7 - Defectors To Television

Cambridge Books Online
http://ebooks.cambridge.org/
A History of Film Music
Mervyn Cooke
Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511814341
Online ISBN: 9780511814341
Hardback ISBN: 9780521811736
Paperback ISBN: 9780521010481
Chapter
7 - Defectors to television pp. 265-308
Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511814341.008
Cambridge University Press

7 Defectors to television
Documentary and animation were two specialized genres of film conceived

for theatrical release that flourished in this context only in the heyday of
movie-going, when audiences still expected to see more than one attraction
in a programme and something by way of contrast to the feature-length
and mostly fictional narratives that formed the core of the presentation.
The documentary film in the pre-television era fulfilled both didactic and
entertaining functions – and, in times of war, totalitarianism or national
crisis, often served as powerful propaganda aimed at a captive spectator-
ship. In both Europe and the USA in the 1930s and 1940s some documen-
tary films acquired artistic prestige on account of an audio-visual exper-
imentalism that was often sorely lacking in narrative films. By contrast,
the animated short was generally comedic in nature and predominantly
anthropomorphic in conception, but occasionally abstract or didactic in
intent. The fortunes of both genres in the cinema seriously and perma-
nently dipped towards the end of the 1950s when television established
itself as the ideal medium for disseminating factual and current-affairs
programmes, at the same time as a growing demand for uncontroversial
family and children’s viewing secured cartoons a firm (and, to the produc-
tion companies, still lucrative) niche in the living room. This development
occurred as theatrical features continued to become more adult-oriented
in the wake of the long-awaited collapse of the moral strictures of Holly-
wood’s Production Code. The firm foothold enjoyed by documentaries and
animation in television schedules has more recently been further cemented
by the success of satellite and cable channels dedicated to each: since the
late 1980s it has taken the technological marvel of IMAX to lure specta-
tors back into theatrical venues to see factual films, an initiative recall-
ing the combination of up-to-date technology and sheer spectacle previ-
ously exploited by Hollywood to compete with the television boom in the
1950s.
The present chapter surveys the musical highlights of documentary films
and the specialized musical provision for both commercial animation in
Hollywood and experimental animated projects elsewhere up to the 1950s;
in addition, it considers the sporadic attempts to revitalize the genres in more
recent times. Also examined is the feature-length animated film, which in
the hands of Walt Disney’s groundbreaking production team has remained
commercially successful in a theatrical context until the present day. As we
[265]
Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 198.211.119.232 on Sat Apr 16 00:59:28 BST 2016.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511814341.008
Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2016
266 A history of film music
shall see, Disney’s studio was also an important player in the later history
of the populist documentary.
T H E D O C U M E N TA RY F I L M
Documentaries in the early years of the sound film were an extension of
the simple newsreel productions that had helped accelerate the develop-
ment of sound-film technology in the late 1920s, such newsreels thereafter
continuing to provide audiences with topical information alongside length-
ier and more elaborate fact-based films. The first regular newsreel service
was the Pathé Gazette, launched in 1910 and followed by similar weekly
bulletins issued by Gaumont and Fox. Their early obsession with public
spectacle and patriotism helped to create an indelible association between
newsworthy images and military music – both marches and fanfares – and
the films generally received appropriate locational music, all of which was
supplied by the movie theatres’ resident musicians in the normal manner
(Altman 2004, 382). One of the more unusual musical ventures inspired by
newsreels came as a result of Hindemith’s persuading Milhaud to experi-
ment with Blum’s Musikchronometer at Baden-Baden in 1929 (see Chapter
2), which stimulated the French composer to write a suite of Actualités for
concert use, carefully timed to newsreel images, because at the time he had
‘nothing better to do’ (Milhaud 1952, 174; Nichols 1996, 48).
In the sound era, pressures to issue newsreels to tight schedules meant
that commissioning new music was impracticable, and editors relied
heavily on stock library music instead. In the UK, much music of this kind –
pre-recorded and archived in the medium of celluloid soundtrack, ready
for rapid use – was prepared by Louis Levy for Gaumont British News,
and in 1943 the London music publisher Boosey & Hawkes set up a similar
enterprise (Huntley [1947], 133). Naı̈vely jolly march melodies remained
common, with music of epic struggle customary for war footage, rousing
title music for feel-good national events, easy-listening background music
for domestic scenes, symphonic jazz for chic high-street fashions, and
plentiful recourse to classical staples from the silent era, no matter how
inappropriate: in a Pathé newsreel from 1937, for example, radium mining
in Czechoslovakia is accompanied by Mendelssohn’s Hebrides Overture. In
propaganda newsreels, footage from enemy countries might be parodied
by the use of distorted image editing and bitingly satirical music, as when
Nazi goose-stepping was doctored to go both forwards and backwards in
cartoon style to the accompaniment of the popular song ‘The Lambeth
Walk’ in the 1940 Movietone newsreel Panzer Ballet (Huntley [1947], 135).
Pathé ceased its newsreel production in 1956, having become part of the
Warner empire; Paramount’s rival operation stopped a year later, with Fox
Movietone following suit in 1963.
From the earliest newsreel years, sceptical observers questioned the legit-
imacy of borrowing manipulative narrative techniques from the fiction film
in a context of (pseudo)objective photographic reportage (Hill and Gib-
son 2000, 43). This concern proved even more troubling when emotively
suggestive music was also present, the modern manifestation of this trend
being the use of crudely exploitative ‘thriller’-type music behind TV news
reports of real-life tragedies. The question of whether music for documen-
taries should be neutral or suggestive in mood has had to be confronted by
all modern composers of new scores for the great factual films of the silent
era, whether they emulate keyboard techniques appropriate to the period in
which the film was made (as, for example, in Neil Brand’s music to Shackle-
ton’s Antarctic epic South (dir. Frank Hurley, 1919), restored by the British
Film Institute in 2002) or reflect changing fashions (as in the various scores
to Robert Flaherty’s seminal Nanook of the North by William Axt (1922),
Rudolf Schramm (1947 sound reissue) and Stanley Silverman (1976)). Late
highlights of the silent documentary received standard compilation scores
on their initial release: Flaherty’s South Seas project Moana was scored in
1926 by James C. Bradford, and the human-migration saga Grass (1925)
and Siam-set Chang (1927), both made by the King Kong team of Cooper
and Schoedsack early in their careers, were premièred with music by Hugo
Riesenfeld.
The problem of emotional music with objective reportage was bypassed
somewhat in experimental documentaries in the Soviet Union and Europe
that took artistic risks not only in their visual images and editing but also
their sonic provision. Mechanical music for a factual film was the subject of
an experiment by director Jean Grémillon in his Un Tour au large (1926),
which attempted to synchronize a Pleyela piano with the projector’s mech-
anism (Lacombe and Porcile 1995, 222–3). Dziga Vertov’s The Man with the
Movie Camera (1929) offered a vivid and symbolic portrayal of everyday
life in Soviet cities through virtuosic relational editing, and the director left
detailed notes on his desired sound provision to guide the three composers
from Sovkino’s Music Council responsible for preparing its cue sheets. In
the event, the composers in question merely stitched together gobbets of
classical repertoire and it was not until 1995 that the synthesizer-and-junk-
metal trio, The Alloy Orchestra, attempted to capture the witty and at times
avant-garde nature of Vertov’s imaginative soundscapes. The latter were
summarized by Yuri Tsivian as
his permanent tendency to start a sequence with conventional music

steadily growing into the pandemonium of noises, his desire to ‘freeze’
music, reverse it or make it sound ‘slow-motion’ in the same manner as film

shots do, his bias towards ‘found music’ (comic chases, gramophones, song
inserts, puppet theatre music, Chinese music, pub music, etc.) which makes
the film ‘sound’ almost as documentary as it looks . . .
(Tsivian 1995, 95)
The Alloy Orchestra’s virtuosic score – partly pre-composed, partly impro-

vised and incorporating live sound effects, and likened by one critic to
‘Rachmaninoff playing ambient music with experimental industrial band
Einsturzende Neubauten’ (Follett 1997, 15), was subsequently released on
DVD by the British Film Institute together with a repetitive electronic score
by In the Nursery as a less challenging alternative. The film was reissued in
2002 with a new music track by the Michael Nyman Band featuring their
characteristic funky quirkiness and moments of haunting poetry – rela-
tively little of which was directly allied to the specific suggestions of the
visual images. Vertov himself went on to make both synchronous and asyn-
chronous use of sound in his Enthusiasm: Symphony of the Don Basin (1931),
much praised by Chaplin for the quasi-musical applications of mechanical
noise in its soundtrack, and relied on music by Yuri Shaporin as a cohesive
device in Three Songs of Lenin (1934).
The music-inspired subtitle of Enthusiasm was typical of experimental
film-makers’ equation of moving pictures with abstract musical structure in
this period, and The Man with the Movie Camera belongs to a documentary
subgenre generally referred to as ‘city symphonies’. A celebrated example
was Walter Ruttmann’s Berlin: Symphony of a Great City (1927), its montage
influenced by the work of Eisenstein and its close relationship between visual
and musical rhythms not only explicit in the wording of the title but also
reflected in the fact that the film was cut to suit the rhythms of the music
by Meisel with which it was accompanied at major screenings in Germany
(Barnouw 1993, 73–4). The ‘symphony’ label even occurred in an industrial
context, as shown by The Oil Symphony (dir. Boris Pumpyanski, 1932),
a semi-documentary about the heroic efforts of Azerbaidzhani labourers
drilling for oil, with its motoric scoring by S. Paniev typical of Soviet musical
experimentation before Stalin’s clamp-down on decadent modernism soon
afterwards (Winter 1941, 158).
Hanns Eisler
Another experimental city symphony was Dutch director Joris Ivens’s short
film Rain (1929), made up of shots of rainy Amsterdam and furnished
with a chamber score by Hanns Eisler in 1941 as part of his film-music
research project funded by the Rockefeller Foundation. The Eisler version
was screened in Los Angeles in 1947 and New York in 1948 (Dümling 1998,
547). Very much in the Schoenbergian atonal mould (the published score
begins with an anagram on Schoenberg’s surname and the instrumentation
is the same as Pierrot lunaire), Eisler’s music attempted to achieve a balance
between illustrative effects and autonomous structure, and is also known
in the form of a concert work entitled Fourteen Ways of Describing Rain
– the title referring to the sectionalized format (analysed in an appendix
to Adorno and Eisler 1994 [1947], 135–65) in which the short musical
structures at which he believed modernism to excel form the starting point
for the scheme of cues. Ivens’s evocative film received a new score by Edward
Dudley Hughes (Light Cuts Through Dark Skies) at the Bath International
Festival in 2001, in which Hughes’s own sectionalization did not prevent a
pleasing sense of linear continuity.
Earlier in his career Eisler had collaborated closely with Ivens on the doc-
umentaries Komsomols (1932), New Earth (1934) and 400 Million (1938).
The first of these was an account of growth in the Soviet steel industry
for which Ivens insisted his composer acquire personal experience of the
milieu, telling him: ‘you cannot write this music if you do not see and
hear the entire sound and work environment and the revolutionary spirit’
(Dümling 1998, 504). In 400 Million Eisler achieved a Brechtian distancia-
tion in his music for the Japanese attack on China, and Ivens was content
not to hear the score until it was a fait accompli. The much better-known
New Earth combined an account of the draining of the Zuider Zee with
protest at the artificial manipulation of wheat prices and achieved much of
its impact from its uncompromising music, the third part of the film having
been constructed according to the composer’s creative input. Ivens accorded
another composer similar editorial respect when, years later, he worked with
Shostakovich on The Song of the Rivers (1954), commissioned by the World
Federation of Trade Unions, and asked his advice on the editing: ‘Although
it may seem heresy in the music departments of Hollywood for me to say
so, I believe that the composer can be a great help with suggestions for the
cutting and timing of the visuals’ (quoted in Riley 2005, 77).
Eisler’s contributions to documentary and semi-documentary genres
included Kuhle Wampe (dir. Slatan Dudow, 1932), a docu-drama about
the youth activities of the Communist Party written by Brecht, in which
Eisler’s approach is comparable to the asynchronicity of Pudovkin’s and Sha-
porin’s contemporaneous Deserter (see Chapter 9). The film was produced
by Prometheus (who in 1926 had been responsible for the German exhibi-
tion of Eisenstein’s Battleship Potemkin); the company went out of business
in the process, and the film was promptly banned by the Social Democrats
because of its frank portrayal of the Depression in the Weimar Republic
and allegedly subversive nature. Eisler commented of the film’s depiction of
the homes of the poor: ‘These very quiet pictures were counterpointed with
extremely energetic and stimulating music, which not only suggested pity
with the poor, but at the same time provoked protest against such a state
of affairs’ (quoted in Winter 1941, 158). Anempathy is also encountered in
the accompaniment of idyllic pastoral scenes by bleakly austere chamber
music. Elsewhere Eisler’s score is static in effect rather than developmental,
virtuosic at the start in its neo-classical bustling ostinati, and with some
muscular underscoring of scenes of heavy industry; the soundtrack also
featured ballads sung by Helene Weigel (Brecht’s partner) and Ernst Busch.
White Flood (1940) was an information film about glaciers made by a
creative team at Frontier Films and scored by Eisler as part of his Rockefeller
project. The composer’s response was to write a sixteen-minute serial work
that would also stand apart from the images, and the music was indeed subse-
quently heard notatim in concert performance as the Chamber Symphony,
Op. 69 (1950). Eisler himself was thoroughly satisfied with his attempt
to build specific illustrative details into his music without sacrificing its
autonomous structural cogency or serial idiom, having opted to use the
latter so as to avoid deeply ingrained associations between tonality and
emotion, even though he felt that introducing dodecaphony to film music
‘at first blush seems as absurd as using Hegelian terminology in a gossip col-
umn’ (Eisler 1941). Wilfrid Mellers observed that the composer exploited
illustrative motifs for water and ice as the basis for a passacaglia, chorale
variations, scherzo, etude and finale in sonata form, with patterned osti-
nati suggestive of the ‘eternal, timeless quality of icebergs’ ensuring that the
visual imagery was ‘translated into terms that work through the language of
music’ (Irving et al. 1954, 106; emphasis in original). Eisler’s score to The
Forgotten Village (dir. Herbert Kline and Alexander Hammid, 1941), shot
to a script by Steinbeck about cultural change in Mexico, employed an eco-
nomical serial technique alongside Mexican folk music, and was similarly
episodic in construction.
Other notable directors who employed Eisler on documentary projects
were Joseph Losey and Alain Resnais. Eisler scored Losey’s short Techni-
color puppet animation Pete Roleum and His Cousins for the Petroleum
Industries Exhibition at the 1939 New York World’s Fair (in collaboration
with Oscar Levant) and the Nursery Educators’ documentary A Child Went
Forth (1940) as part of his Rockefeller enterprise. Eisler’s most enduring
filmic achievement was his highly regarded score to Resnais’s Nuit et brouil-
lard (Night and Fog, 1955), a meditation on the horrors of the Holocaust for
which the economical music, sometimes changing texture without direct
reference to the image sequence, juxtaposed rare moments of brutality and
foreboding with a predominant sense of emotional neutrality emphasized
by transparent chamber scoring. Neutrality extended into anempathy with
the appearance of a perplexingly pleasant diatonic cue for flute and strings
to accompany shots of the gas chambers at Auschwitz. Royal S. Brown has

described Eisler’s music as ‘a perfect example of a nonnarrativizing, non-
mythifying film score’ which ‘does not even attempt to join with the visuals
and the voice-over narration to create a closed-off universe of consummated
affect’, its abstract quality reflecting ‘the brutal irony of the indifferent ordi-
nariness that can mask unspeakable horrors’ (R. S. Brown 1994, 31). Like
Ivens, Resnais paid warm tribute to Eisler’s contribution to the shaping of the
film as a whole and recalled that he ‘showed me how to apply music to cre-
ate something akin to a “second level of perception,” something additional,
contrariwise’ (quoted in Dümling 1998, 578).
Documentaries in the United States

Eisler’s experiments, though aesthetically notable, stood well away from
the mainstream of documentary soundtracks. Far more influential on the
course of film music in general were memorable scores to US documentaries
composed by Virgil Thomson, Aaron Copland and others which helped to
forge a distinctively American sound that left outmoded European romantic
models far behind. Copland also worked selectively on Hollywood feature
films in the 1940s (see Chapter 3), but Thomson scored no Hollywood films
and made a modest name for himself as a film composer only in the field of
independent but seminally important documentaries.
Thomson’s simple nationalistic style of film music was launched in his
score to the Depression documentary The Plow that Broke the Plains, directed
by Pare Lorentz for the Roosevelt Government’s Farm Services Administra-
tion in 1936. Both Lorentz and Thomson were newcomers to the medium
of film. Shot to a budget of only $6,000, The Plow evocatively depicted the
rural calamity of the dust bowl in the Great Plains States, suggesting in a
short and prosaic epilogue (later cut by the director) that the government
was working hard to remedy the situation. Thomson was sufficiently moved
by Lorentz’s efforts that he agreed to compose the music for the film for
whatever fee the director was able to secure (Barnouw 1993, 115). Thom-
son composed as the film was shot, with some scenes edited to pre-existing
music and others scored after editing; the music, recorded by members of
the New York Philharmonic, directly matched the film’s mood of betrayed
innocence by discarding ‘post-Wagnerian hyperbole and egomania in favour
of what Wilfrid Mellers calls “the surrealistically childlike unsentimental-
ity” of Satie and his own grass roots, first and foremost Baptist hymnody’
(Palmer 1992, 4). Telling use was made of instrumental variants on the Old
100th, a tune instantly recognizable to Americans as the Doxology ‘Praise
God, from Whom All Blessings Flow’. The most important, and lastingly
influential, of the score’s stylistic innovations were its cultivation of a pure

harmonic language, sometimes diatonic and sometimes modal, and the
simple use of pre-existing folk melodies such as cowboy songs and a US
Army marching song from the First World War. To accompany the plains’
fertile wheat production, Thomson included a ‘blues’ cue, its dissonantly
jazzy style reminiscent of Copland’s symphonic-jazz concert works from the
1920s, in a remarkable montage that culminated in shots of a frenetic black
jazz musician rapidly intercut with a tickertape machine communicating
wheat prices.
The Plow struck an unpredicted chord with the film-going public, and
was shown in 3,000 movie theatres in the USA in spite of growing opposi-
tion from Hollywood to what it saw as government-backed competition in
the field of commercial cinema (Barnouw 1993, 118). Its success inspired
Lorentz and Thomson to make a second documentary in 1937, a vivid
treatment of flooding, social problems and New Deal model agricultural
communities on the Mississippi entitled The River, which ended in an opti-
mistic account of the building of the new Tennessee Valley dams. As in
The Plow, Thomson’s simply textured and often folk-inspired music played
almost continuously, sometimes beneath lyrically inflected narration from
baritone Thomas Chalmers: the overall result was described by Lorentz as
‘operatic’ (Barnouw 1993, 120). Shot to a much larger budget of $50,000,
the film was distributed by Paramount and marked the high-point of
government-backed documentaries before funding was withdrawn from
such projects in 1940. Hollywood was at this time enabled to capitalize on
the style of the Lorentz–Thomson collaboration with its own treatments of
fictional rural tales, including several based on novels by Steinbeck such as
The Grapes of Wrath (1940; dir. John Ford, music by Alfred Newman) and
two directed by Lewis Milestone and scored by Copland, Of Mice and Men
(1939) and The Red Pony (1949). As we saw in Chapter 3, Copland’s music
for the latter in particular exerted a powerful influence on the future course
of the musical scoring of westerns.
Copland had come to Milestone’s attention as a result of his music for
the documentary The City (dir. Ralph Steiner and Willard Van Dyke, 1939).
This utopian but inventive and witty vision of metropolitan design was
funded by the American Institute of City Planners and, like Losey’s Pete
Roleum, made for exhibition at New York’s World’s Fair. Copland’s music,
clearly influenced by Thomson’s example, offset rustic simplicity for the
opening setting in a New England village with propulsively mechanical
ostinato patterns accompanying city life – in the case of a sequence showing
a traffic jam, somewhat ironically (Thompson and Bordwell 2003, 310).
Erik Barnouw (1993, 122) sees a link between the film’s ‘choral voice mon-
tages’ and trends in British documentaries at the time. Copland’s score,
which was much admired by Stravinsky, helped the film avoid what Cop-
land himself described as ‘two major pitfalls of documentaries, preachiness
and symbolism, and the result was a human intimacy that appealed to all
kinds of audiences’ (Copland and Perlis 1984, 290). Van Dyke gave indus-
trialization a similar treatment in a follow-up documentary, Valley Town
(1940), with music by Marc Blitzstein, who also scored Native Land (dir.
Paul Strand and Leo Hurwitz, 1942), and had previously collaborated with
Thomson in selecting Spanish folksong for use in Ivens’ US debut, The
Spanish Earth (1937), a hard-hitting documentary about the Spanish Civil
War scripted and narrated by Ernest Hemingway.
In later years Thomson scored important documentaries by directors
Robert Flaherty and Thorold Dickinson. Flaherty’s final film Louisiana Story
(1948), sponsored anonymously by New Jersey’s Standard Oil, told the tale
of a young boy whose idyllic rural life is threatened by oil prospectors. Since
the film focused on a simple Cajun community descended from eighteenth-
century immigrants from Acadia, Thomson utilized Cajun folk and dance
melodies in his score, which was recorded by the Philadelphia Orchestra;
but he also reworked autonomous classical structures where dramatically
justified, including a sombre passacaglia (for the robbing of an alligator’s
nest) and vigorously dissonant fugue (for the boy’s fight with the alligator).
The film’s score, which therefore trod a middle ground between popular
simplicity and esoteric sophistication (reflected in Thomson’s decision to
publish two separate orchestral suites from it, one devoted to the ‘classical’
cues and the other to the appealing ‘Acadian Songs and Dances’), went on to
win a Pulitzer Prize. Thomson’s preoccupation with erudite counterpoint
was later reflected in the inclusion of several fugues in his majestic score to
Dickinson’s documentary Power Among Men (1958).
Information films in the United Kingdom

Amongst the most celebrated documentaries of all time are some of the
many films made in Britain during the 1930s by the General Post Office
(GPO) Film Unit. As in other countries at this time, left-wing political
beliefs here bore creative fruit under the influence of techniques pioneered
by Soviet film-makers (whose work was frequently subjected to domestic
censorship when exported). Even short films such as Paul Rotha’s tem-
porarily banned pacifist statement Peace of Britain (1936; music by Brit-
ten) could create a storm of controversy quite incommensurate with their
technical and artistic substance. Rotha’s earlier Rising Tide (1933), with
a score by Clarence Raybould, initiated a long series of GPO projects in
which advertising and marketing goals were combined with audio-visual
experimentation. The key figure in the movement was producer-director

John Grierson, who had coined the term ‘documentary’ in 1926. Grierson
regarded cinema as a pulpit, telling his staff to avoid being ‘aestheticky’
and declaring that art should be a hammer for propaganda and not a mir-
ror of life (Barnouw 1993, 85, 89); his ‘factual’ films took the form of a
‘creative treatment of actuality’ (Hill and Gibson 2000, 43). Grierson had
been closely associated with Flaherty in the USA and Cavalcanti in France,
for both of whom he secured work at the UK’s Empire Marketing Board
Film Unit (EMBFU) in 1933. While in Britain, Flaherty filmed his Man
of Aran (1934) for Gaumont British, to mixed critical reaction: its score
by John Greenwood created what François Porcile described as ‘a calami-
tous marriage of the descriptive and the imitative’ (Lacombe and Porcile
1995, 234).
Grierson had laid the foundations for the EMBFU in 1929 at around the
time Battleship Potemkin – then banned in the UK – was screened at the
private London Film Society. The Society also screened city documentaries,
and in this context the almost newsreel-like appearance of Potemkin’s images
would not have escaped attention: certainly Grierson’s own work was signif-
icantly influenced by Eisenstein’s montage techniques. The EMBFU became
the GPO Film Unit during the production of Basil Wright’s The Song of Cey-
lon (1934), made under the auspices of the Ceylon Tea Propaganda Board,
with a widely admired score by Walter Leigh written and recorded in advance
on multiple audio channels, the images edited to the recording (Mathieson
1948, 323). Leigh also composed music for Pett and Pott: A Fairy Story of the
Suburbs (dir. Cavalcanti, 1934), and the GPO’s spoof musical The Fairy of the
Phone (dir. Wright, 1936), in which telephone operators double as singing
chorines with appropriate balletic and comedic danceband-style scoring,
all to a script culled from the wording of the London Telephone Directory.
Leigh’s promising career was cut short when he was killed on active service
in 1942.
The GPO’s film output vacillated between mundanity and memorability,
its unevenness the result of two differing target audiences: those attending
cinemas, for whom the Unit offered prestige productions, and those seeing
films in their local youth clubs, village halls and schools, for whom lower-
key productions shot in the economical and increasingly popular 16mm
format were standard fare (Barnouw 1993, 95–7). The Unit’s musical pro-
vision was rarely less than impressive, however, its soundtracks including
music by Jaubert (We Live in Two Worlds; dir. Cavalcanti, 1937) and Mil-
haud, who scored The Islanders (dir. Maurice Harvey, 1939) with a Gallic
style, voiced by an ensemble including saxophone, more appropriate for the
sequences shot in the Channel Islands than those in the remote Scottish
Isles. Early in what would prove to be a distinguished film-music career
(see Chapter 6), Brian Easdale scored A Job in a Million (dir. Evelyn Spice,
1937), its music including dry and sometimes dissonant abstraction, jazz-
influenced riffs (for traffic shots) and neo-classical diatonicism (suggesting
the innocence of a young messenger boy). Alan Rawsthorne enlivened The
City (dir. Ralph Elton, 1939) with his characteristically rich harmonic idiom,
including brittle xylophone and nervous woodwind scoring for a pool of
typists and modern quartal harmony for an underground mail train. Less
adventurous but versatile nonetheless, Ernst Meyer demonstrated his ability
to compose in both pastiche classical and romantic styles (The North Sea;
dir. Harry Watt, 1938) and more up-to-date idioms (Roadways; dir. Stuart
Legg and William Coldstream, 1937), his differing responses reflecting the
strong contrast between natural beauty and mechanized society at the heart
of much of the Unit’s work.
Undoubtedly the most enduring GPO films proved to be those with
soundtracks on which the poet W. H. Auden collaborated with Benjamin
Britten during a short but intensely productive period in 1935–6. (It was
this collaboration Michael Powell had in mind when he cuttingly dismissed
the documentary genre as fit only for ‘disappointed feature film-makers or
out-of-work poets’: see Powell 1986, 241.) Britten had joined the Unit fresh
from college, launching his film career with an original but self-consciously
elaborate score for The King’s Stamp (dir. Coldstream, 1935), which exem-
plifies his dry and dissonant chamber scoring, and showed ingenuity in its
effervescent mickey-mousing for the motions of the stamp factory’s gum-
ming and perforating machines. Auden joined the team to work on Negroes
in the autumn of 1935, a Coldstream project about the abolition of slavery
and subsequent evolution of the modern Caribbean which was not released
until three years later, by which time it had been reworked under the title
God’s Chillun; its music by Britten was a characteristic mélange of West
Indian melody, plainsong and sea shanties (Reed 2007, 12). Their final joint
film project was The Way to the Sea (dir. Rotha, 1936), made by the GPO’s
spin-off company Strand Films (which produced the notorious Peace of
Britain in the same year), a treatment of the subject of electrification of the
railways with parodic music used to create ‘a satirical subversive commen-
tary in which, during the historical sequence, conventional period attitudes
are attacked’ (Reed 2007, 13). In between came the GPO documentaries
Coal Face (dir. Cavalcanti, 1935) and Night Mail (dir. Watt and Wright,
1936).
Cavalcanti’s longstanding interest in, and flair for, creative sound design
peaked in Coal Face, an account of the British coal-mining industry which,
while fulfilling its ostensible remit of demonstrating the industry’s vital
importance to the national economy, also drew attention to the plight of
those working in an extremely dangerous and grossly underpaid job. The
latter consideration may also have influenced the disturbingly expressionis-

tic nature of much of the film’s striking conjunction of image, music and text:
according to a contemporaneous commentator, ‘the general atmosphere of
the film is dark, and its music neither makes it brighter nor does it underline
the shadows superfluously. In a word, the power-ratio between picture and
music is always most ideally balanced’ (London 1936, 222). Assembled from
a jumble of pre-existing footage, the film was made coherent by a continuous
soundtrack boldly combining narration, text chanted rhythmically by multi-
ple voices, choral singing and instrumental music, these elements sometimes
superimposed or overlapping. In the absence of realistic recorded sounds,
Britten’s extended percussion section supplied ingenious sound effects in an
avant-garde mixture of Foley techniques and musique concrète that would
have stunned audiences of the time if divorced from the images and played in
a concert hall. Alongside sandpaper, chains, drills and conventional percus-
sion instruments, a reversed cymbal recording captured the sound of a train
entering a tunnel – an effect probably inspired by Leigh’s ‘swinging micro-
phone’ technique (in which a microphone was swung past a vibrating gong:
see Low 1979, 75), this composer’s music for Six-Thirty Collection (dir. Watt
and Edgar Anstey, 1933) also influential on Britten’s score (Reed 1999, 68,
76). As in the otherwise utterly different coal-mining feature How Green Was
My Valley, scored by Alfred Newman in Hollywood eight years later, female
voices (here singing Auden’s lyric ‘O lurcher-loving collier’) represent the
sunlit domestic stability into which the miners ascend at the end of the film,
their emergence from the ground accompanied by appropriately isomorphic
music.
Night Mail similarly climaxes in a potent conjunction of poetry and music
as the postal train speeds from London to Glasgow, a famous sequence
in which the images were edited to a pre-prepared soundtrack. Auden’s
text ‘This is the night mail crossing the border, / Bringing the cheque and
the postal order’ is declaimed by the commentator in train-like rhythms,
supported by a side drum as part of motoric ensemble music that begins
with soft dissonant semitones and minor ninths on a cello (sul ponticello)
and an atmospheric underlay from sandpaper and wind machine. Again the
extended percussion section creates the sound of machinery in motion, this
time with the aid of compressed air, sandpaper rubbed on slate, clanking
booms, a small trolley, hammer, siren and even some coal falling down a
shaft (Evans et al., 1987, 138). (Britten’s interest in the sound of real trains
extended to his personal involvement in location sound-recording, which
was typical of the creative team spirit prevailing in the GPO Unit at the time.)
As the train rushes headlong towards its destination, so the combination
of music and poetry builds to a satisfyingly lyrical and expansive climax.
Britten confided to his diary at the start of 1936, while still at work on Night
7.1 The manuscript of Benjamin Britten’s setting of rhythmicized text by W. H. Auden at the
conclusion of the celebrated British documentary film Night Mail (GPO Film Unit, 1936), scored
for an unorthodox chamber ensemble including sandpaper and wind machine.
Mail, that his GPO commissions had provided a comfortable income of £5

per week ‘but owing to the fact I can claim no performing rights (it being
Crown property) with the possibility of it being increased to £10 per week or
£2 per day’; however, he felt that working in the company of brains such as
those of Auden, Wright and Coldstream had left him with ‘a bad inferiority
complex’ (Mitchell and Reed 1991, 400).
Another significant collaboration of Britten’s at the GPO Film Unit was

with experimental animator Lotte Reiniger, for whom (at Cavalcanti’s sug-
gestion) he adapted the music of Rossini for The Tocher (1935), a ‘film
ballet’ of animated silhouettes promoting the Post Office’s Savings Bank in
fairy-tale style. (Britten later dedicated the first of his two concert suites of
these Rossini arrangements, Soirées musicales (1936) and Matinées musicales
(1941), to Cavalcanti.) Reiniger’s animated advert for greetings telegrams,
The HPO – Heavenly Post Office (1938), was scored in light-music style by
Easdale. The most daring animated experiments to emerge from the Unit
were those made by Len Lye and his associate Norman McLaren, the latter
joining the team in 1937 and later establishing himself as the most important
innovator in the field of animation and graphically animated soundtracks
(see below): designs were drawn directly onto film stock and no camera
was therefore required. Lye’s four-minute A Colour Box (1935) presented
abstract colour patterns accompanied by a jolly beguine, the film’s ending
adapted by Grierson to turn it into an explicit advert for cheaper parcel-
post rates (Low 1979, 104) and its novel combination of music and abstract
animation reportedly influencing Disney’s Fantasia (Thompson and Bord-
well 2003, 321). In Rainbow Dance (1936), Lye mixed processed live-action
choreography (performed by Rupert Doone) with colour animation and
jazzy dance music to create an advert for the Savings Bank, while Trade
Tattoo (1937) urged customers to post their letters in good time with a sim-
ilar amalgam of live action, animation and the dance music of the Lecuona
Band. McLaren was responsible for Love on the Wing (1939), a fantastic
animated realization of Ibert’s pre-existing Divertissement that achieved a
delightful match between bubbly music and dynamic graphics: images of
a letter literally winging its way overseas find themselves mixed up with a
melodramatic love story in a witty yet lyrical advert for the Empire Air Mail
service.
The movies at war: reportage and propaganda

In both the USA and UK during the Second World War, many promi-
nent composers contributed to the war effort by providing music for
government-funded propaganda films. Although much output of this kind
was of inferior quality, in the hands of a few thoughtful directors and
composers the end results were compelling. The foundations for the best
of wartime documentary cinema in the USA were laid by director Frank
Capra in his work on the ‘Why We Fight’ series (several of its films shown
widely in other countries), which featured mostly anonymous contributions
from Hollywood composers Friedhofer, Harline, Lava, Newman, Steiner,
Tiomkin and Webb. Another rising Hollywood star, Alex North, composed
around 80 documentary scores for the Office of War Information while serv-
ing as a Captain in the US Army. Although such films made basic attempts to
address significant social issues – for example in The Negro Soldier (1944),
scored by Tiomkin – they were more important for reasons outlined by
Barnouw:
For the first time in history, the army was undertaking the political
education of millions of Americans – who were, for the time being, a captive
audience. It was called a ‘morale’ service, but the crystallization of attitudes
on a wide range of issues – national and international – was very much a
political matter . . . Civil libertarians who might have objected did not do
so, perhaps because they were surprised and pleased by the films.
(Barnouw 1993, 162)
A memorable collaboration that built on the work of Capra’s influential

documentary unit was that between director William Wyler and composer
Gail Kubik. Like Herrmann and Britten, Kubik was an experienced com-
poser of incidental music for radio who firmly believed that a composer
should not sacrifice individuality of style in the interests of commerce. In
1945 he commented in a lecture on the subject of music for radio: ‘More than
anything else remember: write your own style . . . If you alter it stylistically
to conform to someone else’s taste, you are no better than the [hack] men
you are trying to replace, and your composer prerogatives will dwindle with
every score’ (quoted in Donnelly 2001a, 118). His first documentary film
scores were for Men and Ships (dir. George Gercke, 1940) and The World
at War (dir. Sam Spewak, 1942); Kubik was furious about the summary
treatment accorded to his music during the editing of the latter and entered
on unsuccessful litigation in an attempt to buy back his rights to the score.
It was his work for the Special Photo Signal Detachment of the US Army Air
Force’s First Motion Picture Unit that encouraged Kubik to move away from
the tendency towards overscoring noticeable in his early film work, cultivat-
ing instead a flexible idiom – modern but never gimmicky – influenced by
the fresh-sounding styles of Copland and Thomson. Kubik learned how to
be selective in the spotting process, providing cues at strategic points rather
than lapsing into wall-to-wall background music. In 1943 he identified the
principal problem facing the composer of music for documentaries: ‘can he
discover the form which the film itself takes, and . . . can he then translate his
reactions to the film’s structure into terms that are both musically satisfying
and convincing and yet which also supplement the dramatic impact of the
film itself?’ (quoted in Donnelly 2001a, 123). In an article published two
years later, he went further: ‘Music in the documentary film aids democracy
to the extent that it is creatively composed music . . . it reflects the feelings
of a free and unrestricted personality. I cannot believe that the democratic,

the American concept of living is furthered by the writing of music domi-
nated by any aesthetic values other than the composer’s’ (quoted in Flinn
1992, 30).
After working with director Jerry Chodorov (Earthquakers, 1943), Kubik
scored in 1944–5 two films with Wyler that are widely regarded as perhaps
the finest American war documentaries of this period: The Memphis Belle
(1943) and Thunderbolt (made in 1944 but not released until 1947). Both
celebrate the achievements of the USAAF in Europe in decidedly unsenti-
mental terms, and the films’ soundtracks are in large part responsible for
their success. In both films musical cues are almost entirely restricted to
scenes of activities on the ground and the stunning aerial sequences are left
to speak for themselves, relying on gripping editing of genuine air-battle
footage and powerful engine and machine-gun sound effects, all voiced-
over with laconic stream-of-consciousness narrations. For the terra-firma
scenes, Kubik’s style draws on well-known folksongs and popular tunes in
a manner reminiscent of Copland, using chamber scoring and often emo-
tionally neutral harmonies, but making occasional excursions into dissonant
territory that Copland’s music at this time rarely allowed. At no time does
Kubik indulge in the kind of cheerfully heroic or militaristic music that so
often marred wartime propaganda films across the globe. Kubik’s score for
The Memphis Belle, which was orchestrated by Raksin (who had also orches-
trated for Capra’s unit), recycled the main-title music from Earthquakers,
with its nicely judged harmonic twists and angularities. The soundtrack is
articulated by an unusual structural parallel between music and narration:
in the first part of the film, Kubik provides a series of stinger chords that
catch the jump-cut editing in a montage of shots of B17 bombers seen from
different angles as they lie at rest on the airfield, and when the music ceases
once the cameras and planes are airborne the same audio-visual conjunction
returns, but now with disjointed voiced-over phrases replacing the musical
stingers on the jump cuts. In Thunderbolt, Kubik continued his practice
of partly basing his score on appropriate pre-existing themes: Eduardo Di
Capua’s famous Neapolitan song ‘O sole mio’ is reworked alongside shots
of Italian ruins, and spiky versions of ‘Yankee Doodle’ and ‘The Camptown
Races’ accompany American airmen at leisure. Kubik uses dissonant bass
lines and pedal notes under otherwise fairly conventional harmonies and
rhythms, these devices (as in later scores to fictional war films by harmon-
ically ingenious composers such as Frankel and Bennett) preventing the
music from sounding banal – especially when combined with militaristic
trumpet fanfares and straightforward march rhythms that in lesser hands
might have sounded clichéd and bombastic.
In the UK, the GPO Film Unit became the Ministry of Information’s
Crown Film Unit at the start of the Second World War; along with the
Army Film Unit and Royal Naval Film Unit, it continued to commission
scores from (amongst others) Addinsell, Alwyn, Bax, Easdale, Greenwood,
Jacob, Lambert, Leigh, Rawsthorne and Vaughan Williams (Huntley [1947],
106–23). Among the Crown Film Unit’s directors was the inventive
Humphrey Jennings, who in his GPO film Spare Time (1939) had extended
the diegetic cues performed by workers’ bands and an amateur choral soci-
ety in order to serve as nondiegetic backdrop to imaginatively edited scenes
of various leisure activities pursued by workers from the key industries
of coal, steel and cotton. A similar music-led montage characterized his
Listen to Britain (1942), which featured one of pianist Myra Hess’s famed
National Gallery recitals alongside popular songs, the film’s scenes of every-
day life accompanied solely with music and sound effects rather than nar-
ration. In stark contrast Jennings’s Fires Were Started (1943), like many
semi-documentaries of the time (including Copland’s The North Star and
Vaughan Williams’s 49th Parallel), was completely staged.
Fires Were Started was scored by Alwyn, who first made his name as a
film composer largely in the medium of these wartime ‘films of national
importance’. Alwyn found himself called upon at short notice to compose
a replacement score for The Future’s in the Air (dir. Alexander Shaw, 1937),
which interweaved its commentary about the journey of a flying boat from
Britain to Australia with music that was ‘lyrical, soaring, lifting and rippling’
(Low 1979, 125); the soundtrack included quasi-gamelan sonorities for a
sequence shot in Bali (I. Johnson 2005, 26). Clearly influenced by Britten’s
documentary work, Alwyn included a reversed cymbal crash in his music
for the gas industry’s New Worlds for Old (dir. Frank Sainsbury, 1938) and
emulated the famous closing sequence from Night Mail in one of his later
feature films (see Chapter 6). The highlight of Alwyn’s wartime career was his
involvement in the Army Film and Photographic Unit’s critically acclaimed
Desert Victory (dir. Roy Boulting, 1943), in which he included patriotic
march music and a simple use of sequence in order to increase the tension
before the climactic Battle of El Alamein: ‘Alwyn uses a single persistent
note which rises octave by octave until it feels like the stretched nerves
of the waiting men and snaps when the barrage breaks loose in the wild
crescendo of a great storm’ (Manvell and Huntley 1975, 135). The march
enjoyed commercial success in both sheet-music and recorded form, and
the film won an Academy Award. Its sequel, Africa Freed, was suppressed
owing to US political objections, and segments from it were redeployed in
Capra’s Tunisian Victory (1944) where Alwyn’s music was supplemented by
additional cues composed by Tiomkin and extracts from Rachmaninov’s
Second Piano Concerto – some time before the latter was catapulted to
popular fame in Brief Encounter (I. Johnson 2005, 76–80).
For director Carol Reed, Alwyn scored the semi-documentary feature
The Way Ahead (US title The Immortal Battalion, 1944), which critic C. A.
Lejeune declared to be the best wedding of sound and image since Lorentz’s
The River (Observer, 11 June 1944), and the end-of-war celebration The
True Glory (1945). Alwyn was also involved in propaganda films perpetu-
ating the British ‘rural myth’, such as Spring on the Farm (dir. Ralph Keene,
1943), in which ‘the music is romantically dressing often naked facts. The
MoI [Ministry of Information] could claim, “we are telling you how it is”,
but the pictures and particularly the music undercut the raw truths with
delicious half-truths’ (I. Johnson 2005, 63), and Our Country (dir. John
Eldridge, 1945), which featured voiced-over poetry by Dylan Thomas and
included in its rich tapestry of image and music treatments of urban and
industrial subject-matter. Alwyn himself conducted several such scores with
the London Symphony Orchestra.
The documentary film sometimes achieved audio-visual poetry in total-
itarian regimes where attempted brainwashing generally prevailed. In Nazi
Germany, for example, former ‘mountain film’ star and director Leni Riefen-
stahl made the frighteningly memorable epics Triumph of the Will (1935)
and Olympia (1938), both with music by Herbert Windt, a pupil of Franz
Schreker’s and already an experienced opera composer (Mera and Burnand
2006, 17–18). Hitler passed over Ruttmann in order to secure the services of
Riefenstahl to film his Nuremberg Rally in September 1934, and she agreed
on condition there be no interference from the National Socialist Party.
Made by UFA as Triumph des Willens, the film had no commentary and its
striking images were shot by no fewer than 74 cameramen who took over
60 hours of footage. Windt’s music was appropriately Wagnerian, occasion-
ally updated with Straussian harmonic twists: as Hitler lands in his Junkers
52 aircraft, the mood is that of the heroic Siegfried, while idyllic shots of
the city asleep are accompanied by music reminiscent of Tannhäuser. The
score grows more impressionistic as the tent city for soldiers and workers
is revealed, and here (as elsewhere) diegetic drumming and rustic music
are used to link scenes. Given the enormous size of the crowd at the rally,
the very soft slow chorale accompanying Hitler and Himmler as they pay
their respects to the war memorial is especially effective. Riefenstahl, like
many film-makers, likened her editing of the material to glorify the event
as a ‘symphonic climax’ (Gladstone 2001, 12) and expressed the view that
Germany was responsible for the belief that ‘a true and genuinely powerful
national experience can be kindled through the medium of film’ (quoted in
Barnouw 1993, 103).
Riefenstahl’s substantial diptych Olympia commemorated the 1936

Berlin Olympic Games, and was two years in postproduction; like its pre-
decessor, it featured stunning photographic techniques, and its power of
suggestion was such that it was banned in the UK. The main-title sequence
to Part I was scored by Windt with some resourcefulness, the music emerg-
ing from its syncopated, quartal-harmony beginning into a Wagnerian
chorale as hazy images depict the emergence of ancient Greek ruins and
slow-motion choreography of stylized athleticism. The concept is dark,
decadent and undeniably powerful, and the orchestral playing (by the
Berlin Philharmonic) first rate. Solidly crafted music redolent of Reger
at his most extrovert accompanies the Olympic torch carried aloft, and
the exciting fanfares for the flag-raising would not sound out of place in
Star Wars. The sporting events themselves are mostly presented without
music, though tension-inducing cues enhance the slow-motion climax of
the triple jump, and a harp flourish and dissonant stinger underline the
javelin throws, with rousingly heroic music celebrating the Germany vic-
tory in this event. A Wagnerian march accompanies the pole vault, and the
marathon is underscored with music of repressed energy before the quar-
tal material from the opening finally returns. Part II (‘Festival of Beauty’)
again opens impressionistically, with scenes of nature scored by Windt in
a lush Korngold-like idiom. A basketball sequence including black ath-
letes receives jazzy music in ragtime style, and the diving competition is
mickey-moused with descending glissandi; there is no music for the stadium
events, but a dissonant ostinato-based cue adds a modern feel to the bicycle
racing.
Theatrical documentaries for the modern age

Between the end of the Second World War and the genre’s decline in the
1950s, the documentary film continued to flourish. In the UK, Britten’s
final contribution was his magnificent score for the Crown Film Unit’s The
Instruments of the Orchestra (dir. Muir Mathieson, 1946), a virtuosic set
of variations on a theme by Purcell that became a popular concert work
under the title The Young Person’s Guide to the Orchestra. Alwyn continued
to write prolifically for documentaries, to such an extent that in 1973 Rotha
proposed the issuing of a retrospective ‘Music for Documentary’ recording
of the best of Alwyn’s 1940s scores (I. Johnson 2004, 56). Newcomers such as
Malcolm Arnold and Richard Rodney Bennett entered film scoring through
documentary work, Arnold’s mechanistic score for Report on Steel (1948)
spawning a symphonic study entitled Machines (1951). The Crown Film
Unit was dissolved in 1952, but the influence of wartime documentaries

and newsreels (with their vivid footage and rousing scores) continued to be
felt in the generic development of the fictional war film.
In the USA, future front-rank directors such as Stanley Kubrick cut their
teeth in the documentary medium: his first collaboration with composer
Gerald Fried, on Day of the Fight (1951), saw them researching various
types and functions of film music together and taking a conscious deci-
sion not to score the film’s climactic boxing match (LoBrutto 1998, 67).
Fried’s music was modern in idiom, atonal and bitonal in places and featur-
ing sometimes aggressive quartal harmony, with the brooding ostinati that
(since film noir) have always worked well under voice-over narration; the
score’s uncompromising nature was very different from the old-fashioned
wall-to-wall easy-listening background to another Kubrick documentary
from the same year, Flying Padre, written by veteran composer Nathaniel
Shilkret, who wrote scores for numerous short factual films produced by
RKO-Pathé.
In creative hands the documentary film had always lent itself to both per-
sonal and political expression, and throughout the 1950s it became increas-
ingly associated with auteur directors determined to make their mark with
low-budget factual projects, often at the start of their careers. The tendency
is shown not only by Kubrick’s entrée into film-making (from a background
in photo-journalism), but also by Free Cinema directors in the UK, by East
European directors such as Kieślowski, and most obviously of all by the lead-
ing lights of the French nouvelle vague. Not surprisingly, given their artistic
preoccupations, New Wave directors appreciated that documentaries could
be even more manipulative than fictional features, and that the traditional
transparency of their methods of production was equally susceptible to
destruction.
In France, Agnès Varda, Alain Resnais and Louis Malle all began their
careers in documentaries. The musical consequences of this activity were
sometimes of seminal importance: for example, Michel Legrand found his
own ‘passport to the Nouvelle Vague’ by being invited to score François
Reichenbach’s L’Amérique insolite (1959), a foreigner’s view of the USA with
no commentary or dialogue in which ‘the music became a substitute for a
traditional commentary’ (Lerouge 2005, 28). Resnais collaborated memo-
rably with Eisler on Nuit et brouillard (see above). In the same director’s Toute
la mémoire du monde (1956), by turns moody and quirky in its depiction
of Paris’s Bibliothèque Nationale as a giant organism, a continuous score
by Maurice Jarre combined neo-classical melodic fragments with pulsating
percussion, sharp discords and obsessive ostinati recalling the spiky styles
of both Stravinsky and Les Six. The tongue-in-cheek nature of some of the
imagery justified the use of graphic mickey-mousing, such as an ascending
xylophone glissando coinciding with a rapid panning shot across nearly 200
volumes of the library’s catalogue, and the score included stinger devices
such as discords synchronized with starkly juxtaposed static shots of the
library’s various departmental signs, and clapperboard slaps similarly rein-
forcing a succession of shots of striking prints. Jarre had previously provided
music for Georges Franju’s anti-militarist documentary Hôtel des Invalides
(1952), his first film score. Auteur debuts by ‘film poets’ were prominent in
other countries at this time: the Swedish pioneer of the nature film, Arne
Sucksdorff, shot the evocative semi-documentary The Great Adventure in
1953 (with a score by Lars-Erik Larsson); the Dutch director Bert Haanstra
won an Academy Award for Glass (1958), in which ‘action is so synchro-
nized with music that the viewer can hardly escape the feeling that the glass
blower is producing the music’; the Polish director Kazimierz Karabasz’s
Musicians (1960) opened with a factory’s cacophony, followed by the work-
ers’ evening music rehearsal, their music-making continuing over shots of
the noisy machines fallen silent; and the Yugoslav director Vladimir Basara’s
Hands and Threads (1964) appeared to suggest that the activity of weaving
conjured forth harp music (Barnouw 1993, 194–6).
This European artistry came in part as a conscious reaction to commer-
cial documentaries purporting to depict real life. Popular natural-history
films in particular were rendered cosily anthropomorphic with the aid of
music that, as Royal S. Brown notes (1994, 15–16), was chock-full of stock
rhetoric borrowed from the vocabulary of dramatic films. Rózsa’s music for
the live-action wildlife footage in The Jungle Book (1942) is a good early
example. In their clear-cut moods, these family entertainments left the lis-
tener in little doubt as to the emotional effect intended by the film-makers,
and laid the firm foundations for today’s enduringly popular wildlife pro-
grammes on television. The studio pioneering this approach was Disney;
their ‘True Life Adventures’ in the 1950s were scored by Paul J. Smith,
who worked both on shorts such as Water Birds and Bear Country (both
1952), and the feature-length The Living Desert (1953), The Vanishing Prairie
(1954), The African Lion (1955) and Secrets of Life (1956), all directed by
James Algar.
In France, maritime explorer Jacques Cousteau pursued similar aims, to
the point that his apprentice Malle (yet to make his name as a director in his
own right) told the explorer in no uncertain terms: ‘What you’re trying to do,
this is not documentary, this is show business. It is not what it should be, it is
becoming like Walt Disney’ (French 1993, 8). Prior to his television series The
Undersea World of Jacques Cousteau, which was launched in 1966 and mostly
scored by Walter Scharf, Cousteau’s early films The Silent World (1956; co-
directed by Malle, with music by Yves Baudrier) and World Without Sun
(1964; music by Serge Baudo), both of which won Academy Awards, had
evocative titles that seemingly made the provision of atmospheric music de

rigueur. An ongoing and heavy debt to traditional French impressionism
was later demonstrated by Baudo’s compilation score for Cousteau’s Voyage
to the End of the World (dir. Philippe Cousteau, 1976), patched together from
various dismembered works by Ravel and decried by Porcile as ‘the limit of
musical vandalism’ (Lacombe and Porcile 1995, 293). At the other extreme,
idiosyncratic electronic music previously commissioned from François De
Roubaix to accompany Cousteau’s footage of the Antarctic was rejected by
the oceanographer as too modern. The unfortunate De Roubaix, son of a
producer of industrial and educational films, was ironically killed in a diving
accident in 1975.
Television documentaries on other subjects since the 1950s have enjoyed
a sense of naturalism that resulted from technological advancements per-
mitting sound to be tape-recorded on location in synchronization with the
camera, this innovation encouraging a greater reliance on interviews and
dialogue, and less on the creative montage and bolstering music that some
critics of the genre’s theatrical progenitor had viewed as direct attempts to
combat its former absence of realistic sound. The new realism, intensified
by the austerity of some of the auteur directors who began their careers in
the genre (notably ethnographer Jean Rouch in the early 1960s), seemed to
corroborate Powell’s view that ‘Documentary films started with poetry and
finished as prose’ (Powell 1986, 532). The cinéma-vérité trend was intensi-
fied by the rise of video technology in the 1970s, at a time when a synthetic
format in which interviews and footage were ‘glued together’ by commen-
tary and music was established – this unimaginative structure still prevalent
in factual programmes today (Thompson and Bordwell 2003, 583). Apart
from occasional pop-concert movies (discussed in Chapter 10), memorable
documentaries for theatrical release remained few and far between at the
turn of the next century.
An outstandingly original contribution to the genre was nevertheless
made by director Godfrey Reggio and composer Philip Glass in their non-
narrative trilogy comprising Koyaanisqatsi (1983), Powaqqatsi (1988) and
Naqoyqatsi (2002), the first a contemplative and wordless impression of the
USA, the second applying similar techniques to the Third World, and the
third to digital media. Koyaanisqatsi’s novel audio-visual montage included
certain visual techniques – for example, slow-motion (a space rocket blasting
off) and time-elapse photography (clouds rolling over desert and canyon) –
that were well suited to Glass’s hypnotic minimalism, his ostinato-driven
style also proving appropriate for shots of machinery, vehicles and industry.
The music was at its most dissonant for the detonation of an atomic bomb
and resultant mushroom cloud, while human interest was achieved by the
use of a choir (entering as people appear in the film for the first time),
and what amounts to a choral ballet for slowly manoeuvring Boeing 747s
in a heat haze; an instrumental ballet-effect also accompanies footage of
traffic on freeways. Gloomy strings threaten to emotionalize shots of deso-
late urban housing. Perhaps the film’s most effective conjunction of sound
and image is when the absolutely constant activity of factory machinery can
appear to fluctuate in an uncanny illusion caused by the phasing of the music
accompanying it. At the opposite end of the spectrum, and demonstrating
the influence of manifold televisual techniques, was Michael Moore’s con-
troversial Fahrenheit 9/11 (2004), which conveyed its partisan but powerful
anti-government message partly through a wide range of musical references:
a satirical use of pop songs with lyrics both appropriate and incongruous;
sentimental 1930s newsreel-style orchestral cues to underline suggestions of
brainwashing and naı̈vety; bluegrass for southern ineptitude; insidious som-
bre strings for the US Senate and thriller-type tension-inducing music (by
Jeff Gibbs) for slow-motion shots of politicians preening themselves before
the screen blacks out and the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre
are reported solely by stark sound recordings. Here, as in the Reggio–Glass
collaboration, are occasional glimpses of the audio-visual impact achieved
by the documentary in its heyday.
A N I M AT I O N
The Hollywood cartoon’s heavy reliance on music was obvious enough from
the titles of popular series of shorts such as Disney’s ‘Silly Symphonies’ and
Warner Bros.’ ‘Merrie Melodies’ and ‘Looney Tunes’, and the on-screen
pun pairing the names of the producers ‘Harman-Ising’ (i.e. harmonizing).
The genre’s debt to music as both a dynamic and illustrative device went
far deeper than these high-spirited allusions would suggest. In addition to
exploiting music’s ability to create continuity and momentum, and its emo-
tional suggestiveness (the latter especially necessary in order to humanize
the artificially created imagery), the animated cartoon demonstrated a sig-
nificant debt to musical techniques popularized in ballet and the circus, the
former first identified as an influence in an article by Ingolf Dahl (1949).
Cartoons were often distinguished by a satisfying symbiosis of music and
image as mutually supportive dynamic entities, each contributing equally
to a compelling choreography of sound and movement. In its tendency to
be hyperbolically descriptive, cartoon music was well suited to the often
ludicrous visual images: ‘Since cartoons can, by definition, do things that
we can’t (or shouldn’t) do, the music exaggerates and celebrates that differ-
ence. Cartoon music does more than simply add life to cartoons – it makes
cartoons bigger than life’ (Goldmark and Taylor 2002, xiv).
Cartoon music in the silent era
Silent animations became popular in the 1910s with the development of

methods for drawing images on transparent ‘cels’ (celluloid sheets), and
were conceived as shorts designed to fit into the mixed bill of fare already
well established in movie theatres. Like live-action silent film, the silent
cartoon originated in earlier forms of entertainment, some updating the
illustrated song-slide tradition: one animated venture of this type donated
its name (‘Cartunes’) to the new medium. Two early heroes of narrative
cartoons in the later silent era were both cats: Felix (launched in 1922) and
Krazy Kat (relaunched in 1925, but born much earlier in a newspaper comic
strip). Musical imagery – some of it surreal – played an important part in
these feline romps, such as Felix’s attempt in Oceantics (c.1925) to get a
picture of a pianola to play a strip of Swiss cheese as if it were a piano roll.
Visual gags featuring musical instruments remained common in later sound
cartoons, for example in the booby-trapped piano on which Bugs Bunny
plays a naı̈ve melody with a single finger, neatly avoiding the one key that
we know has been wired to the explosive (Ballot-Box Bunny, 1950). Similar
audio-visual humour came to be applied to other inanimate objects, such
as Elmer Fudd’s car backfiring its way along in a spirited conga rhythm
(Wabbit Twouble, 1941). A fine later example of surreal humour involving
a musical instrument is Daffy Duck’s plucking a silent guitar then, when
tetchily holding up a sign to the animators saying ‘Sound Please!’, producing
machine-gun fire when he resumes his twanging (Duck Amuck, 1951)
In 1927, Hindemith made an enterprising attempt to provide his own
music for a screening of Felix at the Circus, the venture proving problem-
atic in rehearsal on account of an unreliable mechanism designed to run a
mechanical keyboard in synchronization with the projector. The screening
took place as part of Hindemith’s festival at Baden-Baden which (like its
immediate predecessor at Donaueschingen) set out to feature, amongst
other artistic initiatives, contemporaneous film scoring and mechanical
music – and devices designed to synchronize the two, such as those devel-
oped by inventor Robert Blum. For the 1928 festival, Hindemith composed a
mechanical-piano score for the short surrealist film Vormittagsspuk (Morn-
ing Phantoms), directed by one of Europe’s leading lights in experimental
graphic animation, Hans Richter. Milhaud, who was present at the fes-
tival, recalled how Hindemith was ‘scribbling furiously and passing each
page [of music] as he finished it to two of his students who immediately
transcribed it onto a pianola roll’ (Milhaud 1952, 174). Film music for
the Pleyela mechanical piano had already been tried in France by George
Antheil in his notorious score for Fernand Léger’s abstract experimen-
tal film Ballet mécanique (1924), and by Jean Grémillon (see above); the
difficulties of synchronization had been amply demonstrated long before,

when Louis Janssens launched his unsuccessful Synchronisation-Musico-
Cinématographique player-piano rolls in 1912 (Winter 1941, 149).
Musical effects sheets for cartoons based on Æsop’s fables were issued
by Pathé in 1923 (Barrier 1999, 51), at a time when animated films were
generally accompanied by improvised music provided by a keyboard player
who attempted to follow the on-screen antics in some detail. In their manual
on motion-picture accompaniment (1920), Edith Lang and George West
declared it essential for a cartoon accompanist to be blessed with a genuine
sense of humour, drawing attention both to the inherent unreality of the
genre and its commercial context:
Nothing is more calamitous than to see ‘Mutt and Jeff’ [popular comic-strip
characters launched in animated form by Bud Fisher in 1913] disport
themselves in their inimitable antics and to have a ‘Brother Gloom’ at the
organ who gives vent to his perennial grouch in sadly sentimental or
funereal strains . . . In the cartoons and in the comedies all sorts of other
emotions, besides that of plain hilarity, may come into play; there may be
sorrow, doubt, horror and even death; only all these emotions lack the
quality of truth, and they must be expressed as ‘mock’ sorrow and grief,
‘mock’ doubt and death. This is very different from reality and should
therefore be treated differently in the music . . .
. . . The player should keep in touch with the publications of popular
music houses, since it will repay him to establish a reputation which will
make the public say: ‘Let’s go to the Star Theatre – you always hear the latest
tune there.’ This will prove a never-failing drawing card for the younger
generation of movie-fans, and it will react most decidedly to the advantage
of the organist in his relation to the box-office and his own earning power.
(reproduced in Goldmark and Taylor 2002, 17–19)
These strategies continued to flourish after the advent of the sound cartoon,
the music of which relied heavily on archaic melodramatic clichés in order
to achieve strong but ‘mock’ emotions, and often featured allusions to old
and new popular songs. A deeply ingrained belief in a need for ‘catching
the action’ (mickey-mousing) persisted in later sound cartoons; and, while
aficionados of the genre continue to defend slavish applications of the tech-
nique as a valuable source of otherwise absent vitality in animation (see,
for example, the editors’ introduction in Goldmark and Taylor 2002, xiv),
there is no doubt that it resulted in a marked tendency towards the per-
petuation of the loosely controlled episodic musical structures that were
noticeable in the very first scores specially composed for the genre. Crude
sound effects underlining slapstick action, provided either by realistic noise
sources or onomatopoeic percussion, were also identified by Lang and West
as an essential adjunct to the silent cartoon (‘It may be stated candidly that
these effects, and the best among them, are not always purely musical’); these
remained an essential feature of sound cartoons, either interfering with or
working together with the music, according to the sensibilities of different
production teams. When Warner Bros. released its classic cartoon shorts on
DVD in the early 2000s, the ‘music-only’ playback feature retained sound
effects as an integral part of the non-dialogue track.
Walt Disney and the animated musical

The rise of Disney as a world-famous entrepreneur of animation was in
part occasioned by his enthusiastic embracing of sound technology as soon
as it became available. Launching his character Mickey Mouse in silent
form in 1928, five years after founding his own studio, Disney immediately
added synchronized sound to Mickey’s adventures in Steamboat Willie, a
film replete with visual musical imagery of a kind that could readily be
exploited in an inventive soundtrack: for example, a cow swallowing the
sheet music of ‘Turkey in the Straw’ and playing the tune back like a bar-
rel organ when its tail is cranked, and Mickey playing the cow’s teeth like
a xylophone. Synchronization was achieved with the assistance of Wilfred
Jackson, who prepared a ‘bar sheet’ for the film in advance: ‘in the places
where we had definite pieces of music in mind, the name of the music
was there, and the melody was crudely indicated, not with a staff, but just
with a little note that would go higher and lower’ (quoted in Barrier 1999,
51). Jackson then supplied metronome markings for the benefit of Dis-
ney, who prepared exposure sheets for the animators that included detailed
indications for the exact conjunctions of image frames and musical beats.
The musical arrangements were recorded in New York using the Powers
Cinephone system: music director Carl Edouarde’s conducting followed
the tempi of a bouncing ball that appeared on screen in the space to the side
of the images where the final soundtrack would be located, an idea borrowed
from animated illustrated songs such as Oh Mabel (1924). For other Mickey
Mouse films then in production, Disney commissioned original music from
Carl Stalling, a cinema organist from Kansas City with considerable expe-
rience of improvising accompaniments to silent cartoons. During the time
he worked with Disney before quitting in 1930 after increasing personality
clashes, Stalling provided music for 21 of the studio’s animated shorts. And
it was at Stalling’s insistence that Disney embarked on imaginative projects
such as The Skeleton Dance (1929), featuring a pre-composed score fitted to
the images with the benefit of a prototypical click track; as Disney warned
his animators in a continuity script, ‘every frame of this is timed to music’
(Barrier 1999, 61). It became explicit studio policy for the scores of these
‘Silly Symphonies’ to be more prominent and satisfying than those for the
Mickey Mouse shorts, where the music remained strictly subservient to
action and dialogue.
Following Stalling’s departure, three other composers worked for Disney
as his products became more ambitious in the early 1930s: Bert Lewis, who
also hailed from the world of silent-film accompaniment; Frank Churchill,
who had experience of providing on-set music during the shooting of
live-action silent films; and Leigh Harline, whose previous work in radio
allowed him to escape some of the episodic bittiness of quasi-improvised
scores, attempting instead to shape his cartoon music with a greater degree
of autonomous structuring (Barrier 1999, 101). Among Harline’s more
intriguing efforts were The Goddess of Spring (1934), with its parodies of
grand opera and the jazz routines then popular at Harlem’s Cotton Club,
and Music Land (1935), in which the Isle of Jazz and the Land of Symphony
are represented by an appropriate contrast of musical styles. However, it was
the less capable Churchill’s music that came to international prominence
on account of two of Disney’s greatest successes: The Three Little Pigs (1933)
and Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (1937, composed in collaboration
with Harline), both made in colour. The Three Little Pigs, Disney’s first ven-
ture into the realm of fairy-tales and his first animation to feature drawings
based closely on the fluid movements of live action, not only had its pro-
tagonists play instruments (like many early cartoon heroes), but they also
sang: elements from Churchill’s original song ‘Who’s Afraid of the Big Bad
Wolf’ were creatively deployed throughout the film, and the song became a
hit.
By the time of Snow White, Disney’s first animated feature, his closely
knit production team had achieved a formidable blend of comedy, fantasy,
sentimentality and astute characterization that would serve as an inspira-
tion to generations of animators to come. Piano temp tracks were used to
accompany test reels of pencil sketches, and again the film was designed
around what would become a hit song (‘Someday My Prince Will Come’);
as a full-scale animated musical, its score contained other catchy original
songs that would soon have a commercial life of their own (‘Whistle While
You Work’ and ‘Heigh Ho’), even though they seemed inextricably linked
to the endearing images they were designed to accompany. Music from the
film was released by RCA Victor on a commercially successful 78rpm disc,
generally considered to be the first soundtrack recording in cinema history.
Also in 1937, Disney expressed his desire that the years ahead would
bring ‘more Silly Symphonies in which sheer fantasy unfolds to a musical
pattern . . . In the future, we will make a larger number of dance-pattern
symphonies. Action controlled by a musical pattern has great charm in the
realm of unreality’ (quoted in Barrier 1999, 242). With the enthusiastic
collaboration of conductor Leopold Stokowski, who proposed Stravinsky’s

Rite of Spring as a suitable modern piece on which to base an animation, Dis-
ney set about compiling a ‘package feature’ (i.e. a full-length film made up
of self-contained segments, some of which could also be released as shorts)
based exclusively on well-known pieces of classical music. The resulting
Fantasia was released in 1940 in an ambitious and costly stereophonic for-
mat (Fantasound) that was soon abandoned because wartime strictures dis-
couraged the rewiring of projection venues for multiple audio speakers (and
using the live music mixer required to adjust the levels of constituent tracks
according to the acoustical needs of individual venues). The venture met
with a mixed critical reception and little commercial success at the time,
failing to live up to Disney’s grandiose conception (‘this thing will make
Beethoven’, he is reported to have declared to Stokowski, though at other
times he confessed that the film was nothing more than an attempt to be
entertaining and make dull and stuffy music interesting). Among Fanta-
sia’s unorthodox sequences was the opening interpretation of J. S. Bach’s
Toccata and Fugue in D minor, in an orchestral arrangement by Stokowski,
animated partly to abstract designs begun by Oskar Fischinger that were
directly inspired by the music’s contrapuntal textures – an idea reportedly
suggested by images that came to Disney when he fell asleep in a concert
hall. But for most viewers the enduring highlights will remain the delight-
fully quirky mushrooms and thistles cavorting to the Chinese and Russian
dances from Tchaikovsky’s ballet The Nutcracker, and Mickey Mouse’s hilar-
ious antics as the title character in Dukas’s symphonic poem The Sorcerer’s
Apprentice. The debt of cartoon choreography to classical ballet was in this
film made more obvious than ever; yet some sequences were deemed pre-
tentious enough – or in sufficiently poor taste – for critics such as Mitry to
declare that the venture was mostly ‘A travesty! . . . In fact, Fantasia was not
only misguided but had the effect of discrediting the whole area of exper-
imentation in audiovisual association, letting the public (even those who
should have known better) believe that the purpose of these experiments
was “to put pictures to music”’ (Mitry 1998, 263–4). For his part, Stravinsky
curtly dismissed the Rite of Spring sequence as ‘an unresisting imbecility’
(Stravinsky and Craft 1962, 146) and later used it as a stick with which
to beat Herbert von Karajan, whose recording of the ballet he damned as
‘duller than Disney’s dying dinosaurs’ (Stravinsky and Craft 1968, 88).
Disney’s second animated feature was Pinocchio (1940), which won
Academy Awards for Harline for both his orchestral score and the song
‘When You Wish Upon a Star’ (later to become the Disney Studio’s signa-
ture tune), closely followed by Dumbo (1941) and Bambi (1942), both of
which – though undeniably brilliantly executed and able to manipulate a
tear from even the most cynical of spectators – preferred sentimentality to
innovation, and still managed to do less than spectacularly well at the box
office. Like Pinocchio, however, they fared well at the Academy Awards, with
both films nominated for their music and Dumbo winning. Dumbo and
Bambi were both scored by Churchill, whose music for the latter was not
greatly liked by Disney: ‘I hate to see us taking the risk of being subtle’, he
informed his production team. ‘The music is inclined to be a little too dif-
ferent and new. We’ve got to take this thing out and make it appeal to a very
broad audience’ (quoted in Barrier 1999, 274). In one sequence Disney felt
that lyrics should be added to an instrumental cue, and delayed the produc-
tion schedule so that this insertion could be accommodated (Barrier 1999,
314). In 1941, two months of industrial action at the Disney studio and the
subsequent entry of the USA into the Second World War both conspired
to check the output of costly animated features; in the same year, Harline
left to embark on a freelance career. A further blow came in 1942 with the
suicide of Churchill, whose incomplete music for Bambi had to be realized
by a team of composers and arrangers. Ambitious plans such as Disney’s
dream of releasing modified and updated versions of Fantasia annually were
quickly shelved.
A major hit for the studio was the catchy song ‘Zip-A-Dee-Doo-Dah’,
launched in the 1946 live-action/animation hybrid, Song of the South. Soon
after, the feature-length animated musical made a steady comeback, begin-
ning with Cinderella (1950), which – in a move dictated by both artistic
conservatism and economics – was stolidly animated on the basis of live-
action footage and the music (with the exception of the songs) composed
to a rough cut and post-synchronized in a manner more akin to live-action
features. With this release Oliver Wallace became Disney’s approved feature
composer: already experienced from providing music for numerous shorts
starring Donald Duck, Mickey Mouse and Pluto since 1937, his feature cred-
its came to include Alice in Wonderland (1951), Peter Pan (1953) and Lady
and the Tramp (1955), projects which included song themes provided by
several other composers, and in which Wallace developed a recitative-like
approach towards underscoring dialogue (Goldmark and Taylor 2002, 34).
Disney’s productions continued to orient themselves towards old-fashioned
sentimentality, and his studio’s scores reflected this conservatism in their
general avoidance of a modernism of which he was deeply suspicious. Yet
Eisenstein admired Disney’s work for its close integration of image and
music, and declared in 1947 (with obvious reference to his own aesthetic
theories of audio-visual montage and colour–sound correspondences) that
‘Nobody else has managed to make the movement of a drawing’s outline
conform to the melody. In this Disney is inimitable. But, when he made the
transition to colour, it seemed he could not make it “work” musically . . .
[H]e failed to make a “colour melody” to ensure that there was not only an
emotional correspondence between the colour and the music, but a precisely
formulated musical correspondence’ (Taylor 1998, 171).
Animated and part-animated musicals from the house of Disney were
given a new lease of life by songwriting team Richard and Robert Sherman
in the 1960s (Mary Poppins, 1962; The Sword in the Stone, 1963; The Jungle
Book, 1967), and by the team of Alan Menken and Howard Ashman towards
the end of the century (The Little Mermaid, 1989; Beauty and the Beast,
1991). The style of these last projects was closely allied to Broadway models,
and both Beauty and the Beast and The Lion King (1994; songs by Elton
John, other music by Hans Zimmer) gained further commercial shelf-life
as live stage transfers. (For further on Disney’s later animated musicals, see
Chapter 4.) The Fantasia concept was belatedly updated with the making
of a 60-years-on sequel, Fantasia 2000, the original sleeper having steadily
begun to make a profit when re-released in 1963, 1969, 1977 (stereo remix),
1984 (newly recorded soundtrack) and 1991 (original soundtrack restored
with re-creation of Fantasound concept).
Warner Bros. and MGM: comic shorts

More adventurous combinations of music and animation are to be seen in
the shorts (usually around seven minutes in length) produced in the 1940s
by other studios, notably Warner Bros. and MGM. Often furnished with
continuous scores, stretches of music for these films would occasionally be
composed before the animation commenced and the images synchronized to
the music (a procedure naturally favoured by the composers involved), and
this was essential in the case of featured song or dance numbers, such self-
contained segments clearly reflecting the ongoing influences on the genre
of vaudeville and the musical (Curtis 1992, 196). But normal procedure was
for synchronization to be pre-planned beat-by-beat on ‘detail sheets’ and
for composers to work directly from these rigid graphs, sometimes aided
by a monochrome rough cut of the animation. During the 1930s the stilted
operetta-style dialogue of the early sound cartoons had yielded to sassier
script-writing – and, most importantly, to new levels of characterization
in which anthropomorphic creations such as Donald Duck (launched by
Disney in 1934) and Daffy Duck and Bugs Bunny (debuted by Warners in
1937 and 1939) became inconceivable without their distinctive speaking
and singing tones. At Warners, the ‘Looney Tunes’ and ‘Merrie Melodies’
series (commencing in 1930–31), at first scored by Frank Marsales, drew
more heavily on contemporary popular song than the Disney shorts: the
contrast arose not only because Disney was notoriously reluctant to pay
fees for the use of copyrighted musical material, but also because Warners
owned several music-publishing interests and could freely plunder their own
catalogues of up-to-date tunes. Thus cartoons which enjoyed widespread
distribution became an effective and lucrative method of song-plugging,
and for a time Warner composers were compelled (somewhat against their
will) to use a Warner song in each of their assignments; the ‘Merrie Melodies’
and ‘Looney Tunes’ series both took instrumental versions of such songs as
their main-title themes, each preceded by an attention-grabbing upwards
glissando on electric slide-guitar synchronized with a rapid zoom in on the
studio’s logo.
In 1936, Stalling joined the staff at Warners and wholeheartedly
embraced this new opportunity to tap a rich repertoire of modern tunes.
Before his arrival, scores for Warners’ animations had often featured vari-
ations on a single theme and technological limitations in the early 1930s
had necessitated a stop–start approach to juxtaposing music, dialogue and
sound effects – the last usually generated by instruments in the silent-film
manner (Curtis 1992, 198–9). With better recording and mixing technology
at his disposal, Stalling opted to catch the action in greater detail and drew
on his experience as an improvising accompanist to string together a satis-
fying medley of fragments from popular songs as he did so: ‘I just imagined
myself playing for a cartoon in the theater, improvising, and it came easier’
(quoted in Barrier 1999, 339). The music was recorded by the studio’s resi-
dent orchestra, at its largest over five times bigger than the small ensembles
with which he had worked at Disney, and a typical score for a short could
be recorded in approximately three hours. Synchronization was achieved at
first by the use of pulsating streamers on screen and, later, by click tracks
piped to all individual players on earphones – thus making the conductor
all but redundant. The task was made easier by Stalling’s habit of composing
in tempi that were multiples of 24 (the number of image frames per second
of projection time), which enabled literally split-second timing (Goldmark
and Taylor 2002, 52, 145); this procedure had been widely followed in early
sound cartoons, which favoured ‘twelve tempo’ (i.e. a click track in which
one click occurred every twelve frames, thereby producing a pulse of 120
beats per minute: see Prendergast 1992, 183). In conjunction with the work
of sound editor Treg Brown and the vivid vocal characterizations of actor
Mel Blanc, and working under the guidance of luminary director Chuck
Jones, Stalling’s music gave the best of the Warner shorts a heady dynamism
and allusive wit rarely encountered before on screen.
Stalling’s prolific output – he composed the music for more than 600
Warner cartoons before his retirement in 1958, completing each in a little
over a week – featured an endearing mix of old-fashioned melodramatic
clichés and a more up-to-date novelty idiom partly inspired by the screw-
ball music of bandleader Raymond Scott. The latter, whose whacky idiom
was also admired by Disney, sold the rights in his music to one of Warn-
ers’ publishing interests in 1943, and his tunes could therefore be freely
plundered by the studio’s composers. (The most frequently quoted, ‘Pow-
erhouse’, would later land Disney’s modern studio in legal hot water when
James Horner paid homage to it in his score for Honey, I Shrunk the Kids
(dir. Joe Johnston, 1989): see Schelle 1999, 106.) Operetta style is often
prominent, as in Rabbit Seasoning (1951) and Bully for Bugs (1952), and
classical influences include the ubiquitous shaping of fragmentary mickey-
mousing in the kind of irregular pacing typical of operatic recitative. No
matter which genre was being parodied by an individual cartoon, Stalling’s
idiom (like Steiner’s in live-action films) remained remarkably impervious
to the character of the assignment, so a visually modern production such as
the science-fiction spoof Duck Dodgers in the 241/2th Century (1952) received
the usual comedic and melodramatic clichés. Yet at its best his music was
almost solely responsible for a cartoon’s atmosphere and dramatic pacing,
perhaps the best example of all occurring in Duck Amuck (1951) where
Daffy is shunted from one contrasting location to another by the unseen
animators, much to his annoyance, and changes of musical style coincide
not with changes of scenic background but with Daffy’s belated recogni-
tion that he has been plunged yet again into an alien environment (skiing
from a snowscape directly into the Hawaiian tropics, for example). Similar
to Stalling but sometimes more adventurous was fellow Warner composer
Eugene Poddany, who first worked for the studio in 1950 and composed
cartoon scores for MGM in the 1960s, and the prolific Milt Franklyn, who
after Stalling’s retirement in 1958 emerged as the studio’s leading animation
composer at the time when the genre was making its transition from cinema
to television.
MGM’s importance as a cartoon factory became apparent in the late
1930s, when producer Fred Quimby and director Friz Freleng benefited
from the musical expertise of junior director William Hanna who (after
Freleng’s departure in 1939) teamed up with Joe Barbera to form one of the
most celebrated animation teams of all. Given their own unit by Quimby,
Hanna and Barbera launched the characters of Tom and Jerry in 1941, and
the much-loved series featuring the graphically violent escapades of this cat-
and-mouse duo netted five Academy Awards during the 1940s. The cartoons’
slick comic timing and breakneck slapstick inspired composer Scott Bradley,
who had formerly worked for Harman–Ising and joined them full-time at
MGM in 1937, to create strikingly sophisticated and coherent supporting
music. Working on detail sheets, his music was sketched on a short score of
three staves beneath horizontal lines summarizing camera shots, action and
sound effects. (For a facsimile of the detail sheet to Heavenly Puss (1949), see
Prendergast 1992, 192–3.) Synchronization was so perfectly preordained by
these documents that when it came to the recording session there was no
need for the animation to be screened, and the musicians relied solely on
click tracks (Goldmark and Taylor 2002, 117). Most impressive was Bradley’s
ability to catch the action in sometimes inordinate detail yet still bind
his illustrative effects together in music that made autonomous structural
sense – an achievement undoubtedly aided by the fact that, unlike their wise-
cracking rivals from the Warner stable, the classic Tom and Jerry shorts were
mostly free of dialogue, at least until the later 1950s, by which time the series
had already run out of steam. This musical ‘binding’ was sometimes achieved
by the simple device of tying the music in with rhythmicized actions in the
images: examples include two cats bashing themselves into brick walls in
Trap Happy (1946), metrical wood-chopping in Little Quacker (1949) and
the pulling of a fishing line in Life with Tom (1953). But most of all the
coherency was achieved by maintaining an often dance-like momentum in
the music and, in more fragmentary recitative-like slapstick segments, by
illustrating diverse gestures (e.g. nodding, staring, picking something up)
with sequential statements of simple harmonic progressions – often just two
chords, repeated and varied in different contexts.
Bradley, who was also a composer of music for the concert hall, wrote his
cartoon scores in an idiom both jazzier and more modernistic than that of
other cartoon composers of the time, taking a Gershwinesque symphonic
jazz as its basis but sometimes venturing into atonal and even serial ter-
ritory in order to reflect the unpredictable action on screen. Like Stalling
he affectionately parodied melodramatic clichés and ‘mock’ emotional cues
(Jerry tied to toy railway tracks in Life with Tom, for example), and obvious
thematic allusions (‘Old MacDonald Had a Farm’ in Little Quacker, and a
particular fondness for ‘Rock-a-bye Baby’). Yet the chance to experiment
with more adventurous techniques was clearly of paramount importance to
him, and he explained how the particular demands of the genre made this
possible:
With animated cartoons . . . the action is lusty and uninhibited, and music
has a fighting chance to be heard above the sound effects. I stoutly maintain
that any progress in creative contemporary film music will be made in this
medium because endless experiments in modern harmony and
orchestration are acceptable. Since it deals in pure (sometimes, alas, not too
pure) fantasy, more freedom in composition is allowed. Established rules of
orchestration are blandly ignored, since beauty in cartoons is rarely even
skin deep, and we must employ ‘shock chords’ which sometimes reach the
outer limits of harmonic analysis. (Bradley 1947)
Mildly dissonant, athematic music was Bradley’s stock response to ‘hurry’

and chase scenes, and at times this manner of writing became decidedly
bold. In his score to The Cat that Hated People (1947), for example, he
used a twelve-note row (for Jerry) sounded simultaneously with its retro-
grade (for Tom), achieving through parody a sense of comedy that had been
beyond the capabilities of Schoenberg himself, who had singularly failed
to raise even a smile with his comic opera, Von heute auf morgen (1930).
Bradley commented: ‘I hope Dr Schoenberg will forgive me for using his
system to produce funny music, but even the boys in the orchestra laughed
when we recorded it’ (quoted in Goldmark and Taylor 2002, 118). A few
years earlier, Bradley had used freer twelve-note writing in his score to
Puttin’ on the Dog (1943), where an atonal theme accompanies the sur-
real wanderings of a disembodied dog’s head (Goldmark 2005, 71). A witty
example of Bradley’s atonality is to be heard in Designs on Jerry (1955), in
which draughtsman Tom’s drawing-board representations of cat and mouse
come to life at night to appropriately outlandish music. Also adventurous
was the brittle tritone-based harmony of Push-Button Kitty (1952), repre-
senting a robotic cat, though in this instance (as often) the music is – in
spite of Bradley’s comments quoted above – drowned out by the overmixed
sound effects. It is a considerable irony of film-music history that the kind
of modernism so passionately advocated by Adorno and Eisler found one
of its very few outlets in perhaps the most unpretentious and quintessen-
tially entertaining of all motion-picture genres. In the case of twelve-note
writing, Bradley’s use of the technique came a decade earlier than its first
appearances in live-action cinema.
Classical music
Popular classical music was a prominent element in many of the Hollywood
animated shorts. Old chestnuts from the silent era doggedly persisted in
Stalling’s scores: Rossini’s William Tell Overture, for example, appears in an
accelerating form for a bear-chasing Elmer Fudd in Wabbit Twouble (1941),
in a speeded-up version for ants scavenging at a picnic in Ballot-Box Bunny
(1950), and in the western spoof Drip-Along Daffy (1950) – the last in an
obvious allusion to the popular TV series The Lone Ranger, which had been
launched in the previous year and originated in a 1930s radio show with
the Rossini as its signature tune. Sometimes just the merest hint of a few
bars of the William Tell theme suffices to tap its ingrained associations, as in
Big Top Bunny (1950), while in Yankee Doodle Daffy (1943) the eponymous
duck sings a song based on the Rossini theme but culminating in a jazzy
ending. Another old favourite, Mendelssohn’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream
Overture, initiates a sequence of classical tunes in Rabbit’s Kin (1951) that
also includes Chopin’s Etude in E major and Brahms’s Lullaby for Bugs
Bunny asleep underwater, and Chopin’s statuesque Prelude in C minor for

a Frankenstein-like horror setting. Many of the most celebrated of the shorts
went far beyond these quotations and took extended pieces of classical music
as their raison d’être. The most frequently used, by far, was Liszt’s Hungar-
ian Rhapsody No. 2, its contrastingly sombre and frisky sections perfectly
suited to the genre’s inveterate melodrama and slapstick. Two of the best-
known examples are Freleng’s Rhapsody in Rivets (Warner, 1941), in which
its themes are cunningly reworked to illustrate the building of a skyscraper,
and The Cat Concerto (MGM, 1947), in which with brilliantly inventive
slapstick Jerry cruelly disrupts Tom’s (solo) attempt to perform the piece,
recorded in advance in a two-piano arrangement by Bradley containing dis-
ruptively jazzy interludes. Liszt’s Rhapsody featured in many other cartoons
of the era, and even saw commercial exposure when Daffy Duck released it
as a single on the Capitol label in 1950.
Three Warner shorts have achieved legendary status as exceptionally cre-
ative responses to classical music. Long-haired Hare (1949; music arranged
by Stalling), which announces its basic dramatic tension at the outset by
starkly juxtaposing Italianate operatic pastiche for the main title with an
inane banjo song immediately afterwards, begins with Bugs Bunny playing
a variety of popular instruments (the banjo is followed by harp, then sousa-
phone), much to the annoyance of neighbouring opera singer Giovanni
Jones, who brutally destroys all of them so that he can practise in peace.
According to Philip Brophy, ‘Bugs’ singing generates a musicological dis-
course which infects the refined lineage of the operatic arias of the tenor. This
clash is in effect a metaphor for the “infectious” quality of simple pop/folk
melodies and how they are regarded as disease by a musical establishment
which takes pride in its sanitary measures’ (Brophy 1991, 97). Bugs takes
his revenge on Giovanni at a climactic concert in the Hollywood Bowl, in
which the sassy rabbit dons a white wig in a caricature of Stokowski (one of
many caricatures of this maestro in 1940s Hollywood cartoons) and wreaks
havoc with both the orchestra – from which he commands erratic musical
gestures with equally erratic hand movements in a kind of reverse mickey-
mousing – and Giovanni. In order to create the latter’s vibrating voice when
Bugs hits the roof of the Bowl prior to mounting the rostrum, the singer
dubbing the vocal parts was hit in the throat while recording the sound-
track. (The same venue featured in a rival Tom and Jerry short, Hollywood
Bowl, in the following year: Jerry sabotages Tom’s conducting of a medley
of popular classics, and the frantic feline is forced to play multiple instru-
ments as his players successively crash through holes in the stage.) Rabbit of
Seville (also 1949; music arranged by Stalling) saw Bugs seeking refuge from
Elmer Fudd’s bullets on the operatic stage, and the ensuing barber-shop
antics choreographed to Rossini, with all dialogue sung. Figaro’s ‘Largo al
7.2 Poster for MGM’s Tom and Jerry escapade The Cat Concerto (1947), in which Tom’s attempt to
perform virtuosic music by Franz Liszt is hilariously sabotaged by Jerry.
factotum’ had already established itself as one of the most frequently used
operatic arias in 1940s cartoons, also appearing in Woody Woodpecker’s
Barber of Seville (Universal, 1944; music by Darrell Calker), and in One
Froggy Evening (Warner, 1955; music by Franklyn). Most famously of all,
What’s Opera Doc? (Warner, 1957; musical direction by Franklyn and Jones)
featured a Wagner music track recorded in advance and affectionately paro-
died both grand-opera and cartoon conventions simultaneously, hilariously
setting Fudd’s catch-phrase ‘Kill the wabbit!’ to the Valkyries’ motif from
The Ring. Other cartoons based on classical music were released by inde-
pendent producer Walter Lantz in 1946–8 under the generic title ‘Musical
Miniatures’; his studio had also issued jazz-based cartoons in a series called
‘Swing Symphonies’.
Migration to the small screen

The gradual decline in the fortunes of silver-screen animation in the 1950s
coincided with a change of visual style influenced by a more modern sense of
graphic design pioneered by United Productions of America (UPA), which
went to some trouble to secure the services of established film composers
such as former documentary specialist Kubik (whose music launched the
Gerald McBoing Boing series in 1951) and Raksin (The Unicorn in the
Garden, 1953). UPA’s design influence was perceptible in Disney’s One
Hundred and One Dalmatians (1961), which employed new xerox tech-
nology to reproduce images and was scored by former UPA employee
George Bruns (also responsible for the Oscar-nominated music, adapted
from Tchaikovsky, for Disney’s Sleeping Beauty two years before). The influ-
ence was also evident in later Tom and Jerry cartoons and Warner shorts
such as Deduce, You Say! (1956). The Warner example nevertheless retained
old-fashioned Stalling-style music by Franklyn, who was succeeded on his
death in 1962 by William Lava, the latter’s music particularly associated with
the Road Runner series. At MGM, the new visual style and an increase in the
amount of dialogue, combined with uninventive visual gags, led to some dis-
appointing music from Bradley at the end of his career (e.g. Blue Cat Blues,
1956). MGM newcomer Steven Konichek found a way forwards by avoid-
ing old-style chase music and concentrating on atmospheric underscoring,
using a recording of a theremin for a ghostly diegetic effect in Buddies Thicker
Than Water (1957) and dissonantly jazzy cues in Calypso Cat (1956), but
his scores lacked the exuberant vitality of the best of Bradley’s work. By the
1960s a sell-out to popular styles had resulted in the inclusion of easy-going
pop themes supplied by Eugene Poddany and Dean Elliott (examples of their
work for TV cartoons in the Tom and Jerry series from 1966 are Brothers
Carry-Mouse-Off and A-Tom-inable Snowman respectively), though both
managed to continue the tradition of deftly synchronized choreography,
and Elliott in particular continued to pay aural tribute to the fingerprints
of Bradley’s style.
Production of animated shorts for theatrical exhibition did not sur-
vive the economic ravages affecting Hollywood in the 1950s, and the
genre’s future lay in the industry’s newest and most dangerous competitor:
television. Even the seemingly indestructible Disney felt a need to become

involved in TV work in the mid-1950s, where animated commercials pro-
vided a relatively lucrative niche for the studio’s expertise. The last Mickey
Mouse shorts were released in 1953, and the formerly flourishing output
from MGM and Warner Bros. ceased soon after. At MGM, Quimby retired
in 1956 and was succeeded by Hanna and Barbera, the studio’s final Tom
and Jerry being released in 1957 just as its cartoon department closed down;
during its last three years it had been employing Bradley only on a freelance
basis (Goldmark 2005, 47). Hanna and Barbera quickly found a new outlet
for their talents in such successful TV animated series as Huckleberry Hound,
The Flintstones and Top Cat, many with music by Hoyt Curtin, whose lim-
ited budgets often forced him to use synthesizers (Goldmark and Taylor
2002, 10–11). Warner closed its cartoon studio in 1962 after Bugs Bunny
had defected to a primetime TV slot (1960–62), with Depatie and Freleng
establishing themselves in the new medium in 1963. At this stage, TV shows
allowed existing theatrical shorts to be broadcast with minimal expense in
neatly packaged anthologies; later, newly made cartoons, often with inferior
production values and cheap library music, came to dominate the airwaves
and bombard a new and predominantly youthful audience to a point of
saturation that has never abated; inevitably, rock and pop styles came to
dominate the new style of scoring. With Alf Clausen’s stylistic resource-
fulness in the perennially popular animated sit-com The Simpsons in the
1990s, cartoon scoring recaptured something of its old-time virtuosity, but
more through subtle allusions to a wide range of filmic genres and their
associated musical idioms than by traditional techniques. The latter nev-
ertheless appeared prominently in the programme’s blackly parodic ‘Itchy
and Scratchy’ cat-and-mouse tales. At around the same time, awareness
of Stalling’s achievements revived with the appearance of two CD record-
ings of his cartoon music under the title The Carl Stalling Project (Warner,
1990/1995).
In the meantime, animated features for theatrical release had become
isolated curiosities, though sometimes involving sophisticated music. An
example was Leonard Rosenman’s score to a stodgy version of Tolkein’s
The Lord of the Rings (dir. Ralph Bakshi, 1978), in which the composer’s
characteristic tendency towards esotericism led him to include a climactic
fugal passage in which voices intone the composer’s name in retrograde and
which, for its release as a soundtrack album, was resequenced to highlight
the music’s ‘carefully designed structure’ (M. Walker 1998, 170). Animated
main-title sequences remained popular for musicals and comedies: accom-
plished examples include those for Blake Edwards’s Pink Panther franchise
(scored by Henry Mancini, 1963–93), Grease (dir. Randal Kleiser, 1978) and
Marc Shaiman’s slick stylistic allusions and mickey-mousing in City Slickers
(dir. Ron Underwood, 1991) which drew wittily on traditional cartoon
scoring’s love of ‘rapid-fire changes and unpredictable extremes’ (Schelle

1999, 295). Rare but entertaining were the occasional hybrids of animation
and live action, of which groundbreaking examples were the interpolated
Bugs Bunny dream sequence in Two Guys from Texas (1949) and the dream
sequence in My Dream’s Yours (1949), the second based on Liszt’s stalwart
Hungarian Rhapsody; the most accomplished example of this technique was
the feature-length hybrid Who Framed Roger Rabbit (dir. Robert Zemeckis,
1988; music by Alan Silvestri), its soundtrack praised by Chion as an exam-
ple of his concept of sonic ‘rendering’ in which careful sound design gave
‘material solidity to a graphic being’ (Chion 1994, 117–18).
Full-length animation for the cinema revived with the computer-
generated imagery (CGI) championed by Pixar Animation Studios, founded
in 1986 and responsible (with the help of Disney’s distributing power)
for the hit films Toy Story and Toy Story 2 (1995 and 1999), A Bug’s Life
(1998) and Monsters, Inc. (2001) – all with song-based scores by Randy
Newman – followed by Finding Nemo (2003; music by Thomas Newman)
and The Incredibles (2004; music by Michael Giacchino). The visual style of
CGI features drew far more heavily from the photography and editing of
live-action cinema rather than from traditional cartoon graphic design,
and as a result these movies’ underscoring demonstrated a clear debt to
the various atmospheric and emotional formulae common in live-action
genres. Occasionally a successful TV cartoon enjoyed a feature-length the-
atrical outing, as with The Rugrats Movie (1998) and Rugrats in Paris (2000),
both scored by Mark Mothersbaugh with hip-hop and electronics, and the
long-awaited Simpsons movie (2007). Mothersbaugh had long served as
composer on the Rugrats TV series; inexplicably, wonderfully resourceful
Simpsons composer Clausen was passed over in favour of Zimmer for the
movie project.
Experimental animation
Outside the USA, animators showed an equally heavy reliance on music in
order to bolster their imagery, but some of their work was too conceptually
esoteric to have any perceptible impact in the commercial arena. Several
graphic artists demonstrated their belief that the dynamism of abstract
imagery paralleled aspects of musical form, and accordingly gave even their
silent works titles directly influenced by classical music: examples include
Symphonie diagonale (1922) by the Swedish artist Vicking Eggeling, Rhyth-
mus 21 (1924) by Hans Richter, and the Opus series (1923–5) by Walter
Ruttmann, one of which was scored by Eisler in 1927 for a screening at
Baden-Baden (Dümling 1998, 541–4). Richter and Ruttmann in particular
regarded music as a direct analogue for abstract design (Hill and Gibson
2000, 54). Influenced by Ruttmann, Oskar Fischinger added music to the

abstract animations he called cinérythmes (1932–5); as Mitry observed,
Ruttmann’s ‘empty form and gratuitous cadence’ in Fischinger’s work now
‘became rhythm through the musical content with which the forms were
associated’ (Mitry 1998, 256) but, like the work of McLaren after him (see
below), the animation appeared somewhat haphazard when shown with-
out the intended music track. As so often in the field of animation, parallels
with the world of dance were obvious, Mitry drawing attention to the vital
importance of music in this context by citing Henri-Louis Bergson’s com-
ment that ‘we have only to stop up our ears against the sound of the music
in a dance hall for the dancers to appear utterly ridiculous’ (Mitry 1998,
385).
Lotte Reiniger, whose work with the GPO Film Unit was described
above, collaborated with Ruttmann and Czech artist Bertold Bartosch on the
feature-length animated fantasy The Adventures of Prince Achmed (1926),
important as the only experimental film of its time to achieve a wide interna-
tional audience: it was especially successful in Paris, where Reiniger’s artistry
was championed by the likes of Clair and Renoir. Reiniger’s unique brand of
silhouette animation was significantly enhanced by richly inventive original
music composed by Wolfgang Zeller, in places lushly exotic and one of the
most ambitious orchestral scores of the later silent era; Zeller worked closely
with the animator, who cut the film to suit the proportions of his music.
The film’s original negative did not survive the ravages of wartime Berlin,
but a full restoration by the Deutsches Filmmuseum, Frankfurt, in 1999
was based on a nitrate positive surviving in London and included a new
recording of Zeller’s score, materials for which were housed in the Library
of Congress (Kemp 2001).
Another notable experimental project reflecting a conception of ani-
mation as plastic art rather than entertainment was the extraordinary
30-minute film L’Idée, animated by Bartosch in Paris in 1932 using the
simplest of materials – principally plates of glass smeared with soap and
illuminated with a lightbulb to create an eerily luminescent effect. A sound
version prepared in 1934 received a substantial score by Honegger showcas-
ing the ondes martenot, the instrument given a special on-screen credit and
used both to project intense melodies and to provide graphically illustrative
swooping glissandi. Based on woodcuts by the left-wing Belgian artist Frans
Masereel, the film personifies a philosophical ‘Idea’ as a naked female form
which variously represents liberty, equality and fraternity, and refuses to be
crushed by oppression, ignorance or commercial greed: not surprisingly, it
was banned in Germany by the Nazis. Since the film was made as a silent, and
no sound effects were subsequently added, Honegger’s continuous music
reigned supreme in its atmospheric enhancements and structural bolstering
via the use of recurrent themes. By turns austere, beautiful and tongue-in-
cheek, the score embraced an unusually wide range of techniques and styles,
including ambiguous and elusive tonality, revolving ostinato patterns based
on static harmony (notably for the rotating ball of light from which the
Idea is born, to an intense outburst from the ondes), parodic marches for
political and military activism, jazzy music reminiscent of Les Six for scenes
of city night-life, a highly dissonant climax as the Idea and her followers
are attacked by troops, and a luminously diatonic apotheosis at the conclu-
sion. In this period, sardonic parody was also an important element in the
style of Shostakovich, who in the USSR composed music for two animated
films by Mikhail Tzekhanovsky: The Tale of the Priest and His Worker Balda
(unfinished, 1933–5) and The Story of the Silly Little Mouse (1940), both of
which were scored in advance of the animation.
Canadian experimental film-maker Norman McLaren’s unique body
of work reflected an astonishing diversity of both animation techniques
and sonic idioms, and often a perfect marriage of avant-garde novelty
and sophisticated wit. His early abstract films Boogie Doodle (1940) and
Begone Dull Care (1949) were both energetic visual interpretations of jazz
recordings, the former by Albert Ammons and the latter by Oscar Peterson,
at a time when the creative potential of jazz in film had yet to be realized, and
in a decade in which jazz in Hollywood cartoons continued to be associated
with racial stereotyping. McLaren later drew on an unusually wide range of
musical styles to complement his technical explorations. He commissioned
Ravi Shankar to provide an accompaniment for A Chairy Tale (1957), for
example, in which the restless quality of the music and ‘otherness’ of its
Indian timbres perfectly complement eccentric mime; a country-inflected
diatonic score by Pete Seeger articulated the changing moods of the abstract
animation Lines-Horizontal (1961); and a recording of Romanian panpipes
and a folk orchestra was manipulated by his long-time musical collabo-
rator Maurice Blackburn to create a hypnotic and static aura in Pas de
Deux (1967). Blackburn composed music in various styles for a number
of McLaren projects, including the hilarious Le Merle (1958), in which a
traditional Canadian nonsense song is represented with cut-outs animated
by stop-frame techniques, and McLaren’s haunting Narcissus (1983), the
final film of his career, in which a slow-motion balletic interpretation of the
Greek myth is enhanced by a sensitive and substantial tonal score for voice,
flute, harp, piano and strings.
Blackburn’s music for Blinkity Blank (1955) was singled out for praise
by Poulenc in the pages of Cahiers du cinéma, after he had seen the film
at Cannes: ‘for me, this was the musical revelation of the Festival. Music
drawn, to a great extent directly onto the film, proves that we must search
for a new technique in the mechanical domain of the cinema’ (Lacombe and
Porcile 1995, 121). This was one of several McLaren soundtracks in which
recordings of composed acoustic music merged with, or came into deliberate
conflict with, experimental methods of animated sound, in this case patterns
etched onto the soundtrack portion of the film stock to provide percussive
thumps. In A Phantasy (1952), music by Blackburn for two saxophones was
combined with synthetic tones generated by waveforms photographed onto
the soundtrack that mickey-moused the gently dancing motions of spheres
in a surreal landscape. In other films, McLaren was solely responsible for
his soundtracks and sometimes gave himself a music credit in the main
titles. Neighbours (1952), which used stop-frame live-action photography,
synthesized its quirky sounds through the medium of undulating stripes
photographed onto the film stock; Mosaic (1965) had an etched soundtrack
creating gentle musique concrète to fit with abstract patterns of moving dots;
and, most impressive of all, Synchromy (1971) used squared-off waveform
patterns photographed onto the soundtrack strip that produced a musically
satisfying composition reflecting strong jazz and boogie-woogie influences,
the image track taking the form of a dynamically animated version of the
graphic soundtrack patterns. In this last example, McLaren’s almost unique
status as an artist capable of exerting total control over all aspects of both
image and music in his films was satisfyingly exerted.
Animation in Europe
The first animated feature film in the UK was a version of George Orwell’s
allegorical novel Animal Farm, made in 1954 and featuring music by expa-
triate Hungarian composer Mátyás Seiber, who had previously worked on
cartoon shorts for Soho’s Halas-Batchelor Unit. By strategic statements of
a revolutionary song first alluded to (obliquely) in the main-title sequence
and then appearing both as diegetic renditions by the rebellious animals and
in instrumental variations – most substantially during a lengthy orchestral
cue when messenger birds spread news of the revolution to the wider animal
kingdom – Seiber gave the film a cogent structure, drawing on a range of
styles including dark-hued film noir gestures with prominent bass clarinet
(reminiscent of music by both his compatriot Rózsa and by Herrmann),
snappy dance-band material, unpredictable harmonizations of popular-
style melodies, traditional thematic allusions (the Dies irae chant under-
pinning a search for traitors), highly dissonant expressionism for violent
scenes, and a subtle approach to mickey-mousing which ensured that illus-
trative gestures made autonomous musical sense. A later example of British
feature-length animation based on another fine anthropomorphic novel,
ostensibly similar to Animal Farm in its combination of superficially cuddly
animals with behaviour reflecting disturbingly adult preoccupations, was a

lacklustre interpretation of Richard Adams’s Watership Down (dir. Martin
Rosen, 1978), featuring Art Garfunkel’s song ‘Bright Eyes’, in which neither
the drab visuals nor the workaday music by Angela Morley and Malcolm
Williamson – by turns jaunty and impressionistic – did as much justice to
its literary source as the impressive Orwell project had done.
Apart from the one-off Beatles fantasy, Yellow Submarine (dir. George
Duning, 1968), comprising pictorializations of the group’s songs coloured
by the psychedelic popular culture prevailing at the time and described by
the group’s producer George Martin as scraping ‘the bottom of the Beatle
musical barrel’ (quoted in Denisoff and Romanowski 1991, 148), few British
animated enterprises caught the popular imagination until the revival of
stop-time techniques in the 1990s. The half-hour award-winning comic
adventures of plasticine animations Wallace and Gromit (A Grand Day Out,
1989; The Wrong Trousers, 1993; A Close Shave, 1995) were produced by
Nick Park’s Aardman Films in Bristol, which went on to release the more
ambitious anthropomorphic stop-time feature Chicken Run in 2000 and
showcased Wallace and Gromit in the feature-length The Curse of the Were-
Rabbit (2005). In the shift from half-hour short to full-length feature, the
series’ theme tune by Julian Nott lost some of its characteristically British
understated charm as it was reworked for larger instrumental forces. In
all these projects the vividly cinematic studio lighting and tongue-in-cheek
humour sat well alongside music (in the case of Chicken Run, by John Powell
and Harry Gregson-Williams, who scored the Hollywood CGI features Antz
in 1998 and Shrek in 2001) that again drew more from the Elmer Bernstein
method of ‘serious’ comedy scoring pioneered in Airplane! (see Chapter 12)
rather than traditional cartoon techniques. As Simpsons composer Clausen
pointed out of his own similar work for TV, ‘you play the music straight,
and you play the sincerity of the moment, and the absurdity of the actions
are [sic] what make the scene funny’ (Goldmark and Taylor 2002, 245).
Chicken Run’s spoofing of wartime heroics was emulated in the first British
CGI feature, Valiant (2005), in which music by George Fenton contained
elements of military marches, Elgarian patriotism and an updated swing
idiom enlivened by unexpected snatches of quintuple metre.
Elsewhere in Europe animation continued to veer between the avant-
garde and the commercial, though projects rarely aspired to feature length.
Eastern Europe’s rich tradition of experimental and folktale-rooted ani-
mation began in the late 1940s with the Czech director–composer team
of Václav Trojan and Jir̂ı́ Trnka, who specialized in puppet animation.
European animation festivals, such as that held in Norway’s Fredrikstad
Kino in 2004, continue to demonstrate an extraordinary range of audio-
visual possibilities involving all genres of music. The Norwegian festival
originated as the Oslo Animation Festival in 1994, initially specializing in

rock soundtracks and quickly expanding to embrace trends in contempo-
rary animation in neighbouring Scandinavian and Baltic countries; the 2004
anniversary showcased animated realizations of pre-existing music from the
jazz, popular and classical repertoires alongside projects involving original
soundtracks. Around the same time, the quirkily original French animated
feature Belleville Rendez-vous (dir. Sylvain Chomet, 2003; music by Benoı̂t
Charest) deftly combined eccentric comedy and vivid atmosphere, eschew-
ing dialogue and drawing on various jazzy idioms (from 1930s swing to
1960s urban cool) alongside typically Gallic accordion material, inventively
reworking pre-existing classical gobbets (Bach and Mozart) and taking a
simple delight in diegetic musical jokes reminiscent of 1930s films by Clair
and Vigo.
That animated features could still occasionally enjoy commercial suc-
cess had previously been demonstrated in France by the series of adventures
brought to life from the Goscinny and Uderzo comicbooks starring Astérix
and Obélix, the plucky ancient Gauls, which exported well when dubbed
into other languages by local celebrity actors, and fared better interna-
tionally than corresponding animated treatments of Hergé’s Tintin adven-
tures, scored by François Rauber in the early 1970s. Gérard Calvi’s scores
to Asterix the Gaul (1967), Asterix and Cleopatra (1968) and The Twelve
Tasks of Asterix (1976) were rooted in old-fashioned and often naı̈ve circus-
like scoring, predictable mickey-mousing and rhythmicized slapstick, with
a silly main-title march akin to the idiom of the British Carry On films in
its quirky theme, wrong-note humour and trombone glissandi. Vladimir
Cosma supplied music for Asterix versus Caesar (1985) and Asterix in Britain
(1986) which avoided mickey-mousing and espoused a sometimes confus-
ing mélange of mainstream atmospheric scoring styles current in live-action
cinema, sitting uncomfortably alongside tacky Eurovision-style pop tunes.
More satisfying was experienced TV composer Michel Colombier’s score to
Asterix and the Big Fight (1989), recorded by the Budapest State Orchestra,
which achieved greater atmosphere and intensity with sometimes complex
harmonies, exploited Bradley-style atonal scurrying for violent scenes and
included a well-judged funky disco-song with electric guitar for the bard
Cacophonix set against a fantasy village scene with chorus and choreog-
raphy. In 1999, Asterix and Obelix went live-action (with music by Jean-
Jacques Goldman and Roland Romanelli), starring box-office attraction
Gérard Depardieu; the 2002 sequel Astérix et Obélix: Mission Cléopâtre (dir.
Alain Chabat; music by Philippe Chany) commanded one of the largest
budgets in French cinema history. In a similar fashion, American comic-
book heroes such as Batman, Superman and Spiderman gained a new lease
of life in live-action fantasies in the 1980s and 1990s (see Chapter 12).

7 - Defectors To Television

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

7 - Defectors To Television

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

7 - Defectors To Television

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Cambridge Books Online

A History of Film Music

Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511814341

Online ISBN: 9780511814341

Hardback ISBN: 9780521811736

Paperback ISBN: 9780521010481

7 - Defectors to television pp. 265-308

Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511814341.008

Cambridge University Press

Documentary and animation were two specialized genres of film conceived

his permanent tendency to start a sequence with conventional music

music, reverse it or make it sound ‘slow-motion’ in the same manner as film

The Alloy Orchestra’s virtuosic score – partly pre-composed, partly impro-

to accompany shots of the gas chambers at Auschwitz. Royal S. Brown has

Documentaries in the United States

influential, of the score’s stylistic innovations were its cultivation of a pure

Information films in the United Kingdom

experimentation. The key figure in the movement was producer-director

latter consideration may also have influenced the disturbingly expressionis-

Mail, that his GPO commissions had provided a comfortable income of £5

Another significant collaboration of Britten’s at the GPO Film Unit was

The movies at war: reportage and propaganda

A memorable collaboration that built on the work of Capra’s influential

of a free and unrestricted personality. I cannot believe that the democratic,

Riefenstahl’s substantial diptych Olympia commemorated the 1936

Theatrical documentaries for the modern age

Unit was dissolved in 1952, but the influence of wartime documentaries

evocative titles that seemingly made the provision of atmospheric music de

Cartoon music in the silent era

Silent animations became popular in the 1910s with the development of

difficulties of synchronization had been amply demonstrated long before,

Walt Disney and the animated musical

collaboration of conductor Leopold Stokowski, who proposed Stravinsky’s

Warner Bros. and MGM: comic shorts

Mildly dissonant, athematic music was Bradley’s stock response to ‘hurry’

Bunny asleep underwater, and Chopin’s statuesque Prelude in C minor for

Migration to the small screen

television. Even the seemingly indestructible Disney felt a need to become

scoring’s love of ‘rapid-fire changes and unpredictable extremes’ (Schelle

2000, 54). Influenced by Ruttmann, Oskar Fischinger added music to the

animals with behaviour reflecting disturbingly adult preoccupations, was a

originated as the Oslo Animation Festival in 1994, initially specializing in

You might also like