India S Agricultural Marketing Market Reforms and Emergence of New Channels

India Studies in Business and Economics
Nilabja Ghosh
India’s
Agricultural
Marketing
Market Reforms and Emergence of New
Channels
India’s Agricultural Marketing
India Studies in Business and Economics
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Nilabja Ghosh
India’s Agricultural
Marketing
Market Reforms and Emergence
of New Channels
Nilabja Ghosh
Agricultural Economics Research Unit
Institute of Economic Growth
New Delhi, Delhi
India
ISBN 978-81-322-1571-4 ISBN 978-81-322-1572-1 (eBook)

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To the interests of the Farmers, Processors
and Traders who operate in small units
and to my mother who always
encouraged me
Preface
Allowing more freedom to the markets for agricultural products, especially

permitting the commercially driven private corporate sector to find a place to
compete in the market and procure from farmers is one of the most contentious
issues facing the Indian political economy today. This policy direction apparently
also remains to be a major step forward in the course of India’s economic reforms.
Our study is an attempt to provide an objective country-wide picture of the
progress achieved in this direction and the implications sensed so far. Exploration
of field-level evidences gained in this project suggests that while market efficiency
improves with the reforms, the government needs to take serious account of issues
of equity and several other complexities that relate to the future of competition,
farm practices and price discovery. Interestingly, the study also finds that while
states may drag their feet, chained by political obligations, regardless of legislative
changes, all states are showing their internal dynamics in marketing of agricultural
products.
The author thanks the Director of the Institute of Economic Growth (IEG),
Prof. Manoj Panda, for providing the support necessary to complete the study.
All necessary facilities were provided with urgency when needed by the computer
unit and Library of IEG. The Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India,
is acknowledged for the financial support extended to the Agro-economic research
scheme under which the present study was undertaken. Shri. R. C. Ray, Dr. B. S.
Bhandari and Mr. Lallan Rai of the Ministry and Dr. P. Shinoj, Scientist in National
Centre for Agricultural Economics and Policy Research (NCAP), are acknowl-
edged for their suggestions. Prof. Arup Mitra helped me in broadening my outlook
of the work.
The book brings together, in a given framework, information gained from
different regions. The partner institutions involved in the primary studies at the
state level under my coordination not only undertook a major burden of
data collection but prepared at the regional levels, their own reports which could
be extremely useful to any interested reader. Careful inspection, validation and
consistency checks of the primary data have been essential components of this
meta-analysis.
vii
viii Preface
Acknowledgement goes to the following researchers for primary information

and insight collection at the regional level: (1) Shangeeta Shrof, S. S. Kalamkar and
Jayanti Kajale of AERC, Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune,
Maharashtra; (2) Gautam Kakaty and Debajit Borah of AERC, Assam Agricultural
University, Jorhat Assam; (3) G. Gangadhara Rao and G. M. Jeelani of AERC,
Visakhapatnam, Andhra University, Andhra Pradesh; (4) Ranjan Kumar Sinha of
AERC for Bihar and Jharkhand (two states), T. M. Bhagalpur University,
Bhagalpur, Bihar; (5) Ranveer Singh, C. S. Vaidya, Meenaakshi and Pratap Singh
of AERC, Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh; (6) Ramendu
Ray, D. K. Singh and Hasib Ahmad of AERC, University of Allahabad, Allahabad,
Uttar Pradesh; (7) Hari Om Sharma and N. K. Raghuwanshi of AERC, Jawaharlal
Nehru Krishi Vishwa Vidyalaya, Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh; (8) Usha Tuteja of
Agro-Economic Research Centre, Delhi; (9) D. K. Grover, J. M. Singh, Jasdev
Singh and Sanjay Kumar of AERC, Department of Economic and Sociology,
Punjab Agricultural University, Ludhiana, Punjab; and (10) Debashis Sarkar and
Ramesh Chandra Mondal of AERC, Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan, West Bengal. The
study therefore covers 11 states, namely Maharashtra, Assam, Andhra Pradesh,
Bihar, Jharkhand, Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana,
Punjab and West Bengal.
I will fail in my duty if I do not recall and acknowledge the cooperation of
Dr. Ananda Vadivelu who was my colleague and partner in this study at the
inception stage. I thank Mr. M. Rajeshwor for assisting me with this project at
every stage with intense effort. I also thank Ms. Shipra, Ms. Shweta, Ms. Supriya
Sharma and Ms. Roopal for helping me with the tables and with the manuscript at
various stages of the work.
Agricultural Economics Research Unit, Nilabja Ghosh

Institute of Economic Growth
May 2013
Contents
1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1 Evolution of Agricultural Markets: No End in Sight . . . . . . . . 3
1.1.1 From Subsistence to the Exchange Economy . . . . . . . . 4
1.1.2 The Unresolved Middleman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.1.3 Agricultural Markets and Competitions . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.1.4 Vertical Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
1.2 Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
1.2.1 Apprehensions: Real or Misplaced? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
1.2.2 Potentials in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
1.2.3 Alternative Marketing Models . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
1.3 Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
2 Evolution and Reconstitution of Markets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
2.1 Markets and Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
2.1.1 The Agro-marketing Business and Market Chains . . . . . 16
2.1.2 Evolution of the Marketing Channel and Persistence
of Dualism in Traditional Economies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
2.1.3 Rise of Marketing Policy and its Failings . . . . . . . . . . . 19
2.2 Stepping on to Reforms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2.2.1 Multi-market Interactions of Product Marketing
with Social Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2.2.2 Transaction Cost . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2.2.3 Explaining Channel Lengths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
2.2.4 Vertical Coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
2.2.5 A Rethinking on Prices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
2.2.6 Diversification and Product Wastage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
3 International Perspectives and Lessons Gained . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
3.1 What Experiences in Developed Countries Convey . . . . . . . . . 29
3.1.1 The Relevance of Transparency and the Demise
of Spot Prices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
3.1.2 Entry Barriers Again and Producer Defence . . . . . . . . . 30
ix
x Contents
3.1.3 Loss of Independence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

3.1.4 Implications for the Urban Consumer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
3.1.5 Agro-ecological Prophesy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
3.2 Experiences in Developing Countries and Transitional
Economies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
3.2.1 African Experiences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
3.2.2 Centralized Economies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
3.2.3 Challenges Awaiting India’s Public Policy Making . . . . 37
4 Objectives, Data and Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
4.1 Conceptual Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
4.1.1 The Invisibility of Unproductive
Trading Functions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
4.1.2 Reaching Out to Small Farmers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
4.1.3 Efficiency, Productivity and Sustainability . . . . . . . . . . 46
4.2 Challenges of Designing the Samples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
4.2.1 Definitional Aspects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
4.3 Sampling of Farmers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
4.4 Sample Details on Traditional Marketing Channels . . . . . . . . . 50
4.4.1 Problems of Sample Designing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
4.4.2 Tracing the Channel Length and Limitations . . . . . . . . 53
4.5 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
4.5.1 Channel Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
4.5.2 Inefficiency of Market and Measurement Issues . . . . . 55
4.5.3 Quantified Indicator . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
4.5.4 Net Adjusted Farmer Price . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
4.5.5 Gross Marketing Cost . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
4.5.6 Qualitative Insights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
4.5.7 Inclusiveness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
4.5.8 Development and Farm Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
4.5.9 Returns from Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
4.5.10 Difficulties and Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
5 India’s Agricultural Markets: Regulation and Revitalization . . . . . 65
5.1 Rural Markets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
5.2 Early Transitions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
5.3 Consumer Protection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
5.4 Institutions for Agricultural Marketing
and Recent Tendencies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
5.4.1 Market Intervention Scheme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
5.5 APMC Acts, Auctions and Evaluation of the Regulated
Markets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
5.5.1 Regulated Markets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
5.5.2 Pricing and Auctions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
5.5.3 Postharvest Losses in Horticulture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
5.5.4 Limitations and Evaluations of Regulated Markets . . . . 71
5.6 The Case for Reforms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
Contents xi
5.7 Reforms Through Legislation in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

5.8 Hesitations and the Status of Market Reforms . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
5.8.1 Reforms in Traditional Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
5.8.2 Agricultural Marketing Information
and the AGMARKNET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
5.9 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
6 Contemporary Reforms and the Transitions in Sample States . . . . 83

6.1 Transitions in Andhra Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
6.1.1 Regulated Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
6.1.2 Problems of the Regular System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
6.1.3 Amendment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
6.1.4 New Channels Emerging . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
6.2 Marketing Reforms in Madhya Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
6.2.1 Traditional Regulations on Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
6.2.2 Amendments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
6.2.3 Conflicts, Resolution and Changes
in State System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
6.3 Marketing Reforms in Maharashtra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
6.3.2 Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
6.3.3 Amendment of Maharashtra Agricultural Produce
Marketing (Regulation) Act, 1963 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89
6.3.4 Entry of the Private Sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
6.4 Marketing Reforms in Himachal Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
6.4.2 Problems with the Regular Channel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
6.4.3 New Era . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
6.5 Marketing Reforms in Assam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
6.5.1 Traditional Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
6.5.2 Failures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
6.5.3 Amendment and Progress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94
6.6 Marketing Reforms in Bihar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
6.6.2 Limitations of Regulated Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
6.6.3 Reforms? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
6.7 Marketing Reforms in Jharkhand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
6.7.2 Weaknesses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
6.7.3 Advances in Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
6.8 Marketing Reforms in West Bengal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
6.8.2 Towards Reforms: The Apprehension
in West Bengal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
6.9 Marketing Reforms in Uttar Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
6.9.1 Limitation and Changes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
xii Contents
6.10 Marketing Reforms in Punjab . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

6.11 Marketing Reforms in Haryana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
7 Socio-economic Conditions and Agriculture in Sample States . . . . . 107
7.1 Districts Under Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
7.1.1 Visakhapatnam District in Andhra Pradesh . . . . . . . . . 108
7.1.2 Nashik District in Maharashtra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
7.1.3 Sehore District in Madhya Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
7.1.4 Shimla and Solan Districts of Himachal Pradesh . . . . . 110
7.1.5 Ranchi District in Jharkhand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
7.1.6 Tinsukia and Nagaon Districts of Assam . . . . . . . . . . 111
7.1.7 Murshidabad District in West Bengal . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
7.1.8 Bhagalpur District in Bihar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113
7.1.9 Agra, Hathras and Pratapgarh Districts
of Uttar Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
7.1.10 Sonepat, Gurgaon and Kurukshetra Districts
in Haryana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
7.1.11 Jalandhar and Ferozepur Districts in Punjab . . . . . . . . 117
7.2 Markets and Prices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
8 Selling to Corporate Marketing Intermediaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
8.1 Data and Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
8.1.1 Definitions and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
8.2 Reforms and Marketing Channels in Sample States . . . . . . . . . 124
8.2.1 Marketing of Onions and Pomegranates in Nashik:
How the DFPCL-‘Saarrthie’ Operates . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124
8.2.2 The Adani Marketing Group and Regular Trading
in Himachal Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
8.2.3 ITC and Its e-Choupal in Madhya Pradesh
for Marketing Soya Bean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
8.3 Marketing Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128
8.3.1 Do Farmers Gain? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
8.3.2 Do Users Gain? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
8.3.3 Disposal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
8.3.4 Wastage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
8.3.5 Price Formation, Market Information and Preference
for Market Channel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132
8.4 Perceptions of Farmers and Traders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
8.4.1 Maharashtra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
8.4.2 Madhya Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
8.4.3 Himachal Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
8.5 Who Participates in the Emerging Market? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
8.6 Farm Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
8.7 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Contents xiii
9 Selling to Processors on Contract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139

9.1 Data and Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
9.1.1 Method of Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
9.2 Sample Products and Regions: A Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
9.2.1 Assam Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
9.2.2 Uttar Pradesh Samples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
9.2.3 Punjab Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
9.2.4 How the Channels Operate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
9.2.5 Contracts with Processors Among Potato Growers
in Assam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
9.2.6 Transitions in Uttar Pradesh from Trader Buyers
to Processor Buyers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
9.2.7 Developments in Punjab . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
9.3 Market Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
9.3.1 Farmer’s Gain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
9.3.2 Consumer’s Gain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
9.3.3 Price Fixation and Information Dissemination . . . . . . . 148
9.3.4 Disposal and Wastage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
9.4 Perceptions of Stakeholders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
9.4.1 Uttar Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
9.4.2 Assam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
9.4.3 Punjab . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
9.5 Who Participates? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154
9.6 Farming Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
9.7 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
10 Selling to Organized Retailers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

10.1 Data and Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160
10.2 Status of Study Regions and Market Functioning . . . . . . . . . . 160
10.3 Emerging and Traditional Marketing Channels . . . . . . . . . . . 162
10.3.1 Marketing Through Reliance Fresh in Jharkhand
and Haryana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
10.3.2 Mother Dairy as the Intermediary
in Himachal Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
10.4.1 Farmer Gains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
10.4.2 Consumer Gain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
10.4.3 Disposal and Wastage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
10.4.4 Price Determination and Information . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
10.4.5 Perceptions of Different Agents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170
10.5 Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
10.6 Farming Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
10.7 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173
xiv Contents
11 Direct Marketing by Farmers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175

11.1 Data and Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
11.2 Status of Study Regions and Market Functioning . . . . . . . . . . 177
11.2.1 Direct Selling by Individual Farmers
in Andhra Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
11.2.2 Direct Selling in Groups in Assam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
11.2.3 Bypassing the Commission Agent in Punjab . . . . . . . 179
11.2.4 The Traditional Marketing Channels . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
11.3.1 Gains for Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
11.3.2 Do Consumers Gain? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
11.3.3 Price Fixation and Dissemination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
11.3.4 Disposal and Rejection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183
11.3.5 Wastage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
11.4 Perceptions of Market Agents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
11.5 Who Participates in the Emerging Market? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
11.6 Farming Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
11.7 Assessments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
12 Contracts with Local Traders in West Bengal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
12.1 Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
12.2 Market and Market Reforms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
12.3 Sample and Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
12.3.1 Sample District of Murshidabad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
12.4 Marketing Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
12.4.1 Traditional Marketing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
12.5.1 Do Farmers Gain? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
12.5.2 Wastage and Disposal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
12.5.3 Price Information and Preference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
12.6 Perceptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
12.7 Who Participates? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
12.8 Farm Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
12.9 Assessments on West Bengal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
13 Local Marketing Support in Bihar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199
13.1 The Progression and Regression of Market Reforms . . . . . . . 199
13.2 Sample Details and Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
13.2.1 Sample Region and Crop . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
13.2.2 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
13.3 Marketing Mango . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
13.4.1 Price Determination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
13.4.2 Perceptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
13.5 Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
13.6 Farm Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
13.7 Concluding Remarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Contents xv
14 The Transition in India: An Integrated View . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

14.1 Variety of Channels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
14.2 Reduction of Marketing Costs and Gain in Efficiency . . . . . . . 209
14.3 Shorter Channels and Traders’ Productivity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212
14.4 Economic Gains for Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
14.5 Participation of Farm Classes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
14.6 Sensitivity of Farm Size in Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
14.7 Farm Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217
14.8 Implications of the Changes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
15 Reconsidering Agricultural Marketing in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
15.1 Looking Forward . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
15.2 Misgivings and Political Economy Implications . . . . . . . . . . . 224
15.3 Markets and Marketing Channels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
15.4 Experiences from Other Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
15.5 Progress of Reforms in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226
15.6 Reforms in States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
15.6.1 Reforms in Traditional Marketing and the Role
of Traders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
15.7 Empirical Findings from Primary Data and Field
Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228
15.7.1 Functioning of Emerging Channels . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
15.7.2 Why Participants Choose the New Channel . . . . . . 229
15.7.3 Marketing Costs and Gains in Efficiency from
Switching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
15.7.4 Gains to Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
15.7.5 Political Economy Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
15.7.6 Sensitivity of Farm Size in Participation . . . . . . . . . 231
15.7.7 Farm Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
15.7.8 Marketing Practices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
15.7.9 Other Services Provided by the Buyer . . . . . . . . . . 232
15.7.10 Innovations of Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232
15.7.11 Traditional Markets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
15.7.12 Changing Rules of Price Determination
and Significance of Traditional Marketing . . . . . . . 233
15.7.13 Wastage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234
15.8 Policy Directions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303
Chapter 1
Introduction
It is believed that marketing reforms can potentially improve producer incomes and
also deliver food at lower prices to consumers. Infusion of modern technology and
managerial practices will reduce unproductive marketing costs including product
wastage while shorter market channels will release social capital that was diverted
perhaps wastefully to meet intermediary margins. New horizons of agricultural
development can be opened up by institutional changes, exploiting the unknown
domains of human wants and by unleashing the productive aspirations of farmers.
Marketing reforms would undoubtedly mean giving more space for the market to
develop in keeping with the emerging reality. On the contrary, history has provided
a bitter lesson on what an unregulated market, driven by profit motives, can do to
rural societies. Employment of numerous traders tied up in the market chains is
a serious issue that no government can discount. Thus, even if markets are not
relegated to the stranglehold of blind regulations, the watchful eye of the state and
critical evaluation of emerging systems are indispensable.
Revisiting of the existing marketing regulations in place is undoubtedly a key
achievement of reforms in agriculture in India. The emergence of new marketing
channels in an antiquated system dominated by a stark lack of pluralism and the
promise of more path-breaking changes to come are the essential milestones of this
revolution. A Model Act produced and circulated in the early 2000s by the central
government, meant to override the pre-existing legislation, was what set the
reforms in motion although early signs of reforms were seen in some states even
without the Act. By bringing the producer and consumer closer and attracting
investment into the financially starved functioning of the agricultural markets, the
new set of regulations on marketing could be a way to empower the Indian farmers,
eliminate rural poverty and engineer a new phase of fast growth in the country’s
economy.
Agricultural marketing is however not simply an economic issue, it is a deeply
political subject as well. Experiences gained in the earlier phase of reforms in
agriculture that aimed at the removal of subsidies and reduction of price support to
N. Ghosh, India’s Agricultural Marketing: Market Reforms and Emergence 1

of New Channels, India Studies in Business and Economics,
DOI 10.1007/978-81-322-1572-1_1, © Springer India 2013
2 1 Introduction
farm production have amply demonstrated the near impenetrability of the agricul-
ture sector to the forces of market changes. Reforming marketing is no less
challenging. Any change in this structure will send shock waves that might touch
the lives of a larger number of agents including producers, traders, processors and
consumers, whether for better or for worse. The affected parties will include both
winners and losers. The possibility that the winners could include powerful corpo-
rate entities and even multinationals and the losers could possibly be weaker
sections of Indian farmers and the unorganized milieu of intermediaries trading in
food items makes the implementation of any policy towards market reforms
extremely difficult in the political economy. The replacement of the existing
structure by an unknown and evolving one therefore conjures misgivings.
Experiences of other countries attempting to reform are useful but can hardly be
deemed adequate for suggesting India the way.
In the last few decades, marketing in many western countries especially the
USA evolved into complex and highly sophisticated structures marked by sub-
stantial managerial and technological innovations and vertical integration. During
this period, the Indian agricultural marketing system remained constricted in a
middlemen dominated network with extensive state regulations. Across the
world, between developed and developing countries and even among the devel-
oped countries, marketing systems displayed marked variations especially with
regard to state and private involvements. The merits and demerits of various
systems are hard to assess not only on account of the difficulty of comparing
across product varieties, climates and political regimes and because lack of public
information is a hallmark of some of these systems but also because instances of
both success and failure of reforms are equally common in different countries.
Indeed, ironically, literature repeatedly underscores the risks of promoting
non-transparency, creating entry barriers and potential new avenues of exploiting
the producers inherent in reforms.
While reforms are seen to be a powerful tool for achieving high growth rates,
growth alone cannot bring major improvements in economic and social well-
being of the population (Mitra 2013). Inclusiveness and agricultural development
are also deeply interrelated subjects. No agricultural policy can instill dynamism
in an economy where 40 % of the agricultural land operated by small and marginal
farmers lies beyond its pale and also where the industrial policy fails to rise to the
urgency of developing the large sections of small farmers in the country (Vyas
2013; Sengupta 2013). The emerging marketing channels can only be meaning-
fully beneficial if they draw participation from the smallholding farmers.
Do farmers gain from the new system over what was surviving earlier, do the
gains reach all sections of farmers especially the large mass of small and the poor
farms and does agriculture benefit from the reforms are questions that need to be
explored. The possibility that the pre-existing structure of marketing may also
transform itself and turn more efficient under the emergent ‘contestable’ market
with the entry of new entities cannot be ruled out either. That the army of
functionaries locked in the market channels of the existing regulated system is a
facade for disguised unemployment and needs to be redeployed to more
1.1 Evolution of Agricultural Markets: No End in Sight 3
productive avenues in keeping with management practices of the time cannot be

ruled out either. The reforms raise deeply confounding economic concerns also.
Whether the emergent markets are a step towards greater competition or a mere
invitation for powerful players to wipe out the less powerful traders in an unequal
market is an unresolved issue. Whether they will benefit only exclusive sections
of farmers and exaggerate rural and regional inequality is another. Will the
reforms create a mechanism of price determination that is far different from the
one we are familiar with is a deeply intriguing question. Will reform weaken the
state’s power to give a direction and a shape to agriculture? Will the regulated
markets and traditional traders become redundant in the competitive markets
saturated by modern and organized players? This document based on field-level
evidences gathered at this initial stage of markets reforms in agriculture seeks to
address some of these qualms.
At the outset, it is important to recognize that reforms in question are yet in a
state of infancy only. Emergence of new marketing channels in India has been
neither uniform nor ubiquitous nor has it replaced the traditional market chains
that tied the farmers to their customers, many of whom are located in the growing
cities. If anything, they have surfaced sporadically, with certain systems
appearing in specific regions that seemed to be the fertile grounds suitable for
their proliferation, and these channels vary widely among themselves. They have
even failed to emerge altogether in many places. In some cases, indigenous forces
imposed severe hindrance, and what evolved was more novel and probably more
aligned to local sociopolitical reality than what was expected. Part of the success
in the emergence of new channels and the pattern of emergence can be attributed
to legislative action in the states, but part of it is embedded in the politics and
culture of the region.
1.1 Evolution of Agricultural Markets: No End in Sight
Markets, celebrated in folklores, ballads and history of societies, have been an

integral institution in human culture and development. They never ceased to
draw the interests of social scientists. The surprises they regularly sprang and the
complexities they concealed baffled economists and divided ideologues. Marketing
has today developed into an organized subject matter in the broader discipline of
managerial sciences.
Marketing is essentially a transaction that involves an exchange that is
intended to address specific human needs. Viewed on a broader perspective,
marketing covers ideas, people and places. It may be driven by multifarious
motives, profit being only one of them. In a business context however, marketing
is today defined as a challenge to satisfy consumer’s wants ‘at a profit’, but the
phrase ‘in a socially responsible manner’ is also desired to be added. A system-
based definition views marketing as the creation and delivery of an entire ‘stan-
dard of living’ to consumers. It is not just the transaction but also the method, the
4 1 Introduction
manner and the ambience in which it takes place. In business, marketing is a

comprehensive concept which combines a multitude of activities like selling,
merchandising, advertising, product development and distribution (Stanton 1983).
1.1.1 From Subsistence to the Exchange Economy
The primitive agrarian society is marked by a subsistence system where production

is done purely to satisfy the producer’s family or community consumption needs
and not for exchange. Any surplus incidentally generated may be sold to someone
who has an incidental shortfall. Thus, primitive marketing is extremely small in
scope and scale and is a direct exchange between the seller-producer and the
consumer-buyer. Economic development is associated with a tendency to specialize
so that the producers intentionally produce more than what they need personally
and other classes of individuals begin to specialize in producing other commodities,
some of them migrating to urban areas. A continuous rise in demand for food and
agricultural products takes place in urban areas. In this stage too, trading is direct
and is confined to a limited volume; this proves to be a constraint to development as
food becomes a limiting factor to industrialization (Lewis 1954).
As the division of labour progresses, a group of individuals gradually specialize
themselves to link the producer with the consumer. This way the producer, relieved
of the marketing function, is free to devote all effort at production, and the
consumer procures the essential provisions with minimal effort. Essentially, the
barrier created by the physical distance between the producer and the consumer is
increasingly diminished by the creation of a class of traders who make food
available at the time and space of consumer convenience. These specialized
marketing agents are the middlemen operating in the space between the producer
and the consumer, and their functioning requires the availability of a moderate
capital base. The transactions lead to a flow of incomes for the traders.
In most countries, the market gradually evolves into a complex system that
appears in layers of submarkets and as chains involving wholesalers, other
intermediaries and retailers. These agents serve various purposes and operate in
different modes, working for profit, commissions or fees. The marketing system not
only generates temporal and spatial transformation of the consumable goods, but
value addition to the product (selection, processing, packaging, advertising and
branding) also begins to blend in the chains. Although these wholesaler-retailer-
based market chains are common in many sectors including industrial goods, it is
most evident in the agriculture sector. The functioning of agricultural marketing
creates many political contentions especially through its implications for the flow of
goods to consumers. With the development of marketing, the state too, in the
interest of the citizens, becomes actively involved in regulating the flow of essential
goods to urban consumers and imposes a number of rules, restrictions and charges
on the transaction and movement of goods. In rare cases, the state becomes a trader
too. Cooperatives of farmers are another route promoted by states.
1.1.2 The Unresolved Middleman
The middlemen in the marketing chain are often the most maligned class of people
worldwide. ‘Let’s eliminate the middleman’ has been a slogan echoed by
consumers, business people and legislators in the western world, but in practice,
the elimination has been far from easy though they are blamed for exploiting and
even cheating the producers and claiming a large chunk of the profit generated in
the transaction. In reality, although the middlemen generally hail from areas
proximate to the production centres, they have better knowledge of the market
than the producers do. They take full advantage of this privilege, so that asymmetric
information becomes a dominant feature of the relation between the producer and
the middleman-buyer. Admittedly, they do disseminate the information among
rural producer to an extent and are therefore important conduits of knowledge
flow in the traditional marketing system. The enormous gap that is often observed
between the price that the urban customer pays and the price that a farmer receives
is often attributed to the large number of middlemen that build up in the chain and to
their outdated and sometimes mendacious practices.
It must be admitted that this is a controversial subject. The margin that middlemen
seek to retain can also be explained by the multifarious useful functions they perform.
They bridge the gap between the atomistic and often ignorant producer and the distant
consumer, know the government rules and regulations and help in physical and
informational exchanges. They are also known to provide timely finance and even
inputs to the needy producer. They operate in underdeveloped territories with poor
accessibility and abysmal communication facilities where the organized sector
hesitates to infiltrate and are willing to undertake the risk of operating in an environ-
ment enveloped in considerable uncertainty. The informal and personalized nature of
their ties with producers helps to make the relation sustainable. Their rudimentary
accountancy practices fail in capturing these services. With numerous trading agents
operating, conditions are close to perfect competition when producers have a choice
of selling to the highest bidder. Thus, whether the margin appropriated by the trader is
unjustified or not is not easy to conclude.
It is however often agreed that the middlemen tend to operate in near-primitive
levels of organization. They are very slow to modernize their operations, and trust
and word of mouth remain to be the main plank of their relations with their business
associates. Also unknown to the producers or consumers, the space between them
becomes congested and increasing number of middlemen join the chain whether
necessary or not and add to the margins. Moreover, they often collude and form
local oligopsonists to act against the interest of the farmers who, contrary to what is
expected from a market, are left with little choice. This is further facilitated by
6 1 Introduction
corruption within the state regulatory system that leads to a nexus between traders
and officials which in effect sets up barriers against new entries into the market and
keeps the producer prices depressed.
Two of the most dominant arguments in favour of the traditional marketing
channel consisting of a plethora of middlemen are (1) it is conducive to employ-
ment generation especially in a country where large sections of people are unskilled
and (2) traders have a competence to operate in the difficult and informal ambience
of rural economies that can hardly be matched by the more sophisticated organized
sector. The flip side of the system includes their primitive methods and informal
ways of operation and the fact that under this system farmers receive prices much
lower than what the consumers are made to pay and the spread between the two
prices is large. When international marketing opportunities are opened up and rural
development becomes a serious policy affair, the system may be even less in tune
with what the situation demands.
1.1.3 Agricultural Markets and Competitions
Agricultural markets have been held to be the proximate examples of the concept of
perfect competition that drives many economic theories. Perfect competition is
characterized by innumerable sellers selling comparable goods (no brand identifi-
cation), and there is no barrier to entry into and exit from the market, conditions that
would no doubt rarely be satisfied in entirety in real world. Supervised auctions are
often the way to price determination in agricultural markets, but there is no
consensus that the traditional market with a large number of agents adds to the
competitiveness of the market or displays the efficiency that a perfectly competitive
market is expected to produce. An alternative theory upholding a concept of
‘contestable market’ on the contrary relaxes the assumption of the innumerable
operators but arrives at similar results as from perfect competition. With a limited
number of operators and a threat of competition looming large, the market is
expected to operate in a way it will do theoretically when there is perfect
competition.
Economies around the world embarked on a path of liberalizing markets, some
of them from the 1980s and others in the 1990s. The states changed the rules of the
game by relaxing the regulatory frameworks and proactively encouraged the
emergence of alternative market models in preference to one that was based on
either state monopolies or the chain of middlemen operating under state
regulations. This could result in a reversion to direct producer-consumer interface
in the market, but other possibilities could shorten the chains without compromising
on specialization through vertical integration. Large corporate bodies endowed with
capital and marketing skills may have the option of participating in the channels for
profit. The variety of organizations and supply chain relationships is an integral part
of the evolution, raising possibilities of revolutionary benefits to society as well as of
social and economic injustice far profound in nature than known so far. Tolerance,
understanding and balanced assessment of nonstandard and unfamiliar business
practices would be essential in the next stage of marketing reforms.
1.1.4 Vertical Integration
Integration shows the relationship among the firms in a market.1 Horizontal

integration occurs when an agency gains control of another one performing the
same functions leading to added competency, higher market concentration,
increased synergy but reduced competition. Vertical integration, on the other hand,
refers to a single agency performing more than one activity in the sequence of the
marketing process so the different market functions coalesce and the number of
functionaries diminishes. Specifically, this definition points to the aspect of owner-
ship within the supply chain and can be associated with vertical expansion of firms.
Companies reduce costs and improve efficiency such as by decreasing transportation
expenses, avoiding subtle transaction costs and reducing turnaround time, when
it expands its business into areas that are at different points on the same production
path. When a manufacturer or a food processor owns its supplier and/or distributor, it
is a case of vertical integration.
In a broader perspective, however, the linking together of two or more functions
in the marketing process within a single firm or a conglomeration of collaborating
firms is also an instance of vertical integration so that close and seamless coordina-
tion between sequential activities is enabled. Integration of closely allied activities
such as procurement of products from farmers and their storage and processing
functions could also exploit latent economies of ‘scope’ (Mansfield and Yohe
2010). Such functions can move one step closer to consumption (forward integra-
tion) or to producer through the ownership or amalgamation of sources of supply
(backward integration) in the chain. Mergers are one dominant method to achieve
the coordination, but often, the motivation comes from other sources such as to
pre-empt mergers among downstream competitors (Colangelo 1995). On the other
hand, there are other considerations such as reputational forces that may come in
the way of mergers when firms facing the choice resort to other forms of vertical
coordination like joint ventures, alliances and other organizational arrangements to
conserve ‘equity’ (Garvey 1995). When marketing firms including large retail chain
operators contract with farmers to buy agricultural products of a certain category, it
helps to strengthen the vertical coordination within the supply chain.
1
Vertical integration is the degree to which a firm owns its upstream suppliers and its downstream
buyers. Contrary to horizontal integration, which is a consolidation of many firms that handle the
same part of the production process, vertical integration is typified by one firm engaged in different
parts of production (e.g. growing raw materials, manufacturing, transporting, marketing and/or
retailing).
8 1 Introduction
1.2 Context
Reforms as such are not new to agriculture in developing countries and have been
known in India since the Royal Commission on Agriculture was set up in 1928.
Regulations were introduced in developing countries and to an extent in developed
countries too in the years succeeding the World War II, for one or more of various
reasons like protection of producers from unfair practices, conservation of food
security for one and all and employment generation. In many developing countries,
the motivation came from the desire to reinforce centralized political power and
eliminate external food dependency in a complex geopolitical configuration.
Domestic self-sufficiency and socialistic philosophy inspired public policy in
development of the South Asian countries, in which sectoral policies, especially
agricultural incentives, were awarded primacy over macroeconomic balances.
Macroeconomic concerns began to receive attention only in the 1980s, but never-
theless, reforms in agricultural markets remained either absent or at best slow
except to an extent in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh (Ahmed 1996).
In India, reforms in agriculture took off in the 1990s, accelerating with the
signing of the WTO treaty in 1995, but more focused consideration was visible
only in the first decade of the twenty-first century especially when legislation on
marketing was suggested. However, the pace of reforms continued to be slow and
vacillating because of contrasting positions taken by the central and the different
state governments. While the share of agriculture in the national GDP has dwindled
by this time, giving way to other sectors to develop, a staggeringly large proportion
of the people, most of whom are poor and unskilled, were employed in agriculture
and in the trading of farm goods. A very large proportion of the farms are of
miniscule dimensions due to land fragmentation taking place in the wake of the
population expansion which occurred in the past decades. The small size of the farm
comes in the way of modern and commercial ventures in agriculture although there
are contrary views on this matter also.
The reforms in marketing of agricultural commodities would expectedly curtail
the number of intermediaries that operate between the producer and the consumer
and shorten the market chain. Why would such a curtailment be desirable? Since
each intermediary operates for a margin, the mass or the ‘spread’ that divides the
prices received upstream from those paid at the consumer end expands in magni-
tude and compresses the two sets of prices in either direction. With the surgical
intervention of economic policy leading to a reduction of market intermediaries, the
ideal result would mean gains to both farmers who receive higher prices than before
and consumers who pay lower prices for the same commodity as these margins
contract with reforms.
1.2 Context 9
1.2.1 Apprehensions: Real or Misplaced?
In reality, however, things could be quite contrary. Firstly, the reduction in the
number of operators and the presence of marketing entities with far greater market
power in terms of finance, experience, legal prowess and political clout could result
in excessive bargaining strength accruing on the curtailed intermediation. Such
intermediaries would now be likely to include large international companies. When
farmers are poor, individualistic and lacking in knowledge and support, the imbal-
ance of power can be immense and the effects far more diabolical than what could
be found in the traditional system.
The extent of vertical integration in channels could mean newer forms of
coercions and exploitations that would tend to remain invisible to observers
outside the channel. Secondly, the response of prices at both ends can be poor
when the limited intermediation ends up replacing alternative channels (such
as local traders and local retailers) by virtue of market power. The effect on
prices would still be influenced by the incentive and ability of agricultural
supplies to respond to demand. Above all, displacement of large sections of
trading intermediaries will be the source of a serious political and economic crisis
although it is anticipated that the food industry will create substantial and superior
quality employment opportunity.
In a globalized market, the large buyers operate across the country and often
even across different countries. They have a greater choice available to them for
buying supplies from elsewhere and can turn the system against the economic
interest of the farmer who is constrained by local geographical and agronomic
conditions. Indeed worldwide, large food chains are probably as much maligned as
the wholesalers and commission agents. Exploitation, high margins and suppres-
sion of producer prices to low levels are common misgivings directed at the modern
supermarkets (Ghosh 2012) even in developed countries.
On the consumer end, the product turns up in the shelves in a vastly value-added
(stored, transported, sorted and graded, cleaned, packed, processed) form and in an
artificially designed setting (conveniently located with parking space, air-conditioned
with ‘frills’ and comforts and displayed attractively in varied assortment to offer
choice and fulfillment of consumer needs) so that price comparison with the tradi-
tional vendors is not always possible, nor relevant. Even the nutritional worth of the
food sold is also not always comparable and has not escaped to critics’ attention.
On the other hand, since the market is intrinsically free and flexible under the
reformed system, theoretically at least, the threat of competition from other
potential players is sustained, and this can serve as a check on the existing players
and compel competitive behaviour on part of the large intermediary. The price
effect (both on farmers and consumers) can come not only by the reduction of
the channel length but by the scale effect created by the large volumes of
transactions, fiscal advantages like reduced tax incidences due to vertical integra-
tion diminished product wastage and the efficiency of the modern agents who rely
10 1 Introduction
on mechanized and organized methods, information and scientific managerial

practices.
Moreover, value-added services in terms of quality, labelling, packaging and
processing of products, locational and delivery services offered to customers, and
the aesthetic and comfort appeals of retail outlets in keeping with consumer tastes
and the possibility of reaching overseas markets help to boost demand for farmers’
products. Above all, the new markets that emerge may be engineered subtly through
state policy so that the channel performs in a way that is consistent with what is
needed. Regulation and reintermediation (as by NGO) may help to make this
happen.
1.2.2 Potentials in India
India has been a country characterized by a severely regulated and controlled

market, excessive emphasis on food grains and a large agricultural sector operated
by mostly poor, uninformed and uneducated farmers, a very large proportion of
whom operate smallholdings. In recent times, evidence has emerged that food
habits of urban consumers are shifting from cereals to high-value products that
include fruits and vegetables and other commodities that are now deemed as
commercially lucrative. Production patterns also demand a shift to newer crops as
excessive thrust on cereal production is leading to ecological backlash and piling
stocks. The new products stand out in that they are easily perishable and require
special arrangements for further processing, preservation and transportation. All
this calls for investment. A new marketing order seems to be the demand.
Under the traditional system, considerable wastage takes place subsequent to
harvest and in the marketing process, especially in transport, at the retail level and
due to improper storage. Estimates suggest that postharvest losses could be as high
as 30 % for both fruits and vegetables (Pulamte 2008; CHIPHET 2010). Despite the
potential for value addition, only a small proportion of India’s production of fruits
and vegetables are processed, and this is considerably lower than the achievements
in other countries like China, Japan and Brazil.2 Substantial resources would be
required to reduce spoilage of horticultural product and improve the extent of food
processing. The reforms in agriculture have included a path-breaking amendment to
the old APMC Act which was originally initiated during colonial times but revised
repeatedly thereafter. The amendments suggested allow more resourceful operators
to step into the market in addressing the exigencies. It may however be noted that
the capability of the reformed system to reduce wastage is also gravely under doubt
with evidences of huge wastages of food under the modern system. ‘As much as
30 % of UK vegetables crops are not harvested due to them failing to meet exacting
standards based on physical appearance’, says a recent report (Fox and Fimeche
2
These figures are unconfirmed by us.
1.2 Context 11
2013). Reducing food wastage is now a key global concern, and the new marketing
order could only be a way forward but not an answer to the problem.
While the centre has invited the states to follow the Model Act that it circulated,
agriculture being a state subject, the success of the reforms in India still depends on
what the states do, the agrarian conditions, social reality, political compulsions and
the efficiency of implementation of the state governments being critical parameters
of such actions. Reforms in marketing agricultural produce are an important
component in the overall economic reforms in India. Several private companies
and multinational majors with considerable experience in western and other devel-
oping countries are keen to enter India’s traditionally largest sector with new and
innovative models that promise to be efficient.
1.2.3 Alternative Marketing Models
Historically, the private sector had very little to do with India’s agriculture except
for its engagements with a few commercial crops like jute and tea. This separation
is attributable both to the regulatory restraints under India’s laws and to the
inhibitive atmosphere that envelopes rural India. Reforms offer the possibility of
allowing and inviting the sector to participate in agri-marketing. As a supplement or
an alternative to regulated markets, private markets (market places) can be a way of
making rural marketing more developed. In this way, the private companies are
invited to join the government and the traders to bring with them their expertise and
resources.
Contract farming is one emerging and promising model that is said to mitigate
farmers’ uncertainty about sales and prices, helps in upgrading technology and
tailoring products for consumers’ wants. Despite the perceptible advantages and the
interest shown by private companies, its acceptance is resisted politically in many
states due to various historical apprehensions. Private industries are keen on
entering the retailing business to access the growing urban market. The pricing
process that drives the private sector-run marketing process is challenging and even
blurs the distinction among the models. Thus, price fixing is a formidable task for
the retail organizations who often resort to contracts or quasi-contracts (Singh and
Singla 2011).
Encompassing a large array of activities related to storage, transportation and
processing of products and arousing commercial interest among related sectors like
the real estate that also builds malls, organized retail accounts for hardly 5 % of
India’s retail market. The typical Indian retail outlets are very small and unorga-
nized, a vast majority of them being run by family members. They lack the scale for
reaping advantages in transport and have no control protocol on quality and no
training on safe and hygienic storage, packaging or logistics. The retail sector has
experienced limited growth over time and suffered high rate of spoilage of food
harvest. Organized retailing was absent in most rural and small towns of India till
recently.
12 1 Introduction
The reforms not only raise prospects of growth in India’s rural economy, but the
rise of the retail industry in India is projected as an engine of growth for the country
and the world at large in coming years (UNIDO 2009). Organized retailing in India
has attracted foreign investors. Yet the entry of highly developed retail chain
multinational companies into India’s food marketing is one of the most contentious
issues of the time. Until 2011, Indian central government denied foreign direct
investment (FDI) in multi-brand retail, forbidding foreign groups from any owner-
ship in supermarkets, convenience stores or any retail outlets. Even single-brand
retail was limited to 51 % ownership and a bureaucratic process. In November
2011, India’s central government announced retail reforms for both multi-brand
stores and single-brand stores. In January 2012, India approved reforms for single-
brand stores welcoming anyone in the world to innovate in Indian retail market with
100 % ownership. Although there has been a demand for raising FDI limits3 in
multi-brand retail, actions are put on hold by political disagreements in a multiparty
coalition-based government in India’s democracy and compromises are unavoid-
able. ‘Allowing FDI in multi-brand retail will require the free movement of
agricultural produce’, and the Department of Agriculture and Cooperation has
been advised to ‘urge the states to expedite the reforms in Agricultural Produce
Marketing (APMC) Act’.
Organizations evolved spontaneously from local agents as traders, producers and
self-help groups, and seller associations can also provide alternatives by coming
together with common objectives and their carefully crafted rules of conduct. One
such element that needs mention is the cooperative formed by market agents.
Cooperatives have proved to be immensely successful in certain commodities and
specific areas in India (e.g. dairy in Gujarat). Since profit is not the motive for this
kind of association, price spreads between producers and consumers may be far less
than when external entities are commercially involved. Participation of producers
could be enhanced by the inherent reliability of the system as compared to that of
commercial and powerful companies that provokes mistrust. Specialization of skill
by training and deployment is possible in this organization along with incentive for
infrastructural development and trade facilitation endeavours. However, for the
success of cooperatives, leadership is an essential and scarce resource necessary
along with state support. The option of strengthening cooperatives is emphasized by
3
Foreign direct investment (FDI) in retailing has been allowed only in single-brand chains
restricting the growth of the sector. FDI in retail has recently been a major issue of political
confrontation among the opposing parties in the central government and faced strong resistances
from opposing state governments. In November, the issue was put to vote in the Parliament, and
despite the contentions, the central government found majority support in favour of FDI in retail. It
is now up to the state governments to accept the motion through legislation. FDI in multi-brand
retail is allowed up to 51 % under government rules but subject to specified condition (Economic
Survey 2012–2013). At least 50 % of the total FDI should be invested in ‘back-end infrastructure’,
and at least 30 % of the value of procurement of manufacture and processed products should be
purchased from Indian small industries, although the government will have the first right of
procurement of agricultural products. The retail outlet may be set up only in large cities.
1.3 Organization 13
the critics of private sector-based reforms. Producer company is another extension

of the idea of cooperative that brings it closer to legal companies.4
Reforms also raise the possibility of producers selling directly to consumers in
sites and conditions created by government provision, of producers selling and
negotiating as concerted groups in a competitive pricing process. Selling to the
market through specialized private marketing agencies or to corporate processors
sometimes intermediated by non-government organization is gaining popularity.
Contract farming or contract marketing, seen as an innovative way of linking
farmers with market, can follow variant model that can be centralized, govern-
ment mediated, multipartite or intermediary while middleman are also involved
and the models that are actually implemented may be suitably chosen and
engineered.5 The thrust of a policy requires to be in encouraging the existent
systems and promoting new ones to evolve and develop in directions dictated by
the needs of the market.
1.3 Organization
The report is organized in the following way. Chapters 2 and 3 give a review of the
literature that has grown up on the subject of reforming agricultural markets,
discussing both the theoretical insights provided by different researchers on the
possibilities created and the experiences in terms of history of agricultural market-
ing and the evidences found on reforming agriculture in a number of countries in the
developed and developing worlds. In Chap. 4, we develop the conceptual frame-
work that guides us in the analysis along with the focus, approach, data and
methodology followed. We revisit the history, status and outlook on agricultural
marketing in the country through legislation and other pathways in Chap. 5.
Initiating our report on the empirical analysis, we provide a background of the
samples outlining the status of reforms in Chap. 6 and describing the socio-
economic environments, the agriculture along with particulars about the specific
crops under focus and the marketing regimes of the study areas in Chap. 7. In
Chaps. 8, 9, 10 and 11, the results of the analysis are discussed as categorized by
four different broad forms of emerging markets, namely, corporate marketing
intermediation, contracts between producers and processors, marketing through
organized retail chains and direct marketing by farmers to users. Interesting signs
of transitions and possibility are noted even in states where the state governments
have failed or refused to legislate reforms and where emerging markets are on the
4
An amendment to the Companies Act 1956 in 2003 gives producers the flexibility to organize
themselves as producer companies through a separate chapter based on Alagh Committee Report.
5
The e-Safal is a variant of contract farming practice in areas of Karim Nagar district in Andhra
Pradesh; this is an attempt to integrate the production decision, farm management, extension and
marketing through vertical linkage involving a number of partners (Galab et al. 2013).
14 1 Introduction
borderline of the traditional once. We have reported these evidences collectively

separately in Chaps. 12 and 13. Chapter 14 integrates the results obtained on the
different channels studied in Chaps. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and 13 to understand the impact
with a meta-analysis of evidences, while Chap. 15 makes some conclusions on the
performances of the emerging marketing channels in India and the course of
reforms.
Chapter 2
Evolution and Reconstitution of Markets
Market liberalization in agriculture raises academic debates and political

confrontations of the scale that few issues do. The very emergence of a full-
fledged international trade organization (ITO) as the arbiter of free trade had once
been largely held in check by apprehensions surrounding its implications for the
domestic food economies. Laissez-faire, the ‘invisible hand’ and the Ricardian
concepts of a free market are cherished but largely notional economic ideas for
agricultural markets.
On the contrary, many of the imperfections of real-life markets can be combated
by the state or the community which finds no place in the standard concept of a
free market (Claude 1989). Even Adam Smith in his Wealth of Nations writes:
‘The third and last duty of a sovereign is that of erecting and maintaining those
public institutions’, and Wicksell expresses his esteem for ‘consultation between
him (individual) and all other individuals or their delegates’. That a market with
only a handful of operators behaving ‘virtuously’ as opposed to innumerable sellers
can also deliver welfare gains that are comparable with perfect competition is
conceptually a wider notion of an ideal situation1 (Baumol 1982). The concept of
‘co-production’ has today brought community action to the centre stage of market
(Ostrom 1996) economics. How free the agricultural markets should ideally be is
undoubtedly a disturbing question that is hard to resolve.
The subject of agricultural markets has been addressed by economists,
management scientists, sociologists and policymakers in different ways. That
their analyses and assessments can be susceptible to oversimplification needs to
be emphasized, given the complexity of the institutions, vagueness of definitions,
differential behavioural responses, heterogeneous spatial expanses and the sheer
1
William J. Baumol (1982) in a theory of ‘contestable’ rather than ‘competitive’ market writes: ‘In
the limit, when entry and exit are completely free, efficient incumbent monopolists and oligopolies
may in fact be able to prevent entry. But they can do so only by behaving virtuously that is by
offering consumers the benefits which competition would otherwise bring. Public policy must
properly take into account . . .. in a decisive but diverse manner, the prospects of potential
competition’.

16 2 Evolution and Reconstitution of Markets
dynamics of the issues. All of these are compounded by intangible factors such
as transaction costs, unequal market power and the subjectiveness of human
expectations and perceptions. This chapter reviews the literature to provide a
background to the subject of marketing agro-products.
2.1 Markets and Marketing
The definition of market as an ‘operationalised atomistic realm of impersonal

economic exchange of homogeneous goods’ (Harris-White 1996) is associated
with the theory of price in microeconomics. So is the notion of the market as a
‘supreme medium for the expression of individual choice’ (Hodgson 1988)
presupposing that transactions are voluntary and made on equal basis by fully
informed individuals. Marketing today is a much more sophisticated, integrated
as well as a differentiated collection of a broader spectrum of activities than
conceptualized earlier, and so a redefinition has become an imperative as well as
a challenge.
Today, textbook definitions of marketing essentially as ‘exchanges intended to
satisfy human needs’ and, in the business context, as ‘satisfying consumer’s wants
at a profit and in a socially responsible manner’ (Stanton 1983) transcend the
conventional commercial objectivization. Marketing today is also a comprehensive
concept with multiple and strategically coordinated activities in which the manner
of marketing is as much important as the product marketed. Social responsibility,
ethics and regulatory commitments increasingly become embedded in the market-
ing process.
It is ironic that marketing evolved from a point where selling was unimportant
to the producer who was herself the consumer, and if any marketing was at all
done, the strategies were simple. The role of exchange and a case for marketing
arises as the self-sufficient society changes to an economy built around the division
of labour, industrialization and urbanization. Vertical integration along with the
formation of various alliances and conglomerations in the supply chain is the next
step in this evolution when innovations in managerial practices aided by recent
advances in information and technology hold out a new transition process for the
future of marketing.
2.1.1 The Agro-marketing Business and Market Chains
In the evolution of markets, in the beginning, exchange is local with a direct

interface, but as the division of labour progresses and distances between producers
and consumers grow, specialized functionaries begin to emerge, helping farmers
sell the increased output. The primitive ‘Do it yourself’ principle is replaced by
‘buy it’ as marketing becomes a specialized function that itself is transacted.
Marketing identifies products that consumers would demand, persuades them to
purchase, figures out how to sell them in the short term and the long term and also
2.1 Markets and Marketing 17
adds value to the products. Sensitivity to the macroeconomic environment, demog-

raphy (age distribution, gender, etc.), social and cultural factors, political and legal
forces, technology and competition from other sources and allied products lies at
the core of this function. With further sophistication of ‘analytics’, finer elements
and micro-factors also get integrated in the marketing process and projection of the
future becomes critical for devising long term marketing strategies.2 Other
facilitating organizations that provide transportation, warehousing, financing,
insurance and other supportive services evolve and even coalesce with marketing.
A market channel includes producers, final customers and all the middlemen
involved. The sequence of transactions and commodity movements between the
initial producer and ultimate consumer is known as the marketing chain. Marketing
science as a discipline makes subtle distinctions among the intermediaries. A
middleman who takes title to the merchandise is known as a ‘merchandiser’,
while an ‘agent’ only catalyses the transfer of ownership. ‘Wholesale traders’ are
people who buy for resale or for business use but do not sell to ultimate consumers
though in normal usage, the term covers both agents and brokers, working for profit
or for commission who do and do not take title of the goods. In a restrictive sense,
the wholesaler must necessarily accept the title to the goods.
The most widely known middleman in agriculture is the ‘commission agent’
who undertakes to sell part or all of a producer’s output in particular territories. This
agent has continuing relation with the principals and usually represents several
non-competing products. In the central market, the commission merchants meet
their trains and trucks to take change of the shipments; arrange the necessary
storage, grading and other services prior to the sale; find buyers at the best possible
price; make the sales; and arrange for the transfer of shipments. After taking
account of the commissions, freight charges and other marketing expenses, they
remit the balance to the local suppliers. It is not unexpected that this important
agent will be most affected by marketing reforms.
Other intermediaries include the auctioneers who display the products and help
to assemble buyers and suppliers, the brokers whose prime responsibility is to bring
buyers and sellers together and provide marketing information without having to
handle goods or decide prices and further down in the chain and the retailers
directly conducting sale of goods or services to the ultimate consumers who buy
for personal and nonbusiness use. Producers across the world complain of exploit-
ative behaviour of middlemen and the low prices they deliver on products. They are
known to be slow in adopting modern methods, and their managerial practices are
informal and outdated. The businesses are underfinanced and manned with poorly
qualified people. It is found to be easier to go into these trades, especially retailing
business, than most other professions. Not surprisingly, mortality is higher among
retail establishment than in many other competitions.
2
An advertisement by a multinational company highlighting how slight variations in temperature
or rainfall affect purchases of food products and switching between products underlines the
growing sophistication of techniques in marketing.
2.1.2 Evolution of the Marketing Channel and Persistence

of Dualism in Traditional Economies
Till the 1960s marketing in underdeveloped economies in literature largely

remained mysterious black boxes from which supply of goods entered into the
international market. Local food markets did not arouse research interest in the way
that international trading did. Yet a much larger volume and variety of goods were
handled in internal trade within Africa, Asia and Latin America. That the market-
place was a fundamental focal point of economic life in a peasant society and was
‘as much a part of the socio-economic routine as farming’ was however appreciated
and emphasized in early studies in which location and periodicity of markets
received special attention (Yang 1944; McBryde 1947; Berry 1967).3
The marketplace was initially seen as ‘an authorised public gathering of buyers
and sellers of commodities meeting at an appointed place at regular intervals’
(Hodder 1965) with trading taking place on a simultaneous person-to-person
basis. These transactions were ideally atomistic (a large number of independent
buyers and sellers with no monopoly association), open (across many buyers and
sellers who wish to attend the market), free (prices are fixed by supply and demand
forces only) and rational (profit maximization) making up an ideal condition (Tax
1953) akin to perfect competition, something that is rarely met in real life. The
channels involved were typically short.
Since a single intermediary could rarely afford the large amount of capital
required for the entire marketing process, the number of functionaries increased
over time, and the trader became a mere link in a long chain congested with other
intermediaries (Bromley 1971). Thus, with the development of the internal market
systems, the trading intermediaries grew in number and importance. Today, such
long marketing chains operating in these ‘formally free’ markets are frequently
condemned as inefficient, harmful to producer and consumer and responsible for
unfair distribution of economic power (Weber 1978). On the contrary, by allowing
the substitution of labour for capital, the long chains help to ease unemployment
problem in developing countries.
Market systems fundamentally restructure with the emergence of new commu-
nication modes and changes in social structure. The length of a channel, defined as
the configuration of institutions, agencies and establishments through which
products move, is often used to describe the channel structure concisely. Shorter
channels signify some degree of vertical integration. The presence of large
wholesalers or multinational companies and a thirst for profit can be associated
with vertical integration. Centrally or cooperatively administered vertical distribu-
tion systems also bypass traditional intermediaries with the objective of delivering
food and income security.
3
Pioneering works such as C. K. Yang’s (1944) description of markets in northern China and
F. W. McBryde (1947) study of Guatemalan market may be mentioned. Interest picked up in the
1960s with publication of B. J. L. Berry’s (1967) Market Center and Retail Distribution.
2.1 Markets and Marketing 19
The evolution of markets at central locations and modelling of the evolution

interested many economists and sociologists, location4 of marketplaces being an
important aspect for understanding markets. In urban centres, these central places
are generally at short distances from dwellers’ homes, but residents living away
have to travel. Markets are sometimes also located at communication nodes with
maximum accessibility (such as a river junction and bridges, bus stations) away
from the populated areas. Travelling vendors were found to gain from the practice
of locating periodic markets in ‘rings’ in Korea by a study (Stine 1962) building up
a simple evolutionary model of trading in which the itinerant finally settled down as
population reached a certain bulk. Thus, the distance between the producer and the
consumer and the convenience of commutation were always important aspects in
the evolutionary trajectory of markets.
It is suggested by the literature that small traders dominate trading in early
stages, but as the scale expands over time, permanent shops outcompete even the
simple stalls in the marketplace. The new classes of proprietors enjoy greater
security and can afford better facility for storage and attractive display of goods.
They can offer customers extra comfort, better services, higher quality and value of
goods than the predecessors they partially displace. The higher capital investment
required gets reflected in higher prices creating a dualistic set-up with the coexis-
tence of superior quality providers selling at high price and the traditional
marketplaces offering cheapness.
Channel lengths attracted considerable attention in the literature on market
evolution. Evidences in Brazil showed that market chains elongated as small
intermediaries proliferated, but as the demand for agricultural products grew and
bulk transport facilities developed, they subsequently shrank as the small-scale
rural intermediaries were undercut by urban capital-rich wholesalers (Forman and
Riegelhaupt 1970). This was also manifest as land reforms broke up estates to
smallholdings in post-revolution Bolivia and bulk sales to city-based miners gave
way to market chains connecting peasant producers with urban consumers via a
new class of rural enterprising middlemen (Clark 1968). The diverse results are
hard to interpret and consolidate owing to differences in methodologies and
coverage (Jaffe and Yi 2007), but an inverted U-shaped relation between channel
length and development seems plausible.
2.1.3 Rise of Marketing Policy and its Failings
Marketing of agricultural products gradually became an important component of

public policy in a developing economy. Marketing gains significance not only in the
context of food security imperatives and the poverty of the peasant-seller but also as
4
Periodicity also attracted interest in literature. Early literature described daily markets, periodic
markets and special markets like annual fairs.
a creator of the small businessman and an entrepreneur. ‘The essential aspect of an

“undeveloped” economy and the factor, the absence of which keeps it “ underde-
veloped”, is the inability to organize economic efforts and energies, to bring
together resources, wants, and capacities, and so to convert a self-limiting static
system into creative, self-generating organic growth’ (Drucker 1958), and this is
where marketing comes in.
Marketing can only convert latent demand into effective demand, but it cannot
by itself create purchasing power. Embedded in the integrated context of economic
growth, the political feasibility of changes in agro-marketing policy encompasses
not just producers and traders but also urban consumers, rural net buyers, industries
and the whole economy.
As primitive practices gave way to elaborate networks, the state administrative
machinery rose to the occasion attempting to provide better organization of the
system for the determination of fair market prices through regulations. A cadre of
personnel was dedicated by the state for the purpose. Neither the state regulations
binding on farmers, traders and distribution outlets nor the establishment of a
‘board’ or a ‘corporation’ under state control sought directly to change food prices
in any particular direction. However, a parallel or enmeshed price policy with the
overt aim of ‘administering’ prices (e.g. the fixation of minimum support or
guaranteed prices) was also not uncommon. In more rare cases the government
even subsumed entire channels, replacing numerous trading agents with its own
channel. The new institutions created public sector employment deemed more
secure in tenure and earning prospect.
Not surprisingly, state regulations could create vested interests and collusions
between state officials and the powerful parties. Elongated market chains widened
the spread between what the producer receives and what the consumer pays.
Besides, often failing to disseminate market intelligence fairly and by curbing the
horizontal width of the channel, the regulations only came in the way of market-
based price determination, keeping farmer prices depressed and depriving farmers
of information and options. A distinct bias towards the more vocal urban consumers
supplemented the deprivation of the producers from emerging opportunities. Agri-
culture remained starved of investment in modern technology that potential inte-
gration with market could possibly bring. The causal association between the
persistence of rural poverty and the state of market functioning provides a strong
rationale for marketing reforms in agriculture. It also suggests that agriculture in
developing countries can even create a driving force to the global economy
(UNIDO 2009).
2.2 Stepping on to Reforms
The reforms in agricultural market launched in recent decades are aimed to remove
state-imposed restrictions; to curb state power in the market; to allow new traders to
enter with their innovative organizational structures, functional skills and modern
technology; and to promote free trade to exploit comparative advantages in the
2.2 Stepping on to Reforms 21
global markets. Reforms by reshaping the marketing channels are expected to

enable the inflow of investment into agriculture so that the production frontier is
expanded and to enhance the efficiency of marketing so that a higher share of the
payment made by the consumer reaches the actual producer.
Researchers in the past (Harris-White 1996) have however cautioned about the
chances of oversimplification. Marketing is embedded in other institutions such as
class, caste and gender. It is also integrated in other agrarian processes creating
inseparable interactions between production and other functions like credit deliv-
ery, labour hiring, land tenure and other exercises of property use rights. The
impacts of exchange relations can be profound, manifest not only in rural poverty
and inequality but also in the sectoral terms of trade, the investment in industry
(Mitra 1975), in the persistence (or the easing out) of small-scale farming in
agriculture and even in sociopolitical interactions of people when marketplaces
become venues of information exchange. Since market structures and exchange
relations differ widely, the effects of reforms can be both favourable and adverse on
development.
Being nested within other markets in social processes that once gave rise to
interlocking and exploitations in rural economy, the question that stares at
reformers of agro-markets is serious. Can reforms resolve the complex issue of
product marketing? Possibilities of deprivation, coercion, exploitation, exclusion
and short-run commercial motives eroding long-run productive potentials make
marketing reforms a deeply political issue. Assessment of market performance is
also not easy when the performance is not amenable to clear definition and concise
measurement (Harris-White 1996), and the presence of idiosyncratic costs
associated with transactions makes the assessment even more complex. Some
major aspects that tie reforms with market structure in a contextual perspective
are discussed in the following subsections. These aspects relate to both history
(the experiences with multi-market interfaces), motivations and developments
(transaction costs and vertical coordination) and confounding challenges (as with
managing channel lengths and dealing with pricing mechanisms).
2.2.1 Multi-market Interactions of Product Marketing

with Social Relations
When markets are seen as institutions5 for resource allocation, realized situations
are visualized as deviations from perfect competition calling for corrective policies.
On the other hand, judged by its cultural richness and inherent complexities (like
the presence of transaction costs (TC), expectations, beliefs, risks and power
relations), market appears as ‘not institution’, demanding a policy to be deeply
endogenous to cultural context. Marketing is not just ‘one layer of transaction
between producer and consumer’; rather, it is ‘a system of transaction and transfers
5
Institutions are expected to have behavioural regularity and, possibly, also a common purpose.
of property rights over commodities’ in which power relation and contractual forms
may vary (Harris-White 1996).
Agricultural markets in the social and cultural contexts present several sets of
convolutions difficult to unravel. Firstly, the product market was perceived as being
nested within several other derived markets, land, labour and money markets being
the most discussed ones. Some of these markets are incomplete in a developing
country, giving rise to the use of family labour, the practice of informal
moneylending and sharecropping arrangements.
The linkages among markets and multi-market participation of agents (the well-
known landlord-moneylender and trader-moneylender identities in Marxist litera-
ture) and resultant interlocking make it possible for a party to dictate terms in one
market by dint of its power in another one and for the weaker to lose freedom of
choice in multiple markets. All this can result in exploitation of peasants, perpetua-
tion of the scale constraint for farms, indebtedness and loss of asset and livelihood.
The ‘command’ economic legislations (such as banning and institutionalizing
moneylending, fixing interest rates, abolishing or setting ceiling on land ownership,
suppressing lease markets, regulating product markets and creating parastatal
agencies or state monopolies for marketing products) have been popular policy
responses to the maladies, but the power relations might remain latent under
repression and reappear in reincarnated forms when controls are lifted.
Secondly, agro-marketing has multiple components, a large part of the social
capital (merchant capital as in ‘old’ political economy) being diverted to ‘unpro-
ductive’ but ‘necessary’ (Marx 1974) functions of buying and selling commodities
adding to surplus appropriation. However, traders do not exclusively indulge in
these functions but combine them with productive activities like transport, storage
and processing and the distinction is not easy. Market reforms however aim to
reduce the proportion of unproductive marketing functions. Third, market relations
are not only deeply associated with class (or even caste, communal affiliations)
relations within the rural hierarchy but interact with other sectors progressively or
regressively. Movements of relative terms of trade associated with sectoral
structures and the power of capitalist farmers versus that of urban and industrial
classes decide investment that flows into industry.
2.2.2 Transaction Cost
That market exchange is not costless was explicit in Coase’s (1937) argument6 on
why firms exist. To understand markets as institutions, it is important to appreciate
the significance of transaction costs (TC) involved in the organization of firms and
6
Economic theory in the past suffered from a failure to clearly state its assumptions and faced a
choice between assumptions that were manageable and those that were realistic. As neoclassical
economics conflicted with reality-based evidences, the key role played by institutions in
explaining economic behaviours gained recognition, paving the way to a larger framework titled
New Institutional Economics. This also shifted focus in microeconomics to transaction costs.
contracts. Defined as ‘costs of arranging a contract ex-ante’ and ‘monitoring a

contract ex-post’ or more generally ‘the costs of the running of economic system’
(Hubbard 1997) and that ‘incurred in information collection, negotiation, monitor-
ing and enforcement’, TC has become an important aspect of production economics
and can hardly be ignored in the context of agricultural supply (Williamson 1971).
In the real world TC are difficult to measure, and the quantification of the impact
of the institutions is difficult. Costs of search, screening and coordination are
usually high, and agents operate under bounded rationality. Few markets are free
from information asymmetries. Economic inequality, opportunistic behaviour, lack
of education, inappropriate property rights and the inadequacy of administrative
machineries make the case harder for small farmers. The TC is hypothesized to
increase with distance, market concentration and non-transparency of property
rights and decrease with the better weighing technology, relationship-based
contacting and non-specificity of investment. That suitable institutions can mini-
mize TC is tautological but such institutions labour under cognitive incompetence,
bounded rationality and their own roots tied in a ‘canopy of historically evolved
norms and habits’ that filter available choices.
Nevertheless, empirical studies attempted to understand the influence of TC
on the supply response and marketing behaviour (Omamo 1998a, b; Goetz 1992).
A survey of potato growers in Peru showed that smallholders who are more likely to
sell in markets outside the local area had lower TC (Maltsoglou and Tanyeri-Abur
2005). The nature of TC can influence the decision of a household to participate at
all in market or opt for self-sufficiency (Key et al. 2000) and determine the width
of the price band between the buyer and the seller. Although these findings and
intuitive understanding suggest a strong implicit relation between TC and agricultural
marketing, till date, empirical studies on TC have been scarce.
2.2.3 Explaining Channel Lengths
The effect of development on channel lengths through the modelling of market

evolution (see Sharma and Dominguez 1992, for a review) has been extensively
studied, but the empirical literature has shown instances of both lengthening and
shortening effects of development (Wadinambiaratchi 1965; Olsen and Granzin
1990; Livesay and Porter 1969).7 Explanations offered are incomplete and seem-
ingly inconclusive. However, an inverted U-shaped relation is more apparent in the
non-monotonic relationship between channel length and development. Changes in
the size of market, specialization and efficiency of intermediaries as well as social,
historical and political factors impinge on the evolution of channels. Transaction
7
Evidences of shortening channels in industrialized or industrializing nations in Europe, Australia,
the USA and Japan and increasing channel length accompanying enlargement of trading volumes
are reported in Africa, Jamaica, India and Mexico.
cost analysis has generally been used as a conceptual framework in this literature
(Williamson 1971, 1981).
Channels have been of importance in public policy, but the approach has been
ambiguous. The development of state-controlled channels bypassing the traditional
channels seeks to correct market imperfection and address the government’s social
agenda (Dahringer 1983) such as food security, but the suppression of individual
entrepreneurship remains an issue. Not surprisingly, states also intervene to pre-
serve labour-intensive distributive institutions translating to long supply chains, and
legislations do support small retailers and traders and restrict proliferation of
supermarkets. Recent policy conflicts over allowing corporate sector and foreign
investment to step into marketing amply demonstrate the political significance
attached to and a confusion over the degree of concentration, centralization,
formalization and participation in the channels.
2.2.4 Vertical Coordination
As highlighted, it is not easy to view agricultural product marketing in isolation

from the production process itself and from ‘derived markets’ (associated with
information, risk, finance, transport, storage and even technology) and other
functions that arise along the chain. A basic trait of a channel, vertical coordination
refers to the means by which products move through the supply chain to consumers
(Mighell and Jones 1963). While coercive interlocking of rural open markets
received attention in the context of class relations, comparisons between the open
market and the vertically integrated state marketing channels are confounded by
conflicts between the state commitments on essential commodities and producer
welfare on the one hand and the concern for employment and suppressive effect on
individual entrepreneurship on the other (Dholakia and Kurana 1983; Riley and
Statz 1981).
Even outside the confines of the welfare-oriented state institutions, closer verti-
cal coordination is a trend that is observed in both developed and developing
countries today probably driven by factors like changes in consumer preferences,
technological developments, removal of global trade barriers, innovative risk
management procedures and advances in electronic communication. This has
added a new direction to the study on channel evolution. Buyers and sellers are
reportedly entering into long-term contractual relationships and strategic alliances
that in effect restructure channels of distribution and internalize transactions (Arndt
1979). As in the interlocked markets, the progress of vertical integration in open
markets also blurs the margins that distinguish the central commodity market and
the ‘derived’ markets.
Coase (1937) questioned the significance of the price mechanism around which
the neoclassical economic theory was built. While exploring why a ‘firm’ emerges
in a specialized exchange economy where a normal human tendency would be ‘to
control’ rather than ‘be controlled’ and ‘be one’s own master’ could be a mantra, a
plausible explanation was found in TC. By forming an organization and allowing an
authority to direct resources, transaction costs appearing as cost of discovering what

relevant prices are when transactions are decided over longer time spans, as in
contracts, can be saved to an extent. Vertical coordination in a channel is also an
organizational aspect that seeks to reign in TC.
Vertical integration occurs when certain channel members feel they can have
greater control on the channel functions by circumventing other channel members.
This may however not always be the best option. In the international market, global
firms seek closer linkages with final customers in order to introduce successful
brands in other countries. On the contrary, channel disintegration is favoured in
highly price-competitive environments which make it desirable to contract with
local retail outlets than to own company stores (Coughlan 1985) and to harness
more number of specialized skills blended with indigenous experiences to serve
wider geographical networks. The much discussed ‘make-or-buy’ choice can be
linked, albeit loosely, to the options of vertical integration. Such decisions hinge on
the transaction costs involved in the product movement through the supply chains,
but largely, the decisions are flexible and respond to developmental processes and
public fiscal policy. The effect of culture-based shopping behaviour, the readiness
to commute, the affinity for the familiar (ties, loyalties and norms of behaviour
among channel members), the role of government policy and the distributional
challenges posed by urbanization cannot be overemphasized in understanding the
scope and merit of vertical coordination. However, even when units down the chain
are not linked by common ownership, a maze of delicate relationships is known to
define the character of vertical coordination.
Economies of scope and scale encourage vertical integration which also reduces
the costs of searching, coordinating and monitoring. Production and marketing
contracts, franchising, strategic alliances, joint ventures and full vertical integration
have been replacing the traditional spot markets in countries like the USA and
Canada. Genetically modified corn, soya bean and canola have provided impetus to
contracts and enhanced the proximity among producers, processors and consumers
as achieving specific quality characteristics and their monitoring become more
important. Supply chain management and contract negotiations are essential
elements of the vertical coordination, but with the growing place provided to
product differentiation to suit individual consumer tastes and the growing irrele-
vance of the spot market, price determination as conceptualized in the neoclassical
framework is increasingly challenged by vertical integration of markets.
2.2.5 A Rethinking on Prices
The growing vertical integration however imposes a ravaging onslaught on the idea
of the market-clearing price which is associated with the traditional spot market,
where many simultaneous transactions typically take place in a regulated manner.
The neoclassical market-clearing process conceptualizes a presumed (Walrasian)
‘auctioneer’ that matches the supply and demand in a market of perfect competition,
and the spot market is found to follow this pattern.
In regulated agricultural markets, formally supervised auctions are the central

mechanism for price determination. This price is however neither viable nor is it
necessarily considered a fair outcome in the changing situation. Perfect competition
is a notional idea seldom found in real life in which information is scarce and
asymmetric, supervision is lax, rent-seeking behaviour (or corruption) can corrode
regulations and commodities transacted are increasingly less uniform as produc-
tion technologies vary. In fact, it is feared that the price determined in the open
market is likely to become more and more ‘irrelevant’ (Young and Hobbs 2002) as
price agreements are made in advance and products become differentiated and fine-
tuned to demand.
2.2.6 Diversification and Product Wastage
The unavoidable need for cash by peasants was recognized even in the context of
subsistence farming. The inverse farm size-productivity relation, once apparent up
to a threshold size, called for a redefinition of commercialization and admission of a
notion of forced commercialization. Commercialization can hardly be divorced
from the pattern of cropping and the choice of crops.
Crop diversification among subsistence and marketable crops even among
pauperized operators in peasant societies demonstrated the immediacy of consump-
tion needs and reproductive capital (Bhaduri 1983; Bharadwaj 1985), raising the
significance of cash transactions at all levels. With the encroachment of the market
economy aided by the progress of technology, a broader space was created for
market-sourced inputs, creating a stronger case for diversification as well as for
diversion of land to commercial crops deemed useful for exchange. A shift in food
habits towards non-grain products observed in many developing countries adds
to this changing dimension by making diversification commercially attractive.
The growing appeal for consumer goods among peasants driven by demonstration
effects from urban neighbours and the flow of information strengthened by adver-
tisement campaigns of producing companies enhances the significance of agricul-
tural diversification for policymaking towards the development of agriculture and a
faster growth of the economy at large.
Diversification as a policy instrument is however a double-edged sword.
Diversification towards cash crops, viewed also to be ‘high valued’ (Gulati
et al. 2011), is today shown to be a step in the direction of free market and higher
income in developing countries, while at the same time the proponents of food
sufficiency see this as a prescription for food insecurity. Critics of free trade argue
against this approach (Anderson and Strutt 1996) for its long-term implications for
sustainability and food autonomy. A growing body of evidence gathered from
throughout sub-Saharan Africa argues for the pursuit of a food security strategy
that is based on diversification of small farmers to cash crops that are suited for
semiarid conditions such as cotton, sunflower and groundnut. Contrarily, it is also
argued that for those who are net purchasers of grains more often, the opportunity
cost of cash crop production is not selling food crops but the cost of acquiring grains
foregone by the diversification (Jayne et al. 2010; Negassa and Jayne 1997)
especially in times of crisis.
Diversification away from cereals is however an empirical phenomenon in the
developing world. The winning products in this shift in production pattern, often
described as ‘high-value products’ (HVP), include fruits and vegetables besides
animal-based products. Fruits and vegetables are horticultural products that are
distinct from grains in being highly perishable and sensitive to weather and human
handling.
Harvesting practices and on-farm and in-transit postharvest handling of products
are highly inadequate in traditional systems that often developed in response to
needs for food security equated commonly with grain security. Storage facility,
refrigeration, well-equipped state-of-the-art transportation and timely processing
possibility can help in preventing product wastage to which fruits and vegetables
are highly vulnerable. Thus, technology and managerial practices are critical
elements in the marketing of these crops. It is felt that marketing reforms would
be essential to meeting these requirements by allowing the inflow of resources and
skill for the development of horticulture. It may also be kept in view the rise of the
private sector with quality-conscious supermarkets that follow these reforms is also
associated with larger product wastage owing to the high incidence of rejection
(Fox and Fimeche 2013).
2.2.6.1 Market Complexities
Although the free market as a construct of neoclassical economics is much cherished,

markets in reality are complex with broad coverage and dynamic evolution. Since the
primitive times, there is continuous restructuring of marketing in terms of location,
periodicity and structure, and the current times present one critical stage in the
evolution.
Marketing in developing countries remains multifaceted and dualistic in devel-
opment. State policy also can never be divorced from agricultural marketing due to
its close interaction with food security and livelihood and because there are serious
conflicts of interest among consumers, producers and traders. Interestingly,
implications of marketing structure also divide producers among different sections,
rural consumers from urban consumers and small entrepreneurship from organized
powerful entities.
Channel length and the structure of market change non-linearly with development,
but their impacts on employment and welfare remain important considerations of the
political economy. Transaction costs determine business strategies, but while vertical
integration is a response to these costs, the relations signifying the integration are far
from uniform and straightforward. Diversification and commercialization too drive
the dynamics of marketing as newer products demand different handling protocols.
However, whether the new channels created by restructuring at this stage will deliver
returns to farmers, intensify unemployment and reduce product wastage, the answer
is ambiguous.
Chapter 3
International Perspectives and Lessons
Gained
Political resistances and short-term debacles driven by various urgencies have

slowed down reforms in many developing countries. Misgivings are aroused even
in developed countries on the present directions taken in marketing. In the follow-
ing subsections, we present some lessons and reasons for caution based on
experiences around the world.
3.1 What Experiences in Developed Countries Convey
The roots of reforms in agro-markets signifying a rebound from their state subser-
vient status can be found in the west. In particular, the USA is a forerunner that has
gained considerable experience in liberalized food marketing. The marketing
system is however far from uniform in the western world, and the experiences in
different western countries demonstrate that implications of alternative systems still
beg resolution. For instance, grain has been a central component in the development
of agriculture in the USA and Canada, but there is little consensus on whether the
reliance on a few large multinational giant firms is in the best interest of the US
farmers and also whether the Canadian marketing system should ideally allow
space for greater private participation (see Notes for an overview of the marketing
systems in the two countries).
3.1.1 The Relevance of Transparency and the Demise

of Spot Prices
The free trade tenet is advocated by subscribers of neoclassical economics for

the objectivity of its price signal and the transparency of transactions. Even in the
modern and much modified milieu, distortion of the price signal is seen as the

30 3 International Perspectives and Lessons Gained
biggest weakness of state interference in markets. Yet a comparison between the

US and Canadian cases did not succeed in defending any such assertion.
McCalla and Schmitz (1979) emphasize that ‘beyond the superficial’, what
actually transpires is much more complex than what meets the eye. The system
appears much more transparent in the more state-controlled Canadian system where
costs of marketing and salaries of personnel are required to be published officially
while in the USA, access to complete and reliable information on grain marketing
cannot be placed on public domain with full assurance. Although a recent legisla-
tion requires private companies to report sales above a certain magnitude, how this
commitment can be enforced still remains a challenging question especially when
various evasion possibilities are open to multinational companies operating across
the globe.
Experiences of developed countries also suggest that the rise of contract market-
ing has made price information not only less available but more intriguingly, also
less relevant. Increasing product differentiation and the complexity of measuring
and verifying product quality make reported prices less illuminating on what to
produce and even when to exit the farm sector. Price, as understood from the
neoclassical economic literature, is the outcome of demand and supply forces
working in the market for homogenized commodity and is best discovered through
suitable forms of auction. With product specificity and the presence of small groups
of buyers and sellers, the issue needs a degree of reconceptualization, and pricing
process is required to be tailored to the context. When the contract takes place, a
contract price is determined by mutual bargaining which means relative strengths of
the negotiating parties and the information base each has access to at the time are
the key forces acting on price determination. The fall of the spot prices that have
served for years as a signal to the producer could be a symptom of impending
difficulty for policy makers in coming times.
3.1.2 Entry Barriers Again and Producer Defence
While prior contracts with buying companies help producers to hedge price risk and
access both technology and a wider market, the reach of the system at the upstream
end is widely shown to be confined only to limited sections of farmers. Contracting
restrains producers outside the contract from accessing the supply chains (Hobbs
and Young 2000). Even if joining the chain were an option, because, severe
contractual obligations weigh down on the participating producer and relevant
information on the actual functioning of the channel is scarce to outsiders, the
decision to join and the task of choosing the supply chain are not simple for the
non-participating producer either. The market power structure that evolves from
such choices defies full comprehension.
Stringent requirements of sophisticated production skills and tacit actions
favouring bulk sellers rather than small farmers are known to constrict the entry
into the chains of producers except the most resourceful and the privileged ones.
3.1 What Experiences in Developed Countries Convey 31
In effect, the oligopsonistic forces inherent in the contractual system become

the alternative to the ‘survival of the fittest norm’ that traditionally describes
competition. With powerful trading companies finding easy membership, the
market committees of emerging channels too become less representative.
The possibility that large contractors will use their market power to turn contract
conditions against producers has motivated producers to form associations to
bargain collectively in a way similar to labour unions. Producer organizations in
Europe, the Agricultural Fair Practices Act (AFPA) in the USA (along with
supplementing laws passed by the federal states), Farmers Legal group in
Minnesota, legal protection of producer rights extended by Canadian government
and National Farmers’ Union and other initiatives to develop standardized practices
in the UK are some of the examples in which market fairness is sought to be
maintained by this means.
This trajectory despite its usefulness has its own threats for development.
Evidences of unions becoming too demanding and aggressive for the viability of
the sector and the welfare of the workers they serve and more specifically of the
workers operating outside their pale are ample in industry. The government’s role
in modulating and balancing the practices assumes importance in different ways in
this regard. In developing countries, the task of uniting farmers into collectives is
not an easy task given that farming has traditionally evolved as independent and
generally family-based activity quite unlike the regimented cadres of factory-based
industries. Organizing legal support for this large mass of farm operators, even if
united, is even more daunting. The presence of a large number of small farmers with
their low levels of awareness, the deviation of the new system from the familiar and
long-standing one and the profound complexity of informational asymmetries
between the two parties make the reconstitution of developing agriculture into its
new incarnation a historic step.
3.1.3 Loss of Independence
The transformation of the US agriculture from a body of traditionally independent

farmers to a vertically integrated system with the farmer as a mere component in the
channel has yielded valuable experiences to other countries. For instance, producers
of peanut and tobacco traditionally functioned as independent decision makers
protected by federal programmes. In the case of poultry, another major activity in
the US agriculture, chicken was historically reared on most farms that were
diversified and supported by thousands of small competing family-owned
hatcheries, feed mills and processors.
As production contracts gradually gained ground, federal programmes faced
deep trouble. Fixing guaranteed prices to peanut farmers in practice since the 1930s
radically changed in 1996 when the legislated price floor was cut by 10 %. The
situation was different in the case of tobacco where the decline that is in process
since the 1950s intensified by the political and legal pressures of the 1990s.
In poultry, the dispersed system of chicken farming and hatcheries radically

transformed into horizontally and vertically integrated agribusiness farms and produc-
tion contracts. However, the transition has yielded reasonable income levels. Tobacco
farmers, faced with depressed demand and deeply ethical constraints, found support in
alternative avenues as a fallout of the developments. Farmers in less productive regions
actually emerged successful because they got access to better technology and market-
ing support. Yet, in spite of the dividends, discontent arises from the fact that farmers
are treated like ‘less than’ employees rather than entrepreneurs. They have forfeited
their traditional freedom of taking the decisions to adopt a technology.
3.1.4 Implications for the Urban Consumer
Supporters of the fast-growing modern food retail sector (UNIDO 2009; Shep-
herd 1965) argue that this sector has so far been unduly suppressed preventing
benefits like economies of scale, globalized procurement and thereby expanded
product choices from reaching the consumers. This argument is however easily
critiqued for its consumer-centric emphasis. A patent disregard of the political
implications for urban unemployment due to the displacement of existing suppliers
is another charge. The capability of the modern retail system to cater to the demands
for fresh food is questionable. Evidences show that supermarkets prove more
successful in selling processed foods and staples but fall short of informal vendors
in the quality standards of fresh food (Reardon and Minten 2011). In the down-
stream end too, the reach of the channel across different consumer classes is likely
to be limited. In the face of growing concerns over deteriorating food habits, obesity
and loss of nutrition whether the urban consumer really gains is unanswered when
the product purchased is seen in a broader perspective.
3.1.5 Agro-ecological Prophesy
A clash between peasant agriculture and the agribusiness model relying largely on
contracts between producers and buyers is intensely critiqued by agro-ecologists.
Input application in farming in modern chains is largely external and driven by
recipes provided by external sources as against the closed peasant system in which
input use, based on principles of biology and individual experience, incorporates
flexibility, adaptation and resilience. Farmers’ purposeful responses to various
factors as reflected in their day to day decisions are seen to be the key to
sustainability of agriculture. Extension in agriculture lies at the crossroads given
the apparent contradictions between sustainability and profitability.
The agro-ecological approach would rest on an extension system that is led by
the farmers themselves rather than private entities or even the state. Exchange of
ideas, adaptation and documentation of best practices are deemed as ideal principles
3.2 Experiences in Developing Countries and Transitional Economies 33
for sustainable agriculture. When farmers lose their power of independent decision
making, any mistake on part of the provider can mean disaster or bankruptcy with
little leeway for redemption. Even as public extension, as a means of delivering
proven laboratory techniques and socially oriented formulas to the field, loses
relevance, it is observed that the contracts incorporate hardly any provision for
training and extension. The sponsors generally favour commercial crops forcing
farmers to be dependent on market for their food security. With intensive use of
chemicals to attain high yield rates, their land is liable to become unsuitable for food
cultivation over time making the process nearly irreversible.
A recent study conducted by the Institute of Mechanical Engineers suggests that
as much as 50 % of food products around the world never reach human stomach
(Fox and Fimeche 2013). One third of UK vegetable crops are not harvested due to
them failing to meet the exacting standards based on their physical appearance.
Consumers also throw away half of the purchased food in Europe and the USA.
Poor engineering and agricultural practices as well as inadequacy of storage facility
even in the organized sector are reflected in the wastage. The sales strategies tacitly
encouraging consumers to overbuy through supermarket schemes (such as buy 1 get
1 free) are symptomatic of these difficulties. Producing food imposes pressure on
resources like land, water and energy, and with the need for feeding three billion
people by the end of the century looming large, the loss of food through wastage
needs to be contained by sustainable ways of operation from farm to market and
from market to consumers. How far the private sector-driven, contractual and
recipe-based farming system fits with the emerging global concerns is not resolved.
3.2 Experiences in Developing Countries

and Transitional Economies
In the years following 1980 and more so in the 1990s, a number of developing
countries were in a process of reforming their agricultures to eliminate price
distortions (that most often went against the producers’ interest). The motive forces
of the reforms were many, but external impetus possibly dominated the drive while
internal resistance slowed down the pace. In the case of some of the least developed
countries, independence from food aid was an added objective, in which interna-
tional agencies provided fuel. Huge debts and external borrowings helped to bring
others in the net while the internal burden of market failure, food insecurity and
uneconomic surpluses also contributed to the imperative to allow private enterprise
and to open up the borders in some countries.
The prereform scenario in developing countries was shaped by the urge to mitigate
the problems resulting from poor functioning of agricultural markets inherited from
colonial times. In order to stabilize farmers’ incomes, ensure food security and
protect smallholders from uncompetitive marketing practices (Dehn 2000; Timmer
et al. 1983; Myrdal 1956), regulations and state controls were routinely resorted to in
these economies. The recent spate of reforms therefore has not been easy in
welfare nations and aroused apprehensions. Land fragmentation and preponderance
of small farms raised the spectre of inequality as well as incomplete participation in
reforms creating political unacceptability of reforms. Limitation of the land market
manifested in inadequate land rights, failure of institutional finance to meet farm
requirements, persisting insecurity about food supply especially arising from
droughts, urban bias in development and possibilities of unemployment of small
traders naturally create resistances against reforms. Administrative weaknesses,
corruption and lack of capital and skill were additional deterrents.
Actual implementation of reforms could be influenced by an assortment of
complex sociopolitical factors such as forms of governments, ideologies of ruling
governments and opposition pressure if political opposition is possible in the
system. In democracies, the nearness to election and rural and urban representations
in electorates also determine the pace of systems. Other factors include the current
openness of the economy, requirement for external loans, persuasion from lenders,
economic crises and other compulsion for reforms (Giuliano and Scalise 2009).
3.2.1 African Experiences
In Africa, reforms that started in the early 1980s proceeded along with structural
adjustment and democratization. Donor agencies had a significant role in pushing
for reforms given an agenda set by the World Bank’s ‘Berg report’1 in 1981. The
food markets in these countries were dominated by large state or parastatal
agencies.
Reforms were targeted at withdrawal of state involvement in pricing and market-
ing and relaxation of regulations on marketing. The Ethiopian government curtailed
the operation of its state marketing board as part of aid conditionality in 1990.
Aid conditionality was also instrumental in commencing reforms in maize market
in Kenya in the 1980s. In Zambia, the newly elected government in 1991 withdrew
direct government involvement in grain trade and encouraged private enterprise.
Reforms started in 1981 in Mali, a semi-desert country, but it was the democratization
in 1991 that speeded up liberalization of the cereal market. Multilateral agencies
advocated food market reforms in Benin and Malawi in sub-Saharan Africa as
a central component of structural adjustment. Although shortening of channel is a
central rationale for reforms, in reality intermediaries could not be eliminated in
most cases.
Studies show mixed results from reforms. While evidences of increased private
involvement, greater market integration and production gains are seen in literature,
uncertain state commitment, inadequate private sector response and unimpressive
1
Report named after its author, Elliot Berg, and issued in 1981 by the World Bank that helped
move African countries away from state-run economies and towards free market systems.
growth impact are the overriding impressions. Market intermediation was taken up
by private traders in most cases, but their lack of capital and poor education levels
have been serious limitations. On the contrary, service delivery to small farmers
severely suffered in areas vacated by the government when private enterprise failed
to fill up the gap created as in Zambia (Mwanaumo 1999).
The experience of Mali highlights some degree of success in marketing millets,
the importance of infrastructure for storage and transport and the possibility of an
interaction between the sectoral reforms and macroeconomic reforms (Dembele
and Savadogo 1996). In most cases, foreign capital did not flow in as expected
while the number of NGOs grew. Though diversification was promoted, new crops
actually proved uneconomic (maize in Zambia) in many cases. In Benin and
Malawi, private traders responded but only as petty brokers with poor capital
base, low specialization and insufficient access to credit (Gabre-Mdhin 2001).
Contract farming, known for mitigating price risk, by and large excluded small
farmers because of the high quality standards required by buyers, though pockets of
success are noted in South Africa and Zimbabwe where small farmers integrated
closely with the market and adopted organic methods (Singh 2012) for gaining
advantage in the international market.
However, the records varied. For example, Uganda and Mozambique are
countries where governments showed commitment to reforms. Certain countries
openly resisted reforms. Zimbabwe reimposed controls on maize after initial
experimentation. Veiled reforms with de facto state control were the case with
fertilizer market in Zambia and Ethiopia and coffee in Malawi. A reversal was
implicit in Ethiopia’s2 course of reforms. Failure was attributed by many to inade-
quate implementation of reforms (Jayne et al. 2002). In respect of cash crops cocoa,
coffee, cotton and sugarcane, the pace of reforms varied among commodities and
countries (Akiyama et al. 2003). Econometric analysis suggested that the share of
producer prices of coffee was increased by reforms which imparted cointegration
between world prices and grower prices (Krivonos 2004).
3.2.2 Centralized Economies
Modern economic theory based on presumptions of well-defined property rights

throws little light on the implications of reforms for both the dynamics of the
economy and the institutional trajectory of centralized economies. The move
towards market economy was undoubtedly a shock to the erstwhile socialist
countries which were stagnant and deceptively stable systems to start with.
2
The Agricultural Marketing Corporation (AMC) later renamed the Ethiopian Grain Trading
Enterprise (EGTE) formed in 1974 with World Bank aid, seen as a means of forcing small farmers
to sell food at prices consistently below free market levels, was downsized, but influential ruling
party members were permitted to form monopolies subsequently in 1995. Private traders now
account for 95 % of the cereals marketed.
Agriculture in most of the countries in former Soviet Union (CIS), East Europe
(CEE) and China was conducted in collectivized farms of large scale although
private titles were not unknown in some of the constituent countries. Failure of
agriculture was also an important if not a central reason triggering reforms in these
economies.
The CIS and CEE countries, breaking out of the centralized control of commu-
nist regimes in a bipolar world in 1990–1991, had much to learn from experiences
of developing countries. They differed from developing countries however mostly
in the scale of cultivation, nature of land titles, ideological biases against markets
and administrative difficulties of the revolutionary regime change. The large farms
associated conventionally with economies of scale had laboured under the weight
of transaction cost of monitoring and enforcement and the problems of moral
hazard, shirking and free riding. Land privatization became a major component
of the agenda. Nevertheless, large-scale collective or corporate farms continue to be
important in most of the transition economies, with unresolved debates over land
transfer persisting in many countries including Russia.
The agricultural transition was aimed at improving efficiency and productivity
of farm production through the replacement of the institutional and organizational
rigidities of the former command economy by market-oriented institutions.
Downsizing of scale and greater individual accountability were the cornerstones
of the change. Despite the weight attached to land relations, transitions are intrinsi-
cally multidimensional. As a result, indices had to be developed by multilateral
agencies like the World Bank to capture the progress of reforms in dimensions such
as price and market liberalization, privatization of agro-processing, development of
financial markets and creation of market-oriented institutional framework for
agriculture. These countries however shared common institutions with developing
countries like state enterprises dealing in food procurement and distribution and the
associated compulsions imposed on agriculture so that sharing of experiences
retained its relevance.
Although privatization of the agricultural environment has proceeded in the
European countries with an impressive success of the food industry achieved in
Hungary despite lags in Bulgaria, Romania and ex-Yugoslavian countries, the
complexities prevailing in the former Soviet Bloc countries such as corruption
and bureaucracy led to a technological decline in the food industry and discouraged
the inflow of foreign capital (Csaki 2000). Emerging evidences suggest that differ-
ent policy environments also influenced land reform decisions (Lerman 2000b) in
the formerly socialist countries. The CEE countries had marked differences with
CIS countries in having smaller agricultural sectors, higher food standards but
greater expectations about their level of living, creating demands on the reforms.
All this makes assessments dissimilar and incomparable.
In China, food market reforms took place in a gradual way starting with
de-collectivization in 1978 when the centralized system gave way to a more
efficiency-based approach to marketing (see Notes). The new system remained
flexible and sensitive to demand situations but with ‘retrenchment’ in reforms
taking place whenever it was felt necessary. The motivation for liberalization
arose when the system of procuring grains at depressed prices entirely for rationing
in urban areas failed to encourage production to meet the growing needs of the
urban populace. Empirical investigations in wheat market suggest that the effi-
ciency of Chinese market improved over time (Wu and McErlean 2003). China has
achieved a fair measure of success with the reduction of government control on
agricultural markets and the vitalization of price mechanism, but vibrant wholesale
food markets and governmental minimalist price intervention in select foodgrains
remained important cornerstones in the transition.
Cuba’s experience was different. In Cuba, productivity in agriculture is per-
ceived to have improved in early years of the revolution due to rural investments,
but concentration in sugarcane cultivation built up a dangerous export dependency.
The temporary attainment of food security which was different from food sover-
eignty (Rosset et al. 2011) created difficulties when the supporting socialist block
collapsed followed by the US trade embargo in 1989. However, the country adopted
a less external input-based and more diversified system although accepting
the breaking up of state farms that were deemed incapable of this adjustment.
The emerging extension system also developed more autonomous peasant agricul-
ture where inputs were chosen by farmers’ own judgment and not by prescriptions
provided by corporates or government agencies.
Myanmar, in Asia, was an inward-looking country. Harsh controls on an agri-
culture crowded with landless labour and more severe controls on rice marketing
were a means of social control. Liberalization in 1987–1988 led to a relaxation of
state control, removal of levies and entry of private intermediaries in the markets
for cash crops pulses, oilseeds and beans. Export possibilities to India and the lack
of political significance of these specific exportable crops especially pulses proved
to be advantages for reforms. Impressive expansion of acreage, increase in produc-
tivity and trade followed. Input payments and also price contracts made in advance
enabled by the reforms facilitated the success (Okomoto 2004). The effects of
further political changes in the country remain to be seen.3
3.2.3 Challenges Awaiting India’s Public Policy Making
The urgency for India’s economic reforms arose from the poor functioning of the -
state-controlled or ‘regulated’ markets and a financial crisis that necessitated borrow-
ing from international agencies and a restructuring macroeconomy in 1991. Reforms
in agriculture were a part of the process but were more difficult to implement than
those in other sectors like trade and industry. Opening up agricultural markets is
3
Myanmar (earlier Burma) emerged from colonial rule in 1948 but came under military rule in
1962. All aspects of society became nationalized since then as civil strifes, protests for democracy,
economic mismanagement and crises and natural disasters acme to be reported through the course
of time. Elections began to be held since 1990 but were highly questionable until 2012 when the
country finally emerged as a presidential republic moving towards democracy.
perhaps an even more daunting task. However, the historical Act of 2003 opened the
gates for new channels to form in agri-marketing, but the path is yet long and fraught
with debacles.
Amendment of the Agricultural Produce Marketing Act in India brings the
relatively backward and poverty-ridden yet politically the most sensitive sector
agriculture in close encounter with the new world of capitalism. Allowing varied
channels of marketing agricultural goods to emerge could mean ravaging the
production systems in place and even obliterating the marketing channels that
had evolved over centuries. While excessive suspicions verging on paranoia can
be misplaced when evidences of benefits are not sparse in areas where the ground
has already been tested, there is enough reason for caution when one critically
examines the fine prints.
Inflated intermediary margins in market chains enlarge the ratio of the earnings
of non-production workers to those of production workers in agriculture (Goldberg
and Pavcnik 2007; Bardhan et al. 2009). Market reforms as a policy in the wake of
trade liberalization were motivated by a desire for efficiency. It is also important to
appreciate that a new phase of capitalism has dawned bringing with it new
complexities, as sweeping changes take place in managerial aspects of product
delivery, aided by modern information technology. Curtailing avoidable margins
perceived partly as entrepreneurs’ ‘reputational’ rents and partly as returns to
managerial skills is also an issue that arouses concern.
Allowing greater freedom to potential traders, be they individuals or large
organized conglomerates, to enter the business of agro-trade in ways that are
flexible would allow the development of a market that is ‘contestable’, if not
competitive, where the threat of competition would prevent runaway profiteering
at the cost of producer or consumer welfare. Unproductive marketing costs and
margins can be reduced by means of superior technology, improved managerial
practices and elimination of redundant intermediaries. The changes could pave the
way to greater investment in agriculture, higher production in terms of quality and
quantity of output, better consumer satisfaction and higher prices reaching the
producer.
Although freedom of markets is a central concern of the reforms, it is also an
appropriate time to acknowledge the transitions in capitalism, the erosion of
neoclassical beliefs and the demise of price purely as the specific concept that
had been nurtured over the centuries and studied in economics. While even that
notion of price was a victim of oversimplification in the presence of uncertainty and
transaction costs (Coase 1937) giving rise to organized firms, the overwhelming
desire to overcome unavoidable costs in the wake of the information revolution
would generate new innovations (such as greater vertical integration, electronic
transactions, prior contracts over price, production and quality, markets for risk and
derivatives and a deluge of retail networks, franchises, telemarketing, e-selling and
virtual selling), leading the pricing process to attain a new platform. As with firms,
vertically integrated segments of marketing channels, can appear as collusions or
function as ‘command economy microcosms’ making use of coercion-based
mechanisms to minimize transaction costs and leave footprints in the power
relations among channel members but in lesser public scrutiny.
The public policy needs to be prepared for challenges and complexities that
would be novel. That reforms in agricultural market would lead to unpredictable
dynamics, the emergence of organizational variety and nonstandard and unfamiliar
business practices (Williamson 1985) is hard to refute. Public policy will also have
to perceive the gradual shifts and act in concordance. With contracts stipulating
rigid farm practices, the place of public extension has to be reinvented. In the same
way when patents are awarded to innovations, the role of public research and
development has to be redefined and aligned with the situation.
Yet any diminution or vacation of the public space could be disastrous when
short-term profit-motivated instructions conflict with sustainability concerns or
where intellectual property rights of rich companies deprive small producers of
their rights to basic livelihood. Longer term and more profound questions on the
merit of industrializing agriculture into mechanical assembly lines from indepen-
dent decision making entrepreneurial units and its effects on ecology and human
resources are not less discomfiting. The catastrophic possibility of the powerful
entities deserting producers in distress or leading the way to food insecurity needs
contingency provisions.
The decline of spot pricing and the challenge to our notion of prices would be a
hard onslaught on policy making. The transparency of market information and even
the relevance of the same would be a possible grey area to be prepared for. Food
prices have guided the policy makers in making welfare plans and assessing fair
practices and efficiency. With the close relations within the channel and the quality
differentials difficult to measure, such reporting of market prices would be more
difficult to access and quantify. Market intelligence reports can become less
representative while information acquisition, processing and dissemination will
require to be technologically more enabled. Asymmetries of information would
be highly likely when one of the parties has access to the global market information.
The traditional traders competing with one another and bearing personalized ties
with sellers were a dominant source of price information for the producer, and their
elimination can mean a severe damage to the information system. Whether the
public information system or technology can fill up the gaps can be reviewed.
Rural markets are yet unequal, dotted with innumerable small and unorganized
farms. Unfair terms in contracts are more likely to be imposed by the powerful
buying organizations, and lack of transparency can make it difficult for the admin-
istrative process to monitor. Superior legal, managerial and financial resources with
the traders increase the vulnerability of the producers to unjust contracts and the
susceptibility of state officials to fall prey to unethical manipulations.
Official requirements of making contract terms public must be mandatory in
practice but not easy to implement in spirit. Besides, rising incidences of disputes
between contractors are also an additional challenge requiring restructuring of the
judicial machinery to rise to the occasion. Some states in the USA require mediation
prior to presentation of the case in court and specification of the arbitration procedures
in the contract itself. Obligations to follow prescribed methods of cultivation, feeding
animals, documentation and farm audits demand an altogether different set of skills of
the producer as compared to traditional spot market where transaction was fairly
straightforward. Resolutions of conflicts are also no easier in the new situation.
Organizing producers to gain bargaining strength and remedial power is a
mechanism commonly considered essential for the success of the emerging system,
but complications of excessive demands, unreasonable expectations and unman-
ageable volumes of arbitration cases are not unknown in developed countries.
When producers are at a bargaining disadvantage, the economic outcomes could
be efficiency only at the cost of welfare loss that the government has to manage. In
the developed countries, competition and antitrust regulations play pivotal role in
these matters, but this is by no means easy especially in Indian context. In the
absence of clear price information and measuring protocols for quality, regulation
could be a far more ominous challenge for developing countries.
The experiment with new marketing channels involving contracts in the western
countries serves as eye opener for the developing countries that have embarked
on the same path. Earlier, the advent of capitalism in a rural semifeudal agro-system
in developing countries could not purge the system of class relations and nested
agronomic processes that lead to interlocking in the markets. Those issues remain
although they were mitigated by state intervention in the form of direct participa-
tion in markets, regulation of private trade-led markets and creation of markets
where such markets failed to emerge.
The dismantling of the state activism and permission of the new capitalism to
enter into agro-markets will unleash the embedded agro-markets in a new reincar-
nation manifested in vertical integration, contracts, consortiums and alliances.
Together, the giant system would dominate the agriculture of today and tomorrow
and decide the fate of small farmer welfare and food security of the nation.
However, it is also pragmatic to note that the new capitalism may have less to do
with competition than with collaborative and oligopolistic behaviour in a ‘compe-
tition-obsessed business culture’ striving to search for ‘returns to equity’ where
large and powerful players can collude, deter entry, curb competitive innovations
and influence not just markets but also policy (Meyer and Kirby 2012a). Gaining
mileage from the potentials and containing the negatives would be the way forward
in India to deal with the transition.
Notes
Grain Marketing Systems in the USA and Canada

and Role of State Control
The USA is a large grain-producing country in which the domestic market has the
dominant place although exports are also voluminous. The expansion of commer-
cial grain farming was historically associated with settlements in Midwest, the
Great Plains and the West and the development of railway networks. The country
Notes 41
became one of the largest exporters of wheat since the latter half of the nineteenth
century accounting for 44 % of world wheat trade back in the 1890s. This domi-
nance was sustained barring a period in the 1930s.
Similarly, human settlement led to the evolution of the grain economy and its
commercialization in Canadian Prairies aided by the growth of railroads. Major
differences between the two countries arise from the fact that (a) despite the smaller
volumes, exports are more important in Canada than in the USA, and (b) production
and consumption centres are dispersed, shipping being done by a variety of
transport modes like trains, trucks and barges in the USA whereas the two sets of
centres are more concentrated in Canada, railways being the key means of trans-
portation. However, what essentially distinguishes the marketing systems in the two
neighbouring countries is the way the state interferes in the markets and the extent
of privatization.
Historically, both countries had witnessed extensive development of farmers’
cooperatives in the 1920 but with little success that in any case ended with the
Depression. The paths taken by them diverged thereafter. In Canada, nearly 80 % of
the primary elevators are owned by cooperatives, and the government deeply
regulates the transactions in the primary stage including the rates charged for
handling and storage. In the USA, the role of cooperative is much less extensive,
and the government does not interfere in fixing the rates. In the USA, the terminal
markets evolved at inland ports under the dominant role of the private sector, while
in Canada, these markets are much more concentrated geographically and are in
control of the government or cooperatives. The transformation industry is in private
hands in both countries, but processing is more important in the USA where
livestock and the feed industry enjoy special importance. In Canada, railroads
both public and private and some ferrying by waterways characterize transportation
while trucks and river barge movements have provided alternatives to railways.
Technological innovation and lower level of regulation have given more choices
and flexibility for market responses in the USA while Canada fell behind.
In Canada, the Grain Board which was established during World War1 and
became a target for agrarian protest against falling prices (Treleavan 1975) subse-
quently continued to regulate sales across interprovincial and international borders
of grains meant for human consumption. It fixes prices using ‘pooled pricing’4 and
a ‘delivery quota’5 with welfare maximizing objectives. This system helps to ensure
uniform prices. In fact, the state guarantees minimum prices to producers regardless
of the particular time of sale in order to manage the flow of grains in the market.
This method at times forces producers to hold large inventories.
4
The pooled pricing system involves an initial payment to producers for delivery at the primary
elevator and final payment based on the proceeds from crop year sales minus Board and initial
payment.
5
This system controls the quantity, kind and quality of grains of each producer at any time and
limits the quantity of grains that the producer will be able to deliver at the primary elevator.
The Board however has no internal facilities and obtains services on contracts
from various cooperative and private companies that include also private grain
companies based in the USA. Thus, the central control is backed by support from
private enterprise in Canada. In the case of the USA, grain is sold through the open
market so that prices vary across producers and fluctuate even with time. Private
traders are active at all stages of marketing. There are evidences of growing
concentration6 downstream, five of the largest multinational export firms handling
90 % of the US grain exports and 70 % of world trade.
Transitions in Communist China
Initially, a supplementary system of ‘negotiated purchase sanctions’ at prices

higher than the quota prices was agreed with the farmers. However, trading with
non-government agents was permitted only in 1983, but this remained contingent
on the fulfillment of the purchase plans of the state grain market agencies (SGMAs).
Significantly, in 1985 the national quota was reduced to give leeway to free market
prices. Urban rations were reduced in 1992–1994 on account of budgetary burdens.
Ration prices were increased but urban residents were compensated with cash
transfers. Retailers involved in rationed sales gradually transformed themselves to
commercial trader. The SGMAs were partly commercialized, and devolution of
power was made to regional governments in the conduct of the food market.
6
Estimates provided by McCalla and Schmitz (1979) for the USA mention 8,000 country
elevators, 250 inland terminals and 80 port elevators.
Chapter 4
Objectives, Data and Methodology
Since the circulation of the Model Act by the Centre, a number of alternate
marketing channels have tended to emerge in various states. Obviously, the emer-
gence of new channels is linked with the state’s response to the central initiative,
but even in recalcitrant states, innovative market channels compatible with the
prevailing policy environment and perhaps deserving of emulation are forming.
We perceive that the success of the reforms will be reflected not only in the
emergence and popularity of new marketing channels but in a visible reduction in
the lengths of the chains leading to price advantages being delivered to farmers and
consumers. We also anticipate the emerging channels to be more effective in
reducing postharvest wastage of products. Ideally, the advantages should also
touch non-pecuniary dimensions attracting producers to join the chains because
of more convenient dealings and fair producer prices and offering consumers more
appealing product choices than traditional chains do. All these rewards would be
meaningless to the Indian society and agriculture if the channel fails to draw
participation of the small and poorer farmers.
We aim to present experiences gained from across the country based on
investigations1 conducted under the present study. Primary, field-based and sample
data was collected and discussion-oriented surveys conducted in 11 states. The
information gained from analysis of the data is assembled in this book.
1
The investigations are done by ten Agro-Economic Research Centres (AERC) that will be
referred as Centres. Coordination, which combines the task of designing the study and analysis
of results in a comparative framework, is done by the author at the Institute of Economic Growth
(IEG), Delhi, who was entrusted with the responsibility of the countrywide assessment by the
Ministry of Agriculture, Government of India.

44 4 Objectives, Data and Methodology
4.1 Conceptual Framework
Only a small share of what the consumer pays for products reaches the actual
producers (Bardhan et al. 2009), while unproductive marketing costs and margins
account for a large share. The long chain of intermediaries who serve to pass on the
products from the producer to the final user and the inefficient ways of operation of
these unorganized traders are responsible for the large difference or the ‘spread’
between the farmer’s price and the user’s price. In this process, both the producer
and the consumer lose. However, it remains to be seen if the spread can be reduced
by shortening the chain or by including a powerful player in the chain. While it is
possible that by employing modern methods, the new players can enhance effi-
ciency, the possibility that the margins shared by numerous traders will be
appropriated by these entities and more intriguingly part of this appropriation
may take the form of ‘reputational rent’ cannot be ruled out either.
4.1.1 The Invisibility of Unproductive Trading Functions
It has long been recognized that diversion of social or the ‘merchant’ capital
(Harris-White 1996) to ‘unproductive’ but ‘necessary’ functions of buying and
selling commodities (Marx 1974) is unavoidable. Since such functions are usually
inextricably combined with productive activities like transport, storage, cleaning
and processing in various degrees, it is not easy to disentangle the components that
deserve to be qualified as productive and necessary from the other functions. It is
also likely that much of the unproductive functions can be avoided today with
superior managerial practices that have developed in tandem with the progress of
technology.
Reforms would ideally minimize or eliminate the avoidable part of price disper-
sion between the producer and the user that may arguably constitute a collectivized
measure of unproductive marketing cost. This is far from easy to evaluate and
confirm in practice. The informal, nested and sometimes non-pecuniary dimensions
of the functioning of trading intermediaries in the market chains make the subject of
traders’ productivity extremely complex to unravel.
Traders in agricultural markets are known to discharge several additional and
associated functions that remain embedded in their usual and more visible functions
of buying and selling. Traditionally, markets for such services even if amenable to
conceptualization are generally missing in developing countries where producers
are typically poor and operate in undeveloped regions. Therefore, factoring these
services into the margins of traders is not easy. The trader’s role as financier, insurer
(as in preharvest contracts or forward contracts), informer (agent of market intelli-
gence) and input supplier is only implicit in their margins given their outdated
accountancy practices.
4.1 Conceptual Framework 45
In the past, these multi-market interfaces of traders leading to complicated

interlocking were widely discussed in the literature in context of farmers’ exploita-
tion (Bhaduri 1983; Bharadwaj 1985). In a vast rural setting where undeveloped
infrastructure, poor communication, pervasive ignorance and extensive poverty
traditionally left organized industries disinterested, the traders generally formed
the crucial conduit of market intelligence (Mulky 2008). Despite their own
constraints and limitations, the more mobile traders are known to be more aware
about the market situation than farmers are. The flow of knowledge through the
medium facilitates the determination of prices at the producer’s end.
On the contrary, in the traditional supply chains, the traders individually spe-
cialize only in small ambits of activities within the chain such as in striking
negotiations (as by a broker), supervising in auction (commission agents), stocking
at various points (merchants) and distributing in retail (vendor in shops or with
pushcarts) to consumers. This system encourages the entry of more and more
players who claim their shares in the user price and often unjustifiably widen the
price spread. It is felt that even with growth taking place in the larger economy and
the changing pattern of food habits among the growing middle class, this wide
dispersion of prices will come in the way of agriculture’s response to the demand
stimulus and the elimination of poverty among farmers, providing a compelling
rationale for opening up the system to new marketing methods and players.
The relative success of the emerging channels stimulated by the launch of reforms
and cutting down of channel lengths now offers a potent way to understand the implicit
significance of the traders’ presence. This is possible by comparing the performance of
markets between a common traditional channel and an emerging channel with a
shortened length, functioning simultaneously in the same region for the same product.
While the price spread or the gross cost of marketing a product which comprises of
both actually incurred costs and traders’ margins may be encountered in both markets,
the relative extent of this spread can be assessed by comparing the gross marketing
cost incurred for every rupee received by the producer from selling the product.
Similar standardization can be made with respect to what the final user pays for the
same product if consumer welfare is considered as a priority.
The gross marketing cost may however include inextricably both productive and
unproductive components, but to the extent that this relative cost of marketing can
be reduced by shortening the channel length or bypassing the commission agent, the
productive value of the traders forgone in the channel can be challenged. Although
the livelihood concerns of trader are a serious issue facing market liberalization,
this possibility suggests a lesson that more productive avenues of channelling
manpower in the Indian economy should be explored.
4.1.2 Reaching Out to Small Farmers
However, hypothetically even if the market can be made more efficient by reducing
channel length and possibly implanting more resourceful and organized players in
the chain, the beneficial effect to agriculture can hardly be deemed meaningful in
India’s context if it is not inclusive of the small farmers. The small farmers
including the marginal farmers who operate small units of holdings comprise a
very large, over 80 %, of the producers in India’s agriculture and 53 % of the
operated land. If these farmers, for any reason, are not drawn into these more
efficient channels, the emergence of these channels will have little impact on
agricultural development and only serve to enhance rural inequality or trigger an
exodus from farming.
There are strong reasons to expect a positive association to prevail between
participation and holding size. Empirical studies in other countries have not refuted
this possibility either (see Chap. 3, Sect. 3.1). Two obvious links between holding
size and participation create a case for exploration in the Indian context.
First, small size, discouraging mechanization and big investment, makes a farm
mostly not viable in terms of income potential so that little surplus is generated for
financing superior methods of cultivation. Yet it is widely known that emerging
channels are selective in procurement and buyers especially private companies tend
to impose high-quality standards on the sellers. In this situation, the small farmer
who can scarcely invest and adopt better technology is less likely to achieve the
required standards. The farmer will also enjoy less protection and preparedness to
tolerate rejections that are expected in these channels.
On the other hand, small farm households are increasingly drawn towards
nonfarm ways of earning including participation in public works programmes as
provided by the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
(MGNREGA) to supplement farm incomes and could very well be able to invest
additionally on farming as required by the channel. Also, it is simplistic to assume
that financial command is the only way to higher quality, as natural advantages and
indigenous skills are also possible contributory factors that the emerging market
channels have no reason not to exploit. In this study, we will find that corporate
buyers of apples tend to be selectively biased towards remote and higher-altitude
farms rather than larger farms.
Secondly, it is believed that modern chains prefer the participation of larger
producers because, for the buyer, the transaction cost of searching, screening and
negotiating with a very large number of small producers can prove to be a heavy
burden. The modern supply chains are powered by the forces of trust, reliability and
official certification, all of which find the larger farmers to be in a privileged
position to command. Such scale-linked disadvantages need not be a deterrent as
they can be overcome by the small farmers’ coming together with common
purposes and standards and their negotiating over bulk produce with buyers in a
more organized fashion.
4.1.3 Efficiency, Productivity and Sustainability
The foregoing discourses suggested that new channels catalysed by reforms could
help in bringing the producer and the consumer closer in the supply chain, thereby
4.2 Challenges of Designing the Samples 47
diminishing the elements of unproductive marketing costs and narrowing the

‘spread’ between the producer and user prices. This gain in market efficiency is
likely to benefit the farmers by increasing producer’s prices and by raising demand
due to cheaper availability of products at the retail end. Moreover, there is a need
to improve productivity from land, achieve higher-quality production and above
all improve farm incomes to reduce poverty and develop rural India in a
sustainable way.
Agriculture in India is at crossroads. While the green revolution-generated
prosperity based on foodgrain production has reached a road end owing to
ecologically adverse side effects and the attainment of national-level self-
sufficiency in food, changes in food habits, increased sensitivity to knowledge
surrounding nutritional intakes, transformation of social fabric in terms of family
structure and gender roles and the prospect of exports in a more globalized food
market have created a rationale for diversification from grains. The prospect of
promoting new marketing channels suitable for diversified products would be
expected to infuse investment into the agricultural sector. The resulting upgradation
of technology would improve farm productivity. Together, higher producer prices
and productivity coming from reforms would ideally enhance income from farming
and ensure that practices are sustainable.
4.2 Challenges of Designing the Samples
Our first task was to identify a couple of emerging channels, i.e. channels that
deviated in some innovative way from the regular channels that have existed
commonly in agricultural marketing. This was easier said than done, as it was
soon realized. Firstly, defining the boundaries of a traditional channel was itself a
challenge for the coordinator when the investigating centres reported on the large
range of actual chains that already operated in the different states. Secondly, it was
more difficult to locate an emerging channel even by any specific definition
reflecting their paucity. It is not surprising that the task has been far more difficult
in cases where the state government has vacillated with reforms and especially
where the APMC Act has not been amended to allow the flexibility required for
their emergence.
4.2.1 Definitional Aspects
The definition of what constituted the traditional channel and what made up the
emerging channel could only be made in context of the situations prevailing in the
states. Nevertheless, broad demarcations needed to be made to distinguish between
the channels in the nationwide study.
The AERC Assam (Kakaty and Borah 2011) has defined the traditional channel
as ‘one where a large number of intermediaries are involved and the share to the
producer is comparatively low. As a result the supply chain in the traditional

marketing system becomes long and completely dominated by traders who operate
at high margins without much value addition’. Even under this umbrella definition,
the channel can take varied forms with differing channel lengths. Emerging
channels, i.e. channels that differ from the traditional ones, are even less uniform
and present even more varied models. More importantly, continual evolution of
new marketing models to suit the indigenous conditions comes in the way of
making sharp boundaries of definition. Acceptance of ‘nonstandard’ business
practices and ‘organizational variety’ (Williamson 1985) would be the more rele-
vant spirit behind the definition of an emerging channel.
We have specified certain queries to be made when identifying emerging
channels. Do they come with shortened chains than in the traditional ones operating
most commonly in the area? Do they necessarily involve private corporate entities
such as large marketing companies? Do marketing services begin at the field level,
relieving farmers of marketing cost? Are the prices decided by prior contracts or by
open bargaining? Assessing chains by these parameters is also not by any mean
simple. Shortening the chain would reduce the number of middlemen and eliminate
them in the extreme case (direct farmer-consumer marketing) but at the cost of
efficiency (see Chap. 2, Sect. 2.1) that comes from specialization and skill.
Replacing innumerable traders with a single large and specialized marketing firm
need not diminish farmers’ marketing cost and can depress producer prices on
account of unequal bargaining power. Prices decided mutually in advance may
deviate substantially from what could be potentially realizable by spot negotiation
but contracts for price determination are not entirely novel, and preharvest contracts
with traders are a common practice for horticultural products in India.
Unavoidably, the definitions had to be made broader. Admittedly, there is room
for questioning whether all channels studied as ‘emerging’ are indeed emerging in
terms of idea or history. Indeed, the channels under study are far from homogeneous
with varying structures and lengths, and they do not necessarily bypass all the
traditional intermediaries. However, these channels are not only shorter in length
than the traditional ones that operate bringing the producer and the consumer one
step closer, but sometimes they also create space for more resourceful and
organized players to enter the channels. In all cases studied in this report, the first
and most important link in the chain, namely, either the commission agent or the
preharvest contractor, is bypassed.
In each case, a sample of farmers selling in a traditional channel, familiar,
long-standing and usual in the same region is also selected as a control to facilitate
assessment of the emerging channel against a contrasting case. Thus, the two
channels differ in their history of existence and the lengths of the channels. The
views and opinions of farmers and other agents like the traders, market committee
members, buying companies in the channels and the customers in the consuming
centres are also sought in an objective manner.
Reforms in agricultural marketing are yet nascent. Our decision about the regions
to be sampled in states was constrained by the actual presence of the alternate routes
of marketing that can be designated as emerging channels. In most cases, new
4.3 Sampling of Farmers 49
channels, if any are scarce, have just begun to evolve and are hard to locate, leaving
little freedom for preselecting the regions. Admittedly, the presence of emerging
channels dictated the choice of the region.
The regions selected for the presence of the new channels thus varied widely not
only in character of the channels studied but with respect to socio-economic
environments. This makes comparison among different cases difficult. On the
positive side, due to these limitations, the whole project ends up providing an entire
landscape of how different market channels with varying attributes emerge and
function in different conditions prevailing in these regions. What appears as a fertile
ground for one market channel may not be compatible for another.
Noncereal food items like fruits and vegetables and nontraditional edible oils are
popular choices of private enterprise-driven marketing channels. These items are
increasingly accommodated in the plates of the growing urban middle-class milieu
and are becoming common in the shelves of plush supermarkets. Many of these
crops are gaining significance for their health benefits as learned from ongoing and
recent research on nutrition. Cultivating such crops for the emerging market is
viewed as the most potent way towards generating higher incomes for farmers in
India. The emerging channels are also considered especially suitable for promoting
crops that are known to be perishable. Modern technology for increasing the
durability and shelf life of such products is crucial for their commercial success.
For this reason, this study has confined the choice of crops to those emerging in
significance in India with particular preference for horticultural crops, namely,
fruits and vegetables.
4.3 Sampling of Farmers
At the outset, it was intended that each AERC or the Centre would select two
horticultural crops preferably a fruit and a vegetable in each of the states designated
to them for survey and for each crop; samples of 50 farmers would be drawn using
stratified random sampling. To make assessments on the findings from the sample
on the emerging channel, a control sample of farmers operating in the traditional
channel would therefore also be selected from the same area for comparison. The
desired sample size was based on adequacy considerations for statistical meaning-
fulness as well as on availability of resources. The samples were planned to be
stratified by the size classes of farms. However, in actual practice, the targets were
in most cases not met as discussed in the following sections. Wherever an emerging
channel is operating, a list of participating farmers is obtainable from the concerned
authority which could be a market committee, a company or a self-help group with
the names of enrolled members, and random draws could be made suitably stratified
by farm size from this frame. Sample details pertaining to locations, crops and
sample sizes are provided in Table A.2 in the appendix. The distribution of each
sample size into three different size classes is given in Table A.1.
4.4 Sample Details on Traditional Marketing Channels
The traditional channel is the most common and long-lasting chain of

intermediaries operating in the same area and for the same crop as the emerging
channel. Barring a few exceptions, a sample of farmers from the traditional channel
of similar size is drawn from the same district and block. The sample sizes for the
emerging channel are however relatively less in the cases of Maharashtra and
Madhya Pradesh due to paucity of participants.2 In West Bengal, no sample was
drawn from of the traditional channel in respect of the study crop of Arum as the
specific channel studied as the emerging channel seemed to be the only channel for
this market. As a compromise, a study of a sample of traditional channel farmers for
a different crop, mustard, is provided, but the two cases are obviously not compa-
rable in many ways.
In a few cases, the blocks from which the samples were drawn differed between
the two channels. In the case of the emerging channel, often the site was specific to
the establishment of a certain facility such as a collection centre, cold storage or
processing unit associated with the functioning of the channel, and when all or most
farmers in the area found it profitable to join the channel, the other sample
necessarily had to be drawn from another region. Thus, Khandauli Block in Agra
district is considered for studying the traditional market channel for potato in Uttar
Pradesh, and for aonla it is Mongroora Block in Pratapgarh. The corresponding
blocks are different though proximate for the emerging channels.
The sample farmers were canvassed with structured questionnaires to elicit
information on production, prices and costs as well as for their perception and
other qualitative information. Between the surveys, the questionnaires were largely
uniform but were also nuanced or differentiated to be sensitive to the differences in
the systems of transaction between channels. The reference period for sample is the
year 2009–2010.
Along with the farmer survey, information on prices, margins and marketing
costs was collected from various agents in the link through separate surveys in each
channel. Their perspectives on market functioning and difficulties encountered
were addressed as well. However, some of this information could not be collected
when the only intermediary was a single agent who was a processor, as the costs
incurred and the margins made would be greatly convoluted between purely
marketing functions and value-added services and would not be comparable with
the traditional channel trader, especially when the processor is of a large multina-
tional character.
Identifying the emerging channels was probably the most challenging task. It
was not easy to locate actually functioning marketing channels that incorporate the
new features. In states that have, till now, not amended the APMC Acts, there is
expectedly no real case for the emergence of new channels. Interestingly, with
2
In fact no emerging market could be traced by AERC, Jablapur in Chhattisgarh state where the
sample survey was also designated to be undertaken by them.
4.4 Sample Details on Traditional Marketing Channels 51
changes taking place in the larger economy and the neighbouring states, the
situation is not really static, even in these states. Amending the legislation,
continuing with the old APMC Act or even in the absence of an Act altogether,
all states have been shown signs of dynamism, a move towards greater market
efficiency and towards relieving producers of the troubles of marketing and
negotiating with their traditional buyers. Thus, under the severe limitations too,
even in slow reforming (or non-reforming) states, we could identify areas of organic
changes that represent indigenous adaptation rather than exogenous implants. We
feel that even these developments are worth studying to assess potentials of limited
changes.
The study covers 11 states, namely, Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and
Himachal Pradesh in the north, West Bengal, Assam, Bihar and Jharkhand in the
east, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh in the west central region and Andhra
Pradesh in the south. Of these states, Bihar, West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh have
been slower than others in legislating changes. Broadly, the emerging channels
identified for sampling and reported are categorized into the following five groups:
1. Sales to users (SU) – Direct marketing to buyers who may include final users
(consumers or processors) or also a downstream trader as specified
2. Sales to corporate market intermediaries (SCMI) – Marketing companies
intermediating between producer and user or other traders for profit
3. Sales to processors via contract (SPC) – Selling via prior contract to processors
who sell to consumers the products in processed form
4. Sales to organized retailers (SOR) – Commodities procured directly by owners
of organized retail chains who in turn sell to final consumer
5. Sales via local trader groups (SLT) – Local trader groups (special) buying from
producers to further dispose products to traders in the traditional chain
The emerging channels under study are mentioned in Tables 4.1 and 4.2 for two
separate groups of states, namely, those who amended the APMC Act and those
who did not.
Since the selection of regions largely followed that of the channels, the regions
differ in their socio-economic and agronomics features associating the emergence
of specific channels with regional characteristics. In one case in Madhya Pradesh,
no horticultural crop could be identified in the emerging channels, and the crop soya
bean, another crop of emerging significance, was chosen for study. So they study
only one crop, i.e. soya bean, which is an important oilseed in today’s context.
Sehore district is the area of study, and the much celebrated ITC e-Choupal is the
emerging channel studied. The limitation compelled them to confine the study to
soya bean in Madhya Pradesh only.
Scale bias is observed in the participation where small producers find it difficult
to enter the chain or large farmers are disinterested in some forms of marketing.
Sometimes the actual number quoted in the list is so small as to limit the sample
size. In many cases, certain farm size classes could not be represented in the sample.
Stratification was also difficult in view of the varying average farm sizes among the
areas and the farm-size sensitivity of certain channels. In certain cases such as
Table 4.1 Emerging market channel under study in sample states with reforms in APMC Acts
States Andhra Pradesh Jharkhand Maharashtra Himachal Madhya Pradesh Assam Haryana Punjab
Channel 1 SU SOR SCMI SCMI SCMI SU groups SOR SU
Crop Banana Cauliflower Onion Apple Soya bean Orange Muskmelon Kinnow
Name Rythu Bazaar Reliance DFPCL- Adani Group ITC e-Choupal Self-help group Reliance Fresh Farmers’ Evening
Fresh Saarrthie Markets
Channel 2 SU SCMI SOR – SPC SOR SPC
Crop Brinjal Pomegranate Tomato Potato Tomato Potato
Name Rythu Bazaar DFPCL- Mother Dairy (parastatal) – Kishalaya Snack Reliance Fresh PepsiCo.
Saarrthie Products via
an NGO
SU sales to users, SCMI sales to corporate market intermediaries, SOR sales to organized retailers, SPC sales to processors under contract, SLT sales through local
traders
4.4 Sample Details on Traditional Marketing Channels 53
Table 4.2 Emerging market States Bihar West Bengal Uttar Pradesh
channel under study in sample
states with no reforms in Channel 1 SLT SLT (contract) SPC
APMC Acts Crop Mango Arum Potato
Name Traders Traders PepsiCo India
Channel 2 – SPC
Crop – Aonla
Name – Satkar Fruit Products
SU sales to users, SCMI sales to corporate market intermediaries,
SOR sales to organized retailers, SPC sales to processors under
contract, SLT sales through local traders
Maharashtra, the sample size is unavoidably small due to unavailability of

emerging channels in the presence of a very large traditional system of marketing
(Table A.33). Large farmers find no representation in Andhra Pradesh and West
Bengal’s emerging channels, and small farmers are nearly missing in Punjab
sample (see Table A.33).
4.4.1 Problems of Sample Designing
The limitations of the primary survey exercises include paucity of emerging

channels, inability to locate horticultural crops in all cases and difficulty of stratifi-
cation in view of the varying average farm sizes among the areas and because of
farm-size sensitivity of certain channels. Another serious problem arises from the
blurred distinction between the two types of channels by any specification. The
emerging channels thus do not necessarily circumvent the traditional chain of
unorganized traders in all cases, but in all the emerging channels that we could
study, the first link, generally the commission agent or the preharvest contracting
trader, is bypassed as a mark of commonality. In many cases, the presence of an
organized corporate entity serves to reduce the channel length considerably or even
replace all the individual traders. The functioning of the emerging channels is
studied carefully to bring out the implications for the channel length.
4.4.2 Tracing the Channel Length and Limitations
The channels generally span large spatial dimensions, covering rural and urban
areas and sometimes several states and even other countries. Thus, following a
chain is not an easy task. We have not attempted to follow every chain but rather in
a limited manner sample key intermediaries at each point in common chains of the
region leading to proximate urban market centres as terminal points, both to obtain
estimates of prices, costs and margins and to understand the views and perceptions
of agents about the market functioning.
In some cases where the product reaches a large processor, we have truncated the
channel and made no attempt to factor in the costs of processing which is beyond
the scope of this study or to estimate the consumer price which relates to a different
finished product. Instead we assume the price paid by the user in the traditional
channel as the notional terminal price in assessing efficiency. In other words, the
costs and the margins incurred by the processor are not taken into consideration
explicitly. The margin obtained this way would however admittedly include a
component of the implicit gain exploited by the processor buying at a rate lower
than what the consumer pays in the open market. In reality, the processor is likely to
be appropriating higher costs and margins than can be measured in this study. Thus,
the user price or the terminal price is not necessarily the consumer price. This price
in such cases is identified at a relatively upstream link in the chain.
Where the product is disposed through malls, to circumvent the intricacy of
comparing the interfaces in the mall and at the retail shops, the purchase price paid
by malls is taken as the terminal price, and no further exploration of costs and
margins within the mall is attempted. Arguably, the terminal price may imply an
underestimation in the case of the emerging channel. By these means, we try to
maintain interchannel product compatibility when assessing the final prices.
The channel length is gauged in terms of the presence of traditional individual
intermediaries. Thus, in direct marketing where the producer sells to consumers
without intermediation, the length is deemed to be the shortest with no organized
entity being accommodated in the chain. Other such channels are found to accom-
modate a number of traders (this includes direct sales to downstream traders). In
between the extremes, there are a two cases, one with only a single organized
intermediary and subsequently longer one where the organized intermediary
operates with the number of trader.
4.5 Methodology
The evaluation of market channels is made both by means of quantitative and

qualitative assessments. We have identified three attributes of focus, namely,
(a) channel performance judged by efficiency gain from the emerging channel,
price determination, transaction costs and economic gains made by producers and
users; (b) the ability of the emerging channels to draw participation from land poor
and resource poor less privileged farmers; and (c) development effects on agricul-
ture in terms of productivity gain or loss, returns from farming and implications for
sustainable farming practices. The actual analysis however is heavily sensitive to
the information that could be gleaned in the field surveys. The analysis is made by
evaluating the sample averages of participating households and comparing the same
with corresponding averages from traditional channel participants. Variations
around the average however are not taken into account.
4.5 Methodology 55
4.5.1 Channel Performance
Channel performance is generally quantified by indicators that take account of the

(i) extent of marketing costs including the intermediary margins relative to what is
actually received by the farmer or paid by the user and (ii) price magnification or the
inflation of product price from what the farmer gets to what the final user pays.
In the literature on markets, the measurement of market efficiency has been an
important exercise and needs some discussion. Because measurement has its
limitations, apart from the quantified assessments, qualitative considerations are
made with equal emphasis in the course of the discussions.
4.5.2 Inefficiency of Market and Measurement Issues
Essentially, in physical and social sciences, efficiency measures hinge on output-

to-input ratios. Defining the output and the input is however far from simple in
marketing function. Efficiency is therefore a profound concept in context of mar-
keting and the input being intangible and amorphous, it is difficult to capture
quantitatively.
The Shepherd formula discussed later on often provides a basic building block to
the measurement of marketing efficiency. With liberalization and the opening up of
markets from state controls, a search for a comprehensive measure for market
efficiency became more intense as quantification of market efficiency became a
practical prerequisite for the assessment of economic liberalization. Econometric
measures based on cointegration analysis of price data gained popularity over the
ratio-based measures, although at the high cost of treating complex markets in
operation in an unrealistically simplistic fashion.
While a comprehensive measure of marketing efficiency is analytically useful,
any measure of efficiency would also depend on the objectives (output) to be
fulfilled and from whose perspective the objective is viewed. Firstly, the theoretic
assumptions behind commonly used measures are till now largely unexamined.
Secondly, more interesting and relevant questions that merit probing remain unan-
swered in the enquiry on markets when such single measures are employed only. It
has even been claimed that ‘efficiency’ is impossible to evaluate with empirical
precision (Harris-White 1996). Thirdly, advances in measurement have not escaped
distortion imposed by ‘methodological corruption’ on account of shortcomings like
vagueness of definition, aggregation problems, scant attention to the presence of
by-products, lack of historical evidences and above all ‘ideological deployment’ of
methods to justify a ‘minimalist’ role of the state. Econometrics-based common
methods have ‘reduced’ evaluation exercises to using only prices for analysis
and ‘integration’ to proxy for efficiency and competition. Scant attention is paid to
the character of adjustment of sellers of output to effective demand. The nested nature of
agro-markets combined with the vertical integration in channels complicated and
compounded by the difficulties of measurement and undermines its meaningfulness
of these quantitative measures.
The relation between the production and the marketing cost is more widely
believed to provide an important clue to market efficiency although this is equally
likely to miss out pertinent and often finer points.3 In this approach, marketing
margins and ‘spreads’ between producer and consumer prices are commonly
associated with inefficiency. To avoid ‘erroneous generalizations’, it is also essen-
tial to examine the quality of marketing services (Jasdanwalla 1977) that may
account for the spread. Provision of services from the new marketing channels
being far different in quantity and quality from the traditional marketing channels
makes this measurement challenging and open for debate.
Conceptually, a simple ratio of market output to market input is proposed as a
measure of market efficiency where efficient marketing would be consistent with
the movement of goods from producers to the consumers at the lowest possible cost
(Kohls and Uhl 1980; Clark 1968). A simple measure under this conceptualization
would be the ratio of the value added to the total marketing cost. A more popular
method is the celebrated Shepherd formula which is ratio of the total value of goods
marketed to the marketing cost which obviates the problem of measuring the true
value added from marketing. Nevertheless, the inclusion of only marketing cost in
the denominator as input generates unsatisfactory results when the marketing
chains involved are long, resulting in intermediaries’ margins that do not always
flow towards necessary services (see Sect. 3.1). In effect, Shepherd’s formula
(Shepherd 1965) assumes that marketing cost includes fair margins of
intermediaries. A modified measure of marketing efficiency (MME) is suggested
by Acharya and Agrawal (2004), which takes into account both marketing costs and
margins per unit of product marketed and the farmer and consumer prices to
compare channels (Eq. 4.1):
FP
MME ¼ (4.1)
ðMC þ MMÞ
where FP is the price received by farmers, MC is the total marketing cost in the
channel per unit of output and MM is the net marketing margins per unit of output.
4.5.3 Quantified Indicator
What prevents us from using the MME directly in this study relates to our broad
objectives and theoretical understanding of the present issue.
For one, we hesitate from describing the ratio of the farmer price to marketing
costs (MC + MM) as inefficiency. The purpose of inculcating efficiency in the
3
For example, in the Indian case, it was suggested that finer aspects such as shifts to the ‘tender’
system of sale from the more time-consuming ‘open auction’ sale, sturctural surfacing of link
roads, promotion of the trucking industry for transportation and extension of grading and
warehousing facilities merit consideration as components of efficiency gain rather than a complete
overhauling of the system.
4.5 Methodology 57
system is to minimize or eliminate unnecessary costs. As we already discussed at

length in Sect. 4.1, part of these costs may actually be necessary and productive,
while part of this is avoidable, but the formula makes no difference nor is it easy to
formulate the difference especially if such cost is associated with superior services.
Given the ignorance surrounding this measure, no upper limit or lower limit can be
imposed on this measure as is, for example, possible by measurement methods such
as the data envelopment analysis (DEA) developed by Charnes, Cooper and Rhodes
(1978). In the extreme case, when the entire amount of marketing cost is avoidable
which is not so improbable in today’s market as in some forms of direct marketing,
the efficiency is not defined at all. Secondly, the presence of farmer price in the
numerator puts unwarranted emphasis on producer interests. For example, when we
propose that the user price is the sum of farmer price actually received (net of
marketing cost incurred by farmers) and all marketing cost and margins involved in
the chain, the same reduces to Eq. 4.2 as follows:
UP
MME ¼ 1 (4.2)
ðMC þ MMÞ
where UP is the user price. In this case, the efficiency can be enhanced by simply
increasing the farmer price and passing it on to the consumer price without
changing the margins or marketing costs. When such a price increase originates
from a rise in input prices, the effect on MME can hardly be treated as an efficiency
gain in marketing so that the burden on the consumer is grossly underemphasized.
When part of the denominator, i.e. the marketing costs and margins, can be
potentially reduced through better practices, such a passing on of farmer price to
the consumer is highly undesirable. The inherent presumption in the formulation
not only undervalues the consumer interest, in favour of the producer interest, more
importantly, it overlooks the longer-term impact of the price rise on demand and
consumer welfare through price elasticity.
The market efficiency indicator (Shepherd formula) developed and further
improved in literature despite its weakness can be used to measure market perfor-
mance in a comparative sense, but even this has been rendered difficult due to
complexities created by processing and other sources of non-comparability. Given
that prices differ across individual transactions between the producer and the buyer
and between the parties at various links in the marketing chains, the definitions of
the producer price and especially the terminal price have to be made with care even
while some degree of abstraction is unavoidable. In particular, the terminal price is
specified under severe limitations imposed by the differences between the supply
chains.
In our quantitative assessment of market performance, we have taken into
account three aspects, namely, the prices actually received by the producers or
the net adjusted farmer price (NAFP), the returns made by the producers from
farming of land (RTNLAND) and the costs and margins incurred in the process of
marketing relative to what the producer receives (RGMCF). The estimates assessed
are averages for sample farms in the channels and are explained below.
4.5.4 Net Adjusted Farmer Price
The net farmer price or the price actually received by the farmer for a unit of
product marketed differs from the recorded farmer’s price (FP) in the channel when
marketing is a costly process. We make adjustment for possible rejection and
wastage of products to obtain adjusted farmer price (AFP). The rejected product
may possibly find an outlet elsewhere outside the channel possibly at a lower price
and a part of it can remain unsold. The net adjusted farmer price (NAFP) is the AFP
less the marketing cost that is incurred by the producer:
NAFP net adjusted farmer price (Rs/’00Kg)
NAFP ¼ AFP FMCOST (4.3)
FMCOST farmer marketing cost (Rs/’00Kg)
ðPCH QSOLDCH Þ þ ðPELS QSOLDELSÞ

AFP ¼ (4.4)
QMARKCH
where
PCH price fetched in specified channel (Rs/’00Kg)
PELS price fetched elsewhere for rejected product (Rs/’00Kg)
QSOLCH quantity sold in specified channel (’00Kg)
QSOLDELS quantity sold elsewhere if rejected in specified channel (’00Kg)
QMARKCH quantity marketed in the specified channel (’00Kg)
and
QMARKCH ¼ QSOLDCH þ QSOLDELS þ QUSOLD þ QWASTE (4.5)
where
QUSOLD quantity marketed in specified channel but unsold (’00Kg)
QWASTE quantity marketed in specified channel but wasted due to rotting or any
reason (Rs’00Kg) but not due to rejection
PTERM price at terminal point (’00Kg)
The marketed quantity (QMARKCH) channel is the amount intended for selling
in the specified channel, but parts of it may have to be sold in other channels or
remain unsold both owing to rejection or were unavailable for selling because of
spoilage during the marketing process. Marketing scale of the farm is measured by
the amount marketed in the channel valued at recorded official prices, regardless of
4.5 Methodology 59
whether the amount could not be sold in the channel or if it had rotted. Price
magnification is the ratio of the user price to net farmer price:
MSCALE ¼ ðPCH QMARKCH Þ (4.6)

PTERM
PMAG ¼ (4.7)
NAFP
4.5.5 Gross Marketing Cost
Drawing from Shepherd’s conceptualization, we define a measure of relative gross

marketing cost (RGMC) which is the gross marketing costs (GMC) relative to
NAFP where GMC is the sum of marketing costs incurred by various agents
including the producer and the margins made by market functionaries involved in
trading (but not including farmer’s margin or profit from production). The GMC per
unit of marketed product is then standardized by the NAFP to obtain an estimate of
the RGMCF (Eq. 4.9). Intuitively, the RGMCF measures the marketing costs and
margins in value terms incurred in generating one rupee of price actually received
by the farmer marketing the product. In respect of the user, the same will be
expressed in regard to terminal price (RGMCU), where the amount paid by the
consumer or other users is treated as farmer’s benefit. It may be observed that we do
not treat GMC or RGMC per se as estimates of inefficiency because part of the
marketing costs and margins may be attributed to productive and necessary
functions:
X X
GMC ¼ FMCOST þ IMCOST þ IMM (4.8)
l l

GMC
RGMCF ¼ (4.9)
NAPFP

GMC
RGMCU ¼ (4.10)
PTERM
where FMCOST is the marketing cost incurred by the farmer, IMCOST and
IMM are the marketing cost incurred and the margin reaped by an intermediary at
a link (l).
The inefficiency of the market representing the unproductive (or avoidable)
elements of the marketing costs is assessed only by comparing the gross marketing
costs and margins incurred for every rupee reaching the producer in the emerging
shortened channel with a traditional channel prevailing in the region to get an
estimate of the savings effected. Thus, savings in marketing cost in the emerging
channel is measured by the reduction in the marketing cost per farmer rupee over
that in the parallel operating channel of the traditional type. This is expressed in
absolute value such as paisa of cost reduced per every rupee received by the farmer
(SMF) or in relative terms as a percentage with the traditional channel as base
(RSMF) in Eqs. 4.11 and 4.12. Similarly taking consumer’s rupee as the reference
the savings may be analogously measured as SMU and RSMU (Eqs. 4.13 and 4.14).
SMF ¼ RGMCFE -- RGMFT (4.11)

SMU ¼ RGMCUE -- RGMCUT (4.12)
SMF
RSMF ¼ 100 (4.13)
FGMFT
SMU
RSMU ¼ 100 (4.14)
RGMUT
where subscripts E and T are for the emerging and traditional channels, respectively.
4.5.6 Qualitative Insights
It is already highlighted on the basis of the literature on the subject that the
quantitative measurements suffer from serious limitations and can at best offer
imperfect indication of inefficiency. To factor in the complexity of the subject, we
also present qualitative assessments based on perceptions of stakeholders,
interactions with functionaries and on-site exploration to capture the latent transac-
tion cost involved in the channels and the complications of the systems. The
qualitative assessments merit consideration as much as quantitative estimates.
The transaction cost aspects are addressed by soliciting information and percep-
tion on certain attributes from the producers. Broadly, this query relates to the
following experiences:
1. Infrastructure and amenities accessible in the market that facilitate transaction
and provide convenience to sellers
2. Confidence placed on the buyer and any deviation of the received price from the
producer’s own expectation
3. Access to price information including the contribution of the channel itself in
enlightening the seller
4. Difficulty of recovering dues and practices of recording the transaction
5. Conflicts with the buyers
6. Dependence on the buyer for support other than marketing (such as timely credit,
input know-how)
Similar qualitative insights are also gathered from other market agents including
key intermediaries and consumers for an unbiased outlook.
Alongside, the channel is also evaluated by the dependency shown by producers
through their disposal patterns, their tendency to diversify among channels and the
scale of marketing of the product offered in the specified channel. The producer
price is adjudged not only by the official prices recorded but by the actual price
received by the producers with adjustments made for rejections and wastages.
4.5 Methodology 61
The incidence of product loss in marketing due to rotting and other forms of
wastages is also treated as a constraint possibly imposed by the channel.
How price is determined is an important aspect of the emerging channel and an
early message on future implications. We examine how far demand and supply
forces directly play a part in this process. We seek to understand the process by
which the price is determined or decided. Such processes may include open
auctions, mutual bilateral negotiation, advance agreement and adjustment to a
reference price. Price can also be dictated if the buyer is powerful enough and
producers have no options creating a monopsonistic situation.
We also ask what would be the sources of information based on which the farmer
and the buyer negotiate and how satisfied they are with the prices received and with
the merchant service. The assessments bring out the mutual interactions to shape
the knowledge set, the role of public intelligence and auctioning if any. Perceptions
of farmer and other agents about one another, market infrastructure, services,
conflicts and suggestions are solicited. The difficulties and constraints learned
from the exercise give an idea, though unquantified, of the transaction cost facing
the farmers.
4.5.7 Inclusiveness
This measure is intimately related to the definition of what is commonly called

class. Classes are classically defined in terms of forces and relations of distribution,
such distributions being related to assets, information, activities and access to state
facilities. Viewed differently, classes within the market are proposed in terms of
access to the means of distribution, transport, location, capital, credit and informa-
tion and the status in terms of surplus appropriation, all of which are key
expressions of power. As in the case of market efficiency, this subject is also highly
contestable.
In this study, inclusiveness of participation is assessed primarily by the repre-
sentation of small farmers in the sample. Small farmers, as is usual, in official
parlance are specified as farmers who cultivate up to 2 ha of land. The size classes in
this study are however specified in a different way, more in consistency with the
actually observed situation on the field than with official specification4 as follows:
1. Small – Cultivating up to 2 ha
2. Medium – Cultivating 2–4 ha
3. Large – Cultivating more than 4 ha
As discussed in Sect. 3.1, the farm size is only an incomplete indicator of the
class dimension of the producer especially in the current context when nonfarm
4
Official categorization of farm size classes is as follows: marginal (cultivating up to 1 ha), small
(cultivating 1–2 ha), medium (cultivating 2–10 ha) and large (cultivating over 10 ha).
incomes are important supplements. We therefore also view the class delineation in
a broader purview. Ownership of key assets, privileges and social class are also
treated as indicators of inclusiveness such as (i) backward caste or minority status,
(ii) physical mobility, (iii) ownership of farm asset and (iv) disadvantage of
communication. For simplicity, certain specified privileges are considered only.
(a) Social disadvantages: Backward castes include both scheduled caste (SC),
scheduled tribe (ST) and minority community which is specified to include
all communities other than those who constitute the numerically dominant
community in the region (Hindus by religion in most cases, also Sikhs in two
states Punjab and Haryana). The total share of all the above marginalized
sections is considered, but a regional dimension in their distribution may be
noted. In some areas, ST population is dominant, whereas in others there is
hardly any presence of the tribal population, and the communities like Muslims
and Christians are distributed in uneven ways in the country.
(b) Mobility disadvantages: Physical mobility a major priviledge for any economic
agent is measured by the ownership of a motor cycle as it offers a potent and
feasible means of physical communication on rural roads. However, it may be
noted that some of the deprived households can have four wheelers although the
nature and quality of latter vehicles (cars, trucks, simple trawlers and tractors
can be varied) is difficult to qualify from the data.
(c) Communication disadvantages: Communication in terms of information flow,
also important for transaction and production planning, is facilitated by the use
of mobile phones, and the lack of one is treated as a distinct disadvantage.
Possession of a mobile phone vastly improves linkage, giving access to poten-
tial buyers and to other market information. It also helps to overcome
constraints on rural physical connectivity to an extent.
(d) Farming disadvantages: Ownership of farm assets is important for productivity,
but these can be varied and may not be equally useful in all cases. We have
considered only one basic equipment found to be relevant in all the cases consid-
ered, important in all the cases survey which is the pump-set used for irrigation.
While the above are common attributes used as specification on
non-inclusiveness, other aspects of socio-economic profiles of the sample farm
households such as farm classes, housing, education, ownership of different eco-
nomic assets and agricultural attributes are also discussed.
4.5.8 Development and Farm Practices
The benefits of the new channels on agriculture are reflected not only by the higher
prices fetched by the producers and their earning potentials but also by the produc-
tivity performance and longer-term aspects bearing on sustainability of develop-
ment. Farm practices are assessed by comparing the two channels in terms of usage
of modern methods specifically the use of chemical and organic inputs on farms.
Modern channels such as contract farming are often associated with ecologically
4.5 Methodology 63
undermining practices such as excess use of chemicals and dwindling of organic

amendments. On the contrary, greater knowledge and access to resources may lead
to water-saving techniques and improved storage technology on farm. There is also
curiosity on whether these channels rely intensely on family labour or are moved
towards more professionalism through labour hiring.
4.5.9 Returns from Land
Returns made from farming of land are the crucial indicator for the poverty
eliminating potentials of reforms. Obtained as the revenue made from sales less
the out-of-pocket (paid) cost of production and the marketing cost incurred by the
producer. RTNLAND (Eq. 4.15) is expressed as
RTNLAND returns from land (Rs ’00000/ha)
RTNLAND ¼ ðNAFP FPCOST Þ FYLD (4.15)
where
FPCOS T farmer production cost (Rs/’00Kg)
FYLD farm yield of crop (’00Kg/ha)
4.5.10 Difficulties and Limitations
That markets for agricultural goods, viewed as institutions are complex, reforms are
only recent initiatives and the measures that the literature provides on measuring
market performances are inadequate and full of weaknesses are some of the
constraints of the analysis listed in this chapter. That all these along with our own
limitations on time, resources and managerial capacity for coordinating a large
study will reflect on the study cannot be denied.
Severe limitations also affect the study design and the sample as already
highlighted. Definitional problems are colossal especially when it comes to
specifying the market as traditional or emerging given the wide variation of market
structures across the regions and within any region, the porosity of the boundaries
and the subtlety with which it is changing in recent times. Most notably, the pace of
reforms has been different across regions due to state resolutions. The meaning of
reforms (or lack of them) can also be profoundly different in actual practice.
Sample sizes can hardly be uniform given the paucity of cases of emerging
markets in certain areas and the need for doing justice to a study in areas where
the market has evolved to an appreciable extent. The sizes are determined by
availability of data within the limits set by our methodology. Admittedly, sample
sizes fall short of what we desired in certain cases. Products studied also vary. The
emerging markets too vary in their structure, organization, objective, ownership
and operation. We can only defend these limitations by the practical and theoretical
diffculties encountered and also by the positive aspect of the rich variety of
information that they leave us with.
Finally, the study depends crucially on the availability of field information and
thereby on the diligence, rigour and innovations of the investigating centres that
form the building block of the study. While the basic minimum deliverable targets
linked with methodology and coverage were not only adhered to but supplemented
by additional information preceived relevant at the level, information both as
quantitative and qualitative data and the insights tend to inevitably differ among
the regional submissions. To do justice to the knowledge gained, this study
integrates much of the information gathered but cannot in the process provide a
homogeneously informed view in all cases. Thus, certain valuable information such
as on product disposal and the level of dependence on the channel can be presented
only in some cases and not in others because faced with the non-uniformity we
decided to present the additional information wherever available.
Chapter 5
India’s Agricultural Markets: Regulation
and Revitalization
Marketing of surplus grains was historically a traditional practice in India

despite the dominance of subsistence farming in small farms. Sensing how farmers
were disadvantaged in the unequal power relations that prevailed in rural markets, the
Royal Commission on Agriculture advised regulated marketing way back in 1928.
The Agricultural Produce (grading and marketing) Act passed in 1937 gave statutory
powers to state governments to manage agricultural markets. The situation was
however not greatly better when India became independent in 1947. State regulation
of marketing continued to guide policy since then, and later on, interventions became
even more important when the green revolution was launched.
Agriculture being a state subject, political compulsions of the states shape the
marketing policies even though the central government provides regular guidance.
After independence, most states passed legislations to build the infrastructure of
markets for trading agro-products and to create the regulatory environment, making
up what we will call in this study the traditional marketing system.
Marketing and agricultural policies however revolved around grains, considered
to be central to the attainment of national food security. At present, 24 commodities
are covered under minimum support price (MSP). Besides, commodities like onion
potato, ginger, chillies and some fruits are included under Market Intervention
Scheme (MIS) which is more flexible in terms of period of support, coverage of
area and level of support prices, but the market for horticultural crops remains
rather incomplete. This chapter will give a brief description of the transitions in
Indian food marketing and will examine the progress and status of reforms in this
aspect in the recent phase.
5.1 Rural Markets
India started out with a highly undeveloped agriculture. Formation of village markets
for food was severely inhibited by scattered population living in villages now num-
bering over 6 lakhs (MOHA-GOI 2011) often labouring under poverty stricken

66 5 India’s Agricultural Markets: Regulation and Revitalization
conditions. Markets operated in tiers (primary market or periodic ‘haat’, ‘mandi’, the
wholesale market serving a limited radius, larger wholesale markets in cities and retail
shops scattered all over villages, towns and cities). Large networks of traders also
known by names like ‘adtyas’, ‘arathdars’, commission agents, wholesalers,
preharvest contractors and retailers operated in long chains to connect the producers
with the consumers. The market was also known to be ‘inter-locked’ where the same
agents served as money-lenders, buyers of products and sometimes also landlords so
that transactions in different markets did not remain independent.
Deeply reliant on these multi-faceted private agents, the farmer was left with
little freedom in their choice of crops, inputs and the channels of disposal. Share-
cropping developed to allow risk mitigation but the farmer generally faced unwrit-
ten, unregulated and unfair contracts that often compromised his independence in
other markets. The typical farmers were poor, uneducated, uninformed and
indebted. They transacted in individual capacity with no collective say and little
legal support.
5.2 Early Transitions
Legislations such as the abolition of zamindari system, curbs and bans on unorga-
nized moneylending, ceilings, inheritance laws and tenurial reforms that the
Government of India introduced after independence were meant to free the farmers
from the stronghold of rural power centres. Product marketing too was a subject of
legislative reforms going through various trials and experiments ranging from
complete nationalization of grain trade in early 1970s to private trading under
regulation.
The early years of independence (mostly in the 1960s decade) saw frequent
reorganization of states that resulted in a multiplicity of mutually inconsistent
market-regulating rules drawn from legislations that had been enacted in the
different parent states prior to independence. Overtime, the new states gradually
consolidated the older laws by enacting new legislations and entered into one long
era of agricultural marketing that lasted till the end of 1990s if not later. The
Agricultural Produce Marketing (APMC) Act brought most of the wholesale and
primary markets under state regulation. The key purpose of the Act was to protect
the interests of the farmers against exploitation by more powerful traders and to
narrow the price spread between the producer and consumer.
Under the Act, transactions were mandated to take place in ‘mandis’ or regulated
markets (RM) that were democratically governed by elected boards and committees
made up of representatives of all stakeholders including the government. Prices are
determined fairly in open auctions. The committee provides for limited infrastruc-
ture and other facilities. Fees charged from the parties help to keep the markets
operational. Subcommittees were catered for dispute settlement. The number of
regulated markets stood at only 286 at the time of independence. The number was
over 7,000 in 2001 and 7,521 in 2005.
5.4 Institutions for Agricultural Marketing and Recent Tendencies 67
5.3 Consumer Protection
The Essential Commodities Act 1955 (ECA) was enacted to protect the interest of
the consumers by ensuring equity, controlling prices and supplies of essential goods
and preventing unscrupulous activities of ‘hoarders’ and ‘black-marketeers’
(MOFPI-GOI 2013). The Act specified a list of ‘essential’ commodities that
could be reviewed from time to time, imposed limits on the stocks that could be
held privately (obviously, the government was excluded), required traders to have
licences and permits and laid down restrictions on the movement of goods between
states or even among districts at various times.
The ECA was further strengthened by other Acts (like the Prevention of Black
Marketing and Maintenance of Supplies of Essential Commodities Act, 1980 and
the Consumer Protection Act of 1986), but the implementation of the Act was
delegated to the state and UT governments. When the paradigm driving the
economic policy of the country changed, it was felt that ECA has become an
undesirable hindrance on traders, also inhibiting investment flow in agriculture
(Virmani and Rajeev 2001). In an increasingly globalizing market, the fragmenta-
tion created by ECA within the country was inconsistent.
In 1993, the central government began to treat the entire country as a single food
zone, and the success of marketing reforms depended on the removal of the control
regime created by the ECA in the states. Several states revised the limits of
stocking, but rules and regulations varied from state to state. In February 2002,
the Food Ministry in India1 withdrew many of their regulatory measures on trading,
and the list of ‘essential commodities’ covered was greatly pruned in 2002. The
Foodstuff Order, 2002, 2003, allowed dealers to freely buy, stocks, sell and
distribute any quantity of foodgrains, and the definition of a ‘dealer’ was amplified
to include producers, manufacturers, importers and exporters.
5.4 Institutions for Agricultural Marketing and Recent

Tendencies
Phenomenal growth in Indian agriculture since independence transformed the

country from a deficit state to a self-sufficient and nearly exporting state.2 The
Five-Year Plans right from the First Plan laid stress on the development of physical
markets, on-farm and off-farm storage structures and facilities for standardization
and grading, packaging and transportation. Until the Third Plan, the policy empha-
sis however remained confined to cereals. Horticulture and other crops like oilseeds
1
Now called Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution.
2
India exported 5 million tonnes of wheat and 9 million tonnes of rice in 2012–2013 and has a
large food stock in public storage.
and pulses and more recently livestock products gradually gained importance in
policy thereafter.
The government intervened in the marketing through various means and
institutions, some of which were meant to support its price intervention objectives.
Agricultural Prices Commission (APC) later renamed Commission for Agricultural
Costs and Prices (CACP), set up in 1966; the Food Corporation of India (FCI) dealing
in cereals; Board like structures for other crops (like the Cotton Corporation of India
(CCI), Jute Corporation of India (JCI), Tea, Coffee, Coir, Rubber, Sugar, Spices and
Silk Boards); and the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation
(NAFED), a central nodal cooperative agency of the government undertaking both
price support operations of nonperishables (pulses, oilseeds) and market intervention
in perishable horticultural products (potato, onion, grapes, kinnow, oranges, eggs,
apples, chillies, black pepper, etc.), are the major public institutions that facilitate
marketing in agriculture. Other cooperative organizations including National Coop-
erative Development Corporation (NCDC) and Tribal Cooperative Marketing Devel-
opment Federation (TRIFED) may also be mentioned. The cooperative organizations
have the broader objective of promoting these products, marketing of the products
being one of the constituents. The National Consumers Cooperative Federation
(NCCF) both procured and distributed commodities needed by middle-class
consumers. Horticulture was promoted through the National Horticulture Board
and the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB), and further, the State Trading
Corporation (STC) and Agricultural and Processed Food Products Export Develop-
ment Authority (APEDA) promoted export of agricultural products especially horti-
cultural products. The state governments too have their own institutions for
supporting farmers. The National Horticulture Mission (NHM) is a major initiative
to promote and organize the horticulture sector in recent times.
5.4.1 Market Intervention Scheme
A Market Intervention Scheme (MIS) is in operation for fruits and vegetables in

some states with central budgetary allocation to offer remunerative prices while
ensuring qualitative grade standards. Some states had their own arrangements too.
The Himachal Pradesh Horticultural Produce Marketing and Processing Corporation
Ltd. popularly known as HPMC was established in the year 1974 with the objective
of marketing fresh fruits and processing surplus fruits. The Corporation has a vast
range of processed products with two modern fruit processing plants. As changes in
dietary preferences of the Indian population became apparent, horticulture gained
increasing significance. Fruits and vegetables being highly perishable and also
amenable to processing, investment in the sector was more important than in others,
and the horticulture market was opened up for private competition. An institution for
promoting suitable marketing channels to benefit both farmers and consumers was
perceived to be of serious policy significance.
5.5 APMC Acts, Auctions and Evaluation of the Regulated Markets 69
5.5 APMC Acts, Auctions and Evaluation

of the Regulated Markets
After independence, most of the state governments enacted legislations (APMC

Acts) to provide regulation of agricultural markets by building up, restoring and
institutionalizing a network of physical markets where transactions take place in a
fair and transparent manner. The State Agricultural Marketing Board (SMB) is the
apex regulatory body created to execute market development expeditiously.
The regulated markets (RM) and the market committees (MC) or in common
parlance the APMCs were established in each state in notified areas by the respective
state governments. Only the state governments were permitted to set up these markets
in keeping with the tenet of a welfare state. The regulation of markets had several
good intentions such as sales only through auction method, reliable weighing,
standardized market charges, timely payment of cash to farmers without undue
deduction, dispute settlement mechanism, reduction of physical losses of produce
and provision of several amenities in market yards.
5.5.1 Regulated Markets
As centralized places for wholesale selling of agricultural produce in defined

areas of operation (see Chap. 6), the regulated markets, supervised by autonomous
bodies (APMC), have the noble objective of ensuring fair prices to farmers. Mumbai
has the largest Indian regulated market. The markets incur expenses broadly on items
like maintenance and improvement of markets, buildings, standards of weights
and measures, salaries and pensions of personnel, interests of loans, collection
and dissemination of market information and also propaganda for agricultural
improvements. Licence and renewal fees collected from middlemen, market fees
on produce brought for sale, and settlement of disputes constitute the revenues of the
market. Updated information on inflow of various agricultural commodities, prices
and month-wise demand and supply situation are recorded regularly in the market
contributing to the statistical database of Indian agriculture.
The regulated market (RM) is defined by (a) a market committee designated to
be representative of stakeholders and to be elected democratically, (b) a specified
area of purview (as notified), (c) the defined methods of sales, (d) licensing and
monitoring of the functionaries by stipulated authorities and (e) the levies and fees
imposable for running the system. The producer (though not directly involved),
commission agents, brokers, adtyas, wholesalers and retailers are different
participants in the market along with paid personnel.
5.5.2 Pricing and Auctions
The first exchange of the agricultural produce that is marketed takes place in the
local rural regulated market. Protecting the producer’s interest is a primary consid-
eration at this level. To ensure fairness, price is expected to be determined strictly
by auction. In economic theory, an auction may refer to any mechanism or a set of
trading rules for exchange so that the price is determined by the forces of demand
and supply.3 Open auction is the mandated method in agriculture market regulation.
Secret tenders or sealed bids are another means of auctioning applied widely in
India in various other transactions, but this is generally not the practice in RMs. In
this method, unlike in open auctions, the bidders can only submit one bid each and
cannot see the bids of other participants and hence cannot adjust their own bids
accordingly. The development of the Internet has led to a significant rise in the use
of auctions as auctioneers can solicit bids via the Internet from a wide range of
buyers in a much wider range of commodities than was previously practicable.
Agricultural marketing too is profoundly affected by this development especially in
the forward market operations.
There are various ways in which auction can take place in a traditional market.
Sale by checking a sample of products is the most convenient and cost-effective
way, but the acceptability of this method is determined by honesty and trust. Hada
sale is another procedure but which is not legal. It is based on signals and gestures
rather than shouting to ensure confidentiality. Dara sale is a process where the
product is differentiated, but the price for each variety is fixed. The method is
applied only to a few crops like onion and potato. However, open auction which is
the hallmark of the regulated markets is the most transparent process in which the
commission agent takes the bid on behalf of the producer to locate the highest
bidder.
3
Auctions have not been very common a few centuries ago although their existence is recorded in
Roman history even in 500 BC. Works of art were sold by the method, and the oldest auction house
in the world is the Stockholm Auction House established in 1674. Sotheby’s and the Christie’s are
other long-standing examples. English auction, an open auction, is the most common practice in
which participants bid openly against one another, with each subsequent bid required to be higher
than the previous bid (alternatively, it can also be reverse). An auctioneer may announce prices to
which the bidders may call out their bids. Walrasian auction is another open auction. The
Walrasian tâtonnement is an auction in which the auctioneer takes bids from both buyers and
sellers in a market of multiple goods. The auctioneer progressively either raises or drops the
current proposed price depending on the bids of both buyers and sellers, the auction concluding
when supply and demand exactly balance. As a high price tends to dampen demand while a low
price tends to increase demand, in theory there is a particular price somewhere in the middle where
supply and demand will match.
5.5.3 Postharvest Losses in Horticulture
The regulated marketing system is often held responsible for the large amounts of
postharvest losses (PHL). Though India is the second largest fruit producer in the
world, availability in market is low due to PHL. For a vast agriculture where fruit-
bearing trees are found dispersed, estimates of PHL in India are scarce and
methodologies underdeveloped. Postharvest losses of major fruits at various stages
of marketing are estimated by unconfirmed sources and methods at 15–50 % (FAO
1981; Roy 1989) and at 1.2 % of agriculture GDP by a systematic study (Murthy
et al. 2009). Another study estimates the losses (CIPHET 2010) to be in the range of
6.3 (citrous) to 12.3 (apple).
The marketing practices for fruits and vegetables need to be different from those
used for grain. Marketing rules in India, as described earlier, necessitate complex
and time-consuming procedures with similar treatment slated for different classes
of products. In practice, a form of contract farming described as preharvest
contracting is common for fruits where the fruit trees are leased out in advance
for an anticipated price. This method is deemed to mitigate PHL. By this method,
the farmers seek to reduce their share of the risk and difficulty associated with
marketing of these perishable products. Alternatively, farmers also resort to selling
products directly in the local market or on roadside mobile stalls, thus bypassing the
regulated marketing channel altogether.
5.5.4 Limitations and Evaluations of Regulated Markets
Despite the strengths and laudable intentions, the RMs suffered from several
limitations. Being under government control, moral hazard and rent-seeking
behaviour are inevitable threats. It is reported that a number of regulated markets
could not function efficiently owing to collusion among traders and market officials
when bidding takes place ensuring that prices are lower than they should ideally
be. Moreover, traders and commission agents are known to form organized
associations while farmers hardly act in collectives leading to unequal power
distribution. The MCs for all practical purposes were dominated by trader’s inter-
est, and any breach of rules by any trader was seldom met by prompt MC action.
Licensing of the traders and agents is meant to ensure compliance, but in reality it
creates entry barriers for new aspirants. As a result, monopsonistic practices
developed, defeating the purpose of the markets.
There are wide variations across the states in the compositions, constitutions and
functioning of the SMBs, and in some states, these Boards had merely an advisory
role. Worse, the responsibilities of the SMBs and the state directorate of marketing
are not always clear. The states also varied widely in the number of RMs and the
densities of the markets. Six large states accounted for over 50 % of the total
number of RMs, and the area served by an average RM ranged from 115 sq km in
Punjab to 11,215 sq km in Meghalaya (Acharya and Agrawal 2004). Where the

average area served by a market is high, farmers have to travel a long distance with
their produce.
Poor infrastructure is a common refrain. Internal roads in the RMs were mostly in
poor condition. Auctions, mostly conducted in open platforms, increased product
damage. Cold storage and grading facilities existed only in a few RMs. Market yards
being congested, farmers were subjected to long waits in inconvenient conditions.
Worse, despite the limitations, the farmer was legally compelled to bring the produce
to the RM since APMC Acts do not allow the traders to buy from farmers outside the
specified market yard or sub-yard. Farmers also were prevented from selling directly
in bulk. With traders invariably occupying a space between the producer and the
consumer, the cost of marketing increases while processors, exporters and retailers
were denied the right to access actual producers, to procure the products at convenient
locations and ensure good quality products in keeping with demand.
Though most wholesale markets and some of the rural primary markets are
brought under regulation, many of them are even today out of APMC Act purview.
Some existing RMs are actually non-functional except for collecting fees at
check posts while no transaction takes place in the premises. Many RMs have no
elected market committee, nor a market yard. Sales often take place without any
supervision while the staff remains overly occupied with the collection of market
fees and construction work. The market fee collected by the APMC was barely used
for development of modern facilities. Although expected to be democratic, in
several states, elections of APMCs are not held regularly. Rather than being
managed by farmer-dominated bodies as they were meant to be, market operations
came to be administered by unconnected bureaucrats.
Evaluative studies on marketing have repeatedly revealed the economic domi-
nance of the trader, poor infrastructure and facilities and a mere trickling down of
economic benefits to the producers. Price spread and the share of the producer in the
consumer rupee varied widely among regulated markets, but the share was found to
decline as the channel lengthened. In an extreme instance, a 1972 study on oranges
sold in a Calcutta market (Mahalanobis 1972) found that only 2 % of the consumer
price reached the producer. On the contrary, in a direct producer to consumer
channel, the same share has been as high as 95 % in Madurai (Elenchezhian and
Kombairaju 2003) and 80 % in Kashmir (Wani and Mathur 1999). Arathdars and
commission agents are found to be influential in deciding producer prices, as in
West Bengal for potato (Saha and Mukhopadhyay 1997), in Karnataka for horticul-
tural products (Suresh and Devaraja 1999). Price volatility, some of which is
avoidable, also affects farmers’ incentive. A study on marketing of the low water-
requiring fruit pomegranate in Solapur district of Maharashtra showed large
fluctuations in both arrivals and prices. The two were also found to be negatively
correlated (Pawar and Misal 2005).
The price spread is largely attributable to trader margins (Mahalanobis 1972),
high cost of transport and packaging as in Gujarat (Khunt et al. 2003), tran-
sportation and handling charges as in West Bengal (Mahalanobis 1972) and
Uttaranchal (Kumar and Arora 2003) and postharvest losses (Murthy et al. 2009).
In Uttar Pradesh (Kumar and Arora 1999), inadequacy of cold storage facilities, the
highly perishable nature of products and low demand for vegetables prevailing
when the supply is disposed of are major problems.
A study on tomato grown in Kolar district in Karnataka with open and bore well
irrigation (Lokesh et al. 2005) shows that increasing productivity in the face of
stagnant acreage necessitates assured raw material supply, irrigation and other
equipment to maintain standards especially if processing units are to be set up in
the region. Marginal farmers growing onion used mostly kuchha floor storage and
could not afford higher quality bamboo mats which were costliest among alterna-
tive methods available in Jaunpur district of Uttar Pradesh (Kumar and Arora 1999).
For marginal farmers, the highest losses were also incurred in storage on kuchha
floor (19.7 %). Uneconomic marketable surpluses, poor holding capacity and
urgency for cash force small-scale producers to select the option of depending on
traditional traders (Sundaravaradaranjan and Johan Mohan 2002). Hassle-free easy
borrowing is often seen as an advantage of dealing with traders who also lend
money.
An active and parallel presence of cooperative organizations and other institutional
mechanisms sometimes proved useful to sellers in traditional markets. GROFED’s
purchases from member farmers in Deera market yard in Gujarat (Shah 1977) to
reduce their dependence on traders, the participation of Co-operative Bank and
BENFED in potato trading in West Bengal to counteract price influence coming
from professional speculators (Saha and Mukhopadhyay 1997) and multipurpose
cooperative societies’ (LMPs)4 services to producers in tribal belts in Odisha
are only a few of many such instances documented in the evaluation-based literature.
In Tamil Nadu, cooperatives helped to weaken monopolies, reduce malpractices
of middlemen and improve market efficiency (Gopalan and Gopalan 1991).
In Maharashtra, 57 % of banana marketed was reported to be through local groups
and 17 % through cooperatives, but as much as 26 % of the share still pass through
traders (Mali et al. 2001).
In a literature review on horticultural crops in Himachal Pradesh, estimates of
producer share of the consumer rupee paid for off-season vegetables varied, estimated
at 56–63 % (Raghubanshi and Kansal 1978), less than 50 % (Thakur et al. 1994), 53 %
and 20–33 % (Lal and Sharma 2004) between different studies, the differences being
attributable to locations and the organization of markets. The producer share for
tomato in Punjab and apple in Himachal showed varying trajectories over the years
(Chahal et al. 1997; Singh et al. 2004), but most studies implied that benefits are reaped
mostly by affluent producers.
Several different channels can provide a route for products to move from farm to
plate directly or through a multitude of intermediaries which also include public
institutions. Although agricultural marketing in India is handled by both private and
4
LMPs were formed by the recommendation of Bawa committee in 1976. They were successful
due to high education level of members while other cooperative societies in Odisha failed, due to
government indifference and lack of professional training of staff.
Box 5.1 Need for Reforms for Apple Market

The world is not unaware of India’s potential as a major apple market, with
consumption growing on the back of population growth and affluence. This is
readily borne out by India’s imports. There is an estimated 4.7 million tonnes
gap in production, and with production having been nearly constant in many
years, the country makes huge imports mainly from the USA (Washington
state), and the question that arises is: how can this growing market be
converted into an opportunity for the Indian producers (Mittal.2011)? The
imports have however been a great learning experience that (i) the Indian
customer is ready to pay for good and consistent quality, (ii) that packaging is
extremely important for transportation with minimal wastage, (iii) that apple
can be priced as any branded commodity unlike the daily traded commodities
of the mandi and, finally, (iv) the customer will buy good quality apples
throughout the year and for that modern controlled atmosphere storage is
necessary.
government agencies, major part of the agriculture produce is handled by private

traders. According to estimates, two million wholesalers, five million private
retailers, and over four million fair price shops mostly in the private sector
dominated the market (Acharya 1997), and even in the case of cereals where the
government intervention is intense, the share of private trade exceeds 70 % with
100 million tonnes of foodgrains involved in 2001.
A large volume of trade takes place completely in the private domain with or
without government supervision, sometimes even outside the regulated markets
notwithstanding all the legislation. Because private marketing system is state
regulated, a protocol developed for regulated markets and for market intelligence
only in the official domain (Tyagi et al. 2005) but due to the weaknesses of
the regulated system, a considerable amount of transactions take place outside its
orbit and also remain undocumented (Box 5.1).
5.6 The Case for Reforms
The volume of trade in horticultural crops has expanded manifold over time, with
the demand for processing reaching new heights. With the launch of the reforms in
the overall economy, the role of the government has formally diminished. A second
green revolution being discussed today incorporates diversification, processing,
food security as well as agro-climatic and regional dimensions of agriculture.
Provision of infrastructure is recognized to be important for an efficient market
to function. Road connectivity is given high weightage in the country’s develop-
ment manifested in various public programmes. It is appreciated that for efficient
5.6 The Case for Reforms 75
price discovery, modern methods of communication like Internet and mobile

phones are very important. It is recognized that electricity supply in rural areas
has to be strengthened as irrigation and even cold storages cannot work without
regular power supply. Diversification, processing and price monitoring along with
good infrastructure now receive more space in agricultural policy than before. A
reliable statistical system is essential for achieving all these ends and for monitoring
the progress. Cropping pattern and technology need to take account of regional
strengths and weaknesses.
Processors in India were largely confined to unorganized and tiny firms includ-
ing hullers and shellers, rice mills, flour mills and oilseed processing plants
(ghanis). In particular, the need for investment for processing of fruits and
vegetables has been felt since 1991. While the overwhelming emphasis (verging
on obsession) on the part of government policy and academics remained confined to
foodgrains, farmers do produce a large variety of crops. Marketing channels other
than those specifically suited for foodgrains were becoming urgent needs. As food
habits and consumer tastes are changing radically and culturally (Baviskar 2012) in
the country, leading to shifts in demand pattern, it is necessary that production too
responds to the revised signals and farmers gain from emerging market
opportunities. The need for an established market for perishable products like fruits
and vegetables could no longer be ignored.
Removal of structural supply barriers can improve elasticity of supply to
incentives. In the case of fruits and vegetables, it has been realized that the market
could be improved considerably by allowing the development of possible channels
that enable quick and smooth transit from the producer to the consumer. The
rigidities of the traditional system are highly inappropriate for the growth of the
horticultural sector defying its market prospects. The presence of too many
intermediaries with resource power too poor to develop infrastructure and technol-
ogy widen the price spread between the producer and consumer. Considerable
wastage of these perishable products is reported due to the longer distances
travelled and lack of refrigeration and appropriate storage facilities.
Moreover, there is little motivation, technical knowhow and resources available
with the farmers to grow products of quality that is comparable to world standards.
Further, very little of these products are processed although it is known that much of
India’s agro-produce is amenable to further value addition. Estimates suggest that
only 4 % of the fruits produced in India are processed.5 The solution was to allow
the optimum market channels to evolve for the benefit of the farmer and the
consumer. The inter-ministerial group (IMG) and industry associations (Chambers
of Commerce) also argued that the measure will help to tame food inflation in a
significant manner (Gulati and Ganguli 2011) by tying the producer and consumer
in closer links.
5
According to another estimate, 2.25 % of fruits, in India are processed (GOI 2007). However,
such estimates are not based on any rigorous methodology.
The following are the major compulsions felt to justify reforms by amending the
APMC Act:
1. Uneven development of regulated markets in the country, their faulty supervi-
sion leading to vested interests and the unwieldy administration cost of devel-
oping the market by this path
2. Lack of adequate infrastructure leading to harassment, hardship and product
wastage
3. Entry barriers created by licensing in the markets and lack of competitive
environment
4. Large number of intermediaries and outdated technologies
5. Poor quality and variety of products incompatible with the demands of the urban
consumers and export markets
5.7 Reforms Through Legislation in India
In the course of time following the structural changes of the early 1990s and India’s
entry into the World Trade Organization, the Government of India felt it was
necessary to undertake market reforms formally through legislation. An Expert
Committee on ‘Strengthening and Developing Agricultural Marketing’ under the
chairmanship of Shri Shankarlal Guru was appointed by the government in Decem-
ber 2000. The committee6 reviewed the entire system of marketing of agricultural
commodities and submitted its recommendations to the government in June 2001.
The requirement of a vibrant and dynamic marketing structure and a system to meet
the challenges emerging out of globalization in the post WTO period was echoed in
the report.
An Inter-Ministerial Committee7 was set up to examine the report and the
legislative changes required for the implementation of this report. The inter-
ministerial task force interacting with stakeholders recommended the formulation
of a Model APMC Act which would improve the efficiency of the marketing system
and encourage private sector investment in agricultural marketing. The Model
APMC Act was finalized in 2003 and circulated to states by the Government of
India. All state governments were required to amend the state Agricultural Produc-
tion Marketing Regulation Act and make changes which should be in tune with the
Model Act.
The Model Act was meant to reform the market by allowing more competition
and encouraging innovative marketing methods to evolve. The strategy also
included central assistance for developing infrastructure, a system of warehouse
receipts that supported grain storage with improved liquidity for farmers and the
amendment of the Forward Market Act 1952 to allow futures trading in cereals.
6
Guru Committee.
7
Chairman: Shri R.C.A. Jain, Additional Secretary, Ministry of Agriculture.
5.8 Hesitations and the Status of Market Reforms 77
After the model plan of legislation was circulated, most states embarked on
amending (APMC) regulations to reform their markets. There was a parallel
pressure to relax the ECA (see Sect. 5.4) which imposes restrictions of movements
and storage of commodities. The MIS was to be made more flexible.
5.8 Hesitations and the Status of Market Reforms
The reforms in agricultural marketing raise many political questions. The extents of
benefit they are expected to deliver are gravely doubted. That the impact can be
adverse on producers and innumerable vendors and intermediaries in rural and
urban India is a concern of critics who sensed a bias towards a small class of affluent
urban consumers inherent in the policy. They argue that beneficiaries would be only
the so-called growing middle class constituting the target group who will be able to
access the ‘high-valued’ processed products at relatively cheaper prices.
The non-processed, fresh and traditional products that the common consumer in
India is accustomed to (Shah 1977) and that are known for their nutrient value will
be marginalized. A vast majority of the people even in urban areas is poor and will
be hurt by high food prices because of the developments. Other cautioned that there
are umpteen number of examples even in India where diversification in the name of
better earnings for the poor farmers has led to irreversible damage to the environ-
ment (such as the intensive shrimp cultivation). Based on carefully scrutinized
evidence from a number of developing economies, including India, ‘the inflation
containment logic for FDI in food retail and entry of modern supermarket
chains does not stand up to the scrutiny given empirical evidence across the
globe’ (Singh 2012).
After the initial ‘go slow’ policy adopted by the Government of India, the debate
over food retail chains resurfaced in the light of the utterances on legislation coming
from the high-powered policy groups in 2012. The proposal for raising the limit for
foreign direct investment (FDI) in multi-brand retail8 is supported by arguments
that it will help to bring more investment in ‘back-end’ infrastructure in retailing,
but there are apprehensions that the foreign companies would not be interested in
these investments and in any case what they achieve would depend on how states go
about amending the APMC Act. That part of the sourcing of materials could very
well end up being in countries outside India is another suspicion.
In reality, the state of marketing reforms appears to be highly checkered in
character and progress. Not all marketing channels are equally acceptable to all the
state governments. Agriculture being a state subject in India and both agronomic
8
In 2012, FDI in retail was a major issue of political confrontation among the opposing parties in
the central government and faced strong resistances from opposing state governments. In Novem-
ber, the issue was put to vote in the Parliament, and despite the contentions, the central government
found majority support in favour of FDI in retail. It is now up to the state governments to accept the
motion through legislation.
and socio-economic realities being varied across the country, it is the political sense
of the state that determines the pace of reforms. The ruling elected governments
have to take the grave political decision of amending the APMC Act. The states
while operationalizing reforms by framing and notifying the APMC rules are
cautioned by possible implications of the changes for the poorer farmers, the
possibility of creating powerful external forces in rural markets and simply by
apprehensions about unemployment among those serving as traders. Contract
farming has in particular been viewed with special mistrust in many states and
perhaps also as a reminder of older times when the rich and the powerful rural
agents exploited the poor illiterate farmers through unfair contracts that tied them
into obligations, although in the current models, such contracts need to be formal,
regulated, transparent and judicially redressable. The fear of the unknown is
disturbing. Yet there are other states that find the same model particularly
appealing.
States like Madhya Pradesh, Haryana, Punjab and Mizoram have only partially
framed the rules, and some states have imposed restrictions which are not provided
in Model APMC Rules such as prescribing minimum investment requirement or
minimum distance from the nearest APMC criteria for private markets. Some states
have not amended the Act at all. For example, West Bengal, so far ruled by the Left
Front, had considered some provisions ‘anti-poor and anti-farmer’ and viewed
contract farming unfavourably. The state did show some interest in amending the
Act, introduced administrative action to initiate reforms but is yet to amend the
APMC Act. Even with electoral changes, little has changed. The new Trinamool
government is also bitterly opposing some of the suggested reforms. Recently, there
are preliminary signs of acceptance towards direct marketing as a channel. Retail
outlets are also being opened by private companies in cities.
Bihar, repealing the old Act in 2006 in a step towards reforms, represented
another extreme case because no new law became enacted till date. Mandis
however still operate where private operators have limited transactions with
farmers encumbered by poor infrastructure. Although Bihar is known for some
important horticultural products like litchi and mangoes, the state, burdened by land
fragmentation, poor agricultural development and backward technology, is battling
with an ill-defined marketing system.
Only partial reforms to the Act have been implemented in the two leading
agricultural states Punjab and Haryana. Direct purchase of perishable crops like
fruits and vegetables by retail chains and other companies is allowed, but reforms in
foodgrain marketing remain a contentious political issue, resisted by a strong lobby
of commission agents and artyas, whose livelihoods are at threat. For the ‘farmer-
friendly’ state Punjab, allowing farmers access to higher prices in private markets is
suggested to be a way to higher farm incomes rather than subsidized inputs and free
power supply. Punjab made some progress in 2008 when it reviewed the Act, but
the political pressures were created by the possible elimination of middlemen.
Punjab has however allowed private players direct access to farmers by amending
the Act, but since these players are required to apply to the Mandi Board for setting
up direct purchase points, markets have remained confined to the domain of the
Punjab Mandi Board.
Haryana’s progress is even less impressive although some degree of advancement
towards contract farming, direct selling and commodity markets is already achieved.
Being the major foodgrain producers in the country, the vacillations of Punjab and
Haryana have been a cause of concern for aspiring private entrants.9 The amend-
ments are said to be subtly linked to compensatory central grants, but it is also
admitted that ecological concern is a motive force for diversification from cereals in
the two states where contract farming is promoted for the purpose.
Andhra Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra and Jharkhand have success-
fully amended the Act and allowed contract farming, direct marketing and private
and cooperative sector entry into marketing. Assam has amended the Act, but even
with the regulated market system, agricultural marketing in the state was earlier
more unorganized than most other states, and the new Act could hold a new promise
especially for horticultural crops like orange. Karnataka is one of the leading states
to have amended the Act. In Tamil Nadu, the existing Act already provides for the
reforms. Thus, both Bihar and Tamil Nadu did not table the Bill purportedly
because no such Bill was required.
5.8.1 Reforms in Traditional Marketing
As things stand, the regular state-run channels, far from being eliminated or
phased out, were also proposed to be changed in tune with the rising contingencies
and the pressure of competition. There is an attempt to make the MIS for
marketing fruits and vegetables more flexible. E-trading based on the revolution
in information technology, electronic computers and Internet has become useful
for trading in financial instruments and also various other commodities. While the
method is yet not as effective in the case of food items, progress on this front is
already visible.
In food marketing, states like Delhi, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh and Tamil Nadu have accepted e-trading in agricultural produce.
Azadpur market in Delhi and the apple markets of Himachal Pradesh are placed
electronically ‘online’. Private initiatives like those of ITC (ITC e-Choupal) and
derivative exchanges like MCX and NCDEX have made significant contribution to
this progress. Besides, the electronic media has made information crucial for an
efficient marketing system more easily accessible.
Government’s AGMARKNET is a market intelligence disseminating initiative
that holds the promise of transforming the regular marketing system into one that
keeps up with time, delivers a fair market mechanism to the farmers and that is
capable of competing with profit oriented private channels (Box 5.2) (Table 5.1).
9
The Bharti Walmart tie-up was seen to be one firm apparently affected seriously by the delay.
Box 5.2 Competition Between Corporate Sector Marketing Giants and

the Mandis
(Based on article Battlefield Harda, Forbes India, June 19, 2009)
Ram Bharos Bishnoi is a farmer in Harda. He started bringing his produce
to the government mandi 33 years ago, but inefficiencies like faulty weighing
measures and lack of storage for grains there encouraged him to shift to ITC
Choupal Saagar 6 years ago.
Harda is a small town in Madhya Pradesh that has seen a small battle brew
between tobacco giant ITC and the government. Earlier, farmers could only
sell at the government mandis, and it could take up to 2 days to just get in the
premises and hours to weigh the produce. The Madhya Pradesh government
changed regulations and allowed ITC to procure farm produce in 2004. This
cut out middlemen and gave better service and prices to farmers. Little
wonder that big farmers like Bishnoi migrated to ITC. ITC cut into the
government’s share of the grain procurement mechanism from farmers with
Choupal Saagar, its rural procurement hub and supermarket 6 years ago.
But the government is now hitting back as it embarks on a modernization
process to woo back farmers it lost to the company. The mandi in Harda
became an adarsh mandi, a standard for other mandis to emulate, a first step
to transform more than 237 mandis in the mould of the Choupal Saagars.
There are electronic weighing scales that cut down the time taken to measure
grain. Newly constructed sheds protect grain-filled trolleys from the weather
and pests. The modern technology centre records all transactions, and smart
cards ensure that payments are smooth. Now, Bishnoi is back at the govern-
ment mandi, with 26 quintals of soybean. This mandi modernization move
has to an extent stemmed the exodus of wealthy farmers to the Choupal
Saagars. The share of grain being sold from the area to ITC and other private
players, including Cargill Inc. and Ruchi Soya Industries, dropped from
7.51 % in 2007 to 5.5 % for the year ended March 2008 as per mandi records.
5.8.2 Agricultural Marketing Information

and the AGMARKNET
Opening of trade, both domestic and international, requires that agricultural devel-
opment has to be market driven and responsive to the changed world trade environ-
ment. In this context, establishing a sound agricultural marketing information
system in the country has been felt strongly. Market information is needed by
farmers in planning production and by other marketing participants like traders,
processors and exporters too for preparing business plans and logistics. It is
essential that these agriculture marketing policies should also be based on reliable
Table 5.1 Status of reforms in states of India

Status Reforms States
Reforms enacted Contract farming, direct Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh,
marketing, private sector Assam, Chhattisgarh, Goa,
entry, cooperative sector Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh,
entry Jharkhand, Karnataka, Madhya
Pradesh, Maharashtra, Nagaland,
Orissa, Rajasthan, Sikkim,
Tripura
Partial reforms Direct marketing NCT (Delhi)
Partial reforms Contract farming Haryana, Punjab, Chandigarh
Partial reforms Private markets Punjab, Chandigarh
No APMC Act existing Bihara, Kerala, Manipur
Existing APMC Act Tamil Nadu
already provides
for reforms
Not enacted but admin- Mizoram, Meghalaya, Haryana,
istrative actions for Jammu and Kashmir,
reforms initiated Uttarakhand, West Bengal, Uttar
Pradesh, NCT (Delhi)
Source: Author’s compilation
a
Act repealed in 2006
and comprehensive database. This is a crucial way in which the state can provide
support to a market that is opening up.
Almost all states and union territories have their own system of providing
marketing information to the user, based on conventional methods but
communications usually get delayed and lose their relevance. Information and
Communications Technology (ICT) can help in reducing the gap between generation
and dissemination of the information. The Directorate of Marketing and Inspection
(DMI), Ministry of Agriculture, has formulated a central sector scheme – Agricultural
Research and Marketing Information Network – for linking all (approximately 7,000)
regulated markets spread all over the country and other relevant agencies by
providing computing and Internet facility through government facility NICNET.
The project AGMARKNET is entrusted to National Informatics Centre, Department
of Information Technology, Government of India, for implementation on turnkey
basis (AGMARKNET, http://agmarknet.nic.in/).
The AGMARKNET aims to establish a nationwide market information network
for speedy collection and dissemination of data to enable its efficient and timely
utilization. It covers all information from regulated markets. Online market informa-
tion service will connect distant market and promote efficient marketing by develop-
ing a portal to facilitate dissemination of commodity-wise daily prices and product
arrival information received from various markets. Earlier daily prices were compiled
manually and written on blackboard for farmers view. There was hardly any way to
store the data or to enlarge its outreach. It was difficult to generate trend reports using
past data, to trace the directions taken by agriculture and assess its performance.
Development and application of software today helps to create database at local

market level. Computers are introduced to most markets along with dedicated and
skilled staff for computer operations, regular monitoring of reported data for accuracy
and application of user-friendly software with necessary local language interface.
5.9 Conclusion
Marketing policy in India was initiated in colonial times following the

recommendations of the Royal Commission on Agriculture. The APMC Acts
legislated by the state governments in the Indian federation created the regulated
markets that aimed to ensure fair price to the farmers through supervised auctions.
Of late, many evaluative studies drew attention to the inadequacies of the system in
general and in particular its inappropriateness for fruits and vegetables. These crops
require a marketing system different from that of grains. However, marketing fruits
and vegetables call for greater resources and efficiency to deliver remunerative
prices to the producer and minimize losses due to spoilage. In the current economic
order, there is a need for flexibility in marketing, improvement of infrastructure and
integration of market across the country. Path-breaking measures are initiated in
agricultural marketing to reform the system, but the progress is highly sensitive to
political complexities.
Chapter 6
Contemporary Reforms and the Transitions
in Sample States
Sample states can be distinguished by their states of reforms. The first set of states
in Table 6.1 has amended APMC Acts in place. Their policy environment allows us
to have a broader and more varied glimpse of the marketing regimes that can
operate in agricultural products. What is common among the other states is that
they have not yet fully amended the Act, but interestingly, this commonality does
not make them completely comparable. Some of them have partially amended the
Act or changed the marketing environment merely through ‘notification’ taking
advantage of the flexibility inherent in the existing APMC Act. Even among the
states that have not reformed through the APMC route, the situation is not static and
there are signs of progress.
Bihar at present has no APMC Act in place. The market is described as ‘open’
and is essentially unregulated. In West Bengal on the contrary, the erstwhile Act
operates and marketing is conducted strictly under the traditional set of rules and
restrictions prevalent in the state. Similarly, Uttar Pradesh too is guided by the old
Act, but unlike West Bengal, the state, after a brief overture with legislation, had
reverted back, but in practice new and quite remarkable channels are emerging in
the state. Haryana and Madhya Pradesh have only partially reformed marketing, but
the changes that these reforms yielded are substantial. The transitions in the sample
states with reforms in agricultural marketing are discussed in the following
sections. Further details on the socio-economic conditions of the regions studied,
the crops in focus and the market institutions dealt with can be found in Appendix 2.
6.1 Transitions in Andhra Pradesh
6.1.1 Regulated Marketing
Though regulations moved in tandem with the countrywide policy since the
early nineteenth century, the small farmers continued to depend on traders

84 6 Contemporary Reforms and the Transitions in Sample States
Table 6.1 Status of APMC amendment in sample states

Status States
Amended Andhra Pradesh Maharashtra Himachal Pradesh Jharkhand Assam
Amended Amended Amended Amended Amended
Not amended Bihar Uttar Pradesh West Bengal
Act repealed Act amended but negated soon Initiated but no firm
decision taken
Partially amended Madhya Pradesh Haryana Punjab
Partial Partial with notification Partial with notification
and commission agents for getting credit and for selling their products in an
exploitative and interlocked market. After independence, Andhra Pradesh govern-
ment enacted the legislation named Andhra Pradesh (Agricultural Produce and
Livestock) Market Act, 1966, that brought together the laws that were in force
from time to time in erstwhile Andhra and Telangana areas. The Act empowered
regulated markets for commodities to be administered by elected marketing
committees consisting of representatives of legal bodies, traders, commission
agents and the farmers with the intention of eliminating exploitative practices.
A marketing committee (MC) was established in every notified area. Due
representation was given to farmers, especially the small farmers, operating with
crops and livestock. The so-called backward caste farmers, women farmers and
licensed traders and members nominated by the government were included in the
MC. According to Sect. 7 of the Act, ‘no person in the area could set up any place
for sale, storage, weighment, curing, processing etc.’ of any ‘notified’ agricultural
produce, making the regulated market (RM) a compulsory place for disposing
agricultural products. The fees raised by the MC would make up a fund that was
supposed to be allocated for the construction and development of market yards,
creation of facilities for buyers and sellers and other ancillary activities. The MC
also would organize training classes for the farmers. Both secret tender and open
auctions were methods of price determination.
6.1.2 Problems of the Regular System
The nomination of MC members by the government on political considerations

rather than growers’ interest was a major disquiet reported by respondents of our
surveys. Moreover, it is strongly felt that the members collude with the traders. The
lack of access to institutional credit further intensifies the dependence of a larger
majority of small farmers on commission agents who are also lenders.
6.1 Transitions in Andhra Pradesh 85
6.1.3 Amendment
The central government in 2003 advised that the state government amends the
existing APMC Act 1966. A Model Act was circulated that allows for variations in
marketing channels. However, marketing (agricultural) has been displaying inno-
vative features in the state even before agricultural liberalization started to take
shape in India.
Cooperative marketing societies not only for credit but also for marketing were
established before 1984. The NAFED, established in 1993, was active in the state of
Andhra Pradesh promoting marketing of oilseeds and coarse cereals. A cooperative
structure comprising of 6,000 primary marketing societies of which 3,500 are
special commodity marketing societies existed at the state level. In 1998 the
Government of India permitted resumption of futures trading that was suspended
since 1966. The National Commodity and Derivatives Exchange (NCDEX)
launched several projects in some states for enlightening the farmers with market
information, and Andhra Pradesh was one such state. Even in the Market Rules
issued in October 1969, there was a proposal to start private marketing and contract
farming.
Nevertheless, after carefully studying the issue, the government came to the
conclusion that there is a need to amend certain sections of the existing Andhra
Pradesh APMC Act 1966 to make it compatible with the order of the day. Under the
new Act, any person who desires to establish a private market should make an
application for licence. New market reforms and relaxed regulations enabled the
greater involvement of private sector in agricultural marketing and thereby promote
contract farming (CF) and cooperative farming (COPF). Private sector involvement
in both wholesale trading and distribution was allowed along with the development
of specialized markets.
6.1.4 New Channels Emerging
The government of the state recognizes the importance of promoting market-

oriented horticulture through CF. The Department of Horticulture provides incen-
tive to the subsector and gives support to the contract growers on priority basis.
For protecting the interest of both the farmers and the buyers in contracts, the
government arranges for registering the sponsoring company, checking for unre-
liable and spurious contracts, regulating, grading and marketing using a manual of
standards. Coca-Cola’s contract with five mango-growing companies, registered
as a society in Chittoor district in 2006 for the supply of mango pulp, is one of the
most noteworthy success stories (Box 6.1) that created a popular drink called
‘Maaza’.
Direct marketing (DM) is an especially successful emerging chain in Andhra
Pradesh in which margins are altogether eliminated and the consumers get access to
Box 6.1 Select Successful Projects in Andhra Pradesh

M/s. Cadburys India in East and West Godavari districts for cocoa
M/s. SICAL, M/s. Godrej, M/s. Palmtech and Other for Oil palm
M/s. BHC, Kuppam region of Chittoor district for vegetables
M/s. Global Green in Mahaboobnagar and
M/s. Capricorn Food Ltd., in Chittoor for Gherkins
M/s. A.V. Thomas of Chennai for Marigold in Anantapur
M/s. Dabur for Indian Gooseberry
fresh products straight from the farms. Framer’s markets were established in the
year 1999 to facilitate direct marketing of products. These markets are located on
government lands and are easily accessible by the existing transport facility.
Transport and storage facilities with ‘zero-energy’ chambers for unsold produce
add to sellers’ convenience. Vegetables arrive at emerging outlets called Rythu
Bazaar (RB) throughout the year from local producers and also from remote areas.
The farmers are allowed to sell only vegetables grown by them, although identified
self-help groups (SHGs) are allowed to sell vegetables which are not grown by the
registered farmers.
6.2 Marketing Reforms in Madhya Pradesh
6.2.1 Traditional Regulations on Marketing
Until 1950 there was practically no regulated market in this state. The govern-
ment of Madhya Bharat passed the Madhya Bharat Agricultural Produce Market
Act in 1952 modelled on the lines of the Bombay Act. When the state was
reorganized in 1956, more than one Act was operative simultaneously creating
confusion. Madhya Pradesh Agricultural Markets Act 1960 resolved this
multiplicity. Further, in accordance with the recommendation of the National
Commission on Agriculture, the Madhya Pradesh Krishi Upaj Mandi Adhiniyam
1972 (APMC Act) was passed. The regulatory framework for agricultural mar-
keting since then was built up by developing primary or ‘regulated’ markets
(RM) and creating legal instruments to guide the regulation. In 1973, a three-tier
Madhya Pradesh State Agricultural Marketing Board (MPSAMB) or Mandi
Board was created.
The regulation provided for the construction of well-laid-out market yard was an
essential requirement of a market. Presently, the state has 517 regulated markets of
6.2 Marketing Reforms in Madhya Pradesh 87
which 244 are main wholesale markets or Krishi Upaj Mandi (KUM) with elaborate
infrastructure. Besides, lower-level sub-mandies and Haat Bazaar in rural areas
were also created. The Mandi Board has its office in Bhopal. The state has the
distinction of eliminating certain middlemen while adopting the Citizen Charter to
ensure right to information and installing democratically elected body in MCs. The
MPSAMB manages the administration and overall development of market. Pur-
chase from the producers by traders from outside the market yard was however
prohibited. Only open auction or a tender-bid system was the allowed means of
price determination.
Timely payment was ensured by imposing a penalty on the delay or even by
possible cancellation of licence. The MCs were entrusted with the task of arranging
correct weighing, storage of unsold products and construction of rest houses for
farmers. Elections are held regularly with the active participation of farmer and
traders. Along with private traders, cooperative agencies like the State Co-operative
Federation (MARKFED), the Madhya Pradesh State Agro Industries Development
Corporation, and the Food Corporation of India are some of the other agents who
operated in the market. Thus, the regulated marketing system performed fairly well
in the state.
6.2.2 Amendments
With the recommendation of the Government of India in 2003, the Madhya Pradesh
KUM Adhiniyam 1972 began to provide for contract farming (CF). Purchase centre
outside the market yard, single licence for entire state in which ITC soya Choupal is
a special success story, leasing out of surplus market yard to processors,
e-marketing, and consumer’s market (CM), especially for fruits and vegetables,
were other remarkable innovations. While an amendment made in 2003 allows for
direct sales in farmer’s market and regulated contract farming, several restrictions
remain on market committees and traders to control the cost of marketing and
ensure the autonomy of the farmers. However, several amendments are also pend-
ing till now so that the reforms are only partial.
Yet the achievements of partial reforms in Madhya Pradesh are not negligible. In
particular, ITC’s e-Choupal is a much renowned innovation in marketing. Besides,
the amendment also addresses the determination and certification of the standard of
the agricultural produce. Packaging, soil testing laboratories, soil collection centres
in mandies tied with kisan mitra, farmer’s road fund, funding research and infra-
structural development including the e-marketing scheme EKVI are attributes of
modern marketing in the state. The amendment also allows companies like ITC,
Kargil and Unilever to buy grains outside the mandies.
With the recent controversy over the FDI in retail in 2011, the ruling government
showed hesitation but cleared the bill, namely, Madhya Pradesh Krishi Upaj Mandi
Vidheyak amending again the Madhya Pradesh Mandi Act 1972. This bill is likely
to pave the way for foreign investment in marketing in a big way. The manufac-
turer, processor and farmers will also be exempted from mandi fee.
ITC’s e-Choupal initiative, selected in this study as the emerging channel, has
become famous for its social and commercial functions and is a case study for many
business schools not excluding Harvard University. The e-Choupal provides an
opportunity to Indian farmers to access market information from around the world
through the Internet, act as collective sellers of products and enjoy more market
power. It also enables other companies dealing in separate products to reach the
rural sellers and buyers through this forum. The long experience in Agri-Business
that ITC acquired by dint of its traditional link to tobacco is exploited for profit and
agricultural development when the tobacco business is being eased out on health
grounds.
6.2.3 Conflicts, Resolution and Changes in State System
Resentment is observed among the regular market agents and traders who view the
rise of the private enterprise as an encroachment on their own turf. Interestingly
however, the state-regulated market too is found catching up with competition in the
region. Computerized weighing machines and ATM-based banking facilities are now
available in the regulated markets where the same infrastructure has improved.
6.3 Marketing Reforms in Maharashtra
The Maharashtra Agricultural Produce Marketing (Regulation) Act, 1963, enacted

by state of Maharashtra sought to create an informed, free and competitive ambi-
ence in which the producers and sellers would be able to strike the best possible
deals. It mandates for competitive bidding of every lot sold in the presence of
several buyers and sellers. Under the APMC Act, all notified agricultural
commodities (about 286 in number), grown within a notified area under a regulated
market or mandi, if sold wholesale, had to be sold through the designated mandi
yard. By eliminating superfluous charges and minimizing various costs of handling
products, higher net returns are ensured to farmers who are also protected from
exploitation by middlemen. The regulated markets were suitably designed to ensure
fair market charges and fees, correct weighment and settlement of disputes. Grad-
ing of agricultural products was also introduced. The main market functionaries in
RMs were the commission agents, traders, brokers, processors, helpers and hamals,
all of whom had to hold a licence from APMC to operate in the mandi.
6.3 Marketing Reforms in Maharashtra 89
The Agricultural Produce Market Committees (APMCs) are constituted for each
regulated market and comprise of market functionaries including farmers and
traders who are responsible for day-to-day management of market. Among others,
the members of the APMC are elected by the members of agricultural credit
societies, by other cooperative societies and by village panchayats within the
area. The APMCs are in turn supervised by the Maharashtra State Agricultural
Marketing Board (MSAMB). The APMC regulated the admission of agents to the
market and could issue, renew, suspend and cancel licences.
The APMC generated income by levying licence fees, rentals and market fees. A
part of the income is passed on to MSAMB to undertake infrastructure development
such as schemes for construction of internal roads, asphalting of existing roads,
providing drinking water facilities and building of structures such as auction
platforms, auction halls, warehouses, cold storage and export facility centres. The
marketing board also provided training and extension to producers.
In Maharashtra there are 295 main market yards and 609 sub-market yards.
Achievements included construction of roads and railroads to shorten distances and
make villages, markets and towns easily accessible for one another. The establish-
ment of a State Warehousing Corporation to increase the holding capacity of
cultivators so as to avoid sale when there are gluts, the improvement of market
intelligence where market committees arrange for the dissemination of information
on current prices and the provision of crop loans as well as long-term loans by
institutional credit agencies to farmers for agricultural operations are other
associated developments. Market regulation supplements the price support
operations of the government to ensure remunerative postharvest prices.
6.3.2 Limitations
The Act compelled farmers to sell in the market yards leading to a rise in transaction
costs and restricting their options. The system was less suitable for horticultural
products that are becoming important in many parts of the state. In view of the new
opportunities associated, a need for a new system of marketing was felt to enlarge
and broaden the system.
6.3.3 Amendment of Maharashtra Agricultural Produce

Marketing (Regulation) Act, 1963
Maharashtra Agricultural Produce Marketing (Regulation) Act, 1963, framed in

1963 was amended in June 2006, and rules were framed in June 2007. While the
APMC Act 1963 focused on regulation of marketing, the amended Act emphasized
the concept of development. The title of the amended Act is ‘Maharashtra
Agricultural Produce Marketing (Development and Regulation) (Amendment) Act,

2006’. Several added features1 of the Act are paving the way to new regime.
The amendment allows more flexibility and removes the compulsion of farmers
to bring produce to the RM yard. Large numbers of licences were issued for direct
marketing (72 licences), private markets (7 approvals), farmer-consumer markets
(33 locations), contract farming (1 lakh hectares), single licence system (9 private
players) and special commodity markets (20 festivals organized). Public-private
partnerships are encouraged. The state has also proposed the setting up of terminal
markets for fruits and vegetables in the private or joint sector in Mumbai, Nashik
and Nagpur for perishable fruits and vegetables. Modern markets in Hingoli and
Aurangabad districts are also under preparation through public-private partnership.
Infrastructure in the APMC markets is also undergoing major changes. Comput-
erization of 291 APMCs and 54 sub-markets is under way. Creation of rural
godowns and onion storage structures and televised dissemination of arrival and
price information of agricultural commodities are initiatives in this regard. Setting
up of agri-export zones (AEZs) aims at strengthening the entire value chains in a
comprehensive manner for an identified crop. A memorandum of understanding
(MoU) between Reuters and MSAMB was signed in May 2007 to provide informa-
tion about market arrivals, prices, weather forecast and market guidelines to
farmers through mobile telephones. More than 10,000 farmers have subscribed to
this facility.
6.3.4 Entry of the Private Sector
The supply chains in India formed under the Act of 1963 were becoming inefficient
as a growing number of intermediaries were merely substituting for infrastructure.
1
The added features are (i) the establishment of competitive markets which include private
markets, farmer-consumer markets and direct marketing; (ii) permission for private markets
whereby any person, partnership firm, cooperative society, NGO or company can establish a
private market with a licence from the Director of Agricultural Marketing (although no private
market can be located within the market area of the Bombay Agricultural Produce Market
Committee) to sell products by open auction in the private markets; (iii) recognition of farmer-
consumer market created by any person, partnership firm, cooperative society, NGO or company
in one or more than one market area1 (excepting the market area of Bombay Agriculture Produce
Market Committee) with a licence from the Director enabling farmers to sell more than 10 Kg of
fruits and vegetables or other perishable agricultural produce and 50 Kg of foodgrains or other
nonperishable agricultural produce to one single consumer; (iv) licence for direct marketing to
processors in one or more than one market area to promote processing units, export and retail
business; (v) declaration of special commodity markets by the government on the basis of arrivals,
turnover and geographical area with modern infrastructure and storage facilities as per the
requirement of the agricultural produce; and (vi) legitimization of contract farming: under
advance contract1 with proper dispute settlement arrangement where the farmer will not be
deprived of his right to the title of his land under any circumstances and the agricultural produce
will be directly delivered from the farm yards.
6.4 Marketing Reforms in Himachal Pradesh 91
The new Act promoted a more integrated market structure where the farmer is
enabled for backward and forward linkages in the chain. With the new provisions,
corporate entry into agriculture markets has already begun in the state.
Corporate units like Reliance, Godrej, Deepak Fertilisers and Petrochemicals
Ltd., ITC and Bhartiya Group have entered agricultural markets to capitalize to
opportunities such as processing, marketing and export of agricultural products.
These companies have linkages with small and large farmers to source produce.
Contract farming is permitted as a method of procurement. ITC is linking farmers
across the country on the online platform through e-Choupal, while Reliance Retail
has an ambitious ‘field to fork’ retail plan to directly source produce from fields.
Mahindra ShubhLabh came into existence to provide total farm solution to the
problems of farmers. Other companies such as Hindustan Unilever Ltd., Nijjer and
PepsiCo are involved in contracts where the produce is processed into value-added
food products for domestic as well as export markets. Deepak Fertilisers and
Petrochemicals Corporation Limited (DFPCL), a subject of this study, also entered
agricultural marketing through its Agri-Business & Farm Solutions (ABFS). The
ABFS division provides various services to farmers and is involved in agricultural
marketing.
6.4 Marketing Reforms in Himachal Pradesh
The Himachal Pradesh Agricultural Produce Markets Act, 1969, came into effect in
1970 to consolidate the varied regulations (provided by ‘the Patiala Agricultural
Produce Markets Act’ of 1948 and ‘Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Act’ of
1961) that created confusion and duality in the newly constituted state. The
constitution of a Himachal Pradesh Marketing Board followed. A Chairman and
Secretary of this apex body were appointed from the state government bureaucracy.
For every notified area, a marketing committee (MC), comprising of members of
producing communities and traders, was accountable to this Board.
6.4.2 Problems with the Regular Channel
The main complaint we encountered about this channel related to malpractices of

buyers. For lack of alternatives, the orchardists of Himachal Pradesh are intensely
dependent on traders from Delhi especially from Azadpur market and on
established members who they claim charge illegally high commissions. Ignorance,
illiteracy, poverty and lack of organization among small-producing farmers possi-
bly strengthened the traders’ power. Collusion with officials, wrong weighment,
false price reporting, overcharging and even unjustified charging of farmers are
problems reported by most of the respondent farmers. Besides, deals are said to be
struck through undercover negotiation when the law permits only sales through open
auctions. Several other means of cheating and exploiting the farmers are reported.
Market fees and agency charges are also considered high by farmers. They are high
even in relation to prescribed ones as provided by law. The Mandi rules are also
perceived to be favourable to traders. Marketing of fruits is a speculative exercise in
which the farmer is at a losing end with low returns. A change in the system was
required for its serious flaws and the injustice it inflicted on producers.
6.4.3 New Era
In Himachal Pradesh, reforms in agricultural marketing were needed more on

account of the malpractices prevailing in the existent system than the length of
the marketing chain. The old Act was repealed and marketing reforms based on the
Model Act were introduced with the enactment of Himachal Pradesh Agricultural
and Horticultural Produce Marketing (Development and Regulation) Act 2005. The
aim was to enable the farming community to derive maximum value from new
opportunity arising at home and globally.
The Act provides for setting up private markets, cooperative marketing, con-
sumer market (direct market), contract marketing and creation of postharvest
infrastructure. Farmers are encouraged to directly sell to bulk buyers, to processors
and even to consumers. There was a provision for public-private partnership in the
supply management. Himachal Pradesh today has one of the lowest mandi rates.
The state has taken a lead role in reforming agricultural marketing in India.
Development of marketing infrastructure and associated facilities is a major
objective of the privatization drive. The owner of a private market yard is required
to provide minimum amenities like auction platforms, shops, godowns, canteen,
toilets and drinking water for the comfort of the producer and the buyer. Other
facilities of modern marketing like warehouses and cold storage, ripening chamber,
electronic auctioning and electronic display of market information are also new
attributes anticipated. Stalls for farmers and growers and for ancillary services like
supply of seeds, fertilizers, and organic fertilizers are other features of private
markets. Registration with the committee is required for every person who desires
to set up places of purchase, sell, storage, processing, forwarding and contracting in
agricultural products. Statutory exemption is given to sale of products by the
producer directly to someone who buys for self-consumption up to a maximum
level of transaction. The MC is required to maintain necessary records.
Many of the centrally sponsored schemes for developing agricultural marketing
infrastructure are linked with the amendment of the Act. The assistance under this
scheme (33.3 % subsidy on capital cost at the time of survey) was extended not only to
the state Board but also to the private sector but only with a cap. When the Himachal
Pradesh State Marketing Board availed of the assistance for several schemes, a few
6.5 Marketing Reforms in Assam 93
private sector agencies also accepted the opportunity offered. The Adani Group set up
controlled atmosphere stores. Other companies are also setting up cold stores. The
involvement of NABARD in the whole development is also notable. Adani Fresh
Limited, Container Corporation of India and Dev Bhumi Cold Chain Limited are
private agencies active in the state.
Major differences are observed between traditional and emerging marketing
channels in the state. While 6–8 % commission is charged by traders on producers,
no such charges are levied in the emerging channels in which buyers are also known
to extend marketing support such as provision of packing materials to growers.
However, these buyers procure only from selected growers, an act which is not
known in the other channel. Large buyers procure directly from farmers in the
emerging channels and preserve the products in cold storage facilities, the Adani
Group and the Indian Railways being two such bulk buyers.
6.5 Marketing Reforms in Assam
6.5.1 Traditional Marketing
The Assam Agricultural Produce Market Act 1972 came into effect in 1977 when
the State Agricultural Board was set up. The regulated markets (RMs) were
established in different places in the state with market yards and facilities of storage
godowns, auction platforms, shops, bank and post office, parking place and drink-
ing water supply. The MCs are responsible for actual implementation of the Act,
with the Assam State Agricultural Marketing Board (ASAMB) headquartered in
Guwahati supervising the MCs. The state government appointed a chief executive
officer of the Board with general control over employees of both the ASAMB and
the MCs. The MC levies market cess on all produce sold in the RM.
The ASAMB established 24 MCs, 20 primary market yards, 204 sub-market
yards and 848 rural primary markets. Some developments have taken place in
traditional marketing in the recent past. To facilitate information flow the regulated
markets are covered under AGMARKNET (see Sect. 5.8 in Chap. 5). According to
the records there is 1 organic market, 19 cold storages and a number of processing
units in the state. Besides the ASAMB, the cooperative organizations, namely, the
North Eastern Regional Agricultural Marketing Corporation Ltd. (NERAMAC)
and the STATFED along with the FCI, are other major state or central government
agencies involved in agro-marketing.
6.5.2 Failures
The marketing scenario in the north-eastern states differs from other states in India
and is not a success story. As is well documented, these states suffer from various
geographical and sociopolitical difficulties along with economic backwardness.

The markets tend to be more scattered and less organized in these areas, and the
state government has a greater role to play in regulating and developing markets.
The paucity of marketable surplus which reduces arrivals in each market and makes
trading in the designated markets unviable is a major problem. Thus, even with
Assam’s comparative strength in producing horticultural products, the potential for
trading with other states remains unrealized under the constrained circumstances.
State marketing agencies like ASAMB and NERAMAC have proved to be inade-
quate for the purpose.
By not allowing traders to buy from outside the market premises, the regulation
came at a cost. Besides these natural problems, complaints of malpractices do not
spare the markets. Formation of association by market functionaries to bargain
against producers is reported. Infrastructure is also highly inadequate, leading to
delays, congestion and cheating even while the area served by each market yard is
inordinately high, adding to the troubles of marketing.
Thus, it is not surprising that despite creation of limited facilities of principal
market yards and sub-market yards, much of the transactions actually take place
outside the precincts of the yards either at farm gate or at traders’ premises. Shifting
of markets from traditional sites to regulated sites has not been fully effective even
till date after so many years. Stalls are observed to be running along the sides of
national and state highways in a congested and chaotic manner, despite having
yards presumably equipped with infrastructure not far off. In the scattered scenario
of marketing, most players remained beyond the reach of AGMARKNET, which
covers only the MC offices. Market regulation is thus found to be highly incomplete
and an imperfect story, and the latest round of reforms could be a milestone in the
state.
6.5.3 Amendment and Progress
The Assam APMC Act 1972 was amended in 2006 in accordance to the Model Act
circulated in 2003. The Act relieves the markets of existing restrictions on storage,
movements and transportation of products. The amended Act permits and
encourages private marketing (PM), direct marketing (DM), consumer-farmer
market (CFM) and contract farming (CF). All specified agricultural produce may
be sold in principal market yard, sub-market yard, private market yard and other
places. It will not be necessary to bring produce covered under CF to the market
yards, and the produce may be sold to the sponsor right from the farmer’s field.
Under the new law the Director issues registration for setting up yard for PM and
CFM and have to give reason for any refusal of registration. Private purchase is
possible for trading, export and other value addition. The CFM can be established
by developing infrastructure by any person or group of persons other than an MC
for purchase to be made by consumer from the producer, provided the purchase
6.6 Marketing Reforms in Bihar 95
does not exceed a certain volume. Similarly, the sponsor in CF will register with
Deputy Commissioner of the district of farmer’s residence. Public-private partner-
ship (PPP) is also a concept implemented in the state after the amendment.
CF under PPP is spreading in a few districts of the state in commercial flowers,
potato and ginger. The self-help groups are growing orchid and anthurium com-
mercially under buy-back arrangement with flower exporters. About 1,500 ha of
land covering 3,000 farmers growing horticultural crops is reported to be brought
under CF. The ASAMB has decided to develop a single commodity market for
banana in Darragiri and set up a terminal market in Kamrup district. Contract
farming is also extended to high-value rice cultivation. To make AGMARKNET
effective, the Board has adopted a special scheme ‘Krishi Bipanan Tathya Setu’ to
link up producing area with wholesale market within and outside the state covered
by AGMARKNET. However, marketing in Assam is still unorganized, and reforms
are at a stage of infancy though there are signs of transitions apparent in the horizon
today.
In the traditional market, a large number of intermediaries consolidate the produce
at the village market and reconsolidate 2–3 times before it reaches the final consumer,
but as noted earlier, the 1977 Act did not attain functional effectiveness of regulated
marketing. Today, DM is emerging to enable farmers to directly sell to consumer or
miller/processor without having to go through the middleman and help bulk buyers to
economize on transportation cost. The buy-back arrangement of the CF has also
gained momentum.
6.6 Marketing Reforms in Bihar
Bihar is a state where agriculture has remained backward despite its potentials. In
1958 the state government initiated the marketing bill to revamp the traditional
exploitative marketing system and enacted the Bihar Agricultural Produce Market-
ing Act (BAPM) in 1960. In the first phase all the wholesale markets were brought
under regulation followed by the creation of 60 MCs. In 2006 there were 96 APMC
regulated markets in the state.
6.6.2 Limitations of Regulated Marketing
The effect of regulation is reported to be ambiguous and rather imperceptible. The

limitation of the state government resources is mostly responsible for slowing down
the development. Not only the lack of infrastructure and the poor market intelli-
gence but also the failures to enforce open auctioning were the main inadequacies
reported. A few monopolistic traders manipulated to keep prices depressed and
volatile so that the prices generally bounced back shortly after harvest. The farmers
lost more in the process. They could glean price information only from the rival
traders and not from any extraneous or organized source. Although the small
farmers were hurt more by the failure, larger farmers were also not spared. About
two thirds of the large spread between producer and consumer prices is reported to
be cornered as margins by intermediaries. Producers’ faith in the regular marketing
system was poor. A majority of the farmers and traders were, as a result, not
attracted to the RMs for undertaking transactions.
Nevertheless, certain promising signs could not be missed also. Development
financing was availed from institutional and multilateral sources starting with the
World Bank assistance of $14 million in 1972 for construction of market yards and
urban wholesale markets. Evaluation of the system found signs of tendencies of
prices getting smoother, decrease in market concentration and the potentials of
pledge financing. Greater emphasis was however found to be laid on developing
urban markets than rural and primary markets that left the small farmers at the
mercy of local traders.
6.6.3 Reforms?
The state government repealed the APMC Act in September 2006, when the centre
advised that the states will have to change their existing frameworks of agricultural
marketing. The idea was to facilitate varying models of market to evolve both to
offer a competitive environment to cooperative and private sectors with the RMs
and to allow investment in marketing to accelerate.
Paradoxically, no new Act has since been reinstated, so that following the
disbanding of the Bihar State Agricultural Marketing Board (BSAMB), agricultural
marketing in the state is functioning without any formal institutional structure.
While this ‘open agricultural market’ could be a sign of immense flexibility, there is
little organized private involvement in marketing of crops today. With no APMC
Act in place, trading is conducted in an unregulated and non-transparent manner,
although the mandi is still used by traders as a venue. No alternative channel, worth
mentioning, seems to be emerging.
There is hardly any evidence that farmers themselves are joining together as
collective sellers. It is felt that there is little promise at present on that front, given
that the society is rigidly divided by the caste system. The mutual lack of trust and
cooperation resulting from social fragmentation prevents financial collaborations
towards forming organizations. Only in the case of litchi, a fruit produced abun-
dantly in the state, there has been some organized private effort at marketing.
Marketing efforts to buy this fruit directly from farmers and ship it to Delhi market
are however till now a failure, due to the shortage of cold storage, the poor
transportation system and the short shelf life of the product.
A greater problem arises in infrastructure creation and institutional financing.
The BSAMB has 1,324 acres of land and 95 markets. A major market development
6.7 Marketing Reforms in Jharkhand 97
scheme with 5 modern terminal markets, conversion of 54 market yards to

Agri-Business centres of middle tier and creation of 1,500 rural haats with developed
facilities at the grass-roots levels fed by on-farm processing centres had earlier been
proposed and were also considered seriously for institutional financing from
sources like ADB. Fund was sought from the central government under the National
Horticulture Mission. All these grand plans are currently in suspense due to the lack
of policy, the existing infrastructure languishing in poor maintenance and the
market intelligence kept suspended in abysmal shape in the absence of a fully
functioning marketing body.
6.7 Marketing Reforms in Jharkhand
Jharkhand was once a part of the state of Bihar. After the bifurcation of the parent
state only in the year 2000, the new state Jharkhand adopted Bihar’s APMC Act in
its pure form. The state had 25 regulated agricultural markets distributed in
7 districts. The Jharkhand State Agricultural Produce Marketing Board (JSAPMB)
was formed in 2001. The Board has taken up integrated development schemes for
the development of 80 Haat Bazaar (rural markets) requiring the construction of
4–6 covered and open platforms; internal roads of sufficient length; a community
hall, with the provision of toilets; tube wells; and other such amenities.
Subsequent to the circulation of the Model Act in 2003, JAPMC Act 2000 was
amended. The new Act that came into effect in 2008 provides for new features like
direct marketing, contract farming and markets in cooperative and private sectors,
but the processes have yet not taken off fully. While the Reliance Fresh retail chain
is allowed to operate in the state, dialogues with corporate bodies on contract
farming are yet to bear fruit.
Unlike subsistence crops, fruits and vegetables are highly perishable but are
commercially marketable. Usually vegetables sold in Jharkhand change hands
three to four times in the space between the producer and the consumer. Farmers
generally sell to village merchants, small commission agents (kutcha arthia) and
itinerant traders in the periodic haat at the village level. The merchants in turn sell
in weekly primary markets or wholesale secondary markets in urban centres, from
which the product moves to terminal markets or to retailers and consumers. Only a
few farmers with large holdings may sell directly to wholesale markets, but in
practice, there is little participation of farmers in the urban markets. For the small
and marginal farmers, the village periodic market is the most important place of
product disposal. A cooperative agency for marketing vegetables called VEGFED
does exist, but it is not reported to be of importance. On the whole, Jharkhand

inherited a system from its identity as a part of Bihar (earlier discussed).
6.7.2 Weaknesses
The farmers expressed major concern about the stark absence of development of the
rural markets and the lack of functional cooperative system for vegetable market-
ing. Their compulsion to rely on private intermediaries operating within the village
and in haats was also aired with discontent. They report that regulatory measures
are not enforced in the rural markets. The control enjoyed by the market
intermediaries and the lack of infrastructure make conditions oppressive and
difficult for them. The earlier APMC Act prohibited transactions outside the
regulated mandis, direct marketing and direct procurement from farmers’ fields.
The Act restricted setting up any markets other than the government markets. So
under the law the farmers had little option.
6.7.3 Advances in Marketing
The APMC Act of Jharkhand drawn from the earlier Bihar APMC Act of 1958
came in the way of a new private initiative in modern retailing and of upgrading the
supply chains in the field of fruits and vegetables. The Jharkhand government
amended the APMC Act and allowed Reliance Fresh to retail vegetables. The
amendment has also removed restrictions on direct procurement from farmers
and gave freedom to farmers to sell their produce wherever they found it more
gainful.
6.8 Marketing Reforms in West Bengal
Resistances in West Bengal are a major force to reckon with on the path of
agricultural market reforms in India. Although the outlook expressed by the state
towards the proposed set of reforms has been sceptical and at the best ambiguous,
now and again the state government did express its intentions to carry out the
amendment. Yet it is one of the states that have not yet amended the APMC Act.
6.8 Marketing Reforms in West Bengal 99
The West Bengal Agricultural Produce Marketing (Regulation) Act, 1972, for the
regulation of marketing in the whole state of West Bengal was meant to apply to
agriculture, pisciculture, sericulture, forestry, animal husbandry and other specified
products. Agriculturists, as defined by the Act, are persons who engage in produc-
tion or growth of agricultural produce by self (peasant), by a tenant and by hired
labour, tenancy being a common tenurial arrangement in the state’s history. The
market functionaries include agents like traders, commission agents, brokers,
weighmen, measurers, surveyors and warehousemen who carry on business for
the specified market with a valid licence2 for the specified marketing year. The
traders or agents are licensed by the local authority like town committee or gram
panchayat.
As in other states, the regulatory framework created for agricultural marketing is
in many ways flexible enough to permit changes that may be considered desirable
by the state government. The ‘notifications’ are important instruments in the hands
of the state government as is clear from the following description. The state
government may ‘by notification’ declare any area as a ‘marketing area’ within
which the purchase and sale of produce ‘specified by notification’ shall be
regulated. Any enclosure, building or locality in the market area can be declared
‘by notification’ as a ‘principal market yard’ or as a ‘yard’ or a ‘sub-yard’. No
local authority and other person shall set up, establish or continue setting up any
place for the purchase, sale, storage or processing of these agricultural products
within a ‘notified’ distance of the market yard or within a ‘notified’ distance of the
market area except in accordance of this Act. The state government may ‘by
notification’ ‘include or exclude’ any area from the market area or any ‘produce’
from list of produce. Sales of produce by the producer himself or by his employee to
2
The specifications of the agencies are also provided by the statute as follows as explained by the
Centre Brokers: persons who negotiate contracts on behalf of the principal; commission agents:
persons who buy and sell produce on behalf of the principals, keep it in custody and control it
during the transactions, collect payments from the buyers and pay it to the seller and receive
commission as a percentage of the amount involved in the transaction; weighman and measurer:
persons whose work is, respectively, to weigh agricultural produce for sale and to measure
consignment for sale based on West Bengal Standards of Weights and Measures (Enforcement)
Act 1958; warehouseman: person whose business is to store agricultural produce in any structure
or enclosure on behalf of the depositing person; surveyor: person whose business is to survey a
consignment of agricultural produce for sale in regard to quality, refraction, adulteration and other
purposes; and traders: persons ordinarily engaged in the business of purchasing and selling
agricultural produce as a principal or as a duly authorized agent or one or more principals and
include persons ordinarily engaged in the business of processing and preservation of the produce.
a buyer who buys for self-consumption are excluded from the purview of these
restrictions. Similarly, sale through retail3 transaction (small volumes) is also
exempted.
A market committee (MC) is constituted by the state government for every
market ‘area’. The MC generally includes two officers of the state government of
whom one is an officer of the directorate of agricultural marketing and the other
represents the cooperative marketing society. The MC also is represented by a bank
financing the marketing channel and two persons representing small growers (less
than 2 ha). The local Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) is also in the MC.
When a market area ceases to be so, the MC of the area will stand dissolved, and
the unexpended financial balance of the marketing fund and other liability will vest
with the state government. Thus, the state government has an overwhelming say on
the market regulation regime, while the interests of the people are represented by
the presence of different stakeholders and the elected MLA. The MC holds a
meeting preferably every month, levies fees at nominal rates on transactions,
recovers documented returns of transactions from licensed traders and is entitled
to seize products or related documents in respect of illegitimate transactions. The
MC’s records may be inspected for justified causes, and if considered necessary, the
MC’s authority can even be superceded by that of the state government’s.
6.8.2 Towards Reforms: The Apprehension in West Bengal
That there is a case for correcting the loopholes of the marketing system that has led
to high intermediary margins, poor efficiency and low producer returns and for
strengthening it by bringing professionalism and competition in the market is
widely acknowledged. Nevertheless, the centre’s suggestion did not convince the
state government of its welfare effects on various sections of economic
functionaries (see Notes in Appendix 7), and the confidence in the proposed
legislation was low. It is felt that the thrust and motivation of the New Agricultural
Policy 1995, formulated in the wake of liberalization drive in India, to ‘encourage
private investment in agriculture and promote high value crops for exports’, would
be at the expense of food crops or food security. While the amendment of the Act is
meant to invite multinational companies, whether farmers and others actually
involved in agriculture would benefit is also questionable. Especially when agrarian
crisis, farmer suicides and the vagaries of the weather are fiery issues, programmes
that support farming communities demand urgent implementation rather than
empower powerful companies to find easy access to market committees.
West Bengal has the same marketing structure in place as already outlined and is
yet to amend it to allow new innovation to seep in. It is however apparent that latent
3
Retail sale means sale of agricultural produce not exceeding such quantity as may be fixed under
the Act for specified products.
6.9 Marketing Reforms in Uttar Pradesh 101
even in the existing legislation are considerable possibilities of change. The

regulated markets or the RMs are established in places where agricultural produce
arrives in bulk and such assemblage points are essentially very large mandis. The
traditional markets in rural West Bengal handle almost all of the trade but suffer
from poor infrastructure and the overwhelming domination by traders.
In 2006 the state had expressed its keenness to allow private parties to purchase
directly from farmers. The state acknowledged the need for private investment in
the sector. In 2011 the state government still remains in favour of the amendment
and is apparently willing to allow big retailers an access to farmers. The state
however is reasonably clear that contract farming will not be part of the amend-
ment. Certain sections have felt that the proposed enactment is ‘anti-farmer’ and
‘anti-citizen’ and that the ways in which the option of reforms is being imposed on
the state amount to being ‘threat’ of reducing other financial inflows from the
centre. A dominant view was that the amendment in the proposed form would
weaken the existing marketing regulation rather than strengthening it. The political
contradictions are however clear. Reforms in agricultural marketing in West Bengal
are undoubtedly a huge political issue for the state and even for the whole country.
Despite the intentions, progress has been far from speedy.
That political compulsions peculiar to the region are an overriding factor for the
dynamics is also suggested by the fact that the existing old legislation of APMC has
inherent in it a wide ambit of flexibility and yet little change in predisposition
towards reforms is evident even after the government in the state passed from one
political party to another after an electoral upheaval. Many of the provisions
(commodities covered, place of market yard, space for market area, etc.) are
specified but amenable to modification by ‘notifications’ from the government.
The state does not bar third parties from buying produce from farmers for onward
sales, although the rights of private parties are clearly spelt out. Mandis are not
generally government owned.
It is the political willingness and acceptability of different options for reforming
rather than the new legislation that is standing in the way of allowing changes to
seep in. It is pertinent to state that despite the lack of dynamism, all is not static.
Private retail outlets like Reliance Fresh, Spencer’s and Big Bazaar are actively
operational in urban areas, and occasional news reports of contractual purchases
by major private processors are distractions to the perception of the state’s
intransigence. Direct marketing is favourably considered.
6.9 Marketing Reforms in Uttar Pradesh
Prior to the establishment of the regulated agricultural markets (RAM), there was
no market place or other associated facilities, and all business activities were
performed in the premises of the commission agents. A large number of
intermediaries were involved, and farmers had to accept arbitrarily large deductions
in the names of arhat, kharch, karda and dharamda. The government of Uttar
Pradesh enacted the Uttar Pradesh Market Act in 1964 (APMC Act 1964 or Uttar
Pradesh Rajya Krishi Utpadan Mandi Parishad or UPRKUMP 1964) under which
all rural agricultural markets of the state were regulated.
All transactions in the covered markets were operated under the provision of the
Act 1964. Farmers were compelled to bring their produce to the market yard and
sell it through middleman. A number of committees were constituted by the Uttar
Pradesh government including the Uttar Pradesh State Agricultural Marketing
Board (UPSAMB). The UPRKUMP 1964 aimed at reducing multiple trade charges,
assuring proper weighment, establishing market committees and providing neces-
sary facilities for trading.
When the Act came into force in 1965–1966, the Uttar Pradesh government
implemented the Act in all markets across the state. The number of regulated
markets grew fast in the early 1970s and stagnated thereafter. The number stood
at 263 in 1997. Of this, 32 mandis were expressly for fruits and vegetables. The
markets are categorized or ranked into 4 groups by total income. The Mandi
Parishad is expected to prevent malpractices and illegal deductions in the yards.
In 1973, under the direction of Mandi Parishads, the state government set up a
Rajya Krishi Utpadan Mandi Samiti (RKUMS) or the State Agricultural Produce
Board to supervise the functioning of market committees, and in 1976 an Indepen-
dent Directorate of Agricultural Marketing was also formed on the recommendation
of the Agricultural Commission to control the regulation of sales and purchases of
produces.
Since 1974 development activities to provide facilities like yards and link roads
have been taken up. Developmental activities conducted by the Mandi Samiti for
farmers’ welfare such as compensation for fire and accidents at threshing places,
scholarship schemes to agriculture and home science students of farm families,
computerization, helpline facilities and creation of goshalas or cattle homes are
documented. The Board has received a prestigious award “Kosamb” from the
Government of India for good management.
6.9.1 Limitation and Changes
The regulated markets therefore are seen as significant institutions responsible for
empowering producers. Nevertheless, since a multitude of complaints like inordi-
nate deductions from prices, excess influence of buyers and use of improper weights
and measures were suggested by several evaluative studies on regulated markets at
the country level, the state governments including Uttar Pradesh government were
advised to amend the existing Act and allow reforms in the system. Yet Uttar
Pradesh is one of the states that have not yet amended the Act.
In reality, the government of Uttar Pradesh did amend APMC Act 1964 in 2004,
but the amendment was withdrawn by the government after a few days of the
announcement. The opening of Reliance Industries Limited retail outlets in impor-
tant cities of the state led to prolonged protests by the trader community. As a result
6.10 Marketing Reforms in Punjab 103
of the withdrawal, major investment of Reliance has wound up. As it exists, there
was not even a modification of the APMC Act 1964.
However, the government of the Uttar Pradesh exercised its power under Article
26(M) of the existing Act to allow private sector to function in some form to
establish Kisaan Bazaar. The wholesalers and retailers are allowed to purchase in
bulk directly from farmers in Kisaan Bazaar set up in Agra in 2011–2012 with
licence from the Mandi Parishad of Agra. Private players like Indian Tobacco
Company (ITC), KRBL and DFM Foods Limited are some of the private sector
buyers. Agra city also has a Bharti Bazaar and a Big Bazaar selling fruits and
vegetables. The latter serves upper middle class and the higher-income groups, but
fruits and vegetables are not the major commodities sold. The Big Bazaar has not
succeeded in selling ‘high-quality products’ at reasonable prices with respect to
fruits and vegetables. Direct marketing licences are not issued in the state. There are
no private markets, and contract farming is also not allowed. Even farmer’s
consumer market is not permitted. Only single licence and special commodity
markets are allowed. Reforms are sporadically however manifested in the entry
of several corporate firms in agro-marketing under the existing legal structure. The
agri-export zones are another demonstration of reforms. The practice of partial
contract farming is also not unknown.
6.10 Marketing Reforms in Punjab
Punjab and Haryana form the grain basket of the country, and the status of
marketing reforms in these states is an important indication for the transition of
agriculture in India. Punjab, which included what is Haryana today, had followed
the guidelines of the Royal Commission on Indian Agriculture (1928) and enacted
legislation for market regulation in keeping with the country’s policy. Punjab
Agriculture Produce Marketing Act received the accent of President of India in
1961 for consolidating the law and for better regulation of purchase, sales, storage
and processing of agricultural produce in independent India.
The Punjab State Agricultural Marketing Board (PSAMB) was formed as an
executive advisory body. The Chairman of the PSAMB was nominated by the state
government, and there were 16 other members including several government
representatives and bureaucrats as well as producers, market intermediaries and
representatives from farmers’ organizations and cooperatives. All produce brought
to the market was sold by open auction so that even secret bid had no role in price
determination. No deduction was to be made on the price decided. The kutcha
arthia who is assigned to act on behalf of the seller and only by the seller has the
most important role in the transactions. A market development fund was formed by
pooling all receipts of the Board consisting of contributions from market
committees, grants and loans and deployed for the maintenance of improvement
of the market.
Over and above the risk due to price volatility and the high incidences of
postharvest losses, this approach to marketing also imposes usual constraints
stemming from the large number of intermediaries, exploitative tendencies of
commission agents, lack of freedom of producers to sell outside the market yard
and manifold dependencies on the commission agents even for loans and advances.
The APMC law actually weakens the link of the farmers with the final market and
also more disturbingly with the agrobusiness which is becoming important in
today’s economy. Its bias in favour of a few crops is also becoming a weakness.
Due to Punjab’s place in the green revolution that shook the country in the 1960s
and 1970s, foodgrains enjoyed a central place in the state’s marketing strategy.
Benefits of the marketing infrastructure hardly percolated to other products, not
even to pulses and coarse cereals. It was highly inappropriate for fruits and
vegetables although the states Punjab and Haryana had natural advantages for
growing them also. With a saturation in the green revolution becoming evident
along with ecological adversities connected with excessive promotion of rice and
wheat, the agricultural policy turned its focus towards horticulture. This shift in
emphasis created an urgent need to change the rules of marketing.
Punjab has a dense market system with purchase centre within the radius of
10 km from most of the villages, but the markets are equipped to handle foodgrains,
mainly the traditionally major crops, i.e. wheat and rice, rather than the horticultural
crops. Moreover, the system, as it is increasingly realized, has a major emphasis on
the quantity of produce, while quality is ignored. For fruits and vegetables that are
highly perishable over relatively short time periods and can be rich in varied
nutrients that require preservation with special effort on practices, quality is
undoubtedly a central attribute of marketing. The system of marketing in Punjab
therefore has to adapt to a changing market in which the demand for horticulture
product will be growing.
The system of regulation that worked in Punjab on the strength of a string of
intermediaries starting from the commission agent or the arthiya followed by
village wholesaler, secondary wholesalers located in towns and cities and the
retailers created a wide rift or ‘spread’ between the price that the producer received
and what the consumer pays. It also led to large volumes of wastage because the
mandatory requirement of all notified agricultural commodities including horticul-
tural products to pass through regulated market regardless of their facilities
prevents farmers from directly selling to processors and exporters. Firms are not
permitted to enter into contract farming and buying directly from the farmers. This
adds to unnecessary intermediaries in the supply chain and reduces the competi-
tiveness of the product.
It should, however, be noted that in actual practice fruits and vegetables are
generally sold by farmers through a specific system commonly known as preharvest
contracts (PHC) in which agreements are made between the buyer and the seller
prior to harvest leading to advance payments being made to the producer to reduce
risk and uncertainty over price. Though a departure from the open auction method
of RM, the system did not pre-empt the large price ‘spreads’ from appearing nor the
exploitative opportunities of middlemen (preharvest contractors) over the
6.10 Marketing Reforms in Punjab 105
producers from enduring. The state APMC Act also inhibited institutions from
being innovative and flexible. The prevailing contract farming (PHC) did little to
link producers with Agri-Business. The obligatory market fees and charges as usual
added to the cost of products.
From 2003 the Act was partially amended to safeguard the interest of farmers
through provisions for private markets and contract farming. The amendments are
highly incomplete and often not fully implemented. Private markets were permitted
to be established, but direct purchase by companies was not allowed. Registration
of contracting agreements, establishment of a dispute settlement mechanism and
specification of model agreements are unfinished tasks. Amendments of registration
(not licensing) of functionaries and single registration for transactions in multiple
markets are not implemented.
The new innovations that were promoted in the last two decades involved
contracting and direct selling. Farmer’s market called apni mandi helped to bypass
middlemen totally and ensure that fresh vegetables were sold at prices that were
remunerative to producers and reasonable for consumers. This form of direct sales
still constitutes a small portion of the transactions, and only a few farmers partici-
pate. Alternatively, the producers sell directly to processors who in turn sell the
processed product to the consumer. Farmer’s Evening Markets (FEM) for fruits are
also a recent innovation. Bypassing the preharvest system, this market delivers the
products from the farmers via the FEM to the wholesalers at the local level and in
distant markets and to retailers to reach the consumers. The FEM however does not
avoid the presence of intermediaries in the chain.
Contract farming is being ‘aggressively’ promoted by the Punjab government as
a way to overcome the constraints due to risk and resource shortage facing the
smallholder and the absence of well-defined credit and insurance markets. A
number of corporate Agri-Business firms have signed memorandums of under-
standing with the government to promote different high-value products. Since 2003
the government launched contract farming in crops like maize, barley, sunflower,
hyola and basmati rice. Some of these agreements are multipartite, and Punjab Agro
Food Grains Corporation is a necessary intermediary and facilitator. The contracts
are not always legal commitments, and the government supports both the buyer and
the seller to encourage the development of this form of marketing. Advanta,
Mahindra ShubhLabh, United Breweries and Rallis are some of the companies
that have entered the market in this route. There are other models that link up
farmers with exporters, processors and vertically integrated franchises. The Punjab
Agro Industries Corporation (PAIC) facilitates contract farming through joint
ventures with private processors. The PAIC also procures products such as green
peas in Patiala for supplying to local processors.
PepsiCo as a processor pioneered a model of contracting starting with bulk
procurement of vegetables like potato, tomato and chilli, but although initial trials
with tomato were successful in augmenting productivity, due to disputes and breach
of contract, the tomato processing plant was closed. In this model the processor
supplies seeds and seedlings of required varieties to producers and monitors the
cultivation process. Apart from Pepsi, Nijjer Food is another contractor, but this
buyer accepts all products that are brought to the factory and cleans them for
contamination. Besides processor, contracts are made with exporters and involve
vertically integrated franchises. Organized retail is a recent phenomenon and is yet
a small fraction of food trade. Evolution of supermarkets and organized chains for
retailing is miniscule but fast expanding in Punjab where the operation of Bharti
Field Fresh Food Limited is visible. Reliance and ITC Choupal Fresh have also
entered.
6.11 Marketing Reforms in Haryana
To regulate all markets in the state, Haryana state enacted for itself the Punjab
Agricultural Produce Markets Act 1939 in 1961 after it was formed by the bifurca-
tion from undivided Punjab in 1966. A large number of market committees were set
up by the state government to supervise the functioning of agricultural produce in
markets guided by a Haryana State Agricultural Marketing Board (HSAMB) that
was established in 1969. The state has an unevenly spread network of regulated
markets across the districts, the highest number being in Karnal, while Jhajjar,
Faridabad and Rewari districts have only two markets each. In Rewari on the
average 200 villages are served by one RM, so those farmers have to carry their
produce over long distances and bear high transport costs. The HSAMB adopts a
philosophy of ‘Samridh Kissan Hamari Pahechan’ to help farmer achieve further
higher value or production. There are now 106 market committees, 178 sub-yards
and other facility compared to only 58 market committees and 60 sub-yards that
existed in 1969.
The HSAMB also strengthened its construction wing and has been a pioneer in
the construction of link roads and approach roads. Covered shade storage capacity
also increased. Incentives and financial assistance are provided to Agri-Business,
and information centres are opened in Sirsa and Hisar to provide information and to
organize seminars.
Haryana has partially reformed the marketing system for allowing contract
farming. New model fruit and vegetable markets are created to provide retail and
wholesale facility. Schemes are made to give assistance for grading, sorting and
packing for value addition on horticultural crops. National Horticulture Mission has
helped in creating commodity hubs for potato, tomato and kinnow. An export
promotion council is also proposed. A network of laboratories for quality certifica-
tion and training facility for growers in postharvest management and marketing are
planned. A world-class terminal market for fruits and vegetables is planned to cater
to Delhi and North India, and a flower market of international standard catering to
both domestic and export markets is proposed near Delhi. Centres for excellence
are planned, some of them with external finance. A network of farmer market is
being set up.
Chapter 7
Socio-economic Conditions and Agriculture
in Sample States
The states under study vary in their progress in reforms with West Bengal, Bihar
and Uttar Pradesh being slow in legislation and some states including agriculturally
advanced states Punjab and Haryana having only partially amended their laws.
From Tables A.3 and A.4 in the appendix, it is clear that each study area has its
distinctive features and they are not exactly comparable. The following sections
provide summary details of study districts. Details of the crops studied for the states
are provided in Appendix 2, section “Crops Covered Under Market Channel
Studies: Fruits”. Section “Crops Covered Under Market Channel Studies:
Vegetables” in Appendix 2 describes the market institutions where the agents are
surveyed under this study.
7.1 Districts Under Study
The districts in the samples show varied geography and socio-economic features.
They include hilly regions like Shimla and Solan, a remote district like Tinsukia
and forested geographies as Sehore in Madhya Pradesh. River plains are covered in
the districts in Bihar, West Bengal and Punjab and semiarid segments in
Maharashtra and Haryana. Minority population has a higher share in certain regions
as in Sehore, Nashik, Murshidabad, Ranchi and Visakhapatnam. Poverty is more
extensive in some of the districts such as Sehore, Ranchi, Murshidabad, Tinsukia
and Nagaon, but districts in Haryana, Punjab and Maharashtra covered show far
greater affluence. Most of the regions especially the districts in Punjab, Haryana
and West Bengal are specialized in growing cereals, but horticulture is an existent
strength in the Himachal, Assam and Jharkhand districts. Most remarkably, the
average size of a farm and the share of small farmers differ widely. While the size in
districts in Andhra Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Assam and West Bengal is very
small, it is medium in Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Bihar districts and fairly
large in the districts sampled in Haryana and Punjab.

108 7 Socio-economic Conditions and Agriculture in Sample States
7.1.1 Visakhapatnam District in Andhra Pradesh
Andhra Pradesh is one of the states that amended the APMC Act recently. In
Andhra Pradesh, the study crops are brinjal and banana, and the emerging market
considered is direct marketing through the institution of Rythu Bazaar for both the
crops. Visakhapatnam is the sample district. Both brinjal and banana are traditional
crops in the area, having extensive demand arising in both proximate and distant
places.
Visakhapatnam is an industrially developed district, but 55 % of the labour force
is still engaged in agriculture (NSSO, 2007–2008). It is fairly urbanized. The
population is partially tribal1 (14 %) in character. The average holding size is
only 0.9 ha compared to the state average of 1.2 ha, and nearly 90 % of the district’s
landholdings are small. The average irrigation intensity is at 35 % of the NSA, less
than the state’s 44 %. Most of this area is under surface irrigation. Rice is the
dominant crop in the district, other major crops being maize, Bengal gram, red gram
and sugarcane, but the productivity is low in general. Horticulture is a growing
sector today, but fruits and vegetables arrive in the Visakhapatnam markets not only
from this district but also from outside.
7.1.2 Nashik District in Maharashtra
Maharashtra too amended the APMC Act in 2006 and created a credible case for the
emergence of new channels which give more space to private sector. One vegetable
crop, namely, onion, and one fruit crop, namely, pomegranate, were selected for
study which covers corporate mediation in marketing. Nashik is known for its
pleasant climate suited for horticulture, although, of late, cases of higher than
average temperatures and reductions in rainfall are becoming more frequent
occurrences. Bajra is the main crop in the district and paddy is less important.
The region is especially known for growing a large variety of fruits and supplying
them to Mumbai city. Sugarcane is another cash crop grown, sugar factories being
important contributors to the economic growth of the state. Poultry and dairy are
other activities that are promoted by India’s rural development programmes. Thus,
the region is agriculturally and economically vibrant.
Agriculture is the dominant activity of the district. The average landholding size
is moderately large, at over 1.7 ha as of 2001 in the district. About 74 % of the
farmers are small and marginal, who operate 41 % of the area, which is far less than
the typical Indian case. The region is largely dry with only 21 % of the land having
irrigation, dominated by ground water sources. Of the villages in the district, only
10 % are not electrified. Although per capita income is higher than the state
1
People belonging to scheduled tribe according to Indian Constitution have a high share in
population.
7.1 Districts Under Study 109
average, over 24 % of rural households live below poverty. A quarter of the

population belongs to the scheduled tribes.
Onion, one of the selected crops for study, has been the main cash crop in the
region for over 30 years. Pomegranate is a rising crop as farmers in several blocks
are shifting from sugarcane and grapes to pomegranate and flowers due to the
shortage of water. The two selected crops onion and pomegranate have the
advantages of being in demand all over the country and also overseas. The state
of Maharashtra and the selected region in particular are dominant producers of the
two crops in the country.
Storage and transportation are of prime importance in marketing of the selected
crops. Most farmers make on-farm investment on storage especially for onion
(chawls), but processing devices are locally not common. Onion is raised in kharif,
late kharif and rabi seasons, but rabi is the preferred season as the kharif crop is
liable to easy spoilage due to rains and humidity. Seasonal price variation being
significant, farmers attempt to hold onion till October when the price usually rises.
Pomegranate which is witnessing growing demand across the country due to its
nutritive and medicinal properties is highly susceptible to spot disease stimulated
by intermittent rainfall. Oily spots sometimes prove disastrous to orchards.
7.1.3 Sehore District in Madhya Pradesh
Madhya Pradesh in its present form came into existence in November 2000 only,
following its bifurcation to create a new state Chhattisgarh. The second largest sate
in India after Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh is situated in the heart of India. It is rich in
minerals, bio-resources, history and culture. It is highly rural with its population
divided among scheduled castes, tribes and the general category people. The
poverty level is high, nearly 40 %, and part of the state is under forest cover.
Several crops including rice and wheat are grown in the state, but the state is
especially known for producing pulses. More notably, it is one of few and dominant
states producing soya bean. Madhya Pradesh partially amended the APMC Act and
gave permission to ITC for the purchase of soya bean from growers. As noted
elsewhere, Madhya Pradesh is the main soya bean-growing state in India where its
cultivation has remained geographically confined. No emerging channel could be
spotted in Chhattisgarh, and the state could not be studied as was originally
planned.
Sehore is at the foothill of Vindhyachal mountains at a height of 600 msl2
(2,000 ft), located 40 km from state capital Bhopal, and it is connected by
Bhopal-Indore highway and western railways. It has fertile black soil and produces
high-quality wheat. Twenty-six percent of the land area is under forest, and 56 % of
2
msl: metres above sea level.
the area is cropped. The cropping intensity is 1.63 %. Of the net cropped area, 62 %
is under irrigation in which dug wells, tube wells and tanks contributed 44.6 %,
32.3 % and 2.8 %, respectively making ground water importatnt. Foodgrains
occupy nearly half of the cropped area, in which cereals contribute 28 % and
pulses 20 %.
Sehore is both a city and a municipal block in Sehore district (same name),
located on the Bhopal-Indore highway. It is predominantly a pulse-growing area,
with chickpea as the most popular crop among all pulses. Foodgrains constitute
48.9 % of cropped area, and among the non-foodgrains like fibre, fodder, sesame,
soya bean and fruits, soya bean is the most dominant one, occupying 47 % of
cropped area in the Sehore block and 45 % in Sehore district. Wheat, followed by
maize, is the main cereal grown in Sehore. Small farmers account for 55 % of the
holdings, while only 2.7 % of the holdings are large. The average farm size is fairly
large by Indian standards at 2.7 ha which is the medium category. Sehore is the
leading district in soya bean acreage and is also the first district where the ITC
e-Choupal was introduced in 2004.
7.1.4 Shimla and Solan Districts of Himachal Pradesh
Two crops, apple and tomato, are selected for study in the Himalayan state of
Himachal Pradesh. Apple is the main commercial fruit crop in Himachal Pradesh,
and, although many vegetables are raised in the state, tomato accounting for one
third of all vegetables is our choice. Rohru block in Shimla and Kandaghat in Solan
are the selected areas of study for apple and tomato, respectively. Both these
products are sold in markets in Delhi. Recently, Himachal Pradesh amended its
APMC Act and is encouraging private and public sector companies to participate in
marketing fruits and vegetables and to upgrade the marketing infrastructure.
Hilly regions across the world face severe restraints on economic development.
Himachal Pradesh is no exception, though it is a progressive state in India.
Expectedly, it is prone to migration of people looking out for livelihood. Forests
and natural beauty are valuable wealth of the state and tourism is important.
Agriculture is by far the major occupation of the people. Due to climatic distinc-
tiveness, a wide variety of cash crops like fruits, vegetables and condiments grow
well. While the area under fruits and vegetables registered high increases in recent
decades, principal crops paddy, barley, pulses and oilseeds lost share. Thus, the
cropping pattern is changing over time.
In Shimla, the elevation varies from 1,600 msl to 5,670 msl, and the entire
district is mountainous with steep hills and forests. The climate varies from cold and
dry zones to temperate and subtropical zones depending on the height. The terrain is
rough and the soil is low in phosphorus but medium in carbon content. Small and
marginal holdings that account for nearly 84 % of all holdings occupy only 50 % of
the operated area indicating a skewed land distribution. The proportion of marginal
holdings has also increased over time. Farmers mostly grow food crops, and only
21 % of area is under fruits and vegetables. Farming is done on tiny and terraced
landholdings that are generally economically unviable. Apples account for 83 % of
fruit area in the district. In Solan consisting of both high- and low-altitude areas,
temperature is also variable falling to 0 C in winter and rising to 40 C in summer.
Solan too has a large proportion (72 %) of small farmers, and the average farm sizes
in Shimla and Solan are small at 1.1 and 1.7 ha, respectively.
7.1.5 Ranchi District in Jharkhand
Jharkhand, till recently a part of Bihar, is one of the states that have amended their
APMC Acts in sharp contrast to parent state Bihar where progress has been tardy.
Cauliflower, a vegetable crop in Kanke block in Ranchi district, is selected for
study. Ranchi is the state capital of Jharkhand and the largest district of the state.
Part of the Ranchi region is plateau. It is mostly a rural district, and over 75 % of
workers engage in agriculture. Scheduled tribes (ST) constitute 42 % of the
population. Infrastructure is poor and only 30 % of the villages are electrified.
Ranchi enjoys a pleasant environment and low relative humidity, but the rainfall
distribution is highly uneven, so the possibility of multiple cropping is limited. The
land is fairly forested (21 %), while current fallows and net sown area account for
16 % and 34 % of reported area, respectively. Wells account for nearly 70 % of
irrigation, but only 31 % of farmers have irrigation, the irrigation intensity being
only 9 %. Rice is the major crop, other main crops being maize, wheat and cereals.
The state is rich in mineral resources, responsible for the state’s industrial potential.
Ranchi is rich in resources and environmental wealth, but economically, it remains
relatively backward.
7.1.6 Tinsukia and Nagaon Districts of Assam
Assam, also known as the land of the red river and blue hills, is situated in the north-
east of India. It has 27 districts, most of which are drained by rivers Brahmaputra
and Barak. Three districts are located in the hill regions. Assam is predominantly
agrarian but the share of agriculture in the state GDP has declined over the years to
23 %, though it still supports over 70 % of the population. Rice is the most
important crop but oilseeds are also important. The APMC Act was amended in
2006 to allow flexibility in marketing to suit the specific situations in the state.
Tinsukia is known for its tea gardens and natural resources. Forests cover 35 %
of the district’s geographical area. It is bounded by Arunachal Pradesh and by
Brahmaputra river which separates it from Dhemaji district. The soil is sandy to
clayey and acidic. The climate is subtropical, warm and humid with average 140–150
rainy days in a year. The district is bestowed with deep forests, beautiful landscapes
and biodiversity hot spots. Agriculture, which is marked by mono-cropping, engages
60 % of the population. Tea plantations and orange orchards as well as coal mines and
oil refineries also provide employment. The district is home to only 4 % of the state’s
population, and the population density is relatively low. The literacy rate (63 %) is the
same as Assam, and 40 % of people are poor by official count, and 73.7 % of the
villages are electrified.
The cropping intensity in Tinsukia is only 1.4. About 80 % of farmers are
smallholders. Tinsukia is the largest orange-producing district in Assam. Recently,
problems like improper planting materials and poor management and a problem
called ‘citrus decline’ causing poor health of orchards have moved growers towards
tea plantations. However, because tea is labour intensive and due to the technical
support of Citrus Research Station of the Assam Agricultural University, orange
cultivation has regained popularity. The Technology Mission for Integrated Devel-
opment of Horticulture has helped to increase the area under Humithra orange.
Most small tea growers intercrop tea with orange. There are no organized marketing
arrangements, and exploitation by commission agent and traders is common. Group
and direct marketing is only a new initiative.
Nagaon, situated in central Brahmaputra valley, has hot and wet summer and dry
and cold winters. Rainfall varies to 1,200–2,200 mm. It is agrarian raising paddy,
sugarcane, potato and commercial crops. Over 80 % of farmers are smallholders.
Rice occupied 55 % of cropped area, but the district also grows wheat and mustard.
The district is densely populated, poor and rural in character. About 73 % of the
villages are electrified. Over half of the cropped area is under rice. The main
commercial crop is potato.
7.1.7 Murshidabad District in West Bengal
In West Bengal, the Kandi block in the district of Murshidabad is selected for
survey, and the crop studied is a vegetable of the class arum, similar to yam and
cassava. Murshidabad, the selected district, is situated on the left bank of the river
Ganges. The case of mustard is also presented as a portrayal of the traditional
channel. It is pertinent to note the West Bengal has not legislated reforms till now
and the old marketing regulation on producers and streams of traders still remain.
Murshidabad is a fertile district with wet and dry climate by Koppen classifica-
tion and receiving 1,722 mm of rainfall brought by the south-west monsoon winds
between June and September. Rivers Bhagirathi and Jalangi drain the district.
Bhagirathi divides the district into two regions, the Rarh and the Bagri, with
different soil types. Rarh on the western bank is known for its crop lands under
rice, while jute and silk (mulberry) farming is important in the east. The district is
famous for its history and culture, associated with the Nawabs and in particular with
Siraj ud-Daulah who lost to the incoming British initiating the colonial regime. The
district is also known for other activities like tourism, silk textiles and craftwork.
Murshidabad has a high population density of 1,101 per Km2. A large 64 % of
the population is constituted of the minority community Muslims, but a majority of
the others are Hindus. Scheduled caste population also constitutes 12 % of the
populace. Surface transport is the most dominant connectivity. Roadways are

present and two major rail routes connect the district with other places. Though
waterways also have potential, they are not developed. On the whole, the district is
well connected. Three percent of the villages are yet to be electrified. Agriculture is
the major activity of the people. Of the total number of workers, 57 % are in
agriculture. Naturally, Murshidabad is also famous for silk, handicraft items and
tourism.
Agriculture is progressive and diversified in the district. The land is elevated and
slightly undulating having a gentle slope with heavy, greyish or reddish soil mixed
with lime and iron oxide. The most important crop is aman rice.3 Aus and boro rice,
wheat, pulses and mustard are also grown as well as cash crops like jute, jackfruits
and mango.
Although making silk sarees and tourism are important occupations in the state,
agriculture remains to be the mainstay, employing more than 45 % of the work-
force. Much of the land in the district is utilized, so that 74 % of the land is under
cultivation and 22 % put to nonagricultural uses, while only 4 % remains unculti-
vable. Another but less than 1 % of land is under forest cover compared to the state
average of 13 %. Rice is the dominant crop grown mostly as the main kharif season,
though summer rice (boro) is also important. Other crops of significance include
wheat (though West Bengal is a small producer of this crop), jute, mustard and
pulses. Several fruit trees are also grown in Murshidabad, but unlike other districts
like Malda, mango is not a major crop. The average farm size is very small at
0.74 ha, and 95 % of the farmers operate less than 2 ha of land. This land is 82 % of
the cultivated land in the district. More than 70 % of the land is however irrigated of
which 73 % is served by wells.
7.1.8 Bhagalpur District in Bihar
Despite agricultural backwardness, shortage of economic policy and adequate

governance, the potential of the state of Bihar is easily recognized. Bihar is a fertile
state endowed with river valleys and a subtropical climate supporting horticultural
crops. The land is watered by the Ganges. The state is known for several fruits and
vegetables including mango and litchi. Mango, a dominant fruit in whose produc-
tion the state ranks fifth in the country, is the study crop. Mango is grown in all
38 districts of the state, but six districts, Darbhanga, Samastipur, Muzaffarpur, East
Champaran, Vaishali and Bhagalpur, account for one third of the production. Of
these districts, Bhagalpur is selected as the study district because the special Jardalu
variety of mango for which the state is proud of is grown in the district. Bihar has no
APMC Act in place making agricultural marketing unregulated. Under this
3
Aman, aus and boro are the three types of rice grown in West Bengal in three different seasons of
the year.
limitation, our study has chosen a channel operated by unorganized traders going by
its recent emergence.
Bhagalpur district in the south-east of Bihar is one of the oldest districts. It is
fertile with alluvial soil of the Ganges plain. Agriculture is the main occupation
supporting nearly 60 % of the workers, and 57 % of the reported area in the district
is devoted to cultivation. The rest is mostly put to nonagricultural uses or is barren.
Forested land has a minimal share in land use. The cropping intensity is only 1.16.
The population density is high at 1,180 per sq km, and nearly 81 % of the people
live in rural areas. Backward sections have a small share in the population with 9 %
belonging to the scheduled castes and only 2 % to the scheduled tribes, although
over half of the population lives below the poverty line. The average farm size is
very small at 0.56 ha. With 83 % of farmers having marginal holdings, the share of
small and marginal farmers is extremely large over 94 %. The land is however
mostly irrigated (32 %). Bore wells are major sources of irrigation apart from open
wells and tanks. Major crops of this area are paddy, wheat and maize. Sericulture is
also in practice. Infrastructure is not fully developed, and over 40 % of the villages
are not electrified.
Litchi, banana, guava and mango are four important fruits grown in the Bihar
state of which about 5 % of cultivated area is for mango. Bihar has natural
endowments suited for mango cultivation. Indians are major consumers of
mango, and there is also an international market. The fruit grows in large trees
with long life, but the fruit itself is perishable, and a technology for inducing longer
shelf life is a special requisite for marketing. However, Bihar has poor infrastruc-
ture. In a state where the APMC Act has been repealed and the market remains open
and unregulated (see Chap. 6, Sect. 6.6), the prospect of building up desired
facilities is uncertain.
7.1.9 Agra, Hathras and Pratapgarh Districts

of Uttar Pradesh
Although Uttar Pradesh has also not amended the APMC Act, we had greater
success in locating emerging channels in the state. This is probably because despite
the regulations and due to certain relaxations permitted, the situation is hardly static
in the state, and ‘partial’ contract farming is possible. The two crops selected are
potato, a vegetable, and aonla, a fruit. The area and production of potato are largest
in Agra among all districts in Uttar Pradesh. No emerging channel was operating in
Agra, and so Sadabad block in Hathras, a neighbouring district, is selected for
study. For aonla, Pratapgarh district, the largest producer in the state, is chosen, and
the sample is drawn from Sadar block where producers sold to a local processing
unit called Satkar Food.
The majority of workers in Agra, Hathras and Pratapgarh districts are engaged in
agriculture. The districts are densely populated, poor and barring Agra they are
highly rural in character. Scheduled caste communities make up a little more than
20 % of the population in all the three districts.
National Horticulture Mission Scheme has helped in exploring the horticulture
potential of Uttar Pradesh since 2005–2006 by providing support and materials. A
regionally differentiated cluster approach is taken for development of horticultural
crops. The region has a comparative advantage in horticulture. Four agri-export
zones (AEZs) are established for the promotion of mango and potato for exports.
The UP State Horticultural Co-operative Marketing Federation is organizing the
horticulture producers as self-help groups or primary societies for facilitating
marketing. Agra and Hathras fall in AEZ for potato. PepsiCo, ITC and Mahindra
ShubhLabh are agencies that supply inputs and technology with a lab-to-field
approach and also facilitate marketing of potato. Partial contract farming is in
practice for potato and garlic. The State Horticulture Missions promote commercial
fruits and vegetables with subsidies for drip and sprinkler irrigation. There are over
200 cold storages in the state. Small farmers account for, respectively, 98 %, 90 %
and 80 % of landholdings in Pratapgarh, Agra and Hathras, but the region is
endowed with 70 cold storages and a high irrigation intensity.
Potato, wheat, mustard and gram are major rabi crops in Agra which has a
semiarid climate but a high irrigation intensity of 90 %. Mahamaya Nagar or
Hathras district in western part of Uttar Pradesh is basically agrarian in character
with wheat, oilseeds and potato as the main crops. Pratapgarh district in eastern
Uttar Pradesh is highly rural and also poor. Of the total land, 75 % is under
agriculture which is mostly irrigated. Wheat, paddy, pulses and potato are important
crops, as are aonla, mango and guava. National Horticulture Mission launched in
2005 in the district seeks to establish aonla nursery and marketing infrastructure.
Thus, cropping pattern is more diversified in Pratapgarh, but all the three districts
covered in this study are marked by small farms, ample irrigation and a rice-potato-
based production pattern.
7.1.10 Sonepat, Gurgaon and Kurukshetra Districts

in Haryana
Haryana is known for its green revolution, its world famous basmati rice as well as
its high production of rice and wheat. Recently, the state faces troubles arising from
its rice-wheat rotational practices, soil degradation, receding water table and pollu-
tion of ground water. The promotion of horticulture is both a means to look for a
solution to these post-green revolution problems and a response to the opportunities
created by reforms. The affluence of Gurgaon and its location in the national capital
region (NCR) create demand and scope for commercial cultivation of fruits and
vegetables to flourish. Ambala leads the state in the share of cropped area devoted
to horticultural crops, but the districts Sonepat, Kurukshetra, Gurgaon and Yamuna
Nagar have considerable area under these crops. A large variety of these crops
including flowers and aromatic plants are grown along with fruits and vegetables.
The state has partially reformed its marketing system. We could locate two cases
where an organized private retailer purchases products from farmers.
Haryana emerged as one of the most progressive states in the wake of economic
liberalization in India. Its proximity to the national capital New Delhi, its earlier
record of success in agriculture and industry and the rise of the software industry are
special components of the success. Haryana therefore would provide an interesting
case for any study that is related to economic reforms.
All the three districts selected for sampling are close to Delhi and are well
connected. Very hot summers, very cold winters, mild monsoon and low to
moderate rainfall characterize the climate of the region covered. There are however
subtle differences underlying the commonality and reflecting the greater urbaniza-
tion of Gurgaon.
Sonepat, carved out of Rohtak district in 1972, is located in the south-east of
Haryana and in the north of Delhi, the capital of India. Lying on the Punjab plain,
the district is uneven in terrain and is drained by river Yamuna and its tributaries.
The district is highly irrigated by both canals and tube wells, but this privilege
comes with serious water problems like ingress of brackish ground water and
waterlogging of land. The soil is rich (sandy or loamy) and crop productivity is
high. Cereals and vegetables are the main crops.
Kurukshetra, a district known for its mythological and religious links to epic
Mahabharata, is more endowed. Lying north-east of Haryana, surrounded by
Ambala and Patiala (Punjab) districts, it has more fertile and alluvial soils, plain
lands and ample irrigation facility based on tube wells. The productivity of agricul-
ture is high, and the main crops grown are cereals, fruits and vegetables.
Gurgaon, located in the southernmost region of Haryana and within the national
capital region (NCR), is close to Delhi and is highly developed today. The natural
topography of the district is diverse and irregular with hills and ridges arising from
Aravalli Mountains. It is semiarid with low rainfall, and even the water holding
capacity of the soil (kankar) is poor. Haryana has no independent source of water
and is mostly dependent on neighbouring states, though several lakes and seasonal
streams hold water and have formed a lifeline for the region. In general the state has
to focus on water conservation and efficient allocation. In fact, water use planning
for Gurgaon becomes a component of the National Water Policy of 2002 in India.
Other than cereals, pulses are important crops in Gurgaon.
All three sampled districts are infrastructurally endowed and well connected.
The population density is high (about 600). Scheduled caste population accounts for
11–20 % of the total population. Gurgaon differs from Sonepat and Kurukshetra in
having a higher urbanization (only 30 % of the population is rural as compared to
69 % and 74 % in the others as of 2011) and an elevated level of nonagricultural
land use (69 % area against 73 % and 89 % in the other two) and a larger share of
nonagricultural workforce (60 % compared to 47 % and 53 %). Literacy rate is
63–73 % in the three districts. Nearly complete irrigation of land, intense use of
fertilizers and machines and dominance of cereals are features of the district’s
agriculture, though cropping intensity is relatively low in Gurgaon at 1.4.
Kurukshetra and Gurgaon have five regulated markets each and Sonepat has two.
The share of total crop area under horticulture crops is 3.3 %, 2.63 % and 1.8 %,
respectively, in Kurukshetra, Sonepat and Gurgaon.
7.1.11 Jalandhar and Ferozepur Districts in Punjab
Punjab is a leading agricultural state in India but specialized only in grains.

Agriculture is dominated by large farms and cereal production. On account of the
climatic conditions, Punjab is not a very important producer of horticultural crops,
but policy is probably an added historical force to reinforce the emphasis on cereals.
The reforms taken up by the state in the 2000s partly addressed the need to correct
this imbalance. Contract farming is promoted especially with this objective,
although reforms are partial until now.
National Horticulture Mission is implemented in Punjab to promote the produc-
tion of fruits and vegetables as part of a drive towards diversification. As a result the
area under both fruits and vegetables increased over the last decade. The state today
accounts for 1.9 % and 2.6 % of fruit and vegetable production, respectively, of the
country. Potato is the most important vegetable in the state (45 % of vegetable
area). While citrus fruits are among important fruits in the state, kinnow mandarin
occupies a prominent position with respect to acreage and production. It is now felt
that there is considerable potential of developing the horticulture sector in agricul-
ture and promoting food processing such as production of tomato paste, potato
chips and juices.
The study districts Jalandhar and Ferozepur, lying on the border with Pakistan,
are constituted of intensively irrigated central plains of the state lying between the
Beas and the Satluj rivers. Together, the two districts cover nearly 17 % of the
state’s geographical area. Both districts are endowed with plain and alluvial soils,
but the presence of light soils and brackish ground water has been a hindrance to
agriculture in the eastern side of Ferozepur. The climate is largely dry but rainfall
occurs in the monsoon season July to September (70 % of total) as well as in the
pre-monsoon months from thunder showers and in the post-monsoon season from
western disturbances. Summers are hot and winters are freezing.
Jalandhar is more densely populated (746 per hectare) than Ferozepur (329 per
hectare) and also more urbanized (48 % of population against 26 %). Agriculture
remains the single most important sector in the state, but over time a decline of
importance of the sector is experienced. Both districts, being endowed with irriga-
tion and using more fertilizer (502 kg per hectare and 410 kg per hectare, respec-
tively) than most parts of India, register high crop productivity. Agriculture is also
highly mechanized, and so the electricity consumption of agriculture is high.
Although both districts are highly irrigated, more than 98 % of irrigated area is
served by ground water in Jalandhar, whereas over 44 % of the area in Ferozepur is
served by government canals. Over 80 % of the geographical area in the districts

came under cultivation. Forest area coverage was more at 9 % in Ferozepur than in
Jalandhar (2 %) where nonagricultural land use was more.
The average holding size is fairly large at 4.6 ha in Jalandhar and 6 ha in
Ferozepur. Therefore, the largest share of holdings belonged to the medium holding
class (65–67 %), but the share of small and marginal holdings at 17 % and 25 % in
Ferozepur and Jalandhar, respectively, is substantially low compared to the
all-India picture. In both districts wheat followed by rice claims the largest share
in the cultivated area, together constituting over three fourth of the area. Fruits
account for a paltry 0.35 % of the area in Jalandhar and only 3 % in Ferozepur,
while the share of vegetables is higher at 5.5 % in Jalandhar but less than 1 % in
Ferozepur.
7.2 Markets and Prices
Under the regulated system of marketing, India has institutions for wholesale
marketing and retail distribution. These markets have developed by state action
or have evolved sometimes even over centuries. In many cases they are simply built
up by the authorities at various vintages. Agricultural prices (collected through
primary studies) have been central to the Indian government’s policymaking for
many years, and resultantly a long-standing system of market intelligence is in
place. The system for market statistics is however refined over time in terms of
collection, validation and dissemination and through occasional reviews.
The prices are generally categorized as wholesale prices and retail prices in
simplistic terms, though there are further layers of subcategories that may not be
fully reflected in public data. In many cases, as in this study the product actually
may not reach the user via the regulated market or the wholesaler or even the
retailer. The regulated marketing, as mandated by legislation, is not the actual
practice in all parts of the country. Parallel and alternative channels become more
prevalent depending on the suitability of these channels to the physical and socio-
economic reality of the cases and the limitations and level of supervision of the
regulated channels. Also, the price data reported is only statistical in nature, but
being in reality multiple in dimensions, they are not amenable to clear specification.
A manual on agricultural prices is provided by the Indian Council of Agricultural
Research (Tyagi et al. 2005) explaining the systems that define India’s agricultural
markets and prices.
In recent times, the marketing system is undergoing vast changes that in fact
provide the basic motivation for the current study. This has created new institutions
of marketing that becomes the subject matter in emerging channels. Such
institutions may involve private companies, NGOs, non-profit organizations pro-
moted by the government or farmers’ collectives, and some may not even necessi-
tate a physical market space at all but may call for a cyberspace only. Some details
of marketplaces that form part of the transactions investigated in the subsequent
7.2 Markets and Prices 119
chapters are discussed in sections “Crops Covered Under Market Channel Studies:
Fruits” and “Crops Covered Under Market Channel Studies: Vegetables” of Appen-
dix 2. However, these details are based only on our own field reports when
available.
Chapter 8
Selling to Corporate Marketing
Intermediaries
Marketing is a specialized economic activity with a fast-developing scientific

discipline. That marketing is changing to a professional function from a culture is
evident in several sectors of the Indian economy. Due to their lack of exposure,
training and resources, the traditionally registered traders operating as individuals
in supply chains of agricultural products failed to keep up with the developments in
their own vocation. Their exclusively assured rights in the regular marketing
channels also discouraged them from modernizing their activities and investing in
marketing for meeting any competition. The amendment of the APMC Act in India,
by allowing private corporate sector to enter the market for agricultural
commodities, opens up a door through which expertise and knowledge developed
on marketing function can flow in and benefit the farm sector.
With the new legislation, several organized bodies that already have marketing
experiences and established network with farms in different other capacities are
making forays into this unchartered territory of selling marketing services to
farmers. They offer to purchase raw food items at the time and place of producer’s
convenience rather than in the rigidly specified premises of the regulated markets.
They are generally not owners of distribution outlets but act as the bridge between
the producer and traders in more advanced supply chains in the traditional channels.
Not only do they convey an added option to the seller but, by dint of their
potentially more efficient operations, promise to make agricultural production
more lucrative. Training, skills and continual learning in this field of marketing
form the foundation of their existence.
In Himachal Pradesh, we have studied apple producers who have shifted from
commission agents and preharvest contractors to a corporate marketing agency who
is already known for creating various other support services for agriculture. Simi-
larly, in Maharashtra, a company traditionally engaged in input supply to farmers
has diversified into marketing of onion and pomegranate. Finally, in Madhya

122 8 Selling to Corporate Marketing Intermediaries
Pradesh, we study the changes brought by a modern electronic technology-based

marketing platform offered by a leading company that also has a historical associa-
tion with Indian agriculture.1
8.1 Data and Methodology
All the three states studied, namely Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra and Madhya
Pradesh, have amended the APMC Act to launch reforms. However, since the
corporate market intermediation (CMI) model is only at an inception stage, the
sampling design was strongly restrained by the actual presence of the relevant
emerging channels. As in other states, it was planned that each investigating centre
would study marketing of two crops of horticultural nature. Lists of participating
farmers would be prepared based on information from the corporate agents and
local authorities, and the samples would be drawn at random giving representation
to different holding sizes. In practice, some modifications are unavoidable as
discussed below. Random samples of farmers operating in a common traditional
channel in the same area would also be drawn for comparison, and the farmers
selling in the traditional channel are considered as non-participants.
In Maharashtra, the sample is collected from Satana Taluka in Nashik district where
one vegetable crop, namely onion, and one fruit crop, namely pomegranate, are studied.
We treat the sales by farmers to a company named Deepak Fertilisers and
Petrochemicals Corporation Limited (DFPCL) as participation in the relevant CMI
channel for both crops. Since the channel is yet in its infancy, its acceptance is extremely
limited, and we could locate only 17 farmers who dispose their products in this channel.
The government in Madhya Pradesh has only partially amended the APMC Act.
The investigating centre in Madhya Pradesh could not identify two crops, and, in fact,
not even one horticultural crop for any emerging channel could be found. It was
decided that only one crop, i.e. soya bean, would be studied. Soya bean is actually an
oilseed crop rapidly gaining importance in the country. The bean itself is also cooked
as a vegetable or a legume to be eaten with staples optionally after preliminary
processing (nuggets). Both soya bean oil and nuggets are gaining popularity for their
health benefits, Sehore block in Sehore district in the state is the study area and the
much discussed ITC e-Choupal is the intermediary in the emerging channel studied.
In Himachal Pradesh, apple, the main commercial fruit crop in the state, is
selected for study. The sample is drawn from the Rohru block in Shimla which
has the maximum area under apple in the state. The intermediary is a marketing
company named Adani Enterprises. Sample details are given in Table A.15.
1
Investigation for collecting primary information is conducted by the Agro-Economic Research
Centres (AERCs) in the Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla; Jawaharlal Nehru Krishi Vishwa
Vidyalaya, Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh; and Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune,
Maharashtra.
8.1 Data and Methodology 123
8.1.1 Definitions and Methods
While measures of farmer prices and costs are sample average in all cases,
addressing the terminal price is a more complex task given that a product can
have multiple uses and the target destination can vary widely. The choice of the
terminal user therefore needs to be based on the most common destination of the
product as well as the concern to maintain consistency between the two channels
under comparison.
In Maharashtra, the company buys from the farmer. The terminal users consid-
ered by us are the malls Star Bazaar, More and Big Bazaar2 that finally sell to the
consumer. This truncation of the chain short of the customer (at the mall gate) is
impelled by the fact that considerable value addition is embedded in the shopping
conditions created artificially in the malls for which only a willing customer with
options pays. Nevertheless, it may be conceded that the limitation of the approach
may be a source of underestimation of the terminal price, market inefficiency and
price magnification.3
In Himachal Pradesh, the marketing channel starts with the purchase of apples
through collection centres of the buying company, but the target destination is much
more indeterminate. A large variety of channels of both the traditional type (such as
via different forwarding agents or commission agent or retailers) and the emerging
type (such as via Adani, the Railway Board, the state enterprise known as HPMC or
private processors) coexist in the sample area. Since much of the procurements
made by Adani actually reaches the traditional channel at some intermediate point
(as discussed in the next section), wholesalers in Delhi’s Azadpur market are
considered as the terminal user of apples for both channels.
The soya bean producer in Madhya Pradesh disposes of products through the
traders in traditional channels and alternatively through the e-Choupal. It is soya
bean oil and other processed products that the ultimate consumer buys. Purchase of
soya bean grains by consumer is rare in the surveyed area. The processor is
therefore considered the terminal purchaser of soya bean produced by farmers in
both channels.4
2
More is a pan-India retail chain owned by Aditya Birla Groups, Star Bazaar is a unit of Trent
Hypermarket Ltd. owned by the Tata Group and Big Bazaar is possibly the largest hypermarket
chain started by Kishore Biyani and owned by the Future Group.
3
Our field reports suggest that the margin at the terminal level (mall) is between 10 % and 20 % in
the outlets, but products can be also sold at a loss or under a ‘reduce to clear’ code depending on
demand and product quality at the time of sale. The DFPCL does not have its own sales outlets.
4
Our investigation found that marketing of soya bean stops at the door of the processor. No retailer
in the area was found to sell soya bean grain to the consumer. Most of the grain was converted into
soya oil and soya cake. Soya biscuits, flour, nuggets, sauce, paneer and soya milk and other
processed products that reached the consumers. Thus, the processer was treated as the final
consumer of soya bean grain in the study.
8.2 Reforms and Marketing Channels in Sample States
All three states under study may be perceived as positive to reforms because they
have amended the APMC Act. Maharashtra amended the Act in 2006 and since then
has become an attractive ground for several private players and many new models
to operate. Renowned as a financial and industrial centre of the nation, Maharashtra
is a progressive state in many respects, and Nashik district in the state is known for
growing a variety of fruits and vegetables. Onion is a major cash crop of the sample
district. It is also an important product from a national perspective both in the
domestic economy and in the international trade of the country.
Madhya Pradesh in its present form (it was bifurcated to Madhya Pradesh and
Chhattisgarh in 2000) remains largely an agricultural state. The selected district
Sehore devotes large areas to the cultivation of pulses and is a major producer of
soya bean. Madhya Pradesh is mostly seen as a foremost reforming state in India,
though it has only partially amended the APMC Act in June 2003.
Himachal Pradesh is a hilly state with the usual constraints but is also a
progressive one. It has limitations in developing its industries, so that agriculture
remains the prime economic activity though tourism is also strength. The state
repealed its old marketing Act and passed the amended Act following the guidelines
provided by the Central Government in 2005. A number of private and organized
players now operate in marketing agricultural products, in particular fruits and
vegetables for which the hilly state is reputed. Shimla, the study district, houses the
state capital. Farming is the main occupation in Shimla which is a mountainous
district, although the slopes impose rigid restraints on the ways of farming. The
following sections describe how the selected CM1 channel operates (see Fig. 8.1) in
comparison with the traditional channel.
Maharashtra Madhya Pradesh Himachal Pradesh

Onion and Pomegranate Soya bean Apple
Farmer Farmer Farmer
Adani
E-Choupal
DFPCL Saarrthie Trader
Processor Traders in
Overseas buyer Delhi market
Mall
Fig. 8.1 Flow of products in the supply chain in the emerging channels
8.2 Reforms and Marketing Channels in Sample States 125
8.2.1 Marketing of Onions and Pomegranates in Nashik:

How the DFPCL-‘Saarrthie’ Operates
Deepak Fertilisers and Petrochemicals Corporation Limited (DFPCL) was initially

specialized in manufacturing fertilizers, but later it diversified through its Agri-Business
& Farm Solutions (ABFS) division into agricultural extension. The Agri-service
division of DFPCL is known as Saarrthie, whose main aim is to provide a
‘complete basket of solutions and techno-commercial services’ to farmers. In
Maharashtra, the DFPCL has seven Saarrthie centres that are primarily involved
with extension services in Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat. A farmer
can be enrolled as a member with a valid photo identity card on payment of a
lifetime membership fee.
Entering into marketing of farm products, the company now appears engaged
with agriculture both in backward and forward linkage activities. With its expertise,
this organized marketing intermediary serves in providing necessary linkage
between the farmer and the modern retail outlets. The DFPCL does not have its
own retail outlets although it has future plans in that direction.
The Saarrthie provides farmers necessary marketing links with terminal buyers
located both in India and abroad. The farmers are aided to acquire compliance with
international market standards necessary to compete in export market. The port and
storage infrastructure owned by the company seeks to generate resilience to price
volatilities. The Saarrthie has its own specialized processing facilities and linkages
with other processing industries and can provide technical guidance to prevent
spoilage. While facilitation of exports is a central domain, the company also
attempts to help farmers in marketing farm produce within the country, ‘to ensure
better price to the farmers, to monitor supply and to help maintain high quality of
products right from procurement till the final packaging’. It procures fruits and
vegetables, packs them, transports them in refrigerated trucks and sells them to
exporters and organized retailers operating in malls and supermarkets. Its customers
include Aditya Birla Retail Ltd., Metro Cash and Carry, TESCO India and Future
Value Retail Ltd. besides numerous exporters who further pass on the products to
final consumers after required value addition at that level.
The regular supply chains for the same products in the region are dominated by
unorganized traders whose procedures are conventional. Farmers bring their pro-
duce to the regular markets through agents to sell it to the highest bidding
wholesalers through commission agents. The wholesalers then transport the pro-
duce to retailers in distant markets who finally sell the produce to the consumers. In
the sampled channel, the farmer, the commission agent, the wholesaler, the retailer
and the consumer are the key links although other chains with multiple wholesalers
(local and distant) and sometimes a processing company’s representative also
operate in the region.
With huge turnovers in onion in the region, big traders abound in the market.
Onion is also an important export item, and so the wholesalers often sell to
exporters for onion to reach overseas consumers in foreign supermarkets. In sum,
the market in this region is large and fairly developed. The pomegranate market
finds the presence of a number of processors participating in the auctions, but only
relatively poor-quality pomegranate is usually sold to processors who are in the
juice business. The commission agent is the most important agent acting on behalf
of the farmer, responsible for assuring the producers of the best prices possible, but
the auction price is found to vary widely. The APMC market in Satana to which our
sample farmers sell is fairly endowed with required facilities.
8.2.2 The Adani Marketing Group and Regular Trading

in Himachal Pradesh
Apple sold in Himachal Pradesh traditionally passes through a number of hands

before reaching the consumer. A fleet of traders hailing mostly from Chandigarh
and Delhi (Azadpur) markets mostly ship apple to distant places. Only a part of the
produce is sold in nearby Solan market.
Recently, some private and public enterprises have started providing organized
marketing services. Adani Enterprises, a large Indian business group with diverse
interests, is engaged in providing marketing services to apple producers in
Himachal Pradesh, where it has set up integrated storage, handling and transpor-
tation infrastructure for handling fresh produce under the registered name of
Adani Agrifresh Limited. The group’s managers have interacted with producers
across the state and signed agreements with thousands of farmers for direct
procurement.
The Adani Group has emerged as one of the biggest traders in the district of
Shimla. In its modus operandi, it enrols certain agents in the apple-growing areas,
who in turn enrol members among apple producers who would be willing to sell the
produce to the group. The members are supplied with plastic crates free of cost for
collection of apples. The collected apples are brought to Adani stores. Like DFPCL
in Maharashtra, Adani too has no outlet at the time of sampling and does not sell
apples in the retail market.
The members were in principle selected from high-elevation apple-growing
areas in the district to ensure high quality, but in actual practice, the catchments
became diffuse due to popular demand. Although business interests require that the
company procures apples selectively, due to popular pressure as reported, the Adani
Group currently has to procure all grades of apples from producers but keeping only
‘A’ grade or highest-quality apples to be marketed in distant markets; the remaining
apples are sold to local traders who further dispose apples through traditional
channels. Thus, till now the two channels are not sharply demarcated because the
emerging model also has to accommodate conventional intermediaries like
‘mashakhor’ and the retailer in the chain and in fact it coalesces with the traditional
channels at some point.
8.2 Reforms and Marketing Channels in Sample States 127
The traditional channel in the operating area is manned several licensed

intermediaries who have nearly no attention for quality. The infrastructure in the
regulated market in Himachal Pradesh is poor. Long delays in marketing and
exorbitant margins are major weaknesses reported. Besides, farmers also consider
the market regulation to be working unfairly against their interest. Thus, the
functioning of the regulated market is far from what can be desired. In fact, small
farmers who feel more deprived than the others do not find the RM useful and prefer
to sell directly to consumers in the local markets.
Whereas Adani in the emerging channel provides crates for carrying apples,
traders in the traditional channels do not give to farmers any packing material which
is a serious component of apple marketing. The product has to pass through many
hands in the traditional channel before reaching the terminal user, giving rise to
considerable postharvest losses. Preharvest contractors, wholesalers, commission
agents (mashakhors) and retailers are some of the intermediaries in the chain we
have studied.
8.2.3 ITC and Its e-Choupal in Madhya Pradesh

for Marketing Soya Bean
The e-Choupal initiative of the large company ITC Ltd., earlier a tobacco giant but
today a highly diversified company, is well documented and is a popular case study
in business schools. The initiative which began in the year 2000 with soya farmers
in Madhya Pradesh5 is said to have enhanced the competitiveness of Indian
agriculture by providing farmers with access to the Internet.
The e-Choupal acts as a wholesaler through which the product passes from the
farmer to the next buyer. The sanchalak who coordinates the sale is a local person
who has a computer with Internet connection with the support of which he/she tells
the farmers the prevailing price of products graded by the Choupal standard a day in
advance. Although farmers are free to sell to the best buyer through the e-Choupal,
the company (ITC) also purchases products from farmers. It is also launching a
chain of rural malls, and Sehore already has one on Indore-Bhopal highway, but till
now the company is not involved in retailing. Computerized weighing facilities are
available to the sellers along with ATM banking in the market popularly called the
Choupal. There is no taxation or fees involved in the transactions. The Choupal has
good infrastructure in the form of market yard, canteen, parking space and drinking
water supply though there is no arrangement for staying overnight and no
warehousing facility. In the Choupal, the minimum prices are fixed the day before
5
The Government of Madhya Pradesh gave permission to ITC for purchasing soya from growers
in 2004.
sale. ITC’s vast experience with agriculture is a strong advantage in the operation of
the Choupal.
As compared to the Choupal, very few facilities are available in the regular
market in the region, except that fair prices are ensured in auctions supervised by
the mandi committee which is democratically elected regularly. Development in
the regulated market too has progressed as competition built up between the
channels. Computerized weighting is also now available in the mandi though
farmers even today evince little faith on the facility. ATM and other banking
facility are also available, and infrastructure improved in the regulated market
after the reforms. Thus, the traditional marketing system, faced with competition,
is also showing dynamics. The buyers in the mandi of soya bean are mostly
processors, and our select channel consists of producers, wholesalers and
processors.
8.3 Marketing Performance
The corporate market intermediation (CMI) channel is found to operate more

efficiently by reducing marketing costs and margins, the only exception being
the onion markets in Maharashtra in which the ratios of the gross market cost
(inclusive of margins) to both the producer rupee and the consumer rupee are more
in the emerging channel than in the traditional channel (Table 8.1).
Among the four cases reported, the CMI channel has delivered the highest
efficiency gains in pomegranate in Maharashtra where the ratio with respect to
farmer rupee is only 0.34 followed by soya bean in Madhya Pradesh at 0.64.
However, the gross marketing cost incurred per farmer rupee is least at 19 paise in
Madhya Pradesh, followed by 39 paise in Maharashtra for pomegranate, 46 paise
in Himachal Pradesh and Rs 1.31 in Maharashtra for onion in the emerging
channel.
The terminal user price was between 1.2 and 2.3 times the net farmer price in
the emerging channels under study. It is nearly same as the corresponding
traditional channel in the case of onion in Maharashtra6, but in all other cases, it
is higher in the traditional market. However, despite the multichannel diversion in
Maharashtra, marketing scales outweigh those in the traditional channel in the
state, and the scales of marketing (over Rs 1 million and Rs 3 million for the two
crops) are large.
6
Note that the terminal price is the ‘mall’ price and the price magnification could be higher in the
emerging channel if the actual consumer price were taken.
8.3 Marketing Performance 129
Table 8.1 Marketing efficiency in the corporate market intermediation channels

Himachal Madhya
State Pradesh Pradesh Maharashtra
Crop Unit Apple Soya bean Onion Pomegranate
Marketing scale Rs’000 619.83 (0.88) 33.64 (0.42) 1,187.67 3,257.9
(1.71) (3.16)
Total farmer price Rs//’00Kg 4,427.79 1,910.00 694.00 6,100.00
(0.65) (1.03) (0.98) (1.60)
Net adjusted farmer Rs//’00Kg 4,219.00 1,887.80 694.00 6,100.00
price (0.80) (1.04) (1.09) (1.75)
Terminal price Rs//’00Kg 6,172.00 2,242.04 1,600.00 8,500.00
(0.73) (0.95) (1.11) (1.13)
Magnification Ratio 1.46 (0.91) 1.18 (0.91) 2.30 (1.02) 1.39 (0.65)
Gross marketing cost
Per rupee fetched Rs 0.46 (0.77) 0.19 (0.64) 1.31 (1.04) 0.39 (0.34)
by producer
Per rupee paid Rs 0.32 (0.84) 0.16 (0.70) 0.57 (1.02) 0.28 (0.53)
by user
Note: Figures in parentheses are ratios to corresponding estimates for traditional channels
Table 8.2 Implications of the channels for the farmers

Himachal Madhya
Crop Units Apple Soya bean Onion Pomegranate
Productivity ’00Kg/ha 140.0 (1.64) 18.9 (1.12) 350.6 211.1 (1.92)
(1.05)
Profit Rs/’00Kg 3,552.0 (0.78) 1,888.0 (2.33) 505.0 5,440.0
(1.16) (2.24)
Returns from land Rs ’000/ha 443.0 (1.20) 17.0 (1.21) 180.0 1,150.0
(1.29) (4.26)
Marketing cost share % Farmer 18.8 (0.28) 2.2 (0.75) 0.0 (0.0) 0.0 (0.0)
cost
Dependence on % Marketed 97.3 (1.01) 95.9 (0.99) 18.7 90.4 (14.35)
channel (2.56)
8.3.1 Do Farmers Gain?
Farmer’s share in the marketing cost is eliminated only in Maharashtra (Table 8.2).
In Himachal Pradesh where farmers get some support as storage or packing material
from the buyer, the marketing cost is reduced. In Madhya Pradesh, the total
marketing cost is abated in the emerging channel, but the farmer is not relieved
of the marketing task as the electronic portal supports in a different manner. In all
three states, productivity from land and farmer’s returns from land are enhanced
with the new development.7 In Table 8.1, it was observed that the net price received
7
Many other factors could be responsible for the gain.
by the farmer is more under the CMI channel in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra
but lower in Himachal Pradesh. The two fruit crops, pomegranate and apple, bring
higher returns from land than other crops sold in the CM1.
8.3.2 Do Users Gain?
Although the retail consumer price could be higher under the emerging channel,
this does not mean that consumers do not gain. In reality, the consumers or terminal
users in the CMI channel may be buying a higher-quality or value-added product
though this is not verified in the study. These customers who in reality pay higher
prices than reported in Table 8.1, visit malls and supermarkets designed for
shopping with comfort and also pay for products that are sorted, graded, cleaned
and packed although the option of buying from the street vendor is also available.
8.3.3 Disposal
The participating farmers in the emerging CMI channel depend completely on the
single channel in all the cases except for onion in Maharashtra where only a little
over 18 % of the produce is sold to the specified market and all the rest is diverted to
other channels (see Table A.8 in Appendix). Rejected products are either consumed
at home or wasted. In Madhya Pradesh, about 5 % of the marketed amount remains
unsold in each channel, and there is no significant difference with respect to
rejection of products and dependence on the specified channels.
The marketing dynamics differ between the channels in Madhya Pradesh where
we found that the traditional channel brings quick cash while the farmers in the CMI
channel take time to offer better quality product in order to obtain higher price.8
Onion is cultivated partly as a kharif and a late kharif crop in the Maharashtra region,
when the product can decay fast due to the moist atmospheric conditions, but the crop
is also raised in the rabi season. In Maharashtra, the product can be held back for
higher prices to an extent because on-farm storage facilities (onion chawls) are
commonly accessible. More than half of the respondent households selling onion
and nearly 30 % of the pomegranate growing households have their own storage
facility (Table A.9). In the rabi marketing season, storing onion is relatively easy. In
the traditional channel, the farmers prefer to hold back products and sell in phases, but
8
In Madhya Pradesh, disposal in both channels is completed in the fifth month after harvest, but
while in the traditional channel sales begin immediately after harvest, farmers selling in the CMI
channel have to wait for at least a month for drying the moisture in the crop. As a result, 12 % of
the product is sold in the first month and 79 % over the first 3 months in the traditional channel, but
in the CMI channel, a little over half of the product is sold over the second, third and fourth months
and another 13 % in the fifth month.
8.3 Marketing Performance 131
due to the high cost of holding stocks, distress sale is unavoidable.9 In the pomegran-
ate market, market arrival takes place over a longer period (about a year), but when
price is at its peak, the share of arrival is relatively less.
8.3.4 Wastage
Generally, horticultural products have short shelf life and are highly perishable, but
some fruits and vegetables decay and rot more easily than others, while storage is
relatively easier for some products like onion and potato over a medium-term
period. Wastage can occur at the on-farm stage, storage, transit and retail. In
Maharashtra and Himachal Pradesh, losses are more in the traditional channel,
but in Madhya Pradesh, they are comparable between the channels. However, the
marketing channel’s role appears limited in all cases since a bulk of the losses takes
place at the on-farm level or due to the long distances travelled. Climatic
conditions, open air auctioning and inadequate storage facilities are also some of
the key factors associated by the respondents with crop loss.
Onion is highly vulnerable to rainfall and humid conditions in Maharashtra, and
losses occur in storage and transport of both crops. The incidence of wastage is more
in the traditional channel especially because auctioning in the regulated market is
conducted in the open. On-farm losses are considerable in Madhya Pradesh, and lack
of farmer’s storage facility is reported to be a serious drawback though losses did not
differ much between the channels. Postharvest losses of apples are a major concern in
Himachal Pradesh (see Box 8.1). Culling (constituting 61 % of the wastage per farm
in the traditional channel and 81 % in the CMI channel) is a leading component of
wastage, and together with rotting and losses in picking and grading, it accounts for
76 % of the wastage in traditional and 84 % in the CMI channels. Thus, a bulk of the
postharvest losses in Himachal Pradesh is not directly related to the marketing
channel. Although the overall pattern of postharvest losses is similar between the
two channels, losses in transit from farm to roadhead and from roadhead to market are
lower in the CMI channel.10 Interestingly, losses in handling at the retail stage in the
CMI channel exceed in the traditional.
9
In the reference year, 24 % of the onion produced is marketed when the going price is Rs. 580 per
quintal and 13 % when the price is Rs. 1,450 over a period of 6 months (May to October).
10
Transporting apples from farm to roadhead is a challenging task in the state, accomplished by
various means, and often draught animals like ponies and mules are used for the purpose. The
remaining journey is undertaken by road in trucks, and the time taken for the whole transit can be
as much as 30 hours.
Box 8.1 Highlights from a Study by Ranveer Singh of the AERC Shimla
published in Times of India, New Delhi, July7, 2004
• Poor postharvest management techniques cause 14.8 % of production
losses.
• Huge losses occur while transporting apples from farm to roadhead, but
these losses were less in small farms. The average loss is worked out at Rs
5,360 per farm.
• Reasons for losses include inclement weather and poor orchard manage-
ment for preharvest losses and lack of appropriate packaging, safe trans-
portation and cold storage facilities at producer and consumer markets.
• Poor field management, infection by pathogens, damages by pests,
improper timing of picking mechanical damage and rough handling are
other causes.
• Postharvest management at the farm level needs improvement in the state
calling for introduction of modern harvesting, handling and marketing
techniques.
8.3.5 Price Formation, Market Information and Preference

for Market Channel
In the traditional channel, price is determined by auction which is held in the open
at noontime for onion and in the evening for pomegranate in Maharashtra. In the
state’s emerging channel, there is no auction but the price is reported to be decided
at the time of sale and not by prior contract. Price information even at the global
scale is especially important as the products are national export items and are
sometimes amenable to processing. Prices matched expectations in all cases in
pomegranate but fell short in 8 % cases of onion. Such shortfalls were reported by
26 % of respondents in the traditional channel. The buying company purchased not
only from the farmers but also from traders, and in fact, they evinced a preference
for the traders who they felt adjusted for weight loss of products due to shrinkage
and moisture loss.
The commission agents and traders are prime sources of timely price informa-
tion for farmers in both traditional and emerging channels in Maharashtra, and such
information was also found to be consistent with farmers’ expectations. Personal
sources are also important especially in the case of pomegranate in the CMI
channel. Farmers in the traditional channel also get price information by conversing
with other farmers. The government’s AGMARKNET has not played any role and
neither has the agents in e-Choupal.
In Himachal Pradesh, although prices are influenced by auction in the regulated
markets, the merit of the mechanism is questionable as farmers have a general
feeling of injustice and ineffectiveness for the reference markets where
8.4 Perceptions of Farmers and Traders 133
malpractices and collusion between traders and officials are common complaints.
Due to the quick decay of the product, multiplicity of its end uses and variations in
its quality, selling becomes a highly speculative exercise. Purchase by Adani in the
emerging channel involves no prior contract as price is decided at the time of sale.
The price however failed to match the expectations in 40 % of the cases. Price
information is availed from commission agents and other farmers in both channels.
In Madhya Pradesh, the price of soya bean in a particular day is usually
determined with reference to the previous day’s maximum price that prevailed in
the regulated market. The sanchalak of the e-Choupal exploits the Internet facility
to disseminate the price information. Thus, the regulated market remains to be
important even in the presence of the emerging market. The source of price
information to farmers is thus the sanchalak working in the village kiosks. The
sanchalaks are also motivating agents of farmers who sell in the channel. The focal
point of the e-Choupal is the interactive website www.e-choupal.com which
contains not only information of prices but also information on local weather,
farm techniques, soil examination, market wages, etc. Soya bean growers are
mostly satisfied with the price they received for their produce. Auctions take
place only in the traditional market, and ITC is one of the buyers in these auctions.
8.4 Perceptions of Farmers and Traders
The impression received from respondents who included producers and traders
suggests an even competition between the channels as the traditional channel has
also caught up in facilities. Except in Himachal Pradesh, no intense apathy for the
traditional channel was observed, and while producers expressed suspicion that the
bargaining power weighed in favour of the buyer in both channels, no particular
complaint about cheating, non-fulfillment of commitments and payment delays was
reported. Across the channels, the private individual traders discharge the important
role of bringing price information. Although the government has also created a
network for dissemination of market intelligence, no farmer reported the beneficial
effect of AGMARKNET. Participants in both channels suffered the lack of many
facilities but strongly felt that the state’s role in maintaining roads, providing reliable
weighing facilities and creating storage facilities cannot be dispensed with. The
traders in either channel provided little support in the supply of inputs or credit, and
such instances were reported, if at all, by participants in the traditional channel. More
details follow.
8.4.1 Maharashtra
In Maharashtra, distances are more than 10 km in most cases and even exceed
50 km in some cases though farmers are relieved of the travel to the market in the
emerging channel. Both channels boast of good roads, auction supervision and cold
storage and godown facilities, while the facilities of loading, sorting, weighing,
packing, banking and computer are average.
Based on subjective judgments expressed, the difference in performance is not
significant between the two channels in Maharashtra. The commission agent of the
traditional channel and the company agent who intermediates in the emerging
channel in Maharashtra are equally helpful. The DFPCL collects the products
from the field, thus saving farmers of marketing costs in terms of commission
agent’s fee and travelling. Nevertheless, the onion price is lower in the emerging
channel, reflecting the enormity of the size and power of the traditional marketing
channels and their developed status. Farmers gain from selling pomegranate in the
emerging market in terms of price both before and after deducting the marketing
cost, and the price magnification is low among all the CMI cases reported.
Going by the large size of market and the volumes of production, there appears
to be space for multiple channels to compete and complement one another in
Maharashtra. Some farmers in the traditional channel however feel that the agents
are biased on the side of wholesalers, implicitly collude to keep prices low and
charge more than their commission on false grounds of spoilage in transit. Assured
sales and high prices have both drawn farmers in the emerging channel and served
to retain them in the traditional channel and thus do not make a significant
difference for the choice. Proximity however is important for the choice of the
traditional channel for onion growers and the superior services of the company to
attract onion farmers to the new channel.
Instances of conflicts between producers and traders are rare if any, and timely
payment to producers is a regular feature. Farmers have not felt they are severely
cheated under any system, although there is a general lack of confidence in the
agents.
The traders sell the produce to their counterparts in other markets in distant
places in the country and abroad, and traders’ prices are often decided over
telephone. At the retail level, the emerging channel encounters stiff competition,
and occasionally the retailer resorts to discounts and ‘reduce to clear’ sales. Retail
prices in the malls are critically dependent on what rival malls charge. The DFPCL
procures from both farmers and traders, quality being the major consideration for
them, but on the contrary, the farmers resent their selectivity of operation.
All farmers in Maharashtra obtained credit as crop loans mostly for digging
wells, but banks followed by cooperatives were the predominant lenders. The
channels had little contribution in financing, with the lone exception of a few
onion growers selling in the traditional channel who obtained credit for interculture
operations. Pomegranates farmers also obtained input advances from traders in the
regular market for buying pesticide to combat oily spot disease. Cases of defaults
are few among the traditional channel farmers, but none among farmers in CMI
channel and the defaults were apparently induced by production failure. Thus, the
product and credit market are only mildly nested.
8.4 Perceptions of Farmers and Traders 135
The traders in Maharashtra are not satisfied with marketing facilities in the
APMC mainly on account of poor infrastructure and their cleanliness. Auctioning
in the open in the rainy season is a common complaint. They also have a few
complaints of being cheated by the farmers on quality grounds. Though trading is
lucrative, it is also viewed as risky business in which possible delays, damages and
losses in transit are expected. Retailers have to maintain a vigil guarding the stocks.
Disposal of spoilt products sometimes at a discount is an added endeavour. Legal
loopholes and the limitations of trader certification create financial problems for the
market. DFPCL has its concerns about quality standards and appears to prefer
traders for being able to distinguish qualitative grades in products over farmers
who are not trained in that matter.
8.4.2 Madhya Pradesh
All the sampled households were located between 10 and 25 km of the market
which is the regulated market in traditional channel and the e-Choupal in the
emerging channel. The roads are reported to be good. In the regulated market,
loading and weighing facility is reported uniformly as average; over 90 % of the
respondent considered supervision of sale as average and 70 % found godown,
auction arrangement, packing facility, internal telephone and banking to be average
in the premises. Computer facility was not available. The facilities for weighing and
packing in the e-Choupal were reported to be good in all cases.
Sixty-six percent of the farmers selling in the regulated market reported paying
bribes, incurring other hidden expenses and suffering long waits, but such reports
are absent among farmers in the CMI channel. The facilities for marketing were
uniformly reported as good in the Choupal. The additional information gained at the
Choupal also improved their farm practices and helped in other aspects of life.
Despite all the disadvantages, farmers in Madhya Pradesh who sold in the
traditional channel were driven by habit, assured sales (little rejection) and a
traditional lack of confidence in the organized private sector. Farmers in the CMI
channel however attributed their preference to higher prices, low marketing cost
and superior services of the Choupal. They had been influenced in their choice
mainly by the sanchalak of the ITC e-Choupal. Access to farm inputs in the market
precinct was another factor that attracted farmers to participate.
8.4.3 Himachal Pradesh
Transporting apples to the market in Himachal Pradesh is an onerous task for

the farmers. A comparison between the two channels finds that the distance to the
regulated market is more than 50 km from the sample villages, but half of the
respondents reported that the conduit road was in good condition. For farmers
selling to Adani, the distance was on the average shorter between 10 and 25 km, but
road conditions were described as average by all respondents.
Godowns and cold storage facilities are absent in both markets. Participants in
both markets also reported facilities of loading to be mostly average, sorting and
weighing facilities to be good and telephone, banking, computer facilities missing
in the markets. Farmers in both channels felt that they could benefit from govern-
ment support such as subsidies on grading machines, provision of all weather roads
and arrangement of vehicles for transporting and opening of big regulated markets.
They also wanted government intervention to enable better price realization.
Recovery in the emerging channel has not been smooth requiring repeated visits
as in the traditional channel. Signed receipts are generally provided. No conflict is
reported over quality, and confidence on the buyer is reported low in most cases.
The reports are similar in the other channel. All the farmers took loans from banks
to purchase inputs in both channels with no dependence on the buyer.
8.5 Who Participates in the Emerging Market?
There is a marked contrast in respect to the inclusiveness of participant groups

(Table 8.3). Only in the case of Himachal Pradesh where the farmers in
both channels are typically asset poor, those who are relatively disadvantaged
socially and in terms of farm size tend to participate more in the emerging CMI
channel. On the other hand, indications are contrary in Maharashtra and Madhya
Pradesh where participants in the emerging channel seem more privileged in
respect to social class, farm size and ownership of a vehicle. Among the three
states, Himachal Pradesh can be adjudged to be more successful with the CMI
model of marketing if inclusiveness is considered as the yardstick although
admittedly, popular pressure channel may very well be responsible for this
result. More detailed result at the state level is as follows (see also Appendix
Tables A.5–A.7).
Table 8.3 Sample households (%) in market channels excluded from common privileges
Maharashtra Himachal Madhya Pradesh
States Onion Pomegranate Apple Soya bean
Small and marginal farmers 8.3 (0.22) 66.6 (1.37) 88 (1.02) 8.1 (0.18)
Backward classes 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 24 (6.0) 16.2 (0.71)
Not owning a motorcycle 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 100 (1.0) 18.9 (0.60)
Not owning a mobile phone 8.3 (0.97) 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 21.6 (0.42)
Not owning a pump set 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 100 (1.0) 2.7 (0.47)
8.7 Conclusions 137
Table 8.4 Farming practices among farmers participating in corporate marketing intermediation
channel
Himachal Madhya
Crop Apple Soya bean Onion Pomegranate
Chemical fertilizer use (Rs/ha) 14,500 (2.50) 803 (2.00) 5,625 (0.73) 13,500 (0.68)
Organic fertilizer use (Rs/ha) 12,325 (1.97) 113 (1.61) 14,061 (1.12) 32,857 (1.90)
Hiring labour (Rs/ha) 19,995 (1.15) 2,617 (0.44) 19,595 (1.07) 12,500 (1.34)
8.6 Farm Practices
Both chemical and organic fertilizers are used by the farms in either channel,
though none has organic certification. Farmers in the emerging channel use consid-
erably more of both chemical and organic fertilizers in the states Himachal Pradesh
and Madhya Pradesh, but in Maharashtra, the farmers marketing through CMI use
more of organic and less of chemical fertilizer compared to those in the traditional
channel (Tables A.9–A.11).
Irrigation is available to all crop areas, and pump sets are used commonly for
irrigation in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. Drip irrigation is practised only in
Maharashtra in both samples, and sprinkler irrigation is not found in any case.
On-farm storage is practised in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra but not in
Himachal Pradesh. Higher proportions of sample farmers in the emerging channel
reported storing produce than in the traditional channel. Many of the sample
farmers have their own storage facilities in Madhya Pradesh and also in
Maharashtra. Labour hiring is more intensive in the emerging channel in all cases
except Madhya Pradesh (Table 8.4) and some leasing in of land is also evident only
in the Madhya Pradesh sample.
8.7 Conclusions
Corporate market intermediation seems to be serving different purposes for the

farmers. While in Maharashtra where the turnover of products is large and the
wholesale market is well established, this organized marketing support is useful for
farmers in having access to modern sales outlets and in reaching out to a large
national market, in Madhya Pradesh in addition to providing access to multiple final
users (soya bean processors), the Internet-based medium helps to bring objective
information to producers. In Himachal, the corporate intermediaries have provided
a much needed alternative to the regulated market that was functioning poorly and
unfairly.
The emerging markets are efficient in reducing marketing cost and also draw
larger volumes. Farmer’s share in marketing cost is eliminated only in Maharashtra
and reduced in Himachal Pradesh but increased in Madhya Pradesh where no
private marketer takes up the responsibility. Whether all sections of producers
especially the small farmers benefit is questionable. Only in Himachal Pradesh
the channel appears inclusive, but the role of popular pressure in bringing this about
cannot be ruled out. Input intensity is higher in these channels though farmers
derive higher returns from farming. There seems to be space for both traditional and
emerging channels in the market and both provide options and informational
empowerment to the farmers.
Chapter 9
Selling to Processors on Contract
Contract farming is a way of strengthening the vertical coordination in the supply

chains of agro-commodities. It is expected to reduce transaction costs and ensure
steady flows of raw materials that meet the quality standards required by the buyers.
Once common in respect of a few exportable crops and historically associated with
exploitation and uprisings in colonial India, contract farming is one of the most
controversial components of the reforms in Indian agriculture. While the practice
nearly went into oblivion from public discourses in the years after independence, a
new chapter has been opened in recent years when contract farming is again
permitted by legislation and even encouraged as an emerging marketing channel
for agro-commodities, but the apprehensions linger on.
That inclusion of small farmers in this net is an exception, that too when
compelled by government regulations or by the intense need for family labour
(Dev and Rao 2005) is a key concern. In a compilation of studies, the average farm
size in contract farming is shown (Singh 2012) to vary from 2.8 ha (BHC Agro for
Gherkins) to 36 ha (PepsiCo for chillies in Punjab, HLL for tomato in Punjab,
Frito-Lay for potato in Punjab). It is proposed that suitable institutions to promote
coordination among small farmers are as important as the coordination between
producers and processors.
Conventional theories prove inadequate in understanding price determination as
products become differentiated and tailor made to suit consumer demand or pro-
cessor needs in contracts. Contracts are said to generate disparity among
participating and non-participating producers and create exclusive producer
sections through high incidences of rejection, unmanageable entry costs and strong
preferences for specific suppliers. Agro-ecologists1 fear that input application,
which becomes menu based driven by external decisions, can become intense,
compromising sustainability of agriculture. The new trends in capitalism based
1
Loss of diversity, flexibility and resilience that mark an independent farming system is a serious
concern surrounding the growth of contract farming.

140 9 Selling to Processors on Contract
on prior price agreements are an early sign of the decline of the spot prices. In this
study, we report on contracting in some form with processors of large multinational
variety and smaller and regional processing units too.
Primary data on the emerging channel which is selling to processors on contracts is

collected for the analysis. Cases of potato marketing in the Nagaon district of
Assam, potato and aonla marketing in Hathras and Pratapgarh districts, respec-
tively, of Uttar Pradesh and potato marketing in the Jalandhar district of Punjab are
addressed.2 For each case, a corresponding sample of farmers participating in
the traditional channel is also drawn as a control case. The sample cases and sizes
are mentioned in Table 4.2.
The frames are provided by local authorities (like panchayat) in the cases of the
traditional channel and by the processing company in the emerging channel.
Samples are drawn at random giving representation to farm size classes. Since
the emerging channel has developed only in certain areas and has drawn the
participation of extensive sections from the localities, the sample for traditional
channel could not always be drawn from the same block. In the case of potato in
Uttar Pradesh, the samples are drawn from neighbouring districts. In two of the
sample cases, the buyer is the multinational company PepsiCo. Retail prices are
collected from Jalandhar market in Punjab, Bara Bazaar in Assam and Agra in Uttar
Pradesh.
9.1.1 Method of Analysis
The marketing channel is assessed by comparing the sample averages of

participating farms with those in the corresponding traditional channels, but the
task is more complex than was anticipated. In assessing market performance, the
terminal price (TP) is the consumer price recorded in the traditional channels in
both cases. This simplified approach is required because the final products that
reach the consumer are not comparable between the channels. All the potato
procured by PepsiCo is processed into chips, bhujia and similar other snacks.
Aonla procured in the emerging channel was also fully used for processing with
no retailer involved.
Complications also arise due to the lack of comparable data on intermediary
margins and costs. Such data on processing firms are complex and beyond the scope
2
Centres (AERCs) in the Assam Agricultural University (AAU) of Assam, Allahabad University
(AU) of Uttar Pradesh and Punjab Agricultural University in Ludhiana of Punjab.
9.2 Sample Products and Regions: A Background 141
of this study. In theory, one could proxy the TP by the buyer price instead of retail
price, i.e. stopping the chain at the processor gate. In that case, the TP and the
producer price would be the same, and to the extent that marketing costs are borne
by the buyer, price magnification is equated to unity. This would yield a trivial
result given that the processor, as the only intermediary in the channel, undertakes
much of the marketing functions often inseparable from processing functions. We
have made a simplified assumption of a notional terminal price, which is the same
as that in the traditional channel. This is explained in Chap. 4.
The results for the three cases, namely, Uttar Pradesh-Potato-Pepsi (UPP),
Assam-Potato-KSP (APK) and Uttar Pradesh-Aonla-SFP (UAS) and Punjab
Potato-Pepsi (PPP), are reported in the following sections where Pepsi, KSP and
SFP are processing companies operating in ways described in the next sections.
9.2 Sample Products and Regions: A Background
Potato, grown widely in Indian states, is known to be rich in energy, protein,

vitamins and minerals. It is also attractive as a raw material of many processed
foods and snacks, many of which can be traded commercially. Some of the leading
food companies in the world have generated widely accepted brands for potato-
based food products. Potato is a short duration cash crop grown in the rabi (winter)
season in India, Uttar Pradesh being the largest state in terms of area cultivated. Its
cultivation is also promoted in Assam where the soil is suitable and the crop can be
raised organically too. The products being perishable over a medium span of time,
storage facility is crucial for the success of potato farming. Aonla is a nutritious
product (vitamin C rich) and is used for medicinal purposes as well as for
manufacturing cosmetics including hair oil. The crop is grown in medium-sized
trees and harvested in autumn. Uttar Pradesh is the largest producer in India.
9.2.1 Assam Sample
Selected for studying potato marketing is Nagaon district in central Brahmaputra

valley which has ample rainfall (1,200–2,200 mm) but dry and cold winters.
Nagaon is primarily agrarian, with a large proportion of smallholding farmers
raising mostly paddy and sugarcane. Wheat and mustard are other crops grown in
winter. Potato is a main commercial crop in the district. Nowadays, sugar-free
potato is being cultivated in 19 villages of Nagaon on a buy-back arrangement with
processors. Raised mostly as a single crop, the yield of potato was until recently
lower in the district compared to the state average but with extension support from
the Agricultural Research Station in Shillongunj near Nagaon, the yield has
improved significantly.
9.2.2 Uttar Pradesh Samples
Agra district in Uttar Pradesh (UP), also studied for marketing of potato, has a
semiarid climate but a high irrigation intensity of 88 %. Potato, wheat, mustard and
gram are major Rabi crops. The districts Agra and Hathras are covered under the
State Horticulture Mission (SHM) as agri-export zone marked for potato and garlic.
The SHM also promotes cultivation of commercial fruits and vegetables with
subsidies for drip and sprinkler irrigation. UP State Horticultural Co-operative
Marketing Federation organizes horticulture producers as user groups/self-help
groups/primary societies for facilitating marketing of perishable produce. With no
emerging channel observed to be operating in Agra, Hathras district, now renamed
as Mahamaya Nagar, situated close to Agra in the western part of Uttar Pradesh, is
chosen as the study area. It is agrarian and highly irrigated with wheat, oilseeds and
potato as the main crops. Chipsona is a lucrative and popular variety of potato.
There are more than 213 cold storages for potato in Agra and 70 in Hathras district.
Pratapgarh district, in eastern Uttar Pradesh, selected for studying the marketing
of aonla, is highly rural and also poor. Seventy-five percent of the land is under
agriculture, a large part of which is irrigated. Farm size is small with 86 % classified
as marginal holdings. Wheat, paddy, pulses and potato are important crops, as are
fruit crops aonla, mango and guava. Aonla nursery and marketing infrastructure are
promoted by the National Horticulture Mission launched in 2005 in the district.
Aonla, a fruit known for its nutritional value and for medicinal properties utilized in
Ayurvedic medical formulas, is a major horticulture crop in Pratapgarh district in
UP. Banarasi, Chalaiya and Kanchan are varieties grown in the region in the sandy-
loam and alkaline soils of the region.
9.2.3 Punjab Sample
Potato is the most important vegetable in the state of Punjab, although in India the
state is a minor producer ranking only after Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and
Gujarat. Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur, Kapurthala, Ludhiana and Bhatinda comprise the
main growing regions accounting for over 66 % of the area under potato in Punjab.
Jalandhar, the leading district, accounting for 23 % of the area, is an irrigated river
plain with an impressive level of urbanization. Input intensive methods, high
cropping intensity and large farm size (5.4 ha) mark agriculture in the district.
Assam Uttar Pradesh Punjab

Potato Potato and Aonla Potato
Farmer Orchardist
Farmer
NGO
Commission Agent Processor
Processor Processor
9.2.4 How the Channels Operate
As part of an agribusiness policy to link farmers with the market, contract farming
is promoted in many developing countries. The most familiar model is the
company-farmer agreement, but other variants involve the intermediate participa-
tion of government and non-government agencies, other private companies and
even traders. A complete contract is in fact an extreme case in which the contracting
firm supplies and manages all inputs and the farmer becomes a mere supplier of
labour and land.
In India, by coming together in contract with the same buying firms, small peasant
farms overcome scale diseconomies and gain viability. For effective operation, this
however requires the institution of producer association, producer companies or
specialized NGOs to provide knowledge input and facilitate negotiations. The cases
reported in this study include one in which an NGO intermediates but no producer
cooperative or companies are observed (Fig. 9.1).
9.2.5 Contracts with Processors Among Potato

Growers in Assam
It is already mentioned that the amendment in APMC Act has posted a new
beginning for organized marketing in Assam, a partially hilly north-eastern state
of India where the regulated markets had been highly dysfunctional despite earlier
legislations. Low marketed surplus and unchecked malpractices make selling in
these markets unviable and encourage trading outside the prescribed premises of
the yards. Legislation now allows contract farming in Assam. Contract farming
under public-private partnership, commonly called PPP, is gaining popularity with

producers of commercial flowers, potato, ginger, orchids and even high-value rice.
Contract farming of potato crop in the Nagaon district of Assam is intermediated
by a non-government organization (NGO), known as, Bengena-Ati Surovi Gram
Vikash Samity, that has made an agreement with M/S Kishlay Snack Products (KSP)
a company registered in the state. This buy-back agreement for potato cultivation,
facilitated by the state government, is the first of its kind in Northeast India. The NGO
buys special processing variety of potato seeds from KSP at a pre-agreed price and
supplies inputs to the registered farmers at its own cost. The cost is adjusted when
KSP buys back all the produced potatoes at a mutually agreed price from the NGO
which in turn collects the potato from the producer. Selling off produce from the
farmer’s doorsteps saves marketing cost and circumvents the need to depend upon
middlemen. While the product sold in the traditional channel gets distributed evenly
among wholesale markets in several districts of the state, the sales in the emerging
channel is more centralized, the contracting processor being quartered in Guwahati.
Part of the produce however remains not procured. This is reported to be sold by the
farmer directly to consumers in Nagaon local markets.
In contrast, in the traditional market existing in the region, a large number of
intermediaries consolidate the produce at the village market and reconsolidate two
to three times before it reaches the final consumers. As a result, the supply chain is
very long and extensive and dominated by traders. The key intermediaries in the
area are reported to be commission agents, wholesalers and retailers who operate in
chains (selected) at high margins without much value addition. The restrictive and
monopolistic practices reported and the rigidities imposed by the regulations lead to
high cost of marketing and low prices being received by farmers.
9.2.6 Transitions in Uttar Pradesh from Trader Buyers

to Processor Buyers
In Uttar Pradesh, programmes for developing the regulated markets across the state
have been a continuous feature, but in 2003, when the Model Act was circulated,
like many other states, Uttar Pradesh too amended the APMC Act 1964. However,
the amendment was withdrawn very soon following prolonged protests, so that the
Act 1964 is still prevailing in the state.
Since the UP government has not changed the APMC Act, formally, new
marketing channels are not allowed to emerge until now. However, under the
given regulations, some metamorphosis of existing channels is occurring. Today,
PepsiCo, ITC and Mahindra ShubhLabh are important agencies supplying inputs
and technology in a ‘lab to field’ endeavour and also facilitating marketing of potato
and garlic under ‘partial contract farming’ agreements. Many well-known national-
level processors such as Dabur, Baidyanath and Patanjali procure aonla from the
region, besides the local processor studied in the present case.
At the retail level, customers continue to show preference to the traditional

markets for buying fruits and vegetables. A Big Bazaar exists in Agra where
higher income consumers buy provisions with no special preference for fruits and
vegetable that are on display, though it is noted that the availability of special
‘sugar-free’ potato is an attraction. Rarely, when consumers buy aonla, traders and
common retailers are the sources, but this fruit is predominantly consumed as a
processed product that is sold by bigger companies.
The APMC markets are the venues where farmers dispose of their produce in the
traditional marketing channel in Uttar Pradesh. The Naveen fruits and vegetables
market (NFVM) in Agra and the Krishi Utpadan Mandi (KUM) in Pratapgarh
visited by our project team are examples of traditional markets. Both potato and
aonla sold in these markets are seasonal crops with their special uneven patterns of
market arrival. Prices varied with the time and volume of arrival as well as with
quality. In the retail market, the margins are high but sales are highly seasonal for
fresh products. There is a lack of storage facility in the shops, leading to huge
wastage especially of potato in summer.
Producers are not allowed to sale directly to buyers, and all transactions are permitted
only in the regulated markets. It is indicated that a few traders, some of whom are
registered companies and processing units, are purchasing agricultural produce directly
from farmers through ‘licensed’ commission agents but there are other procedures too
beyond the scope of this study. PepsiCo buys from potato growers of Hathras district
through a licence in the regulated market as reported.3 Thus, with no amendment in the
marketing Act having taken place, the transaction with the processor explicitly includes
a so called ‘agent’ under the existing law. In the traditional channel, the products move
from the producers to the consumers through the following individual intermediaries:
commission agents, wholesalers from both local and distant markets, cold storage
owners and retailers. The links of the channel could vary in actual practice.
PepsiCo provides improved variety seed (Chipsona variety) to growers on cash
payments along with other inputs to produce the best quality of potatoes suitable for
their purpose. The beneficiary grower has to bring potato to PepsiCo’s cold storage
that is staffed by the company, bearing the transportation cost. Alternatively but less
frequently, the potato is picked up from the field. The quality of product is a serious
consideration and rejection is common. Payments are made by cheques. The
purchased potato is stored in the cold storage in Agra from where it is sent to the
processing units. PepsiCo purchases potato only for its own processing units located
in Patiala, Pune and Kolkata. Neither does it sell raw potatoes through supermarkets
and malls nor does it serve as retailer in the marketing process.
Satkar Fruit Products (SFP) located in Pratapgarh is nationally known for
manufacturing aonla products and has been in business during the last 30 years or
so. The SFP provides improved techniques but not inputs to orchardists for attaining
higher production and guides them on harvesting the fruit. Quality is of prime
concern for this processor too who manufactures and exports aonla products like
3
See report by AERC Uttar Pradesh (2011).
murabba, sweets (burfi, laddu), candy, juice and squash. The SFP also processes
vegetables like carrot. Aonla is a seasonal product, but having a substantial capacity
for preservation and storage, SFP can indulge in off-season processing of aonla.
9.2.7 Developments in Punjab
Punjab APMC Act allowed sale of agriculture produce only by open auction in the
principal or sub-market yard under supervision. The Kutcha Arthia was a most
important agent who made the payment to the sellers after weighing and executing
the transaction. The emphasis of the marketing system was on producing larger
quantities only, and the system was not appropriate for fruits and vegetables for
which the quality was very important.
Producers typically sell via the commission agents (or the Kutcha Arthia). Most
commonly, the farmers sell the fresh vegetables in primary wholesale markets
through commission agents to wholesalers who further sell to secondary
wholesalers located in small cities and towns and local retailers. In the case of
fruits, nearly 80 % of the sale starts with preharvest contractors who provide
advance payments to the farmers.
In 2003, the APMC Act of Punjab was partially amended to safeguard the
interest of the farmers allowing private markets and contract farming. In particular,
the institutions of farming or marketing by contract is aggressively promoted in the
state with the objective of developing horticulture, implying a shift from the long-
standing priority awarded to foodgrains in the state. Contract farming in a number
of crops has been launched such as maize, barley and sunflower. Potato is the most
important vegetable in Punjab occupying over 45 % of the area and being a leading
input for processing firms, it is attractive for contracting companies.
Several corporate agribusiness firms have signed memorandums of understand-
ing to this effect with the state government. A number of models apply to induce
flexibility and to attract and protect the smallholders into the net while also inviting
private processors with incentives. Advanta, Pr-Agro Nutri and Mahindra
ShubhLabh, United Breweries Ltd. and DCM Shriram are some of the entrants to
this programme. PepsiCo was a pioneer in a most popular model between a processor
and a producer in which stringent quality standards were imposed and seeds and
seedlings were supplied along with technical advice by the buyer who regularly
supervised the production and procured from the contracted farmers.
Our traditional channel links consist of the commission agent, the primary
wholesaler, the secondary wholesaler and the retailer connecting the producer and
the consumer. In recent times, PepsiCo started purchasing specific varieties of
potato from farmers keeping in view their quality specification. In this process,
the need for a number of intermediaries in the market is eliminated. The producer
however has to transport the product to the doorsteps of the company for sale, but
the incurred cost is adjusted for in the contract.
9.3 Market Performance 147
The emerging channel operates through direct sales by potato growers to the
processor company with no role of any intermediary. Although the company does
not make available the seeds physically, it recommends the varieties to be sown by
the farmers selected for contract along with free technical know-how transmitted
through company officials. At the time of maturity, the sugar content in potato is
checked by technicians deputed by the company to assess the feasibility for
selection. The farmers have to package the products and transport them to the
processing plant at Channo in Sangrur district. In the sampled case, the company is
not reported to provide any marketing support. Thus, farmers are not entirely
relieved of the marketing responsibility.
9.3 Market Performance
Though the recorded producer price is higher in the contracts than in traditional
channels in the cases of potato only, but since the farmer saves on marketing costs,
the net price received by the farmer is more in all cases including aonla of Uttar
Pradesh (Table 9.1). Total prices fetched for aonla in the emerging market are lower
than in the traditional channel reflecting the direct or indirect presence of external
purchasers in the traditional channel who pay higher prices than local units that are
covered in the emerging channel in this study (Table 9.1). Big national companies
are major buyers in the state even in the traditional channel, 70 % of the total
purchase being devoted to manufacturing a health product called Chyawanprash.
Thus the traditional channel is also quite vibrant in the state.
Even though potato, under contract, is directly sourced from the farmers in
Assam, the presence of marketing cost is observed. This is attributable to amounts
that could not be sold in the channel. The price paid by the consumer is higher than
the net price received by the producer by a small margin. The price magnification is
lowest in potato in UP and highest in potato in Assam in both channels and barring
Table 9.1 Efficiency of the contract marketing channel

Crop Potato Aonla Potato Potato
State Uttar Pradesh Uttar Pradesh Assam Punjab
Marketing scale Rs lakh 5.34 (1.89) 2.11 (2.13) 0.85 (1.06) 0.10 (1.01)
Farmer price Rs 588 (1.15) 533 (0.98) 410 (1.06) 520.2 (1.39)
Adjusted net farmer price Rs 588 (1.20) 533 (1.05) 358.68 (1.07) 458.7 (1.49)
Terminal price Rs 677.5 (1.00) 750 (1.00) 830 (1.02) 722.3 (1.00)
Price magnification 1.15 (0.83) 1.41 (0.96) 2.31 (0.95) 1.57 (0.67)
Per rupee fetched by producer 0 (0.00) 0 (0.00) 0.27 (0.64) 0.13 (0.10)
Per rupee paid by user 0 (0.00) 0 (0.00) 0.21 (0.72) 0.09 (0.35)
Notes: Figures in parentheses are ratios to corresponding estimates in traditional channels.
Terminal prices refer to prices in traditional chain only as the processed product is not comparable
in the emerging channel. 1 lakh = 100,000. Price is for 100 kg
Table 9.2 Farmers’ gains in emerging channel

Productivity (100 Kg/ha) 296.0 (0.99) 249.0 (1.01) 67.3 (1.02) 264.4 (0.95)
Profit Rs/100 Kg 342.0 (1.60) 324.0 (1.22) 216.1 (1.30) 224.1 (3.99)
Returns Rs 000/ha 101.2 (1.58) 80.7 (1.23) 14.5 (1.33) 59.2 (3.77)
Dependence on channel 0.0 (0.00) 0.0 (0.00) 16.8 (1.02) 100.0 (2.70)
Adjusted net farmer price 588.0 (1.20) 533.0 (1.05) 358.7 (1.07) 458.7 (1.49)
Punjab is only modestly lower in the emerging channels than in the traditional ones.
The scale of marketing per farm is considerably larger in the contract than in
traditional channel in Uttar Pradesh. The marketing cost relative to producers and
consumer’s prices shows efficiency gain in all cases.
9.3.1 Farmer’s Gain
Farmers save on marketing costs in the emerging channel. No major productivity

gain is observed in the contracts with PepsiCo (the UPP case), despite the input
support, but profits are higher in the emerging channels in all cases (Table 9.2).
Returns per hectare are impressive at over Rs 100,000 in UPP compared to
Rs 64,000 in traditional marketing, and in all cases, the contract is found more
lucrative than the corresponding traditional channel because of price advantage.
9.3.2 Consumer’s Gain
The final product in the contracting case is different from the raw product, and so
assessment is difficult. While the consumer gains some utility from the tasty snacks
produced by the processor, that nutrition loss may be inherent cannot be ruled out.
Assuming the two channels have the same terminal magnification price, is least in
Punjab.
9.3.3 Price Fixation and Information Dissemination
In Uttar Pradesh and Punjab, regular auctions are reported to be taking place, but the
absence of systematic auctions is a serious failure of regulated marketing in Assam.
In contrast to such open markets, contract prices are decided exclusively by
the transacting parties based on mutual agreements made prior to production.
Thus prices are less influenced by current demand and supply forces than by
expectations and bargaining strengths. Nevertheless, even in contracts, a compari-
son with the traditional market prices is implicit in negotiations.
Though it is generally felt that PepsiCo in Uttar Pradesh pays higher than
prevailing market prices, it is evident that the producer price is deeply sensitive
to the bargaining strengths of the parties. The price is also closely related with the
other terms and conditions of the contracts bearing on non-pecuniary costs and
benefits. In spite of the personalized and differentiated nature of price determina-
tion, it is important that the price is in keeping with prevailing prices in other
transactions in organized markets. Price movements in the traditional markets
therefore indirectly matter. The criticality of information on prices cannot be
understated.
In Uttar Pradesh, for both products in the traditional channel, auctions decide
prices. Awareness of producers about prices is found to be appreciable, but inter-
estingly, commission agents continue to be the main source of information about
prevailing market prices. In fact, participants in both channels are benefited by the
information they bring. Sometimes, farmers in the contracts also make personal
visits to the market to gather information. No one reported any role of the
government’s market intelligence initiative AGMARKNET in providing
information.
In Assam, auctions are rare, even in traditional marketing. Most farmers rely
on personal sources of information or information from other farmers, and about
20 % of the farmers also acknowledge commission agents for the knowledge gain.
There was no role of AGMARKNET again. Awareness on wholesale prices was
fairly high, but only 65 % of the farmers knew of the prices that prevailed in the
retail market. The prices decided in the contracts always matched their expectations
as against traditional marketing where 18 % of the sample farmers felt that the
prices received are far below their anticipation.
In Punjab, the auction price in the regulated market played no role in the
contracts, but nevertheless, farmers relied on information on market prices gained
from personal sources and other farmers. The seller in the regular channel
benefitted from the commission agents and traders, and 11 % of the sample farmers
even reported receiving prices information from AGMARKNET. Although farmers
in both the channels received prices generally matching with their expectations, and
all were fairly informed of market movements, there is an indication that the
contract prices are set by the companies to a large extent. Given that the product
procured is based on careful selection with specific quality criteria, irrelevance of
mandi prices and the dominant say of the company may not be surprising.
It may also be noted that contracting has diminished but not eliminated
the farmers’ dependence on trading agents. The latter maintains their control on
the market because many processors continue to depend on them in some way or the
other for marketing the final products. The processor of aonla has in particular
expressed their displeasure over their buyers who are also traders. Concerns are
heard over excessive deductions and underpricing of products, the effects of which
are likely to be felt indirectly by the aonla producers too.
9.3.4 Disposal and Wastage
A little more than 95 % of production is marketed in both channels in Assam where

both home consumption (though more in the traditional channel) and presale
wastage of product are reported. The disposal of potato in Assam is not confined
to contract sales only. Whereas nearly 80 % of the marketed amount is taken to the
same channel by farmers in the traditional channel, farmers in the emerging channel
marketed less than 60 % of the total through the contractual system and sold 40 %
through direct marketing in local retail stores. There is however no unsold marketed
quantity in any channel. Even wastage at the farmer level is less in the emerging
channel.
In Uttar Pradesh, both crops are cash crops. All aonla is sold to the market and
processed to murabba and other products. There is no report of home consumption,
rejection or channel diversification in this state. The data on Uttar Pradesh did not
cover details of product disposal and wastage. It is however known that potato
being a semi-perishable crop cannot be stored in houses or in the open in the
summer season.
Both study crops in Uttar Pradesh are grown mostly for cash. Poor storage and
handling can stimulate biochemical activities that cause deterioration of quality as
well as quantity. Loss of moisture also leads to weight loss. To prevent rotting,
potato needs to be kept in cold storages and handled with special care right from
digging at the time of harvest to retailing.
The farmers in the sample area hold potato in traditional on-farm storage or
alternatively in modern cold storages on hire, but none of the sample farmers in any
sample channel reported possessing on-farm cold storage. Postharvest losses are much
more at the farm level (1 %) in the traditional channel than in contract. Inadequacy of
storage facilities and faulty picking at farmer’s level are major causes of considerable
qualitative and quantitative losses, but although farmer selling to PepsiCo from the
field did not feel the urgent need of investing on storage, postharvest losses are a
constraint even in contract as quality of products delivered to processors is a serious
consideration for the sustainability of the relation. Losses are also incurred in transpor-
tation. The perishable nature of product, distances to be covered and the travails of
waiting for better prices are reported to be the major reasons for losses. While for
farmers the shortage of storage is a serious issue, at the overall level, the study region is
endowed with cold storage facilities, and over 80 % of the potato produced was
preserved in cold storage. There is no report of on-farm processing.
In Punjab, postharvest losses arise mainly during harvest when mechanical
digging of soil takes place but the damaged tubers are given away free to the
labourers. Part of this loss is attributable to premature harvest in December in the
hope of higher prices. Part of the ripe potato is sold in the regulated market in
February, and a part is stored for future sale and seed. Cold storage facility is
generally available to farmers. Handling and transport also cause product loss. The
sellers in contract can avoid storage losses which are sizable to the
non-participating farmers. High perishability is the leading cause of wastage
9.4 Perceptions of Stakeholders 151
reported followed by waiting for better prices in the traditional channel. Long
distances are a problem for both channels. Potato is transported to Rajasthan,
Gujarat and West Bengal.
9.4 Perceptions of Stakeholders
No complaints on late payment, conflicts or transgression were made in the

interviews with farmers. In the traditional channel too, there was a fair amount of
confidence on the merchants, no conflict was reported and 60 % of the producers
were even given receipts on delivery. The overarching presence of an arbiter in the
form of non-profit-motivated intermediater in the contract is sensed in the fixation
of fair prices.
9.4.1 Uttar Pradesh
The perceptions about the regulated market were mixed. The conditions of roads
were mostly rated average, and distances travelled were moderate. Storage facility
within the market was poor in Uttar Pradesh. Auction operations and supervisions
were merely satisfactory in the traditional channels. Computer facilities were not
available.
Farmers in the traditional channel sold potatoes through auction and were aware
of the prevailing prices they are entitled to while of bargaining. Because potato
prices are highly volatile, access to storage facility is a significant advantage, and
farmers who cold-store products could also sell the potatoes at a higher price. Over
half the potato produced had to be sold at the harvesting period for lack of holding
power of farmers.
Producers of potato had no reproach for the commission agents’ services. The
traders in the APMC market under study, namely, Naveen fruits and vegetables
market in Sikandra, Agra, sell potato to distant states and even to foreign countries.
The licensed traders set up shops in the regulated market but are dissatisfied with
the market conditions, stating narrow internal roads, poor banking facility, inade-
quate godowns and improper display of prices to be irritants. The market is not
cleaned regularly. Generally unhygienic, it reportedly becomes extremely dirty in
the rainy season.
Aonla marketing is also done through commission agents, with auctions taking
place in both open and covered systems. Storage appears to be a serious problem in
marketing aonla too, necessitating immediate sale after harvest. Case studies
undertaken as part of the survey suggest that the farmer is unaware of prevailing
prices and feels exploited by the middleman. Discussion with selected traders
suggests that the licensed trader generally owns a pucca shop in the market
yard and is satisfied with the marketing facilities such as lighting, water supply
and transport. Trading is done with other states like Bihar and Madhya Pradesh.
The cleanliness of the market is reported to be poor. The growers paid for services
of unloading, weighing and cleaning during the sale in the regular market.
Despite the shortcomings, the participating farmers of both crops are drawn to
the traditional channel by the prospect of assured sales highlighting the fear of
rejection in the other channel. The role of demonstration effect is also evident in the
influence of friends and neighbours while choosing the traditional channel for
marketing potato. In contracting, however, the superior services provided by
PepsiCo is the driving force. Assurance of sales based on prior agreement again
is an important consideration for choice of the channel. Contractual marketing is
attractive especially for the higher prices it offers and the low cost of marketing it
involves. Advantages of reduced waiting time and better infrastructural facility are
also reported to be appealing features drawing the farmers to contracts.
Comparing the two channels, there is a sense of farmers being embittered by the
trader’s practices resulting in low farmer prices. Ironically, even in the emerging
channel for marketing aonla, dominance of the commission agents in deciding
prices was a source of disquiet, as expressed by the processor SFP that has to
ultimately depend on traders for disposing the processed products.
Farmers complained of having to bear losses due to product deterioration during
transit and weight loss due to shrinkage and moisture loss. Many potato sellers
resent in particular the deductions made on these counts by middlemen while
making payments, contrasting the practice with the emerging channel of contract
payment in which no such deduction is made. However, part of this perception may
be illusory as the model of marketing is quite different in PepsiCo contracts.
Payment recovery is seen to be easier in the traditional channel. In the contract
case of UPP, the quality standards are stated to be very stringent and rejection rate is
high. No conflict is however reported in any of the cases.
A significant section (16 % of sample farmers) growing potatoes have taken
loans from banks and cooperatives, the purpose of the loan being intercultural
operations and digging wells. The buyers were nowhere a source of credit.
The aonla growers did not report having taken loans at all. However, 40 % of the
participants in contract marketing in potato received input advances from the buyer.
The inputs received covered seeds, micronutrients and pesticides, and the farmers
expressed satisfaction with the quality of the inputs. None of the farmers in the
traditional channel obtained input assistance from the commission agents.
The farmers in both channels had little idea about the structure of the market
chain or the final price that the consumer paid. They also had no idea of other
options for selling the products, but they showed willingness to sell to the same
agent again. All the farmers felt that government could help by offering a minimum
support price and subsidies which is not unexpected. Greater public involvement in
marketing, provision of cold storage facilities and support for export promotion was
desired as interventions. The complaints surrounding the emerging channel
concerned high quality standards, high rejection rates and lack of dependability
of the channel. In particular, the government can contribute substantially to reduce
losses by strengthening the cold storage and refrigerated transport facilities.
9.4 Perceptions of Stakeholders 153
9.4.2 Assam
Proximity was reported as an advantage for the farmers in both channels in Assam.
Distances from the market rarely exceeded 25 km. Roads were perceived to be
average, if not good. In the emerging channel, collection from farms was an added
advantage. Storage and timely disposal of potato is important. In both channels,
potato is disposed of within 2 months of the harvest in Assam though those selling
to the processor held on longer to stocks. Since sales agreement was made in
advance, this would reflect delays in procurement rather than holding capacity of
farmers that could indicate their bargaining strength.
Most facilities like auction (traditional channel), supervision, loading, weighing
and sorting ranged between average and good in either channel, but cold storage
and parking facilities were a greater constraint in the traditional channel than in the
case of contracting. With 80 % of the participants in the traditional channel rating
the cold storage facility as ‘bad’ and facilities like telephone, computer services,
Internet and banking non-existent in any channel, farmers gained little.
None of the farmers in the samples availed of credit from institutional or
non-institutional sources, but all farmers in the contractual relation have been
beneficiaries of input advances with respect to improved seeds, fertilizers and
pesticides. This privilege was deemed extremely attractive because of the zero
interest property of the advance and its conjunction with knowledge transfer and
extension. Farmers complained about the quality demands on the part of the buyer
and the small quantities of purchases.
9.4.3 Punjab
For potato growers in the state, the volatility of the price is a major problem, and a
bumper harvest is a cause of apprehension. In this background, contract farming is a
welcome option, but the key complaint revolves around the tendency of the buyer to
select products only based on shape, colour and size. However, the farmers are able
to sell the products rejected for being lower in quality to buyers other channels. The
rate of rejection is also very low in the traditional channel.
The regular market is found to be mostly within 10 km from site and rarely more
than 25 km away. The Punjab roads are rated good to average though lack of
godown and cold storage creates serious problem. Auction arrangements, supervi-
sion, loading, weighing and solving facilitates are good. No Internet, telephone or
computer is available. The emerging channel involves longer distances to be
travelled though only by the buyer, but storage facility is good. Supervision is
reported universally as good although there is no auction. The farmers are well
aware of the processes in the marketing chains.
Borrowing of funds is reported by 80 % of farmers in the traditional channel and
50 % in the contract chain. Sellers take loans from banks, cooperatives and also the
traders, but in contracts, institutional lending is dominant though 10 % also report

credit taken from buyer (against 28 % in traditional channel). Moneylenders have a
minor role reported by hardly 3 % of the respondents selling only in the traditional
channel. Loans are taken only for cultivation. Interestingly, no report of input
advances is received from any channel. In the emerging channel, no farmer was
also informed on the subsequent stages in marketing.
However, merchant service was satisfactory in both channels and no conflicts are
reported in the contract. Recovery performance was better in contract channel.
Assured sales, meaning less risk, drove 80 % of the participants to go for contract,
but low cost of marketing, desire for higher prices and less physical losses are other
important factors behind their preference. However, half of the sample in the
traditional channel also cited assured sales for their reason to stay on. Influence
of friends played a small role.
9.5 Who Participates?
The samples generate mixed results with respect to the question whether the
participating group is inclusive of economically and socially backward farmers. It
may be kept in view that among the four cases presented, only two cases UPP and
PPP involve a buyer of a large multinational dimension whereas in the other two
cases the processors are relatively small units of local nature. In one case APK, the
transaction is carefully designed with a regulatory NGO intermediating between the
parties.
Table 9.3, summarizing the sample profiles, finds that the section contracting
with Pepsi in Uttar Pradesh, i.e. UPP, appears more inclusive when farm class is
only considered because over 68 % of the sample farmers are in the small and
marginal farm holder category compared to less than half in the other sample.
However, comparing other social and communicational attributes (backward/
minority classes and ownership of mobile phone or vehicle), the sample of
participants appears rather privileged. On the contrary, in the other two cases,
i.e. contracts with local processors in Uttar Pradesh and Assam, the inclusion of
small farmers falls short relative to the traditional counterparts. While in respect of
other indicators the emerging marketing channels appear more inclusive, the
differences are not always significant.
A more detailed analysis is possible from Tables A.12–A.14, but the results are
not any more conclusive. When social attributes are considered, only UPP case
appears to be noninclusive mostly because among the participants no minority
community (non-Hindu) and less of backward castes (SC/ST) are found. There is
also no presence of below poverty line (BPL) and female-headed households. More
of the participant households live in pucca houses than in the non-participating
households. In the case of APK, social inclusion is comparable between the two
channels. Nagaon has large sections of Muslim population, but the presence of
minority community is less in the sample of emerging channel participants, but this
9.6 Farming Practices 155
Table 9.3 Participation of the underprivileged in the emerging channel

Channel Contract sales to processor
Small and marginal farmers 68 (1.39) 51 (0.77) 60 (0.88) 1 (0.20)
Backward/minority 4 (0.28) 8 (2.80) 94 (1.00) 100 (1.0)
No vehicle 16 (0.80) 16 (1.33) 76 (1.15) 0 (0.0)
Communication disadvantage 20 (0.43) 4 (0.12) 16 (1.14) 0 (0.0)
Not owning a farm asset 40 (1.25) 93 (1.08) 24 (1.50) 0 (–)
Notes: Small and marginal farmers are farmers operating less than 2 ha land, backward castes are
scheduled castes and tribes, minority is mostly Muslim, no vehicle is lack of motorcycle,
communication is using mobile phone, and farm asset is pump set. Figures in parentheses are
ratios to corresponding estimates for traditional channels
is compensated by greater participation of backward castes. No great difference in

the inclusion of BPL and female-headed households is also noted. In the UAS case,
the emerging channel appears more inclusive of minority community and backward
castes, but no presence of BPL households is reported.
In all cases, the largest section of participants is from small- and marginal
holding farmers in both channels perhaps outlining the profile of the growers of
specific crops. UPP has the largest share (68 %) followed by APK (60 %) and UAS
(51 %). The proportion of relatively large holding farmers (more than 4 ha) is 12 %
in UAS, 8 % in APK and least at 4 % in UPP. The farms own assets like tractors,
pump sets, trolleys and tillers (except UAS) in various degrees. The emerging
channel is more inclusive in UAS and equitable in APK in ownership of farm
assets. UPP too appears inclusive but the participants own more of tillers than in the
other channel. There is no significant difference in the farm size, and the land in all
cases is irrigated mostly by ground water. With the exception of UPP, there is no
incidence of leased land.
Ownership of mobile phones is more among the emerging channel participants
with the exception of APK. The ownership of computers and access to Internet are
impressive in UPP. Educational attainments are not significantly different among
the participants, but a slight lead is perceptible in terms of the education of the head
of household and the proportion of members having higher education. The age of
the head is also comparable between the channels.
9.6 Farming Practices
A few differences in farming practices are visible in Table 9.4. In Assam, external
organic intervention is meager in either case, but nevertheless, all farms apply
composts or organic manures, and inputs of both chemical and organic fertilizers
are higher in the emerging channel sample than in the traditional channel. Fertilizer
use both as chemical and organic inputs is less intense in the emerging channel for
Table 9.4 Farming practices

Potato Aonla Potato
Crop Uttar Pradesh Uttar Pradesh Assam
State Contract sales to processor
Hiring labour (%farms) 85.99 (0.94) 95.82 (1.05) 70 (0.74)
Chemical fertilizer use (Kg/ha) 984 (1.26) 333 (0.96) 568 (1.09)
Organic fertilizer use (Kg/ha) 411 (0.34) 850 (0.63) 262 (1.10)
Using organic manure (%farms) 100 (1.0) 100 (1.00) 100 (1.00)
Using tractor/tiller (%farms) 24 (1.05) 3 (0.35) 100 (1.28)
On-farm storage (%farms) – – 72 (–)
Purchasing seeds (%farms) – – 100 (1.00)
Notes: Figures in parentheses are ratios to corresponding estimates for traditional channels.
The Punjab Centre did not report
aonla in Uttar Pradesh, but in the contract with Pepsi, the average of chemical use is
higher but organic intervention less. None of the farms is however certified to be
organic (Table 9.3).
Water-efficient equipment like sprinklers and drip are not reportedly used in any
of the sample farms, all of which use pump sets. All households in the Assam
samples purchase seeds. The farms in Assam are reasonably mechanized, but while
all of them use tractors or tillers in the emerging channel sample, only 78 % do so in
the traditional channel. Among growers of aonla in Uttar Pradesh, only a small
proportion of the sample farms use these farm machines though the share is
relatively less in the emerging channel. Except in aonla in Uttar Pradesh, family
labour has a higher share in labour use in the emerging channel. Storage appears to
be an important factor for participation as none of the households use the facility in
the traditional channel, but 72 % of the emerging channel store potato though hired
facility is used for the purpose in Assam. It is already noted that disposal is delayed
and phased out in the emerging channel that suggested that farmers in contract may
be required to wait a while before disposing of the product.
9.7 Conclusion
Despite the failure to amend the marketing law, Uttar Pradesh has progressed with
contract-based marketing even under the present rules while the successful amend-
ment has brought some order into the dysfunctional regulated market regime in
Assam. There is no strong evidence of bias in inclusion against small farmers in the
contract model. In Uttar Pradesh, the case of the multinational company Pepsi
buying potato on contract from farmers is suggestive of greater inclusion of
smallholdings and the economically asset poor sections, but it does not seem
inclusive if social attributes such as caste and community are considered. On the
whole, there is a clear indication that farmers privileged with communication
9.7 Conclusion 157
facility (mobile phone) and perhaps in education level are drawn towards the
contract sales model.
The farmer in the contract sales model avoids bearing marketing costs due to the
practice of farm-gate level collection of produce though marketing costs would still
be necessitated if some of the products offered are not selected for the chain and
need to be sold elsewhere. The profits are however higher in the emerging channel
than in the traditional one, and farmers earn more in all cases. The commission
agent remains an important source of price information to enable farmers to
bargain.
Since the final products are different, processor’s costs and margins are pro-
found, and products sold in the different channels differ intricately in quality, the
measurement of efficiency is not straightforward between the channels. We found
the prices in contract were largely consistent with producer expectations, but
commission agent and trader were important sources of price information in two
of these cases. In Punjab, the company appears to dictate the price.
Storage facility is rated ‘bad’ in the traditional channel in most cases, but access
to the same facility (hired or owned) is an important advantage for participation
even in the emerging channel in which actual collection can be delayed by the
buyer’s other compulsions. The participating farms appear more mechanized and
also intensive in family labour use. They also use more of chemical and organic
fertilizers. Access to inputs free of interest was considered an attractive feature of
the emerging channel. Assured sales are a key factor in participation, and given the
quality standards expected, participating farmers generally diversify without
depending on only contract selling.
Chapter 10
Selling to Organized Retailers
Organized retailers link producers with consumers directly. This form of market
intermediation is fast gaining popularity in India. The organized retailers have the
resources to purchase materials from competent producers and make suitable
arrangements for collection, storage, sorting, grading and transportation and finally
also for distribution. The sales outlet is generally owned (or franchised) by the
company and is an element of a large chain sprawled across different places of the
country so that the produce reaches a spatially extensive market.
Retail chains are not entirely new in India. Examples of cooperative, govern-
ment and semi-government initiatives have been around in the country for a long
time, but their scale of operation was miniscule for a large country. Yet opening up
the market to retail chains is one of the severest challenges of pushing reforms
today. The prospect of large profit-minded company including larger multinational
entities with acclaimed expertise in marketing at a global scale entering the market
heightens apprehension about the implications of the changes. The displacement of
many middlemen, including a very large number of urban retailers who could be
owners of small shops, roadside stall or street vendors, is a key source of disquiet.1
On the contrary, the possibilities of farmers benefiting from a more modernized
marketing system especially associated with investment on the ‘back-end’ infra-
structure appeal the enthusiasts.
India is a latecomer in the supermarket revolution, with stores opening in the late
1990s in Southern India,2 focused mostly on the middle class. India’s modern retail
is said to have entered its second stage only since 2001 (Reardon et al. 2008). Given
1
Recent reports that a particular global retail giant has replaced 0.2 million traditional retailers in
Mexico, a country with a population of only 115 million, have been in discussion in India where
the traditional retailers constitute 4 % of the country’s population. While this is an irreparable loss,
the current controversy actually stems from another graver issue that involves the alleged payment
of bribes by the company to have this complete access in the country (Business Line May
31, 2012).
2
A joint venture between Spencer’s and Hong Kong’s regional multinational supermarket chains –
Dairy Farm International – was probably the first example.

160 10 Selling to Organized Retailers
the low base, India’s may be the fastest pace of supermarket diffusion in the world.3
However, till the end of 2000, staple and processed foods constituted most of their
sales, while fresh produce accounted for only 10–15 % of sales in modern retail
stores.4
This chapter investigates four cases of organized retailing operating in three
different states of India. For Jharkhand the marketing of cauliflower and for
Haryana the marketing of two crops, muskmelon and tomato, through the interme-
diation of the national-level company, Reliance Industries Limited from their
outlets Reliance Fresh, are studied. Marketing of the vegetable tomato through a
noncommercial outlet called SAFAL is studied in Himachal Pradesh.5
Primary data is collected from the district of Solan in Himachal Pradesh, Ranchi
district of Jharkhand and three districts Gurgaon, Kurukshetra and Sonepat of
Haryana (Tables 4.1 and A.15). In all cases, a control group of farmers operating
in the local traditional marketing chain is also taken to mark the contrasts.
The prices used in the study are averages of prices fetched by the sample
farmers. The final or terminal price in the chain is the consumer price though
realized in the different consumer interfaces given in the next section.
10.2 Status of Study Regions and Market Functioning
Jharkhand is a state formed out of undivided Bihar and located on a plateau. The
climate is conducive to producing a diversity of horticultural crops including
off-season vegetables. Cauliflower claims over 11 % of the vegetable area. Total
vegetable acreage is largest in the district of Ranchi which also ranks second in the
area under cauliflower, the study crop. Kanke block is associated with the activities
3
The estimated share of organized retail in total retail food market has increased from below 10 %
to nearly 60 % in recent times in various countries in South America, South Africa, East Asia
(outside China), Southeast Asia and Central America (Reardon and Timmer 2007).
4
Less than 2 % of food products are sold through modern chains (Deodhar et al. 2006). Even in the
capital of India, majority of the distribution of fruits and vegetables is done through ‘push-cut’
retailers and ‘wet market’ retailers, but contradictory to experiences in other countries (World
Bank 2008), modern retail stores in Delhi spread equally to rich and poor neighbourhoods. In Delhi
the roll-out of modern retail was disturbed by the closure of Subhiksha shops, but compared to
southern cities like Hyderabad and Bangalore that were the birth place of the change, Delhi might
be showing higher growth rate as a latecomer.
5
Centres (AERCs) in the Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla; T. M. Bhagalpur University,
Bhagalpur; and University of Delhi, Delhi.
10.2 Status of Study Regions and Market Functioning 161
of Reliance Fresh, the emerging channel under study, and the samples cover
villages known for vegetable cultivation and falling in the catchment of the retail
chain’s collection centre. The list of cauliflower growers forming the frame was
drawn out with the help of members of a voluntary organization working for
farmers’ benefit (a kisan party), the villagers and the personnel of the Reliance
Fresh collection centre at Pithoria village.
Ranchi is the state capital of Jharkhand with a large proportion of scheduled tribe
(ST) population (Table A.1). More than 20 % of the land is under forest cover, the
state has rich mineral reserves and the share of agriculture in the state GDP is only
15 %. Despite having a pleasant climate, the skewed rainfall and low irrigation
intensity reduce the scope of multiple cropping (cropping intensity is only 1.05).
The main crops grown are cereals including maize. Cauliflower, a crop belonging to
the family of broccoli, rich in antioxidants and vitamins and used widely in Indian
cuisines, is a vegetable that is suited for the cool and moist climate of Ranchi. The
crop however requires irrigation when the moisture content in the soil falls below a
point.
Like any hilly region, Himachal Pradesh is constrained geographically in its
economic activities and is prone to migration. Social and physical overheads like
roads, power, schools and health facilities that are a prime responsibility of the state
can only help progress to happen in the state. Agriculture is by far the major
occupation of the people, and due to climatic advantages, a wide variety of fruits
and vegetable can grow well.
Solan district in Himachal Pradesh is fully electrified and well connected.
Agriculture occupies over half of the workforce in the district, but about 60 % of
the holdings operated are small or marginal, and only a quarter of the sown area is
irrigated. Both high- and low-altitude areas are present in Solan, but the valleys of
Saproon, Doon and Kunihar are strong points of its agriculture. Some parts of the
district however have difficult terrains. Temperature is also variable falling to 0 C
degree in winter and rising to 40 C in summer, but these conditions suit stone
fruits, subtropical fruits and off-season vegetables like tomatoes, capsicums and
French beans. Vegetable production accounts for 17 % of the total crop production.
Haryana emerged as one of the most progressive states in the wake of economic
liberalization in India. Its proximity to the national capital New Delhi, its earlier
record of success in agriculture and industry and the rise of the software industry are
special components of the success that would be reflected in the demand for
horticultural food products. Haryana therefore would provide an interesting case
for any study that is related to economic reforms.
All the three districts selected for sampling in Haryana are close to Delhi and are
well connected. Very hot summers, very cold winters and mild monsoon with low
to moderate rainfall characterize the climate of the region covered, but Gurgaon has
a relatively more arid climate. Cereals and horticultural products are the main crops
grown. Input intensities and crop productivities are impressive, but there are signs
of water pollution and soil degradation. All the districts, especially Gurgaon, enjoy
the advantage of being located in the hinterlands of a vibrant urban market.
10.3 Emerging and Traditional Marketing Channels
Informal retailers who traditionally exist in the country include (i) traders in wet
markets (specific places where a number of small retailers of fruits and vegetables
typically cluster together during fixed hours daily), (ii) pushcart vendors (who roam
around in residential areas to deliver fresh fruits and vegetables or stand at specific
and prominent places in the colonies) and (iii) family-owned and operated kirana
(often referred to ‘mom and pop’ elsewhere) stores (situated at fixed locations
selling basic food and nonfood items). All three sources have advantages of
bringing to consumers fresh produce, their locational conveniences (especially
the pushcart vendor) and lower cost of operation. These micro-endeavours are
largely private and commercial albeit informal initiatives. The organized retail
imposes a serious competition on these agents.
Besides, a cooperative and a quasi-government sector also exist in retailing.
There are also organized forms of marketing in India. Several but isolated
initiatives have been made at opening cheap provision stores that also attempt to
sell fresh and processed food products, but the importance of this cooperative
ventures declined over time. The Kendriya Bhandar is such an initiative in Delhi
for supplying to urban working middle class. The parastatal outlets for distributing
milk and horticultural products procured directly from producers through Mother
Dairy booths with its SAFAL brand are a more successful example of organized
retail operative for non-profit objectives.
Jharkhand was earlier a part of Bihar. The Bihar APMC Act (BAPMC) passed in
1960 was not visibly effective, and following its bifurcation from Bihar in 2000,
Jharkhand legally adopted the BAPMC Act, and further in 2000s, it amended the
JPMC in tune with the centre’s suggestions.
Farmers in Jharkhand, especially the small farmers, hardly dispose of their
products in the main market yards due to the poor infrastructure and supervision
and because the cooperative was also non-functional. Generally, they sell to
wholesalers or small commission agents in the rural periodic markets. Village
merchants, itinerant traders, wholesaler, commission agents and retailer are the
prominent intermediaries in the chain though the channel lengths vary. With
the new legislation, private initiative in upgrading the channels is attempted, and
the Jharkhand government allowed a corporate house Reliance Industries Limited
(RIL) to enter into the business of retailing of vegetables in the state. The RIL has
opened a chain of retail stores under the name Reliance Fresh in many parts of the
country. It has three outlets in Jharkhand since 2006 which, along with two
collection centres in Ranchi, offer an alternative channel for vegetable growers in
the state.
Haryana state enacted the Punjab Agricultural Produce Markets Act 1939 and
further amended it in 1961 to regulate all markets in the state. With liberalization,
contract farming was formerly permitted. New model fruit and vegetable markets
are created to provide retail and wholesale facility, and schemes for giving better
assistance for grading sorting and packing for value addition are formulated. As in
10.3 Emerging and Traditional Marketing Channels 163
Jharkhand the RIL company also started operating their Reliance Fresh outlet in
Haryana.
The Himachal Pradesh Agricultural Produce Markets Act 1969 had consolidated
the varied regulations of pre-independence regime. By the end of the 1990s,
reforms became an urgent necessity again because of the malpractices in the
existent system rather than the lengths of the marketing chains. For lack of
alternatives, the orchardists of Himachal Pradesh became intensely dependent on
traders from Delhi especially from Azadpur market. As a way out, marginal
producers who operate on little land and sell milk along with crops often use direct
marketing by carrying vegetables and milk to rural and urban customers. In some
marketing chains, the retailers bypass commission agents and approach the farmers
before they take their products for auction at local markets. Producers often use
multiple channels weighing the reliability of the marketing agencies, their own
urgency for cash and the prices offered. Thus, the recourse to regulated market is
only limited in the area, and multiple modes of marketing have evolved.
The old Act was repealed and marketing reforms based on the Model Act were
introduced with the enactment of Himachal Pradesh Agricultural and Horticultural
Produce Marketing (Development and Regulation) Act 2005. Several private
companies are investing in supply chain facilities and indulge in marketing
functions.
10.3.1 Marketing Through Reliance Fresh in Jharkhand

and Haryana
Unlike subsistence crops, vegetables are grown for commercial purpose, but mar-
keting is a particularly limiting factor for the producers because of their perishable
nature. Farmers are also victims of price volatility between peak and lean seasons.
Transportations, packaging, storage and distribution are important functions in
marketing fruits and vegetables.
In the traditional channel of Ranchi, the Kutcha Arthia is the most important
agency who buys vegetables from the farmers, but the place of exchange is in
practice often the rural periodic market since the regulated market is generally not
suitable for the purpose. Many small and marginal farmers sell perishable
vegetables in this market because they are inhibited by the inadequate facilities
and lack of enforcement of regulation in urban markets although the practice is
more common among resourceful farmers.
The Haryana study rightly notes that the nature and length of the traditional
channel vary with commodities depending on demand and regional specialization.
Although producers in small towns act as retailers or direct sellers to wholesalers or
producers, the more common models include the commission agent besides the
wholesaler and the retailer. The chain linking the producer and the consumers
consists of the (i) commission agent, the wholesaler and the retailer in Haryana,
while in Ranchi the (ii) Kutcha Arthia, the wholesale trader and the retailer
constitute the chain.
The RIL has initiated the retail marketing initiative of opening outlets known as
Reliance Fresh (RF) that operates through small and medium sized stores located in
cities and small towns. The store offers to bring high quality vegetables apart from
other food articles to consumers at affordable prices. It sells both pre-packed
vegetables with specified expiry dates and loose vegetables. Leaflets and banners
are deployed for promotion of sales.
A few thousand farmers are hooked on to the retail supply chain in Ranchi district
through collection centres, which are linked with consortiums undertaking grading
and standardization. It is reported to be very selective in its procurement. Reliance
Fresh procures vegetables from farms on daily basis unlike in the traditional channel
in which the vegetable is collected by intermediaries in local periodical markets. In
the regular channels, cauliflower is at the earliest dispatched to consuming centres by
the traders to avoid spoilage but with the advent of Reliance Fresh, storage at local
collection centres has become a common custom in the district. Usually even in
traditional channels, vegetable with leaves attached can be preserved for a month at
the appropriate temperature and humidity before it is transported in trucks tied in nets.
In the traditional channel, the procured vegetable is straight away transported and
distributed to neighboring states West Bengal, Orissa and Bihar and thus there is no
reliance on the local market and its facilities. In the emerging channel on the other
hand, the Reliance Fresh staff procures materials to the collection center where they
are measured and recorded in the names of the producer-sellers. The vegetable is sold
from the RF stores all through the day. The vegetable is scientifically graded and
shelved in air-conditioned stalls to be sold from the Reliance stores at Ranchi which
opens at 9 am and operate daily for 12 hours.
In Haryana too the system is similar. The company approaches the farmers
directly for procurement, develops cold chain facilities through own effort or
agreements with associates to reduce wastage and runs a number of stores in the
national capital region to sell fruits, vegetables, groceries and dairy products.
Participating households thus escape the problems of transporting, weighing and
storing the products. However it is important to note that vegetables accepted by
Reliance are required to be graded based on their quality and freshness.
10.3.2 Mother Dairy as the Intermediary in Himachal

Pradesh
Himachal Pradesh has considerable climatic advantages for growing commercial

vegetables, but the potential needs to be tapped yet. Tomatoes can be grown as
off-season vegetables in greenhouses, but such ventures add to the cost of produc-
tion. Waxing reduces the weight loss of tomatoes and increases their shelf life. High
temperature, humidity, oxygen pressure and the basic fruit quality are the factors
behind spoilage of products. In this milieu, investment on technology is important
for market development. In Himachal Pradesh, vegetables like tomato are traditionally
Himachal Pradesh Jharkhand Haryana
Tomato Cauliflower Tomato, Muskmelon

Farmer Farmer
Farmer
Collecting
Collection
Mother Dairy
Reliance Fresh Outlet

Reliance Fresh Outlet
Consumer
Consumer Consumer
transferred from farmer’s field to consumers through the string of middlemen in

which Mother Dairy is also a major marketing agent. Mother Dairy also buys
tomatoes from farmer, assembles the products at a collection centre and then sells
them through its own outlets. In Himachal Pradesh, Mother Dairy sells through
its booth in Delhi to the consumers. Thus Mother Dairy is the emerging channel
selected for study.
Mother Dairy has opened a store for collection of the produce from the field in
Solan. Farmers are supplied with plastic crates at nominal charges. The store for
collection is located within a distance of 15 km from the producing site at the time
of survey, but Mother Dairy is observed to regularly change its site. The purchase is
linked with indicators of quality and shelf life. Thus, procurement is largely
restricted to areas with favourable temperature.
The traditional channels observed in Himachal Pradesh display variety and
range from direct sale from producer to the consumer to a more roundabout route
via intermediaries. More commonly, a chain of intermediaries is involved. In this
study, the traditional channel selected considered is a popular one involving the
producer, the wholesaler or commission agent, the mashakhor, the retailer and the
user who is the consumer (Fig. 10.1).
The marketing cost is more than what the producer gets in all cases except tomato in
Himachal Pradesh but efficiency gain from reforms is clearly indicated. Tomato in
Haryana is the only exception where the marketing cost exceeds the producer price in
both channels. Price magnification from the producer to the consumer is lower (about
half) than in the traditional channel in the retail chain only in Mother Dairy in
Table 10.1 Efficiency performance of organized retail channels

Crop Tomato Cauliflower Muskmelon Tomato
State Himachal Pradesh Jharkhand Haryana
Marketing scale (Rs 00,000) 0.57 (1.39) 0.75 (1.09) 2.06 (1.18) 1.71 (1.10)
Total farmer price (Rs/’00 Kg) 1,062.01 (1.05) 361.98 (1.0) 640.00 545.00 (1.06)
(1.06)
Net adjusted farmer price 989.00 (1.91) 358.68 (1.07) 567.60 501.40 (1.18)
(Rs/’00 Kg) (1.10)
Consumer price (Rs/’00 Kg) 1,496.00 (0.95) 830.00 (1.02) 1,445.00 1,375.20
(1.06) (1.31)
Price magnification (ratio) 1.51 (0.50) 2.31 (0.96) 2.26 (1.00) 2.52 (1.24)
Gross marketing cost (Rs)
Per rupee fetched by 0.51 (0.25) 1.17 (0.92) 1.53 (0.95) 1.63 (1.14)
producer
Per rupee paid by user 0.34 (0.51) 0.51 (0.98) 0.60 (0.98) 0.60 (1.02)
Source: Computed from survey data
Himachal Pradesh. The price magnification exceeds 2 in the other cases. Relative to
the corresponding traditional channel, it is high for tomato in Haryana (1.2) but nearly
the same in the other two cases, i.e. Jharkhand and muskmelon in Haryana. Marketing
scales per farm are reasonably high in all cases and are found higher in the emerging
channel (Table 10.1).
In any case, the experiences with retail marketing show that there is hardly any
efficiency gain in the private channels and in tomato (Haryana) the difference is not
favourable to the producers probably reflecting the existing strength of the unorga-
nized marketing in this privileged state. Farmers bear the largest share of marketing
cost in Himachal Pradesh at 65 % in the traditional channel which comes down to
30 % in Mother Dairy. Transportation and packing are major components of
farmers’ cost. In Jharkhand, the marketing cost borne by the farmer is less than
1 %. Not only does RF procure from the field, but it provides all facilities like
weighing and storage.
10.4.1 Farmer Gains
In all cases, the total farmer’s price in the retail channels is at least equal to the
coexisting traditional channel, and the net prices received by the farmers are
considerably higher (Table 10.1). The price the consumer pays is cheaper only in
the Mother Dairy booth in the Himachal Pradesh study but higher in the Reliance
Fresh outlets in Jharkhand and in Haryana.
No significant advantage in productivity is noted in the channel, and in fact,
the productivity is lower for farmers in the emerging market in Himachal
Pradesh. However, profits and returns per hectare are considerably higher in
the emerging channel especially in Himachal Pradesh though the gain is marginal
Table 10.2 Farmer’s gains in the retail channel

Crop Tomato Cauliflower Muskmelon Tomato
State Units Himachal Pradesh Jharkhand Haryana
Productivity ’00 Kg/ha 236.00 (0.91) 66.47 (1.0) 322.00 (1.11) 314.00 (1.04)
Profit Rs/’00 Kg 747.91 (3.50) 195.71 (1.02) 393.22 (1.21) 348.23 (1.38)
Returns from Rs ’000/ha 177.0 (3.16) 13.0 (1.18) 127.0 (1.35) 109.0 (1.43)
land
Marketing cost % farmer 29.19 (0.44) 1.95 (0.15) 26.88 (0.99) 18.48 (0.60)
cost
in Jharkhand (Table 10.2). High dependence on the retail channel is reported

(Table A.21) although rejected products have to be sold elsewhere. Marketing
cost continues to be a sizable share of farmers cost though it comes down in
relation to the traditional channel.
10.4.2 Consumer Gain
The consumer buys cheaper in the Mother Dairy booth in Himachal Pradesh, but
the consumer price is higher in the Reliance Fresh outlets in Jharkhand and
Haryana relative to the traditional channel. This is not quite in keeping with
theory and empirical results in larger studies. While in the early stages of
penetration, prices offered for fresh foods in modern retail in developing countries
are generally higher or equal compared to traditional retail prices, only processed
food becomes cheaper in the intermediate stages, but in the advanced stages as
supply chain management becomes more efficient, food price in modern retail
tends to be lower for both processed and fresh food (Minten and Reardon 2008;
Ho 2005).
The quality of products and the comfort of shopping could account for the higher
prices imbedded in the associated services generated. Our reports from Jharkhand
suggests that business in RF Ranchi is growing due to consumers’ satisfaction with
the graded products, air-conditioned stalls and computerized weighing facilities
raising flak from local vendors.
The issue of consumer gain blends economics with politics. There is evidence
that consumers who do shopping in supermarkets tend to consume more processed
and less nutritious food. This has been used to explain the persistent tendencies of
consumers to depend on traditional retailers for fresh produce (Asfaw 2007; Neven
et al. 2006; Hawkes 2008). Early anecdotal evidence and more recent survey-based
study suggest that modern retail structure would be amenable to rich and upper
middle-class consumers who afford large but infrequent shopping bills (Goldman
1974; Neven et al. 2006; Chengappha 2006). A study done in Delhi found results
conflicting with these expectations. The quality of food is found to be worse in
modern retails than in traditional outlets due to slow development of supply chain in
store handling (Reardon et al. 2008). Vegetables like tomatoes were sometimes
found considerably less expensive in modern retails as compared to push-cut, but

these price differences are partly explained by lower quality in modern retail. Prices
in private sector modern retail do not differ significantly from those in cooperative
modern retail chain (Safal) or from traditional market if quality is controlled for.
In this report, convenience stands out as the major factor drawing the consumers
to retail outlets and there is no evidence of quality shortfall. Thus generalization is
difficult at this stage.
10.4.3 Disposal and Wastage
The horticultural products are almost fully marketed, but not all the products could
be sold in the specified channel. Both channels however face rejection, but the
rejected product is sold outside the specified channel under study. Less than 5 % of
the marketed amount remains unsold in Jharkhand and Himachal Pradesh. Wastage
is also not exclusive to any channel. Although farmers reduce their marketing cost
in organized retail, rejection and wastage impose marketing cost that makes up the
inefficiency of the channel.
Home consumption of the produce is reported to be (Table A.21) high in case
of cauliflower in Jharkhand in both channels. The percentage of product marketed
in the retail channel is high, showing the high dependence of the farmer on a
single convenient channel. In Himachal Pradesh, the share of the marketed
product that actually gets sold in the channel is also very high, but the same
share is considerably lower especially in the case of cauliflower in Jharkhand in
the emerging channel. The reason is clear. If one observes the share of marketed
products sold elsewhere due to rejection, 18 % of cauliflower marketed in the
channel appears to be rejected in Reliance Fresh compared to only 8 % in the
traditional channel. However, despite the rejections by RF, only some marginal
amount remaining with the farmer finally remains unsold. Despite the higher
incidences of rejection, the households save time and effort in using RF as their
agent when procurement centres are accessible.
Our investigation in Haryana revealed that postharvest losses of tomato added up
to 12 % and 10 % in the traditional and emerging channels, respectively. The
corresponding figures are 10 % and 8 % for muskmelon. However, at the farmer’s
level, the losses were less than 5 %. Much of the postharvest losses in Himachal
Pradesh occur at the retailing stage, but the share is higher in organized retail (74 %)
than in the traditional retail (67 %). At the farmer’s level, the losses are lower in the
organized retail chain at 20 % than 27 % in the traditional channel, while losses in
transportation contribute only about 5 % of the postharvest losses in both channels.
About 12–13 % of the production is lost in both channels, and losses are most
intense while handling at the retail level. Jharkhand postharvest losses are reported
for cauliflower at 10 % and 6 % in the emerging and traditional channels,
respectively.
10.4.4 Price Determination and Information
In Himachal Pradesh, price determination takes place by negotiation only at the

time of sale with no prior discussion between the parties. The farmer in the
traditional channel in Himachal Pradesh acquires price information mostly from
personal acquaintances accounting for 40 % of the cases. Information from other
farmers and commission agents, reported in 32 % and 28 % of the cases, is also
important. In the emerging channel too, the sources of information are similar, but it
is important to note that the commission agents have no role. The AGMARKNET’s
contribution in information dissemination is also not noted in any channel. There is
no prior information on price available to farmers who generally receive the price
information only at the time of sale. While most farmers obtain the prices they
expect, a larger proportion (38 %) of farmers receive lower prices than they
expected compared to farmers in the traditional channel (24 %).
In Jharkhand too, sample farmers reported that agreements on prices are made
only at the time of sale in the RF chain, but the realized price is close to what is
expected. In the traditional channel too, price determination mostly takes place
during sale, but curiously, previous agreements on prices are also reported in 10 %
of the cases. In the case of Reliance Fresh, prices are more definite but unlike in the
open marketing system, the relation of prices with demand and supply is less clear.
Farmers get information from sources like speaking to other farmers and speaking
to commission agents in the traditional channel, but the Reliance Fresh outlet is a
source of information for farmers in both channels, and the commission agent or
trader does not help farmers in the traditional channel. The AGMARKNET has
been of no use to any farmers. Thus, as in Himachal Pradesh, traders and electronic
media convey no information to farmers selling in the retail chain. These farmers
depend entirely on the buyer to set the price.
Transaction occurs mostly outside the market yards in Jharkhand. The sample
farmers in either channel in Jharkhand feel that the terms are in favour of the buyers
and mode of sale and weighing facilities are perceived to be biased. The prices
fetched are lower than expected in 40 % of the cases. Information on ruling prices is
obviously of paramount importance. Prior to marketing, the farmers in the RF chain
appear to be more informed than those in the traditional chain, but even these
privileged farmers have no knowledge of future prices prevailing in derivative
markets. In the Reliance Fresh stores, there is a computerized weighing and
measurement system and prices are exhibited digitally. These prices are a bit higher
than open market retail stores, but the products are graded in these stores. The prices
that farmers get in the traditional channel are highly variable depending on the state
of the perishable product and location of the market.
In Haryana the pricing process for matching supply and demand is reported as
‘messy’. At harvest, the collection centre offers a price, based on which farmers
decide whether or not to sell them. Such decisions are necessarily made by
comparing with alternative channels. The assurances got from producers on supply
are only oral, and without any formal commitment of a contract, procurement is not
easy for the agent. The farmers stated that they were paid higher prices than
elsewhere. It is also perceived that despite the higher prices paid to farmers, because
of efficient handling, the effect of these costs is not fully reflected on the supermar-
ket shelves so that consumers also benefit and farmers feel the benefit of higher
demand. With the collection facility at the doorstep and the efficient management
of transactions, it is not surprising that the new model appears attractive to farmers.
Over 60 % of the respondent farmers growing tomato in Haryana report that
information on prices is gleaned mostly from discussions with commission agents
and traders. Over 40 % of the muskmelon sellers in the retail channel benefited
from traders in this respect. Interpersonal dialogues among farmers are useful. The
e-Choupal agent is an added source of price information for 2 % of traditional
channel tomato producers. Price information is available mostly at harvest time and
before sale. AGMARKNET is found to have a small role as reported by 4 % of
respondents in the emerging channel and 2 % in the traditional channel. Prices
largely matched expectations, and the actual prices fetched with the agreed prices
and even exceeded them in a few cases so that there was no report of cheating.
10.4.5 Perceptions of Different Agents
The farmers of Himachal Pradesh selling in the traditional channel have to travel
long distances of more than 50 km. The road conditions were reported to be average
by respondents in both channels, but the regulated markets have no godowns and
cold storage facilities. The auction arrangements and supervision of sales were also
of average quality. Perceptions on other services like loading, sorting, weighing and
packing varied but are reported between bad and average. Internal telephone
facilities were also bad, computers and Internet facilities are absent and banking
facilities are minimal. The distances in the emerging channel are reported to be
shorter 10–25 km although over time the distance varies with the shifting location
of the collection centre. The participating farmers too reported poor facilities in the
regular marketing system which the RF helped them to overcome. In Jharkhand, the
transactions take place in the open in traditional channels, but RF provided
participants with superior facilities in the emerging channel. In Haryana, the
distances are large for non-participants in retail, but the RF has a collection centre
in proximity attracting pontential participants. Godown, cold storage, auction,
supervision and facilities of loading, sorting and weighing are at best average in
the open market.
In Himachal Pradesh, the awareness about prevailing prices was poor, 33 % of
the farmers in the traditional channel and 50 % in the emerging channel revealing
ignorance of wholesale price. In the emerging channel, none of the respondents had
any information of the retail prices. The price information was procured at the last
moment, and prices fetched did not always match expectations especially in the
emerging channel. Mutual interactions enlightened the farmers on the market.
Electronic media was not popular among the orchardists. Although the merchant’s
performances were stated as satisfactory in both channels, recovery of due was easy
in the traditional channel in Himachal Pradesh, while multiple visits to the merchant
were reported by producers for the purpose in the retail chain (Mother Dairy).
Usually the merchant supplied a signed receipt. A few conflicts surrounding quality
of product were also reported.
In contrast, farmers participating in the emerging channel in Jharkhand are more
informed on prices, without being dependent on traders, and though the RF is the
chief source of price information in the emerging channel, a lower proportion of the
farmers in this channel complained that prices were less than what they expected to
receive. Payment is reported to be timely by all, whereas 88 % of farmers in the
traditional channel reporting repeated visits for recovering dues. Satisfaction with
merchant performance was expressed in 88 % of cases in the emerging channel
compared to 46 % in the other chain. Conflicts were also unknown in sharp contrast
to the traditional case where 38 % of the farmers reported conflicts.
The picture is similar in Haryana. Timely payment is reported by most farmers
although multiple visits were reported by small sections in both channels, especially
in the emerging channel for tomato. Not only mutual discussions but interactions
with commission agents were useful for gaining information, and even the elec-
tronic media (AGMARKNET) helped a small section in the retail chain. Receipts
were provided in most cases, but incidences of conflicts did not spare either
channel.
In Himachal Pradesh, no one in the traditional channel reported of having taken
loan or input advance, whereas in the emerging channel, 44 % received loans but
mostly from banks, cooperative and friends to purchase inputs. Defaults were not
unknown. Thus, there is very little dependence for finance on the buyer in any
channel. In Jharkhand too, farmers do not avail of services other than marketing
from buyers in any channels. They however do incur debts for meeting financial
needs. In the sample of farmers in traditional channel, 22 % of the respondents took
loan from local people only, and in the emerging channel, 34 % obtained credit
either from local people or from shopkeeper selling fertilizers. While fertilizer
seller gave fertilizer on interest-free credit, local people lent at the interest rate
3–6 % per month. In Haryana, a high proportion of farmers selling tomato took
loans compared to those selling muskmelon in all cases. Banks were the major
lenders, and no one obtained credit from the buyer.
Not all of them necessarily wanted to sell their produce to the respective
channels in Himachal Pradesh. The farmers in both channels desired support prices
from government. Farmers in the emerging channel felt constrained by the selection
of specific grades of tomatoes by the buyer and would prefer complete procure-
ment. They also desire advances for input purchases. Participation is therefore
limited. Only 10% of the produce goes through this channel. In Haryana, RF
procures only higher-quality (grade A) product so that the rejection rate is high,
especially for tomatoes (23 % as reported) which compels farmers to incur the costs
of sorting and grading prior to delivery and also to sell the rejected lot in other
markets. The test for quality from the collection centre is only visual with no
scientific assessment. However, the sample data shows that all the marketed
products could be sold. Nevertheless, farmers feel they are able to save time, effort
and money by selling to RF because they are no longer required to transport their
products to the market. Even in Jharkhand a major unease was that RF accepted
only higher-grade products. The confidence on the trader is higher in the retail
channel in Jharkhand and Haryana. The confidence expressed on the merchants was
lower on Mother Dairy in Himachal Pradesh relative to the traditional channel.
The traders surveyed in Himachal Pradesh in the traditional channel reportedly
send the products of tomato to Delhi and Chandigarh or sell them at Solan market.
They too were unaware of the prevailing price situation, and few expressed
satisfaction with the use of the channel. They wanted government interventions.
In the emerging channel, Mother Dairy was the only agent marketing tomato in the
area. Its margin was reported to be only modest, and even this agent had poor price
information and wanted some form of government intervention.
For trading in cauliflower, storage and careful handling are important functions.
Traders in Jharkhand find their task difficult because farmers do not always follow
scientific postharvest management. For small and street retailers, storage is a
serious problem. The Reliance Fresh possesses superior logistic management
system, resulting in considerable reduction of wastage during the marketing of
perishable items.
Consumers in Jharkhand find RF convenient because of the air-conditioned and
computerized ambience and because the prices are exhibited publicly. Due to its
growing business, the Reliance Fresh stores in Jharkhand have faced ‘attacks from
mobs’ made up of local vendors whose livelihood was affected. The stores were
vandalized (the Hindu May 13, 2007). In Jharkhand, a few Reliance outlets as in
Ranchi and Jamshedpur have closed down, but this is also attributed to their
non-viability and poor location. The performance of many other outlets is also
reported to be poor. Protests from fruit and vegetable vendors continue. It is also
noted that people are queuing up to buy vegetables in Reliance Fresh in Ranchi;
however, expansion of the enterprise is slow on account of resistance from vendors.
On the other hand, the farmers feel that the traders in both channels are more
powerful and a cooperative method might be the most preferable alternative for the
producers.
10.5 Participation
The proportion of small and marginal farmers is relatively poor in the organized
retail channel than in the traditional one in all cases except for muskmelon in
Haryana. However, the representation of the so-called backward and minority
classes is more in the emerging channel. Their share is high, nearly 90 % in both
channels in Jharkhand. The emerging channel is less inclusive in respect of asset
ownership for most indicators. Ownership of mobile phone is an important feature
of participants.
10.7 Conclusion 173
Table 10.3 Participation of the underprivileged in the retail channel (% households)

Crop Tomato Cauliflower Tomato Muskmelon
State Himachal Pradesh Jharkhand Haryana
Small and marginal farmers 72 (0.82) 36 (0.67) 46 (0.68) 44 (1.38)
Backward/minority 38 (0.90) 8 (0.29) 40 (0.71) 44 (1.47)
Not owning a motorcycle 88 (0.96) 80 (0.95) 52 (0.79) 28 (1.17)
Not owning mobile phone 0( ) 18 (0.45) 12 (0.50) 18 (2.25)
Not owning a pump set 100 (1.0) 86 (0.96) 58 (0.88) 66 (0.94)
Notes: Small and marginal farmers are farmers operating less than 2 ha land and backward caste
are scheduled castes and tribes. Figures in parentheses are ratios to corresponding estimates for
traditional channels
Haryana presents ambivalent results in Table A.21. The emerging channel for
tomato is less inclusive than the traditional one, but for muskmelon it has higher
representation of small farmers, backward classes and those denied of motorcycle
and mobile phone. Scheduled tribe households have very small presence, and there
is no presence of Muslims among tomato growers, but the presence is considerable
for muskmelon. Among the tomato growers, ownership of computer is scarce (only
6 % in the emerging channel). The case is different among muskmelon growers.
Ownership of tractor, trolley, tiller and pump sets is reported in both cases. The
head of the household is likely to be younger in emerging channel. He is likely to be
more educated in the emerging channel for tomato but is less educated in musk-
melon, while the share of higher educated member is less in both channels
(Table 10.3).
Farmers in the emerging channel spend more on chemical and especially on organic
fertilizers than those in the traditional channel. The expenditure on organic fertilizer
is less in the Himachal Pradesh and Haryana cases of marketing tomato. Curiously,
the farmers in the traditional channel spend more on insecticides. Hired labour is
used more intensively in the traditional channel (Table 10.4).
10.7 Conclusion
Marketing scales in the emerging channel which is operated by a private sector

company are fairly high, and participating producers depend largely on these
channels for marketing. All the emerging channels work efficiently, but efficiency
gain is not large in Jharkhand and Haryana where the private company works.
In comparison, the non-profit channel claims smaller-scale, lower dependence but
Table 10.4 Farming practices of producers under retail marketing

Himachal
States Jharkhand Pradesh Haryana
Crops Units Cauliflower Tomato Muskmelon Tomato
Chemical Rs/ha 2,945 (1.05) 5,175 (1.08) 8,267 (1.07) 7,262 (0.98)
fertilizer
Organic Rs/ha 4,508 (1.07) 17,619 (0.88) 7,585 (2.02) 5,111 (0.97)
fertilizer
Pump sets % households 14 (1.40) 14 (1.40) 34 (1.13) 42 (1.24)
Hired labour Rs/ha 17,345 (0.92) 3,394 (0.54) 10,332 (0.78) 11,273 (0.85)
is found more economic in marketing cost. Proximity, facilities as well as efficiency

make participation in organized retail appealing for farmers. Consumers are also
drawn by similar advantages. The consumer prices are by far higher than in the
open market, while no indication of quality shortfall is reported possibly reflecting
the greater selectivity of procurement and higher wastage rates.
Prices are determined at the time of sale. Market intelligence demands attention
as traders are found to cease playing any role in information dissemination.
Rejection is more in the retail chain, but nevertheless farmers tend to prefer the
channel because it makes marketing easier. Also, the rejected product finds buyers
outside the channel. Farmers enjoy higher returns but productivity gain is not
significant.
In Jharkhand, the retail chain seems to have benefited the farmers owing to the
extremely poor condition and the malfunctioning of the traditional marketing
system. On the other hand, the producers in the emerging channel show greater
awareness, there are less conflicts between sellers and buyers and easy recovery of
due is possible. In Himachal Pradesh too, the traditional channel performs poorly,
but traders in both channels grope with several difficulties that only the state can
address. The channel’s dependence on producers’ reliability and its increasing
responsibility in deciding prices are concerns for the sustainability and efficiency
of the channel.
Chapter 11
Direct Marketing by Farmers
Over the years, traditional marketing channels became too congested with
intermediaries who became also vested with power. The amendments of the
Agricultural Produce Markets Act (APMC), suggested by the central government
in 2003, provide farmers the option of selling outside the regulated market to
various agencies and even directly to final users. It is conjectured that the simplicity
of marketing will be appealing to farmers in business even while consumer’s
preference for fresh fruits and vegetables may fetch premiums.
Direct marketing (DM) is a model of marketing in which the producer takes on
more responsibility in marketing than usual because it dispenses with the services
of some or all of the market functionaries. In essence this simple model predated the
age of specialization, but all along it survived through time as an easy and added
option to producers especially where markets are not developed. In India market
regulation by APMC Act is far from successful in many places and proved
especially incompatible for many crops other than grains. In such cases despite
the Act, producers prefer to dispose of their products in person in the local markets
or even take their wares to the customer’s doorstep rather than go through the
formalities of regulated markets and their traders’ obligatory mediation.
Today, there is a revival of interest in direct marketing in the official quarters
who are trying to formalize and promote the method among other options of
marketing. Direct marketing may involve the sale of products by producers directly
to consumers or processors without going through intermediation at all. This
method bypasses the prevailing chains of supply and also exempts goods from
different market fees. Elimination of all middlemen presents significant potential
for reducing margins and avoidable transaction costs. DM can also mean bypassing
only part of the traditional channel, the commission agent in particular.
The blessings are however mixed. The farmers in direct marketing, stepping into
the role of the numerous traders specialized in the task of marketing the products,
manage to reduce margins in market, but the functional diversity has its cost on
farm productivity as well as marketing competence. They are deprived of the
advantages of scale that the traders they replace could enjoy. Both the processor-
buyer and the farmer-seller face severe transaction costs that arise in the course of

176 11 Direct Marketing by Farmers
selecting and grading products and negotiating prices individually. Nevertheless,

there are reasons to believe that direct marketing could be gainful even for farmers
who produce in small quantities with appropriate modulations.
The establishment of a direct farmer-to-consumer marketing interface com-
monly called farmers’ market (FM) is a common means of promoting DM in
many countries.1 In India farmer’s markets are developing in many places and
are more acceptable politically than other emerging channels mediated by private
companies, but this form of marketing is not appealing to all producers due to the
reasons discussed later. As a compromise, other DM models have emerged in which
farmer bargain to sell directly to trader further downstream in market chains.
Direct marketing may be a more suitable alternative of the traditional channels
and other emerging channels for sellers who market relatively small volumes and
for seller whose marketed products are likely to be of a different quality than that
expected by large processors and commercial retail buyers operating in the modern
supply chains. It thus offers a way for the disadvantaged small farmers to gain from
reforms. The risk of relying on a single marketing channel is also reduced by this
option. DM can also be used by producers who normally sell in regulated markets or
other channels to augment their sales and to clear their stocks of rejected products.
This is a particularly appealing feature when more and more emerging channel
buyers become selective in their purchases.
Scale-imposed limitations to access bulk buyers can also be overcome by
producers if DM is done by groups of farmers rather than individual farmers. By
coming together, the collectives gain better bargaining power and the financial
means to access information on technology, regulations and market. The processors
and retailers too reduce their transaction cost by negotiation with few groups rather
than a large number of individual farmers.
In this study we examine the case of direct marketing involving direct sales to
consumers, processors and traders by analysing data collected in the states of
Andhra Pradesh, Assam and Punjab where the model has been found to be
operating in variant forms.
The sampling design was strongly restrained by the actual presence of the relevant
emerging channel and the availability of farmers participating in it in the area for
questioning. Our surveys are conducted in the states of Assam, Andhra Pradesh and
Punjab.2 Rythu Bazaar (RB), a market studied in Andhra Pradesh, is a farmer’s
market that has gained popularity in recent times especially in southern India. In
1
Farmer’s market, often periodic in nature, has become a common presence in busy commercial
areas of developed countries aslo.
2
Primary data is collected by Assam Agricultural University in Jorhat, Assam, Andhra University
of Visakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh and Punjab Agricultural University (PAU) of Ludhiana in
Punjab.
Punjab we found an innovative farmer’s market known as the farmer’s evening

market (FEM) in which farmers sell to wholesalers and not to consumers. We found
that farmers in remote areas of Assam were selling oranges in groups directly to
processors and consumers. This form of direct marketing was interesting for its
collective aspect.
The district Visakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh is selected for studying producers
selling the vegetable brinjal (eggplant or aubergine) and the fruit banana individu-
ally in the RB located in MVP Colony of the district. The sample is distributed over
a number of sub-district blocks. In the Tinsukia district of Assam, the study crop
was orange where marketing is historically a difficult process because of commu-
nication constraints. The Punjab study draws samples from Ferozepur district. The
samples were initially planned to be stratified by the size of landholding, but it was
soon found that channels and regions tend to be scale sensitive so that it was not
possible to ensure representation of all farm sizes in studying any channel.
For Rythu Bazaar, the sample is drawn at random from the list of members
readily available with the market authorities. In the case of Assam, DM farmers had
to be located by preliminary market surveys, reports from growers and discussion
with the departmental officials. To make assessments, a control sample of farmers
operating in the traditional channel was selected from the same area for compari-
son. Details of samples are given in Table A.2. The retail prices are collected in the
traditional channel from Purna Bazaar in Visakhapatnam, Bara Bazaar in Assam
and Abohar and Ludhiana markets in Punjab. Primarily, the assessment is built on
certain quantified indicators and by comparing sample averages in the two market-
ing channels.
11.2 Status of Study Regions and Market Functioning
Both the study states Andhra Pradesh and Assam have amended their pre-existing
marketing Acts (APMC Act) and are inviting various alternative marketing
channels such as private marketing, direct marketing, contract farming and corpo-
rate and organized retailer participations. Punjab has only partially amended the
Act but is allowing DM and promoting contract farming in a determined way.
However, major differences in background conditions distinguish the states.
Andhra Pradesh had been moving in tandem with the country in regulating
agricultural market from colonial times, but on the eve of the latest round of
reforms, supervision had become degenerated. In Assam, a remote state with a
difficult topography in the north-east corner of the country, the regulated markets
had continued to remain highly dysfunctional with a large amount of trading taking
place outside the prescribed premises. In Punjab, regulated marketing was effec-
tive, but the rules needed to be changed in tune with new policy directions in favour
of horticulture. For Assam the reforms are a new beginning of effective and realistic
regulation, whereas in Andhra Pradesh they mean changing the rules of the games.
In Punjab a major crop-producing state in India, the broad changes of the 2000s
were meant to enable trade in horticultural crops to occur outside the regulated
markets. Amendments have been till today only partial in Punjab and much is left to
be done. Nevertheless, the changes are a significant departure of practices.
Agriculture is an important source of employment in the fertile, riverine and
coastal district Visakhapatnam which is otherwise industrially developed. Assam
has remained highly agrarian and relatively underdeveloped in character with its
border location, hilly segments and deep forests, and Tinsukia district in particular,
known for its tea gardens and orchards, is relatively remote in terms of communi-
cation. Ferozepur in the western border of Punjab and drained by rivers Sutlej and
Beas has alluvial soil, plain topology and an extreme climate.
The average holding size of farms is only 0.9 ha in Visakhapatnam, and nearly
90 % of the district’s landholdings are small. In Tinsukia too, most farms fall under
the smallholding (less than 2 ha) category. In contrast, the farm size in Punjab is
relatively large, the average being over 5 ha (see Table A.3).
Assam has a history of growing fruits with the selected district being a major
orange producer. Andhra Pradesh is better known for rice production, but in recent
times, horticulture has gained prominence. Visakhapatnam devoted relatively large
amounts of land to the selected crops brinjal and banana, both of which, though
horticultural in character, are traditional crops. They have extensive demand arising
in both proximate and distant places. Punjab is a leading agricultural state in India
but is not a major producer of horticultural crops due to climatic constraints and
also due to government’s grain-oriented policy directions since the 1970s. With the
launch of National Horticulture Mission, the area under fruit witnessed a significant
increase. Kinnow, a hybrid citrus, is commonly grown in western Punjab, account-
ing for about 60 % of area and production of fruits in Punjab.
11.2.1 Direct Selling by Individual Farmers

in Andhra Pradesh
Farmer’s markets were established in the year 1999 by government initiative in

Andhra Pradesh for producers and buyers, and the Rythu Bazaar (RB) is a result of
the initiative. The RB studied here (MVP Colony) is located on government land
and is furnished with stalls, parking facilities, storage, toilet and drinking water.
The farmers are registered members of the RB, selected on the basis of criteria like
proximity to the market premises and willingness to participate (see Appendix 2).
The RBs are said to be especially attractive to small producers, while large farmers
are found to be reluctant to take the trouble of selling their product personally.
Customers visit the RB on both weekdays and weekends. They are generally
residents of surrounding areas. The availability of relatively fresh produce and
the social charm of visiting the marketplace draw customers.
11.2.2 Direct Selling in Groups in Assam
In Assam the major orange-growing pockets are mostly located in remote rural
areas where road communication is very poor. Most of the orange growers, who are
by and large poor, cannot afford to carry their produce to the distant markets. Their
individual volumes of sales are also too small to attract large commercial buyers.
Earlier their only solution was to lease out the orchards to wholesale traders or
commission agents who are more resourceful and sold in greater volumes. How-
ever, with the changes in the marketing regime, some growers are taking the
initiative to come together and form self-help groups or growers’ representative
groups in their respective localities. Operating in groups gives them the bargaining
strength to get remunerative price for their produce that is now sold in bulk
quantities directly either to the consumers or to the orange-based processing
industries. The venue for direct selling is reported mostly as the regulated market
(75.5 %) and the local markets (24.5 %), but no e-selling and no sale from the farm
gate were reported. In general local markets were found to be important points of
product disposal for farmers participating in both the traditional and DM channels.
Direct marketing by farmers, farmer’s representative groups or self-help groups
to final consumers or processors as terminal users is being encouraged as an
innovative emerging channel in Assam. The involvement of farmer groups is
based on the understanding that for operators of small farms, DM might not
translate into additional income when volumes are insufficient to attract large
processors or commercial retail buyers. A substantial number of producers are
however reported to use DM channels to augment their sales to wholesalers,
retailers and processors in the regular chain.
11.2.3 Bypassing the Commission Agent in Punjab
Market regulation in Punjab, geared mostly for cereals, did not allow fruits to be
sold with the flexibility that would help to prevent spoilage and fetch higher value.
Regulation of marketing has always been important in the state. The Punjab APMC
Act 1961 and Punjab State Agricultural Marketing Board (PSAMB) worked to
regulate transaction and storage. The katcha arthia was an important agent in the
chain. The emphasis of the system was on non-perishable items, i.e. cereals in
particular, and more on quantity than quality, and therefore the benefits did not
percolate to fruit and vegetable growers. Direct marketing had a very small
presence in the state, but in recent times, the emergence of FEMs for fruits,
where kinnow is sold only by farmers to local wholesalers, has led to the decline
of the role of the preharvest contractor in the supply channel. The PSAMB has
started the FEM in 2006–2007 to enable kinnow producers market the fruits
themselves as against the prevalent practice of preharvest contracting. The FEM
under study is held in the premises of the APMC market in Abohar from 2 pm
Andhra Pradesh Assam Punjab
Farmer Farmer
Farmer Farmer’s Evening market
Rithyu Bazaar Local wholesaler

Farmer group
Wholesaler in distant
market
Processor
Retailer
Consumer
Consumer Consumer
onwards for 6 days in a week (Saturday is a holiday). The evening fruit market for
kinnow is operational only during kinnow harvesting season (October to March).
Fruits are sold through auction under supervision and the rules and regulations of
the PMC (Fig. 11.1).
11.2.4 The Traditional Marketing Channels
We mentioned that regular marketing systems in both Assam and Andhra Pradesh
had been languishing in different ways prior to the amendment of the APMC Act.
While regulation appears to be stifling and misdirected in Andhra Pradesh, the lack
of regulation is the shortcoming in Assam. Oranges are highly perishable, and so
preharvest contracting is common among farmers, but marketing proceeds in an
unregulated and unsupervised manner via a large number of handling agents. In
Tinsukia the product is found to change hands from the farmer to the preharvest
contractor (commission agent) to the retailer and then to the consumer (Channel 1).
In some chains a wholesaler too has a presence between the preharvest contractor
and the retailer (Channel 2), and the chain is even longer at times with an additional
merchant coming in (Channel 3). The following flow diagram Channel 3 depicted
below is our select channel.
Producer ! preharvest contractor !merchant wholesaler !wholesaler

! retailer !consumer Traditional Channel in AssamðChannel 3Þ
In Punjab where an organized regulated market operated to protect farmer, fruits

faced the same fate as cereals in passing through regulated market, and the
traditional supply chain consists of producer, preharvest contractor, commission

agent, wholesaler, retailer and consumer.
The regulated market in Andhra Pradesh has an elected market committee
supervising marketing. After changing hands several times, this product reaches
the final outlet which is a traditional urban market known as Purna Market as
selected in the study (see Appendix 7 for details). Farmers, commission agents/
wholesalers, retailers and consumers make up the chain.
The quantified indicators in Table 11.1 clearly suggest that efficiency increases
when product reaches the user through the DM channel. For every rupee fetched for
a unit of produce by the farmer, the gross marketing cost ranges between 13 paise in
Andhra Pradesh (banana) and 82 paise in Punjab (kinnow), and in all the cases this
share is considerably lower than it is in the traditional channel. It is readily observed
that total marketing costs are significantly less under DM (Table 11.2), though the
farmer’s share goes up. The price magnification factor is high at 2.34 for brinjal
which appears much larger in DM compared to the traditional channel. Although
direct marketing suffers from limitations as a choice, the scale of marketing is
found to be relatively higher in all cases.
11.3.1 Gains for Agriculture
In Andhra Pradesh the price received by a farmer is more under DM for banana but
less for brinjal, but when wastage and rejection are taken into account, DM stands
undoubtedly superior to the traditional channel with the adjusted net price being
Table 11.1 Marketing efficiency in direct marketing

Units Banana Brinjal Orange Kinnow
Marketing scale Rs ’000 2,374.00 (2.16) 726.00 (1.27) 85.50 (1.20) 906.00 (1.21)
Total farmer’s price Rs/100 kg 425.54 (1.42) 1,319.55 (0.88) 1,469.00 (1.52) 1,296.00 (1.51)
Net adjusted farmer’s Rs/100 kg 374.78 (1.72) 1,143.72 (1.08) 1,101.00 (1.14) 1,030.00 (1.20)
price
User’s price Rs/100 kg 425.54 (1.09) 1,319.55 (0.53) 2,000.00 (1.0) 1,873.70 (0.99)
Price magnification Ratio 1.14 (0.64) 2.34 (2.03) 1.48 (0.79) 1.82 (0.83)
Per rupee fetch by Rs 0.131 (0.14) 0.34 (0.30) 0.48 (0.42) 0.82 (0.68)
producer
Per rupee paid by user Rs 0.12 (0.21) 0.03 (0.05) 0.32 (0.60) 0.45 (0.83)
Note: Figures in parentheses are ratios to corresponding estimates in traditional channels
Table 11.2 Farmer gains from direct marketing

Emerging channel
Measures Units Banana Brinjal Orange Kinnow
Productivity Qtl/ha 583.38 (0.86) 97.13 (0.80) 163.77 (1.03) 230 (1.11)
Profit Rs/Qtl 185.3 (1.47) 433.43 (1.08) 1,130.29 (1.67) 815.3 (1.28)
Returns from land Rs ’000/ha 108.1 (1.26) 42.1 (0.86) 1.32 (1.21) 1.87 (1.42)
Marketing cost % marketing 100 (1.4) 100 (1.7) 100 () 100 ()
share of farmer cost
Channel % marketed 99.75 (1.01) 93.65 (1.07) 96.3 (0.96) 100 (1.0)
dependence
Note: Figure in parenthesis is ratio to corresponding average of traditional marketing channel.
Blank is left where there is no positive entry in the traditional channel
higher (Table 11.1). However, the land productivity is lower under DM in Andhra
Pradesh, and as a result, the net returns from land are lower under DM than under
traditional marketing for brinjal (Table 11.2). In Assam and Punjab where speciali-
zation of functions is partly maintained due to the delegation of marketing task to
the representative group or to wholesalers, the farmer appears to gain from the new
DM model in terms of price received, productivity, returns and profit. Farmers,
however, bear large parts of the marketing cost in DM (Table 11.2). In most cases
preharvest contracting is the traditional practice in which the trader bears all of the
marketing cost. The participants depend on the channel almost entirely.
11.3.2 Do Consumers Gain?
Consumers gain moderately from lower prices under DM as seen in Table 11.1
especially significantly in brinjal, although they pay a premium price in the DM
channel for banana in Andhra Pradesh. In Punjab and Assam consumer price is
same in both channels. The freshness of product is another aspect of consumer’s
gain which is reported to be significant.
11.3.3 Price Fixation and Dissemination
In traditional marketing, prices, fixed by open auctions or bids, are in principle

decided by the dynamics of demand and supply, though in reality price determina-
tion is subject to power equations in regulated markets. In Assam even systematic
auctions hardly take place. Preharvest contractors in Assam and Punjab and
licensed commission agents in Andhra Pradesh are powerful in setting prices in
the traditional channel. In the emerging channels there is an attempt to extricate
oneself from the dominance of preharvest contractors or the APMC licensed
commission agents.
Price determination in RB in Andhra Pradesh is methodical but not based on

bargaining. The estate officer (EO) visits the RB in the early hours every day, notes
the prices prevailing in wholesale and retail markets in the city and, in consultation
with the market committee, fixes the prices in the RB at a level that is about 20 %
higher than the wholesale market but lower than local market rates. The prices are
announced through public address system and displayed. There is no auction, but
consumer may point out any anomaly in prices.
In Assam the quality of the product and market situation guide mutual negotia-
tion in venues which are generally the regulated markets, but information of prices
prevailing elsewhere is crucial for such negotiations to be meaningful. This infor-
mation is gathered personally by farmers from other farmers and commission
agents and traders. There is no report of prior agreement, and prices are determined
at the time of sale. However, as groups, farmers have superior information advan-
tage as well as greater bargaining strength. Mutual bargaining or auction is possible
in FEM in Punjab, and prices are decided at the time of sale. However, in the FEM
traders also act as agents between the purchasing traders and the farmers. These
agents, though quite different from the APMC commissioned agents, have a say in the
bargaining and their presence is often preferred by the buyers. The AGMARKNET of
the government has not served in providing useful information. Thus, the presence
of multiple channels including the traders of the regular sort is important in
promoting healthy competition by generating price discovery. No conflicts were
reported in the channels, and prices were as expected if not higher as in Assam.
11.3.4 Disposal and Rejection
A major difference among cases is evident in the disposal pattern. The effective
price can only be measured by the average price over all the marketed amounts
taking account of wastage and rejection. If rejection rate is high, the effective price
is likely to be far lower than the official price in the specified channel.
In Andhra Pradesh the sample farmers in DM category bring all their surplus
products to the RB, but when they fail to sell the whole consignment, the rejected
surplus either is sold elsewhere at a lower price or is thrown away. Rejection is
common to both types of market channels, and in the case of brinjal, the perfor-
mance in that respect is better in DM than in traditional marketing (see Table A.28).
In Punjab too there is no channel diversification evident, and all products are
brought to the specified channel barring a minimal reservation for home consump-
tion. However, rejection is miniscule in the emerging channel, while a small portion
(1.18 % of marketed amount) is sold outside the traditional channel due to rejection.
Wastages reported are also low in both channels though insignificantly more in the
emerging channel.
In Assam on the other hand, the choice of market channels and the venue of
disposal are quite diversified. No sampled farmer in traditional channel actually
sold in the regulated market, which is not really surprising given the unsystematic
manner in which the regulated markets are reported to operate in the state, but
curiously, over 75 % of the orange farmers under DM sold in the regulated market.
Farmers in the traditional channels however sold mostly to the commission agents
at their doorstep. The DM farmers diversified their sales, selling only 58 % through
the producer group. The rest is sold directly in the local markets. All products are
marketed in the first 2 months after harvest in both channels. Although losses are
less at 9 % in the emerging channel than 19 % in the traditional one, the small
quantity of purchases in the DM remains a leading constraint for the development
of the channel.
11.3.5 Wastage
In Andhra Pradesh postharvest losses are more in the traditional channel between
the two channels. The lack of on-farm storage facility is a leading cause (especially
for banana) followed by losses in transit. Losses occur both before sale and after
rejection in the market.
In Assam losses in transit are largest (over 5 % of production) in both channels,
and the channels are vulnerable to moderate losses at the retail stage, while on-farm
losses are minimal. Marketing losses in storage are substantial (8 %) in the
traditional channel. Postharvest losses are mostly attributed to the perishable nature
of orange, lack of storage facilities and long distances from the final market.
In DM waiting for better prices is an added reason. Although kinnow is vulnerable
to several natural factors, the investigation did not report any on-farm wastage.
Transit losses followed by retail losses were only reported, but the total loss in the
emerging channel was only a little over 1 %.
11.4 Perceptions of Market Agents
Location can be a severe limitation for the success of the DM model as distances
from both producing and consuming centres are important for success. The prox-
imity to the market is a key factor influencing the choice to sell in the DM channel.
Perceptions of stakeholders and their choice are influenced by the location as well
as other associated factors.
In Andhra Pradesh, the farmers surveyed found the market at distances of
10–25 km. It was also observed that due to the development of the real estate
business, the city contours are changing over time, and the catchment of the RB is
spreading wider as land use in peri-urban area is transformed. The farmers also have
started facing labour problem for the same reasons. Road conditions were rated as
average by nearly all respondents. In Punjab 60 % of the respondents had to travel
more than 50 km to the market, and none of them had the market within 10 km of
their reach, but 60 % rated the roads as good and 40 % as average. Half of the
11.4 Perceptions of Market Agents 185
respondents in Assam were located between 10 and 25 km away from the regulated
market (where transaction takes place) and the other half even further away, but as
in Punjab the road condition was rated between good and average. The traditional
channel sellers in Punjab and Assam assigned the marketing task to the preharvest
contractor.
The farmers in Andhra Pradesh did not report any access to godown, cold storage
and auction facilities in the RB, but the facilities for sorting, weighing and overall
supervision were average. Although such facilities were mostly available in the
traditional market, their standards were rated average if not bad. Rudimentary
facilities of communication such as telephone, banking and computing were avail-
able in the traditional markets but not in the emerging channel market place.
In Assam poor facilities for cold storage and godown affected both groups who
used the regulated market, but supervision in general and loading, sorting and
auction facilities were average. No presence of facilities like telephones, banks
and computers was reported. Since preharvest contracting is common in the tradi-
tional channel under study, the weaknesses affected the traders more than the
farmers, but for the emerging channel participants, the problems were added
difficulties to the sellers who had to devote time for farming also.
Respondents in Punjab who used the same APMC market too had poor access to
storage facilities, but they rated the auction arrangement and supervision as good
and also enjoyed the privilege of telephone, banking and computer facilities.
Overall, in all cases, participants in both channels were equally afflicted by the
standards of the marketing infrastructure, but the farmers were themselves affected
when they resorted to direct selling.
Except only one case in Andhra Pradesh, no one reported taking loan from the
traders who purchased their products. In Andhra Pradesh farmers depend on both
moneylenders and institutional sources such as banks and cooperatives, but the
dependence on moneylenders is more among the small farmers, though this depen-
dence is reduced in the emerging channel. The farmers in either channel in Assam
did not report having taken any loan from institutional or non-institutional sources,
but 74 % of the producers in the traditional channel reported having taken input
advances free of interest of fertilizers and pesticide from the commission agents. In
Punjab, all respondents took loan from banks and cooperatives, while
moneylenders, friends and relatives were supplementary sources, but none of
them in any channel availed credit or input advance from their buyers.
Interactions with traders and commission agents as well as with other farmers
and acquaintances brought market information to farmers in Punjab, but
AGMARKNET’s role was not reported. In the emerging channel the price fetched
mostly exceeded their expectations, and there was no evidence of prior agreement.
No conflicts were reported and formal receipts were issued. In contrast, some
farmers had problems with mediating traders in the traditional channel regarding
recovery of due and fulfilment of commitment, but no conflicts on quality were
recorded. Reports on market information and experience were similar in Assam.
In Punjab and Assam farmers were aware of the nature of the supply chains and
the next links in the chains in which they operated. They were more concerned
about the prices they received than the intermediary’s margin. Higher prices
attracted most participants in FEM, but habit and social influence were also factors.
Besides, longer waiting time and hidden costs discouraged their return to traditional
market. They however complained that even in the direct marketing, the buyer
preferred to buy from traders and not from farmers. Selectivity of the buyer was
also their problem. Perhaps the proficiency of the ‘agents’ is valuable in substituting
the functions of sorting and grading of products that is not possible in the traditional
and direct marketing channels. Respondents in both Assam and Punjab expressed
that exports could help the market. However, the direct marketing channel was still
perceived to be relatively weak and needs to draw participation with government
support in storage, transport, credit and promotion of exports and food processing.
The main constraints were reported to be small volumes of purchase and quality
standards demanded.
Consumers in Andhra Pradesh found the RB was preferable to other sources like
the wholesale markets, retailers and street vendors because of the reasonable prices
and good quality of products offered. Reliance Fresh (another emerging channel)
was their second choice. Both these outlets were located at convenient distances
from the respondent buyers’ residences. The prices were satisfactory, but they were
rising on account of increasing distance from growing areas. The main complaint
relates to the demeanour of the farmer-seller towards the customer which falls short
of other channels and irritates the consumers. It appears that the lack of training in
marketing is a limitation in DM. Also other stalls are mushrooming around the RB
illegally, and it is reported that some bulk buyers like hotels are encroaching as
buyers to corner the higher-quality products. Some complaints about poor infra-
structure (holes in the roads, poor garbage disposal) and weak security (leading to
thefts) are already apparent in this emerging market. In the traditional market
Purna Bazaar in the same state, the people showed favour of the channel for the
quality and variety of products, low prices and the option to bargain which is not
there in the RB and most of all for the location (RB was not near at hand). The
market however is said to be congested and unclean especially in the rainy season.
11.5 Who Participates in the Emerging Market?
In Andhra Pradesh and Punjab, DM has a greater coverage of small farms. A large
farm (above 4 ha) could not even be located among participants in Andhra Pradesh
(Table A.24). The average farm size is lowest at 1.22 and 1.24 ha for brinjal and
banana, respectively, in Andhra Pradesh and higher at 2.7 ha in Assam and is large
at 8.3 ha in Punjab where the average farm size itself is large. However, the average
size is smaller in the emerging marketing channels in Punjab and Andhra Pradesh
than in the corresponding traditional channels. It is also fairly inclusive in covering
households with meagre assets, lower education and female heads. Socially, how-
ever, the representation of marginalized groups in terms of religion and caste was
poorer than the sample of traditional channel participants.
11.6 Farming Practices 187
Table 11.3 Sample households (%) in direct marketing channels with social and economic
disadvantages
Banana Brinjal Orange Kinnow
Small and marginal farmers 80.0 (1.7) 80.0 (1.5) 44.0 (0.7) 3.1 (1.4)
Backward/minority 0 (0.0) 0.0 () 0.0 () 30.0 (0.8)
Not owning a motorcycle 88.0 (1.6) 84.0 (0.8) 70.0 (1.0) 0.0 ()
Not owning a mobile phone 0.0 (0.0) 0.0 (0.0) 8.0 (1.0) 20.0 (1.4)
Not owning a pump set 4.0 (0.6) 100.0 (1.0) 70.0 (0.9) 50.0 (1.5)
Notes: Small and marginal farmers are farmers operating less than 2 ha land, backward castes are
scheduled castes and tribes, and minority is mostly Muslim. In Punjab Sikhs are not included in
minority. Figure in parenthesis is ratio to corresponding average of traditional marketing channel.
Blank is left where there is no positive entry in the traditional channel
All the farmers participating in DM own mobile phones in Andhra Pradesh when
none in the traditional channel does. In the case of Assam, the gap between the two
sets of households is narrow, but the DM households have a minor advantage in
many indicators such as the average farm size, asset ownership and coverage of
female-headed households. Most households have access to mobile phone in both
channels, and although a higher share of DM households own a computer, no access
to the Internet is reported in any case. The data in Table 11.3 suggests that the DM
channel is largely inclusive in participation, but the differences in profiles are not
significant. In Punjab the participants are more inclusive of small farmers and those
deprived of mobile phone and farm asset. However, both groups in this state are
endowed relative to the other sample states, and 40 % of the participants are found
to own a computer, 60 % to own a four-wheeler and all 100 % to own a tractor.
Organic fertilizer use is common among farmers in both channels in Andhra

Pradesh, but chemical fertilizer is used only by those in the emerging channel
(DM) in the case of banana. In Assam all farmers use both organic and chemical
fertilizers. In Punjab organic fertilizer use is not reported at all. Labour hiring is
more among DM farmers in Assam but less in Punjab where family labour is used
more intensely in DM, but there is no report of hiring in Andhra Pradesh.
Land for growing the specified crops is wholly owned in the DM channel in
Andhra Pradesh and Punjab, although some leasing is reported by the
non-participants. In Assam both groups report nominal (less than 2 %) leasing.
None of the farmers in any state report organic certification or using organic
pesticides. No farmer also reports using sprinklers or drip for irrigation, but most
of them use pump sets in both states. All orange farmers in Assam use sprayers.
There is no report of on-farm storage or processing.
Table 11.4 Farming practices of producers under direct marketing

Emerging channel
Measures Units Banana Brinjal Orange Kinnow
Chemical fertilizer Kg/ha 16.5 () 0 () 141.6 (0.96) 720 (0.99)
Organic fertilizer Kg/ha 545.8 (0.42) 29,633 (1.33) 129.6 (1.10) 0 ()
Hired labour % of households 0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 94 (1.15) 76 (0.91)
Note: Hired labour in Punjab is share in total labour cost
11.7 Assessments
In the three states studied, direct marketing is conducted in three different ways and
has varying implications. In Andhra Pradesh and Punjab, there is a complete
dependence on one channel, even though the rejected products have to be disposed
outside the specified channel. Channel diversification is reported only in Assam.
The regulated market is used as the venue in Punjab and more remarkably also in
Assam. Direct marketing draws small farmers especially in Punjab and Andhra
Pradesh and appears inclusive.
The market efficiency is higher in DM despite the fact that the producer bears the
entire cost of marketing. Shortcomings of infrastructure and reliable facilities are
more important constraints for farmers in DM who replace PHC. Price discovery, in
principle, can rely on auctions and mutual bargaining which is a merit of the model,
but in Andhra Pradesh the price is set by market authorities using benchmarks from
the regulated markets. The lack of training in marketing is a serious shortcoming
not only in respect of customer relation but also in functional aspects for which the
buyer looks for proficiency. To regain credibility there is a need for training as well
as infrastructural support for grading, sorting and assessments of product quality.
Nevertheless, lack of specialization remains to be the main limitation of this method
of marketing, compromising gains from division of labour especially when market-
ing has become a developed subject itself. The same limitation is likely to have its
toll on productivity. DM however appears as a promising option for those who
desire to avoid the traditional channel but cannot join the other emerging channels.
Chapter 12
Contracts with Local Traders in West Bengal
In West Bengal the channel studied as emerging is much less ‘emerging’ in

character compared to other states and deviated only marginally from the traditional
ones prevailing at least in the same region. The buyers were new but indigenously
evolved new traders who are local youths devoted to mitigating farmers’ marketing
costs and responsibilities rather than organized bodies.1 The producers sold without
having to negotiate with the familiar preharvest contractors and commission agents
and exercised the option of reducing their dependence on the local powers.
12.1 Background
Agriculture in West Bengal is mostly rice based, and cultivation is conducted on

small farms by mostly tenant farmers, left in the legacy of the ‘permanent settle-
ment’ land tenure of the colonial government. The eastern region in India was late
in being covered by the technological development known as the green revolution
but today receives special attention under the ‘Bringing Green Revolution in
Eastern India’ programme. West Bengal however witnessed another and not less
remarkable revolution that in land reforms termed as ‘Operation Barga’. The
tenurial security offered by this movement coupled with technological uplift of
irrigation facilities created an environment for agricultural development via higher
crop productivity, cultivation of multiple crops and higher farm incomes.
Respondents of the West Bengal study further allude to ‘the implementation of
the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP) commenced in June 2000’ that
has ‘ushered in a new era in terms of markets and marketing channels for agricul-
tural services, inputs and outputs’. The important difference of the path taken by the
state of West Bengal from many others and the deviation from the ‘supremacy of
1
Centres (AERCs) in the Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan, West Bengal.

190 12 Contracts with Local Traders in West Bengal
the private sector and minimization of the government’ spirit espoused by the
proposed APMC Act is clear. West Bengal is thus at variance with most of the
other states taken up under this study.
‘Marketing during the FTLRP era was one characterized by strong government
interventions with partial and sometimes complete regulation along the value
chain’ (Sarkar and Mondal 2011). With this background, a sketch of possible and
potential evolvements is offered by this case study.
12.2 Market and Market Reforms
West Bengal has the same marketing structure in place as that outlined in the
APMC Act 1972 and is yet to amend it to allow new innovation to seep in despite
several expressions of interest in this direction. It is felt that the New Agricultural
Policy 1995, formulated in the wake of liberalization drive in India, to ‘encourage
private investment in agriculture and promote high value crops for exports’, would
be at the expense of food crops or food security. While the amendment of the Act is
meant to invite domestic multinational companies, whether farmers and others
actually involved in agriculture would benefit is doubted.
It is however apparent that latent even in the existing legislation are considerable
possibilities of change. That there are loopholes in the marketing system leading to
high intermediary margins, poor efficiency and low producer returns and there is a
case for bringing professionalism and competition in the market is acknowledged
by the state, but confidence in the proposed legislation is lacking (see Notes).
The market functionaries traditionally include agents like traders, commission
agents, brokers, weighmen, measurers, surveyors and warehousemen who carry on
business for the specified market with a valid licence. While reformed marketing
patterns are yet to be visible, variations are noticed in marketing of fruits and
vegetables where the enterprise of local traders and redesigning of the supply chain
relieves farmers of marketing cost. Recently, there is an expression of interest in
favour of direct marketing and creation of farmer’s markets.
12.3 Sample and Methodology
With no amendment of the APMC Act in West Bengal in sight, no alternative

channel for marketing has developed yet. No presence of corporate entry was
marked by the investigation. The closest we got to was an indigenously evolved
channel for marketing a vegetable called arum. It is a far cry from the corporate or
multinational company intermediated restructuring of the market chain seen in
some of the other states considered in this study.
12.4 Marketing Method 191
In this region arum is not a widely consumed food item, and even in the state in
this region, arum is marketed only in the specific way. So a traditional channel for
the same product could not be studied as a contrast case. The investigating centre
however presented the case of mustard, portrayed as the traditional channel, as a
reference, although it is hard to compare the two cases in many ways. There is also
no emerging channel for mustard that is evident. Due to the absence of a simulta-
neous prevalence of both an emerging channel and a traditional channel, a complete
assessment is impaired. Also, since mustard is converted to edible oil before selling
to the consumer, the terminal price considered is the price paid by the processor.
Primary data is collected from Kandi block of Murshidabad district for both the
crops. The terminal prices are the prices that the consumer and the processor pay,
respectively, in cases of arum and mustard. Details of the crop arum grown in
marshy soils and mustard, a major oilseed, are provided in the appendix to Chap. 7.
The households in the sample area show preference for kharif and boro rice as the
main crops and for arum (kharif) and mustard (rabi) are only minor cash crops. The
two crops occupy 13 % and 9 %, respectively, of cropped area in the sample farms.
Murshidabad is the largest producer of rapeseed-mustard, though the crop is also
grown in several other districts.
12.3.1 Sample District of Murshidabad
The selected district of Murshidabad on the banks of Ganges is fertile and receives
copious rainfall in monsoon. The district is famous for its history, culture, tourism,
silk and crafts and has a high population density with a large minority community
(Table A.4). Rice is the dominant crop grown mostly in the main kharif season,
though summer rice (boro) is also important. The average farm size is very small at
0.74 ha, and 95 % of the farmers operate less than 2 ha of land. More than 70 % of
the land is irrigated mostly by wells.
12.4 Marketing Method
Any marketing done is mediated by traders in the traditional market, and a large
part of the marketing cost is borne by the farmer. The regulated markets are
reported to be congested with intermediaries and are trader dominated with weak
linkages between producers and consumers, poor road connectivity and underde-
veloped infrastructure in the markets. Cooperative organizations are inadequate,
and the private sector is not attracted to participate with its own resources.
Reformed channels are yet to be formed. Mustard, largely raised as a subsistence
crop in the region, is stored in jute or polythene bags in farmers’ houses and sold in
traditional ways though not through the regulated market.
In some fruits and vegetables, a different type of marketing system is becoming

popular in which a farmer sells the product at the field level to a buyer who is a
trader who is willing to bear all the responsibilities of marketing, starting from
harvest to the ultimate sale of the product. This channel is studied in the absence of
development of any sophisticated emerging channel. The channel does not elimi-
nate nor reduce the traders’ margins but replaces the existing power bocks by new
agents. The farmers ‘sell’ out their entire arum covering area to the trader at
pre-settled price by a contract. The trader then makes all arrangements for lifting,
packing and marketing to the wholesaler. The entire crop is sold at the field level,
and no storage is required on the farmer’s part.
At the stage of maturation, the farmer ‘sells’ out all the product to the trader at
pre-settled prices specified in rupees per hectare. The trader incurs all packaging,
lifting and marketing cost and is the main link between the farmer and the buyer
who is the wholesaler. The farmer needs no storage facility and bears no part of the
marketing cost. Even the cost of harvesting is borne by the trader. The entire crop
planted is sold at field level.
The control channel for selling mustard, treated as the traditional channel, involves
selling in local haats rather than regulated markets, and the crop concerned is
mostly subsistence crop supplementary to the staple rice. Any marketed surplus
for sale is small. The poor conditions prevalent in the regulated markets, distance
from the study area and the long chain of intermediaries have discouraged the
sample farmers from selling in the regulated markets.
Thus, admittedly, specifications of both the channels are not entirely distinct.
While the emerging channel has desirable properties of reducing marketing cost
incurred by farmers by field level disposal, it still involves private and unorganized
traders, and the chain merges with the traditional channel at the wholesaler level.
The channel deemed to be traditional also involves transactions outside the
regulated market.
Market inefficiency is low for mustard, and even for arum the gross marketing cost
does not exceed the net farmer’s prices received. Correspondingly, the price
magnification is more in the emerging market (Table 12.1). The efficiency differ-
ence may be explained by the more experienced, convenient and professional way
of marketing mustard which shows up as considerably lower amounts of cost borne
by intermediaries and margins generated compared to arum in relation to the
respective product prices. It must also be kept in mind that the marketing of mustard
Table 12.1 Marketing efficiency in West Bengal

Mustard Arum
Traditional marketing Emerging marketing
Measures Unit channel channel
Marketing scale Rs 00000 6.53 26.27
Total farmer price Rs/’00 Kg 2,876 548
Net adjusted farmer price Rs/’00 Kg 2,850 548
Terminal price Rs/’00 Kg 3,439 1,080
Price magnification Ratio 1.21 1.97
Per rupee fetched by producer Rs 0.21 0.97
Per rupee fetched by user Rs 0.17 0.49
Note: Prices are not comparable between the channels
Table 12.2 Farmer’s gains from the channels in West Bengal

Mustard Arum
Productivity ’00 Kg/ha 14.34 242.04
Profit Rs/’00 Kg 530.93 318.55
Returns from land Rs 000/ha 7.61 77.10
Marketing cost share of farmer % marketing cost 24.64 0.00
Note: Productivity and profit are not comparable between the channels
in this analysis is truncated at the processor level so that retail level costs and
margins (relating to mustard oil) are not considered. The limited commercial
motivation of farmers confines them to only the most convenient modes of selling
as possible.
Despite the lower price of arum, the scale of marketing per farm household is
considerably higher than in mustard whose cultivation is motivated by the need for
family consumption. No detailed data on product disposal is provided in this investi-
gation, but it is clear that mustard is mostly consumed at home and only the surplus is
sold in local markets, whereas all arum product area is ‘sold’ out to the traders.
12.5.1 Do Farmers Gain?
The farmer in the emerging channel is altogether relieved of the burden of market-
ing cost, whereas the mustard farmer shares nearly 25 % of the marketing cost in the
chain (Table 12.2). Given the limitation of comparability, no firm conclusion can be
made about net farmer price, productivity and even economic gains made by
farmers. However, arum marketed in the emerging method appears as a lucrative
option offering Rs 77,000 per hectare, which is 10 times that of mustard. The profit
per quintal is however less. The farmer retrieves 51 % of the consumer price in the
emerging channel and 83 % in the traditional channel.
12.5.2 Wastage and Disposal
Losses are made mainly at the stage of harvesting and storage. Smaller amounts are
lost at the retail level for arum. Wastage occurs in threshing and storing mustard.
All farmers attribute losses to the outdated harvesting method and to distance from
the market (43 % in emerging channel and 62 % of traditional channel). Waiting for
higher prices also leads to delayed harvest and product loss on field for arum.
Field reports mention that mustard is produced mostly for subsistence level and
is stored for home consumption in jute or polythene bags. Arum is mostly, if not
wholly, sold, the transaction taking place even before the harvest, and the product is
disposed off from field. Thus, there is very little need for on-farm storage of
products attributed to marketing needs. Long-period storage at home is however
important for mustard but is done using traditional methods.
12.5.3 Price Information and Preference
In the emerging market, prices are essentially predetermined based on mutual

negotiation over a range of functions (like harvesting, lifting) apart from marketing.
Thus, this pricing like in any other contract farming agreement differs from
simultaneous bargaining-based spot price determination which tends to be more
informed of contemporary demand and supply conditions and relates to the product
rather than functional aspects of the service. The investigations have not thrown any
light on any dominant source of price information based on which the farmer
negotiates. No mention is made of AGMARKNET. Like the choice of the channel
itself, interactions with friends and relatives are information sources. Expectations
are important for arum as prices are decided in advance.
12.6 Perceptions
It is fairly clear that two crops are grown for quite different reasons by the sampled
producers. In both cases the crops under focus are supplementary products only
secondary to staple rice. Besides, all the sample households also rely on off-farm
employment. Between the two crops, arum has a higher share of the cultivated area
in a farm than mustard and is grown to generate cash for sale, while the mustard
grown is mostly used for consumption of the oil at home, to be stored and used
12.7 Who Participates? 195
during the remaining part of the year. Not surprisingly, farm production value is
much higher for arum than mustard despite the price difference. Marketing is thus
not an important attribute for mustard cultivation among the respondents. Never-
theless, it is useful to note that marketing through regulated methods is not easy
which may be a factor behind the lack of commercial interest. Marketing of mustard
is confined only to an incidental surplus of production that the farmer disposes off in
the most convenient way available, mostly in the local market.
Similar factors influence farmers in choosing the channels, the important ones
being habit, influence of friends and relatives, time constraint (for selling in
alternate channel) and for assured sales. In both cases, farmers sell in local sites
rather than in the regulated market that is located at a distant place. The regulated
market is of little significance to them. Hidden cost, poor infrastructure and distance
keep farmers away from the regulated market. None of the farmers take credit, input
support and implement from the buyers, and interestingly they have also never
availed of credit from any formal or informal sources.
12.7 Who Participates?
The emerging channel participants are more inclusive of those deprived of access to
land and farm assets than non-participants (Table 12.3), but the profiles are by and
large similar between the groups. West Bengal, Murshidabad in particular, is
endowed with a population that is diverse in social composition. In the samples
presented, both Hindu and Muslim communities participate in the two channels, but
there is an absence of the backward classes, though a large section hails from the
newly formed category of other backward classes (OBC). A larger proportion
of the emerging channel participants have below poverty line (BPL) entitlement
than the traditional channel. The emerging channel farmers also seem to be less
privileged with 31 % living in kutcha houses compared to 29 % in the other channel
and higher shares of households lacking in assets like bullock carts and pump sets
and other farm assets (Table A.33).
Despite these finer differences, both sets of households seem to be drawn from
underprivileged sections, operating on tiny plots of less than 1 ha. The two groups
are comparable in terms of the average sizes of holdings (0.6 and 0.8 ha) and the
Table 12.3 West Bengal sample profile: inclusiveness of the market channels
Emerging marketing Traditional marketing channel
channel (arum) (mustard)
Small and marginal farmers 96 95
Backward/minority 21 24
Not owning a motorcycle 95 95
Not owning a mobile phone 45 52
Not owning a pump set 85 37
share of marginal farmers which is large at 80 % and 78 %, respectively. Arum is

preferred by marginal farmers. No large farms (above 10 ha) could be located, and
the maximum farm size is merely 2.7 ha. The shares of female-headed households
at 8 % and 7 %, respectively, for emerging and traditional channels are also similar.
Both groups have a similar 5 % share of households owning a two-wheeler
vehicle, and no one reported owning a four-wheeler. A higher share of the emerging
channel group owns mobile phones, though none has a computer or has access to
the Internet at home. Asset ownership in terms of pump sets, tractor trolleys and
land ownership is less among the farmers in the emerging channel. The households
in both channels rely on both agricultural and nonagricultural incomes, and
only about 65 % of the households report agriculture as the main occupation
(Table A.34). No significant difference is visible in the age and years of education
of the head of household and the education levels of the members.
12.8 Farm Practices
A comparison based on the reported statistics is likely to reflect the differences

between the practices and the demands of two different crops and two different
classes of people rather than channels. Thus, between the two cases, mustard seems
to be cultivated with more intensive uses of chemical and organic fertilizers,
irrigation and labour. We noted earlier that the arum cultivators who are also
participants of emerging channel only seem to be less privileged in many respects.
It is not surprising that these cultivators use less of organic and chemical fertilizers
on their farms. However, they hire labour to a greater extent (Table 12.4). Irrigation
endowment is more among the emerging channel farmers who also have a slightly
higher share of leased land under cultivation, although both groups report leasing of
land (Table A.34). Arum occupies 12 % of the cultivated land of the sample farmers
in the emerging channel. The share of specified crop mustard in the traditional
channel is less at 10 %. Arum is also more intensely irrigated.
Table 12.4 Farming practices of producers in West Bengal

Emerging channel Traditional channel
Arum Mustard
Measures Units West Bengal West Bengal
Organic fertilizer Rs/ha 1,135 2,213
Chemical fertilizer Rs/ha 5,184 5,321
Pump sets % households 15 63
Hired labour Rs/ha 15,564 15,154
Notes 197
12.9 Assessments on West Bengal
In West Bengal reforms are only nascent, but the channel addressed emerged with
new properties even under the existing Act. Contracts are the cornerstones of the
channel, although contract farming is highly unacceptable in this state, but the
contractors being local traders, they are a far cry from contracts with powerful
organized companies. It is not a total departure but a local deviation in the
marketing chain. Due to the margins generated in the chain, inefficiency is fairly
high. Price determination is also constrained by limited information. The disen-
chantment with long-standing traders, the faith placed on new entrants and the
social value of self-employment prospects are the drivers of the initiative.
Notes
Hazard of Allowing Private Sector/Multinationals in Business
The risks of implementing the proposed reforms are cited as follows:

(i) Proposed conditionality makes the constitution of the market committees less
democratic and easier for contract farmers to gain entry.
(ii) Local traders will be distanced from the private and special markets due to the
requirement of making prescribed deposits to the committee besides the licence
and functionaries like coolies, hawkers, transporters, pushcart workers, small
and medium financiers and small retailers will be pushed out of the business as
multinational and other big companies gain access.
(iii) Giving multinational companies access to retail trade will jeopardize the
employment of numerous street vendors as well as traders, hawkers, coolies
and small farmers.
(iv) While contract farming is meant to attract small farmers who are not in a
position to invest in farming, in practice the contracts with big companies will
hurt them in the longer run by making them dependent on external sources of
food, compromising the ability of their land to produce food when the contract
period is over and undermining their technical competency by replacing
public extension with external prescriptions. Their poverty and food insecurity
will further translate to greater migration to urban areas undermining these
places and creating human crisis.
(v) The demand for raising unfamiliar and new crops and the high standards
expected of the producers from contract farming may not be practicable.
(vi) With the reduced role of the government, the farmers are at the mercy of the
sponsor companies especially in times of troubles like that of lower-quality
products or overproduction.
(vii) The powerful companies can manipulate the quality standards required if they
desire to reduce purchases.
(viii) The chances of farmer indebtedness increase as uncertainties due to produc-
tion problems, possibility of contract violation from powerful sponsors and
poor technical advice arise.
Chapter 13
Local Marketing Support in Bihar
Bihar has an open and an unregulated marketing system now, and so there are no
emerging marketing channels clearly visible. New new kinds of intermediaries
have however entered the marketing chain claiming to reduce the marketing
margins and farmer’s burden of marketing. As in West Bengal, the selected channel
consists of local traders, who are perceived to be more reliable than the regular
licensed traders are.1 Bihar however offered an opportinity to study possibilities
that arise in an unregulated market.
13.1 The Progression and Regression of Market Reforms
Several regulated markets with mandated market committees functioned in Bihar, but
due to the acute scarcity of resources, attention was focused more on urban markets as
farmers too depend on these markets. Traders dominated these markets, keeping
producer prices low and volatile. In this circumstance, the small farmers found
it particularly difficult to market products, especially horticultural products that
were perishable. Nevertheless, initiatives to develop select wholesale markets using
international finance suggested signs of progress.
A challenge was imposed when at the national level, emphasis shifted to value-
added agriculture with a thrust on processing, marketing and storage, and a Model
Act was circulated by the central government. The consequence was paradoxical. In
response to the proposal, the state government of Bihar repealed the existing APMC
Act in September 2006, but with no new enactment to follow, the regulation system
became disbanded and markets became open and unregulated. In this situation, the
fate of some of the initiatives already taken up with international finance became
uncertain.
1
Centres (AERCs) in the T.M. Bhagalpur University, Bhagalpur.

200 13 Local Marketing Support in Bihar
Meanwhile, the condition of the markets already created deteriorated because of

lack of maintenance. Marketing continued to be a difficult process for all classes of
producers and especially so for the small farmers.
13.2 Sample Details and Methods
Two blocks, Sultanganj and Nathnagar, in Bhagalpur district in Bihar were chosen
as study area, and mango was the fruit crop, the changes in whose marketing were
examined. Bihar ranks fifth in the production of horticultural crops in India, and
mango accounts for half of the fruit area in the state. The centre identified a new
type of intermediation consisting of reliable local traders who were replacing the
traditional preharvest contractors and who undertook all responsibility for market-
ing the product on behalf of the farmers.
Admittedly, this intermediation falls at the border of the two categories
delineated as traditional and emerging channels rather than any marked deviation
from the traditional channel. Given the absence of emerging channels (like direct
marketing, contract, private capital and retail chains) clearly visible in the state
where the APMC Act has not been amended, an assessment of the channel can
provide some insights on the changes taking place in the state and the alternate
potentials of channel structure. As usual, a sample of farmers participating in the
traditional channel of conventional type is drawn for contrasting and assessing
the emerging channel (see Chap. 4).
13.2.1 Sample Region and Crop
Bihar is a fertile state endowed with river valleys and a subtropical climate supporting
horticultural crops. Bhagalpur district in the south-east of Bihar is one of the oldest
districts. It is fertile with alluvial soil of the Ganges plain where agriculture is the main
occupation. Backward sections have a small share in the population, but over half of
the population is below poverty line, and the average farm size is only 0.56 ha, with
83 % of farmers having marginal holdings and 94 % having holding smaller than 2 ha.
The land is however mostly irrigated. Bihar has natural endowments suited for mango
cultivation (see Chap. 6).
13.2.2 Methodology
Sample farmers are drawn at random stratified by farm sizes from lists formed
based on interactions with local authorities and producers. Sample averages with
respect to indicators related to socio-economic profiles, market performances and
farming practices are compared across the channels. Focus group discussions and
interactions with other market functionaries add to the insight.
13.3 Marketing Mango
The lengths and structures of the chains that evolve in agricultural marketing
depend on the type of product sold and the size of the market. Small farmers
often sell in village markets or in small towns directly to consumers to avoid
intermediaries, but for larger producers, the common practice is preharvest
contracting (PHC). A survey finds that PHC accounted for sales by 55 % of the
producer followed by merchants and retailers. Only marginal farmers sell directly
to consumers. In rare cases, producers sell directly to processors.
In the traditional channel chosen, the preharvest contractors operate. They hail
mostly from local or from adjoining areas, visit the mango orchards at the flowering
stage to assess the volume of production and strike agreements with growers for a
period of 1–5 years on per tree basis. The orchards are ‘sold’ for the period to these
traders to enable the products to be sold in urban areas of the state. Besides the
contractor, other links in the chain are wholesalers and retailers. Contracting
reduces dealing with commission agents, but in turn the buyers sell to traders at
the village level, and the product goes through different intermediaries to reach the
consumer.
The emerging market channel considered involves contracting in particular with
local and reliable individuals often selected from the producers’ own communities.
These traders are entrusted to represent the producers, to collect mangoes from
different growers, sort, grade and package and transport the products to markets in
big cities not only in Bihar but in neighbouring states West Bengal, Jharkhand and
Uttar Pradesh. These agents do not generally ‘purchase’ the tree or the orchard as in
the case of traditional channel though this practice is not unknown. More commonly,
they undertake to facilitate selling to distant buyers. Like the PHC, they pick up the
product at farm gate, arrange to store the product often in open air (as they have no
facilities of office or godowns) and sell in auctions. On selling the product, they
make the due payment to the producers. It is worth mentioning that the development
of roads is found to be closely associated with this trend of local contracting.
The scale of marketing, the net price received by the producer and the terminal
price are all higher in the emerging channel compared to the traditional channel, but
the channel may not be more efficient as the gross marketing cost per farmer’s rupee
is not reduced in this channel relative to the traditional one where more established
traders operate.
Table 13.1 Marketing efficiency of emerging channel in Bihar for marketing mango
Measures Units Emerging channel Traditional channel
Marketing scale Rs ’000 76.15 47.11
Total farmer’s price Rs/’00 Kg 1,850.0 1,472.0
Adjusted net farmer’s price Rs/’00 Kg 1,782 1,455
Terminal price Rs/’00 Kg 2,845.0 2,250.0
Farmer share in marketing cost % 79.71 31.89
Price magnification Ratio 1.610 1.550
Per farmer rupee Rs 0.56 0.53
Per consumer rupee Rs 0.35 0.35
Table 13.2 Farmer’s gain in Bihar

Emerging marketing Traditional marketing
Marketing cost share % farmer cost 16.31 4.49
Productivity ’00 Kg/ha 50.2 48.5
Farmer returns Rs ’000/ha 55.74 41.9
Farmer net profit Rs/’00 Kg 1,433 1,099
The intermediaries do undertake the responsibility of marketing the product, but

the cost of marketing has to be collected from the producers on behalf of whom they
work. The traders are not resourceful enough to exploit the potentials of scale. As a
result, the farmer shares a large part of the marketing cost, with the sole intermedi-
ary sharing about 20 % whereas in the traditional channel a large number of
intermediaries among themselves share over nearly 70 % of the marketing cost
(Table 13.1). Crop productivity, the returns and profit fetched are however higher in
the emerging channel adding to its charm (Table 13.2).
Thus there is no efficiency gain in the new channel, and the price paid by the
consumer is 1.61 times the net price received by the farmer compared to a price
magnification of 1.55 in the traditional channel. However, apart from the modest
pecuniary implications, market performance may also be related to the farmers’
subjective satisfaction of being less reliant on the exploitative relations with
the traders.
13.4.1 Price Determination
Negotiating the price is one of the most difficult tasks in all advance contracts. The
contracts are made at a preharvest stage when little information is known with
certainty on volume and quality of production and on market demand. In some
cases, additional leasing of land is done even as a price for availing credit.
Both producers and traders are poor, and the lack of finance and the low scale of
transaction add to the costs. In general, the traders appear to be aware of the prices
prevailing in market. The producers on their part rely on external sources for price
information with other farmers, relative and friends being the prime sources in the
traditional contracts and commission agents playing a more dominant role in
emerging channels. AGMARKET has not helped anyone. The information on
price is gained mostly at the time of harvest.
13.4.2 Perceptions
The traditional traders in PHC provide credit, and it is not unusual to get additional
trees in lieu of the support. Generally, these traders offer a way of marketing to
larger producers when capital is available, scale is large and location is centralized.
They are often required to store the produce for a few days but lack storage space
and store products on farm or at home. Finalizing negotiation is also difficult for the
traders as prices have to be decided at an early stage when uncertainty is high.
Management of the orchard is the responsibility of the contractor, but they have to
rely on the producer since security is very important. The cost of watch and guards
is a significant component of production cost. There is no report of contractors
processing the product.
The local traders in the emerging market channel are a possible way for smaller
farmers to dispose products in more difficult circumstances. This is reflected in the
average farm size of the participants. However, these traders too face severe
difficulties. Even less privileged than the traditional channel contractors, they
have little capital and purchase only with advances taken from commercial lenders,
and the credit needs to be paid back when the payment is realized. Their scale of
operation is constrained by the lack of finance, and as a consequence, they bear
higher costs of transport. They negotiate with producers on post-payment basis.
Selling at open auctions in distant places, they face competition and resistances
from local functionaries. They do not have their own trading places, storages or
necessary accessories. They pay the producer by bank draft or by cash. The business
is obviously risky and uncertain.
The business of the retailer is also not enviable. Prices are arbitrary, location
specific and volatile. The vendors lack storage facilities for this perishable product.
They sell at roadsides markets, keep no records and are also not obliged to pay any
fees or taxes.
Credit is a most important input in mango production, and given the poor state of
affairs in the credit delivery system, none of the agents questioned has reported
taking loan from formal sources. Of the sample households, 26 % in the PHC
(traditional channel) and 20 % in the emerging channel reported taking loan from
the buyer. Intriguingly, these loans are taken not necessarily for production, but the
credit also serves to meet family and social obligations.
Infrastructure encountered in marketing is reportedly poor. No storage facility is

evident, and while the farmer in the traditional channel sells in nearby markets,
emerging channel participants sell in distant markets through traders. In this situa-
tion, good roads are important. Transport cost is high owing to the bad roads and
low scale of marketing. The farmers and traders desire to have improved commu-
nication facilities, refrigerated vans and terminal markets that the government can
only create.
In most cases, the price received by the producer is less than expected (reported
by 48 % in traditional and 44 % in emerging channels). Price agreement is made at
the time of sale in the traditional market where the time of sale is long before
harvest takes place, but in the emerging channel, 34 % of agreement is struck just
before the sale. Only in very few cases, the agreement was not fulfilled by the
trader, but a quarter of the case (24 % in traditional and 22 % in emerging channels)
payment was received on several requests. In most cases, the producers expressed
satisfaction with the merchants’ integrity, but this reporting was much higher in the
emerging channel. Receipts were provided in 88 % of the cases in the traditional
sale and in 40 % cases in the emerging channel. There were a few reports of
conflicts, more in the traditional channel, and these conflicts related to the size of
crop, stage of ripening and payment modes. Low confidence on the merchant was
expressed by 48 % and 56 % of the producers in the traditional and the emerging
channels, respectively.
13.5 Participation
Comparing the two channels, it is noted in Table 13.3 that the emerging channel is
more inclusive both in participation of small farmers (92 % against 66 %) and in
asset poor farmers. That smaller farmers have chosen to switch to the channel is
shown both by the noticeably higher share of small farmers in the channel and the
average size of the participant’s farm size which is 1.8 ha compared to 2.9 ha in the
traditional channel. Participation is however associated with the ownership of
Table 13.3 Sample households (%) in market channels excluded from common privileges in
Bihar
Mango
Attributes Traditional marketing channel Emerging marketing channel
% of households in sample
Minority community 0 0
Backward classes 6 2
Not owning a pump set 64 78
Not owning a motorcycle 80 66
No mobile phone 40 0
Small and marginal farmers 66 92
13.7 Concluding Remarks 205
communication modes both physical (motorcycle) and informational (mobile

phone). A more detailed look at appendix Table A.36 suggests that participants in
the emerging channel may be more educated as the proportion of higher educated
household members exceeds those in the traditional channel. The household head
also appears to be more educated and also younger. Ownership of tractors is more
among the emerging channel farmers, and the proportion headed by females is less.
Interestingly, leasing of land is more common among the participants in the new
channel.
13.6 Farm Practices
Cultivation in both channels is reliant on the use of technology including equip-

ment, chemical fertilizers and pesticides. Ground waters being the major source of
irrigation, water-saving sprinklers are also used and more in the emerging channel.
The use of chemicals as fertilizer and pesticides is comparable between the
channels (Table 13.4) and so is hired labour (assuming both sets of farmers face
the same prices). Farmers in both channels resort to on-farm storage and on-farm
processing. It is worth noting that the emerging channel producers are not only
likely to be smallholders but tend to show greater proclivity to leasing in land;
spending more on fertilizers; using more machines, fertilizers and storage devises;
and hiring services of pumps, sprinklers and labour.
13.7 Concluding Remarks
In Bihar, marketing reforms are not yet legislated, and the market remains unregu-
lated. As in West Bengal, the emerging channel traced in this study is one that
comprises of more trustworthy indigenous traders who undertake various functions
of marketing mango right from the field. The channel is found attractive especially
to small but progressive farmers as it offers a way to escape the traditional
preharvest contractors who have lost the faith of the producers and also as a route
to reach out to distant markets when road connectivity allows. The efficiency gain
over the traditionally experienced trader is however far from confirmed and the new
traders appear to be resource poor.
Table 13.4 Farming practices of sample farmers cultivating mango in Bihar

Farming practices Units Traditional marketing channel Emerging marketing channel
Chemical fertilizer Rs/ha 1,120.50 1,135.00
Pesticides Rs/ha 545.25 512.00
The state of marketing and the plight of the trader were deplorable in either
channel. The disgruntlement evident in the traditional channel explains the shift to
the emerging channel despite the patent lack of monetary benefits. Economic
disadvantage of both farmers and traders including the new buyers and the retail
vendors is glaring in situation.
Chapter 14
The Transition in India: An Integrated View
The assembly of empirical findings and insights from groundlevel studies in

different areas of India presents the opportunity to take an integrated view to
enquire whether different channels emerging in the aftermath of reforms are
associated with lower marketing costs and whether shortening the channel can
produce savings in the marketing cost. The reach of the new channels towards the
relatively disadvantaged farm classes and the implications for associated issues like
price determination, postharvest losses and farm practices also deserve a review.
The crops, areas and channels under study are detailed in Tables A.1 and A.2.
It may be noted that in West Bengal, a state which has not legislated reforms, due to
the nature of the data accessible, the two crops could not be compared in terms of all
parameters for our purpose. The sample details are explained in Chap. 4 which also
outlines the method of analysis followed.
14.1 Variety of Channels
The variety that marks the departure from the familiar is something that is indeed
striking. Today the producer takes part directly in the marketing function in a free
and official way, but while the transaction takes place between a processor and a
group of farmers acting in concert (orange in Assam), farmers in Andhra Pradesh
also sell to final consumers individually. Farmers’ selling to the next link or any
other subsequent link in the chain is yet another variant of the direct marketing
model found in Punjab.
Tie-ups as written contracts are made between the producer and the buyer well
before the sale takes place, but in two of the cases studied (potato in Uttar Pradesh
and Punjab), the buyer is a multinational processing company, while in the other
two cases (potato in Assam and aonla in Uttar Pradesh), a local processor is the
purchaser of materials. Mediation by a non-governmental agency to protect
farmers’ interest is yet another variation (potato in Assam) studied.

208 14 The Transition in India: An Integrated View
Agricultural
input
industry
Marketing Food Food

Farms company processors retailers/ Malls
Consumers
Corporate marketing intermediation
Selling to Processors on Contract
Direct sales to User
Selling to Organized retailer
Commision
Wholesale Secondary
agent/Pre- Retailer/vendor
harvest
mercahnt Wholesaler
contractor Traditional
Fig. 14.1 Alternate marketing channels
The traditional channel is not avoided in the emerging market studied in

Maharashtra (pomegranate, onion), Himachal Pradesh (apple) and Madhya Pradesh
(soya bean) despite the fact that a large marketing company mediates, but in these
cases, the sale is made to more resourceful agents in the traditional chain such as malls,
processors and exporters, and the product reaches the consumer through a higher-end
outlet rather than a typical urban retailer (pushcart vendors, local stores and wet
markets). The computerized electronic portal hosted by a private company is the
medium in one case (soya bean in Madhya Pradesh). In the two states, West Bengal
and Bihar, that have till now not legislated reforms, locating a traditional channel was
next to impossible, but nevertheless variant models could be identified in which no
organized private companies mediated. Traders who had stepped into these channels
enjoyed the trust of the producers rather than the market committees. Our studies on
organized retail chains cover a non-profit state-promoted retailing organization as well
as a large commercial retail company. The linkage between the producer and the
consumer differs widely among the emerging channels studied (Fig. 14.1).
Thus, not in all cases the channel includes a profit-oriented company, nor all the
traditional traders are necessarily excluded. The interface the producer faces may
be the final user, an organized intermediary or one or more traders in the chain. In
the direct marketing cases, the farmers cannot avoid marketing costs, and in fact in
two of the cases, the entire marketing cost weighs on them. In some of emerging
channels with a private company participating, the burden of marketing is generally
taken over by the company, and the producer shares no part of the burden in some of
the cases (apple in Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra) though in others they are not
entirely relieved. The first link, namely, the commission agent or the preharvest
contractor, is bypassed in all cases.
14.2 Reduction of Marketing Costs and Gain in Efficiency 209
14.2 Reduction of Marketing Costs and Gain in Efficiency
Marketing cost in the traditional channel depends on the nature of the crop
marketed as well as a plethora of other factor including the state order, regional
geography and infrastructure and the economic power of the traders.
Figure 14.2a and b shows that the average costs of marketing vegetables and
fruits in relation to the price that producers receive (RGMCF) are comparable in our
sample if soya bean is treated as a vegetable. Note that arum in West Bengal is not
considered for the traditional channel. Muskmelon in Haryana is found to be the
costliest for marketing among the select fruits at Rs 1.62 which is less compared to
Rs 2 incurred for marketing tomato in Himachal Pradesh among the vegetables. In
fact comparing the five leading crops in each channel categories, marketing appears
more expensive for vegetables than fruits. Regional variation in the marketing costs
comes out starkly when they are compared for the same crop, potato, in the
traditional channel in the three different samples (Fig. 14.3).
Efficiency is undoubtedly gained by shifting to the emerging channels as appar-
ent from our survey results. The summarized picture in Table 14.1 shows that
savings in marketing costs (SMF, RSMF, SMU and RSMU) are affected in all the
emerging marketing channels barring the trader-based ones.1 Not surprisingly, the
efficiency gain over the traditional channel at over 69 % is the largest in direct
marketing from the producer’s perspective, followed by contract and corporate
intermediation. Contract farming performs better if the user’s interest is the
central concern. In both perspectives, channels made up of unorganized traders in
the two slow-reforming states are the worst performing category, and there is a loss
a b
Vegetable Fruits
2.02
1.61
1.45 1.43 1.27
1.27 1.26 1.2 1.15 1.14
0.99 1.04
1.01
0.6
Rs
Rs
0.57 0.32
0.42 0.38
0.29
HRY-Muskmelon
BH-Mango
PJB-Kinnow
MH-Pomegranate
ASSM-Orange
AP-Banana
HP-Apple
UP-Aonla
Average
HP-Tomato
AP-Brinjal
HRYTomato
JH-Cauliflower
MH-Onion
PJB-Potato
ASSM-Potato
UP-Potato
MP-Soyabean
Average
Fig. 14.2 Marketing cost per farmer’s rupee in traditional channels
1
See Chap. 4 for the acronyms.
Potato
0.57
0.42
0.38
Rs
PJB-Potato ASSM-Potato UP-Potato
Fig. 14.3 Marketing cost of potato per farmer’s rupee in traditional channels
Table 14.1 Gross marketing cost reduction in the emerging channels per farmer’s rupee
Per farmer’s rupee Per user’s rupee
Quantum Relative Quantum Relative
Rs % Rs %
Direct marketing 0.83 69.25 0.33 58.93
Corporate marketing intermediation 0.24 28.79 0.09 21.30
Marketing to processors on contract 0.27 63.90 0.18 71.57
Marketing to organized retailer 0.37 23.22 0.08 13.87
Marketing by local traders 0.33 44.59 0.16 44.93
Notes: Marketing cost includes trader’s margins and is expressed in value and also as value relative
(%) to that in traditional channel. The figures are averages of channels
of efficiency in the emerging channel. Comparisons across channels showed that

price magnification is higher in the traditional channel in all cases, onion in
Maharashtra being the only aberration. However, the farmer’s load is not always
lessened. Farmers bear a higher share of marketing cost in some channels as in
direct marketing where they are required to carry the product in person to the buyer
without the support of middlemen. It is pertinent to note that the farmer’s burden
may not be fully captured by these monetized measures.
The averages shown in Table 14.1 however hide the variations across cases
within each category of channels (Fig. 14.4). In contract all the cases reported
suggest positive gains in efficiency though varying from 15 to 38 paise per each
farmer’s rupee, the most modest performance being presented in the case of potato
marketing in Assam. Direct marketing too uniformly presents favourable impact on
efficiency with more than Rs 1.40 being saved for every farmer’s rupee in Andhra
Pradesh. In corporate marketing, the performance is more varied, and interestingly,
14.2 Reduction of Marketing Costs and Gain in Efficiency 211
a b
Contract Corporate marketing
0.38
0.32 0.76
0.23
Rs
0.15
Rs
0.14
0.1
-0.05
UP-Potato UP-Aonla PJB-Potato Assam- MH- HP-Apple MP-Soyabean MH-Onion

Potato Pomegranate
c d
Direct Marketing Retail
1.51
1.41
0.86
Rs
0.66
Rs
0.38
0.08 0.08 -0.2
HP-Tomato JH-Cauliflower HRY-

AP-Brinjal AP-Banana ASSM- PJB- Muskmelon HRY-Tomato
Orange Kinnow
e
Traders
0.1
BH-mango WB-arum
Rs
-0.76
f g
Vegetable Fruit
1.51
1.41
0.86
0.76
0.66
0.41
Rs.
0.38
Rs.
0.38 0.40 0.32

0.23 0.15 0.14 0.10
0.10 0.08 0.08
-0.05 -0.20
HP-Tomato
AP-Brinjal
UP-Potato
PJB-Potato
ASSM-Potato
MP-Soyabean
JH-Cauliflower
MH-Onion
Average
HRYTomato
AP-Banana
PJB-Kinnow
UP-Aonla
HP-Apple
BH-Mango
Average
Orange
Muskmelon
Pomegranate
ASSM-
HRY-
MH-
Fig. 14.4 Savings in marketing cost per farmer’s rupee

even in the same state of Maharashtra, the same buying company offers higher
efficiency gain opportunities for the fruit pomegranate, while the gain is actually
negative for onion. This can perhaps be explained by the large, developed and even
export-oriented market that already exists for onion in the state. Similar variation is
also observed in the case of organized retail. In the trader-operated channels, the
poor average performance is attributable mostly to West Bengal (where two
reference crops are different) since Bihar shows a small gain.
The average savings are nearly same for fruit and vegetable (Fig. 14.4f and g),
but variation is much larger among vegetables. While all the fruits under study
showed positive efficiency gains from the new channel, in the case of vegetables,
there are two cases in which emerging channels proved more costly for marketing
than the corresponding traditional ones. Gains are also high about 140–150 % for
some vegetable, while the maximum gain observed in this study was of 86 paise of
marketing cost saved per each farmer’s rupee for fruits.
14.3 Shorter Channels and Traders’ Productivity
Shortening of channel length is associated with higher levels of development

(Chap. 2). Vertical coordination within the chain will make many intermediaries
with limited ambits of specialization redundant. In a labour surplus economy,
therefore, vertical integration can be a double-edged sword which has the potential
to displace the existing middlemen and create serious unemployment problems.
Whether these displaced agents would be absorbed in the organized space created
for the new entrant and its ancillaries is another question.
In India, the situation in the traditional and the emerging channels is diverse, and
market performances are far from uniform. Between the two types of channel
functioning in a place for a product, it is not easy to infer the relative superiority
of any channel over the other. To the extent that emerging shorter channel serves in
reducing marketing costs, it is likely to drive out the traditional functionaries.
Table 14.1 shows that reduction of marketing cost per farmer’s rupee ranges from
nearly 70 % in the direct marketing channel to 23 % in the retail, but there is no
savings in the local trader-based channel. These figures however are averages, but
the disaggregate picture too largely spells out the same story (Table A.39) in
Appendix 9.
Channels can be grouped by the degree of presence of private traders as reflected
by the structure of the channel (Table A.38). Figure 14.5 shows clear ranking in
both absolute and relative savings. Direct interface without intermediation produces
the maximum savings, followed by channels only comprising of one organized
private company indulging in marketing. Channels having a blend of both
organized and unorganized private traders yield lesser savings, and channels with
no presence of organized companies show the least savings. The saving in the cases
of Bihar and West Bengal are actually negative, so in this group, the positive gain is
brought about by the inclusion of the Farmer’s Evening Market of Punjab.
14.4 Economic Gains for Agriculture 213
14.4 Economic Gains for Agriculture
Net farmer price after deducting marketing costs incurred is relatively higher in the
emerging channel (Table 14.2), but it is more important to note that the profit and
the returns from land are higher in comparison to the corresponding traditional
channel in the area. Productivity in agriculture is also higher though by a small
margin.
Between fruits and vegetables, the returns are higher in the former case in both
channels (Fig. 14.6), but the average returns are higher in the emerging channels,
nearly twice in the case of fruits compared to 1.6 times in vegetables. Among the
vegetable crops studied, tomato in Himachal Pradesh and onion in Maharashtra are
most lucrative for cultivation for the new channels, but in the traditional channel,
tomato in Himachal Pradesh yields low returns, while onion yields high returns in
both channels. Interestingly, the same two states, Maharashtra and Himachal
a b
Rs. Value Relative to Traditional channel (%)
per consumer rupee per consumer rupee
per farmer rupee per farmer rupee
Only unorganized 0.04
intermediaries Only unorganized 9.70
0.18
intermediaries 20.23
Multiple including 0.09

Multiple including 21.30
organized intermediary 0.24
organized intermediary 28.79
Single organized 0.13

Single organized 31.18
intermediary 0.44 intermediary 40.39
0.41
No intermediary 72.35
0.77 No intermediary
70.95
0.00 0.20 0.40 0.60 0.80 1.00 0 20 40 60 80
Fig. 14.5 Reduction in gross marketing cost in the emerging channels by channel length
Table 14.2 Average gains to agriculture across cases in channels (ratio to traditional channel)
Farmer Marketing Returns from
price scale User price Productivity Profit land
Direct marketing 1.28 1.46 0.90 0.95 1.37 1.19
CMI 0.97 1.85 0.98 1.43 1.31 1.02
Contract 1.20 1.53 1.00 0.99 2.03 1.98
Retail 1.24 1.19 1.09 1.01 1.81 1.78
Trader 0.60 2.68 0.79 1.04a 1.30a 1.38a
Note: Comparison is not meaningful in West Bengal
a
Includes only Bihar
a
177 Vegetables
177
Emerging Traditional
144
Rs '000
109
101
79
76
64
59
56
49
49
42
17
16
14
15
13
11
11
HP-Tomato
MH-Onion
HRY-Tomato
UP-Potato
PJ-Potato
AP-Brinjal
Soyabean
Potato
Cauliflower
Average
ASSM-
MP-
JH-
b
Fruits
1148
Rs'000
443
368
286
267
188
146
132
131
127
108
108
94
86
81
66
59
43
Pomegranate
HP-Apple
PJB-Kinnow
ASSM-Orange
Muskmelon
AP-Banana
UP-Aonla
BH-Mango
Average
HRY-
MH-
Fig. 14.6 Returns from farming per hectare of land cultivated
Pradesh, are found to lead in terms of returns from growing both fruit and
vegetables in the emerging channel.
The terminal price is not necessarily lower, but whether consumers find the
product cheaper or dearer than in the traditional channel is subjective and may be
affected by the quality of the product purchased and the ambience of sale. Due to
differential value addition and our specification, they are not essentially
comparable.
14.5 Participation of Farm Classes
The inclusion of smallholder farmers in any beneficial programme is a serious

question for Indian agriculture as most farmers hold less than 2 ha of land.
However, landholding is only one of the indicators of class among farmers, and it
14.5 Participation of Farm Classes 215
Table 14.3 Inclusion of disadvantaged farmers in the emerging channels (share as ratio to
corresponding share in the traditional channel)
Backward Not owning Not owning Not owning
Smallholder classes mobile phone motorcycle pump set
Direct marketing 1.31 0.38 0.61 1.15 1.00
Retail 0.88 0.84 1.07 0.97 0.94
Contract 0.81 1.26 0.43 0.82 1.28
Corporate 0.70 1.68 0.35 0.40 0.74
intermediation
Trader 1.20 0.60 0.43 0.91 1.76
Emerging Channel Traditional Channel

92
88
88
86
80
80
72
68
68
68
68
67
66
66
60
54
53
51
49
49
47
46
46
44
44
37
36
32
5
3
2
1
BHR-Potato
H P-Apple
A P-Brinjal
A P-banana
H P-Tomato
UP-Potato
MH-Pomegranate
ASSM-Potato
UP-Aonla
HRY-Tomato
ASSM-Orange
HRY-Muskmelon
JHK-Cauliflower
MH-Onion
MP-Soyabean
PJB-Kinnow
PJB-Potato
Fig. 14.7 Households (%) operating small farms
is important to consider ownership of assets other than land. Treating landholding

as a main indicator of disadvantage, the assessment produces a mixed result
(Table 14.3) with Direct marketing and Trader based marketing appearing as
more inclusive. The channels are not biased in any direction if comparison is
made with the traditional channel within the same region. Direct marketing and
trader-based channels are significantly more inclusive of small farmers, but corpo-
rate intermediation has a lower share of small farmers than the corresponding
traditional channel of the region. The inclusion of disadvantaged farmers also
falls short in the emerging channel with respect to other indicators in most cases.
Looking at a more disaggregate picture (Fig. 14.7), the inclusion of small
farmers is less in the emerging channels in 9 of the 17 cases listed. Except for the
group-based direct marketing to processors studied in Assam, the rest are in the
organized retail (i.e. tomato in Himachal Pradesh and Haryana and cauliflower in
Jharkhand), contract (potato in Assam and Punjab and aonla in Uttar Pradesh) and
corporate mediation (onion in Maharashtra and soya bean in Madhya Pradesh), all
of which involve participation of private companies.
14.6 Sensitivity of Farm Size in Participation
Since regions vary in farm size distributions and not all channels emerged in all
states, there is a case for associating the average farm size with emergence of
individual channels. Average farm sizes follow a similar pattern between the two
sets of samples drawn from the emerging and traditional channels across different
emerging channels (Fig. 14.8) since landholding pattern has its regional dimension
based on history and soil fertility. It is not surprising that the average farm sizes
observed for potato and kinnow in Punjab are large in both channels and those for
tomato and muskmelon in Haryana are also relatively large, while in both channels,
the average farm sizes reported for Andhra Pradesh are small. The average farm size
of the participants in any channel thus reflects the regional farm size distribution too,
and the comparison between the channels in any region may not reveal much.
A comparison across different cases within the emerging channels shows a lack
of uniformity within each such channel type among the different states. Within the
category of the corporate marketing intermediation (CMI), the farm sizes in
Madhya Pradesh (3 ha) and Himachal Pradesh (1 ha) are smaller relative to that
among onion growers in Maharashtra (5.9 ha). On the whole, the CMI model in
Maharashtra and all the contract farming cases involve relatively larger farms
(Figs. 14.8 and 14.9), and farm size exceeds 2 ha in all the cases. In the retail
chain, the Jharkhand case differs from the Himachal Pradesh case in reflecting a far
larger average farm size of the participants. In direct marketing too, the farm size is
larger in the Assam case of group selling to processors than in Andhra Pradesh. The
average farm size seen in Himachal Pradesh is relatively small in the CMI category,
but there are reports of popular pressure in the state on the intermediating company
on procurement.
15.6
13.7
10.0
8.3
5.9
5.9
4.7
3.8
3.4
3.3
3.0
3.0
2.8
2.7
2.6
2.5
2.4
2.3
2.3
2.1
2.1
2.1
2.1
2.1
2.0
2.0
1.9
1.7
1.3
1.2
1.2
1.0
0.9
0.8
0.2
0.2
PJB-Potato
PJB-Kinnow
MH-Onion
HRY-Muskmelon
HRY-Tomato
UP-Aonla
MP-Soyabean
ASSM-Orange
MH-Pomegranate
UP-Potato
JH-Cauliflower
Potato
BH-Mango
AP-Banana
AP-Brinjal
HP-Apple
HP-Tomato
WB-Arum
Fig. 14.8 Average farm size of participants in emerging and traditional channels
14.7 Farm Practices 217
5.9
4.7
3.8
3.0 3.0 2.7
2.5 2.3 2.1 2.1 2.1
1.0 1.2 1.2 0.9
0.2
Onion
Muskmelon
Tomato
Aonla
Soyabean
Pomegranate
Potato
Cauliflower
Potato
Apple
Orange
Mango
Banana
Brinjal
Tomato
Arum
MHR HRY HRY UP MP MHR UP JKHND ASSM HP ASSM BHR AP AP HP WB
Companies Organised Sector Private Unorganised Sector
Fig. 14.9 Average farm size (hectares) of sample households in emerging channels (excluding
Punjab)
There is an overall impression at the country level that average farm sizes of
participants tend to be higher when profit-oriented private companies are the buyers
(Maharashtra (DFPCL), Jharkhand (RF), Assam (Private Processor) and Uttar
Pradesh (PepsiCo)) than otherwise (Himachal Pradesh (Mother Dairy), Andhra
Pradesh (Rythu Bazaar), Madhya Pradesh (e-Choupal)), though this can in no
way be firmly concluded from this study. It may be noted that in the direct
marketing channel in Assam, processors are major bulk buyers. This possible
linkage indicates that private participation may not be expected to emerge with
success uniformly across the country.
14.7 Farm Practices
Farm practices do not seem to be seriously influenced by the participation at this

stage (Table 14.4). There are indications that the participants in the emerging
channels do use more chemical and organic fertilizers, but this difference is
negligible and could be due to their economic superiority as a basic trait. Both
contract- and trader-based channel are exceptions. There is no indication that the
participating farm is likely to be organically certified or more inclined to use water-
efficient irrigation methods.
Channels accommodating an organized company (corporate involvement) tend
to favour practices of using both types of soil amendment relatively more so that
any ecological adversity due to profit motive is weak. In contract however the use of
chemical fertilizers is comparable to the reference traditional channel, but manure
use is nearly half the reference channel. The use of family labour is by and large
more intense in the emerging channels. The use of on-farm storage facilities, hired
218
Table 14.4 Farm practices of emerging channels (ratio to traditional channels)

Average farm Fertilizer Manure Hired On-farm Use of sprinkler Use of On-farm
Averages size use use labour storing or drip tractor processing
Direct 0.85 1.00 0.81 0.69 None None 1.02 None
Retail 1.08 1.04 1.23 0.77 2.4 2.2 None None
Contract 1.24 0.97 0.55 0.89 None None 0.67 None
Corporate intermediation 1.19 1.48 1.65 1.07 1.15 1.21 None 11.67
Trader 1.12 0.99 0.51 1.03 1.15 2 None 0.9
Corporate involvement 1.18 1.17 1.17 0.95 1.46 1.54 None 11.67
Private 0.95 1.01 0.77 0.77 1.15 2 None 0.9
Notes: Figures are averages of the ratios across channels. Average farm size is measured in hectares, use of fertilizer, manure (organic) and hired labour in
Rs/ha and use of other facilities as percentages of farm households using the facilities
14 The Transition in India: An Integrated View
14.8 Implications of the Changes 219
or owned, is also more common among these participants. This is not surprising as
the collection by buyers’ convenience is facilitated by this privilege. Usually, this
facility also enables farmers to wait for improved prices although in contracts, such
storage would not have any effect on the price fetched. In our cases, the use of
on-farm storage is not reported by participants in the contract channels. The facility
is apparently not needed in most cases due to timely collection of produce, but such
a perception may be misleading as over time the facility may make entry into the
channel easier. Preliminary on-farm processing is observed only in the CMI and
trader-based channels.
14.8 Implications of the Changes
The transitions witnessed in the marketing regime of Indian agriculture at this point
are enough to mark a sharp departure from the past and signify that the static system
was waiting for an overhaul. Although in many cases producers were found to
depend on a single channel, be it an emerging one or not, there were also instances
of channel diversification as in Maharashtra and Assam. More relevantly, farmers
sought alternate channels for disposing products that are rejected or deemed
unsuitable for another channel. In many cases, particularly where the producer
faces the task of carrying the product physically to the buyer, the proximity of the
market is a critical parameter. The existence of multiple channels including the
traditional channels is of importance not only for offering greater option and
convenience to the producers but also for reducing product wastage, to save on
fuel cost, to reduce automobile pollution and to overcome market failures legiti-
mately when the regulated markets function leading farmers to poorly prefer to and
in actual practice to sell in local markets outside the mandated precincts.
Since the efficiency is found to improve when new channels are resorted to, there
is considerable saving on social capital translating to welfare gains for producers
and consumers. However, these new channels are shorter, and the social cost of
displacing the traditional traders cannot be wished away. It is also known that
traders serve significantly useful functions in the rural economy and have gained
knowledge through years of on-the-job experience that should only be made use of
and not frittered away. It is hoped and evidences have also shown in this study that
trader’s performance and the regulated markets respond to competition and the
traders will be encouraged to modernize their operation through the demonstration
created by the modern entrants. Indeed examples of direct marketing in Punjab and
Andhra Pradesh highlight the importance of proficiency required for marketing.
While it is difficult to train farmers fully at this job, this could be easier in respect of
traders who specialize in this particular function. Experiences around the world
suggest that traders are not necessarily displaced by market developments, and in
the models that we followed in Maharashtra and Punjab, users have acknowledged;
trader’s knowledge, their understanding of ground realities and appreciation for the
qualitative differentials among similar products. However, the regulated markets

also need to be more equipped especially with grading and sorting facilities to
enable product differentiation as also the incentives that come from the threat of
competition.
A noteworthy finding from these surveys is the role played by the traders in
disseminating price information even among the participants of the emerging market.
Moreover, such information has its roots in auctions in regulated markets which still
remains as the basic price discovery mechanism. Over time as the market transits to
complex relations between the seller and the buyer and among the buyers themselves,
price discovery will become a critical issue for which the option of selling in auctions
should be retained with some effort. The development of the derivative market for
agricultural products also deserves utmost attention. Being another objective, trans-
parent and auction-based method, the future market harnesses information from
around the world and disseminates it widely to create the environment for informed
but subjective decision making on part of the transactors. The derivative market for
agricultural products market should be encouraged with various policy measures, but
at the same time, its efficiency needs to be enhanced to free it from the effects of
baseless speculation, corruption, corporate misgovernance and misinformation. Once
again creation of storage facilities such as warehouses and silos is important, and
modern cold storage facilities could help to widen the coverage of the futures market.
The government needs to invest on these facilities or create fiscal and other incentives
to draw in private initiatives.
Food wastage is fast-gaining global consideration and censure, and the
company-driven markets share their blame in the growing incidence of product
wastage and rejections. While on the whole the emerging channels in our findings
seem to be marginally superior in this respect mostly by dint of their improved
technology, resources and ownership of appropriate vehicles, it is also observed that
they too are victims of losses. In fact, the organized retail chain surpasses the
corresponding traditional channels in respect of retail-level losses of products for
which possible monitoring and penalty may need to be eventually attracted. How-
ever, our estimates suggest that between 10 % and 12 % of production is wasted in
both channels, and in both cases, considerable wastages occur either on farm, in
storage or in transit. Private initiative on part of the buyer will not be a complete
answer to these problems, and producers have to be encouraged to improve their
harvesting methods, workers to improve their ways of product handling, packaging
industries to rise to the occasion, roads require upgradation and more storage
facilities are called for. While the private sector needs to do its part of the job,
the traders and the farmers are dependent on the government for support on the
required facilities, and the direct marketing producers are primarily vulnerable to
state inactions. The private sector too would look forward to public support in
certain aspects of infrastructure and for the incentive structure to induce other
private enterprises to fill up the gaps and could be morally discouraged if intentions
are not visible in a reasonable time frame.
Producers are most frequently found to depend on a single channel for product
disposal although there are instances of channel diversification as in Maharashtra
14.8 Implications of the Changes 221
and Assam (direct marketing). In most cases, the emerging channel and its
conveniently located collection centres help farmers save the time and trouble
of selling products, and the marketing scales are therefore moderately high.
Procurement from the field is particularly helpful to farmers. However, the situation
with the traditional system varies.
In Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, markets were fairly developed to start
with, and the regulated markets have obviously improved with competition, but
being large markets, there is enough space for traditional and emerging markets
to function together. The competition is fairly even if not favorable for traders.
In the large onion market, the traditional channel in fact performs more efficiently
than corporate intermediation which however is especially successful in the case of
pomegranate. In other cases such as Assam, Himachal Pradesh and Jharkhand, there
is a huge scope of improving the traditional markets and strengthening the supervi-
sion. The emergence of new channel has not only been a boon to farmers in these
cases but also provides demonstration for the traditional markets in moving for-
ward. The regulated market needs to be more flexible to meet the needs of the
people, and the reforms have been especially demonstrative in the case of Assam.
Despite the merits of the emerging channels, it appears to be important that the
traditional markets survive the competition in the current state of affair. The size of
the market is one reason in certain cases where there is sufficient supply and
demand to allow expansion of channels with variety to meet different requirements.
Rejections and selectivity by rigid norms in emerging markets also require addi-
tional options to be offered to farmers for disposal of rejected products and the
traditional channels be socially useful in providing the outlet. Keeping in view that
consumers too have the need for optional sources related to price and quality
considerations, the traditional channels are especially useful.
That the traditional trader continues to be a prime source of market information
to sellers in both channels is a most noteworthy feature of the markets. Sellers in
retail chains (Jharkhand and Himachal Pradesh) are the only exceptions, who rely
only on their own buyers which is undesirable in the long run. The practice puts
undue pressure on the buyer in price setting and more undesirably can lead to
unhealthy power relations or even trigger desertion of sellers, leading to market
failure if the price process persistently proves to be faulty. Public market intelli-
gence AGMARKNET is not found to be effective in enlightening the producer
directly except in the two agriculturally advanced northern markets of Punjab and
Haryana although whether the traders benefited informationally from the scheme or
from futures markets is not revealed by the studies.
As of now it is important to have a policy to sustain the traditional channel based
on regulated markets and the auction mechanism to protect the interest of the final
user and original seller and to facilitate the new class of buyers in their pricing
process. For this investment is needed to upgrade the regulated markets as enlight-
ening venues for transaction to enable traditional traders to compete with, support
and collaborate virtuously the emerging channel agents.
Despite all the promise, it is useful once again to keep the inequality implications
of the development in mind. While the fear of traders being displaced may be
downplayed or even mitigated by modulating the models, it may be too much to

expect all farmers to participate in private marketing right away and even for all
regions to be equally interested and suit the new forms. It may take time for the right
channels to evolve in different regions and suit different sections and/or even
possibly to adjust regions and sections their economic activities to the demands
of the time, but pressures on producers and violence will need to be controlled by
state mandate and incentives.
Chapter 15
Reconsidering Agricultural Marketing
in India
The new genre of marketing promoted in India to reduce the unjustified gap
between producer’s price and the consumer’s price would be not just about selling
products. With more space given to incentive and professionalism in marketing, a
blend of varied services is expected to arise all along the supply chain. Yet much of
these reforms raise apprehensions for the political economy of the intensity that few
other policy initiatives do. Contentious issues of efficiency and equity as well as
those between efficiency and sustainability slow down the progress justifiably.
At a stage when reforms are only nascent and battle with resistances, channels
that are highly diverse in their way of operation but limited in number have been
found to emerge in different parts of the country for different products, and they
function in tandem with the long-standing traditional channels. This confluence of
ideas presents a vital opportunity to study the relative merits of the path of reforms
and rethink the policy option. The broad method followed is the integration and
meta-analysis of evidences brought forward by exploration of official documents,
interaction with knowledgeable authorities and field surveys conducted by ten
Agro-Economic Research Centres in India.
15.1 Looking Forward
A vision of a developed rural sector in India is shaped by expectations of technol-

ogy flowing into farming, higher incomes reaching farmers and development of
infrastructure all facilitated by private capital. Higher prices passed on to the
farmers, reduced marketing costs and margins, greater value addition to products
and improved productivity in agriculture will be associated with an alignment of
production patterns more with market demand and global price tendencies than
with state mandates, bringing an end to the era of urban bias of development.
Hinged on private capital, people’s enterprise and higher productivity, the method
is likely to be more sustainable than rural employment programmes as the

224 15 Reconsidering Agricultural Marketing in India
MGNREGA1 which are based on the public budget. Emerging reality on other
fronts also requires greater flexibility of adaptation. Advancing technologies in
farming and postharvest practices, better understanding on nutrition and hygiene,
the potentials of cold chains and the rising significance of biofuels need to be
accommodated in keeping with external issues such as rising energy prices and
climate changes. The potentials of regional sourcing and appropriate transportation
and logistics can only go with a more flexible marketing order (Sanyal 2009).
15.2 Misgivings and Political Economy Implications
Misgivings and resistances have become a ‘part and parcel’ of reforms. A key
criticism of the marketing changes is that they cater only to a small section of urban
milieu who benefit from economic growth brought about by reforms, are known to
visit malls and prefer ready-made and processed food. The large bunch of semi-
skilled traders and the small and poorer farmers are feared to end up as losers. By
this argument, the traditional marketing system is implicitly viewed as a reservoir
for semi-skilled workforce still not absorbed in the organized sector of the econ-
omy, and the spectre of open unemployment creates serious political fears. Ques-
tion also arises why cooperative bodies are not promoted to a greater extent rather
than private profit-oriented one.
Vertical integration, a cornerstone of the emerging channels, essentially effects
shortening of market chains often replacing a large number of trading intermediaries
specialized with limited ambits by a single organized and specialized entity or a
conglomeration of entities that combines multiple functions with modern, technol-
ogy savvy and strategic innovations. This contestation from resourceful players is
likely to come as an onslaught to the traders, even eliminating them. Especially
likely to be hurt among them are the urban retailers like the roadside and the pushcart
vendors.
In the underdeveloped rural milieu, the services of the middlemen were valuable
for their personal and informal nature, their respect for trust, their willingness to
take the risk and deal with small volumes under uncertain conditions as well as their
multifarious functions such as emergency money lending, input supplies and
information transmission. Only their archaic system of accountancy failed in
evaluating these services. At the initial stages of development, the services of
these agents cannot be underestimated. The question arises whether India has
reached the stage of departure.
The new agents in the chain would be powerful traders, some of whom are
multinational corporate bodies with greater experience, resources, legal power and
connections at higher places. They are likely to buy from the cheapest sources, even
outside the country, depressing producer prices. Corruption and bribing in order to
get a foothold on foreign grounds is not unknown among them though actively
1
Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act.
15.2 Misgivings and Political Economy Implications 225
discouraged in today’s international market. The damage inflicted on local

entrepreneurs could be irreversible (Swamy 2012).
Discrimination against farmers is a fear, borne out of historical evidences and
combated through greater public involvement and tougher regulation of private
economic activities. With regulations being relaxed and greater leeway offered to
the private sector, the opportunity again arises of farmers being exploited, this time
in the hands of entities that are far larger in size and far more resourceful than the
privileged party of the bargain in earlier times.
Inequality even among the farming classes is yet another though less
discussed issue. Buyers whose products ultimately sell in upper-end markets
such as malls and supermarkets or reach the exporters or the processors would be
inclined to procure only higher-quality products. The quality of the produce
would depend partly on the economic power of the farmer to adopt technology
and partly on the geographical and inherited advantages of the soil and not on
farmer’s efforts. Coupled with the transaction costs of procuring in small lots,
this will encourage large buyers to prefer larger producers. Unfair contracts and
contract violation can further hurt farmer’s welfare and stimulate the exit of the
small and poor farmers who are unable to compete in the emerging market. The
socio-economic consequences favourable or otherwise of this development can
be unfathomable.
Ecologists around the world are concerned about adverse effects like the degrada-
tion of land, excessive use of chemicals and soil exhaustion as the objective of farming
increasingly becomes making short-term profit from land. With the recipe-driven and
menu-based cultivation practices, the contract farming producers are likely to be
reduced to mechanical assembly line entities from intelligent decision-making
entrepreneurs who practiced judgment-based holistic method of farm management.
Public and interactive modes of extension that are increasingly emphasized today will
decline in importance with dictates coming from processing and retailing companies.
Their capability of traditional foodgrain farming and longer-term food security can be
compromised as farmers shift to lucrative cash crops.
The neoclassical understanding of price determination will be challenged as
open auctions get replaced by closed-door mutual bargaining sometimes in advance
under contract. Conditionality of other aspects like inputs, extension and technol-
ogy, specificity of the products under transaction and differentiation of technology
makes comparison across transactions and arriving at common average prices
meaningless. Transparency will be a victim as the private parties would tend to
conceal the information for various bargaining advantages and public market
information system can be seriously compromised.
Even if producers’ collectives are developed, the growing number of disputes
over contracts will impose enormous burden on the judicial system of the nation.
The growing expectations of farmers from the companies, the complexities of the
contracts and the specificities of agrarian reality and different possibilities of
contract violation on either side will need a well-designed and highly prepared
judicial system dealing with altercations and disputes.
On the downstream end too there are misgivings that consumers will be
reoriented towards less nutritive, obesity inducing, processed food and that even
in urban areas, large sections of consumers will not be able to join the chain owing
to high prices. The more powerful trading agents will be capable of holding on to
stocks and dictate prices at both ends.
15.3 Markets and Marketing Channels
Markets, celebrated in folklores, ballads and history of societies, evolved from

forces of development manifested in specialization, division of labour, urbaniza-
tion, industrialization, the growth of physical communication and today in the
advancement in information, technology and Internet. Marketing becomes an
organized subject matter in the broader discipline of managerial sciences and
displays dynamism with the inflow of technology and new ideas.
Experiences have varied across countries, but the relation between development
and channel length largely reflects non-linearity. Multiple single intermediaries
give way to organized marketing firms at higher development levels. In the inverted
U-shaped relation with development perceived, the turning point in the channel
length connotes that vertical integration has set in. The question arises whether
India has reached that stage of development today and whether it is ready for that
stage.
15.4 Experiences from Other Countries
India is a latecomer in the scene although reforms in the economy at large

commenced more than two decades ago. Many countries around the world, bearing
traditional systems based on either state monopolies or chains of middlemen
operating under state regulations like India, launched reforms in the 1980s and
1990s sometimes as a natural process but more commonly as a conditionality of aid
taken from international agencies or compulsions from domestic fiscal imbalances
and food insecurity. Experiences of reforms from different countries fail to generate
a uniform picture, but success has at best been limited in the developing countries.
Even assessments of developed countries generate optimism as well as doubt.
15.5 Progress of Reforms in India
Under the Indian Constitution, the state governments have the final say on how
marketing of agro-products would operate. The central government can only
suggest and advise. Many believe that with the sociopolitical diversity in the
large country, the states are the best judge of what policy will be appropriate.
Contrarily, a unified policy to enable movement of commodities across space
within the country is favoured for being more consistent in context of a globalizing
market. Views remain highly divided.
15.6 Reforms in States 227
Existing laws (APMC Acts) provide for regulation of agricultural markets by

building up, restoring and institutionalizing a network of physical markets and
creating self-employment opportunities for a fleet of traders in market chains. Open
auction, supervised by democratically created market bodies, was the recognized
mode of transaction to ensure fair prices. The reality is far more complex, and little
option was left for producers in marketing, thus defeating the purpose of the
regulation. Supervision was poor, even corrupt and in most cases bureaucratic
rather than representative. The states varied widely in the densities and
performances of the markets. Globalization in the wake of India’s formally joining
the WTO made the existence of a vibrant and dynamic marketing system even more
compelling.
A model APMC Act finalized in 2003 and circulated by the central government
was meant to reform the market by allowing more competition and encouraging
innovative new marketing methods to evolve.
15.6 Reforms in States
Given the diverse political realities prevailing in the states, it is hardly surprising
that the state of marketing reforms in India is highly varied in character and
progress. Some states reformed fast, some are slow and some are reluctant even
today if not completely obdurate. Possibly the stand taken by a state to the reforms
reflects the extent and incidences of the effects of reforms it anticipates on the
livelihood and welfare of the people of the states. In the field studies reported in this
report, we will find that actual change has been remarkable even in a state that has
not legislated reforms, while new channels are difficult to come by in progressive
states and certain states are steadfast in averting changes that are in principle
possible even under the existing laws.
15.6.1 Reforms in Traditional Marketing

and the Role of Traders
It is important to note that despite the APMC Act, the regulated markets in many
cases did not suit the local marketing requirements and the traditional systems that
actually prevailed often departed significantly from the legislated norms and varied
among themselves to meet with local exigencies. As things stand, the regular state-
run channels, far from being eliminated or phased out, are also proposed to be
changed in tune with the rising contingencies and the pressures of competition.
Even in non-reforming states, channels are undergoing changes in response to
stimulus coming from the centre, other states and the overtures of the private
companies under the existing regulation.
Flexible market intervention scheme (MIS), e-trading, establishment of

derivative exchanges and computerizations are some of the development that are
impinging on the traditional channels too. Agricultural Marketing Research and
Information Network (AGMARKNET) is a central sector scheme of the Ministry of
Agriculture for linking regulated markets spread all over the country, entrusted to
National Informatics Centre (NIC), Department of Information Technology, the
Government of India on turnkey basis.
There has been a strong competitive response from the traditional retailer to the
coexisting organized retailer through improved business practices and technologi-
cal updation. An inter-ministerial group on inflation in 2011 suggested that perish-
able products should be exempted from the purview of APMC Act providing
farmers the freedom to make direct sales to aggregator and processor. Introduction
of electronic auction platforms in all mandis, replacement of the licences of the
APMC market by open registration and electronic display of prices for short-
duration vegetables crops were also suggested. Organized marketing and greater
private sector participation were emphasized. To promote integrated value chains,
exempting vegetable from market fees is in process. The states of Madhya Pradesh
and West Bengal already implemented the waiver. The Ministry of Agriculture is
facilitating the display of spot and futures prices in mandis in collaboration with
Forward Markets Commission.
The services of the traders of the traditional channels are an unresolved issue.
Trading is perceived to be an easy option in employment due to the low level of
skill required. There is argument that even a handful of trading organization can
have the same outcome as perfect competition if there is a threat of competition in a
‘contestable’ market. There is little doubt that a credible threat for their existence
from competition in a free market situation also pushes the regulated market and
the traditional trader to rise to the occasion and improve their outdated practices.
The tangible possibility of upgrading the regulating markets and the traders func-
tioning exists and is already being observed in the course of our field studies.
15.7 Empirical Findings from Primary Data and Field

Information
Sample survey of participants in about two emerging channels was conducted in

11 states. Defining an emerging channel was not easy, but our specification implied
a channel that differed from the common traditional channels familiarly seen in the
region. Typically, the emerging channel was shorter than the corresponding tradi-
tional channel, which consisted of a commission agent or a preharvest contractor,
wholesaler, trader and retailers. The way of marketing operation was generally
different in the emerging channel and sometimes involved strategically located
clearing houses or market structures.
15.7 Empirical Findings from Primary Data and Field Information 229
Although the emerging channels studied did not always involve commercial and
organized companies in the chain and in some cases even coalesced with the
traditional channel at a point, in all cases, they involved a shorter channel and
bypassed the first link usually the commission agent or the preharvest contractor.
The channel length varied from very short (no intermediary) to one consisting of
single organized intermediary, to a mixture of organized and formal intermediaries
and finally to the longest channel with a fairly large number of functionaries.
15.7.1 Functioning of Emerging Channels
This report presents the cases of the following emerging channels: (i) direct mar-
keting in Andhra Pradesh, Punjab and Assam; (ii) contracts in Punjab, Assam and
Uttar Pradesh; (iii) corporate market intermediation in Maharashtra, Himachal
Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh; (iv) organized retail in Jharkhand, Haryana and
Himachal Pradesh; and (v) trader-based channels in slow-moving states of West
Bengal and Bihar.
The buyers from producers include both commercially organized entities and
individual traders. Organized companies also cover large national companies, smaller
local processors and giant multinational entities. Procurement by a non-profit but
organized company is also covered as also intermediation by a non-governmental
agency in a tripartite transaction involving the producer and a commercial buyer. The
channels are not always distinct. Sometimes the emerging channel merges with a
traditional channel, and in other cases the emerging channel is a modified form of the
traditional channel.
15.7.2 Why Participants Choose the New Channel
Social influences coming from friends, relatives and neighbouring farmers are
generally observed to be influential in the dissemination of new technology
among cultivators. In the matter of marketing and the choice of a new channel,
marking a major shift in traditional practice, social influence along with habitual
acceptance is found to be only of moderate importance and hardly played a role in
the acceptance of contract farming. The charm of reaping higher prices has attracted
many farmers. The security of assured sales also draws participation, but the same
attraction also retains participation in the traditional channels owing to rejections in
the other channel, so the superiority in this appeal is not established and perceptions
remain important. In contract farming, low marketing cost and superior services are
powerful forces that draw farmers. Among other factors, shorter distances to be
travelled and input support from buyers were mentioned, while hidden costs like
demands for bribes and long waiting periods weakened farmers’ attachment to the
traditional channel.
15.7.3 Marketing Costs and Gains in Efficiency

from Switching
Efficiency is undoubtedly gained by shifting to the emerging channels as revealed

by our data. Large gains are made in direct marketing in the Rythu Bazaar of
Andhra Pradesh where there are no intermediary margins. Fruits and vegetables are
similarly benefited although savings in marketing cost are relatively high for certain
vegetables. The private trader-based channels fail to show superiority owing to the
poor economic conditions of the new kind of traders in the states concerned.
There are qualitative sides to the efficiency gains also, perhaps not fully captured
by a quantitative treatment. Direct marketing is devoid of the gains from speciali-
zation where producers take time out of productive activities, so that productivity
can suffer as is seen in case of Brinjal in Andhra Pradesh. There are complaints
from customers of rude behaviour from sellers who are untrained in marketing
functions. In all cases of retail marketing, farmers expressed satisfaction in being
able to lessen marketing responsibility, and in Himachal Pradesh, the excluded
producer even exerted pressure to extricate himself from his ties with traders to join
the chain, thus revealing his preference.
15.7.4 Gains to Agriculture
Even after deducting marketing costs and accounting for wastage and rejection, the
net price is relatively higher in the emerging channel though there are exceptions. It
is more important to note that the profit and the returns from land are higher in
comparison to the corresponding traditional channel in the area. Effects on returns
are higher in fruits than vegetables. Productivity in agriculture is also higher in the
emerging channel. Farmers evince satisfaction with services and the relief from
marketing burden in most cases although a hint of suspicion of powerful payers is
evident. There is an open expression of interest that state should support marketing
and cooperative could be a better alternative. Traders however face problems of
local movements resisting the organized retailers. Financial pressures and problems
of pricing and reliability of suppliers weigh on the organized retailer and in
particular the non-profit retailer under study, since agreements are oral.
15.7.5 Political Economy Implications
As could be expected, direct marketing interface produces the largest savings both
in absolute and relative terms. A channel in which only one organized private
company participates is the next most cost-saving group followed by the blended
composition of private traders and a corporatized body. It appears that the fear of
displacement of individual traders is real when the powerful organized entity steps
into the market and there is a search for efficiency. Channels with no presence of
organized companies show the least savings.
In the two slower states, not only is the producer distressed by the encounters
with the comparatively more powerful licensed traders and look for alternatives,
there exists also a pool of unemployed youth force who can potentially step in to
replace the vested trading power and provide more alternatives. However, the
financial poverty and lack of experience of the new trading agencies even relative
to the traditionally operating traders also deserve attention. The economic strength
of the trader for onion in Maharashtra where the traditional market is developed
is also borne out in the comparative study. In such cases, the traditional channel
cannot escape the same critical lens that the emerging channel is viewed with.
As far as small-sized holding is considered as a main indicator of disadvantage
of farmers, our assessment produces a mixed result. Direct marketing and trader-
based channels that eschew organized marketing bodies are significantly more
inclusive of small farmers relative to the traditional channels in the regions.
Contract farming especially in Uttar Pradesh where a large multinational is the
contractor is also more inclusive of this class. Corporate intermediation has a lower
share of small farmers than the corresponding traditional channel of the case.
However, with respect to other indicators of disadvantage, in most cases, the
participation of disadvantaged farmers falls short in the emerging channel. Prefer-
ence for higher-altitude orchards for apple in Himachal Pradesh shows that dis-
crimination can be related to geography. Ownership of on-farm storage facility by
producers of onion in Maharashtra is marked as an advantage for inclusion as
buyers procure at their own convenient time. Ownership of a mobile phone appears
to be important and even necessary for inclusion everywhere. In most cases, the
participant in the emerging channel is moderately more educated as measured by
the level of schooling of the heads and the proportion of higher educated among the
family members. The participants also tend to cultivate their owned land rather than
leased land, the incidence of which is very low.
Although strict quality standards lead to rejections, the participating farmers
found outlet for disposing their rejected products in other channels so that the
proportion of unsold product was minimal. Rejection is not a serious problem for
the channels due to the coexistence of multiple channels.
15.7.6 Sensitivity of Farm Size in Participation
The average farm size of the participants in any channel thus reflects the regional
farm size distribution too. On the whole, the CMI model in Maharashtra and all the
contract farming cases involve relatively larger farms. The average farm size seen
in Himachal Pradesh is relatively small, and this reflects the regional reality, but
there are reports of popular pressure for inclusion. An overall impression at the
country level emerges that average farm sizes of participants tend to be higher when
profit-oriented private companies are the buyers.
15.7.7 Farm Practices
No significant difference is noted with regard to farm practices between the

channels. There is no perceptible shift towards water-saving methods of using
sprinkler and drip irrigation which is more a regional aspect of farming. No farm
in either channel was found to be certified as organic. Farmers in the emerging
channels use family labour more intensively.
15.7.8 Marketing Practices
Producers are mostly found to depend on a single channel, and instances of channel
diversification are few (as in corporate intermediation in Maharashtra and direct
marketing in Assam). In most cases, the emerging channel and its collection centres
help farmers save the time and trouble of selling products. The marketing scales are
higher in the emerging channels. Even in the traditional channels, the farmers do
not always go through the regulated market. In fact in Assam, the regulated market
is used more actively by the participants of the emerging channels, while the
traditional sellers dispose goods in the local markets. In Bihar too, the practice is
similar, but larger farmers may carry products to urban markets that are more
developed.
15.7.9 Other Services Provided by the Buyer
Producers do not generally avail of other facilities like inputs and credit from
buyers in emerging channels although borrowing in cash or as inputs from traders
is reported albeit in rare cases in the traditional channel. In contracts, however,
farmers do get inputs, input advances or technical advice and specifications as well
as extension and have expressed high levels of satisfaction with this service.
15.7.10 Innovations of Organization
The government provides the space and infrastructure, and an institution is created
for the participation and transactions in Andhra Pradesh and Punjab. This has not
been attractive to all classes of producers, and large farmers are rather disinterested.
These markets at times merely form an additional avenue of product disposal.
Collective sale by farmer group are found to be successful in Assam in
overcoming the challenges of remoteness, small-sized lots and weak bargaining
strength vis-à-vis powerful processors. Intermediation of contracts by an NGO in
Assam also shows innovative possibilities where the advantages of dealing with
processors are exploited while averting the disadvantages of being small producers.
Mother Dairy in organized state-promoted venture predated the amendment of
APMC Act.
15.7.11 Traditional Markets
In Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, the regulated markets have obviously

improved with competition, but being large markets, there is enough space for
traditional and emerging markets to expand and function. The traditional traders
also operate in high-end and larger markets. In other cases such as Assam,
Himachal Pradesh and Jharkhand, there is a huge scope of improving the traditional
markets by strengthening the supervision and allowing the system to suit local
needs. Punjab too has a well-developed and large traditional market, but the system
is geared for grains, and the need for a marketing system suitable for the
specificities of horticultural products is clear.
In fact, despite the merits of the emerging channels, it appears that the survival of
the traditional markets in the competitive environment is important for welfare and
efficiency in the longer term. One reason is the large size of market as in Maharashtra
where the presence of multiple channels is essential. Second, rejections and selec-
tivity in emerging markets require additional options to be offered to farmers
sometimes for disposing of the rejected products. Third, the possibility of extinction
of the traditional channel raises apprehensions of diabolical monopsonistic
complexities. The traditional channel should be an option of disposal to farmers.
It serves as a threat of competition to emerging channels until the market is more
developed but itself requires to face competition from other channels.
Finally and most notably, the traditional trader continues to be a prime source of
market information to sellers in both channels. Sellers in retail chains are the only
exceptions, who rely only on their own buyers. Public market intelligence
AGMARKNET is not found to be effective in enriching the producer directly
although it is difficult to conjecture if the traders benefited from the scheme or
from future markets. AGMARKNET however has been of some service only in
Haryana and Punjab, but it draws from transaction in regulated market. Price
determination and intelligence remain as unresolved issues for market evolution.
15.7.12 Changing Rules of Price Determination

and Significance of Traditional Marketing
Price determination by the forces of demand and supply in an objective manner lies
at the heart of the market mechanism, underlined in the theories drawn from Smith
and Ricardo to Bhagwati. Implicit in the notion of the invisible hand envisioned in
the market mechanism is the idea of an ‘auctioneer’ who equilibrates demand and
supply through an automated adjustment process.
While auctions, even though inappropriately implemented through poor supervi-
sion, are still the way of price discovery in traditional marketing, this is rarely the
case in the emerging channels. The case of sales by farmers’ groups in Assam where
information sharing is substantial and the place of sale is the regulated market is
perhaps an instance of price determination that is aligned with conventional theory
drawn from neoclassical economy. In Punjab too, the regulated market is the place
for direct marketing practice. In all other cases, the negotiation is largely between
the transacting parties in isolation and even by contract when the price is decided
even before the transaction is done. In Punjab, the prices are fixed exclusively by the
transacting parties with no reference to mandi prices.
These methods of price determination unless conducted in reference to an
objective benchmark information will not probably reflect the actual demand and
supply situation. Bargaining strength rather than market information will be the
basis of pricing. Even if market information is incorporated into the pricing process,
it relates only to past events that transpired elsewhere. In fact, the price is deeply
related to the recent price fetched in the traditional market in the vicinity and clearly
shows that traditional market still remains important. While the government’s
AGMARKNET is not found to be effective in our study cases, this public intelli-
gence will also draw from traditional market transactions.
In this context, not only is the parallel presence of the auction-driven traditional
marketing channel imperative, the futures market too can be extremely important as
it is an objective and transparent indicator of market price that assembles informa-
tion from around the world through fair and informed bargaining though at a
different level involving a set of transactors who are not likely to be producers.
15.7.13 Wastage
One of the motivations for reforms is to reduce postharvest losses of products. The
incidence of product wastage is gaining international censure. The study suggests
that losses are seen to occur mostly at the stage of harvest and in transit though
wastage at retail level is also not insignificant more notably in the organized retail.
Long distances, poor condition of roads and waiting for higher prices are also
reported to be leading reasons for losses. It is worth noting that the presence of the
traditional channel is also important as an alternate channel to prevent discard of
rejected products.
Product wastage is less in the emerging channels owing to the presence of
company’s cold storage in proximity, their timely collection, their possession of
refrigerated vehicles and also their selective choice of producers with their own
facilities. Marketing reforms may however not be a solution to the problem.
Excessive selectivity observed in the new marketing system can be a new route
15.8 Policy Directions 235
to product discard. In direct marketing, unsold products are reported to be

discarded.
Poor infrastructure, a principal factor behind wastage, affects both channels.
Government still needs to address the requirement for storage facility for which the
private companies do not always help. Similarly, there is a need to improve farm
practices to avoid damage while harvesting, picking and culling, but when private
extension is involved, the onus is on the emerging marketing channels to suggest
ways and means of doing that, but it remains to be seen if training and technology
imperative are addressed by the buying private company adequately. Probably, the
state role will need to continue.
15.7.13.1 The Woes of the New Traders
The emerging channels are grappling with their initiation as infant enterprises.
Producers, used to long years’ familiarity with the existing systems, need to be
weaned away for expanding their market. Social influence coming from demon-
stration effects is not playing a significant role. Rather, the disaffection with the
traditional traders and the travails of transacting in the regulated market is a more
powerful force drawing the sellers. Yet most respondents agree that the traditional
trader serves to bring information, helps with timely credit or inputs to farms and is
generally deemed reliable.
The larger private players have the daunting task of creating their image as fair,
reliable and helpful to producers. Political and popular pressures are the greatest
irritants. Pressures, resistances and compulsions forced against commercial ratio-
nale are regular problems. While difficulties are expected at the teething stage of a
momentous change, it is important for them to exhibit their social concern and
create higher-quality employment opportunities to allay the apprehensions and also
to leave space for other segments of market to exist based on their own capability.
The private corporate players too face the pricing challenges and would realize the
importance of the coexistence of traditional channels for sustainability. Also both
groups of traders share common interests such as the development of infrastructure
for which they should act together as partners.
15.8 Policy Directions
An urge to cut down on marketing costs and reduce the farmers’ lack of options is a
feature that is observed in all states, regardless of legislated changes in marketing
rules. It is also useful to note that even under the pre-existing legislations, signifi-
cant changes in rules are possible provided the state governments have the political
will. Legally or otherwise states are showing a movement even if slow. A large
variety of marketing channels are emerging in different parts of the country, which
are generally shorter than the prevailing traditional channel in the area. It is also
observed that the traditional system too showed variety and local specificities in
practice as the regulated marketing system did not suit regional circumstances.
Marketing practices traditionally prevailing are not true to the rigid rules of the
APMC Acts, and aversion to sell in the regulated market is a frequent observation.
The gain in efficiency from a switch over to an emerging channel is hard to deny.
In most cases, there are also nonmonetary aspects such as shorter distances,
convenient and farm-gate transactions and avoidance of unnecessary formalities
and bribe payment. Above all there is a perceptible satisfaction of escaping the
clutch of the village middleman. The new channels can also be associated with
increases in productivity, profit and returns from farming. Distributional
implications are a concern, and channelizing the displaced manpower to productive
employment will be a challenge. It is sensed that gains from high prices and return
would reach an exclusive section. The gainers being biased against the resource
poor can exacerbate rural inequity. Participation bias in favour of the larger farmers
and regional dimension of farm sizes indicate that same channels may not be
relevant or suitable for all states. Indeed there is a possibility of enhancing regional
disparity.
Agricultural markets are large and could expand with new technology,
processing and globalization. There is space for multiple channels to operate and
provide farmers with options. What is inappropriate in one channel is acceptable in
another reducing wastage and monetary losses. It is important that the traditional
market too rises in standard to face competition and exists alongside the emerging
markets. In this context, in states like Himachal Pradesh and Jharkhand, the poor
performing traditional markets need special attention.
Pricing mechanism as understood from neoclassical economic theories is
increasingly coming under onslaught which underscores the importance of sustain-
ing the auctions and a need for rethinking on market intelligence.
Appendix 1
Table A.1 Distribution of samples by farm size classes

Emerging marketing channel Traditional marketing channel
States Small Medium Large Small Medium Large
Andhra Pradesh (banana) 80.00 20.00 0.00 53.33 33.33 13.33
Andhra Pradesh (brinjal) 80.00 20.00 0.00 53.33 33.33 13.33
Maharashtra (onion) 8.30 75.00 16.70 37.10 53.20 5.70
Maharashtra (pomegranate) 66.60 33.40 0.00 48.60 48.60 2.80
Himachal Pradesh (apple) 88.00 12.00 0.00 86.00 14.00 0.00
Himachal Pradesh (tomato) 72.00 20.00 8.00 88.00 8.00 4.00
Madhya Pradesh (soya bean) 8.11 48.65 43.24 45.71 31.43 22.86
West Bengal (arum/mustarda) 96.00 4.00 0.00 95.00 5.00 0.00
Bihar (mango) 74.00 18.00 8.00 42.00 24.00 34.00
Jharkhand (cauliflower) 54.00 28.00 18.00 36.00 44.00 20.00
Assam (orange) 44.00 36.00 20.00 68.00 20.00 12.00
Assam (potato) 60.00 32.00 8.00 68.00 24.00 8.00
Haryana (tomato) 46.00 24.00 30.00 68.00 14.00 18.00
Haryana (muskmelon) 44.00 24.00 32.00 32.00 22.00 46.00
Punjab (potato) 10.00 20.00 70.00 14.30 28.60 57.10
Punjab (kinnow) 3.10 25.60 71.30 2.20 31.00 66.80
Uttar Pradesh (potato) 68.00 16.00 16.00 48.60 31.40 20.00
Uttar Pradesh (aonla) 72.00 16.00 12.00 66.00 28.00 6.00
a
Only emerging channel is reported for arum and traditional channel for mustard

DOI 10.1007/978-81-322-1572-1, © Springer India 2013
238
Table A.2 Sample areas, crops and sizes

Sample Sample
Block/taluka size Block/taluka size
State Crop District Emerging marketing channels Traditional marketing channels
Andhra Pradesh Banana Visakhapatnam Anandapuram, Payakaraopeta, 25 Seeta-nagaram, Tuni, Ambajipeta, Eluru, 15
Kasimkota, Chagallu, Pulletikurru
Brinjal Visakhapatnam Sabbavaram 25 Anandapuram 15
Assam Orange Tinsukia Hapjan, Kalapathar 50 Hapjan, Kalapathar 50
Potato Nagaon Pakhimoria, Juria 50 Pakhimoria, Juria 50
Bihar Mango Bhagalpur Sultanganj, Nathnagar 50 Sultanganj, Nathnagar 50
Himachal Pradesh Apple Shimla Rohru 50 Rohru 50
Tomato Solan Kandaghat 50 Kandaghat 50
Jharkhand Cauliflower Ranchi Kanke 50 Kanke 50
Madhya Pradesh Soya bean Sehore Sehore 37 Sehore 35
Maharashtra Onion Nashik Baglan (Satana) 12 Baglan (Satana) 35
Pomegranate Nashik Baglan (Satana) 5 Baglan (Satana) 35
Utter Pradesh Potato Agra/Hathras Sadar 25 Khandauli 35
Aonla Pratapgarh Sadar 25 Khandauli 35
West Bengal Arum Murshidabad Kandi 100 Kandi 100
Haryana Tomato Kurukshetra Gurgaon, Not reported 50 Not reported 50
Muskmelon Sonepat 50 50
Punjab Kinnow Firozpur Abohar 10 Abohar 35
Appendix 1
Appendix 2
Crops Covered in the Study: Fruits
Mango (Bihar)
Mango is a tropical fruit tree native to India, from where it spread to other parts of
the world. Considered by many as delicious, the fleshy stone fruit is highly
perishable. Initially, in the seventeenth century, mangoes had to be pickled before
export due to the lack of refrigeration technology. India is the largest producer of
mango but, being a major consumer herself, contributes less than 1 % in interna-
tional trade. Mango is also grown in Spain, Central America and Africa. It is widely
used in Indian cuisines mostly in chutneys, pickles and side dishes. Mango can also
be made into mango drink, jelly and other processed products. Ripe mangos are
typically eaten fresh.
The mango tree is long lived with wide-spreading feeder roots. The fruit varies
in size and colour with a resinous sweet smell. Chemicals in the peel can be
allergens, and mango itself is susceptible to diseases. Alphonso is a popular
mango exported from India, but typically in a mango orchard, several cultivars
may exist. In the current world market, a variety called Tommy Atkins, initially
developed in Florida, USA, is known for its high productivity, disease resistance
and shelf life.
Mango is one among the four most important fruits (litchi, banana, guava and
mango) grown in the state of Bihar. Bihar has natural endowments suited for mango
cultivation, and a number of varieties are grown in the state. Mango is grown in all
38 districts of the state, but Bhagalpur is one of the top six mango producing
districts in the state and accounts for more than 5 % of the state’s mango area.
239
240 Appendix 2
Banana (Andhra Pradesh)
Bananas are native to tropical South and Southeast Asia. They were possibly
domesticated first in Papua New Guinea, but there are indications of their indepen-
dent origin in Southeast Asia and in the Middle East. They were introduced into the
Americas by Portuguese sailors. Today they are cultivated throughout the tropics
and grown in 107 countries primarily for the fruits and also for the fibre, wine and
for beauty of the trees. In India the banana flower and the stem are also used in
edible cuisines, and banana leaves are used on domestic cultural occasions.
Banana, usually mistaken for a ‘tree’, is the largest herbaceous flowering plant
with tall and sturdy ‘pseudo-stem’ producing generally a single inflorescence
resulting in a single bunch of bananas. The leaves of the plant are spirally arranged
and the plant itself may be perennial though the ‘pseudo-stem’ dies after fruition.
Cultivated bananas are sterile and unable to produce viable seeds. Lacking seeds,
tissue culture is a good option for farmers though propagation typically involves
farmers removing and transplanting part of the underground (actual) stem called
a corm.
There are many cultivars of banana, but the ease of transport and long shelf life
rather than superior taste make the ‘Dwarf Cavendish’ the main export variety.
Together with coffee, bananas were exported from Central American countries by
companies like United Fruit Company in the nineteenth century, making the
description of these countries as ‘banana republic’ popular. Even today bananas
are a source of disagreement in the Doha negotiations on trade liberalization, and
the growers, typically the small and poor farmers, of developing economies are
known for the low price received for this widely demanded crop. Bananas are rich
in starch, vitamin B6 and potassium and are good for controlling blood pressure and
protecting the heart and nervous system. Because of high potassium content,
bananas are slightly radioactive. Banana is a nonseasonal crop with year round
availability.
India is the topmost banana producer (25 %) in the world followed by the
Philippines, China and Ecuador. The major banana producing states of India are
Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Assam and
Madhya Pradesh. The plant thrives in humid climate with a temperature between
25 C and 35 C. Most soils are suitable provided they are deep and well drained.
Planting on ploughed land both by propagation of suckers and by tissue culture is
done in India. Banana is intercropped with soya beans and other crops. Growing of
organic banana would avoid exposure to chemicals right from the planting material
to the final postharvest handling and processing. Organic banana cultivation is
under promotion in India. Banana is grown in East Godavari and Visakhapatnam
among other districts in Andhra Pradesh. Banana yield in the state fluctuates
significantly from year to years.
Appendix 2 241
Aonla (Uttar Pradesh)
Aonla is a medicinal plant, containing high level of vitamin C and minerals, and is
used for producing ayurvedic medicines and other health-care products. The aonla
or the amla is a medium-sized tree, with greenish-yellow flowers and nearly
spherical, light greenish-yellow fruits that are quite smooth and hard on appearance.
Ripening in autumn, the berries are harvested by hand after climbing to upper
branches bearing the fruits. The taste of amla or the ‘Indian gooseberry’ is sour,
bitter and astringent, and it is quite fibrous. The Indian gooseberry is a common
constituent in ayurvedic polyherbal formulations used as a premier rejuvenative
compound. This fruit called yuganzi, used for curing throat inflammation, is also
included in Chinese traditional therapy. It is also used to straighten hair and is an
ingredient in many inks, shampoos and hair oils.
The plant bears fruits 4–5 years after planting and harvest is done in
October–January. It grows best in sandy loam soil and alkaline soil. Uttar Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu are producers. In UP, which ranks first in
production and area, aonla is grown in Pratapgarh, Allahabad, Azamgarh and
Mathura. It is seasonal but can be easily preserved although the prices are suscepti-
ble to fluctuations.
Aonla can be processed into sweets, jam, jelly and pickles. Several established
companies along with a few local units procure aonla from Pratapgarh, the studied
district, and well-known brands (Dabur, Baidyanath, Patanjali) result from
processing the aonla, Chyawanprash being produced from 70 % of the arrivals in
the market.
Apple (Himachal Pradesh)
Apple is a fruit known for its beauty, taste and nutritive value, but it is suited for
temperate climates. In India cultivation of apple is therefore limited to high-altitude
mountain areas where temperature is low. Apple cultivation was initiated in India
by the British since the time an apple orchard, now designated to be a Regional
Research Station, was set up in 1887 in Mashobra, Solan. Further efforts were made
by Stokes, a missionary to promote apple production in India in 1918. Gradually, as
production of apple spread across the hill regions, transportation of the harvest was
arranged in empty packing boxes sourced from tea industry using mules as draught
animals. The process was slow and the Shimla city served as the nearest approach-
able market centre for the produce in the entire region which got transformed into a
major apple-growing belt. In earlier days the farmers formed two distinct groups,
those producing fruits and those producing vegetables, but the distinction is fading
as tendencies for diversification grow.
Apple retains a top place in the state of Himachal Pradesh due to high returns,
but production depends on weather conditions, elevation and age of plant and is
highly variable. It constitutes around 60 % of area and 82 % of production of all
242 Appendix 2
fruits in Himachal Pradesh. Growth in production is highest in Kinnaur district, but

in many of the districts like Kangra, Solan and Sirmour, growth of production has
slowed down. Shimla district has a high growth rate of 3.7 % per annum, though the
productivity is modest compared to other apple producing countries.
Pomegranate (Maharashtra)
Pomegranate, an ornate shrub, sometimes referred to as the ‘apple of Granada’ and

possibly a word derived from Latin and related to garnet for the ‘deep red colour’ of
the fruits, is a deciduous shrub originated in Iran. It is grown in Syria, Armenia,
Afghanistan, India and also Southeast Asia. It was introduced to Latin America and
California by Spanish settlers in 1769. The fruit is consumed as juice, as syrup in
cocktails and as a spice (anaar dana in India and Pakistan), and different parts of the
fruit and the plant are inputs for ayurvedic medicines.
Pomegranate grows easily from seed but is commonly propagated from hard-
wood cuttings to avoid the genetic variation of seedlings. Pomegranates are
drought-tolerant and can be grown in dry areas with either a Mediterranean winter
rainfall climate or in summer rainfall climates. In wetter areas, they can be prone to
root decay from fungal diseases but they are tolerant of moderate frost. Insects and
pests of the pomegranate can include the pomegranate butterfly, Virachola isocrates
and the leaf-footed bug Leptoglossus zonatus.
This fruit has gained recognition for its nutritive and medicinal properties.
Research on the health benefits of consuming pomegranate in various science
laboratories are producing evidences of the fruit helping in reducing blood pressure,
improving metabolism, preventing heart disease and certain types of cancers. It is
thought to have beneficial antioxidants and prevent viral infections. It is rich in
vitamin C, calcium and phosphorus. The entire tree has economic value, and
besides for making fresh fruit juice, the product can be used for other processed
food items, wine, leather and dying industry and pharmacy. India is a large producer
of pomegranate, and Maharashtra is the largest producing state in India followed by
Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat and Tamil Nadu.
Pomegranate is gaining importance in Maharashtra with cultivation becoming
popular in districts like Nashik, Solapur and Ahmednagar. The two districts Nashik
and Solapur account for over 73 % of the state’s pomegranate area. There are three
main seasons for growing this fruit, and the main varieties in the state are Bhagwa
and Ganesh. It is highly vulnerable to pests like the oily spot especially when the
weather is moist and is highly perishable.
Orange (Assam)
Orange is a seasonal fruit. In the species of Blanco and reticulate, mandarin is an

orange with thin, loose peel. It is consumed in raw form or in fruit salads and juice.
Appendix 2 243
Mandarin is a native of Southeast Asia and the Philippines. It was taken to North
Africa and South Europe in the middle ages and then to the USA by Spaniards. It is
abundantly grown in Asia. Orange is rich in vitamins C, A, B, calcium, ascorbic
acid and phosphorus and is a source of peel oil, acid and cosmetics. Citrus industry
is the third largest industry after mango and banana in India.
In Assam, orange is gown in Tinsukia, Karbi-Anglong, Kamrup and Jorhat. In
Tinsukia it is grown in all blocks mostly by the Moran community. The local
variety is called Khasi mandarin or more commonly Humthira, Kamala and Ronga
Tenga. A mature tree gives fruits for 15–20 years. The flowering season is
July–August and harvesting session is November–January. The variety is bigger
in size, has a loose jacket and is more juicy than others. The average orchard is
2–120 bighas in size.
Tinsukia is the largest orange producer district in Assam. Recently improper
planting martial, poor management and a problem called ‘citrus decline’ caused
poor health of orchards and move growers towards tea plantation. However,
because of labour-related issues in tea cultivation and due to technological support
of Assam Agricultural University for horticulture, the area under Humthira
increased. Most small tea growers intercrop tea with orange. There are no organized
marketing arrangements and exploitation by commission agent and traders is
common. Group and direct marketing of orange by farmers is a new initiative.
Muskmelon in Haryana
The fruit muskmelon (Cucumis melo) whose marketing is studied for Haryana is
native to hot valleys of Southwest Asia. It is a warm season crop, requiring a long
growing period to develop from seed to marketable fruit. It is sensitive to cold
temperatures. The fruit is round, firm and orange colour and is moderately sweet by
taste. It is commonly grown in tropical region and cultivated in India in the summer
season from April to July. For best quality, these melons, also widely known as
cantaloupe, are produced in hot dry conditions. The plant is annual and needs light
watering. Sandy and light soil and dry river beds are suited for their cultivation
although manure and fertilizer uses are essential for health of the plant. Rich in
potassium muskmelon has numerous health benefits.
Kinnow in Punjab
Kinnow is a citrus fruits that originated as a hybrid of King and Willow leaf
mandarins at Riverside, California. These fruits are medium, oblate, flattened and
deep orange-yellow in colour and are very juicy. Having considerable market
potential, kinnow has been promoted in India to enhance farm incomes. Punjab is
noted to have potential for growing these crops and has become a leading producer
244 Appendix 2
though cultivation is concentrated in a few districts. The southwestern region of

Punjab comprising of Ferozepur, Muktsar, Bathinda and Mansa is considered as the
kinnow belt accounting for 70 % of the area in the state. Ferozepur accounts for
more than 50 % of kinnow area and production in the state.
Crops Covered in the Study: Vegetables
Potato (Assam, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab)
Potatoes were mostly grown and consumed in Europe, Northern America and the
former Soviet Union at one time. Native South Americans started cultivation of
potato, but later on, it was introduced to India by the Portuguese in the seventeenth
century. It then was further spread by the British. Since the 1990s, potato produc-
tion and the demand for potatoes in Asia, Africa and Latin America increased
dramatically. According to the FAO, potato production in the developing countries
exceeded the potato production in the industrial states for the first time in 2005.
China is the largest potato producer today and nearly one third of all potatoes are
harvested in China and India.
Potato is known for its edible energy and protein content. The protein in potato
has biological value higher than cereals and even better than milk, and it is a
wholesome food and has great potentials as a vegetable and a food item of the
Indian population. Besides containing a high quantity of starch, potato is also rich in
vitamin C, minerals and fibres. It can be processed into a number of tasty snacks
such as chips and flakes. In India several tasty snacks are based on potato as a key
ingredient. It is consumed by most Indians both as main food and snacks.
It is a short-duration crop mostly grown in the rabi season with maturity coming
in 110–120 days. Bihar, Punjab, Haryana and West Bengal are among the produc-
ing states besides Assam and Uttar Pradesh. Potato is sown across Uttar Pradesh and
is a commercial crop. Uttar Pradesh ranks first in area and second in production in
potato. It is sown in October and November. A small proportion is exported or
processed. In Uttar Pradesh, Agra is followed by Firozabad, Kannauj and Hathras as
major producers. The price of potato is highly volatile. It reaches in maximum in
rainy session and is low in January to March.
Potato cultivation is promoted in Assam. It is grown in sandy loam soils rich in
organic matters. Seeds and pesticides are made available from local agencies and
State Agricultural Department provides extension services to farmers. Export
guidance is from Regional Agricultural Research Station, Shillong near Nagaon,
but mostly potato is sold in different markets at Naltoli, Sonaibali, Kaliabor and
Nagaon wholesale markets. Cultivation of sugar-free potato is becoming lucrative.
Potato is an important cash crop in Nagaon in Assam, contributing to 5 % of the
state production. Ideal time for sowing is October to November.
Potato is important among the vegetables grown in Punjab, and Jalandhar and
Hoshiarpur are the leading districts to produce potato.
Appendix 2 245
Onion (Maharashtra)
Bulbs of onion family along with figs and dates have been consumed since 5000 BC
but, actual cultivation of onion possibly started 2,000 years later along with that of
leeks and garlic in ancient Egypt. Cultivated onion was introduced by Columbus
after his visit to Hispaniola to North America where the native Americans were
already consuming wild onions found in the ecology. Although onion consumption
is forbidden in some sects especially in India, many medicinal properties of onion
are identified by research. They may have anticholesterol, anti-inflammatory and
antioxidant properties and be effective against common cold, heart disease, diabe-
tes, osteoporosis and head and neck cancer. Onions act as irritants to eyes. China,
India, the USA and Turkey are major world producers of onions.
‘Bulb’ or common onion is cultivated in gardens and fields, and the fruit appears
as yellow, red or white onions. Onions can be taken both as mature crops or as
immature crops, and the young plant can be harvested before bulbing as summer
onion. It can be canned or pickled. Onions may be grown from seed or, more
commonly today, from stunted plants with small bulbs or ‘set’s started from seed
the previous year. Seed-bearing onions are day-length sensitive. Most traditional
European onions are ‘long-day’ onions. ‘Short-day’ onions, which have been
developed in more recent times, are planted in mild-winter areas in the fall and
form bulbs in the early spring and require only 9–10 h of sunlight to stimulate bulb
formation. Either planting method may be used to produce spring onions or green
onions, which are the leaves of immature plants. The tree onion produces bulblets
instead of flowers and seeds, which can be planted directly in the ground. There are
different varieties suited to diverse conditions.
Onion is in demand all over India as a major item in most food preparations for
its flavour, taste and its pungent smell arising from a volatile oil. The significance of
onion in the Indian diet has time and again been manifested by the political
implications of a rise in onion price. Onion was brought under the Essential
Commodities Act (ECA) 1955 after the price rose to a peak in 1998–1999, and
the ECA was invoked. In 2004–2005 onion was taken out of the list of essential
commodities by the Ministry of Consumer Affairs. India is the second largest
onion-growing country in the world. Indian onions are famous worldwide for
their pungency. The gulf countries are the main importers of the onion bulb, and
neighbouring Pakistan and China are India’s main competitors in the global market.
Onion-producing states include Maharashtra, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Orissa,
Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Bihar. Maharashtra
ranks first in onion production with a share of 18 %; however, in terms of
productivity, Gujarat ranks first. It is grown both in the kharif and rabi seasons
but mostly as a rabi or a late-kharif crop in Maharashtra.
246 Appendix 2
Brinjal (Andhra Pradesh)
Brinjal or Solanum melongena is actually a fruit that is widely consumed across the
world as a vegetable. The word brinjal is possibly derived from Portuguese
‘beringela’, but the vegetable has many alternate names like aubergine used in
France; eggplant used in the USA, Australia, New Zealand and Canada; meloongen
used in the Caribbean; and vengan, baingan and melongene used in countries like
South Africa, Malaysia, India and Singapore, most of the names being of Arabic
and north African origin. The plant is native to the Indian subcontinent, and its
earliest mention is found in ancient Chinese agricultural treatise. Probably the
vegetable reached the western world no earlier than 1500 BC. The vegetable’s
various names are generally related to its colour that can be purple (aubergine,
baingan) or yellow and white (egg plant of the eighteenth century).
Brinjals were once erroneously believed to be poisonous and traditionally cooked
after slicing, careful rinsing and salting to reduce fat absorption, but modern purple
varieties do not need this treatment. Brinjals come with different colours from green to
dark purple but are more commonly purple and elongated ovoid in shape. They are
used in cuisines of different countries from East Asia to the USA and from Japan to
Spain. The raw fruit is bitter but becomes tender and rich when cooked, and like tomato,
its seeds, peel and flesh can all be eaten. Low in calorie, brinjals have strong nutrition
value due to its high content of vitamin B complex, fibre, minerals and antioxidants
and can help combat high cholesterol, aging, neurological anomalies and obesity.
A very wide range of shapes, sizes and colours are found in Indian brinjals, and the
fruit can be as heavy as 1 Kg as in North India though smaller varieties and even
miniature ones are also grown elsewhere. A particular variety known as Matti Gulla is
grown in Karnataka. Dishes like baigan ki bharta in North India, gojju, begun pora in
West Bengal and Bangladesh and its use in sambhar (in the south), dalma (Orissa) and
achaar demonstrate its versatile character. Although it is grown in temperate regions,
sowing needs to be carefully planned as frost is extremely harmful. Brinjal being highly
vulnerable to pests, some of which are common to other vegetables, sowing in land
previously occupied by these related plants and sowing brinjal in quick succession need
to be avoided. Good sanitation and rotation are important to avoid fungal diseases.
Human intervention is required in spacing of plants, mulching and pollination.
Brinjal is a vegetable that is grown around the year and in both dry and wet areas
of Andhra Pradesh. It is the third most important vegetable in Andhra Pradesh.
Other brinjal-growing states are West Bengal and Orissa. Within Andhra Pradesh,
East Godavari district is the leading district, followed by Kurnool and Chittoor.
With 92 % moisture content, brinjal is rich in minerals.
Tomato (Himachal Pradesh)
Tomato, considered as a vegetable and alternatively also as an acid fruit, was first
grown in South America from where it spread around the world following the
Appendix 2 247
Spanish colonization of the Americas. Its many varieties are now widely grown,
often in greenhouses in cooler climates. It is not known how it came into India.
Tomato is a herb with a weak stem. In India the fruit varies in size between varieties
from cherry tomato to beefsteak tomato. It is the most grown vegetable after potato
and sweet potato but is leading among vegetables that can be canned.
The tomato fruit is consumed in diverse ways, including raw, as an ingredient in
many dishes and sauces and in drinks. The tomato is now grown worldwide for its
edible fruits, with thousands of cultivars having been selected with varying fruit
types, and for optimum growth in differing growing conditions. Most cultivars
produce red fruits, but a number of cultivars with yellow, orange, pink, purple,
green, black or white fruit are also available. Tomatoes grown for canning and
sauces are often elongated and have a lower water content. The fruits are harvested
depending on the purpose of use. On the average fruit bearing takes 35–60 days.
Tomatoes are spoilt easily due to high temperature, humidity, oxygen pressure and
fruit firmness. Waxing reduces weight loss and increases shelf life.
China, the USA, India and Turkey are top producers. It is used in diverse ways,
including raw in salads, and processed into ketchup or tomato soup. Unripe green
tomatoes can also be breaded and fried, used to make salsa or pickled. Tomato juice
is sold as a drink and is used in cocktails. In India tomato is used as an ingredient in
most cuisines for taste. It is a food with considerable nutrient values including
vitamin and antioxidants. Medicinal value of tomato has been of interest in recent
times. The fruit is rich in lycopene, which may have beneficial health effects such as
prevention of aging and prostate, urinary tract and breast cancers and protection
from UV rays and is good for the heart. Tomato can be a source of certain toxins in
the leaves though small in quantity and of salmonella. They can be stored for a short
time at room temperature when raw, but ripe tomatoes need to be refrigerated.
Tomato accounted for 31 % of production of all vegetables in India. It is grown in
tropical and subtropical climates with moderate rainfall and well-drained soil. Winter
crop is planted in August–September. It can be organically cultivated in rotation with
pulses and legumes. Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and Karnataka are major producers but
Gujarat, Karnataka and Maharashtra have high crop yield. Shimla, Kullu and Solan
in Himachal Pradesh are among the major producing districts. Himachal mostly
produces off-season tomatoes because of its special climatic conditions. Tomato
can also be produced in controlled conditions under greenhouses.
Arum (West Bengal, Emerging Market Channel Only)
Arums are bog plants, well known in North America for decorative varieties Arum
is a genus of about 25 species of flowering plants native to Europe, northern Africa
and western Asia, with the highest species diversity in the Mediterranean region.
They are herbaceous perennial plants. The plants are mostly poisonous, only a few
248 Appendix 2
members are significant as food. Taro, probably native to the wetlands of Malaysia,
has been spread by Polynesian settlers throughout the Pacific Islands and as far
as Hawaii. It has long been an important food for these peoples because it is one
of the few starchy vegetables that thrive in a hot and very wet environment.
In more modern times it has been carried to all tropical and near tropical areas
including Africa and Central America. Cold-tolerant varieties are grown in China
and Japan.
Taro corms (called taro root) are short underground stems rich in starch. Unlike
most starchy vegetables, they are high in amylose, a starch soluble in hot water, and
contain 3 % sugar which makes them somewhat sweet. Taro is indigestible when
raw and can cause severe gastrointestinal distress if not properly prepared and
cooked. In India taro corms and stems are used in some curries. In some areas young
leaves are also cooked and rarely also the flowers. In Hawaii corms are used to
make poi. Taro leaves are used for treating asthma, kidney disorders and gout.
No secondary data on arum cultivation is available in India. Arum is raised as a
minor cash crops in West Bengal where rice is the major choice. Arum is grown in
the kharif season in a few districts for commercial reasons.
Cauliflower (Jharkhand)
Cauliflower may have originated in ancient Asia Minor with a different appearance
from what it is now. It went through many transformations and reappeared in the
Mediterranean region. It is an important vegetable in Turkey and Italy since at least
600 B.C., gained popularity in France in the sixteenth century and came to be
cultivated in Britain and north Europe subsequently. Today global producers of this
vegetable include the USA, France, Italy, India and China.
Cauliflower, a plant of the same family as broccoli and cabbage, consisting of a
compact head (curds) made of underdeveloped flower buds, is a popular vegetable
with taste and nutrient value and is a common item in the food platter of many
communities. It is a rich source of antioxidant, vitamin C, vitamin K, vitamin B5,
minerals and foliate though there may be some adverse health complications for
individuals susceptible to gout and goitre. In India cauliflower is a common item of
many cuisines as a main dish or snacks especially in the winter season. A few
processing options are also emerging.
The crop requires great care. It is highly responsive to temperature so that
choosing the right time, right variety and right sowing time is important for its
cultivation. An early variety called Kunwari which is available in June–October, a
middle season variety called snowball available in November–March and a late
variety known as the late snowball available in March–June are common examples
in India. Cauliflower is grown in cool and moist climate, and the climate of Ranchi
district is congenial for its production. The seed is sown in raised nursery beds and
Appendix 2 249
transplanted to well-prepared and intensely manured fields. Plant protection is

essential. The amount of irrigation required depends on the level of moisture
content in the soil.
Soya Bean (Madhya Pradesh)
Originated in China and East Asia many centuries ago, the legume soya bean is now
grown in crop rotations worldwide due to advantages like geographical adaptabil-
ity, nutritional value (it is protein rich), functional health benefit (good for heart),
various end uses and processing possibilities and its environment-friendly nitrogen-
fixing properties. Although it is a bean and merits inclusion among pulses, The
Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) classed it as an oilseed crop. Major
world producers are the USA (35 %), Brazil (27 %), Argentina (19 %) and China
(6 %). India contributes 4 % of the world soya bean production.
Soya bean is grown in climates with hot summers, and on a wide variety of soils,
soya bean cultivation has incessantly gained popularity for use as health food,
snacks, feed and even biodiesel, but environmentalists have blamed the spread of
its cultivation in Brazil for destroying Amazonian rainforests, but soya bean can be
cultivated using organic methods.
Fat-free soya bean is a primary and low cost animal feed, but it can be processed
into a number of products including soya oil, nuggets, tofu and soya milk. Soya
bean is a relatively new and minor crop in India in the oilseeds group in which
groundnut and rape mustard are traditionally dominating, but its cultivation has
increased phenomenally since the 1980s. It contributes 23 % of area under total
oilseeds in India. The cultivation has however remained geographically confined.
Madhya Pradesh, often called the ‘soya state’, accounts for 55 % of area and 57 %
of production in the country. Soya-growing districts in the state of Madhya Pradesh
include Ujjain, which is the leading one, Shahjahanpur, Sagar, Dewas, Rajgarh and
Sehore. Soya bean is grown also in Uttarakhand.
Mustard (West Bengal, Traditional Market Channel Only)
Romans probably experimented with mustard as condiments and carried the seeds
to Gaul centuries ago. Today China, India and Canada are major global producers.
It is one of the earliest crops domesticated by man. Mustard seeds in India were
found in the sites of Harappan civilization. Oil extracted from mustard seed is a
common cooking medium in the country. Most states grow mustard, Rajasthan,
Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Madhya Pradesh being the largest producers. West
Bengal accounts for 5 % of India’s mustard production though it is raised as a
subsidiary cash crop in winter supplementing boro rice.
250 Appendix 2
Markets in Emerging Channels
Rythu Bazaar in Andhra Pradesh MVP Colony: Direct

Marketing
Farmer’s markets under the brand name Rythu Bazaar are located on government
lands. They are equipped with parking facilities, shades, drinking water supply and
toilet facility. Vegetables arrive at Rythu Bazaar (RB) throughout the year from
local producers and also to an extent from remote areas. Transport and storage
facilities with zero energy chambers for unsold produce add to sellers’ convenience.
There are 105 RB in Andhra Pradesh, and increasing arrival of vegetables is
observed in 17 out of 23 districts of the state.
The RB operates outside of preview of Agricultural Market Committee, and the
joint collectors of the concerned districts are responsible for the effective function-
ing of RB. Their duties are appointment of estate officers and horticulture consul-
tant, holding weekly meeting with estate officers and the inspection of at least one
RB every week in the district. Joint collectors are also responsible for arranging
farmers’ transport. Estate officers are responsible for allotment of stalls, providing
weighing scales, formation of price fixation committees and prevention of the entry
of middlemen. They are also responsible for the proper supply of power and water,
transport facility, recording of daily arrivals and sales and conducting of meeting of
all farmers once in a week to solve problems. The estate officer reports to the joint
collector/director of marketing every week.
The outlet of Rythu Bazaar under study is located in the MVP Colony
(or MVPRB henceforth). Established in 1999 along with 13 other RBs in
Visakhapatnam district, MVPRB is established on 2 acres of government land
and is well connected by roads. MVPRB has now become self-sufficient. It was
awarded a rolling cup during 2002 by the state government.
The MVPRB has several stalls, out of which about 20 % are allotted on
commercial basis for recovering the maintenance cost. The majority of the stalls
are allotted to the farmers who come to sell vegetable grown only by them on a first
come, first served basis daily. In addition, millers, physically handicapped (PHCs),
cooperatives (forest produce) and super bazaar (grocery) also get allotments. Some
of the shops are also allotted to DWCRA group, SGH groups and government
agencies just to ensure availability of all vegetables to consumers in all the seasons
whether grown locally or not.
Farmers come from distances up to 150 km from 33 villages around
Visakhapatnam city. On the average, 20 farmers are known to come to MVPRB
daily. Consumers are resident in a radius of 10 km. around the market. An estimated
average of 25,000 potential buyers come to MVPRB on weekdays, and 4,000
people come during the weekend so that the customer arrival is well distributed.
The MVPRB employs staff like estate officers, sub-staff, watchman, sweeper and
Appendix 2 251
gardener. It provides reasonable infrastructure, telephone and computer facility for

communication but no Internet and fax is available.
The process in which this market operates is as follows. ‘Genuine farmers who
are willing to have marketing link at Rythu Bazaar’ from a cluster of 10–15
predominantly vegetable growing villages in the vicinity are identified by a team
of Tahsildar, horticulture officers/agriculture officers who visit the villages. The
member farmers are issued with photo identity card, containing the name of the
farmer, his or her address, extent of landholding, the variety of vegetables grown
and a photograph of the farmer/farmer with family members and farm servants that
must be attested by horticulture consultant. The validity of identity card is 6 month
from the date of issue though renewal is possible within about 15 days of expiry. No
seller is allowed to enter into the Rythu Bazaar without photo identity card.
Transport facility to pick up and drop is provided to registered farmers. The farmers
are allowed to sell only vegetables grown by them although self-help groups
(SHGs) are allowed to sell vegetables which are not grown by the farmers in the
Rythu Bazaar. These SHGs are identified by the District Collector of the respective
districts.
Prices are fixed by the market committee in consultation with the farmers
committee on the basis of the communication received from the wholesale market
of vegetable. The prices are fixed higher than the regional wholesale prices and
lower than local retail prices in the area and announced through the public address
system. Weighing scales are supplied to farmers temporarily without cost.
Farmer Groups in Assam
The major orange-growing pockets in Tinsukia are mostly located in remote rural
areas where infrastructure facilities like road communication are very poor.
Because of the economic condition, most of the orange growers could not afford
to carry their produce in bulk quantities to the markets. Direct marketing by
farmers, farmer’s representative groups or self-help groups is being encouraged
as an innovative emerging channel. Some of the growers are taking initiatives for
formation of self-help group or growers’ representative groups among them in their
respective localities through group marketing in bulk quantities.
Adani Marketing Group in Himachal Pradesh
Adani Enterprises Ltd., is a large Indian business group with diverse interests in
edible oils, ports, logistics, special economic zones, power, oil exploration and coal
mining. An integrated storage handling and transportation infrastructure for fresh
produce is set up in Himachal Pradesh under its wholly owned subsidiary ‘Adani
Agrifresh Private Limited’. The group managers have interacted with farmers
252 Appendix 2
across the state which is suited for apple production and signed agreement with
thousands of farmers for direct procurement.
The Adani group constructed three cold storage facilities in Shimla, and with
the other major operator, the Indian Railway Board, gradually restricting itself
only to Kinnaur district, the Adani group has emerged as the biggest trader in
Shimla district. This group enrols certain agents in the apple-growing areas, who
in turn enrol members among apple producers who would be willing to sell the
produce to the group. The members are supplied with plastic crates free of cost for
collection of apple. The members are selected from high elevation apple-growing
areas in the district to ensure high quality. The collected apples are brought to
Adani stores. Due to popular pressure, the Adani group procures all grades of
apples but keeps only ‘A’ grade apple for distant markets. The remaining grade
apples are sold to local traders who further dispose apples through traditional
channels.
PepsiCo: Contracting with Potato Farmers in Uttar Pradesh
PepsiCo India Holding Private Limited (PHIPL) founded in 1981 is one of the
fastest growing companies dealing in food and beverages in the country. As a
US-based multinational investor, the company has brought foreign investment into
different food products including its soft drink and introduced healthier oils for its
snacks like Lay’s potato chips and Kurkure. More than 150,000 people were
economically associated with the company. PIHPL provides the extension services
and inputs like seeds, fertilizers and pesticides at reasonable rates to enable
production of higher-quality potato. It has established a model of partnership with
farmers (22,000) nearly half of whom are small and marginal farmers. The PepsiCo
services are associated also with disease control packages, bank loans and weather
insurance.
In Uttar Pradesh PepsiCo provides the seed of ‘Chipsona and LR’ varieties of
potato along with other inputs to potato growers to produce the best quality of
potatoes suitable for the preparation of chips, bhujias, etc. The beneficiary grower
has to bring potato to PepsiCo’s cold storage bearing the transportation cost. The
price paid by PepsiCo was higher than the price prevailing in the regulated market.
The purchased potato is stored in cold storage in Agra from where it is sent to
processing units.
PepsiCo India Private Ltd. had started to purchase Chipsona variety of potato
from farmers of Hathras district of Uttar Pradesh in 2009. It provides seeds of the
Chipsona variety potato to growers on cash payment. Kits of pesticides along with a
package of practices have been provided by the staff of PepsiCo. Two systems of
purchasing of potato were adopted, (i) direct purchase from farmers from field and
(ii) farmers bring the potato to cold storages where the staff purchase the potato. All
the purchased qualities of potato are sent to its processing units located at Patiala,
Pune and Kolkata for the preparation of chips, Lay’s, Uncle Chips and Lehar Potato
Bhujia. All these products are consumed within the country. The export of
Appendix 2 253
processed product has not been done yet. The staff of PepsiCo is very much
conscious about the quality of potato. They buy only Chipsona and LR variety of
potato and nothing else.
Kishlay Snack Products and Bengena-Ati Surovi Gram Vikash

Samity in Assam
A registered partnership firm under the Indian Partnership Act, 1932, the KSP has
its registered Head Office at Dewan Path, Fancy Bazar, Guwahati, and its
processing unit at Lokhra Chariali in Guwahati. A ‘buy-back’ agreement for potato
cultivation, the first of its kind in Nagaon district as well as in the Northeast India,
was initiated in October 2006 with the assistance of State Agriculture Department.
In a tripartite arrangement, a non-government organization (NGO), namely,
Bengena-Ati Surovi Gram Vikash Samity, has made an agreement with the M/S
Kishlay Snack Products (KSP) to buy special processing variety of potato seeds,
namely, Kufri Chip Sona-I, II, LR-1533 and Atlanta from KSP at a pre-agreed
price. The KSP in turn buys back all the produced potatoes as per stipulated terms
and conditions and at a mutually agreed price from the Bengena-Ati Surovi Gram
Vikash Samity.
The NGO has to bear all the expenses on the inputs supplied to the respective
potato farmers registered with them, in advance. The input activities include land
preparation, seeds, irrigation, manures and fertilizers, plant protection measures,
grading, packing and loading. The value of the input supplied to the farmers in kind
or cash are to be adjusted at the time of procurement of the product after harvest.
Finally, the company on receipt of consignment at their factory makes the payment
to the NGO. KSP provides full technical support to the farmers for a particular crop
season of potato.
Satkar Fruit Products (Pratapgarth) in Uttar Pradesh
Established in 1987–1989 and located conveniently near the main road, Satkar Fruit
Products (SFP) is one of the best known processing units in Pratapgarh district in
Uttar Pradesh. The unit was registered from Fruit Processing Order (FPO) in
1990–1991. Murabba is the main product manufactured, but pickles, jams, squash
and sweets are other items processed in the factory. The factory is situated close to
Pratapgarh city and has its own equipment, machineries and other infrastructure
required for the processing activities.
The unit processes more than 250 quintals of aonla in a year. It also has limited
capacity to preserve the raw material allowing round the year processing, i.e. it buys
the fruit aonla both as contracted purchases from orchards and direct purchases
254 Appendix 2
from orchardists and traders of regulated markets. The processed products are in
demand in other cities of Uttar Pradesh and in other states. There is competition
from larger processing companies like Dabur, Baidyanath and Patanjali that also
procure aonla from the area, and only 20 % can be procured by local processing
units. The processed product is mostly sold via commission agents.
Deepak Fertilisers and Petrochemicals

Corporation Limited (DFPCL)
DFPCL was initially specialized in manufacturing fertilizers, but the company has
diversified through its Agri-Business & Farm Solutions (ABFS) division and is one
of the corporate entities which has entered into agricultural markets both with
backward and forward linkage activities. The agri-service division of DFPCL is
known as ‘Saarrthie’ whose main aim is to provide a complete basket of solutions
and techno-commercial services to farmers to ensure higher yields and profitability.
DFPCL has seven Saarrthie centres in Maharashtra, namely, Nashik, Aurangabad,
Pune, Solapur, Sangli and Ahmednagar.
Each Saarrthie extension centre operates from a centrally located office managed
by an agronomist who is assisted by a team of supervisors and technical assistants.
Its agri-laboratory is equipped with modern instruments and GIS, and it has
developed eleven soil fertility maps for testing micronutrients along with nutrient
blending map for six districts in the state. Diagnostic facilities such as soil, water
and plant testing and advisory services with field visits, video shows and crop
guidance are provided on chargeable basis. Dissemination is arranged through
audio-video training aids and seminars.
DFPCL also provides marketing links through food processing industries,
facilitates farmers in obtaining crop loans and crop insurance and provides infor-
mation about agriculture development programmes. The ABFS helps farmers
obtain Global Gap certification to capitalize on the opportunity to export high-
value items in European and US market and imparts training to create awareness
about integrated crop and pest management, hazard analysis and critical control
points and worker health and safety and in postharvest handling, grading and
packaging of produce.
The ABFS also offers services to domestic and international buyers and
addresses marketability of products of farmer members. Exports of agricultural
commodities from India enjoy substantial prospects but require compliance with
certain demanding standards. The supply chain of ABFS is well developed to fulfill
the needs of overseas buyers on time. It has its in-house R&D facilities to provide
effective solution for improving quality. The ABFS serves customers from the
Middle East, Europe and the UK. It has its specialized fruit processing facilities
and provides solutions in washing, selecting, crushing, pulping, vapour heat treat-
ment of raw fruits and packaging and provides technical guidance to prevent
spoilage when the client is a juice and pulp processor.
Appendix 2 255
Farmers can be enrolled as a member in Saarrthie on payment of a lifetime

membership fee and have a photo identity card. Services such as soil, water and
plant testing are available on charged basis. For marketing service, the corporate
intermediary procures fruits and vegetables and sells them to exporters and
organized retailers operating in malls and supermarkets. Export market includes
Europe, the UK and the Middle East, especially Dubai in case of onions. Supply
chain of ABFS is well developed to fulfill the needs of overseas buyers on time. The
DFPCL purchases products from farmers, packs them and transports them in
refrigerated trucks to the buyer or to the port. The margin is between 10 % and
20 % in these outlets, but products can be sold at a loss or under a ‘reduce to clear’
code depending on demand and quality. The DFPCL does not have its own retail
outlets although it has been involved in building a multi-format store and projects
on expanding its agri-trade.
ITC and its e-Choupal in Madhya Pradesh
The e-Choupal initiative of the large company ITC Ltd. provides farmers access to
the Internet. Earlier a tobacco giant but today highly diversified, ITC has been
providing different services to Indian agriculture and processing agro-products for
consumer satisfaction. Formed in 1910, as Imperial Tobacco Company of India
Limited, ITC started producing cigarettes but later diversified extensively into
paper board, IT, packaging, hotels, food and agribusiness. The ownership of the
company was gradually Indianized, its name changing to India Tobacco Company
Limited in 1970 and then to ITC Limited in 1974 although the British major BAT
has substantial holding even now.
In 1990 ITC took advantage of its agri-sourcing competency to set up the
agribusiness division for export. Its foray into food business began in 2001 in the
‘kitchens of India’ ready-to-eat Indian gourmet dishes and with the brand ‘Mint-O’
in 2002, Aashirvaad Atta in 2003, Sunfeast biscuit segment and Bingo snacks, so
that 8 years down the line the food business became sizable with 200 products and
6 brands, growing market share, and impressive distribution. IT entered retailing
and garment business with Wills sport range wear, for which it plans to produce
cotton. Interestingly ITC’s diversification included information technology (ITC
Infotech India Limited) generating IT-enabled services.
The agribusiness of ITC is one of India’s largest exporters of agricultural
products and biggest foreign exchange earners. The e-Choupal initiative enhanced
competitiveness of Indian agriculture by providing farmers access to the Internet.
The initiative began in 2000 with soya farmers in Madhya Pradesh. Indian farmers
typically buy at retail price (high) and sell at harvest price (low), but e-Choupal
brings the power of scale to small farmers who pool their demand. Farmers compare
price and place order on the net. Although farmers sell through e-Choupal whoso-
ever they wish to, the company also purchases products leading to a rise in demand.
256 Appendix 2
With ITC’s entry as a purchaser, farmers, even who are not selling to ITC, gain
and find mandi rates more favourable than otherwise owing to the force of compe-
tition. The farmers sometimes also prefer ITC because of accurate weighting, better
testing and timely spot payment they offer. At the same time high-yielding seeds,
other input and provisions can be conveniently purchased through e-Choupal.
By this method, the ITC also provides a conduit to several other agro-companies
to take their products into rural India. For selling through e-Choupal, the trader is
charged a fee. Each e-Choupal covers between five and six villages. It is also
launching a chain of giant rural malls.
Internet is now used by the farmers not only to check (local and global) prices
but also information on weather, soil testing, farming techniques and inputs. The
e-Choupal is equipped with personal computers connected to the Internet via
VSAT, a printer and power backup and is managed by a ‘Sanchalak’. This has
meant overcoming infrastructural problems to build up the network and training the
manager and the farmers with computer skills, building up trust and providing a
Hindi (local language)-based website and user-friendly keyboard. It is by far the
biggest Internet-based intervention in real India.
The ITC e-Choupal therefore helps farmers to access unbiased price information
not only from local market but also distant once. Farmers also check price
movements of soya bean prices in Chicago Board of Trade from their village in
the local language. At the same time, the farmer in Sehore acquires information on
weather, improved farm practices, gets extension and soil testing services and
demonstration and purchases quality inputs and consumable goods at the hyper-
market called Sagar Choupal established in the yard at fare prices. Their produce is
also purchased at standard norms defined by the Choupal’s standardization and
grading facility. The minimum prices are fixed the day before sale and there is
some element of risk protection. Computerized weighting facilities are available to
the sellers along with ATM banking. There is no tax or fees on infrastructure in the
form of market yard, canteen, parking and drinking water. There is no arrangement
for staying overnight and no warehousing facility.
Mother Dairy
Mother Dairy was set up in 1974 under the Operation Flood Program and is now a
wholly owned subsidiary of the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB).
Under its brand, the Mother Dairy sells dairy products like liquid milk (toned and
fresh cream), ice creams, cheese and butter, edible oils of Dhara range and fresh and
frozen vegetables and fruits as well as fruit juices at the national level. It has its own
distribution network.
Significant part of its requirements of liquid milk is sourced from dairy
cooperatives and that of fruits and vegetables from growers’ associations. As a
parastatal endeavour, Mother Dairy is not profit driven; rather empowerment of
farmers and milk producers, equity, fair prices for both producers and consumers
Appendix 2 257
and maintaining quality standards are dominant objectives addressed with the help
of automation, state-of-the-art technology and accreditation of quality. It derives
significant competitive advantage from its unique distributional network of bulk
vending booths, retail outlets and mobile units. An array of fresh fruits and vegeta-
ble products are sold under the brand name SAFAL through a chain of over
400 shops and over 20,000 outlets in various parts of the country.
Reliance Fresh in Jharkhand and Haryana
Reliance Fresh (RF) is a wholly on owned subsidiary of Reliance Industries Limited

(RIL) and is the first foray into retailing by the giant. The aim of this initiative was
to take advantage of the flaws in the system of marketing food by creating a large
retail network, to enter into the business of food a most important product in any
country and to build up profitability. Thus, the reliance market chain represents an
intermediation by a private company that works for profit and has its own retail
outlets. RF was born in 2006 when the first store was open in November in
Hyderabad. It evolved from ranger farm RF a model that pre-existed the RF.
The business model is based on operating small- and medium-size stores and
aims to bring high-quality and fresh vegetables to consumers at affordable prices.
Reliance’s retail supply chain in the Ranchi district links a few thousand farmers
through its collection centre with Reliance Fresh outlets that sell to consumers.
The produce is marketed by farmers in this chain almost from the farms, storage
provisions being available at the collection centres. Product is also stored in
28 stock-keeping units at the village level, the catchment area being Pithoria
collection centre of Kanke block in Ranchi. In contrast no storage facility is
available in the traditional marketing channel in the state.
RF today has initiated a new retail culture in the National Capital Region (Delhi
and designated surrounding areas) by opening a numbers of food stores that
compete with pushcard, venders and kirana stores. Stores in Noida, Gurgaon,
Ghaziabad and Faridabad sell fruits, vegetables, grocery and dairy products (source
from peri-urban farm land). All the stores are owned by the company but varied in
size and format. A typical RF store is managed by a ‘professional manager’ and
several staff members. Stock-keeping unit occupies store space. A City Processing
Centre (CPC) for fruits and vegetables is located in Naroda. Fruits and vegetables
are classified into categories such as leafy vegetable, basic vegetable and sprouts.
A small percentage is also cut and packed. The stores place demands on the CPC
which in turn consolidates the indents and places the final demand on the collection
centres (CC). The CC buys from farmer at ‘offer prices’ on a voluntary basis. These
agreements of purchase from producer are oral contracts and are not obligatory
commitments. The pricing process is set to be ‘messy’ and delivery at that price is
uncertain. The RF procures high-quality (grade A) fruits and vegetables, and higher
price is paid for better quality products. The task of sorting and grading is
undertaken by farmers prior to delivery, and the products are only visual test for
258 Appendix 2
damage, quality standard and size at the CC. Customer arrival is measured by
‘footfalls’ which increase in the weekend. On the average fruits and vegetables
account for only 2.5 % of the sales. Some of the products are pre-packed but with
‘expiry dates’. Often the prices in the stores are lower than those charges by
unorganized retailers. The sales are promoted by leaflet and banners. Stocks are
often ‘cleared’ at lower prices and unsold fruits and vegetables are dumped.
Farmers reported 23 % of tomatoes they offered were rejected.
Markets in Traditional Channels
APMC Naveen Fruits and Vegetables Market,

Agra in Uttar Pradesh
This market was established in 1999 but the marketing activity was started on
12 April 2001 in this market. It is an exclusive market of fruits and vegetables.
There is no Market Board at present. The area of this mandi is around 7.30 ha. The
fruits come from different states in the market, while potato and vegetables come
from the adjoining villages of Agra district. Almost all the basic amenities such as
business shops, electricity, canteen, telephone, bank and water are available in the
market yard, but the quality of service leaves much to be desired. The infrastructure
facilities are not up to the mark. The condition of internal roads is in poor condition.
The sewer system was very poor in the market. Telephone was mostly found dead.
The banking facility was also not good to fulfill the needs of buyers. The auction of
potato is generally done in open places. The price of the potato was determined on
the basis of quality and size of potato.
APMC, Krishi Utpadan Mandi Pratapgarh, Uttar Pradesh
The Krishi Utpadan Mandi, Agra, is the selected traditional marketing channel for
potato. One among eight markets in the district, the Agra Mandi was established in
1977, under APMC Act 1964. Spread over 39 acres of land and operating on 6 days
a week, it offers amenities like farmer guest houses, bank, veterinary hospitals,
canteen, shed, drinking water and lighting of the parties. Cleaning, grading and
owning facilities are available for the sale and purchase of commodities like potato,
bajra and wheat. Mandi fee and development charge help to meet the cost. All the
aonla-growing villages of this district are attached with this market. It is totally
exclusively devoted to fruits and vegetables marketing.
The market has been fully constructed. The condition of roads and sewer system
are in good condition. The price of aonla depends upon the quality and size of aonla.
However, the price of aonla was fluctuating on the basis of arrival of aonla in the
Appendix 2 259
market. The auction of aonla takes place in the night and sales are mostly through
open auctions in the market.
Purna Market in Andhra Pradesh
Among the four regular markets in Visakhapatnam, Purna Market is the oldest one
with 1 multistoried building, 94 stalls, 3 gates and a small space for parking. It has an
experience of 60 years in dealing with all agricultural commodities under the
supervision of Greater Visakha Municipal Corporation. There is no cold storage
facility and sellers have to store their products in stalls. Retailers purchase vegetables
from wholesalers or commission agents in Gnanapuram wholesale market, 3 km
away from this market. The market has small lanes, electricity, water supply and
sanitation, while banking facility is located outside the market. The seller may have
landline telephone or mobile facilities.
Satana APMC Market
The APMC-regulated market in Satana has operated since 1948 catering to

165 villages. At that time of survey, it had a Market Board and an elected Market
Committee. The market is endowed with sheds, godowns, canteen, communication
means and other infrastructure. About 37 commodities including foodgrains are
auctioned in the Satana market which also has a livestock market. The average
arrivals are stated to be 0.14 million quintals (100 Kg) of onions and 7,704 crates
(of 20 Kg carrying capacity each) of pomegranate as of 2009.
e-Choupal of ITC
The e-Choupal is an initiative of ITC Limited which is a large multi-business

conglomerate in India. In Indian agriculture, characterized by fragmented farms,
weak infrastructure and the involvement of numerous intermediaries, it is a means
to link the market directly with rural farmers via the Internet. The programme
involves the installation of computers with Internet access in rural areas of India to
offer farmers up-to-date marketing and agricultural information. Procurement of
agricultural and aquaculture products like soya beans, wheat, coffee and prawns is
facilitated by the model.
ITC trains a local person usually a farmer as an e-Choupal sanchalak to manage
the Internet kiosk in the village. The computer is housed in the sanchalak’s
house and is linked to the Internet via phone lines or by a VSAT connection.
Each installation serves an average of 600 farmers in the surrounding 10 villages
260 Appendix 2
within about a 5 km radius. The sanchalak bears some operating cost but in return
earns a service fee for the e-transactions done through his e-Choupal. The ware-
house hub is managed by the same traditional middlemen, now called samyojaks,
but with no exploitative power. Indeed these middlemen make up for the lack of
infrastructure and fulfill critical jobs like cash disbursement, quantity aggregation
and transportation.
The e-Choupal scheme creates community of e-farmers with access to daily
prices of a variety of crops in India and abroad including mandi prices. Farmers can
directly negotiate the sale of their produce with ITC Limited or other buyers. The
access to internet helps farmers not only to get the best prices but also to find out
about many other important things – weather forecasts, the latest farming
techniques and crop insurance – and to place orders for agricultural inputs like
seeds and fertilizers. The exposure motivates farmers to improve the quality of their
products and is in fact an instrument for farmers to change the quality of life and
their entire outlook.
Table A.3 Agricultural and Land use statistics on sample districts in 2000s decade
Cropping Irrigation Average farm Small
District State Irrigation Main food crop intensity intensity size farm
Name Name Source Name Ratio % Hectare %
Appendix 2
Murshidabad West Bengal Well, canal, tanks Rice, wheat, oilseeds, jute 2.35 70 0.74 95.43
Visakhapatnam Andhra Canals, tanks, tube wells, Rice, maize 1.23 34.9 0.9 89.54
Pradesh dug wells
Bhagalpur Bihar Well, canal Rice, maize 1.18 35.8 0.56@ 94.00@
Ranchi Jharkhand Well, lift irrigation, others, Rice, maize 1.13 9.4 – –
ponds
Shimla Himachal Kuhl, canal, tube wells Wheat, maize, fruits 1.32 3.9 1.13 84.42
Pradesh
Solan Himachal Kuhl, canal, tube wells Wheat, maize, vegetables 1.69 33.5 1.73 71.78
Pradesh
Sehore Madhya Well, tube wells, canals Soya bean, wheat, chickpea 1.63 62.1 2.71 55.11
Pradesh
Nashik Maharashtra Well Rice, fruits, onion, 1.09$ 20.9 1.67# 74.00#
Tinsukia Assam No irrigation Rice, oilseeds, vegetables 1.4 0 1.73 79.13
Nagaon Assam Other sources Rice, oilseeds, jute 1.27 4.8 1.07 80
Agra Uttar Pradesh Ground water Wheat, bajra 1.46 90.2 1.13 90.3
Pratapgarh Uttar Pradesh Ground water Wheat, bajra 1.37 88.3 0.59 97.8
Hathras Uttar Pradesh Ground water Wheat, bajra 1.6 99.6 1.02 80.5
Sonepat Haryana Canal, tube wells Cereals, fruits and vegetables, 1.94 96.2 1.57 81.4
pulses
Kurukshetra Haryana Tube wells Cereals, fruits and vegetables, 1.94 100 2.6 70.2
sugarcane
Gurgaon Haryana Tube wells Cereals, oilseeds, fruits and 1.39 93.4 1.57 83.3
vegetables
Ferozepur Punjab Wheat, rice, cotton, fruits 1.85 99.9 5.8 17.6
Jalandhar Punjab Wheat, rice, potato 1.78 98.2 4.56 25
Notes: # Figures are for 2001 as survey was not conducted in 2005–06 and @ figures are from Economic Survey of Bihar 2009–10. $ figure are corrected.
261
Cropping intensity = Total cropped area/Net sown area, Irrigation Intensity= Net irrigate area/Net sown area, Small farms are up to 2 hectares in area.
Source: Ministry of Agriculture (2008), and Agricultural Census 2005–06.
262
Table A.4 Population statistics in the sample districts in 2000s decade

Scheduled Scheduled Below poverty Employed in
District Population Rural caste tribe Hindu* line** Literate agriculture**
Unit State Forest land (%) Density % % % % % % %
Murshidabad West Bengal 0.14 1,102 87.5 12 1.3 35.9 31.9 54.4 56.7
Visakhapatnam Andhra Pradesh 39.53 343 60.1 7.6 14.5 96.2 11.1 60 55.1
Bhagalpur Bihar 0.03 946 81.3 10.5 2.3 82.2 44.3 49.5 58.5
Ranchi Jharkhand 20.02 362 64.9 5.2 41.8 50.2 44.3 64.6 74.5
Shimla Himachal Pradesh 25.63 141 76.9 26.1 0.6 97.5 7.9 70 39.3
Solan Himachal Pradesh 11.21 259 81.8 28.1 0.7 95 7.9 77 39.3
Sehore Madhya Pradesh 26.32 164 82 20.5 10.8 89.1 37.1 63 75.9
Nashik Maharashtra 19.91 322 61.2 8.5 23.9 86.2 23.7 67.8 66.4
Tinsukia Assam 34.72 303 80.5 2.7 5.8 89.5 40 63.3 59.8
Nagaon Assam 21.42 583 88 9.3 3.9 47.8 40 61.7 59.8
Agra Uttar Pradesh 8.94 896 56.7 21.8 0 89.6 31.2 60.9 56
Pratapgarh Uttar Pradesh 0.16 735 94.7 22 0 85.9 31.2 62.9 56
Hathras Uttar Pradesh 1.22 721 80.2 25.2 0 89.4 31.2 64.1 56
Jalandhar Punjab 2.1 747 52.5 37.7 0 96.8* 6.4 73.9 47.7
Ferozepur Punjab 2.24 328 74.2 22.8 0 98.3* 6.4 45.3 47.7
Sonepat Haryana 0.4 603 74.9 18.1 0 96.5 8.3 72.8 44.9
Kurukshetra Haryana 0.38 540 73.9 20.5 0 98.2* 8.3 69.9 44.9
Gurgaon Haryana 2.96 717 77.8 11.3 0 62.2* 8.3 62.9 44.9
Notes: *Hindus include Sikhs in Punjab Haryana. **Figures are at state level.
Source: Census 2001, NSSO (2007–08)
Appendix 2
Appendix 3: Sample Details: Corporate Market
Intermediation
Table A.5 Maharashtra sample profile of onion and pomegranate growers

Onion Pomegranate
Attributes TMC EMC TMC EMC
Inclusiveness of the market channels (% of households in sample)
Hindu community 100 100 100 100
Scheduled caste 2.9 0 8.6 0
Scheduled tribe 0 0 0 0
Below poverty line (BPL) card 25.7 0 11.4 0
Living in kutcha house 28.6 0 31.4 0
Female headed 2.9 0 0 0
Ownership of assets (% of households in sample)
Owning tractor 37.1 75.0 40 33.3
Owning harvester 14.3 16.7 2.9 0
Owning pump sets 100 100 100 100
Average farm size (ha.) 3.3 5.9 2.8 2.5
Ownership of communication facilities (% of households in sample)
Owning motorcycle 65.7 100 88.6 100
Owning four wheeler 22.9 33.3 14.3 66.7
Owning at least one mobile phone 91.4 91.7 97.1 100
Owning Internet 2.9 0 2.9 0
Education of the household members (%)
Primary or less 30.3 34.9 37.4 38.5
Secondary 30.9 26.98 31.6 38.5
Higher education 38.8 38.1 31 23.1
Years of education 8.6 7.9 7.6 7.6
Education and age of head
Average age (years) 47.6 49.8 47.3 37.3
Average education (years) 9.3 9.7 10.6 11.3
Farm classes (% sample holdings)
Operating small/marginal holding 37.2 8.3 48.6 66.6
Operating medium holding 28.6 25.0 28.6 0.0
Operating large holding 34.3 66.7 22.9 33.3
Operating larger holding (>10 ha) 5.7 16.7 2.9 0.00
263
264 Appendix 3: Sample Details: Corporate Market Intermediation
Table A.6 Himachal Pradesh sample profile of apple farmers

Attributes Traditional marketing channels Emerging marketing channels
Inclusiveness of the market channels (% sample households)
Hindu 100 100
Scheduled caste 4 24
Scheduled tribe 0 0
Female headed 0 0
With income from salary 19.8 100
Below poverty line 12.0 0
Education of the household members (% sample household members)
Illiterate 9.37 19.91
Up to primary 29.9 32.6
High school education 54.0 54.2
Higher education 16.04 23.1
Computer trained 0.95 0.89
Age and education of head of sample household (years)
Age of head 53 51
Education of head 9 10
Ownership of communication facilities (% sample households)
Computer 8 10
Mobile phone 72 100
Motorcycle 0 0
Ownership of assets
Average farm size (ha) 1.25 1.03
Pump set 0 0
Tractor 0 0
Farm classes (% sample holdings)
Operating small holdings 86 88
Operating medium holdings 14 12
Operating large holding 0 0
Appendix 3: Sample Details: Corporate Market Intermediation 265
Table A.7 Madhya Pradesh sample profile of soya bean farmers

Attributes channels channels
Inclusiveness of the market channels (% sample households)
Hindu 91.4 89.2
Scheduled caste (SC) 11.43 2.7
Scheduled tribe (ST) 2.8 2.7
Below poverty line (BPL) 11.4 0
Female headed 0 0
Kutcha house 31.4 51.3
Ownership of communication facilities (% sample households)
Mobile phone 48.6 78.4
Internet 2.9 8.1
Telephone landline 25.71 10.81
Education and age of head (years)
Age of the head 53 47
Education of the head 6 9
Education of the household members (% sample household members)
Members with primary education 52 49
Members with secondary education 28 10
Members higher education 20 42
Ownership of assets (% sample households)
Tractor 25.7 35.1
Motorcycle 68.6 81.1
Four wheeler 0 8.1
Pump sets 94.3 97.3
Farm classes (% sample households)
Small holding 45.71 8.11
Medium holding 31.43 48.65
Large holding 22.9 43.2
Table A.8 Disposal of product in the corporate market intermediation channel (%)
Attributes Himachal Pradesh Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Maharashtra
Crop Apple Soya bean Pomegranate Onion
Marketed 97.1 (1.01) 85.84 (0.98) 100 (1.0) 100 (1.0)
Home/farm consumption 2.93 (0.84) 14.16 (1.16) 0 () 0 ()
Wastagea 2.6 (0.77) 3.55 (1.17) 9.7 (0.49) 4.98 (0.40)
Sold in specified market 97.26 (1.01) 95.86 (0.99) 90.37 (14.37) 18.65 (2.25)
Marketed but sold elsewhere 0 () 0 () 0 (0.0) 76.4 (1.12)
a
Expressed as percentage of marketed amount. Marketed share and home consumption are
expressed as percentages of production. Sold in specified market and in other markets are
percentages of total marketed amount. Except in the case of onion, all products are marketed
only in the specified channel where wastages are suffered but no rejection is reported. In the case of
Maharashtra, voluntary diversion to other markets constitutes the item marketed but sold else-
where. Rejection data is not separately provided
266 Appendix 3: Sample Details: Corporate Market Intermediation
Table A.9 Farm practices among sample farmers of Maharashtra (onion and pomegranate)
Onion Pomegranate
Traditional Emerging Traditional Emerging
marketing marketing marketing marketing
% households channels channels channels channels
Using chemical 97.1 83.3 97.1 100
fertilizers
Using organic 2.9 16.7 2.9 0
fertilizers
only
Hiring labour 72.9 83.4 73.6 85.8
(labour)
Using pump sets 100 100 100 100
Using sprinklers 0 0 0 0
Using drip 5.7 8.3 34.3 33.3
Using tractors 37 75 40 33
Using own 54.3 66.7 28.6 33.3
storage
Using micronu- 1,989 1,884 8,000 6,789
trient (Rs/ha)
Owned land 99.7 100 96.4 100
Irrigated land 91.6 86.3 91.8 100
Cropping 139.8 135.6 138.2 152.6
intensity
Main source of Well Well Well Well
irrigation
Main crops Onion, maize Onion, maize, Pomegranate, Onion, maize,
pomegranate maize pomegranate
Main source of Well Well Well Well
irrigation
Table A.10 Expenses on inputs among sample farmers of Himachal Pradesh (apple)
Unit channels channels
Machinery used Rs/ha 72 117
Chemical fertilizer Rs/ha 5,802 14,500
Organic fertilizer Rs/ha 6,260 12,325
Insecticide/pesticide Rs/ha 6,448 13,592
Cost of seeds/plants Rs/ha 4,860 11,271
Leased land % operated land 0 0
Irrigated land % operated land 0 0
Land under specified % operated land 100 100
crop apple
Appendix 3: Sample Details: Corporate Market Intermediation 267
Table A.11 Farm practices among sample farmers of Madhya Pradesh (soya bean)
Households (%) Traditional marketing channels Emerging marketing channels
Using pump sets 94 97
Using sprinkler 0 0
Using tractor 0 0
Drip 0 0
Own storage 94 100
Unirrigated land (% land) 40 27
Hiring labour 100 100
Using organic fertilizer 100 100
Using fertilizer 100 100
Using micronutrient 27 9
Insecticide 100 100
Own land (% operated land) 60 73
Irrigated land (% operated land) 100 100
Appendix 4: Sample Details: Contract
Marketing
Table A.12 Sample profile of potato farmers in Punjab

Variables Units Channel Channel
Social
Hindu % households 0 0
Sikhs % households 100 100
SC or ST % households 0 0
Below poverty line % households 0 0
Female headed % households 0 0
Age of head Years 49.6 47.6
Economic assets
Kutcha house % households 0 0
Owning motorcycle % households 94.14 100
Owning four wheeler % households 68.57 50
Owning tractor % households 94.29 100
Owning pump sets % households 100 100
Average farm size Hectare 12 14.8
Education of head Years 63 55
Members with higher education % households 25.7 30
Owning mobile % households 94.25 100
Owning computer % households 56.14 50
Farm classes
Average farm size Hectare 15.6 13.7
Small and marginal % households 10 14.29
Medium % households 20 28.57
Large % households 57.14 70
268
Appendix 4: Sample Details: Contract Marketing 269
Table A.13 Sample profile of potato farmers in Assam

Attributes Emerging marketing channels Traditional marketing channels
Social attributes % households in samples
Hindu community 14 10
Muslims community 86 90
SC by caste 8 4
Below poverty line 36 34
Kutcha house 20 26
Female headed 6 6
Age of head (years) 51.7 51.8
Farm assets % households in samples
Owning tractor 0 0
Owning tiller 26 24
Owning harvester 2 0
Owning trolley 60 60
Owning pump sets 76 84
Average farm size 2.1 2
Education (% of household members)
Education of head 4.9 4.8
Illiterate 9.7 11.5
Primary 44.9 48.1
Higher education 21 18.4
Ownership of communication facilities (% households in samples)
Owning motorcycle 24 34
Owning mobile 84 86
Owning computer 8 4
Internet 4 0
Farm class (% households in samples)
Small and marginal (0–2 ha) 60 68
Medium (2–4 ha) 32 24
Large (>4 ha) 8 8
270 Appendix 4: Sample Details: Contract Marketing
Table A.14 Sample profile of farmers in Uttar Pradesh

Emerging Traditional Emerging Traditional
Attributes Potato Aonla
Social attributes % households in samples
Hindu community 100 94.29 96 100
SC or ST by caste 4 14.29 8 2.86
Below poverty line (BPL) card 0 5.71 0 5.71
Living in kutcha house 72 82.86 68 74.28
Female headed 0 2.86 0 0
Age of head (years) 53 52 52 52
Farm assets % households in samples
Owning pump set 60 68.57 7 14.29
Owning tiller 24 2.86 0 0
Average farm size 2.3 3.0 3.4 1.7
Farm class % households in samples
Small or marginal holding operators 68 49 51 66
Medium holding operator 16 31.43 16 28.58
Large holding operator 16 20 12 5.71
Ownership of communication facilities % households in samples
Owning motorcycle 84 80 84 88.57
Owning at least one mobile phone 80 54.29 96 65.71
Owning computer 8 2.9 4 0
Education % of household members
Education of head (years)
Primary or less 9.16 26.85 9.35 –
Secondary education 54.2 60.4 51.8 –
Higher education 19.1 12.8 2 –
Note: – not reported
Appendix 4: Sample Details: Contract Marketing 271
Table A.15 Method of potato cultivation in Assam

Marketing channels
Particulars Unit Traditional Emerging
Machinery used
Owning tractor/ % households 78 100
power tiller
Sprayer % households 100 100
Plot irrigated
By pump sets % households 100 100
By sprinkler % households 0 0
By drip % households 0 0
Fertilizer use
Using chemical % households 100 100
fertilizer
Using compost % households 100 100
Using organic % households 0 0
pesticide
Storage
Having own % households 0 0
storage
Hiring storage % households 0 0
Other
Sources of seeds Purchased Purchased
Hired labour % households 65.7 70.5
Own land % households 98.9 98.1
Leased land 1.1 1.9
Irrigated land % households 100 100
Cropping intensity Ratio 1.8 1.8
Source of irrigation Ground water Ground water
Share of potato in % households 9.2 9
cropped area
Other horticulture Banana, lemon, acrenut Banana, lemon, acrenut
crops
Main crops Kharif and boro paddy, jute, Kharif and boro paddy, jute,
potato, vegetables potato, vegetables
Table A.16 Disposal of potato in Assam

Disposals Unit Contract sales to processor Traditional marketing channel
Home consumption % production 2.69 3.06
Marketed % production 95.61 95.47
Sold in channel % marketed 59.97 77.99
Sold elsewhere % marketed 39.69 20.71
Not sold % marketed 0 0
Sold total % marketed 99.66 98.7
Wastage total % production 2.71 2.03
Sold at farm gate % sales 60.18 0
272 Appendix 4: Sample Details: Contract Marketing
Table A.17 Farm practices in Madhya Pradesh (potato and aonla)

Potato Aonla
Main source of irrigation Ground water Ground water Ground water Ground water
Owned land (% operated land) 87.9 100 100 100
Irrigated land (% operated land) 86 100 100 100
Crops Potato, bajra, wheat Aonla, wheat, arhar, rice
Cropping intensity 2 2 1.3 1.4
Table A.18 Farm practices in Punjab (potato)

Variables Units Emerging marketing channel Traditional marketing channel
Own land % land 100 100
Leased land % land 74.29 80
Irrigated land % land 100 100
Main crops Wheat, paddy, maize Wheat, paddy, maize
Appendix 5: Sample Details: Organized
Retailing
Table A.19 Sample profile of farmers in Jharkhand and Himachal Pradesh – tomato and
cauliflower
Himachal Himachal
Jharkhand Pradesh Jharkhand Pradesh
Cauliflower Tomato Cauliflower Tomato
Attributes EMC EMC TMC TMC
Household characteristics(% sample households)
Muslims community 0 0 0 0
Christian community 2 0 16 0
SC by caste 0 38 0 42
ST by caste 6 0 12 0
Below poverty line 4 NR 12 NR
Kutcha house 52 NR 44 NR
Female headed 0 0 0 0
Age of head (years) 44 0 35 0
Households owning at least one mobile phone 82 0 60 0
Computer 6 0 4 0
Households having an Internet 0 0 0 0
connection at home
Owning motorcycle 20 0 16 0
Owning four wheeler 4 0 0 0
Farm assets (% households in samples)
Owning tractor 14 0 8 0
Owning tiller 0 0 0 0
Owning harvester 0 0 0 0
Owning pump sets 14 0 10 0
Average farm size 2.95 0.87 3.13 0.83
Education (% of household members)
Non-school goers 16.18 18.28
Illiterate 4.62 91.2 2.28 87.6
(continued)
273
274 Appendix 5: Sample Details: Organized Retailing
Table A.19 (continued)

Himachal Himachal
Primary 46.82 37.8 39.43 39.8
Matriculation 12.14 56.2 21.14 59.2
Higher education (matriculation and above) 32.38 56.2 40.01 59.2
Farm class % households in samples
Small farmers 36 72 54 88
Medium farmers 44 10 28 4
Large farmers 20 4 18 2
Appendix 5: Sample Details: Organized Retailing 275
Table A.20 Sample profile of farmers in Haryana – tomato and muskmelon

Tomato Muskmelon
Particulars TMC EMC TMC EMC
Hindu households 100 100 84 74
Muslim households 0 0 16 26
SC households 22 22 14 18
ST households 2 0 0 0
OBC households 22 38 50 44
BPL households 44 50 34 44
Kutcha and semi-kutcha dwelling 0 4 12 24
Mobile phone 76 88 92 82
Computer 0 6 10 18
Internet 0 0 10 6
Age and education of the head of the household (years)
Average age of the head 42.78 42.06 43.44 42.12
Average education of the head 6.18 7.24 7.7 6.5
Education of the household members (% of members)
Average education of the household members (years) 6 6.48 5.78 5.04
Up to primary education 18.78 17.98 17.2 25.17
Matriculate education 34.29 41.23 32.97 30.42
Higher education 19.18 17.11 17.57 12.24
Ownership assets (% households in samples)
Tractor 22 36 54 40
Trolley 14 18 48 36
Tiller 8 6 8 8
Pump set 34 42 30 34
Motorcycle 34 48 76 72
Average farm size (ha) 2.34 3.83 5.85 4.74
Small and marginal 68 46 32 44
Medium 14 24 22 24
Large 18 30 46 32
276
Table A.21 Disposal of products by participants

Cauliflower Tomato Muskmelon Tomato Cauliflower Tomato Muskmelon Tomato
Jharkhand Himachal Pradesh Haryana Jharkhand Himachal Pradesh Haryana
Sales to organized retailer Traditional marketing channel
Home consumption 6.31 1.12 0 0 5.68 0.17 0 0
Marketed 93.7 98.9 100 100 94.3 99.8 100 100
Sold in channel 78.9 97.3 98.2 97.9 87.3 96.5 97.6 96.8
Sold elsewhere 18.3 0 0.7 0.7 8.27 0 0.8 2.5
Not sold 2.81 2.64 0 0 4.41 3.51 0 0
Sold 97.2 97.3 100 100 95.6 96.5 100 100
Notes: Home consumption and marketed are as percentages of production. Others are as percentages of total marketed amount
Appendix 5: Sample Details: Organized Retailing
Appendix 5: Sample Details: Organized Retailing 277
Table A.22 Farm practices for Jharkhand and Himachal

Himachal Himachal
Leased land (% land) 25.75 0 29.5
Dry land farmers 71 56
Irrigated from ground water (% farmers) 37.25 22
Irrigated from surface water % farmers 11.5 3
Irrigated % farmers 48.75 25
Table A.23 Farm practices for Haryana

Tomato Muskmelon
Particulars TMC EMC TMC EMC
Leased-in land (% operated land) 34.62 50.13 39.66 39.52
Irrigated (% operated land) 100 100 100 100
Agriculture
Agriculture as main occupation 100 96 90 90
Main source of irrigation Pump sets and electric tube wells
Main crops Paddy, wheat, tomato, cauliflower Paddy, wheat, muskmelon
Share of selected crops 13.7 1.67 15.26 9.49
Cropping intensity 2.2 2.3 2.1 2.3
Appendix 6: Emerging Channel Is Direct
Marketing
Table A.24 Andhra Pradesh sample profile of brinjal and banana farmers
Brinjal Banana Brinjal Banana
Attributes channel channel
Social attributes (% of households in sample)
SC 0 0 0 20
OBC 64 60 46.67 20
Below poverty line (BPL) card 100 100 100 33.3
Living in kutcha house 20 24 0 0
Owning pump set 0 96 0 93.3
Owning harvester 28 20 100 0
Average farm size (ha) 1.22 1.24 1.94 2.14
Small or marginal holding 80 80 53.3 50
Medium-sized holding 20 20 33.3 36
Large-sized holding 0 0 13.34 14
Owning motorcycle 16 12 0 13.33
Owning at least one mobile phone 100 100 0 0
Owning bicycle
Owning four wheeler 0 0 0 13.33
Education and age of head (% of households in sample)
Age of head between 25 and 50 years 100 72 100 100
Age of head between <50 years 0 20 0 0
Primary or less 92 64 53.33 33.33
Secondary education 0 36 46.67 66.67
Higher education 8 0 0 0
Education of the household members (% of members in sample)
Primary or less 62.8 48.6 50 55.4
Secondary education 22.3 36.2 27.3 32.1
Higher education 14.9 15.2 22.7 12.5
278
Appendix 6: Emerging Channel Is Direct Marketing 279
Table A.25 Sample profile of orange farmers in Assam

Variables Units channel channel
Social
Age of head (average) Years 54 56
Economic assets
Owning motorcycle % households 30 28
Owning four wheeler % households 12 10
Owning tractor % households 4 4
Information and education
Education of head Years 8 7
Members with higher education % households 28.8 31
Owning mobile % households 92 92
Owning computer % households 10 6
Farm size and use
Average farm size Hectare 2.7 2
Small and marginal % households 44 68
Medium % households 36 20
Large % households 20 12
280 Appendix 6: Emerging Channel Is Direct Marketing
Table A.26 Sample profile of kinnow farmers in Punjab

Social
Age of head Years 52.2 52.4
Economic assets
Owning motorcycle % households 100 100
Owning four wheeler % households 60 54
Owning tractor % households 70 94
Information and education
Education of head Years 7.4 7.8
Members with higher education % households 89 32
Owning mobile % households 80 86
Owning computer % households 40 3
Farm size and use
Average farm size Hectare 8.3 10
Small and marginal % households 3.1 2.2
Medium % households 31 25.6
Large % households 66.8 71.3
Table A.27 Marketing costs: Andhra Pradesh

Banana Brinjal
Traditional Emerging Traditional Emerging
marketing marketing marketing marketing
Measures Units channels channels channels channels
Total marketing costs Rs/quintal 108.59 49.19 257.74 43.28
Borne by farmers % marketing 71.16 100.00 57.61 100.00
cost
Borne by intermediaries % marketing 28.84 0.00 42.39 0.00
cost
Table A.28 Disposal of products by sample farmers in Andhra Pradesh and Assam
Assam Andhra Pradesh
Orange Banana Brinjal
Emerging Traditional Emerging Traditional Emerging Traditional
Amount Unit channel channel channel channel channel channel
Total production 100 kg 78.61 (100) 75.03 (100) 5,594.62 (100) 3,706.29 (100) 587.63 (100) 435.83 (100)
Marketed in other channels 100 kg 18.88 (24.0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
Appendix 6: Emerging Channel Is Direct Marketing
Home consumption 100 kg 1.04 (1.3) 1.07 (1.4) 2.77 (0.1) 3.82 (0.1) 2.46 (0.4) 6.14 (1.4)
Wastage on farm 100 kg 0.53 (0.7) 0.51 (0.7) 11.20 (0.2) 30.0 (0.8) 34.84 (5.9) 48.00 (11.0)
Marketed in specified channels 100 kg 58.16 (74.0) 73.45 (97.9) 5,580.85 (99.7) 3,672.46 (99.1) 550.33 (93.7) 381.69 (87.6)
Sold in specified channels 100 kg 56.01 (96.3) 73.45 (100) 5,567.11 (99.8) 3,634.73 (99) 506.72 (92.1) 320.68 (84.0)
Rejected or sold elsewhere 100 kg 2.15 (3.7) 0 (0) 13.74 (0.2) 37.73 (1.0) 43.61 (7.9) 61.01 (16.0)
Notes: Figures in parentheses are percentages. Percentages are in relation to total production in the first five rows and in relation to marketed in specified
channel in the last two rows
281
282
Table A.29 Disposal of products by sample farmers in Andhra Pradesh and Assam
Punjab Andhra Pradesh
Kinnow Banana Brinjal
Emerging Traditional Emerging Traditional Emerging Traditional
Amount Unit channel channel channel channel channel channel
Total production 100 kg 6,992.2 (100) 30,576.0 (100) 5,594.62 (100) 3,706.29 (100) 587.63 (100) 435.83 (100)
Marketed in other channels 100 kg 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0)
Home consumption 100 kg 28.1 (0.41) 116.3 (0.38) 2.77 (0.1) 3.82 (0.1) 2.46 (0.4) 6.14 (1.4)
Wastage on farm 100 kg 0.0 (0.0) 0 (0.0) 11.20 (0.2) 30.0 (0.8) 34.84 (5.9) 48.00 (11.0)
Marketed in specified 100 kg 6,964.1 (99.59) 30,459.0 5,580.85 (99.7) 3,672.46 (99.1) 550.33 (93.7) 381.69 (87.6)
channels (99.62)
Rejected and damaged 100 kg 14.9 (0.21) 24.7 (0.08)
Sold in specified channels 100 kg 6,949.2 (100) 30,076.5 5,567.11 (99.8) 3,634.73 (99) 506.72 (92.1) 320.68 (84.0)
(98.82)
Rejected and sold elsewhere 100 kg 0 (0) 358.5 (1.18) 13.74 (0.2) 37.73 (1.0) 43.61 (7.9) 61.01 (16.0)
Notes: Figures in parentheses are percentages. Percentages are in relation to total production in the first five rows and in relation to marketed in specified
channel in the last two rows
Appendix 6: Emerging Channel Is Direct Marketing
Appendix 6: Emerging Channel Is Direct Marketing 283
Table A.30 Farm practices of brinjal and banana farmers in Andhra Pradesh
Brinjal Banana Brinjal Banana
Attributes Emerging marketing channel Traditional marketing channel
Large-sized holding 0 0 13.34
(% of sample farms)
Land owned (% operated 100 100 79.7 96.23
land)
Irrigated (% operated land) 73 83 65 58
Crops
Other horticulture crops Mango, Mango, vegetables Vegetable, mango,
banana cashew
Sources of irrigation Ground Ground water Vegetables Ground water
water
Main crops Vegetables Vegetables, Paddy
paddy, cashew
Share of specified crop 16.82 31 12.13 14
(% of cropped area )
Table A.31 Farm practices of orange farmers in Assam

Traditional marketing
Variables Units Emerging marketing channel channel
Own land % land 98.5 98.2
Leased land % land 1.5 1.8
Share of orange % cropped 24 23
area
Other horticulture Banana, lemon, acrenut Banana, lemon, acrenut
crops
Main crops Kharif paddy, tea, mustard, Kharif paddy, tea, potato
potato
Table A.32 Farm practices of kinnow farmers in Punjab

Own land % land 100 93
Leased land % land 0 7.0
Share of kinnow % cropped 36.14 26.75
area
Other horticulture Guava, malta Guava, malta
crops
Source of irrigation Surface water Surface water
Main crops Wheat, Bt cotton kinnow Wheat, Bt cotton kinnow
Appendix 7: Sample Details: Marketing
Through New Traders
Table A.33 Sample profile of farmers in West Bengal

channel (arum) channel (mustard)
Socio-economic attributes (% of sample households)
Muslim community 21 24
SC or ST by caste 0 0
Other backward 73 40
Below poverty line (BPL) card 56 19
Living in kutcha house 31 29
Female headed 8 7
Farm class and agriculture (% of sample households)
Operating up to 1 ha 80 78
Operating up to 2 ha 96 95
Operating more than 4 ha 4 5
Owned land (% operated land) 98.9 99.2
Farmers with unirrigated/dry land 18.8 28.4
Irrigated area (% of total area) 82.2 71.6
Major source of irrigation Ground water (82 %) Ground water (72 %)
Area under specified crop (% 11.7 9.9
cultivated area)
Crop area irrigated (% specified 81.9 72
cultivated crop area)
Agriculture as main occupation 65.5 64
Asset ownership (% farm households)
Owning pump set 15 63
Owning tractor/trolley 0 3
Average farm size (median in 0.66 0.8
hectares)
Ownership of communication facilities (% of sample households)
Owning at least one mobile phone 55 48
Owning computer 0 0
(continued)
284
Appendix 7: Sample Details: Marketing Through New Traders 285
Table A.33 (continued)

channel (arum) channel (mustard)
Owning Internet 0 0
Owning four wheeler 0 0
Head of household (years)
Average education 3.44 3.01
Average age of head 50 49
Education of the household members (% members)
Primary or less 49 48
Secondary education 16.8 17.2
Higher education 5.5 5.9
Table A.34 Farming practices of producers in West Bengal

Crop Arum Mustard
Channel channel channel
Average area (ha) 0.66 0.8
% farmers using chemical fertilizer 100 100
Use of chemical fertilizer (’00Kg//ha) 46.02 58.94
Farmers using organic fertilizer (%) 71.12 81.92
Farmers using irrigation (%) 82.2 71.9
% ground water 100 100
Notes
Hazard of Allowing Private Sector/Multinationals in Business
The risks of implementing the proposed reforms are cited as follows: (i) proposed
conditionality makes the constitution of the market committees less democratic and
easier for contract farmers to gain entry; (ii) local traders will be distanced from the
private and special markets due to the requirement of making prescribed deposits to
the committee besides the licence, and functionaries like coolies, hawkers,
transporters, pushcart workers, small and medium financiers and small retailers will
be pushed out of the business as multinational and other big companies gain access;
(iii) giving multinational companies access to retail trade will jeopardize the employ-
ment of numerous street vendors as well as traders, hawkers, coolies and small
farmers; (iv) while contract farming is meant to attract small farmers who are not
in a position to invest in farming, in practice the contracts with big companies will
hurt them in the longer run by making them dependent on external sources of food,
compromising the ability of their land to produce food when the contract period is
over and undermining their technical competency by replacing public extension with
external prescriptions. Their poverty and food insecurity will further translate to
greater migration to urban areas undermining these places and creating human crisis;
286 Appendix 7: Sample Details: Marketing Through New Traders
(v) the demand for raising unfamiliar and new crops and the high standards expected
of the producers from contract farming may not be practicable; (vi) with the reduced
role of the government, the farmers are at the mercy of the sponsor companies
especially in times of troubles like that of lower-quality products or overproduction;
(vii) the powerful companies can manipulate the quality standards required if they
desire to reduce purchases; and (viii) the chances of farmer indebtedness increase as
uncertainties due to production problems, possibility of contract violation from
powerful sponsors and poor technical advice arise.
Table A.35 Marketing efficiency of cultivating arum and mustard in West Bengal
Mustard Arum
Marketing costs and returns
Farmer’s price Rs/100 kg 2,876.28 548.09
Consumer/processor price Rs/100 kg 3,439.22 1,079.9
Marketing costs Rs/100 kg 103.5 93.45
Borne by farmers % marketing 25.48 0
cost
Borne by traders % marketing 29.57 58.51
cost
Borne by wholesaler % marketing 44.95 23.42
cost
Borne by retailer % marketing 0 18.06
cost
Marketing margins Rs/100 kg 485.81 438.81
Farm economics
Marketing cost share % farmer cost 1.12 0
Marketing cost ratio % farmer price 0.92 0
Net farmer price Rs/100 kg 2,849.91 548.09
Productivity 100 kg/ha 14.34 242.04
Farmer returns from land Rs 000/ha 7.61 77.1
Farmer net profit Rs/100 kg 530.93 318.55
Evolution of price
Net farmer price Rs/100 kg 2,849.91 548.09
Wholesale price Rs/100 kg 3,439 973.5
Retail price Rs/100 kg 3,439 1,080.17
Price magnification farmer- Ratio 1.21 1.97
retailer
Price magnification farmer-trader 1.12 1.49
Price magnification trader- Ratio 1.21 1.78
wholesaler
Price magnification wholesaler- Ratio – 1.11
retailer
Price spread % net farmer 20.68 97.03
price
Appendix 8: Sample Details: Marketing
Through New Traders
Table A.36 Sample profile of mango farmers in Bihar

Mango
Attributes Traditional marketing channel Emerging marketing channel
Inclusiveness of the market channels (% of households in sample)
Scheduled caste 6 2
Below poverty line (BPL) card 8 8
Living in kutcha house 40 38
Female headed 8 6
Owning pump sets 36 22
Owning at least one mobile phone 60 100
Owning Internet 0 0
Education of the household members
Higher education (%) 23 30
Education and age of head
Average age (years) 50 45
Primary or less (%) 52 44
Secondary (%) 38 30
Higher education (%) 10 26
Farm class (% operated land)
Operating small/marginal holding 66 92
Operating medium holding 24 18
Operating large holding 34 8
287
288 Appendix 8: Sample Details: Marketing Through New Traders
Table A.37 Farming practices of sample farmers cultivating mango in Bihar

channel channel
Using pump sets (%) 44 54
Using sprinkler (%) 4 8
Using drip (%) 0 0
Using tractor (%) 52 76
Using bullock cart (%) 24 48
Owning storage (%) 16 22
Hiring storage (%) 10 8
Processing on farm (%) 20 18
Chemical fertilizer (Rs/ha) 1,120.50 1,135.00
Pesticides (Rs/ha) 545.25 512.00
Watch and guard (Rs/ha) 2,280 1,770
Hired labour (Rs/ha) 2,320 2,395
Agriculture as main occupation (%) 82 84
Owned land (%) 90 85
Irrigated land (%) 54 64
Main source of irrigation Ground water Ground water
Main crops Paddy, mango, wheat Paddy, mango, wheat
Notes: The percentages are of operated area in cases of owned land and irrigated land and of
sample households in other cases
Appendix 9
Table A.38 Nature of intermediation in emerging marketing channels in sample
State Crop Channel Intermediary Nature Involvement
Andhra Banana DM None Rythu Bazaar, direct to consumer No private intermediary
Pradesh
Andhra Brinjal DM None Rythu Bazaar, direct to consumer No private intermediary
Pradesh
Assam Orange DM None Farmers’ group, Nonprofit, sales to processor No private intermediary, but
collective sales
Punjab Kinnow DM Traders Farmer evening market, sales to private traders Private traders only
Himachal Tomato RTL Mother dairy Nonprofit, no private intermediary Nonprofit organized
Pradesh
Jharkhand Cauliflower RTL Reliance Single organized intermediary Large corporate
Haryana Muskmelon RTL Reliance Single organized intermediary Large corporate
Haryana Tomato RTL Reliance Single organized intermediary Large corporate
Uttar Pradesh Potato CONTR PepsiCo Single organized intermediary Large corporate
Uttar Pradesh Aonla CONTR Satkar Foods Single organized local intermediary Local corporate
Assam Potato CONTR Kishalaya Single organized local intermediary but NGO intermediated Local corporate
Food
Punjab Potato CONTR PepsiCo Single organized local intermediary but public Large corporate
intermediation
Himachal Apple CMI Adani Sales too private traders via single organized corporate Large corporate with private traders
Pradesh intermediary
Madhya Soya bean CMI ITC Sales to traders via e-portal of organized corporate Large corporate with private traders
Pradesh intermediary
Maharashtra Onion CMI DFPCL Sales to traders via organized intermediary Large corporate
Maharashtra Pomegranate CMI DFPCL Sales to traders via organized intermediary Large corporate
Bihar Mango TRADER Local Sales to traders via local trader group Private traders only
West Bengal Arum TRADER Local Sales to traders via local trader group Private traders only
290 Appendix 9
Table A.39 Gross marketing cost with respect to farmer’s rupee and user’s rupee (Rs)
Channel
Ratio to farmer rupee Ratio to user rupee
Direct marketing
Andhra Pradesh Banana 0.13 0.99 0.12 0.55
Andhra Pradesh Brinjal 0.04 1.45 0.03 0.62
Assam Orange 0.48 1.14 0.32 0.53
Punjab Kinnow 0.82 1.20 0.45 0.54
Corporate marketing intermediation
Maharashtra Onion 1.31 1.26 0.57 0.56
Maharashtra Pomegranate 0.39 1.15 0.28 0.53
Himachal Apple 0.46 0.60 0.32 0.37
Madhya Pradesh Soya bean 0.19 0.29 0.16 0.23
Marketing to processors on contract
Uttar Pradesh Potato 0.00 0.38 0.00 0.27
Uttar Pradesh Aonla 0.00 0.32 0.00 0.22
Assam Potato 0.27 0.42 0.21 0.29
Punjab Potato 0.34 0.57 0.08 0.24
Marketing to organized retailer
Himachal Tomato 0.51 2.02 0.34 0.67
Jharkhand Cauliflower 1.19 1.27 0.51 0.52
Haryana Muskmelon 1.53 1.61 0.6 0.61
Haryana Tomato 1.63 1.43 0.6 0.58
Marketing by local traders
WB Arum 0.97 0.21 0.49 0.17
Bihar Mango 1.17 1.27 0.51 0.52
Appendix 9 291
Table A.40 Gains made by farmers from the emerging channel (ratio to traditional channel)
Returns
Farmer Marketing Terminal from
price scale price Productivity Profit land
Andhra Pradesh Banana 1.72 2.16 1.09 0.86 1.47 1.26
Andhra Pradesh Brinjal 1.08 1.27 0.53 0.80 1.07 0.86
Assam Orange 1.14 1.20 1.00 1.03 1.67 1.21
Bihar Mango 1.02 1.33 1.26 1.04 1.30 1.38
Punjab Kinnow 1.20 1.21 0.99 1.11 1.28 1.42
Himachal Pradesh Tomato 1.60 1.39 0.95 0.91 3.50 3.16
Jharkhand Cauliflower 1.07 1.09 1.02 0.99 1.16 1.18
Haryana Muskmelon 1.10 1.18 1.06 1.11 1.21 1.35
Haryana Tomato 1.18 1.10 1.31 1.04 1.38 1.43
Uttar Pradesh Potato 1.20 1.90 1.00 0.99 1.60 1.58
Uttar Pradesh Aonla 1.05 2.13 1.00 1.01 1.22 1.23
Assam Potato 1.07 1.06 1.00 1.02 1.30 1.33
Punjab Potato 1.49 1.04 1.00 0.95 3.99 3.77
Himachal Pradesh Apple 0.79 0.88 0.73 1.65 0.73 1.20
Madhya Pradesh Soyabean 1.04 1.64 0.95 1.12 1.11 1.21
Maharashtra Onion 1.09 1.71 1.11 1.05 1.16 1.23
Maharashtra Pomegranate 1.75 3.16 1.13 1.92 2.24 0.43
Note: West Bengal is excluded for lack of comparability
292
Table A.41 Participation of deprived farming sections in emerging channels (ratio to traditional channel)
Smallholder Backward classes Not owning mobile phone Not owning motorcycle Not owning pump set
State Crop %
Andhra Pradesh Banana 1.70 0.00 0.00 1.63 0.57
Andhra Pradesh Brinjal 1.50 0.00 0.84
Assam Orange 0.65 1.00 0.97 0.95
Punjab Kinnow 1.41 0.75 1.43 1.47
Himachal Pradesh Tomato 0.82 0.90 0.96 1.00
Jharkhand Cauliflower 0.67 0.29 0.45 0.95 0.96
Haryana Muskmelon 1.38 1.47 2.25 1.17 0.94
Haryana Tomato 0.68 0.71 0.50 0.79 0.88
Uttar Pradesh Potato 1.39 0.29 0.44 0.80 1.25
Uttar Pradesh Aonla 0.78 2.76 0.12 1.33 1.08
Assam Potato 0.88 1.00 1.14 1.15 1.50
Punjab Potato 0.20 1.00 0.00 0.00
Himachal Pradesh Apple 1.02 6.00 0.00 1.00 1.00
Madhya Pradesh Soya bean 0.18 0.71 0.42 0.60 0.47
Maharashtra Onion 0.22 0.00 0.97 0.00
Maharashtra Pomegranate 1.37 0.00 0.00 0.00
Bihar Mango 1.39 0.33 0.00 0.83 1.22
West Bengal Arum 1.01 0.88 0.87 1.00 2.30
Averages of channels
Direct marketing 1.31 0.38 0.61 1.15 1.00
Retail 0.88 0.84 1.07 0.97 0.94
Contract 0.81 1.26 0.43 0.82 1.28
Corporate intermediation 0.70 1.68 0.35 0.40 0.74
Trader-based 1.20 0.60 0.43 0.91 1.76
Appendix 9
Appendix 9 293
Table A.42 Other benefit derived from traders in traditional channels

Farmers reporting advantages (%)
Received Payment Received
Received input recovery Assured price
States Crops loans advances problem sales information
Assam Orange NR 74 30 NR 40
Punjab Kinnow NR NR 8.6 28.7 31.4
Maharashtra Onion 5 NR 22.9 19.5 17.1
Maharashtra Pomegranate NR 5.7 22.9 18.4 28.6
Himachal Apple 46 NR 100 NR 100
Uttar Pradesh Potato NR NR 8.6 NR NR
Uttar Pradesh Aonla NR NR 7 NR NR
Assam Potato NR NR NR NR 72
Punjab Potato 28.6 NR 37.1 51.4 74.3
Himachal Tomato NR 100 14 NR 28
Jharkhand Cauliflower NR NR 88 NR 28
Haryana Muskmelon NR NR 8 6.8 58
Haryana Tomato NR NR 2 8.3 58
NR not reporting
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A 169–171, 183, 185, 194, 221, 228,

Administrative weaknesses, 34 233, 234
Advantages of scale, 175 Agriculture, 1–4, 8, 10–13, 15, 17, 20, 21, 26,
AEZs. See Agri-export zones (AEZs) 29, 31–33, 36–40, 43, 45–47, 62, 65,
Agents, 2, 4–6, 9, 12, 17, 20, 22, 23, 42, 44, 67–71, 74, 76, 77, 81, 82, 86, 90, 95, 98,
45, 48, 50, 53, 59–61, 66, 69–72, 78, 84, 100, 102, 103, 107–119, 121, 122, 124,
87–89, 97, 99, 101, 103, 104, 112, 127, 139, 142, 146, 161, 178, 181, 189,
121–123, 125, 126, 132–134, 144–146, 190, 196, 199, 200, 213–214, 219, 223,
149, 151, 152, 157, 162–165, 168–172, 228, 230, 251, 253–255, 259, 262, 278,
175, 179–186, 190, 192, 201, 203, 284, 289, 293
208, 212, 221, 224, 228, 229, 243, Agri-export zones (AEZs), 90, 103, 115, 142
252, 254, 259 Agri-marketing, 11, 38
AGMARKNET. See Agricultural Research and Agro-ecological prophesy, 32–33
Marketing Information Network Agro-economic, 43, 122, 140, 160, 189,
(AGMARKNET) 199, 223
Agra, 50, 102, 114–115, 140, 142, 145, 151, A modified Measure of Marketing Efficiency,
238, 244, 252, 258, 261, 262 inefficiency (MME), 56–57, 59, 60, 123,
Agri-business firms, 105, 146 168, 192, 197, 287
Agri-business model, 32 APC. See Agricultural prices commission
Agricultural and Processed Foods Exports (APC)
Development Authority (APEDA), 68 Assam, 47–48, 51, 52, 79, 80, 84, 93–95,
Agricultural Fair Practices Act (AFPA), 31 107, 111–112, 140, 141, 143–144,
Agricultural prices, 118 147–150, 153–156, 176–188, 207,
Agricultural prices commission (APC), 68 210, 215–217, 219–221, 229,
Agricultural Produce Marketing (APMC) Act, 232–234, 237, 238, 240, 242–244, 251,
10, 12, 38, 47, 50–53, 66, 69–78, 80, 253, 261, 262, 270, 272, 280, 282–284,
82–86, 88–91, 93–98, 101–104, 291–295
108–111, 113, 114, 121, 122, 124, 126, Assured sales, 135, 152, 154, 157, 195,
134, 143–146, 151, 162, 175, 177, 229, 295
179–180, 182, 183, 185, 190, 199, 200, Asymmetric information, 5
227, 228, 233, 236, 258–259 Auction(s), 6, 26, 30, 45, 56, 61, 66, 69–74, 82,
Agricultural Produce Marketing (APMC) 84, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 103, 104, 126,
markets, 90, 125, 145, 151, 179–180, 128, 132–135, 146, 148, 149, 151,
185, 259 153, 163, 170, 180, 182, 183, 185, 188,
Agricultural Research and Marketing 201, 203, 220, 221, 225, 227, 234, 236,
Information Network (AGMARKNET), 258, 259
79, 81–82, 93–95, 132, 133, 149, Auctioneer(s), 17, 25, 70, 234

304 Index
Automated teller machine (ATM), 128, 256 Citrus research station, 112
Automobile pollution, 219 Class, 4, 5, 19, 21, 22, 24, 40, 45, 49, 51, 61–62,
Azaadpur market, 91 71, 77, 84, 102, 112, 118, 136, 137, 140,
154, 159, 162, 172, 173, 195, 196, 200,
204, 207, 214–215, 221, 225, 231, 232,
B 237, 263–265, 269–271, 275, 276, 279,
Backend infrastructure, 12, 77, 109 284, 288, 294
Backward classes, 137, 173, 195, 204, Cointegration analysis, 55
215, 294 Cold chain facilities, 164
Banks, 34–36, 73, 93, 96, 99, 112, 134, 136, Cold storage, 50, 72, 73, 75, 89, 92, 93, 96, 115,
152–154, 160, 171, 185, 191, 203, 132, 136, 142, 145, 150, 152, 153, 170,
252, 258 185, 220, 234, 252, 259
Below poverty line (BPL), 154, 155, 195, 200, Collection centre, 50, 87, 123, 161, 162, 164,
262–265, 269–271, 274, 276, 279–281, 165, 169–171, 221, 232, 257
284, 288 Collectives, 31, 36, 66, 71, 88, 96, 176,
Bhagalpur, 113–114, 160, 199, 200, 238, 239, 177, 225
261, 262 Collective sales, 232
Bhagirathi, 112 Collectivization, 36, 44
Bolivia, 19 Collude, 5, 40, 84, 134
BPL. See Below poverty line (BPL) Commercialization, 26, 27, 41
Brahmaputra, 111, 112, 141 Commission agents, 9, 17, 45, 48, 53, 66,
Brand identification, 6 69–72, 78, 84, 88, 97, 99, 101, 103,
Brands, 6, 25, 141, 162, 241, 250, 255–257 104, 112, 121, 123, 125, 132–134,
Brazil, 10, 19, 249 144–146, 149, 151, 152, 157, 162–165,
Brokers, 17, 35, 45, 69, 88, 99, 190 169–171, 175, 179–182, 184, 185,
Bulk buyers, 92, 93, 95, 176, 186, 217 189, 201, 203, 208, 228, 229, 243,
Bulk sales, 19 254, 259
Buy back arrangement, 95, 141 Commission for Agricultural Costs and
Prices (CACP), 68
Communication, 5, 24, 45, 62, 74, 81, 154–157,
C 179, 185, 226, 251, 259, 263–265, 270,
CACP. See Commission for Agricultural 271, 274, 276, 279, 284, 288
Costs and Prices (CACP) Communication nodes, 19
Capitalism, 38, 40, 139–140 Comparative advantages, 20–21, 115
Cauliflower, 52, 111, 160, 161, 164, 166–168, Competition, 2–3, 5–7, 15, 17, 18, 21, 25, 26,
172–174, 215, 237, 238, 248–249, 274, 31, 38, 40, 55, 68, 76, 79, 80, 88, 100,
275, 277, 278, 291–295 121, 127, 133, 134, 162, 183, 190, 203,
Centralized economies, 35–37 219, 221, 227, 228, 233, 236, 254
Chains, 1, 3–9, 12, 13, 16–20, 24, 25, 30, 32, Computerized, 88, 127, 167, 169, 172, 208, 256
37, 43–48, 50, 51, 53, 54, 56, 57, 66, 77, Conflicts, 24, 27, 39, 40, 60, 61, 88, 134, 136,
78, 85, 90, 92, 97, 98, 104, 105, 121, 151, 152, 154, 171, 174, 183, 185, 204
123, 125–128, 139, 141, 144, 148, 152, Conglomerations, 7, 16, 224
153, 157, 159–169, 171, 174–176, Consumer-centric, 32
179–181, 185, 190–193, 197, 199–201, Consumer preferences, 24
207, 208, 212, 216, 220, 221, 223, 224, Contestable market, 2, 6, 228
226–230, 233, 254–257, 277 Contract farming, 11, 13, 35, 62–63, 71, 78–80,
Channel lengths, 19, 21, 23–24, 27, 45–46, 48, 85, 87, 90, 91, 94, 97, 100, 103–105,
53–54, 72, 162, 212, 213, 226, 229 114, 115, 117, 139, 143, 144, 146, 153,
Chavan Prash, auctions, 147, 241 162, 177, 194, 197, 209, 216, 225, 229,
Chemical, 33, 62–63, 136, 137, 155–157, 173, 231, 285, 287
174, 187, 188, 196, 205, 217, 225, 239, Contract marketing, 13, 92, 148, 152
240, 266, 272, 285, 289 Contractual system, 31, 150
Chicken farming and hatcheries, 32 Contract violation, 198, 225, 287
Index 305
Cooperative(s), 4, 12–13, 41, 42, 68, 73, 79, E

80, 85, 87–90, 92, 93, 96–99, 103, E-Choupal, 51, 52, 79, 87–88, 91, 110, 122,
115, 134, 142, 143, 152–154, 159, 162, 123, 127–128, 133, 135, 170, 217,
168, 171, 172, 185, 191, 224, 230, 255–256, 259–260
250, 256 Ecologists, 225
Cooperative organizations, 68, 73, 93, 191 Ecology, 39, 245
Co-production, 15 Economies of scope, 7, 25
Corporate Efficiency, 6, 7, 9, 11, 21, 23, 36, 37, 39, 40,
buyers, 219–220 46–48, 51, 54–57, 59, 61, 73, 76, 82,
farms, 36 100, 128, 129, 147, 148, 157, 165, 166,
sector, 24, 80, 121 168, 173–174, 181, 188, 190, 192, 193,
Corruption, 5, 26, 34, 36, 55, 220, 224–225 202, 205, 209–212, 219, 220, 223, 230,
Credit, 21, 35, 60, 61, 84, 85, 88–89, 105, 133, 231, 233, 236, 287
134, 152–154, 171, 185, 186, 195, 202, Electronic portal, 129, 208
203, 232, 235 Emerging channels, 31, 43, 45, 47–51, 53, 54,
Crop, 10, 26, 33, 49, 65, 83, 107, 122, 124, 61, 87–88, 93, 109, 114, 118, 122, 126,
128–131, 134, 136, 137, 139, 160, 175, 128, 129, 132–138, 140, 143, 144, 147,
189, 200, 207, 225 148, 150, 152–157, 161, 165–174, 176,
Crop diversification, 26 179, 180, 182–188, 191–196, 200–210,
Cuba, 37 212–221, 224, 228–237, 250–258,
Culture, 3, 37, 40, 109, 112, 115, 121, 191, 263–289, 293, 294
240, 257 Entrepreneurship, 24, 27
Entry barriers, 2, 30–31, 71, 76
Essential Commodities Act (ECA 1955), 67,
D 245
Data envelopment analysis (DEA), 57 E-trading, 79, 228
Debts, 33, 171 Exhaustion, 225
Democracies, Africa, 12, 34, 37 Expectations, 16, 21, 36, 40, 60, 132, 133, 149,
Demography, 17 157, 167, 170, 185, 194, 223, 225
Demonstration effects, 26, 152 Exploitation(s), 9, 21, 22, 66, 88, 112, 139, 243
Derived markets, 22, 24 Extension system, 32, 37
Direct marketing (DM), 13, 51, 54, 57, 78–80, External borrowings, 33
85, 89, 90, 94, 97, 98, 102, 108, 112,
150, 175–188, 190, 207, 208, 210, 212,
213, 215, 216, 219–221, 230, 231, 234, F
235, 243, 251, 292, 294 Farmers’ market (FM), 176
Direct sales, 54, 87, 147, 165, 176, 228 Farmers’ Union, collectives, 31
Discrimination, 225 Farmer survey, 50
Disguised unemployment, 2 Farm machines, 156
Disposal, 60, 64, 66, 97, 130–131, 135, Farm size(s), 49, 51, 53, 61–62, 110, 111, 113,
150–151, 153, 156, 168, 179, 183–184, 114, 136, 140, 142, 155, 177, 178, 186,
186, 192–194, 220–221, 232, 265, 272, 187, 191, 196, 200, 203, 204, 216–218,
277, 282, 283 231, 236, 237, 261–265, 269–271, 274,
Distortion of the price signal, 29–30 276, 279–281, 284, 288
Diversification, 26–27, 35, 47, 74, 75, 77, 79, Female headed households, 154, 155, 187, 196,
117, 150, 183, 188, 219–221, 232, 241, 263–265, 269–271, 274, 276, 279–281,
255 284, 288
Division of labour, 4, 16, 188, 226 Ferozepur, 117–118, 177, 178, 244, 261, 262
Documentation, 32–33 Field management, 132
Donor agencies, 34 Food aid international agencies, 33
Drip irrigation, 136, 232 Food Corporation of India (FCI), 68, 87, 93
Durability, 49 Food habits, 32, 45, 47
306 Index
Food processing, 117, 186, 254 I

Food retail sector, 32 Ideological deployment, 55
Food security, 19–20, 24, 26, 27, 33, 37, 40, Ideologies, 34
74, 100, 190, 225 Incentive, 8, 9, 12, 72, 106, 146, 220, 222, 223
Food zone, 67 Inclusion, 56, 139, 154–156, 212, 214, 215,
Foreign direct investment (FDI), 12, 77, 87 231, 249
in multi-brand retail, cooperatives, 12, 77 Inclusiveness, 2, 61–62, 136, 195,
Formally supervised auctions, 26 263–265, 288
Former Soviet Bloc, 36 Indian Constitution, 108, 226
Forward linkage, 90, 125, 254 Industrialization, 4, 16, 226
Franchises, 38, 105 Inequality, 3, 21, 23, 34, 46, 221, 225
Free trade, 15, 20–21, 26, 29 Inflation, 55, 75, 77, 228
Functional diversity, 175 Informational asymmetries, 31
Futures market, 220, 221, 233, 234 Infrastructure, 12, 35, 45, 60, 61, 65, 72, 74–78,
82, 87–90, 92, 94–98, 100, 103, 110,
111, 114, 115, 125–127, 134, 142, 162,
G 185, 188, 191, 195, 204, 220, 223, 232,
Ganges, 112–114, 191, 200 235, 251–253, 256, 258–260
Gender roles, 47 Institution, 3, 15, 18, 20–24, 36, 63, 67–68, 73,
Globalized food market, 47 83, 102, 104, 107, 108, 118, 139, 143,
Government intervention, 74, 136, 172, 190 146, 232
Gram panchayat, 99 Institutional finance, 34
Green revolution, 65, 74, 103, 115, 189 Integrated value chains, 228
Gross market, 128 Interactive website, 133
Growers’ representative groups, 179, 251 Intermediary, 8, 9, 13, 18, 50, 54, 59, 105, 122,
Guwahati, 93, 143, 253 125, 141, 147, 164–165, 186, 208, 229,
255, 291
Intermediary margins, 1, 38, 55, 100, 190, 230
H Inter-Ministerial Committee, 76
Haats, 66, 87, 97, 98, 192 International finance, 199
Harvesting practices, 27 Investment, 1, 10, 19–24, 37, 46, 68, 75, 77, 78,
Haryana, 51, 52, 62, 78–80, 83, 84, 103, 106, 87, 96, 100, 102, 109, 159, 164–165,
107, 115, 116, 160–167, 169–174, 209, 221, 252
213, 215, 216, 221, 229, 233, 237, 238, Investment in agriculture, 38, 67, 100, 190
243, 244, 249, 257–258, 261, 262, Invisible hand, 15, 233–234
276–278, 291–295
Hathras, 114–115, 140, 142, 145, 238, 244,
252, 261, 262 J
Hedge price risk, 30 Jalandhar, 117–118, 140, 142, 244, 261, 262
Hidden cost, other, 186, 195, 229 Jalangi, 112
High valued crops, 26, 77 Jharkhand, 51, 52, 79, 80, 84, 97–98, 107, 111,
Himachal Pradesh, 51, 68, 73, 79, 80, 84, 160–164, 166–174, 201, 215–217, 221,
91–93, 107, 110–111, 121–126, 229, 233, 236–238, 248–249, 257–258,
128–133, 135–138, 160, 161, 261, 262, 274, 275, 277, 278, 291–295
163–174, 208, 209, 213, 215–217, Joint ventures, 7, 25, 105, 159
221, 229–231, 233, 236–238,
241–242, 246–247, 251–253, 261,
262, 264–266, 274, 275, 277, 278, K
291, 293, 294 Katchaa Arhatiya, 163
Hired labour, 173, 174, 188, 196, 205, 218, Kirana, Kendriya Bhandar, 162, 257
266, 272, 289 Kurukshetra, 115–117, 160, 238, 261, 262
Horizontal integration, 7
Horticultural, 10, 27, 48, 49, 51, 53, 65, 68,
73–75, 78, 79, 89, 92, 94, 95, 104, 106, L
113, 116, 117, 122, 131, 160–163, 168, Labelling, 10
178, 199, 200 Land fragmentation, 8, 34
Index 307
Land titles, 36 Market intermediation, 35, 159, 229, 263–267

Larger producers, 201, 203, 225 Market Intervention Scheme (MIS), 65, 68, 77,
Least developed countries, 33 79, 228
Legal support, 31, 66 Market yards, 69, 72, 73, 84, 86, 87, 89, 92–94,
Licenses and permits, 67 96, 99, 101, 103, 127, 146, 151, 162,
Local markets, 71, 127, 143, 163, 164, 175, 169, 256, 258
179, 183, 184, 193, 195, 219, Mechanization, 46
232, 256 Mergers, 7
Location of market, 169 Methodological corruption, 55
Logistic management system, 172 Middle class, 45, 49, 67, 77, 102, 159,
162, 167
Middlemen, 2, 4–6, 17, 19, 48, 69, 73, 78, 80,
M 87, 88, 104, 105, 143, 152, 159, 165,
Mahamaya Nagar, 115 175, 210, 212, 224, 226, 250, 260
Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Minimum support commission, 20
Guarantee Act (MNREGA), 46, 224 Minority community, 62, 112, 154, 155,
Make-or-buy choice, 25 191, 204
Mali, B.K., 34, 35, 73 MIS. See Market Intervention Scheme (MIS)
Malls, 11, 54, 123, 125, 127–129, 134, 143, Misinformation, 220
145, 208, 224, 225, 255, 256 MME. See Marketing efficiency (MME)
Managerial and Technological innovations, 2 MNREGA. See Mahatma Gandhi National
Managerial practices, 1, 9, 16, 17, 27, 38, 44 Rural Employment Guarantee Act
Managerial sciences, 3 (MNREGA)
Mandis, 66, 78, 80, 98, 100–102. 228 Mobile phones, 62, 137, 154, 155, 157, 172,
Mango, 53, 85, 113–115, 142, 200–205, 173, 187, 195, 196, 204, 215, 231,
237–239, 243, 284, 288, 289, 291–294 263–265, 271, 276, 279, 284, 288, 294
Mango orchards, 201, 239 Model Act, 1, 11, 43, 76, 85, 92, 94, 97,
Marginal farmers, 2, 46, 73, 97, 114, 137, 144, 163
155, 163, 172, 173, 187, 195, 196, 201, Money lenders, 66, 224
204, 252 Mother dairy, 52, 164–166, 171, 172, 217, 233,
Margins, 1, 5, 8, 9, 24, 38, 44, 48, 50, 53–57, 256–257, 291
59, 60, 72, 87, 96, 100, 123, 126, 128, Mother dairy booths, 166, 167
140, 144, 145, 147, 157, 172, 175, 186, Multi-brand retail, 12, 77
190, 192, 193, 197, 199, 210, 223, 230, Multi-market interfaces, 21, 45
255, 281, 287 Multi-market participation, 22
Marketable surplus, 73, 94 Multinational companies, 12, 17, 18, 30, 100,
Market committee (MC), 31, 48, 49, 56, 69, 71, 140, 156, 190, 197, 285
72, 84, 87–94, 99–102, 106, 181, 183, Multinational processing company, 207
197, 199, 208, 250, 251, 285 Murshidabad, 107, 112–113, 191, 195, 238,
Market concentration, 7, 96 261, 262
Market development fund, 103 Mutual bargaining, 30, 183, 188, 225
Market efficiency, 47, 55–57, 61, 73, 188 Myanmar, 37
Market functionaries, 59, 88, 94, 99, 175,
190, 201
Marketing efficiency (MME), 55–57, 129, 181, N
193, 202, 287 NABARD, 93
Marketing reforms, 1, 6, 17, 20, 21, 27, 67, 77, Nagaon, 107, 111–112, 140, 141, 143, 154,
86–106, 163, 205, 227, 234 238, 244, 253, 261, 262
Marketing scales, 58, 128, 129, 148, Nashik, 90, 107–109, 122, 124–125, 238, 242,
166, 173, 181, 193, 202, 213, 221, 254, 261, 262
232, 293 National Capital Region, 164, 257
Market intelligence, 20, 39, 45, 74, 79, 89, 97, National Cooperative Development
118, 133, 149, 174, 233, 236 Corporation (NCDC), 68
308 Index
National Horticulture Mission (NHM), 68, 97, Post harvest losses (PHL), 10, 71, 72, 103, 127,
106, 115, 117, 142, 178 131, 132, 150, 168, 184, 207, 234
National Water Policy, 116 Post-harvest management, 132, 172
NCDC. See National Cooperative Poverty, 1, 19–21, 38, 45, 47, 63, 65, 91,
Development Corporation (NCDC) 107, 109, 114, 154, 195, 197,
Neo-classical, 25, 38, 61, 225 200, 231, 285
Neo-classical economics, 22, 24, 27, 29, 30, Pratapgarh, 50, 114–115, 140, 142, 145, 238,
234, 236 241, 253, 258–259, 261, 262
Nested, 21, 22, 40, 44, 55, 134 Pre-harvest contractors (PHC), 48, 53, 66, 104,
NHM. See National Horticulture 121, 127, 146, 179–182, 185, 188, 189,
Mission (NHM) 200, 201, 203, 205, 208, 228, 229, 250
Non-transparency, 2, 23 Preservation, 10, 99, 104, 146
Price determination, 3, 6, 20, 25, 26, 30, 48, 54,
84, 87, 103, 139, 149, 169–170, 183,
O 194, 197, 202–203, 207, 225, 233–234
Obesity and loss of nutrition, 32 Price information, 30, 39, 40, 60, 90, 96, 132,
Official certification, 46 133, 149, 157, 169–172, 194, 203, 220,
Oligopsonics, 5, 31 256
On-farm storage facilities, 130, 131, 156, Price policy, 20
184, 217, 231 Price spread, 12, 45, 66, 72, 75, 287
Open auctions, 56, 61, 66, 70, 87, 90, 92, 95, Price support, 1, 68, 89
103, 104, 146, 182, 203, 225, 227, 259 Price volatility, 72, 103, 125, 163
Operation Barga, 189 Primitive marketing, 4
Opposition pressure, 34 Primitive practices, 20
Organic, 20, 35, 51, 62, 92, 93, 136, 137, Private, 2, 11, 29, 32, 34, 36, 37, 41, 42, 48, 66,
155–157, 173, 174, 187, 188, 196, 217, 73, 74, 78, 79, 81, 90, 92, 94–96, 98,
218, 232, 240, 244, 249, 266, 267, 100–102, 105, 123, 124, 137, 143, 146,
272, 285 162, 166, 190, 217, 218, 220, 224, 225,
Organized retailing, 11, 12, 160, 274–278 235, 291
Private companies, 11, 30, 42, 46, 78, 118, 143,
173, 208, 212, 215, 217, 227, 231,
P 235, 257
Packaging, 4, 10, 11, 67, 72, 74, 87, 132, 163, Private marketing system, 74
192, 220, 254, 255 Private traders, 35, 87, 212, 230, 291
Partial contract, 114, 115, 144 Privatization, 36, 41, 92
Participation, 2, 12, 22, 24, 29, 34, 43, 46, 51, Processing, 4, 7, 10, 11, 22, 27, 36, 39, 41, 44,
54, 61, 73, 87, 93, 122, 140, 155–157, 54, 57, 68, 74, 75, 84, 91, 92, 97, 99,
171–173, 177, 186, 187, 204, 214–217, 103, 105, 109, 117, 122, 125, 132, 140,
228, 229, 231, 232, 236, 294 141, 143, 146, 147, 150, 179, 186, 187,
Perfect competition, 6, 15, 18, 21, 25, 26, 228 199, 203, 205, 207, 218, 219, 225, 236,
Perishable, 10, 27, 49, 68, 71, 73, 75, 78, 240, 241, 248, 249, 252–255, 257, 289
90, 97, 104, 114, 131, 141, 142, 150, Processing unit, 50, 73, 90, 93, 114, 140, 145
163, 169, 172, 179, 180, 184, 199, Processor(s), 2, 7, 13, 25, 31, 50–54, 72, 75, 81,
203, 239, 242 87, 88, 90, 92, 95, 101, 104, 105, 123,
Phase of reforms, 1 126, 128, 137, 139–157, 175–177, 179,
PHL. See Post harvest losses (PHL) 180, 191, 193, 201, 207, 208, 210,
Physical mobility, 62 215–217, 225, 228, 229, 232, 233, 254,
Political economy, 2, 22, 27, 223–226, 272, 287, 291, 292
230–231 Producers, 1, 16, 30, 43, 66, 86, 109, 121, 139,
Polythene bags, 191, 194 159, 175, 189, 199, 207, 223–225, 227,
Popular pressure(s), 126, 136, 138, 216, 231, 229–235, 239–245, 247
235, 252 Productivity gain, 54, 147
Index 309
Professional function, 121 Reliance Industries Limited, 160, 162

Profit, 1, 3–6, 12, 16–18, 39, 51, 59, 79, 88, Reputational forces, 7
130, 147, 148, 157, 159, 166, 167, 182, Research centres, 43, 122, 140, 160, 199, 223
183, 193, 194, 202, 208, 213, 217, 224, Resistance(s), 12, 33, 34, 77, 98, 172, 203, 223,
225, 230, 231, 236, 256, 257, 287, 293 224, 235, 239
Property rights, 21–23, 35, 39 Restructuring macro economy, 37
Public domain, 30 Retail, 7, 10–13, 17, 18, 25, 32, 38, 45, 47, 51,
Public policy, 8, 15, 19, 24, 25, 37–40 54, 66, 77, 78, 87, 90, 91, 97–99, 101,
Public private partnership, 90, 92, 95, 143 102, 105, 106, 118, 123, 125, 126, 129,
Public works, 46 131, 134, 140, 141, 145, 149, 150,
Pulses, 37, 67, 68, 103, 109, 110, 113, 115, 116, 159–162, 164–166, 174, 176, 177, 179,
124, 142, 247, 249, 261 183, 184, 193, 194, 197, 200, 206, 208,
Pump-sets, 62, 136, 137, 155, 156, 173, 174, 212, 213, 215, 216, 218, 220, 221, 229,
187, 195, 196, 204, 215, 263–267, 230, 233, 234, 251, 255, 257, 277, 285,
269–272, 274, 276, 278–281, 284, 288, 287, 294
289, 294 Retailers, 4, 9, 17, 24, 42, 66, 69, 72, 74, 97,
Push-cart vendors, 162, 208, 224, 257 100, 102, 104, 105, 116, 118, 123, 125,
126, 134, 135, 140, 144–146, 159–174,
176, 177, 179–181, 186, 197, 201, 203,
Q 208, 210, 224, 228, 230, 255, 258, 259,
Qualitative grades, 68, 135 285, 287, 292
Quality, 9–11, 19, 25, 27, 30, 32, 35, 38–41, 46, Retail outlet, 10–12, 25, 78, 101, 102, 125, 168,
47, 56, 72–76, 99, 102, 104, 106, 109, 255, 257
123, 125, 126, 129, 130, 133–136, 139, Rice based, 189
145, 146, 149, 150, 152, 153, 157, 164, Rohtak, 116
165, 167, 168, 170, 171, 176, 179, 183, Royal Commission on Agriculture, 8, 65, 82
185, 186, 188, 197, 202, 209, 214, 221, Royal Commission on Indian Agriculture, 103
225, 231, 235, 243, 252–258, 260, 287 Rural primary markets, 72, 93
Quantitative measurements, 60
S
R SAFAL, 160, 162, 257
Ranchi, 107, 111, 160–164, 167, 172, 238, 248, Sanchalak, 127, 133, 135, 256, 259, 260
257, 261, 262 Scheduled caste (SC), 62, 109, 112, 114–116,
Recovery, 60, 100, 136, 152, 154, 171, 174, 154, 155, 173, 187, 262–265, 269–271,
185, 250, 295 274, 276, 279–281, 284, 288
Refrigerated trucks, 125, 255 Schedule tribe (ST), 62, 108, 109, 111, 114,
Regulated markets, 3, 10, 11, 37, 66, 69–74, 76, 154, 161, 173, 262–265, 269, 271, 274,
79, 81–84, 86, 88, 93, 95, 100–102, 104, 276, 280, 281, 284
106, 117, 118, 121, 126, 127, 131–133, Second green revolution, 74
135–137, 143, 144, 149, 151, 156, 163, Sehore, 107, 124, 127, 238, 249, 256, 261, 262
170, 175–178, 180–185, 188, 191, 192, Sehore district, 51, 109–110, 122
195, 199, 219–221, 227, 228, 232–236, Self-help-group (SHGs), 12, 49, 52, 86, 95,
252, 254, 259 115, 142, 179, 251
Regulation(s), 1, 2, 5, 6, 8, 10, 20, 26, 33, 34, Self help groups diseconomies, 142
40, 41, 65–82, 86–87, 89, 91, 94, 95, 98, Self-sufficiency in food, 8, 23
100–104, 112, 126, 139, 144, 163, Semi-skilled bribing, 224
175–177, 179, 180, 190, 199, 225–227 Shelf-life, 49, 96, 114, 131, 164, 165, 239, 240,
Rejection(s), 27, 46, 58, 60, 130, 135, 139, 145, 247
150, 152, 153, 168, 171, 174, 181, Shepherd formula, 55–57
183–184, 220, 221, 229–231, 233, 265 SHGs. See Self-help-group (SHGs)
Reliance Fresh, 52, 97, 98, 101, 160–164, Shimla, 107, 110–111, 122, 124, 126, 132, 160,
166–169, 172, 186, 257–258 238, 241, 242, 247, 252, 261, 262
310 Index
Shopping behaviour, 25 T
Silk, 68, 112, 113, 191 Tea plantations, 111, 112, 243
Siraj-ud-Daula, 112 Terminal price (TP), 54, 57, 123, 128, 129,
Skill(s), 6, 12, 20, 25, 27, 30, 34, 38, 39, 46, 48, 140, 141, 148, 160, 191, 193, 201, 202,
121, 228, 256 214, 293
Small farmers, 2, 23, 26, 30, 31, 35, 40, 45–46, Terms of trade, 21, 22
53, 61, 83, 84, 96, 107, 110, 111, 115, Threshing, 102, 194
137, 139, 149, 154, 156, 162, 173, 176, Tie-ups, 207
185, 187, 188, 197, 199–201, 204, 205, Tinsukia, 107, 111–112, 177, 178, 181, 238,
215, 231, 255, 275, 285 243, 251, 261, 262
Small holding farmers, 264, 265 Tobacco farmers, 32
Small traders, 19 Trade barriers, 24
SMBs. See State Agricultural Marketing Board Traders in agricultural markets, 44
(SMBs) Traditional channel, 45, 47, 48, 50, 54, 60,
Socially responsible manner, 3, 16 121–123, 126, 128–137, 140, 141, 143,
Socio-economic environments, 49 145–157, 163–177, 181–187, 191, 192,
Solan, 107, 110, 111, 126, 160, 161, 165, 172, 194–196, 200–206, 208–210, 213–221,
238, 241, 242, 247, 261, 262 223, 228–235, 237, 258–260, 282, 283,
Sonepat, 115–117, 160, 238, 261, 262 293, 295
Specialize/specialization, 4, 6, 12, 23, 48, 163, Traditional supply chain, 45, 181
175, 188, 212, 219, 226 Transaction costs, 21–25, 27, 36, 38, 46, 54, 60,
Speculation, 220 61, 89, 139, 175, 176, 203, 225
Spot market, 25, 40 Transitional economies, 33–40
Sprinkler irrigation, 115, 136, 142, 187, 232 Transparency, 2, 23, 29–30, 39, 225
Standard of living, 3, 226
State Agricultural Marketing Board (SMBs),
69, 71, 179 U
State enterprises, 36, 123 Unorganized traders, 44, 53, 114, 125, 192, 209
State regulator system, 5 Urban bias, 34, 223
State subject, 11, 65, 77 Urbanization, 16, 25, 116, 142, 226
Stocks, 10, 67, 131, 135, 153, 176, 257, 258
Storage facility, 27, 33, 73, 75, 86, 90, 93,
130–133, 136, 137, 141, 145, 150–153, V
157, 170, 184, 185, 192, 203, 204, 217, Value added, 9, 10, 50, 56, 91, 129, 199
220, 231, 235, 250, 252, 257, 259 Value-addition, 4, 10, 48, 75, 94, 106, 123, 125,
Subsidies, 1, 92, 115, 136, 142, 152 144, 162, 214, 223
Subsistence, 4, 191, 194 Variety, 2, 6, 18, 39, 41, 48, 70, 75, 76, 105,
crops, 97, 163, 191–192 108, 110, 113, 116, 123, 124, 140, 142,
farming, 26, 65 143, 145–147, 161, 165, 186, 207–208,
Sugarcane, 35, 37, 108, 109, 112, 141, 261 221, 235, 236, 239, 240, 242, 243,
Supermarkets, 9, 12, 24, 27, 32, 33, 49, 77, 80, 245–249, 251–253, 260
106, 125, 129, 145, 159, 160, 167, 225, Vertical integration, 6, 7, 9, 16, 18, 24, 25, 27,
255 31, 32, 38, 40, 55, 106, 212, 224, 226
Supervision, 9, 20, 26, 72, 74, 118, 134, 135, Visakhapatnam, 176–178, 238, 240, 250,
146, 151, 153, 162, 170, 177, 180, 185, 261, 262
221, 227, 233, 234, 259
Supply chain, 6, 7, 16, 24, 30, 45, 46, 48, 57,
90, 98, 104, 121, 125, 128, 139, 144, W
163–165, 168, 176, 180, 181, 185, 190, Wastage, 1, 9, 10, 26–27, 33, 43, 58, 60, 61,
223, 254, 255, 257 74–76, 104, 131–132, 145, 150–151,
Supply chain management, 25, 167 164, 168, 172, 181, 183, 184, 194, 219,
Sustainability of agriculture, 32, 139 220, 230, 234–235, 265, 272, 282, 283
Sustainable, 5, 33, 47, 54, 223 Weather forecast, 90, 260
Index 311
Western countries, 2, 29, 40 Wholesale traders, 17, 164, 179

Wholesale, 17, 37, 66, 69, 72, 87, 88, 95–97, World Bank’s ‘Berg report,’ 34
106, 118, 143, 146, 149, 162, 170, 179, World Trade Organization
183, 186, 199, 244, 251, 259, 287 (WTO), 8, 76
Wholesalers, 4, 9, 17–19, 66, 69, 74, 102, 105,
118, 123, 125–127, 134, 144–146, 162,
163, 165, 177, 179–182, 201, 208, 228, Z
259, 287 Zamindari system, 66

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Allowing more freedom to the markets for agricultural products, especially

Acknowledgement goes to the following researchers for primary information

Agricultural Economics Research Unit, Nilabja Ghosh

3.1.3 Loss of Independence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

5.7 Reforms Through Legislation in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

6 Contemporary Reforms and the Transitions in Sample States . . . . 83

6.10 Marketing Reforms in Punjab . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

9 Selling to Processors on Contract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139

10 Selling to Organized Retailers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

11 Direct Marketing by Farmers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175

14 The Transition in India: An Integrated View . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

N. Ghosh, India’s Agricultural Marketing: Market Reforms and Emergence 1

productive avenues in keeping with management practices of the time cannot be

1.1 Evolution of Agricultural Markets: No End in Sight

Markets, celebrated in folklores, ballads and history of societies, have been an

manner and the ambience in which it takes place. In business, marketing is a

1.1.1 From Subsistence to the Exchange Economy

The primitive agrarian society is marked by a subsistence system where production

1.1.2 The Unresolved Middleman

1.1.3 Agricultural Markets and Competitions

1.1.4 Vertical Integration

Integration shows the relationship among the firms in a market.1 Horizontal

1.2.1 Apprehensions: Real or Misplaced?

on mechanized and organized methods, information and scientific managerial

1.2.2 Potentials in India

India has been a country characterized by a severely regulated and controlled

1.2.3 Alternative Marketing Models

the critics of private sector-based reforms. Producer company is another extension

borderline of the traditional once. We have reported these evidences collectively

Market liberalization in agriculture raises academic debates and political

N. Ghosh, India’s Agricultural Marketing: Market Reforms and Emergence 15

2.1 Markets and Marketing

The definition of market as an ‘operationalised atomistic realm of impersonal

2.1.1 The Agro-marketing Business and Market Chains

In the evolution of markets, in the beginning, exchange is local with a direct

adds value to the products. Sensitivity to the macroeconomic environment, demog-

2.1.2 Evolution of the Marketing Channel and Persistence

Till the 1960s marketing in underdeveloped economies in literature largely

The evolution of markets at central locations and modelling of the evolution

2.1.3 Rise of Marketing Policy and its Failings

Marketing of agricultural products gradually became an important component of

a creator of the small businessman and an entrepreneur. ‘The essential aspect of an

2.2 Stepping on to Reforms

global markets. Reforms by reshaping the marketing channels are expected to

2.2.1 Multi-market Interactions of Product Marketing

2.2.2 Transaction Cost

contracts. Defined as ‘costs of arranging a contract ex-ante’ and ‘monitoring a

2.2.3 Explaining Channel Lengths

The effect of development on channel lengths through the modelling of market