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Who Is Happy?
David G. Myers and Ed Diener
Psychological Science 1995 6: 10
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9280.1995.tb00298.x

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

General Article

WHO IS HAPPY?
By David G. Myers! and Ed Diener?
'Hope College and :ZUniversity of Illinois

A flood of nell' studies explores people's subjective well-being but theories about happiness are ages old. The philoso-
(SWB). Frequent positive affect, infrequent negative affect, phers of ancient Greece believed that happiness accom-
and a global sense of satisfaction with life define high SWB. panies a life of intelligent reflection. "There is no fool
These studies reveal that happiness and life satisfaction are who is happy, and no wise man who is not," echoed the
similarly available to the young and the old, women and men, Roman philosopher Cicero (in De Finibus). The Epicu-
blacks and whites, the rich and the working-class. Better clues
rean and Stoic philosophers offered variations on this
to well-being come from knowing about a person's traits, close
relationships, work experiences, culture, and religiosity. We song of happy wisdom. Aristotle regarded happiness as
present the elements of an appraisal-based theory ofhappiness the summum bonum, the supreme good. Virtue, he be-
that recognizes the importance of adaptation, cultural world- lieved, is synonymous with happiness. In the centuries
view, and personal goals. since, sages have offered contrasting ideas about the
roots of happiness. They have told us that happiness
comes from knowing the truth, and from preserving
Books, books, and more books have analyzed human healthy illusions; that it comes from restraint, and from
misery. During its first century, psychology focused far purging ourselves of pent-up emotions; that it comes
more on negative emotions, such as depression and anx- from being with other people, and from living in contem-
iety, than on positive emotions, such as happiness and plative solitude. The list goes on, but the implication is
satisfaction. Even today, our texts say more about suf- clear: Discerning the actual roots of subjective well-being
fering than about joy. That is now changing. During the requires rigorous scientific inquiry.
1980s, the number of Psychological Abstract citations of
"well-being," "happiness," and "life satisfaction" quin-
tupled, to 780 articles annually. Social scientists, policy- MEASURING SUBJECTIVE WELL-BEING
makers, and laypeople express increasing interest in the
conditions, traits, and attitudes that define quality of life. Psychological investigations of well-being complement
Studies (see Diener & Diener, 1994) reveal that hap- long-standing measures of physical and material well-
piness is more abundant than believed by writers from being with assessments of subjective well-being (SWB).
Samuel Johnson ("That man is never happy for the Researchers have, for example, asked people across the
present is so true"; Boswell, 1776/1973, Vol. 2, p. 37) to industrialized world to reflect on their happiness and life
John Powell ("Professionals estimate that only 10 to 15 satisfaction. Measures range from multi-item scales to
percent of Americans think of themselves as truly single questions, such as "How satisfied are you with
happy"; Powell, 1989, p. 4). Thomas Szasz (quoted by your life as a whole these days? Are you very satisfied?
Winokur, 1987) summed up the assumption of many peo- satisfied? not very satisfied? not at all satisfied?"
ple: "Happiness is an imaginary condition, formerly at- Self-reports of global well-being have temporal stabil-
tributed by the living to the dead, now usually attributed ity in the 0.5 to 0.7 range over periods from 6 months to
by adults to children, and by children to adults" (p. 133). 6 years (Diener, 1994; Magnus & Diener, 1991). But can
Recognizing that most people are reasonably happy, we believe people's answers? Or are "happy" people
but that some people are happier than others, researchers often "in denial" of their actual misery? It is reassuring,
are offering a fresh perspective on an old puzzle: Who are first, that response artifacts, such as the effects of social
the happy people? Does happiness favor those of a par- desirability and current mood, do not invalidate the SWB
ticular age, sex, or race? Does wealth enhance well- measures (Diener, Sandvik, Pavot, & Gallagher, 1991;
being? Does happiness come with having certain traits? a Diener, Suh, Smith, & Shao, in press). For example,
particular job? close friends? an active faith? -. social desirability scores do correlate modestly with self-
The scientific study of emotional well-being is new, reported SWB scores, but they predict non-self-report
SWB measures (such as peer reports) equally well, sug-
gesting that social desirability is a substantive character-
Address correspondence to David G. Myers, Hope College, Hoi-
land, MI 49422-9000, e-mail: [email protected], or Ed Diener, Univer-
istic that enhances well-being.
sity of Illinois, Department of Psychology, 603 East Daniel St., Cham- Second, people's self-reported well-being converges
paign, IL 61820, e-mail: [email protected]. with other measures (e.g., Pavot, Diener, Colvin, &

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

- David G. Myers and Ed Diener

Sandvik, 1991; Sandvik, Diener, & Seidlitz, 1993). Those Thus, positive and negative affect seem not to be bi-
who describe themselves as happy and satisfied with life polar opposites. Positive well-being is not just the ab-
seem happy to their friends and to their family members. sence of negative emotions. -Rather, SWB is defined by
Their daily mood ratings reveal mostly positive emotions. three correlated but distinct factors: the relative presence
They recall more positive events and fewer negative of positive affect, absence of negative affect, and satis-
events (Seidlitz & Diener, 1993). And ratings derived faction with life.
from clinical interviews converge well with their SWB
scores.
Third, SWB measures exhibit construct validity. They MYTHS OF HAPPINESS
are responsive to recent good and bad events and to ther- So, who are the happy people? By identifying predic-
apy (e.g., Headey & Wearing, 1992; Sandvik et aI., 1993). tors of happiness and life satisfaction, psychologists and
They correlate inversely with feeling ill (Sandvik et al., sociologists have exploded some myths.
1993). And they predict other indicators of psychological
well-being. Compared with depressed people, happy peo-
ple are less self-focused, less hostile and abusive, and Is Happiness Being Young? Middle-Aged?
less vulnerable to disease. They also are more loving, Newly Retired?
forgiving, trusting, energetic, decisive, creative, helpful, Many people believe there are notably unhappy times
and sociable (Myers, 1993a; Veenhoven, 1988). of life-typically the stress-filled teen years, the "midlife
Finally, the research concerns subjective well-being, crisis" years, or the declining years of old age. But in-
for which the final judge is whoever lives inside a per- terviews with representative samples of people of all ages
son's skin. For all these reasons, researchers take seri- reveal that no time of life is notably happier or unhappier
ously people's reports of their subjective unhappiness (or than others (Latten, 1989; Stock, Okun, Haring, & Wit-
happiness), especially when supported by converging re- ter, 1983). This conclusion is reinforced by a 1980s sur-
ports from informants and by observations of accompa- vey of 169,776 people representatively sampled in 16 na-
nying dysfunction (or social competence). tions (lnglehart, 1990; see Fig. 1). The predictors of
happiness do change with age (e.g., satisfaction with so-
THE COMPONENTS OF WELL-BEING cial relations and health become more important in later
life; Herzog, Rogers, & Woodworth, 1982). And the emo-
High SWB reflects a preponderance of positive tional terrain varies with age (teens, unlike adults, usually
thoughts and feelings about one's life. At the cognitive come up from gloom or down from elation within an
level, SWB includes a global sense of satisfaction with hour's time; Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1984). Yet
life, fed by specific satisfactions with one's work, mar- knowing someone's age gives no clue to the person's
riage, and other domains. At the affective level, people average sense of well-being.
with high SWB feel primarily pleasant emotions, thanks Nor does one find in rates of depression, suicide, ca-
largely to their positive appraisal of ongoing events. Peo-
ple with low SWB appraise their life circumstances and
Percent "satisfied with life"
events as undesirable, and therefore feel unpleasant emo-
100
tions such as anxiety, depression, and anger.
Surprisingly, positive and negative emotions correlate
with different predictor variables (e.g., Costa & McCrae,
1980; Magnus & Diener, 1991). Moreover, positive and
negative emotions are only weakly correlated with each
other (Bradburn, 1969; Diener & Emmons, 1985). Know-
ing the global amount of good feeling a person experi-
ences over time does not indicate the global amount of
bad feeling the person experiences. How could this be? If
good feelings exclude bad feelings at the same moment in
time, then the more time one spends up the less time one
15-24 25-34 35-14 45-54 55-64 65 +
can spend down. Thus, the frequencies of good and bad
moods are inversely related. People who experience their Age Group
good moods intensely, however, tend similarly to expe-
rience intense bad moods. For some people, high highs Fig. 1. Age and well-being in 16 nations. Data from 169,776
alternate with low lows. Others are characteristically people, representatively sampled from 1980 to 1986, and re-
happy, or melancholy, or unemotional. ported by Inglehart (1990).

VOL. 6, NO. I, JANUARY 1995 11

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Who Is Happy?

reer change, or divorce any evidence of increased per- Does Happiness Vary by Race?
sonal upheaval during the supposed early 40s "rnidlife
crisis" years. People do face crisis times, but not at any Knowing someone's race or ethnic group also gives
predictable age (Hunter & Sundel, 1989; McCrae & little clue to the person's psychological well-being. Afri-
Costa, 1990). The "empty nest syndrome"-a sense of can-Americans, for example, report nearly as much hap-
despondency and lost meaning when children leave piness as European-Americans and are actually slightly
home-also turns out to be rare (Adelmann, Antonucci, less vulnerable to depression (Diener, Sandvik, Seidlitz,
Crohan, & Coleman, 1989; Glenn, 1975). For most cou- & Diener, 1993; Robins & Regier, 1991; Stock, Okun,
ples, the empty nest is a happy place-s-often a place Haring, & Witter, 1985). Blacks and whites, like women
where marital happiness rebounds after the stresses of and men, and people with and without disabilities, also
child rearing. score similarly on tests of self-esteem (Crocker & Major,
1989). Despite discrimination, noted Crocker and Major,
people in disadvantaged groups maintain self-esteem by
valuing the things at which they excel, by making com-
Does Happiness Have a Favorite Sex?
parisons within their own groups, and by attributing
problems to external sources such as prejudice.
There are striking gender gaps in misery: Women are
twice as vulnerable as men to disabling depression and
anxiety, and men are five times as vulnerable as women Does Happiness Vary by Culture?
to alcoholism and antisocial personality disorder (Robins
& Regier, 1991). Women's more intense sadness, given Interestingly, nations differ strikingly in happiness,
bad circumstances, must be considered in light of their ranging from Portugal, where about 10% of people say
greater capacity for joy under good circumstances (Dien- they are very happy, to the Netherlands, where about
er, Sandvik, & Larsen, 1985; Fujita, Diener, & Sandvik, 40% of people say the same (Inglchart, 1990). Nations
1991). Although women report slightly greater happiness differ markedly in happiness even when income differ-
than men when only positive emotions are assessed ences are controlled for (Diener, Diener, & Diener,
(Wood, Rhodes, & Whelan, 1989), the net result is 1994). Although national levels of SWB covary with
roughly equal hedonic balance for women and men. In a whether basic physical needs are met, countries such as
meta-analysis of 146 studies, gender therefore accounted Japan have much lower SWB than one would expect
for less than 1% of people's global well-being (Haring, based only on material considerations. In general, collec-
Stock, & Okun, 1984). The finding generalizes world- tivist cultures report lower SWB than do individualistic
wide. In the 1980s collaborative survey of 16 nations, cultures, where norms more strongly support experienc-
80% of men and 80% of women said that they were at ing and expressing positive emotions (Diener, Suh,
least "fairly satisfied" with life (Inglehart, 1990; see Fig. Smith, & Shao, in press).
2). A similar result appeared in a study of 18,032 univer- National differences appear not to reflect mere differ-
sity students surveyed in 39 countries (Michalos, 1991). ences in the connotations of the translated questions. For
example, regardless of whether they are Gerrnan-,
French-, or Italian-speaking, the Swiss rank high on self-
reported life satisfaction-significantly higher than their
100 r--------------------, German, French, and Italian neighbors (lnglehart, 1990).
Percent 'Satisfied"
80 ""--'---
Does Money Buy Happiness?
60....--- The American dream seems to have become life, lib-
erty, and the purchase of happiness. In 1993, 75% of
40""---
America's entering collegians declared that an "essen-
tial" or "very important" life goal was "being very well
20f----
off financially"-nearly double the 39% who said the
same in 1970 (Astin, Green, & Korn, 1987; Astin, Korn,
OL---
& Riggs, 1993). This goal topped a list of 19 possible life
objectives, exceeding the rated importance even of "rais-
Fig. 2. Gender and well-being in 16 nations. Data from 169,776 ing a family" and "helping others in difficulty." Most
people, representatively sampled from 1980 to 1986, and re- adults share this materialism, believing that increased in-
ported by Inglehart (1990). come would make them happier (Strumpel, 1976). Few

12 VOL. 6, NO. I, JANUARY 1995

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

-
David G. Myers and Ed Diener

«
agree that money can buy happiness, but many agree that $16.000 100%
a Iittlc more money would make them a little happier,
Are wealth and well-being indeed connected? We can
!Ii $15,000 I
make the question more specific: First, are people in rich
~ $14,000
(I
countries more satisfied than those in not-so-rich coun-
~ $13.000
r rv I
I sn.oco
.5 $12,000
tries? As Figure 3 illustrates, the correlation between na- P...anal income-
~ I
tional wealth and well-being is positive (+ .67, despite
curious reversals, such as the Irish reporting greater life
~ no.ooo - /
satisfaction than the wealthier West Germans). But na-
~ S9000 _/ PerconUge vfY happy I
If."'"
§ S8000
tional wealth is confounded with other variables, such as '-, /< ~ ~..A.I
~ $7000
,
number of continuous years of democracy, which corre- ~ S6000
Ir""
-I
I
--
lates + .85 with average life satisfaction (Inglehart, 1990). S5000
A.
Second, within any country, are rich individuals hap-
V
I
$4000
piest? Having food, shelter, and safety is basic to well- S3000 0%
being. Thus, in poor countries, such as Bangladesh and 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000
Yeil!
India, satisfaction with finances is a moderate predictor
of SWB (Diener & Diener, in press). But once people are
Fig. 4. Inflation-adjusted income and happiness in the United
able to afford life's necessities, increasing levels of affiu- States. National Opinion Research Center happiness data from
ence matter surprisingly little. Although the correlation Niemi, Mueller, and Smith (1989) and T. Smith (personal com.
between income and happiness is not negative, it is mod- munication, November 1993). Income data from Bureau of the
est. In the United States, one study (Diener et aI., 1993) Census (1975) and Economic Indicators.
found a mere + .12 correlation between income and hap- make a great deal of money to be more satisfied with
piness; increases or decreases in income had no long- what they make (Campbell, 1981).
term influence on SWB. And Inglehart (1990) noted that Wealth, it seems, is like health: Its absence can breed
in Europe, income "has a surprisingly weak (indeed, vir- misery, yet having it is no guarantee of happiness. In one
tually negligible) effect on happiness" (p. 242). Although survey, people on Forbes's list of wealthiest Americans
satisfaction with income predicts SWB better than actual reported only slightly greater happiness than other Amer-
income, there is only a slight tendency for people who icans; 37% were less happy than the average American
(Diener, Horwitz, & Emmons, 1985). Even lottery win-
ners gain only a temporary jolt of joy (Argyle, 1986;
Brickman, Coates, & Janoff-Bulman, 1978). The emo-
8.0 Denmark • • Sweden
eAustralia .Switztrlond • tional effects of some tragedies are likewise temporary:
UJxembou'9 Norway After a period of adaptation, people with disabilities usu-
~ 7.75
• e •
ally report a near-normal level of well-being (Diener,
2 Irtlond • Fl1\land
•
o
,g
Netherlands
•
Canada
• 1994). Thus, concluded Kammann (1983), "Objective life
. 7.5 U.S.A.
Britain
circumstances have a negligible role to play in a theory of
g • happiness" (p. 18). Satisfaction is less a matter of getting
en
7.Z5 ~Igium
•
c:
o •
Austria
West
Germany what you want than wanting what you have.
-; 7.0
"0
~
Third, over time, as cultures become more affluent, do
~ their people become happier? In 1957, as economist John
~ 6.75 eArgentino
Galbraith was about to describe America as The Affluent
• • • • •
france
Society, Americans' per person income, expressed in to-
~i~ho
=
:::; 6.5 Spain Italy

~ •
Japan
day's dollars, was less than $8,000. Today it is more than
~6.25 $16,000, making America "the doubly affluent soci-
~ ety"-with double what money buys. Compared with
~ 6.0
en 1957, Americans have twice as many cars per person~
c:
o
~5.75
•
Gretel plus microwave ovens, color TVs, VCRs, air condition-
Portllgal
ers, answering machines, and Sl2 billion worth of new
5.5~.'~---:~=--~-=-=----=~=---=-,!:-=----:-:~-=--"""",-!c::-=----,-~ brand-name athletic shoes a year.
2.000 4,000 6,000 8,000 10.000 12.000 14.000 16.000
Gross Notional Producl/Capito.1984 So, are Americans happier than they were in 1957?
They are not (see Fig. 4). In 1957,35% told the National
Fig. 3. National wealth and well-being in a 24-nation collabo-
Opinion Research Center that they were "very happy."
rative survey. Euro-Barorneter and World Values Survey data In 1993, with doubled affluence, 32% said the same
reported by Inglehart (1990). (Smith, 1979, and personal communication, November

VOL. 6, NO. I, JANUARY 1995 13

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Who Is Happy?

1993). To judge by soaring rates of depression (Cross- morale and worse health. Severe poverty demoralizes
National Collaborative Group, 1992), a quintupled rate of when it erodes people's sense of control over their life
reported violent crime since 1960, a doubled divorce rate, circumstances (Dumont, 1989).
a slight decline in marital happiness among the marital Third, happy people are usually optimistic. Opti-
survivors (Glenn, 1990), and a tripled teen suicide rate, mists-those who agree, for example, that "when I un-
Americans are richer and no happier. Easterlin (in press) dertake something new, I expect to succeed"-tend to be
has reported the same for European countries and Japan. more successful, healthier, and happier than are pessi-
Thus, although policymakers and economists are wedded mists (Dember & Brooks, 1989; Seligman, 1991).
to the assumption that SWB rises with income (Easterlin, Fourth, happy people tend to be extraverted (Costa &
in press), the data indicate that economic growth in af- McCrae, 1980; Diener, Sandvik, Pavot, & Fujita, 1992;
fluent countries gives little boost to human morale. Emmons & Diener, 1986a, 1986b; Headey & Wearing,
1992). Compared with introverts, extraverts are happier
both when alone and with other people (Pavot, Diener, &
HAPPY PEOPLE
Fujita, 1990), whether they live alone or with others,
If happiness is similarly available to people of any age, whether they live in rural or metropolitan areas, and
sex, or race, and to those of most income levels, who is whether they work in solitary or social occupations
happiest? Through life's ups and downs, some people's (Diener et a!., 1992).
capacity for joy persists undiminished. In one National Reasons for the trait-happiness correlations are not yet
Institute of Aging study of 5,000 adults, the happiest of fully understood. The causal arrow may go from traits to
people in 1973 were still relatively happy a decade later, SWB, or the reverse. Extraversion, for example, may
despite changes in their work, their residence, and their predispose happiness, perhaps because of the social con-
family status (Costa, McCrae, & Zonderman, 1987). Who tacts extraversion entails. Or happiness may produce
are these chronically happy people? outgoing behavior. Outgoing people, for example, usu-
ally appear temperamentally high-spirited and relaxed
about reaching out to others, which may explain why
The Traits of Happy People
they marry sooner, get better jobs, and make more
In study after study, four inner traits mark happy peo- friends (Magnus & Diener, 1991). Twin studies indicate
ple: self-esteem, a sense of personal control, optimism, genetic influences on SWB (Tellegen et a!., 1988).
and extraversion.
First, happy people like themselves (Campbell, 1981).
The Relationships of Happy People
On tests of self-esteem, they agree with such statements
as "I'm a lot offun to be with" and "I have good ideas." One could easily imagine why close relationships
Indeed, happy people often exhibit a self-serving bias by might exacerbate illness and misery. Close relationships
believing themselves more ethical, more intelligent, less are fraught with stress. "Hell is other people," mused
prejudiced, better able to get along with others, and Jean-Paul Sartre (1944/1973, p. 47). Fortunately, the ben-
healthier than average (Janoff & Bulman, 1989; Myers, efits of close relationships with friends and family usually
1993b; Taylor & Brown, 1988). (The findings bring to outweigh the strains. People who can name several inti-
mind Freud'sjoke about the man who said to his wife, "If mate friends with whom they share their intimate con-
one of us should die, I think I would go live in Paris.") cerns freely are healthier, less likely to die prematurely,
Most people do express positive self-esteem. This helps and happier than people who have few or no such friends
explain why, contrary to those who would have us be- (Burt, 1986; Cohen, 1988; House, Landis, & Umberson,
lieve that happy people are rare, 9 in 10 North Americans 1988). People report higher positive affect when they arc
describe themselves as at least "pretty happy." The with others (Pavot et a!., 1990). In experiments, people
strong link between self-esteem and SWB so often found relax as they confide painful experiences. In one study,
in individualistic Western cultures is, however, weaker in 33 Holocaust survivors spent 2 hr recalling their experi-
collectivist cultures, where the group is given priority ences, often revealing intimate details never before dis-
over the self (Diener & Diener, in press). closed. Fourteen months later, those who were most self-
Second, happy people typically feel personal control disclosing had the most improved health (Pennebaker,
(Campbell, 1981; Larson, 1989). Those who feel empow- 1990).
ered rather than helpless typically do better in school, Seligman (l991) contended that today's epidemic lev-
cope better with stress, and live more happily. When els of depression stem partly from impoverished social
deprived of control over their own lives-an experience connections in increasingly individualistic Western soci-
studied in prisoners, nursing home patients, and people eties. Individualistic societies offer personal control, har-
living under totalitarian regimes-people suffer lower mony between the inner and outer person, and opportu-

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

- David G. Myers and Ed Diener

nity to express one's feelings and talents, though with the women report greater life satisfaction than married
risks of a less embedded, more detached self. Today, women" can be laid to rest. Throughout the Western
25% of Americans live alone, up from 8% half a century world, married people of both sexes report more happi-
ago. ness than those never married, divorced, or separated.
For more than 9 in 10 people, the most significant
alternative to aloneness is marriage. As with other close
The "Flow" of Happy People
social bonds, broken marital relationships are a source of
much self-reported unhappiness, whereas a supportive, Tum-of-the-century Russian writer Maksirn Gorky an-
intimate relationship is among life's greatest joys (Glenn, ticipated recent studies of work satisfaction: "When
1990). To paraphrase Henry Ward Beecher, "Well- work is a pleasure, life-is ajoy! When work is a duty, life
married a person is winged; ill-matched, shackled." is slavery." Work satisfaction affects life satisfaction
Three out of 4 married people say that their spouse is (Crohan, Antonucci, Adelmann, & Coleman, 1989;
their best friend, and 4 out of 5 say they would marry the Freedman, 1978; Michalos, 1986). Why? And why are
same person again (Greeley, 1991). Such feelings help out-of-work people less likely to feel satisfied with life
explain why over the 1970s and 1980s, 24% of never- than those productively engaged?
married adults, but 39% of married adults, told the Na- For many people, work provides personal identity: It
tional Opinion Research Center that they were "very helps people define who they are. Work also adds to a
happy" (Lee, Seccombe, & Shehan, 1991; see Fig. 5). sense of community: It offers people a network of sup-
The traffic between marriage and happiness, however, portive relationships and a "we feeling." This sense of
appears to be two-way: Happy people are more appealing pride and belonging to a group helps people construct
as potential marriage partners and more likely to marry their social identity. And work can add focus and pur-
(Mastekaasa, 1992; Scott, 1992). pose-a sense that one's life matters. Studs Terkel (1972)
Is marriage, as is so often supposed, more strongly described "the Chicago piano tuner, who seeks and finds
associated with men's happiness than women's? The the sound that delights; the bookbinder, who saves a
happiness gap between married and never-married peo- piece of history; the Brooklyn fireman, who saves a piece
ple (Fig. 5) was slightly greater among men (37.7% vs. of life.... There is a common attribute here: a meaning
20.1%, for a 17.6% difference) than women (41.6% vs. to their work well over and beyond the reward of the
25.7%, for a 15.9% difference). In European surveys, and paycheck" (p. xi).
in a meta-analysis of 93 other studies, the happiness gap Work is, however, sometimes unsatisfying, for two
between the married and never-married was virtually reasons. We can be overwhelmed: When challenges ex-
identical for men and women (lnglehart, 1990; Wood et ceed our available time and skills, we feel anxious,
aI., 1989). Although a bad marriage may indeed be more stressed. Or we can be underwhelmed: When challenges
depressing to a woman than a man, the myth that "single do not engage our time and skills, we feel bored. Between
anxiety and boredom lies a middle ground where chal-
~orcent Very Happy lenges engage and match skills. In this zone, we enter an
optimal state that Csikszentmihalyi (1990) termed "flow"
r:.", \ \ Married adults
(Fig. 6).
I . - - - - - - - __
40
I \.", - To be in flow is to be uri-self-consciously absorbed. In
I such times, one gets so caught up in an activity that the
mind does not wander, one becomes oblivious to sur-
30
roundings, and time flies. Csikszentmihalyi formulated
the flow concept after studying artists who would spend
20 hour after hour painting or sculpting with enormous con-
centration. Immersed in a project, they worked as if noth-
ing else mattered. The artists seemed driven less by the
10-
external rewards of doing art-money, praise, promo-
tion-than by the intrinsic rewards of creating the work.
o I I I I I I I I I I " i
Csikszentmihalyi conducted studies in which people
72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 ee 69 reported on their activities and feelings when paged with
Year
electronic beepers. He discovered that happiness comes
not from mindless passivity but from engagement in
Fig. 5. Percentage of people who reported they were "very
happy" among married and never-married U.S. adults. Derived mindful challenge. Whether at work or at leisure, people
from National Opinion Research Center data reported by Lee, enjoyed themselves more when absorbed in the flow of
Seccombe, and Shehan (1991). an activity than when doing nothing meaningful. Thus,

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 PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

Who Is Happy?

meta-analysis among the elderly revealed that the two

High
Challenge best predictors of well-being among older persons were
health and religiousness (Okun & Stock, 1987).
ANXIETY FLO\V Other studies have probed the connection between
faith and coping with a crisis. Compared with religiously
inactive widows, recently widowed women who wor-
Low +- lIigh
shipped regularly reported more joy in their lives
Skills Skills (Harvey, Barnes, & Greenwood, 1987; McGloshen &
O'Bryant, 1988; Siegel & Kuykendall, 1990). Among
mothers of disabled children, those with a deep religious
faith were less vulnerable to depression than were those
APATHY BOREDOM who were irreligious (Friedrich, Cohen, & Wilturner,
Low
1988). People with a strong faith also retained greater
Challenge happiness after suffering divorce, unemployment, seri-
ous illness, or bereavement (Ellison, 1991; McIntosh, Sil-
Fig. 6. The flow model. When a challenge engages skills, peo- ver, & Wortman, 1993).
ple often become so absorbed in the flow of an activity that they What explains these positive links between faith and
lose consciousness of self and time. Adapted from Csikszent- well-being? Is it the supportive close relationships often
mihalyi and Csikszentmihalyi (1988, p. 251). enjoyed by people who are active in local congregations
(of which there are 258,000 in the United States)? Is it the
involvement in interesting activities, including engaging
sense of meaning and purpose that many people derive
work, is a major source of well-being. As playwright Noel
from their faith? Is it a religious worldview that offers
Coward observed, interesting work "is more fun than
answers to life's deepest questions and an optimistic ap-
fun. "
praisal of life events? Is it the hope that faith affords
when people suffer or face what social psychologists Sol-
The Faith of Happy People omon, Greenberg, and Pyszczynski (1991) called "the
terror resulting from our awareness of vulnerability and
The links between religion and mental health are im- death" (p. 97)? Such proposed explanations await more
pressive. Religious people (often defined as those who rigorous exploration.
attend church regularly) are much less likely than irreli-
gious people to become delinquent, to abuse drugs and
Elements of a Theory of Happiness
alcohol, to divorce or be unhappily married, and to com-
mit suicide (Batson, Schoenrade, & Ventis, 1993; Cola- A viable theory of happiness must, first, recognize the
santo & Shriver, 1989). Religiously active people even importance of adaptation. Over time, the immediate af-
tend to be physically healthier and to live longer, in part fective response to significant life events inevitably
because of their healthier smoking, eating, and drinking fades. Thus, variables such as income (Diener et aI.,
habits (Koenig, Smiley, & Gonzales, 1988; Levin & 1993), physical attractiveness (Diener, Wolsic, & Fujita,
Schiller, 1987; Mcintosh & Spilka, 1990). in press), and health (Okun & George, 1984) have mini-
Across North America and Europe, religious people mal long-term influence on SWB despite having powerful
also report higher levels of happiness and satisfaction effects on people's lives. Although lottery winners are
with life (e.g., Poloma & Pendleton, 1990). Religious peo- initially elated, their euphoria soon wanes. "Continued
ple are slightly less vulnerable to depression (Brown, pleasures wear off," noted Frijda (1988, p. 353). "Plea-
1993; Gartner, Larson, Allen, & Gartner, 1991). The sure is always contingent upon change and disappears
most striking finding, however, comes from the Gallup with continuous satisfaction."
Organization (Gallup, 1984), which compared people low Likewise, the agony of most bad events gradually sub-
in "spiritual commitment" with highly spiritual people sides. Even the initial psychological trauma of paralyzing
(who consistently agree with statements such as "My car accidents typically gives way to a return of normal
religious faith is the most important influence in. my happiness (Wortman & Silver, 1987). Reflecting on the
life. "). The highly spiritual were twice as likely to say successes and mental health of American Jews who sur-
they were "very happy." Other surveys, in the United vived horrific Holocaust experiences, Helmr~ich (1992)
States and across 14 Western nations, found that happi- noted that "the story of the survivors is one of courage
ness and life satisfaction rise with strength of religious and strength, of people who are living proof of the in-
affiliation and frequency of worship attendance (Ingle- domitable will of human beings to survive and of their
hart, 1990; Witter, Stock, Okun, & Haring, 1985). One tremendous capacity for hope. It is not a story of remark-

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PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE

David G. Myers and Ed Diener

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