaudhuri, Tapan, BengalUnder Akbar and Jahangir (An

Introductory Study in Social History), Second Impression, Delhi,
May, 1969, p.86; henceforth cited only as Bengal Under.
3. Cultural Hist.Vol. II, p.201; Baharistan, p.85; H.Bengal, p.305.
4. Ibid., p.194.
5. Cultural Hist. Vol. I, p.379; Baharistan, pp. 56, 127-128.
6. Ibid., pp.379-380.
7. Ibid., p.380; Baharistan, pp. 56-57.
9. Ibid., p.1093.
10. Baharistan, pp. 64-68, 83-88.
11. Ain, p.134.
12. Ray, Svarupa Chandra, Suvarna Gramer Itihasa, Edited by Dr.
Saikat Asghar, First Edition, Dhaka, 1993, p.77; henceforth cited
only as Suvarna Gram.
13. Ibid., p.76.
14. Historical Fallacies, p.55.
15. Hussain Shahi, p.130.
16. Ibid., pp.130-131.
17. Khatun, Habiba and Jahan, Shahnaz Husne, Isakhan: Samakaleen
Itihash, First Edition, Dhaka, 2000, p.77; henceforth cited only as
Isakhan.
18. Hussain Shahi, pp.131-132.
19. Isakhan, pp.78-79.
20. Ibid., p.79.

22. Isakhan, p.77.
24. Ibid., pp.132-133.
357
26. Khatun, Habiba, In Quest of Katrabo, Journal of the Asiatic

Society of Bangladesh, Vol. XXXI, No.2, December, 1986,
pp.37-48; Mughal Amal, p.143.
28. Ibid.; Masnad-i-Ala, p.124.
31. Ibid., p.148; Bideshi Parjatak, p.116.
32. Ibid., p.138.
35. Mughal Amal, p.120; Glimpses of Dhaka, pp. 67-68.
36. B.P.P.,Vol. XXXVIII, No, 75, p.45.
37. Two inscriptions of Sultan Nasir-ud-din Mahmud Shah (1435-
1459 A.C.) have been discovered from the city of Dhaka,
Shamsud-din Ahmed, Inscriptions of Bengal, Vol. IV. Varendra
Research Museum, Rajshahi, East Pakistan, 1960, pp. 57-58,
62-64.
39. Ibid., p.102.
40. Ibid., pp.100-101.
41. Bideshi Parjatak, pp.66-67.
43. Qureshi, Istiaq Husain, The Administration of the Sultanate of
Delhi, New Delhi, 1958, pp.115-118.
44. Historical Fallacies, p.55; Suvarna Gram, p.77.
46. Ibid., p.145.
47. Suvarna Gram, p.76; Isakhan, pp.78-79.
49. Ain, p.134.
50. Ibid.
51. Hussain Shahi, p.145; Cultural Hist. Vol. I, pp. 386-389.
358
52. Ain, p.135.

53. Suvarna Gram, p.76.
54. Cultural Hist. Vol. I, pp. 395-396.
59. Ibid., pp.66-67.
61. Ain, p.135.
62. Bideshi Parjatak, pp.43,107; Hussain Shahi, p.154; Cultural Hist.
Vol. I, p.391.
63. Ashraf, K.M. Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan,
Translated into Bengali by Gupta, Tapati Sen, Second Edition,
July, 1994, p.142; henceforth cited only as Life and Conditions;
Hussain Shahi, p.155; Cultural Hist. Vol.I, p.391.
64. Ain, p.136.
65. Bideshi Parjatak, pp. 54, 66-67.
66. Ibid., p.43; Hussain Shahi, p.156.
67. Cultural Hist. Vol. II, pp.421-422.
68. Bideshi Parjatak, p.107; Hussain Shahi, p.156; Cultural Hist.
Vol.I, p. 392; Life and Conditions, p.149.
69. Ibid., p.67.
70. Ain, p.136; Cultural Hist. Vol. I, p. 389.
71. Bideshi Parjatak, pp.42, 53; Hussain Shahi, p.156.
72. Stapleton, H.E., Note on Seven Sixteenth Century Cannon
recently discovered in the Dacca District, Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, Vol. V, No.9, October, 1909, pp.367-375;
henceforth cited only as Sixteenth Century Cannon.
74. Ain, p.130.
359
76. Ibid., pp.164-166.

77. Bengal Under, p.249.
79. Ibid., pp.128-129; Cultural Hist. Vol. I, p. 405.
80. Nurul Karim, Muhammad, Role of Isa Khan in the History of East
Pakistan, Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, Vol.II, Part
II, April, 1954, pp.125-135.
81. Hussain Shahi, p.335; Aurangzib’s Reign, p.220; Banglar Itihash,
p.136.
82. Cultural Hist. Vol. I, p. 415.
83. Ibid., pp.301, 335.
84. Ibid., p.335.
85. Ibid., pp.218-219.
86. Cultural Hist. Vol.II, p.206. For details see, Dewan Ishakhaner
Pala, Moulik, Sree Khitishchandra (Edited), Prachin Purbabanga
Gitika, Vol. VII,Calcutta, 1975, pp. 159-240.
87. The Shaikhs, Saiyids and Ulama were an influential upper class of
the society. Although they might not have possessed official
status or wealth, they were held in the highest esteem by the
people in general, because of their piety, learning and exemplary
character. Their position of honour and respectability gave them a
high social status. The Saiyids, the descendants of the Prophet
(Sm), always commanded the special reverence of Muslims,
Cultural Hist. Vol.II, p.174, 176; Aurangzib’s Reign, p.231;
Banglar Itihash, p.141.
88. Pathan is no doubt the general term used in the Indian
subcontinent for the Afghans, Karim, Abdul, Social History of the
Muslims in Bengal (Down to A.D. 1538), Third Edition and Jatiya
Grantha Prakashan Ist Published August, 2001, p.176.
90. Ibid., p.338.
91. Cultural Hist. Vol.I, p.290.
92. Hussain Shahi, p.338; Bideshi Parjatak, pp.42, 108.
93. Ibid.
360
95. Hussain Shahi, p.338; Bideshi Parjatak, p.108.

96. Ibid.
97. Ibid., pp.339-340; Bideshi Parjatak, p.108.
98. Ibid., p.341; Bengal Under, p.225; Aurangzib’s Reign, pp.239-
240; Banglar Itihash, pp.146-147.
99. Ibid.; Bideshi Parjatak, pp.108-109; Cultural Hist. Vol.I, p.264.
101. Hussain Shahi, pp.355-356; Bideshi Parjatak, p.116.
102. Ibid., p.357; Bengal Under, p.223.
105. Cultural Hist. Vol.I, pp.161-162.
106. Ibid., p.188; Cultural Hist. Vol.II, p.305.
107. Ibid., p.191.
108. Ibid., pp.191-192.
109. Ibid., p.195.
110. Ibid., p.196.
111. Ibid., p.197.
112. Ibid., p.177; Cultural Hist. Vol.II, p.289.
113. Cultural Hist. Vol.II, pp.288-290.
114. Ibid., p.290; Hussain Shahi, p.343.
116. Cultural Hist. Vol.II, p.207.
117. Mukundaram, Chandikavya, quoted and translated by Rahim,
M.A., Cultural Hist Vol.I, p.271.
120. Bengal Under, p.175.
122. Ibid., p.357; Cultural Hist. Vol.I, p.341.
123. Ibid.; Ibid., pp. 341-342.
361

125. Ibid., p.347.
126. Ibid.
127. Ibid., pp.347-348.
130. Ain, p.134; Bideshi Parjatak, p.116.
134. Ibid., pp.202-203.
137. Ibid., pp.350-356.
141. Ibid., p.228.
142. Sixteenth Century Cannon, pp.367-375.
144. Ibid., pp.206-207.
145. For details see, Isakhan, pp.51-75.
362
Chapter VIII
Conclusion
Mughal Badshah Akbar got a foothold in Bengal after Daud Khan

Kararani, the last independent Afghan Sultan of Bengal, was defeated
and killed in the battle of Rajmahal in 1576 A.C. But though, the
Afghan ruling power was crushed, the Mughals could not consolidate
their position over the whole of Bengal and Badshah Akbar died in
1605A.C. before his desire was fulfilled. It was only in the reign of the
next Badshah Jahangir that Subahdar Islam Khan Chishti could
consolidate the Mughal position and could bring almost the whole of
Bengal (except Chittagong) under the Mughal control within 1612 A.C.
The period of more than three decades, that is, from 1576 to 1612 A.C.,
cannot be properly regarded as the Mughal period in Bengal. Because,
during this time different parts of Bengal were under the control of
different Afghan Chieftains and Bhuiyans (Zamindars). They both
jointly and / or severally resisted the Mughal aggression and ruled
almost practically as independent rulers in their respective territories.
Among the Bhuiyans (Zamindars), the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati became
very famous, because they fought gallantly during this period and
although they had been forced to submit in the long run, they were able
to preserve the independence of the country for more than three decades
and they turned out to be the chief obstacle to the Mughal bid for the
conquest of Bengal. Not only that they were also at the top of the
political, administrative and social life of this period.
It may be quite in place to mention here that a good number of
pioneering scholars also has tried to reconstruct the history of the Bara-
Bhuyans. But most of their writings appeared to be somewhat
inadequate and at the same time, it is evident from their writings that
363
almost all of them could not offer proper answers to the following
questions concerning the Bara-Bhuiyans;(a) What is the significance of
the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’?; (b) Who are the Bara-Bhuiyans?; (c) When
and how did they rise to power?; (d) Where were the territories of the
Bara-Bhuiyans actually located?etc.etc. In this dissertation it has been
tried to solve these questions on a rational basis. At first it has been tried
to reach a plausible conclusion on the significance of the term ‘Bara-
Bhuiyans’, that is, to explain the term properly as far as possible. The
previous scholars have also tried to explain the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’.
But they explained the term in various ways and also held mutually
contradictory views regarding the significance of the term. Among the
sources used by the previous scholars the only contemporary sources are
the European writings, the Akbar Nama of Abul Fazl and the
Baharistan-i-Ghaybi of Mirza Nathan. The European writings have
turned out to be confusing. On the other hand, it is clearly evident from
the statements of Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan that they are completely
unequivocal about the term “twelve” (dawazdah) and the term was in
vogue before the Mughal invasion of Bengal. Although Abul Fazl
mentioned that Isa Khan made the “twelve Zamindars” subject to
himself and Mirza Nathan repeatedly mentioned Musa Khan and
“Twelve Bhuyans”, neither Abul Fazl nor Mirza Nathan definitely
mentions who these “twelve Zamindrs” or “Twelve Bhuyans” were, that
is, who these Bara-Bhuiyans were. Besides, the history of the warfare
between the Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans during the reigns of
Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir, as has been described in the
Akbar Nama and the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi by Abul Fazl and Mirza
Nathan respectively, gives the clear impression that the number of the
allies of Isa Khan is less than twelve and the number of the allies of
Musa Khan on the contrary, is more than twelve. Most probably, these
364
issues might have made the modern scholars confused. So, they differ as
to the significance of the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’, many of them holding
that the term denotes an indefinite number, and among others, one took
the term for twelve units of Bhuiyans, one for exactly twelve Bhuiyans
and at least one, took the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ for a symbol. So, it is
quite evident that the previous scholars are not in agreement about the
meaning or significance of the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’. Almost, all of
them think that the term “Bara” or “twelve” was used to denote an
indefinite number of Bhuiyans. But they could not prove this opinion
reasonably and also could not mention any contemporary historical
source in favour of such opinion, rather they merely followed each other
uncritically. On the other hand, though M. Mohar Ali takes the term
“twelve” for twelve units of Bhuiyans and Abdul Karim for exactly
twelve Bhuiyans, their opinions cannot be accepted on reasonable
grounds. However, it is interesting to note that there are clear indications
in the writings of the previous scholars that term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’
signifies the symbol of dignity, power and prestige. On the other hand,
the contemporary historians Abul Fazl and Mirza Nathan, while
mentioning the Bara-Bhuiyans, also mention Bhati, that is, they limited
the Bara-Bhuiyans within the region of Bhati. Moreover, the history of
the warfare between the Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans during the
reigns of Badshah Akbar and Badshah Jahangir, as has been described in
the Akbar Nama and the Baharistan-i-Ghaybi by Abul Fazl and Mirza
Nathan, gives the clear impression that the Bara-Bhuiyans were the
people of Bhati, they rose to power in Bhati and Bhati was the main
theatre of their resistance. On the basis of these facts the conclusion is
drawn that the term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ signifies the symbol of dignity,
power and prestige of those Zamindars of Eastern Bengal, specially of
Bhati, who by their independent status, freedom-loving attitude,
365
patriotic zeal, indomitable courage and heroic struggle for independence

against the mighty Mughals achieved that legendary dignity, power and
prestige. Secondly, here an attempt has been made to identify the Bara-
Bhuiyans and in so doing it has been marked that those Bhuiyans were
regarded as the Bara-Bhuiyans who were really independent and had
continuously fought against the Mughals during the reigns of Badshah’s
Akbar and Jahangir to retain that independence and that it proved to
have been the greatest obstacle to the Mughal bid for the conquest of
Bengal. These local veterans established rapport with one another and
forged an anti-Mughal politico-military alliance and successively
followed the lead of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and, after him, of his son
Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala. But those who did not fight against the
Mughals and also those who were not persistent in their hostility
towards the Mughals and did not follow the lead of Isa Khan or Musa
Khan, are not to be counted among the Bara-Bhuiyans. Thirdly, it has
been tried to identify the region of Bhati which ruled by the Bara-
Bhuiyans during the reigns of Badshah’s Akbar and Jahangir. In this
study identification of the eastern boundary of the region of Bhati by
such modern scholars as Bhattasali and Abdul Karim has not been
accepted because of reasonable grounds. Fourthly, though in the History
of Bengal, Vol. II, Mughal rule in Bengal starts after the fall of Daud
Khan Kararani, it is found in the present study that actually the Mughal
rule in Bengal started during the reign of Badshah Jahangir when
Subahdar Islam Khan Chishti was able to finally subdue the Bara-
Bhuiyans of Bhati, and by taking this advantage he was further able to
defeat other Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal. Thus he was able
ultimately to establish Mughal authority over the whole of Bengal
(except Chittagong) within 1612 A.C. It has also been seen in the
present study that during the reign of Badshah Akbar Mughal control
366
was limited to a very small area and for a time there was a rebel
government formed by the rebel Mughal officers in Bengal for about
two years when Badshah Akbar did not have any effective authority
over Bengal. At that time Bhati virtually remained outside Mughal
control as it was before and the whole of Bhati is found about this time
in the hands of the Bara-Bhuiyans. Moreover, it is also found in the
present study that the anti-Mughal resistance of the Bara-Bhuiyans of
Bhati did not come to an end with the death of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala,
as it is wrongly understood; rather it continued under the leadership of
his son Musa Khan Masnad-i-Ala for more than a decade. The period
from 1576 to 1612 A.C., that is, more than three decades the Bara-
Bhuiyans successfully checked the Mughal arms in Bengal and ruled
their respective territories as practically independent rulers and there
was no central government and the Bara-Bhuiyans introduced in Bengal,
particularly, in the region of Bhati a new system of government, that is,
the government of a military confederacy of independent Zamindars.
So, this period cannot be properly considered as the Mughal period in
Bengal. As the Bara-Bhuiyans were at the top of the political,
administrative and social life of this period, this period may be termed
as the period of the Bara-Bhuiyans.
In fact, a significant feature of the period, 1576-1612 A.C., is the
conflict of two politico-social forces in the history of Bengal. It opens
with a conflict of the idea of an independent politico-social life of the
province with the new scheme of political unity of the whole of the sub-
continent and the imperial social system as projected by the Mughals.
After a protracted struggle of more than three decades the imperial
social system and the force of political unity triumphed over the regional
sovereignty and national development of Bengal as a distinct region. As
367
a result, Bengal, no doubt, lost its independence and therewith any

further scope for its national development.
It is to be noted that the Bara-Bhuiyans did not easily submit to
the Mughal authority. In their eagerness and earnestness to maintain the
independence of this region, the Bara-Bhuiyans devised a new
experiment in their politico-social life. This was a system of the
confederacy of independent Zamindars. They governed their respective
territories as independent rulers. For the purpose of common interest, the
defence of their independence against the Mughal imperial aggression,
they forged an anti-Mughal politico-military alliance and acknowledged
the leadership first of Isa Khan and then of his son Musa Khan. They
fought against the great strength and resources of Mughal Badshah
Akbar and Badshah Jahangir for more than three decades and in the end
were militarily forced to submit. But they represented the spirit of
independence which had characterised the Bengali people throughout
centuries. Bengal was always opposed to the sovereignty of Northern
India and asserted the independence every time when the authority of
Delhi was to be imposed on it. The Bara-Bhuiyans maintained this
tradition of the independent political life of Bengal by opposing the
establishment of Mughal rule in Bengal. Their spirit of independence
lingered on in the soil of Bengal even during the 19th and the 20th
centuries.
Like the Mughals the Bengali people too did not acknowledge the
alien British suzerainty as was manifested in different movements like
the Faraidi1 and Titumir’s2 movements in the 19th century Bengal. Both
the movements marked direct resistance to the imperialistic and colonial
tendencies of the foreign rule.
In the 20th century after the partition of British India and the birth
of Pakistan the people of Bengal, particularly of Eastern Bengal,
368
continued to assert their rights of autonomy against the Pakistani

colonial rule. Here also the freedom-loving spirit of the Bara-Bhuiyans
which they kept aloft for quite some time and which lingered through
centuries found a fitting expression in the emergence of independent
Bangladesh in 1971 A.C.
For this grand achievement the Bara-Bhuiyans aptly deserve to be
remembered as the symbol of independence of the Bengali nation
through centuries and their heroic struggle profoundly stirred the mind
of the Bengali people. This has been reflected in different ballads,
dramas, novels and patriotic songs composed during the later centuries.
One such patriotic song that profoundly inspired the freedom fighters of
Bangladesh during the war of liberation of 1971 needs special mention.
The song is as follows:
Ò‡mvbv †mvbv †mvbv †jv‡K e‡j †mvbv
‡mvbv bq ZZ LuvwU
ej hZ LuvwU Zvi †P‡q LuvwU
evsjv‡`‡ki gvwU‡i Avgvi evsjv‡`‡ki gvwU
Avgvi Rb¥f~wgi gvwU....
GB gvwU Z‡j Nygv‡q‡Q Aweivg
iwdK kwdK eiKZ kZ bvg
KZ wZZzgxi KZ Cmv Lvb
w`‡q‡Q Rxeb †`qwb‡Kv gvb....Ó3
“sona sona sona loke bole sona
sona noi tato khanti
bolo jato khanti tar cheye khanti
Bangladesher mati-re aamar Bangladesher mati
aamar janmobhumir mati....
aai mati tale ghumaeche abiram
369
Rafiq Shafiq Barkat shato naam

kato Titumir kato Isa Khan
dieche jivon deyniko maan...”
“Gold, gold, gold, people say gold
Gold is not so pure
Purer than it is said, pure is
The soil of Bangladesh Oh my soil of Bangladesh!
The soil of my motherland…
Underneath this soil lie in eaternal rest
Hundreds of persons bearing names
such as Rafiq, Shafiq, Barkat and so on
So many Titumirs, so many Isa Khans
Sacrificed their lives but did not surrender the
Prestige of their motherland…”
It is quite evident from the above song that Isa Khan, the leader of
the Bara-Bhuiyans, was one of the heroic sons of the soil, who
consistently fought all his life against the Mughals but did not allow the
prestige of his motherland to be reduced to dust. This proves that the
Bara-Bhuiyans are treated as the source of inspiration to the freedom-
loving people of Bengal over the centuries and as a sequel to it they will
continue to inspire the Bengali nation for ever afterwards.
1. For details of the Faraidi movement see, Islam, Sirajul (Editor),

History of Bangladesh 1704-1971, Vol.III, First published,
September, 1992, Third Edition, April, 2007, pp.153-163.
2. For details of Titumir’s movement see, Ibid., pp.163-170.
3. This song in Bengali was sung by renowned lyricist and singer
Abdul Latif (now late) and others in a chorus.
370
Appendix
Review of Sources
The sources utilised in preparing the dissertation entitled “The

Bara-Bhuiyans and Their Times: A Study of the local anti-Mughal
Resistance in Bengal (1576-1612 A.C.)” are well-known to the scholars
and historians. Nevertheless, it would not be irrelevant here to attempt a
brief review of these sources. Because, some information of these
sources either escaped the sight of the previous scholars and historians,
or did not receive their due attention, wherefore their evaluations
regarding the period of the rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans, the identification
of the region of Bhati, identification of the Bara-Bhuiyans and the
resistance offered by them against Mughal aggressions do not appear to
be quite appropriate and easily convincing.
For the study of the history of the Mughal campaigns in Bengal
and the resistance offered by the Bara-Bhuiyans under the leadership of
Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala during the reign of Badshah Akbar, the only
contemporary source is the Akbar Nama written in the Persian by Abul
Fazl1. But the accounts of the warfare between the Bara-Bhuiyans and
the Mughals given by Abul Fazl in the Akbar Nama appeared to be
biased and misleading in many respects. Because, he repeatedly
mentioned about the success of the Mughal army against the Bara-
Bhuiyans, submission of their leader Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and his
defeats. But it has been seen by careful examination of the accounts and
the results of the warfare as has been described in the Akbar Nama that
under the leadership of Isa Khan the Bara-Bhuiyans have won against
the Mughals in almost all the battles and Isa Khan and his allies, that is,
the Bara-Bhuiyans remained safe in their respective territories and Isa
Khan never acknowledged Mughal suzerainty. Nevertheless, relying on
371
the statements of Abul Fazl modern historian Jadunath Sarkar also

mentioned that “Shahbaz Khan Pacifies Bengal”2, “His (Man Singh’s)
vigorous measures,”3 “the flames of disturbance in deltaic Bengal were
quenched,” 4“Much of Isa Khan’s territory fell into Mughal hands,”5
“Isa Khan… offered submission to the Emperor ,”6etc. without any
proper consideration. But infact, it has been found that during the reign
of Badshah Akbar Bengal could not be pacified and Mughal control in
Bengal was limited to a very small area. Not only that the whole of the
region of Bhati remained outside Mughal control as it was before and
the whole of Bhati is found in the hands of the Bara-Bhuiyans. So, it
could not be relied upon the Akbar Nama of Abul Fazl and the
statements of Jadunath Sarkar completely. In spite of that the Akbar
Nama is the only contemporary source where much valuable and
important information regarding the Mughal campaigns in Bengal, the
period of the rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans and the resistance offered by the
Bara-Bhuiyans under the leadership of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala against
the Mughal aggressions during the reign of Badshah Akbar are found. It
may be mentioned here that though, modern scholar Bhattasali used the
Akbar Nama in his writings, regarding the period of the rise of the Bara-
Bhuiyans he mentioned that “The rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans is to be
dated from 1576 A.D., the year of the fall of Daud, the last Karrani King
of Bengal.”7 But he did not notice that Isa Khan, the leader of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, had gained strength enough to defeat Mughal navy under
Shah Bardi even before the fall of Daud Khan in 1576. According to the
Akbar Nama Isa Khan defeated the Mughal navy in 1575 A.C.8 So, it is
evident that this information of the Akbar Nama escaped the attention of
Bhattasali and that is why his statement regarding the period of the rise
of the Bara-Bhuiyans could not be accepted. Considering from these
372
points of view in reconstructing the history of the Bara-Bhuiyans during

the reign of Badshah Akbar there is no substitute of the Akbar Nama.
The second notable primary source in reconstructing the history
of the Bara-Bhuiyans during the reign of Badshah Akbar is the Ain-i-
Akbari of Abul Fazl9. It is not a treatise of political history, but an
administrative manual of the reign of Badshah Akbar. Information found
in the Ain-i- Akbari bears special importance regarding the identification
of Bhati ruled by the Bara-Bhuiyans. In the Ain-i-Akbari Abul Fazl says,
“The tract of country on the east called Bhati, is reckoned a part of this
province….Adjoining it, is an extensive tract of country inhabited by the
Tipperah tribes.”10 This statement of Abul Fazl categorically indicates
that the country of Tripura lies on the eastern frontier of Bhati. So, no
part of Tripura be regarded as Bhati ruled by the Bara-Bhuiyans.
Whereas, modern historians Bhattasali11 and Abdul Karim12 despite
utilising the Ain-i- Akbari in their writings suggested that the western
portion of Tripura district was within the region of Bhati ruled by the
Bara-Bhuiyans. So, it appears that they did not pay due attention to
above mentioned information of the Ain-i- Akbari. Besides, the Ain-i-
Akbari provides valuable information on the socio-economic and
cultural aspects of contemporary Bengal. Therefore, in reconstructing
the history of the Bara-Bhuiyans the importance of the Ain-i-Akbari is
also very significant.
Another conspicuous primary source is the Baharistan-i-
Ghaybi13 written in Persian by Alauddin Ispahani alias Mirza Nathan.
This source-book is the most authentic account for the reconstruction of
the history of Bengal in general and the Bara-Bhuiyans in particular
during the reign of Badshah Jahangir. It was written by an officer who
passed his military career in Bengal and he wrote not on the basis of
reports received from other officers, but from his own experiences. The
373
historical narratives given by him were closely associated with his life
and career. He actively participated in almost all the campaigns and
battles that were led to Eastern-India during the reign of Badshah
Jahangir. He was one of the distinguished Mughal generals of
contemporary Bengal. He actively participated in the battles against the
“Twelve Bhuyans”, that is, the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati and other
Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal. He adopted the pseudonym of Ghaybi
14
(invisible) , and that is why the name of the book is Baharistan-i-
Ghaybi. The Baharistan covers the history of Bengal during the reign of
Badshah Jahangir from the appointment of Subahdar Islam Khan Chishti
in 1608A.C. to the departure of the rebel prince Shah Jahan from
Rajmahal to the Deccan in 1625A.C.15
The book is divided into four daftars or books, each dealing with
the period of different Subahdars (governors) who ruled Bengal during
the reign of Badshah Jahangir. The first daftar deals with the Subahdari
(governorship) of Islam Khan Chishti and is named Islam Nama16. In
this dissertation the first daftar has been utilised only. This volume
starts with the appointment of Islam Khan Chishti as the Subahdar of
Bengal and ends with the appointment of Qasim Khan as the Subahdar
of Bengal17. For the study of the history of the struggle for independence
of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati this volume is the only contemporary
source and there is no substitute of this volume. Because, it is learnt
only from this volume that the anti-Mughal resistance of the Bara-
Bhuiyans did not come to an end with the death of Isa Khan Masnad-i-
Ala, rather it continued under the leadership of his son Musa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala for more than a decade. It is also known only from this
volume that Musa Khan assumed the title of Masnad-i-Ala like his
father Isa Khan and the latter had five sons including Musa Khan,
374
named Abdullah Khan, Daud Khan, Mahmud Khan and Ilyas Khan,
which is not known from any other source.18
Apart from the names of Musa Khan and the Bara-Bhuiyans of
Bhati, the names of other Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal, particularly,
the names of Ananta Manikya of Bhulua, Ramchandra of Bakla, Satrajit
of Bhushna, Shams Khan of Pachet, Bir hamir of Bir Bhum, Salim Khan
of Hijli and Majlis Qutb of Fathabad are only learnt from this volume.
The name of Bayazid Kararani of Sylhet is known only from this
volume. Though, the names of the Afghan chief Usman Khan and his
brothers are known through the Akbar Nama, the death of Usman Khan
and the surrender of his brothers are known through the Tuzuk-i-
Jahangiri19 and the Riyazu-s-Salatin20, their activities are discussed only
in this volume in great details. The name of Raja Prapaditya of Jessore
was known, but his history was overshadowed by myths, legends and
fantastic stories. Many of the previous scholars thought that he was
contemporary of Badshah Akbar and was defeated by Raja Man Singh
and sent in an iron cage towards Delhi, but he died on the way at Kashi
or Benares. Pratapaditya was also known to be a great patriot and a great
national hero, to whom was ascribed the dream of an independent
Bengal21. But it is learnt from the Baharistan that he was contemporary
of Badshah Jahangir and was the first among the Bhuiyans (Zamindars)
of Bengal who showed his allegiance to Subahdar Islam Khan Chishti.
Later he was defeated by the latter. Though, many of the previous
scholars considered him as one of the members of the Bara-Bhuiyans,
there is no evidence in the Baharistan that he had any contact with Musa
Khan Masnad-i- Ala, the leader of the Bara-Bhuiyans, rather it is known
that when Musa Khan was attacked by the Mughals he did not come to
his aid and remained silent. So he was not considered as one of the
Bara-Bhuiyans.
375
The accounts of the Mughal campaigns against the Bara-

Bhuiyans of Bhati, the resistance offered by them and the activities of
other Bhuiyans (Zamindars) of Bengal are found only in the Baharistan
in great details. The accounts of the warfare between the Mughals and
the Bara-Bhuiyans appeared to be credible and dependable. Only in one
place Mirza Nathan’s narratives seemed to be biased. For example, at
the initial stage of the Dakchara battle he mentioned that “The clarion of
victory was sounded and the disheartened enemy (Musa Khan and his
allies) lost their courage to renew their attack”22. But indeed, the later
events show that the battle of the Mughals against the Bara-Bhuiyans
was yet indecisive and the Mughal army could not capture the fort of
Dakchara and also could not dislodge the Bara-Bhuiyans from their
position where they were. On the other hand, Mirza Nathan also praised
the Bara-Bhuiyans by saying, “… the enemy (Bara-Bhuiyans) showed
great dexterity”23 and also gave credit to the Bara-Bhuiyans and says,
“He (Mirza Nathan) reached at a time when the enemy (Bara-Bhuiyans)
was at the point of overthrowing the whole force (Mughal army)”.24
Apart from the accounts of the warfare, Mirza Nathan gave the
actual locations of different places. For example, the locations of
Dakchara and Jatrapur forts of Musa Khan, Khizrpur, Demra Khal,
Katrabo, Bandar Canal, Qadam Rasul, Bhawal, Tok, Egara Sindur,
Bukainagar, Uhar, Sylhet, Taraf, Matang, Jessore, Bakla, Bhulua etc.
has been given accurately and modern scholars have been able to
identify the actual locations of these places on the basis of the
descriptions of the Baharistan.
The Baharistan is very deficient in dates. There are only four
complete dates (complete date means day, month and year) in the whole
book. The first three dates are of during the period under review. The
first date is that of giving leave to Ihtimam Khan, the newly appointed
376
Mughal admiral of Bengal, to depart to Bengal by Badshah Jahangir (5 th

Rabi-ul- Awwal, 1016 A.H., that is, 30th June, 1607 A.C.)25, the second
date is that of reviewing the fleet of Ihtimam Khan by Badshah Jahangir
(9th Rabi-ul- Awwal, 1016 A.H. that is, 4th July, 1607 A.C.)26 and the
third date is that of entering the Mughal fleet to the river Ichamati (27 th
Rabi-ul- Awwal, 1017 A.H., that is, 11th July, 1608 A.C.)27. But these
three dates are proved wrong by the modern scholars28. Besides, Mirza
Nathan did not give the dates of Islam Khan Chishti’s appointment as
Subahdar of Bengal, Ihtimam Khan’s appointment as admiral of the
Mughal fleet of Bengal, Islam Khan’s leaving of Rajmahal for Bhati,
Islam Khan’s leaving of Alaipur for Nazirpur, Islam Khan’s reaching
Ghoraghat, Islam Khan’s leaving of Ghoraghat for Bhati etc. in the
Baharistan. These dates are very important in reconstructing the
chronology of various events in Bengal of the early years of the reign of
Badshah Jahangir. Nevertheless, there is no substitute of the Baharistan-
i-Ghaybi in reconstructing the history of the heroic struggles for
independence of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati during the reign of
Badshah Jahangir and they would have remained completely in
obscurity without the Baharistan.
The next important source utilised in the present enquiry is Abdul
Latif’s Diary or travel account of Abdul Latif. Abdul Latif was a
favourite retainer of Abul Hasan Shihabkhani, diwan of Bengal. It is
learnt that when in 1608 A.C. Badshah Jahangir appointed Islam Khan
Chishti as Subahdar of Bengal Abul Hasan Shihabkhani was also
appointed as diwan of Bengal at the same time29. Abdul Latif, son of
Abdullah Abbasi of Ahmadabad accompanied his master Abul Hasan
Shihabkhani to Bengal. Abdul Latif left a Diary of his journey30, first
from Ahmadabad to Agra and then Agra to Bengal. The Bengal portion
of the Diary contains an account of the journey of Islam Khan Chishti
377
from Rajmahal to Ghoraghat. The Diary is very short and it starts with
Islam Khan’s departure from Rajmahal for Ghoraghat and ends with
Islam Khan’s departure from Ghoraghat for Bhati. But Abdul Latif
furnishes many important dates regarding Islam Khan’s journey from
Rajmahal to Bhati. For example, he furnishes the date of Islam Khan’s
leaving of Rajmahal, dates of haltages at various places in between
Rajmahal and Ghoraghat and the date of Islam Khan’s departure from
Ghoraghat for Bhati against the Bara-Bhuiyans31. These dates are very
important in reconstructing the chronology of various events in Bengal
of the early years of the reign of Badshah Jahangir. But Mirza Nathan
did not give these dates in the Baharistan. This deficiency has been
filled up by the dates given in the Diray of Abdul Latif. The Diary also
gives important information of the Chiefs and Zamindars of Bengal
visiting Islam Khan Chishti and offering submission with presents to the
Subahdar. It may be mentioned here that Pratapaditya of Jessore
presented Islam Khan Chishti six elephants, some precious articles,
camphor, aguru (aloe wood) and about Rupees fifty thousand in cash as
his tribute32. This information is known only through Abdul Latif’s
Diary. Even Mirza Nathan did not mention it in the Baharistan.
Therefore, the historical value of Abdul Latif’s Diary is significantly
high.
The next important source is the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri of Badshah
Jahangir33. Though, the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri is one of the most important
sources for the study of the history of Bengal during the reign of
Badshah Jahangir, there is no reference to the warfare between the
Mughals and the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati. Even the names of Musa
Khan and his allies and the term “Twelve Bhuiyans” or Bara-Bhuiyans
are not mentioned in the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri. But there is reference to the
fall of the Afghan chief Usman Khan in the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri34.
378
Nevertheless, this book has some sort of historical importance. Because,

it is an acknowledged fact that the Baharistan is very deficient in dates
and there are no dates of Islam Khan’s appointment as Subahdar of
Bengal and also Ihtimam Khan’s appointment as admiral of the Mughal
fleet of Bengal. These two dates are very important in reconstructing the
chronology of various events in Bengal of the early years of the reign of
Badshah Jahangir. These two dates has been fixed with the help of the
accounts of the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri.35
Another notable source used in preparing this dissertation is
Riyazu-s-Salatin of Ghulam Hussain Salim Zaidpuri36. The latter was of
Zaidpur in Oudh. He migrated to Malda in Bengal, and held the office of
Dak Munshi or Post Master there, under Mr. George Udny. Ghulam
Hussain died in 1817A.C.37 He completed this historical work in 1788
A.C.38 Riyazu-s-Salatin is the first historical work dealing with the
Muslim Bengal and it covers the history of the whole Muslim period
from Bakhtiyar Khalji’s conquest upto a few years of the English rule in
Bengal. But the resistance movement of the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bhati
under the leaderships of Isa Khan Masnad-i-Ala and his son Musa Khan
Masnad-i-Ala against Mughal aggressions which forms an important
chapter of the history of Bengal during the reigns of Badshah Akbar and
Badshah Jahangir is totally absent in the Riyazu-s-Salatin. Even the
names of Isa Khan’s allies, Musa Khan and his allies are missing in this
book. In one place the name of Isa Khan has only been mentioned as Isa
Khan Afghan39. There is also reference to the fall of the Afghan chief
Usman Khan in this book40. However, Riyazu-s-Salatin has some
historical importance. Because, the history of the preceding period of the
rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans, that is, history of the fall of the Husain Shahi
dynasty of Bengal at the hands of Sher Shah, history of the contest for
supremacy between the Sur Afghan Leader Sher Shah and Badshah
379
Humayun, history of the establishment of Sur Afghan rule in Bengal and

Delhi, history of the independent Sur Afghan and the Kararani Afghan
rule in Bengal are learnt through this book. It may be mentioned here
that it is found in the present study that during the reigns of the Sur
Afghan and the Kararani Afghan the Bara-Bhuiyans rose to power and
flourished and after the fall of Kararani Afghans in 1576 A.C. they
emerged as independent chiefs.
Last but not least, the discussible source is the Tarikh-i-Sher
Shahi or the Tuhfah-i- Akbar Shahi of Abbas Khan Sarwani41. The latter
served under Badshah Akbar and the name of his father was Shaykh Ali
Sarwani. Abbas Khan Sarwani had written this book in 1586A.C.42 In
the present enquiry volume II (English Translation) has been used, but
Volume I (Persian Text) has also been used at least on one occasion 43.
The Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi is basically an extensive history of the reign
of the Sur Afghan Sultan Sher Shah. Though, this book does not provide
any information about the Bara-Bhuiyans, it has a great importance.
Because, the history of the preceding period of the rise of the Bara-
Bhuiyans, that is, the history of the fall of the Husain Shahi dynasty of
Bengal at the hands of Sher Shah, history of the contest for supremacy
between the Sur Afghan Leader Sher Shah and Badshah Humayun and
the history of the establishment of Sur Afghan rule in Bengal and Delhi
are learnt through this book. It may be mentioned here that under the
Kararani Afghans, the successors of the Sur Afghans, the Bara-
Bhuiyans flourished and after the fall of the Kararani Afghans in 1576
A.C. they emerged as independent chiefs.
The original sources mainly in their English translation as utilised
in this dissertation have been briefly reviewed above. The attempt here
has been to try to reconstruct the history of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the
380
Bhati region and throw as far as possible some light on the socio-
economic and cultural aspects of Bengal during the period under review.
However, with the synthesis of the information gleaned from the
aforementioned primary sources in particular and other sources in
general, the effort of the reconstruction of the history of the Bara-
Bhuiyans has been attempted.

1. Allami, Abu-l-Fazl, the Akbar Nama, Vol.III, Translated from the
Persian by Henry Beveridge, Low Price Publications, Delhi,
Reprinted in 1998.
2. H.Bengal, p. 205.
3. Ibid., p.213.
4. Ibid., p.215.
5. Ibid., p.211.
6. Ibid., p.212.
7. B.P.P., Vol. XXXV, No.69, p.32.
9. Allami, Abu-l-Fazl, the Ain-i-Akbari, Vol.II. Translated into
English from the Persian by Colonel H.S. Jarrett, Second Edition,
corrected and further annotated by Sir Jadu- Nath Sarkar, Low
Price Publications, Delhi, Reprinted in 1997.
10. Ain, p.130.
11. B.P.P., Vol. XXXVIII, No.75, p.26.
13. Mirza Nathan, The Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, Vol. I &II Translated
from the Original Persian by Dr.M.I.Borah, Gauhati, Assam,
1936.
14. Mirza Nathan, The Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, Vol.I, translated into
Bengali by Khalequedad Chowdhury, published by Bangla
Academy, Dacca, First Edition, 1978, pp. 10-13; Baharistan II,
pp. xviii-xix.
15. Ibid., p.3; Mughal Period, p. 8.
381
16. Ibid., p.13; Baharistan II, pp. xxiii-xxiv.

17. With the death of Islam Khan Chishti the first daftar of The
Baharistan-i-Ghaybi, that is, Islam Nama came to an end,
Baharistan (Bengali Translation), p.244.
18. Baharistan, pp.57, 70, 77.
19. Tuzuk, pp.209-214.
20. Riyaz, pp.173-179.
21. For details see, B.P.P., Vol. XXXV, No.69, 1928, pp.27-28; Baro
Bhuiya, pp.11, 255, 385; Mughal Period, p.37.
23. Ibid., p.88.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid., p.5.
26. Ibid., p.6.
27. Ibid., p.64.
28. For details see, Diary, pp. 31-33; H.Bengal, pp.270-272; Mughal
Amal, pp.9-10,179-181; Mughal Period, pp.10-11,228-233.
3o. A copy of the Diary was made available to Sir Jadunath Sarkar by
his friend Professor Abdur Rahman of Delhi. Jadunath Sarkar
translated the Diary from the Persian into both in English and
Bengali. The English translation was published in the Bengal Past
& Present, Vol.XXXV, Nos.69-70, 1928, pp.143-146, under the
title ‘A Description of North Bengal in 1609 A.D.’and the
Bengali translation was published in Prabasi, Aswin, 1326 B.S.,
pp.552-553, under the title ‘Pratapaditya Sambandhe Kichu Natun
Sambad’.The English and Bengali translations have been
reprinted by Wakil Ahmed in his book Banglay Bideshi Parjatak,
Second Edition, Dhaka, October, 1990, pp. 56-61,117-
122.Besides, on the basis of Abdul Latif’s Diary Abdul Karim
also wrote an article entitled ‘A Fresh Study of Abdul Latif’s
Diary (North Bengal in 1609 A.D.)’ in the Journal of the Institute
of Bangladesh Studies, Rajshahi University, Vol.XIII, June, 1990,
pp.23-46. In this dissertation the English and Bengali translations
of the Diary by Jadunath Sarkar, reprinted copies of Wakil
Ahmed and the article of Abdul Karim have been used.
382
31. For details see, North Bengal,pp.143-146; Bideshi Parjatak, pp.

117-122, 56-61; Diary, pp. 23-46; Prabasi, Aswin, 1326 B.S.,pp.
552-553.
32. North Bengal, p. 144; Bideshi Parjatak, pp. 119.
33. The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir, Translated by
Alexander Rogers, and Edited by Henry Beveridge in 2 Vols.
bound in one. Low Price Publications, Delhi, Reprinted, 1999. In
this dissertation only Vol. I has been used.
34. Tuzuk, pp.209-214, 141-144.
35. Tuzuk, pp. 141-144.
36. Ghulam Hussain Salim, Riyazu-s-Salatin, Translated from the
Persian by Abdus Salam, Reprint, Delhi, 1975.
37. Riyaz, p.2, note, 4.

38. Ibid., pp.4, note, 1, 398.
39. Ibid., p. 8.
40. Ibid., pp. 173-179.
41. Abbas Khan Sarwani, the Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi, Vol. II, Translated
from the Persian by S. M. Imamuddin, University of Dacca, 1964.
In the present enquiry volume II (English Translation) has been
used, but Volume I (Persian Text) has also been used at least on
one occasion.
42. Tarikh, pp.V, 1.
43. Tarikh, Vol. I (Persian Text), p. 172.
383
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396

Anti Mughal Resisteance in Bengal - Asrarul Haque

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“The Bara-Bhuiyans and Their Times: A Study of the local

anti-Mughal Resistance in Bengal (1576-1612 A.C.)”

Thesis Submitted to The University of Dhaka for the award

A.A. Sheikh Md. Asrarul Hoque Chisti (B.A. Honours)

Under the Supervision of Professor Dr. Mohammad

Department of Islamic History and Culture

It is hereby being certified that this thesis entitled “The

It is hereby being recommended to be forwarded to the examiners.

(Professor Dr. Mohammad Ibrahim)

In preparing the Ph.D. thesis entitled “The Bara-Bhuiyans and

My thanks are due to Mr. Imtiaz Ahmed, Assistant Professor,

Acknowledgement s : i-ii i-ii

Chapter II : The Bara-Bhuiyans and the places of 19-99

Section I : The term ‘Bara-Bhuiyans’ explained 19-53

Chapter III : The Rise of the Bara-Bhuiyans 100-129

Chapter IV : The Bara-Bhuiyans and their 130-144

Chapter V : The Mughal Conquest of Bengal: The 145-183

Chapter VI : The Bara-Bhuiyans in Action: Their 184-324

Chapter VII : A general survey of the socio- 325-362

Chapter VIII : Conclusion 363-370

Qutb al-Deen Aibak, laid the foundation of Muslim rule in

destroyed that balance. Because, a large number of Afghan nobles found

Shahbaz Khan as the governor of Bengal28. On the other hand, the

In Hemu’s death, Adil became helpless. On the other hand, though,

established his authority over Gujrat by defeating Muzaffar Shah III in

Notes and References

18. Ibid., pp.81-82; Ibid., 228.

41. The Mughals occupied Chitor in 1567-1568 and Ranthambhor in

The Bhuiyans who fought against the mighty Mughals for

necessary to depend on the treatises written in Delhi and other places.

located?etc.etc.Nevertheless, it is undeniable that their writings paved

James Wise first attempted to recover the history of the Bara-

are known as the Bara-Bhuiyans of Bengal. Among these twelve

The first part of his second point indicates an important feature of

In Ashar, 1311 B.S., Nikhilnath Ray published an article in the

a) So far it is known that the Bara-Bhuiyans originated during the

In 1318 B.S. Anandanath Ray published his book Barabhuiyan and

many people is said to be the act of Panchayet or Bara-iyari or a

But this opinion of Hosten is not supported by the facts. Because,

Khan Chishti transferred the capital from Rajmahal to Dhaka, and

accomplished without the co-operation of twelve persons, the task which

“In the passage quoted above, there is unfortunately a confusion of

Then Bhattasali says,

“The Bara-Bhuiyans of Arakan, however, appears to have been brought

The main points of Bhattasali are as follows:

By omitting Raja Pratapaditya of Jessore and Raja Satrajit of

Subahdars devoted their whole energy to subdue them ( it will be

“The Bengali word ‘Bara Bhuyans’ literally means twelve zamindars or

In his book entitled History of Bengal (Mughal Period 1526-1765

Abdul Qader’s second and third points may be acceptable.

These statements of M. Mohar Ali clearly show that according to

Thirdly, M. Mohar Ali says,

heads of the families or groups of Bhuiyans as claimed by M. Mohar

Then he gives two separate lists of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time

The main points of Abdul Karim are two:

of the Bara-Bhuiyans of the time of Badshah Akbar, though he never

Fourthly, there is no evidence in the Akbar Nama that Bahadur Ghazi

In the foregoing discussion the writings of previous scholars on