(Charles Burney) Historical Dictionary of The Hitt (B-Ok - Xyz) PDF
(Charles Burney) Historical Dictionary of The Hitt (B-Ok - Xyz) PDF
(Charles Burney) Historical Dictionary of The Hitt (B-Ok - Xyz) PDF
of the Hittites
Charles Burney
Preface xi
Introduction xxi
THE DICTIONARY 1
Bibliography 329
During most of this period from 1958 to 1995 Charles Burney was
senior lecturer in Near Eastern Archaeology at the University of
Manchester. This book has therefore benefited from a long career both
on digs and in the classroom and, as a special bonus, the expertise of
someone who knows his field and the enthusiasm of someone who
enjoys it.
Jon Woronoff
Series Editor
Preface
TUDHALIYA IV
1237–1228
TUKULTI-NINURTA I
1227–1209
1233-1197
MERNEPTAH
ARNUWANDA III 1213–1204
1209–1207
TIGLATH-PILESER I
1114–1076
Chronological Table
Introduction
Much has changed since knowledge of the Hittites was based solely on
the Old Testament, where the “sons of Heth” are recorded in Genesis
10, Heth being the second son of Canaan and the eponymous ancestor
of the Hittite race. It was through the Bible that the modern western
world first became aware of an otherwise totally obscure ancient
people. Historical records outside the river valley civilizations of
Mesopotamia and Egypt were unknown, aside from the Old Testament
and much later references in Classical sources, for the most part Greek.
It was somewhat ironically a British clergyman, Archibald Henry
Sayce, who first began to make the Hittites of the Bible, now known as
the Neo-Hittites, better known to the world of scholarship, as well as
their predecessors, the Hittites of the Empire centered in Anatolia.
It was not till October 1906 that the Hittites quite suddenly came
into the bright sunshine of modern academic research, through the
opening of the German expedition’s excavations at Boğazköy (ancient
Hattusa) under Hugo Winckler and Theodore Makridi. But their
recognition of the Hittites as a distinctive people speaking an Indo-
European tongue was quickly understood. The centenary of these
excavations is fast approaching. The fragments into which so many of
the clay tablets had been smashed, however, has made the task of
piecing together and translating the texts that much slower and harder
than it would otherwise have been.
Meanwhile, the increase of knowledge has, as so often occurs,
merely complicated matters. If attention is focused solely on the
successive Hittite kings, it may seem easy to identify the Hittite people
and their civilization in second-millennium BC (Middle and Late
Bronze Age) Anatolia; and the legacy of the Hittite Empire to successor
states is now more fully understood. It therefore seemed appropriate to
include the Neo-Hittite (formerly “Syro-Hittite”) city-states in this
Historical Dictionary of the Hittites. But archaeological discoveries
indicate that the fashion—still followed by some—of using the term
“Hittite” for everything in Bronze Age Anatolia has been gravely
mistaken, just as “Phrygian” has been misused for the Iron Age. For
some decades there was a climate of opinion in the new Turkish
Republic for identifying the Hittites as ancestors of the Turks. While
xxii ● INTRODUCTION
many elements over the millennia have naturally gone into the
composition of the present-day population of Anatolia, and in that
context the Hittites were forebears of the modern inhabitants of
Anatolia, neither linguistically nor culturally can the present population
be termed in any way Hittite. This is now generally agreed.
Anyone traveling extensively in Anatolia (the greater part of
modern Turkey, comprising the whole plateau and surrounding
highlands) must become aware of something of the environment in
which the Hittites established their homeland, though the areas of forest
must have been far more extensive than today. The achievement of the
Hittite kings was somehow to impose a centralized administration on
naturally centrifugal districts. In so doing they managed to achieve a
coalescence of disparate ethnic groups. They ended up, however, with
so mixed a population, augmented by repeated arrivals of deportees
brought as prisoners of war to work the landed estates, that the
government could no longer rely on its subjects’ loyalty in the face of
enemy incursions. Indeed, under the Empire (ca.1400–1180 BC) the
ethnically Hittite percentage of the population may have shrunk to quite
a small minority. Attention is therefore drawn to the whole question of
identity, which essentially boils down to language and cultural
traditions, of which religion forms an integral part. The extreme
devotion to rituals and festivals by the Hittite royal family underlines
the indivisibility of state from religion, the two being later constructs.
The Hittite Laws help to bring to modern attention a state and
society evincing a contrasting blend of harshness with relative
humanity, the latter more in evidence than (say) in the famous Code of
Hammurabi of Babylon. While much is obscured by magic and
superstition, a civilization emerges from the mist as possessing certain
appealing traits, while fully proficient in the arts of war and also of
international diplomacy. Assessment of artistic talent is usually
subjective; but it has to be admitted that the distinctively Hittite
elements seen in an eclectic artistic repertoire—notably the sculpture—
demonstrate rather more originality than taste. It is unfortunate that
Hittite music cannot be adequately understood: like their Hurrian
mentors, they may well have been skilled in this art.
While much emphasis tends to be laid upon the political and
military vicissitudes experienced by the Hittite state, life would have
continued largely unchanged for most of the time in much of the
territory under Hittite rule at its most extensive. Such continuity is
implied by the evidence gathered from archaeological surveys, with
collection of surface sherds from numerous settlement sites: only in
metropolitan centers were the latest fashions followed.
INTRODUCTION ● xxiii
Physical environment
The land of the Hittites has changed greatly over the past 50 years or
so. Deforestation has been halted by rigorous governmental control,
though woodland is far less extensive and the stature of trees
diminished since the days of the Hittite Empire. Altitude is the principal
factor determining local climate on the Anatolian plateau, temperatures
being higher in the Hittite-controlled lands of Syria and Kizzuwadna at
the northeast corner of the Mediterranean, closer to sea level. There
rainfall is fairly reliable in winter and spring, and densely populated
areas included the Amuq (Plain of Antioch). The Hittite homeland
escaped the extreme cold of winters in the highlands further east, in
parts approaching 2,000 meters above sea level. Most of the Hittite
homeland lies at 1,000 to 1,300 meters.
To the north the homeland was fringed by the forest-clad Pontic
highlands south of the Black Sea, a rich source of timber and also of
copper and other mineral deposits, though many too small and remote
to be commercially viable today. Here the rainfall is relatively high,
with winds from the north bringing rain along the Black Sea littoral and
into the highlands behind even in summer. Hattusa (Boğazköy) itself
stood exposed to northerly winds, giving cool weather at times in
summer, the winters being bitterly cold.
To the southwest extended the region south of the Salt Lake, today
semiarid and probably little different in Hittite times. Much of the
Konya Plain (the Lower Land) can be thus described. Immediately to
the east the region around Niğde yielded invaluable supplies of tin,
compensating for the end of the Old Assyrian trading network.
The Marrassantiya River, now the Red River (Kızıl Irmak),
provided a boundary from southeast to northwest for the Hittite
homeland. It was, however, no barrier to an advancing enemy, nor were
the rivers of Anatolia suitable for navigation. Their seasonal
fluctuations are extreme; and they drop sharply from the plateau down
to the Black Sea or Mediterranean or, with the Euphrates, into the
lowlands of Syria. Consequently, the rivers were of little use for
communication.
Did the Hittites choose the rather uninviting territory within the
great bend of the Marrassantiya River as their homeland? Or was it the
only region relatively empty on their arrival? It is impossible to be sure.
Overland movement with chariots or wagons was easy in the wide,
open expanses of central Anatolia. Thus the effectiveness of military
xxiv ● INTRODUCTION
recently overrun but also to extend the power of Hatti deep into Syria
and across the Euphrates River into Mitanni. The Hittite Empire, now
one of the leading powers of the Near East, came into direct
confrontation with Egypt, then in a period of relative weakness; and for
a brief moment it seemed possible that a political alliance through
marriage might have united the two powers under Hittite leadership.
Even at its zenith, however, the Hittite realm was vulnerable to
rebellions by vassals and dissension within the royal family. Violence
reverberated down the generations. The divisions which ultimately laid
low the Hittite power may possibly be traced back as far as the slaying
of the heir to the throne of Tudhaliya III by his younger son,
Suppiluliuma I. His son Mursili II attributed the plague which ravaged
the land for 20 years largely to his father’s sins, among which neglect
of certain religious festivals weighed as heavily as his fratricide.
Suppiluliuma devoted most of his energies, after regaining the lost
lands in Anatolia, to the southeast, to the reduction of minor kingdoms
of north Syria and the major diplomatic gain of securing the support of
the rich city of Ugarit as a vassal, lured away from its fealty to Egypt.
To the east the kingdom of Mitanni was subjugated and the nascent
power of Assyria curbed.
The regions north and west of the Hittite homeland demanding
attention—the lands of Kaska, Arzawa and their neighbours—remained
to be subjugated by Mursili II, the fifth and youngest son of
Suppiluliuma, whose interests in Syria were guarded by two older
brothers, appointed in their father’s reign as viceroys of Aleppo and
Carchemish. Mursili II’s reign is distinctive for its legacy of royal
annals, the principal evidence of Hittite leadership in ancient Near East-
ern historiography. It is also remarkable for his two surviving brothers’
acceptance of his designation to the throne of Hattusa. Fratricide was
not to be repeated.
The annals of the next king, Muwatalli II, have not been recovered,
so that question marks hang over these years. Two events stand out: the
removal of the seat of government south from Hattusa to Tarhuntassa
and the battle of Kadesh, after lengthy mustering of forces. The result
was a draw in favor of the Hittites, who regained control of lands in
Syria wrested from them by Seti I, the father of Ramesses II. But
Muwatalli met a probably violent end soon afterward, the throne pass-
ing to his son Urhi-Tesub.
Certainly it was with this reign that a division appeared in the royal
family with repercussions over the next half century. Muwatalli seems
to have been unaware of the legacy he would bequeath, when he gave
his brother Hattusili virtually viceregal powers over a wide tract along
INTRODUCTION ● xxvii
the sensitive border with the Kaska lands lying to the north. This
became a provocation for his nephew Urhi-Tesub, less experienced in
war and peace than his uncle. The usurpation of the throne by the latter
followed. There ensued a reign more notable for international
diplomacy than military successes, partly owing to the advanced years
of Hattusili III, perhaps 50 on his seizure of the throne. There began too
an inordinate attention to building and endowing temples, which were
to occupy the greater part of the Upper City of Boğazköy (Hattusa).
Indeed the major undertaking of restoration of the capital after its sack
in the time of Tudhaliya III, begun in the 14th century BC, was
continued with renewed vigor by Hattusili III and his son and successor
Tudhaliya IV.
By his reign the Hittite Empire was showing signs of decline, most
dramatically in defeat at the hands of Assyria. A wide swathe of
territory, created as the kingdom of Tarhuntassa in the south, around the
Taurus highlands, seems to have become virtually independent under
the rule of Kurunta, a son of Muwatalli II. In spite of outwardly friendly
relations between the cousins, Kurunta must have believed he had as
strong a claim to the throne as Tudhaliya IV. Rebellion ensued, with a
short-lived seizure of Hattusa. Tudhaliya IV, however, soon regained
his throne. The Hittite Empire was far from expiring, for military
activity continued in the far west.
The full range of factors behind the final fall of Hatti is uncertain.
Luwian influence at the heart of government is perhaps implied by the
adoption of the hieroglyphic script, best suited for inscriptions on rock
faces or masonry. The last king of Hatti, Suppiluliuma II, was a
vigorous ruler, extending his campaigning even to Cyprus. The Hittite
nobility—the essential support through the generations of the monarchy
—seems to have perished or dispersed, in part to north Syria, in the
obscure events in the early 12th century BC commonly associated with
the Sea Peoples. Luwian elements survived, however, at the head of a
number of principalities in Tabal (centered on the Kayseri-Sivas
region), the old Lower Land and beyond. The direct Hittite legacy was
manifested until as late as the eighth century BC not in the former
Anatolian homeland but in the Neo-Hittite zone to the southeast, most
notably at Carchemish and Malatya.
At Boğazköy itself and elsewhere a “dark age” followed the fall of
the Hittite Empire, with clear archaeological indications of newcomers,
evidently from the north. Though the break in cultural continuity may
have been less abrupt than long supposed, Anatolia was never the same
again. The literate, highly organized bureaucracy of Hattusa had
xxviii ● INTRODUCTION
north of the Hittite homeland. Yet it was these who proved the least
tractable of all the enemies of Hatti, never effectively subjugated.
Kaska elements came into their old enemy’s land on the fall of Hattusa,
squatting in its ruins.
Inevitably the universe and the powers shaping the weather loomed
large, with the sun foremost in the pantheon, later displaced by the god
of weather and storm. The harvest had to be secured by appointed
prayers and rituals. Before battle the omens had to be consulted and the
appropriate rituals performed; failure to observe these rituals could
make the difference between victory and defeat. Above all, life after
death required, especially for the royal family, protracted ceremonies
before and after cremation. The divinities of the Underworld were as
fearful as their gloomy abode.
The Hittites can nevertheless be credited with certain attitudes
which give them an image a fraction closer to modern ideals than that
displayed by their supposedly more sophisticated contemporaries
elsewhere in the Near East, notably in Syria and Mesopotamia. Women
were in some respects, as in the context of rape, better treated than
elsewhere in the second millennium BC. Capital punishment was
restricted to a minority of crimes and offenses against the moral code.
Though slavery became more widespread as time passed, it was not
always entirely oppressive for the individual concerned. The gods and
goddesses had to be kept satisfied by performance of the precise rituals
required by each of them. Wrongdoing brought its punishment even on
succeeding generations. Respect for the ancestors was a prerequisite for
a successful reign; and later kings of the Hittite Empire showed
particular devotion to the memory of their namesakes generations back.
Three or four kings bore the name of Tudhaliya, three Arnuwanda and
possibly three Hattusili. The last king of the Empire echoed in his name
the greatest of all the Hittite kings, Suppiluliuma I. There was thus a
strong sense of dynastic identity, not diminished by the ever more
prominent influence of Hurrians at the Hittite court.
The economy of the Hittite realm was remarkably centralized, a
source of strength under the more successful kings but of serious, even
fatal weakness at times of defeat and during the final decline and
disintegration. While the Assyrian merchants had introduced a form of
private enterprise, the family firm, from Assur to Kanes and in due
course to other trading colonies in central Anatolia, the bureaucracy
which characterized the Hittite state ensured regular payments in kind
to the royal treasury in Hattusa. Its only competitors were the major cult
centers, with assured revenues from their estates and from worshipers,
from the king downwards. Such centers had a corporate identity
enduring through successive generations, in contrast to the vicissitudes
of inheritance in individual families. There was special satisfaction at
the recovery of the revered shrine of Nerik from the northerners after
several generations.
xxxii ● INTRODUCTION
it is safest to identify the Hittites with their kings and nobility and royal
court, for without these they would not have played their role among
the leading powers of the ancient Near East. While absorbing
cosmopolitan elements—exemplified by the eight languages attested at
Hattusa—they yet retained their Anatolian character, in its ultimate
roots Indo-European but long diluted and diversified.
Conclusion
-A-
The lengths of each reign are undisputed, apart from one or two
question marks in the period of Tell el-Amarna, with the compli-
cations of coregencies in Egypt. Dates for Hittite kings’ reigns be-
fore the Empire can only be estimated, with the one fixed point of
the raid on Babylon. See also RELATIVE CHRONOLOGY.
lished general works on Hittite art and architecture: The Art of the
Hittites (1962) and The Birth of Greek Art (1968), the latter largely
devoted to Neo-Hittite civilization.
ALALU. The ruler of heaven and the gods, he was the first in the suc-
cession described in the Hurrian theogony; and he is attested in a
Babylonian list of gods as one of the ancestors of Anu.
ALEPPO. The second city of present-day Syria, the ancient city was
centered on the mound crowned by the great medieval castle of
Salah-ed-Din, built by Crusader prisoners from the Horns of Hattin
(1187 AD). To this day it remains a major focus of trade. In the
second and first millennia BC it was a major cult center of the
Storm-God Hadad, identifiable with the Anatolian Tesub and the
Canaanite-Phoenician Ba’al.
Aleppo was regarded by Hattusili I and Mursili I as a serious
obstacle to Hittite ambitions for political and economic expansion
southeastward. It had already played a significant role in the Near
East as center of the kingdom of Yamhad in the time of Hammu-
rabi of Babylon (1792–1750 BC): while, according to one text, 10
to 15 kings were following Hammurabi, 20 kings were following
Yarim-Lim of Yamhad. The high status of Aleppo is recorded in
the treaty between Mursili II and Talmi-Sarruma, which includes
an account of relations between Aleppo and the Hittite state. It nar-
rates that in former years Aleppo had a “great kingship,” to which
Hattusili, the Great King of the land of Hatti, had put an end, with
further destruction inflicted by his grandson Mursili. Thus it ap-
pears that the Hittites had at first ranked the kings of Yamhad
(Aleppo) as their equals.
With the Hittite conquests in Syria under Suppiluliuma I,
Aleppo became one of two viceroyalties, together with Carchem-
ish, initially held by a son and then a grandson of the great king.
Aleppo was militarily more secure than Carchemish, not facing any
direct threat from a great power.
Aleppo continued as a major city in the Iron Age, to which
dates the temple of the Weather-God currently being excavated
by a German expedition led by Kay Kohlmeyer. Over 26 relief-
blocks have been uncovered, decorated with characteristic Neo-
Hittite subjects, including the Weather-God clasping thunderbolts,
a charioteer, a bull with the sacred tree, a god armed with a bow, a
god seizing a prisoner by the hair and a scorpion-man. The style of
some of the blocks is not dissimilar to that found at Guzanu (Tell
Halaf). The excavator assesses the reliefs as dating to the early
first millennium BC, antedating those of Sakçegözü and demon-
strating a symbiosis of Luwian and Aramaean traditions.
Forms comprise cups, bowls, jugs and jars, the last two ranging in
height from about 40 centimeters to one meter. A degree of conti-
nuity from Early Bronze II (formerly termed the Copper Age) and
down into the subsequent Middle Bronze Age is apparent, espe-
cially at Kanes.
This ware is handmade, with a rich variety of painted designs,
albeit based on rather few motifs. These are arranged in continuous
bands or separated into defined areas, or metopes, divided by broad
vertical bands or by narrow lines, straight or wavy. A reddish slip
usually covers the interior of the cup or bowl, making a stripe be-
low the rim outside, a lighter slip covering the exterior.
This pottery is often termed Cappadocian, from its arrival on
the antiquities market at the same time as the tablets plundered
from the site of the karum of Kanes, which drew Bedrich Hrozny
to undertake his excavations.
AMARNA. The term commonly applied to the period, religion and art
of the reign of the heretic pharaoh Akhenaten (1352–1336 BC).
See TELL EL-AMARNA (AKHETATEN).
alike.
The Hittite kings were never deified during their lifetime, but
became divine at the moment of death, thus differing from other
rulers, including the pharaohs of Egypt. A new king owed a special
debt of veneration for his dead father and predecessor on the
throne; and this seems curiously accentuated where there was an
identity of name, notably as between Tudhaliya IV and I and be-
tween Suppiluliuma II and I, separated by several generations.
The name always had a deep meaning, almost magical, in the an-
cient Near East, reflected in the deliberate obliteration of the name
of the god Amun by the heretical pharaoh Akhenaten in New
Kingdom Egypt and by the subsequent erasures of his own name.
Moreover, the psalmists frequently refer to blotting out the name.
It seems that the gods of the Underworld had more direct con-
nection with the royal funerary rituals than did those of agriculture,
notably Telipinu, the god generally responsible for the fertility of
the soil and thus for human sustenance. Yet one text credits this
god, son of the Storm-God, with the foundation of the Hittite
kingdom. Moreover, in the eighth day of the royal funerary ritual,
the image given to the king is that of a shepherd, accompanied by
the pious prayer that his livestock may graze unharmed in his
meadow.
Of course patriarchal succession had its roots in the earliest
Indo-European tribal communities, and veneration for his royal an-
cestors had the objective of strengthening the king’s claim to le-
gitimacy. The cult of the ancestors was linked not only to the gods
of the Underworld and of agriculture but also to the solar cults of
earth and sky, the latter particularly ancient among the Indo-
Europeans. The gods were conceived as above, though not far re-
moved from, the king, as he was above his subjects. Indeed, one
myth told of a marriage between a goddess and a mortal, which
gave birth to the Hittite people. Marriage between a Hittite divinity
and a man from the enemy side, however, was literally fatal in its
outcome.
The development of the ancestor cult among the Hittites, most
evident in the royal family, had its roots in several ethnic back-
grounds, initially Hattian from the central lands in and around the
Halys basin and then also Palaic, from Paphlagonia adjoining the
Black Sea, Luwian from the Taurus region and eventually Hur-
rian from Kizzuwadna. Thus it reflected the heterogeneous char-
acter of the religion of the Hittite state, in due course codified as
the official pantheon, the “thousand gods.”
ANITTA ● 21
ANITTA. The son and successor of Pithana, through the record he left
in the Anitta Text he is the earliest king whom we may term Hit-
tite, even with a questionmark over this description. His reign is
reasonably well documented, albeit from one main source, the so-
called Anitta Text. This was in the original probably written in
“Hittite” (Nesite) cuneiform rather than in Old Assyrian.
The conquests of Pithana and Anitta in due course extended
from Zalpa in the Pontic region near the Black Sea southward to
Ullamma, the Lower Land of later sources. These territories were
inhabited by different ethnic groups, perhaps aware of their differ-
ences mainly through language. A sense of territorial identity had
been strengthened as a result of the trading network established by
the Assyrian merchants, with the opportunities afforded for levying
local taxes on the merchandise.
Almost inevitably Anitta soon faced a major rebellion, requir-
ing firm and continued military responses. One of these rebels was
Piyusti, king of Hatti, whose royal seat, Hattusa, was captured and
destroyed, though only after a long siege had reduced the inhabi-
tants to starvation. A curse was laid on the site by Anitta: “On its
site I sowed weeds. May the Storm-God strike down anyone who
becomes king after me and resettles Hattusa.”
This recalls the later sowing of salt on the site of Carthage by
the victorious Romans. This destruction is archaeologically attested
in Boğazköy: Büyükkale IVd and Kültepe-Kanes IB.
Anitta had not finished his campaigning, for he next had to
march south against Salatiwara, a city on the road from the king-
dom of Wahsusana to that of Burushattum. He interrupted his
military activities by building fortifications and several temples in
Kanes, the latter used for storing booty. A sense of royal prestige
and propaganda is hinted at by the importation of a varied range of
animals, from lions and leopards to wild pigs and goats: the nov-
elty of a zoological collection appealed to a number of Near East-
ern rulers, including Assyrian kings. Word would get around, all
the more quickly in a society where the overwhelming majority
22 ● ANKHESENAMUN
was illiterate.
On his second southern campaign Anitta carried off much sil-
ver and gold from Salatiwara, as well as soldiers and 40 teams of
horses. Finally he marched against Purushanda (Burushhattum in
the Old Assyrian merchant tablets). Its king, albeit ruling a widely
respected realm, had the wisdom voluntarily to submit to the up-
start Anitta, king of Kanes, bringing gifts including a throne and a
scepter of iron. Perhaps owing to his submission, he was treated
honorably: his precise status thereafter is unknown; but the control
of Burushattum was a prestigious addition to Anitta’s power.
It is remarkable how rapidly Anitta’s conquests dissolved after
his death, followed by the collapse of the Assyrian merchant colo-
nies, Kültepe-Kanes IB and its contemporaries. Yet a precedent
had been set for the more enduring achievements of Hattusili I and
his successors.
ARCHITECTS. There are a few Hittite texts which cast light not only
on building methods and materials but also on the responsibilities
and remuneration of the architect. Such texts are essentially foun-
dation rituals, involving many sacrifices. Archaeological evidence
reflecting these texts occurs at Hattusa and elsewhere, as at Maşat
Höyük.
A unique foundation ritual of the 13th century BC may refer to
a private house rather than a temple, though it is noteworthy that
three pillars are described, the same number as in the stoa of Tem-
ple I at Hattusa. If these pillars (or, more precisely, piers) can be
equated with those set on the massive stone footings of Temple I
and elsewhere, these will be the pilasters which are a basic element
of Hittite architecture, in effect part of the timber frame, support-
ing the roof. A sacrifice for the foundation stones—comparable in
intent with the foundation deposits so common in Mesopotamia—
and a magical formula to ward off evil from the building are in-
cluded in this text from Hattusa.
The architects must have been young and energetic, their agil-
ity indicated by a passage in the above-mentioned text:
When the workmen haul the beams up to the roof, the ar-
chitect who builds the house is the one who shall climb up
the rope to the roof. He goes up the rope to the roof (?)
twice and [he goes] down twice. While he is climbing the
rope, the singers run around the hearth. The third time
[the architect] cuts the sling. When the architect cuts the
sling, the cheer-leader claps his hands. But there is a sash
dangling from the roof beam. In this sash are bound an ax
of silver and a knife of silver. Now that sash too he cuts
off. Then the architect comes down by the rope, and he
bows to the owner of the house. When he goes to his own
house, the architect takes the ax of silver and the knife of
silver for himself (as his fee).
STRUCTION.
tablets from Maşat Höyük and Ortaköy and other cities outside
the homeland but under Hittite control—illuminate the administra-
tion of a far-flung state, with its powerful bureaucracy. The most
important of those archives only partly relevant to Hittite affairs
have been found in a number of the major buildings of Ugarit.
Shelving has naturally not survived, but the manner in which
tablets had fallen, as found by the excavators, makes this method
of storage and filing apparent, notably at Ebla in Syria in third-
millennium BC context.
It is on Boğazköy: Büyükkale that the major royal archives of
Hattusa have been recovered by the German excavators, from their
first season (1906) onwards. That first discovery was made in
Building E in the royal residential quarters and on the slope in
front. Other archives were found in Buildings A and K, north of the
East Gate. Yet more tablets were recovered from Temple I
(Boğazköy). As Jürgen Seeher puts it:
ARINNA. One of several major cult centers, this became probably the
leading holy city of the Hittites by the time of the Empire. Like so
many sites recorded in the texts, it is yet to be located with cer-
tainty, although anywhere outside the central Hittite homeland is
ruled out by a reference to Arinna as being situated within one
day’s march of the capital, Hattusa. A location west of another
shrine, Nerik, would place Arinna just west of the lower Marras-
santiya River, approximately north-northwest of Hattusa. Surely
more plausible a location would be at Alaca Höyük, a short day’s
march north-northeast of Hattusa, where there is clear archaeologi-
cal evidence of its status in the Empire, as well as earlier remains
likely to have relevance to the cult of Arinna.
The origins of Arinna undoubtedly lie in the Hattian traditions
and pantheon rooted in the prehistory of central Anatolia and even-
tually by stages adapted by the Hittite state. The early pantheon of
Arinna includes the Sun-God, Sun-Goddess and Storm-God. The
Sun-Goddess of Arinna was considered to be married to the Storm-
God of Hatti, both helping the Hittite king in battle. In the six-year
annals of Hattusili I we find not the Sun-God but the Sun-
Goddess of Arinna, making her earliest textual appearance. Hat-
tusili I brings back booty to her temple, as well as to those of the
Storm-God and Mezulla, divine daughter of the Sun-Goddess.
Though this text survives only in late copies, there are sound ar-
guments against any suggestion that the name of Arinna was a later
ARMOR ● 29
ARMY. The Hittite state should not rightly be termed militaristic, for
30 ● ARMY
the kings did not glory in war after the manner of Egypt and
Assyria: no reliefs survive depicting a Hittite king on the battle-
field, and, for example, the only pictorial records of the engage-
ment at Kadesh are to be found in Egypt. With the possible excep-
tion of Hattusili I, Hittite kings did not revel in the bloodshed
suffered by their enemies. Nevertheless, war was the natural condi-
tion of men: there was no ideal vision of peace. Moreover, war
benefited the state, both in material plunder and in subsequent trib-
ute, as well as essential augmentation of manpower through pris-
oners of war.
The king was commander in chief, leading his forces on cam-
paign but always, it seems, avoiding exposure to mortal danger on
the battlefield. This was not out of timidity but for sound political
reasons: the risks to the internal security of the kingdom from a
sudden royal death were far too great to bear contemplation. If en-
gaged elsewhere or in ill-health, the king would delegate supreme
military command to his designated successor, the crown prince,
whose first exposure to campaigning might come as early as about
12 years of age. The crown prince was succeeded in rank by the
king’s brothers. Perhaps the outstanding example of successful
delegation occurred under Suppiluliuma I, whose eldest son, later
to become Arnuwanda II, became a seasoned commander in his
father’s reign, while two other sons became viceroys of Aleppo
and Carchemish.
The Hittite army carried out nonmilitary duties when not on
campaign, such as helping with construction works or even on oc-
casion at festivals. Senior commanders might be selected as gover-
nors, as was Hannutti, appointed by Suppiluliuma—before or after
his ascending the throne—to administer the strategically important
Lower Land. Individual generals are named quite often in the Hit-
tite records, usually but not invariably in the context of successful
operations.
Officers of rather lower rank, roughly equivalent to colonel,
would be in command of about 1,000 men. The great majority of
soldiers were infantrymen, up to 90 percent, the remainder forming
the elite chariotry. The few horse riders were deployed as scouts
and dispatch riders: the army had no cavalry. This was, by ancient
Near Eastern standards, a disciplined, well-trained force, the train-
ing of the charioteers being particularly rigorous, as implied by the
famous manual of Kikkuli. For junior officers and those in the
ranks there was a stern oath-taking ceremony: those breaking the
oath were to become as women!
ARNUWANDA I ● 31
little avail.
In the southeast Arnuwanda endeavored to shore up his power.
A treaty was drawn up with the city of Ura on the Mediterranean
coast in Kizzuwadna. He also took steps to punish Mita of
Pahhuwa, a city near the upper Euphrates. His offense was to have
married the daughter of a known enemy of Arnuwanda, who sum-
moned neighboring cities to his aid, ordering them to move against
Pahhuwa, failing surrender of the errant Mita. The outcome is not
known; but some comparison with the Indictment of Madduwatta
is appropriate. In both regions Hittite propaganda was brought into
play.
In Syria there was a resurgence of Mitanni, eventually sealed
by a diplomatic marriage alliance with Egypt, providing a political
settlement excluding Hittite intervention anywhere in Syria. Egypt
secured all the territory as far north as Kadesh and to Amurru and
Ugarit on the Mediterranean coast.
ASSUWA. This land has frequently had its name compared with the
Roman province of Asia, which lay in the same northwest Ana-
tolian region. Various locations have been proposed: north of the
heartland of Arzawa, in Wilusa or at varying distances east of the
Sea of Marmara. If the name is indeed reflected in the Roman
province, it could be supposed that Assuwa was an important terri-
tory in the Late Bronze Age. No such location, however, can be
pinned down.
Rather it appears that Assuwa must have been a name applied
in some sense as an alternative to Arzawa, though embracing terri-
tories further north. Tudhaliya I/II describes it as the leader of a
confederacy of 22 allies, extending from the Lukka Lands north-
ward: with his stunning victory over this coalition of doubtless ill-
assorted units, he claims to have destroyed the land of Assuwa, re-
turning to Hattusa with immense booty. A bronze longsword
found in 1991 near the Lion Gate at Hattusa has a dedicatory in-
scription of Tudhaliya to the Storm-God after a victory over As-
suwa. This sword is of a type indicating a workshop in western
Anatolia or the Aegean lands, and was presumably part of the
ASTATA ● 37
AXES. Many axes will have been used in furtherance of timber con-
struction of buildings rather than as battle axes. These are most
graphically represented by the weapon carried by the figure in the
King’s Gate at Hattusa. This has spikes above the shaft hole, and
in appearance resembles forms found in the Caucasus and Iran, il-
lustrating the international character of the metal industry. The
wooden shaft is curved. Axes were of bronze shaft-hole type or the
more primitive design, with a flat blade pushed into a split wooden
shaft and bound with leather thongs. Axes of iron were appearing
38 ● AZZI
-B-
BIBLE. The biblical evidence for the Hittites is limited, with a number
of brief references to their land and to individuals, many living in
the land of Canaan, later the home of the Israelites. This evidence
BIT HILANI ● 41
BIT KARIM. This was the head office for administration of the Old
Assyrian trade centered on Kültepe-Kanes. Though frequently
mentioned in the cuneiform tablets forming the business records,
it has yet to be located through the excavations.
director since 1993, Jürgen Seeher, has carried out extensive ex-
cavations on Boğazköy: Büyükkaya, thus filling in gaps in the
known story of settlement at this immense and diversified site.
Among his results in the Upper City has been the excavation of a
number of granaries and ponds designed for water supply for the
whole of Hattusa, with results affecting the absolute chronology
of Hattusa, especially the Upper City.
Although the work at Boğazköy remains essentially a German
undertaking, for many decades in highly experienced hands both
on site and in post excavation work on artifacts ranging from pot-
tery to tablets, there has been collaboration with scholars of other
nationalities, notably American, French, Italian and British, the last
recently in the person of David Hawkins. He deployed his exper-
tise in deciphering the hieroglyphs of the Südburg and Boğazköy:
Nişantaş inscriptions.
It goes without saying that the excavations at Boğazköy are
the focus of attention above all others for everyone interested in
Hittite civilization. Even today, however, the overriding concern of
Hugo Winckler still remains to some degree dominant, for most of
the publications are related to the tablets and rock inscriptions. The
ubiquitous attention to pottery and other artifacts in the archaeo-
logical profession can help to place Hattusa in its wider Anatolian
Late Bronze Age context.
More than half the bullae have royal seal impressions of all the
great Hittite kings from Suppiluliuma I onward. These have typi-
cal bilingual stamp-seal designs, inscribed in cuneiform and hi-
eroglyphs. Particularly common are those of Suppiluliuma I, Urhi-
Tesub and Tudhaliya IV. Kurunta, son of Muwatalli II, is repre-
sented, clear evidence of his status as Great King. The seal impres-
sions of Hattusili III have him usually represented jointly with
Puduhepa. King and queen seals occur also for Muwatalli II and
his son Urhi-Tesub (Mursili III). It seems possible that this was a
reflection of Egyptian influence, in the years preceding the battle
of Kadesh, for at this time Tiy and Nefertiti were queens exerciz-
ing undoubted influence on affairs of state in Egypt in the reigns of
Amenhotep III and Akhenaten.
The other bullae were of high officials, most of them scribes
and including royal princes with governmental responsibilities.
Earlier in date are land grants, with seal impressions of kings of
the late Old Kingdom, including Hantili II, Huzziya II and Muwa-
talli I. These needed to be filed and kept indefinitely.
The bullae in this building were filed in some typological and
chronological order. Thus this west building below Nişantepe evi-
dently housed a palace archive.
used in the Iron Age for the Southern Citadel built nearby.
On the rear wall of the second chamber is a relief of the Sun-
God holding a lituus and a modified Egyptian ankh, the sign of
life. Above the god’s head is a winged sun disk. On the left wall is
a relief of Suppiluliuma II as a warrior armed with bow, sword and
lance: he wears the typically Hittite shoes with turned-up toes and
a horned headdress. This last is unusual, since this symbol of divin-
ity had not hitherto been associated with a Great King before his
death, when he “became a god.” The finish of the relief carving
suggests that much detail was left to the painters.
riod. The other is the use of the drill, evident in numerous drill-
holes in the tops of masonry: given the great weight of these
blocks, at first sight this seems wholly unnecessary. Yet these drill
holes may have been associated with the massive timber frame
construction with mud brick filling for the walls standing on their
stone footing, all that survives today. Timber construction—an
essential element of Hittite architecture—alone depended on bring-
ing raw materials from a distance to Hattusa.
Corbeling was used for posterns and for the great gateways of
Boğazköy: Upper City. More remarkable is the construction at
Hattusa of the oldest known stone-built domes in the ancient Near
East, roofing two semi subterranean chambers, Chamber 2 being
the better preserved. Its pointed vault has been described, however,
as rather unstable. These are true vaults, unlike (for example) the
chamber tombs of Ugarit and its port of Minet el-Beidha, with
corbeling carved in the form of round or pointed vaults.
-C-
ÇALAPVERDI. A very large hill fort situated not far from Alışar
Höyük, on the north side of the Kızıl Irmak (Marrassantiya),
commanding the old route from central Anatolia to Erkilet and
Kayseri. It stands on a steep-sided, naturally defensible hill. In
parts of the site there are six meters of occupation deposits, cover-
ing the Iron Age, Hellenistic and Roman periods. This is one of the
major Iron Age strongholds, comparable with Göllüdağ, Kululu
and Havuzköy and the later vast stronghold of Kerkenes Dağ, near
Yozgat. Çalapverdi has yielded typical Iron Age painted pottery. It
stood on the northern periphery of Tabal and the northernmost
limit of hieroglyphic inscriptions.
(seven and a half tons) of iron. Other tribute included metal vessels
and the contents of the royal palace “whose weight could not be
computed.” Mention is made of beds, chairs and tables of box-
wood, the last inlaid with ivory, as well as elephants’ tusks, at a
time when the Syrian elephant was about to become extinct
through generations of hunting for its ivory. The significance of
textiles for the economy of Carchemish is illustrated by the inclu-
sion of garments of linen and brightly colored wool and of blue and
purple wool, the purple dye doubtless coming from the Mediterra-
nean coast. A ceremonial chariot is mentioned in the list of tribute.
War chariots were also taken, as well as human tribute in the form
of 200 young women, cavalrymen and infantry to reinforce the
Assyrian army. Military reinforcements in the shape of prisoners of
war were likewise taken from Carchemish by Sargon II on his cap-
ture of the city. The tribute exacted from Sangara of Carchemish
demonstrates its great wealth at the height of its prosperity, under
the dynasty of Suhis (ca.970–870 BC), to which the majority of the
excavated monuments can be ascribed.
Links with the well-attested historical chronology of Assyria,
especially the royal annals, and the internal chronology of the hi-
eroglyphic inscriptions provide the epigraphic evidence for dating
the buildings and their sculpture, assisted by stylistic analysis of
the sculpture. The archaeological horizon is entirely Early Iron
Age. Over 50 years of study of the material from Carchemish is
achieving a growing consensus, with two extreme dissidents (Ek-
rem Akurgal and David Ussishkin).
The hieroglyphic inscriptions of Carchemish, with correla-
tions with Assyrian chronology, make it possible to determine the
successive dynasties and individual rulers. After two early rulers
meagerly documented came the House of Suhis, comprising Suhis
I, Astuwatamanzas, Suhis II and Katuwas, preceding Sangara and
spanning the years ca.970–870 BC. Following Sangara came the
House of Astiruwas, comprising Astiruwas, Yariris (Araras) and
Kamanis, this sequence being confirmed by the inscriptions of
Korkun, and dated between Sangara and Pisiri, ca.840–740 BC.
Finally came “son of Sastu(ras),” on the later inscriptions of the
Great Staircase, plausibly identified with Pisiri, ca.740–717 BC.
The excavations were concentrated in an area of the Inner City
just below the Citadel, extending westward from the west bank of
the Euphrates. On the Citadel little could be recovered, owing to
the deep disturbance caused by the Roman buildings: here must
have stood the royal palaces of the Hittite viceroyalty and of the
60 ● CARCHEMISH
CHRONOLOGY
CISTERNS. Water supply was naturally vital for all communities, not
least for those in towns liable to suffer a prolonged siege. Cisterns,
cut out of the bedrock, are a common feature of the fortresses of
Urartu in the Iron Age, but fewer examples are known from the
second millennium BC. At Hattusa cisterns about two meters
across and 2.7 meters deep were cut into the rock on Büyükkale
and Sarıkale. At Troy VI, in the northeast corner of the citadel, a
cistern four meters square and nine meters deep was cut into the
rock and defended by a great tower of limestone masonry no less
than nine meters high.
-D-
-E-
-F-
FAMINE. This became a recurrent problem for the Hittite lands from
the time of Hattusili III onward, when Puduhepa refers to a
shortage of grain in a letter to Ramesses II. Even if a serious and
prolonged famine did not occur till the reign of Tudhaliya IV,
Hatti seems to have become dependent on shipments of grain from
Egypt and Syria on a regular basis. During the reign of Hattusili III
a Hittite prince was sent to Egypt to organize a shipment of grain.
The onset of serious famine was more the result of the decline of
Hittite power and prestige, inhibiting regular imports of grain, than
of any climatic change. Repeated demands from the army for re-
cruits and a reduction in the manpower available from the policy of
deportation will have depleted the agricultural labor force. Plague
would at times likewise have diminished the labor force.
After the solemnity of the most sacred rituals, the festival be-
came the occasion for public feasting and for entertainments by
tumblers, jugglers, dancers, musicians, acrobats and athletes. These
last might include wrestlers, whose contests were especially popu-
lar with king and people alike. The reliefs at Alaca Höyük may
well depict a festival, with a hunting ritual.
The routes taken by some festival processions ranged from
short distances to a nearby cultic site, with its huwasi stone, to
routes extending over several days. Among these was the proces-
sion for the purulli spring festival, stopping after one day from
Hattusa at Arinna, and continuing north to Nerik, until that cult
center was overrun by the Kaska tribesmen. This is the leading
example of a non-Hittite origin: the very name of the purulli festi-
val derived from the Hattic word for “earth,” while its deities—
Telipinu, the Storm-God and Inar(a)—were Hattian.
tion project exceeds the bounds of credibility. The earth rampart it-
self, 70 meters wide at the base, must have required a very large
labor force; and masons were needed for facing with dressed stone
some stretches of the glacis. The main city wall above the rampart
was of double casemate construction, with outer and inner masonry
skins and rubble filling in the compartments. On top of this stone
wall ran a mudbrick wall, presumably with battlements, like those
depicted on a baked clay model from the excavations. Rectangular
towers projected from the wall at intervals of 30.5 meters or so,
with an additional apron wall in front of vulnerable stretches of the
main wall, as well as bastions midway between the towers.
The main gateways were flanked by massive towers. The
bronze-plated gates were set some distance back from the façades
of these towers; secondary gates were flush with the inner faces of
the gate towers. Steep ramps parallel with the city wall gave access
to the gates, exposing the flanks of an attacking force. A paved
street, well preserved by the Sphinx Gate (Yerkapi) in the Upper
City, allowed rapid deployment by a garrison, wherever it might
come. There were fortifications within the city of Hattusa, notably
around Boğazköy: Büyükkale, making defense of the different
sectors of the city possible, even if the main wall was breached.
Strong fortifications, enclosing an oval area, were built to de-
fend Alışar Höyük (Level II), including towers, gates and bastions.
The masonry was of limestone blocks up to 0.50 meter wide, care-
fully set. There was also a perimeter wall enclosing the Lower For-
tress, covering a terrace beneath the citadel mound. A later system
of defenses at Alışar Höyük can be securely dated to the Iron Age:
this settlement, smaller than its Middle Bronze Age predecessor,
fell to a siege and was completely destroyed, after the gateway had
been blocked.
-G-
that the technology required for separating the gold from the silver
content of electrum may not have been developed before the reign
of Croesus king of Lydia (561–547 BC).
That notoriously opulent ruler, not content with the electrum
coins first produced by his predecessors in the seventh century BC,
decided to issue coins of pure gold and pure silver. Archaeological
investigation and experimentation have revealed the processes in-
volved, starting with alluvial electrum from the Pactolus River be-
side the city of Sardis and recycled electrum coins. This material
was beaten into wafer-thin foils and packed in salt in porous earth-
enware cooking pots, which were then heated, probably for several
days, to a temperature between 600 and 800 degrees Celsius. The
chlorine gas released from the salt removed the silver in the elec-
trum foils as silver chloride vapor, thus absorbed into the wall of
pot and hearth. This raised the gold content of the foil from 70 per-
cent by weight to the coinage alloy of more than 99 percent purity.
The silver was mostly recovered by crushing the silver-
impregnated pots and furnace linings and smelting them with lead.
The silver-bearing lead was then converted into molten lead oxide,
from which the molten metallic silver would separate at about
1,000 degrees Celsius. If pure gold was thus obtained at earlier
dates than the reign of Croesus of Lydia, it must surely have been
by this process: the evidence is so far lacking. Its absence else-
where in the Near East, including Egypt, is discouraging.
The largest quantities of gold in the Early and Middle Bronze
Age (mid–fourth till mid–second millennium BC approximately)
have in fact been found not in the Near East proper but in the Cir-
cum-Pontic region and in Trans-Caucasia, in many burial mounds
(kurgans). The legend of the Golden Fleece in Colchis may reflect
the long-standing wealth of Trans-Caucasia, dating back long be-
fore the first millennium BC. It is against this background that the
rich tombs of Alaca Höyük may be set.
Any doubt about the value put on gold compared with silver,
tin and copper is dispelled by scrutiny of the relevant written re-
cords. At Ebla, in north Syria in the late third millennium BC, one
shekel of gold was priced at seven or eight shekels of silver, while
one shekel of silver was priced at eight to 10 shekels of tin, gold
thus having 60 to 80 times the value of tin. A little later, in the Old
Assyrian trade with central Anatolia, the price of gold could vary
slightly, usually from seven to nine shekels of silver. When differ-
ing grades of gold were used, some containing copper and thus
meriting the term orichalchum, the price could drop as low as four
GÖLLÜDAĞ ● 95
train-
ing in Hittite in Berlin (1935–1936), then the center of Hittite
scholarship.
At Oxford he published many cuneiform tablets, including
those excavated by Seton Lloyd at Sultantepe, near Urfa. Training
several young scholars, he helped to raise the standing of his sub-
ject. His main scholarly contributions were in Hittite, beginning
with his doctorate “The Hittite Prayers of Mursili II.” With his un-
cle, John Garstang, he published The Geography of the Hittite
Empire (1959). Though quite largely superseded by more recent
discoveries, it remains remarkably prescient and unsurpassed in its
comprehensive coverage of a notoriously contentious subject. His
monograph The Hittites (1952, revised 1990) remains a masterly,
concise work, more comprehensive than some lengthier publica-
tions and designed for a wide readership.
Associated with the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara
from its foundation (1947), he was for 40 years the efficient and
scholarly editor of its journal, Anatolian Studies.
-H-
HAMA (HAMATH). Significant alike for its historical role and for the
results of the excavations before World War II by the Danish ex-
pedition funded by the Carlsberg Foundation, this was the site of a
settlement mound originating in the seventh millennium BC (Pe-
riod M) and continuing with successive cultural periods, those of
the Iron Age (Periods F and E) covering the time–span from
100 ● HAMA
ca.1190 to 720 BC, when Hama was annexed to the Assyrian Em-
pire. The architectural monuments date to Period E (ca.900–720
BC), while four phases of cremation cemeteries, outside the area
of the citadel but underlying the modern city, span Periods F–E. It
is the “Stones of Hamath,” highly significant in the story of the
decipherment of the “Hittite” hieroglyphs, which provide the
strongest justification for classifying Hama as a Neo-Hittite city, in
spite of its pronounced Aramaean character.
The steep sides of the ancient mound of Hama, whereon stood
the citadel, have deterred settlement in the Christian era, though the
present-day city closely surrounds the citadel mound. In Hellenistic
times and later, however, the summit of the mound was honey-
combed with pits, the bane of the archaeologist. The excavators
were nevertheless able to expose impressive buildings in the south-
east sector of the citadel.
The most important structure, Building II, was clearly a pal-
ace, found in fairly ruinous state, though in some parts with the
walls standing 3.5 meters high. The plan indicates that the ground
floor comprised almost exclusively storerooms. The living quarters
were in the upper story, evidence of which was found in the burnt
debris lying over the remains of the ground-floor rooms, including
an important clue for reconstructing the height of this building, in
the form of 48 courses’ height of brickwork, fallen from above.
Significantly, the buttressed façade of this palace has no columned
porch, so that—as the report observes—it cannot in any sense be
described as a bit hilani. Thus Hama stood to some degree apart
from the mainstream Neo-Hittite civilization of north Syria and
southeast Anatolia in the centuries following the fall of the Hittite
Empire. Here it was the Aramaean rather than the Hittite element
that was uppermost politically, though culturally it was less tangi-
ble than the Hittite legacy. There are only hints of the upper story,
which must have been richly decorated, as traces of gold leaf and
fragments of red, blue and white plaster indicate. Ten coats of plas-
ter were found in part of the upper story. A basalt throne and win-
dow grille, found in the central square, probably came from the
upper floor of the palace. A staircase had two flights, providing
evidence that the total height of the façade, looking on to the cen-
tral square, was 14.40 meters, with seven meters as the height of
the upper story. Five rooms were found full of rows of storage jars,
covered with lids. Corbeling was used for at least some of the
doorways, which had wooden door frames, wood also being very
extensively employed as a reinforcement for the brick-
HAMA ● 101
bulls. The relief is in three parts. A bull or calf has its front hooves
resting on a mountain god, while the mountain is named in a hi-
eroglyphic inscription. Facing the bull’s head can be read the
words: “King of the mountain Sarruma.”
not recorded.
In the year following this first Syrian campaign, Hattusili
marched west against Arzawa, mentioned for the first time in the
Hittite texts, and is recorded simply as taking cattle and sheep. It is
possible that a serious campaign was undertaken later in his reign,
but the records have not survived. Meanwhile, a crisis threatening
the whole kingdom arose in his rear: from the east and southeast
the Hurrians overran the land, only Hattusa holding out. Though
the Hurrians withdrew on the approach of the Hittite army, more
than a year passed before Hattusili was able fully to restore his
authority. This crisis was to be repeated throughout Hittite history,
a frequent occurrence when the king was away on campaign for a
prolonged period, far from the homeland. This time the threat
seems to have been external, possibly a sequel to the sack of Ursu;
but on many other occasions dissension had arisen within the royal
family.
The second Syrian campaign of Hattusili I was marked by sig-
nificant victories, notably the destruction of Hassuwa and
Hahhum (Hahha): the latter, mentioned in Old Assyrian, Old Hit-
tite and Mari texts, is probably to be identified as Level 8 of Lidar
Höyük, in which a great burning has been found, and from which
four wagon loads of silver were removed to Hattusa. The king
himself took particular pride in his crossing of the Euphrates, emu-
lating the earlier achievement of Sargon of Agade, and thus plac-
ing himself in the ranks of the most renowned rulers of the ancient
Near East. He claimed to have crossed the river with dry feet, pre-
sumably by some sort of pontoon bridge. He had good reason for
pride, seeing that by his sixth campaign he had won control of all
lands from the Black Sea through eastern Anatolia to the borders of
western Mesopotamia.
The reign of Hattusili I ended with his death in circumstances
not altogether clear. On the one hand, he gathered around him the
leading men of the kingdom, constituting the assembly (panku), to
inform them of his decision on the succession—not to consult,
merely to inform. Perhaps significantly, they met not at Hattusa but
at his ancestral headquarters, Kussara. Commentaries on this as-
sembly generally state that the king was ill, indeed on his deathbed;
but this could be an overstatement. What is certain is that first his
sons and then his nephew had betrayed him or proved inadequate
as heir to the throne, among those conspiring against him being his
daughter. The claim of his family to the dynastic succession seems
to have been undisputed: it was the recurrent curse of the Hittite
110 ● HATTUSILI III
state, the ambitions of royal princes, which created the political dif-
ficulties. Hattusili declared his achievements, stressing the pun-
ishment meted out to the numerous rebels who had at one time or
another opposed his rule. Where were they now (he asked)? It is
not hard to imagine the tension as men waited for the decision of
Hattusili, who announced that the heir to his throne would be a mi-
nor, Mursili, his grandson, whose upbringing he entrusted to the
leading men of the realm. On the other hand, Hattusili may have
died as a result of a late campaign against Aleppo, of which little
record survives, for his successor states that he marched against
Aleppo to avenge his grandfather’s death.
Hattusili I may probably be credited with establishing the Hit-
tite tradition of historiography, manifested in his annals, covering
a period of six years early in the reign, discovered at Hattusa in
1957 and emphasizing his military achievements. Domestic politics
were recorded in the Testament (or Bilingual Succession Edict)
concerning the assembly at Kussara. Both survive in Hittite and
Akkadian cuneiform versions. The Proclamation, or Edict, of
King Telipinu is preserved only in late copies: this includes a long
historical preamble down to his succession (ca.1525 BC), covering
the reign of Hattusili I and filling in gaps in the more contemporary
records, though less reliably. The colorful legendary text covering
the siege of Ursu dates from the Hittite Empire.
Stylistic parallels between the annals of Hattusili I and the
Anitta text suggest a thread of continuity between the earlier text
and Hittite annalistic language. This could perhaps throw doubt on
the general acceptance of a lapse into illiteracy following the end
of the Old Assyrian trading colonies. If this did indeed occur, it
was under Hattusili I that cuneiform scribes once again became ac-
tive in Anatolia. These came not so much from Aleppo, the enemy
of Hatti, as from Ebla, known for its scribal school. There is no
evidence to indicate whether the king was personally responsible
for this development; but it seems fair to suggest that Hattusili I
considered not merely the territorial aggrandizement of his realm
but also its constitutional, economic and cultural well-being. His
memory was indeed respected by successors over the generations.
HATTUSILI III (1267–1237 BC). During his reign the Hittite Empire
enjoyed a period of peace and stability in some respects comparable
with that earlier enjoyed in Egypt under Amenhotep III (1390–1352
BC), though not on so extravagant a scale. In both reigns diplo-
macy took precedence over military enterprises. With Hattusili III
HATTUSILI III ● 111
sent to marry Ramesses II, perhaps after the death of Hattusili III.
By then Ramesses may have been 70 years of age. Ramesses enu-
merated the splendid dowry—doubtless jewelry and textiles but
also livestock—dispatched from Hatti.
Hattusili was much concerned in his later years with the suc-
cession and the very real possibility of conflict arising from the ri-
val claims of different royal lines. One aspect was the presence of
children of an earlier marriage, before that to Puduhepa. The Em-
pire could not any longer have survived unharmed in the hands of
an elderly king. See also HATTUSILI III: THE APOLOGY.
HATTUSILI III: THE APOLOGY. The main source for the life and
reign of Hattusili III is the so-called Apology (or Autobiography).
In addition, there are an abbreviated version and an edict for Mit-
tannamuwa. There has been much debate concerning the reliability
of the Apology as a historical source: some authorities dismiss it as
essentially a piece of propaganda, as such to be disregarded as a re-
cord of fact; others assert, perhaps more reasonably, that it contains
historical events recorded with a degree of accuracy, although none
can deny the largely propagandist intent. The simple truth is that it
is the only source surviving for much of the story it relates.
Hattusili had an active and honorable career as soldier and
administrator during the reign of his elder brother Muwatalli II,
who clearly relied on him as his leading adviser and supporter.
While preparations were being undertaken for the campaign which
was to culminate in the confrontation with Ramesses II of Egypt at
Kadesh, he was dispatched to the north, to deal with the threat on
that front from the old enemy, the people of the Kaska lands. The
king showed his partiality by removing a successful governor from
office in the Upper Land and replacing him with Hattusili, who
had (he claims) reconquered this territory against an enemy with
superior numbers. Hattusili’s seizure of Nerik from the Kaska peo-
ple was among his outstanding achievements, with its reconstruc-
tion as the final stage in the reorganization of the whole Upper
Land. During the earlier New Kingdom, with Nerik in enemy con-
trol, its cult was moved to Hakpissa; and it declined in favor of the
Weather-God of Zippalanda.
The Apology of Hattusili III takes the form of a decree order-
ing the establishment of a sacred foundation for the goddess Ishtar
of the city of Samuha: she was goddess not of love but of war, in-
troduced by the Hurrians irrupting into Anatolia; and Samuha was
the center from which the restoration of Hittite rule had been organ-
HAVUZKÖY ● 113
site above.
Up on the plateau a citadel can be seen, the stone walls, both
external and internal, being clearly discernible above the pre-
sent-day surface. The quality of the masonry, and especially of the
glacis of dressed stone, at first suggested a dating to the imperial
Hittite period. But this was plainly negated by the surface pottery
of unmistakably Iron Age type, in line with the style of the gate li-
ons. Outside the citadel but also on the edge of the plateau lies an
extensive cemetery of cairn burials. One suggestion is that Havuz-
köy was constructed by the rulers of Malatya or Tabal, more
probably the former, against attacks by the Cimmerians in the late
eighth century BC. This seems improbable, however, in view of
the time required to build such a citadel.
HEBAT. Chief goddess of the western Hurrian pantheon, she was the
spouse of Tesub, a position held in more easterly lands by Ishtar.
In the 13th century BC in Hatti she was syncretized with the Sun-
Goddess of Arinna, largely on the initiative of Puduhepa, in
whose time the sanctuary of Yazılıkaya was designed. Here Hebat
leads the procession of goddesses meeting the gods, led by Tesub.
HELMETS. Best known from the figure in the King’s Gate but also
from an incised drawing on a fragmentary pottery bowl dated
ca.1400 BC, likewise from Hattusa. This shows a horn, crest and
flowing ribbons, and may be of Aegean origin, perhaps depicting a
soldier of Arzawa. Cheek flaps and neck flaps appear in both rep-
resentations. A more formal design appears in the Iron Age in the
crested helmets of soldiers on the Long Wall of Carchemish, later
worn by Assyrian soldiers.
wadna).
HIEROGLYPHS. From the discovery of the “Stones of Hamath”
onward scholarly interest in the distinctive script carved on stone
blocks or statues grew steadily, led initially by Archibald Sayce,
his quest helped by the seal known as “Tarkondemos,” in fact the
silver plating of a hemispherical seal, with an inscription not
(strictly speaking) bilingual but digraphic, that is, in the same lan-
guage but written in two different scripts, with one line of cunei-
form around the circumference and hieroglyphs in the middle.
Sayce was able to recognize the signs for “king” and “country.”
The first advance in understanding the hieroglyphs came with
the decipherment of the cuneiform Hittite tablets from Boğazköy-
Hattusa, the work of Bedrich Hrozny in the years following
1915. The number of hieroglyphic inscriptions had meanwhile al-
most doubled through the British Museum excavations at Car-
chemish, cut short by the outbreak of war in 1914. This accretion
of inscriptions enabled five leading scholars from different coun-
tries, working independently, to reach broad agreement on the val-
ues of most of the signs as used phonetically and on the structure
of the language.
In 1947 a new stage in the decipherment came with the dis-
covery of a long bilingual inscription, in Phoenician and hiero-
glyphic, at Karatepe in the former land of Kizzuwadna, giving vi-
tal data on the many ideograms. Soon afterward, digraphic seal
impressions from Ugarit, with hieroglyphic inscriptions tran-
scribed into cuneiform, confirmed earlier readings and provided
additional ones.
The modern phase of research into the hieroglyphs began
when David Hawkins (School of Oriental and African Studies,
University of London) began to address the possibility of amassing
a corpus of all hieroglyphic inscriptions with a view to publication,
a most ambitious and onerous undertaking only quite recently
completed for the Iron Age. In visiting the sites and museums with
these inscriptions, he soon began to find a number of deficiencies
in the published copies. Further discoveries provided help, notably
in the indications of measures scratched on storage jars excavated
at Altıntepe in the Erzincan plain, near the northwest frontier of
the kingdom of Urartu: these are not in Urartian but “Hittite” hi-
eroglyphs, and moreover they match cuneiform inscriptions of the
same measures on storage jars at other sites. Later came new ar-
chives of digraphic seal impressions from the Hittite new founda-
tion at Emar in Syria on the middle Euphrates. A highly signifi-
HISSASHAPA ● 117
been a dominant factor behind this change compared with the Old
Kingdom.
Hittite texts of royal annals, in one form or another, from Hat-
tusili I to Hattusili III were normally written in the first person,
while Akkadian versions tended to be in the third person. Never-
theless, it took generations for the development of Hittite histori-
ographic technique to reach maturity in the reign of Mursili II.
The major texts from his reign are the Ten-Year Annals, the De-
tailed Annals covering events at least through his 21st year and the
Deeds of Suppiluliuma. Of these the most relevant for study of Hit-
tite historiographic technique are the Ten-Year Annals, since this
text alone has survived virtually complete, the existence of serious
gaps making stylistic analysis far harder in the other texts. In the
Ten-Year Annals of Mursili II a prologue is followed by a longer
central section and a concluding epilogue, picking up the points in
the prologue. In the central section are included terse reports of
campaigns in the north against the Kaska, little better than stereo-
typed formulae; but the lengthy war against Arzawa and other af-
fairs of state are dealt with in a more literary style with more de-
tailed description and extensive use of speeches, letters, accounts
of simultaneous actions in separate locations and even speculations
about hypothetical moves by the king or his adversary. A hint that
this must be a shortened, edited version culled from a larger range
of records which have not survived or which—conceivably but
rather improbably—may have been deliberately destroyed is af-
forded by a passage in the epilogue stating that “the enemy lands
which the king’s sons and the lords conquered are not included
here.”
Historical prologues to state treaties survive for the reigns of
Suppiluliuma I, Mursili II, Hattusili III, Tudhaliya IV and Suppi-
luliuma II. These seek to justify Hittite imperial foreign policy, and
as such are thoroughly tendentious in tone. Given the incomplete-
ness of surviving historical texts, however, these cannot be ig-
nored.
In his annals Mursili II shows himself frequently on the defen-
sive, rebutting accusations of immaturity on his accession, Uh-
haziti, ruler of Arzawa, describing him as a mere child: “You have
continually called me a child and have belittled me,” wrote Mursili.
It was an age when personal prestige and indeed amour propre
counted for much in international relations, as well as affecting the
king’s image among his own subjects. The king’s ego was also
threatened when he suffered speech loss, the result either of apha-
HISTORIOGRAPHY ● 121
factor probably limited its remit. This was the likelihood that the
law was not uniform throughout the Hittite Empire, and that this
was an accepted fact, with tolerance of local customs. At one point
garrison commanders were ordered to apply the death penalty
wherever this was customary for certain crimes; but elsewhere ban-
ishment was to continue as the appropriate penalty.
HORSES. Whether or not they were from the first domesticated, which
seems improbable, horses formed a regular part of the diet in the
steppes west of the Urals, along with cattle and sheep, from as
early as the sixth millennium BC. That these animals were valued
by the population is indicated by the occurrences of their heads in
clearly ritual contexts from the same period, with horse extremities
likewise. Carved bone figurines of horses were deposited above
human graves, in pits stained with ochre, a tradition surviving from
the Old Stone Age (Upper Palaeolithic) times. Horses long contin-
ued to be prized beyond their economic functions.
The early story of the horse cannot be considered in isolation.
Rather is it linked with the controversial problem of the Urheimat
(homeland) of the Proto-Indo-Europeans as well as with the
question of the origins of wheeled vehicles. Until recently the
Dnieper basin in the fifth millennium BC was regarded as the like-
liest home of the first domesticated horses; but now a wider geo-
graphical perspective is called for, most recently as the outcome of
mitochondrial DNA analyses. It is often hard to be sure of the do-
mesticated status of prehistoric horses, which were clearly hunted
as a source of meat: they may conceivably have also been rounded
126 ● HORSES
ties market. In this he failed until the divulgence of the area of the
karum by a discontented villager. It is rather for his work as a phi-
lologist that he deserves to be remembered.
rary with the Hittite king Zidanta II. The desecration of the temple
and secularization of its site surely mark an alien intrusion on a
massive scale. The kingdom of Mitanni was correctly described as
Hurrian in the Hittite records, for the Indo-Aryan impact has been
exaggerated.
Among the periods of Hurrian menace threatening the survival
of the Hittite kingdom, the most dramatic came in the reign of
Tudhaliya III, when there seems to have been some sort of con-
certed alliance against him. Whenever a Hittite king was in the
field, especially in the west against Arzawa, the Hurrians seized
their opportunity, support often coming indirectly from Mitanni or
directly, as with rebellions by Isuwa. When the throne of Hatti was
disputed, as occurred with the murder of the last ruler of the Old
Kingdom, Muwatalli I, Hurrians came to the aid unsuccessfully of
a supporter of the dead king.
The high point of Hurrian influence in the Hittite Empire came
with the marriage of Hattusili III to Puduhepa, who imported
many Hurrians, including priests, to Hattusa. With them came the
Hurrian pantheon, magnificently displayed on the rock faces of
Yazılıkaya. Before this the royal family in the Empire were of
Hurrian ancestry, but felt it desirable or essential to assume a Hit-
tite name on accession to the throne. Nikkalmati, the queen of
Tudhaliya I, and her daughter-in-law Asmunikal, had names in-
corporating the Hurrian goddess who was wife of the Moon-God
and derived from the Sumerian Ningal. The Hurrian antecedents of
these two queens, at the beginning of the New Kingdom (Empire),
seem to have had an abiding influence on the dynasty. Was it pure
coincidence that the one king who did not use a Hittite throne
name, though adopting that of Muwatalli (III), was the ill-fated
Urhi-Tesub?
A Hurrian legacy to Near Eastern sculpture and glyptic art is
discernable in gods and goddesses standing on the back of an ani-
mal such as Tesub on a bull, seen at Yazılıkaya.
-I-
The distinction between “good iron” and other iron in this let-
ter has led to the suggestion that it refers to the production of steel,
a theory indirectly supported by the distinction between a “steel
dagger” and an “iron dagger” in the list of gifts recorded in one of
the letters from Tusratta of Mitanni to Amenhotep III of Egypt. A
more plausible interpretation, however, connects the passage of the
letter from Hattusili III with the rather haphazard control of the
iron smelting processes in Hittite times, producing a large percent-
age of material unfit for working into artifacts.
Iron was much more available under the Hittite Old Kingdom
and thereafter than beforehand, and was now used not simply for
ornaments but also for tools and weapons. Its distribution may
have been largely in the hands of itinerant smiths, guarding the se-
crets of their craft, the forerunners of the Chalybes of the Pontic
and Erzurum regions. Significantly, iron was no longer weighed
like gold and silver, by the shekel, but like copper, by the mina.
Ironsmiths and other metalworkers are listed in records related to
religious festivals. While amutum had been the term for iron in the
Old Assyrian colonies, the Hittites later used the Sumerian term
AN.BAR, employed in the 18th century BC at Alalakh (Tell
Atchana) for 400 weapons, possibly spears. One famous early
Hittite text of the 16th century BC mentions an iron (AN.BAR)
throne and a scepter of great size and weight. It does seem that the
word “iron” had royal associations. Another reference to iron furni-
ture occurs in a myth in a Luwian purification associated with a
ritual of the substitute king: “The Sun-God and the goddess Kam-
rusepa are combing sheep. They are vying with each other and
wrangling. Then Kamrusepa placed an iron chair, and put on it a
wool-comb of lead. They combed a pure kid”
The biblical reference to Og the king of Bashan (Deuteronomy
3:11) variously has him possessing an iron bedstead (Authorized
Version) or a basalt sarcophagus (New English Bible).
By the addition of carbon to iron in the process of smelting, a
development which could well have occurred accidentally in the
heat of the smithy, the technique of carburization produced steel,
first occurring in the Levant in the 12th century BC. With this can
be associated the general proliferation of iron working in the east
Mediterranean zone before the end of the second millennium BC.
In spite of the efficiency of the Assyrian civil service and war ma-
chine, iron was less widely in use in Assyria until the eighth cen-
tury BC, iron arrowheads being a telltale sign of the abundance of
INDO-HITTITE ● 137
IVRIZ. One of the best preserved Anatolian rock reliefs, the Ivriz
monument may well owe its survival to a widespread regard for
springs of clear, cold water: into this one today many coins have
been thrown. This relief, till recently (it seems) relatively inacces-
sible, lies near the village of Kaydikent at the foot of the Taurus
Mountains, about 20 kilometers south of the town of Ereğli. The
relief is carved on a rock face directly above the powerful spring,
which waters extensive gardens below, before flowing into the
plain.
The hieroglyphic inscription records that this was set up by
Warpalawas, king of Tyana, the former Hittite city of Tuwanuwa,
located at modern Bor. It is thus firmly dated not simply within the
Iron Age (Neo-Hittite) period but more precisely to ca.740 BC, in
the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III of Assyria, since Warpalawas ap-
pears in a long list of rulers, including eight from Anatolia, through
compulsion or prudence sending tribute to Assyria. He is named in
the annals of Tiglath-Pileser III (745–727 BC), sadly incomplete,
as Urballa of Tyana.
On the left of the relief, facing right, stands the sturdy figure
of the god of vegetation, Tarhundas, whose name indicates a Lu-
wian origin. He wears the horned headdress of divinity, and holds
140 ● IYAYA
in his left hand ears of corn and in his right a bunch of grapes. His
muscular legs and style of dress reveal clear descent from the Hit-
tite artistic tradition of the imperial age. The figure of Warpalawas,
on the right, is much smaller, and stands in the humble attitude of
prayer. His headgear and dress are quite different in style from
those of the god, betraying direct Assyrian influence in the decora-
tion of his fringed robe, very possibly with brocade design of tex-
tile, probably woolen. This robe is fastened with a brooch of fibula
type, equivalent to a safety pin, for which the Ivriz relief provides
secure dating.
The juxtaposition of these two very different cultural traditions
in the same relief, at a site on the Anatolian plateau, is highly sig-
nificant. It shows that at the beginning of the revival and expansion
of the Assyrian state, which started with the seizure of the throne in
Nimrud by Tiglath-Pileser III (745 BC), Assyrian cultural influ-
ence was already permeating the Neo-Hittite lands. The Hittite leg-
acy to the principalities of the first millennium BC was about to go
into decline.
IYAYA. A local Mother-Goddess, worshiped in the Anatolian towns of
Lapana and Tiura, neither definitely located. Her chief interest lies
in the description of her statue as seated and one cubit high (i.e. 50
centimeters), plated with gold and tin, with the latter used for plat-
ing also two wooden mountain sheep and one eagle. Two copper
staves and two bronze goblets served as the cultic equipment. This
description no doubt would have applied to many other statuettes
of local divinities, not in the first rank but much revered by the
populace.
-K-
KADESH, BATTLE OF. This is the best known of all major military
engagements in the second millennium BC, entirely owing to the
IVRIZ ● 141
KARABEL. The most westerly Hittite rock relief, this attracted atten-
tion in the 19th century, being readily accessible from Izmir. It
stands some 40 kilometers inland from that city, in a pass across
the Tmolos range between Ephesus and Sardis. Originally four in
number (Karabel A, B and C1–2), all but Karabel A were de-
stroyed a generation ago, though not before several records had
been made.
The royal figure here standing represents Tarkasnawa, king of
Mira. He holds a bow and spear, and wears a sword with crescen-
tic pommel and a tall peaked headdress stylistically comparable
with other sculptures of the reign of the last powerful king of
Hatti, Tudhaliya IV. Parallels have been drawn with the reliefs of
Mount Sipylus, Gavurkalesi, Yazılıkaya, Fraktin and Sirkeli.
As recently as 1997 David Hawkins was first able to read the in-
scription, in hieroglyphs, of Karabel A, thus removing uncertain-
ties, attributing this relief to Tarkasnawa, king of Mira, who men-
tions also his father and grandfather. Their names cannot yet be
deciphered.
The stylistic evidence agrees with the textual, in ascribing the
Karabel relief to the time of Tudhaliya IV.
suddenly, where in the Kaskan town the rule of a single man was
not customary, Pihhuniya ruled in the manner of a king.”
With the appointment of his brother Hattusili as virtual vice-
roy of the troublesome Kaska borderlands, Muwatalli II inaugu-
rated the final pacification of these persistent enemies of Hatti.
Ramesses II records the inclusion of the rich booty of Keshkesh
(Kaska) among the gifts dispatched as marriage dowry by Hat-
tusili III. Kaska remained an occasional threat, however, with
Tudhaliya IV campaigning vigorously there in his youth, before
his accession.
Texts from Tabal and the Assyrian annals mention the Kasku,
clearly Kaskan descendants and neighbors of Tabal in the early
first millennium BC.
KASTAMA. This was a city in the north, one of those pillaged by in-
vading Kaska tribesmen in the reign of Arnuwanda I, whose cult
center was destroyed. A text concerning the palace (e-gal) of Kas-
tama reveals the grip held by the administration on the agricultural
land, with issues of seed corn for sowing from the palace stores,
with quantities specified, and with the enforcement of the corvée
for sowing and reaping, from which none was exempt. First, how-
ever, the property of the crown in each village was listed. Here was
a bureaucratic machinery as intensive as that deployed for the Do-
mesday Book survey in England (1086). It is at this level that the
sophistication of Hittite state control becomes most evident. A pal-
ace such as that of Kastama would have ranked below the “houses
of the seal” described as the administrative framework of the state
by Telipinu, in relation to his wide-ranging governmental reforms.
KESTEL. An Early Bronze Age tin mine and associated mining areas
are located near the small town of Camardi, 30 kilometers east-
southeast of the city of Niğde and above several rivers flowing
through the Niğde Massif. The mine was cut into a slope composed
152 ● KIKKULI
KILISE TEPE. Settlement site with occupation from the third millen-
nium BC until the Byzantine period, located about 45 kilometers
northwest of Silifke, above the left bank of the Göksu near where
the river leaves the Mut basin to drop down between cliffs to the
Mediterranean. Excavations began in 1994 under the direction of
Nicholas Postgate (Cambridge). Stable conditions under the Hittite
Empire (Level III) are accompanied by the standard Late Bronze
Age pottery. A date of 1380 BC was obtained by dendro-
chronology.
Dating of the later levels is not precise, until close links with
Cypriot pottery can be dated ca.750–650 BC. Four short-lived
KINET ● 153
KINGSHIP, KINGS. The most ancient title of the Hittite kings was
Labarna (Tabarna in Luwian and Akkadian), while under the Em-
pire “My Sun” came additionally into use. While this has been seen
as a manifestation of an “orientalizing” tendency, the adoption of
traditions of government native to Syria and Mesopotamia and the
abandonment of older Indo-European institutions, more probably it
expresses the devotion of the king to the Sun-Goddess of Arinna
and to the Sun-God. Admittedly, from the reign of Suppiluliuma I
the winged sun disk came into regular use in royal iconography,
persisting through the Neo-Hittite period: of its Egyptian derivation
there can be no possible doubt.
The ethos of the kingship was more strongly theocratic in the
time of the Empire than in the Old Kingdom, largely through grow-
ing Hurrian influence. Mursili II was notably pious, interrupting
campaigns in order to preside at major festivals. In large part this
was owing to his urge to appease the gods for the plague, begin-
ning in the time of Suppiluliuma I, who died from it, and lasting 20
years.
The king was servant or steward of the gods, especially the
Storm-God and the Sun-Goddess.. He was not deified in his life-
time, in spite of references to his filial relationship to various di-
vinities, to be regarded as mere figures of speech. Scattered allu-
sions alone cast light on the question of the divinity of the Hittite
kings. Ritual purity was nevertheless an essential attribute of the
Hittite kings. For example, the finding of a hair in his washing
bowl was a capital offense! This has to be understood in the con-
text of the properties of hair in the realm of magic.
Few texts set out anything approaching a philosophy of king-
ship, one such being a ritual for building a new palace:
To me, the king, have the gods, the Sun-God and the
Weather-God, entrusted the land and my house. I, the king,
KINIK ● 155
they were from a local cult center, part of the equipment of a tem-
ple. The geographical location places this hoard in the Pontic hills
for generations under the control of the Kaska tribes, but largely
reclaimed by the Hittite state in the early years of Hattusili (III).
His brother Muwatalli II had made him semi-independent ruler of
a broad swathe of territory forming the northern borderlands of
Hatti, when he recovered the long revered shrine of Nerik. The
decorative style of the finest vessel in the Kinik hoard suggests a
date in or close to the reign of Tudhaliya IV. A hint of the wealth
of the region is provided and by implication of the resources so
long at the disposal of the Kaska enemies of Hattusa.
Outstanding in the Kinik hoard are three bull rhytons and a
bowl inscribed in hieroglyphs and decorated with registers of
“typical Hittite figures.” On this small bowl are depicted floral and
figurative motifs in the repoussé technique. The longest frieze, just
below the shoulder of the bowl, depicts a hunt involving the hunter
and many deer and ibexes. A sacred tree flanked by two griffins
appears in the lowermost register. The hunt is a characteristic
theme of Hittite art, as for example on the reliefs of Alaca Höyük.
This is a small vessel, the largest register being only 3.3 centime-
ters high.
long vanished from the political map. At least in the sphere of cult
and ritual, however, the once hated Hurrian had in a sense tri-
umphed.
She was the patron divinity of Carchemish, and can be set within
the long tradition of the Mother-Goddess cult which can be traced
back at least to the seventh millennium BC.
lager who came to Hrozny and divulged the secret of the area
whence his fellow villagers were extracting clay tablets for sale in
the markets. This was to prove to be the site of the greatest Old
Assyrian trading community (karum), from which some 15,000
tablets and innumerable other finds have subsequently been recov-
ered by the Turkish expedition.
There is a very long sequence of occupation levels in the main
mound, or citadel, of Kültepe, from the Chalcolithic period (fourth
millennium BC) down into the Iron Age (first millennium BC). For
our purposes the strata from the later Early Bronze Age till the end
of the Late Bronze Age are especially significant, the Iron Age also
being not without interest.
It is apparent that the karum of Kanes was first built and in-
habited before the arrival of the Assyrian merchants and the orga-
nization of the Old Assyrian trade, for the earliest levels (Karum
IV–III) are completely devoid of clay tablets. One theory is that
tablets of wood, mentioned in later Hittite texts, may have been in
use: if so, this would tend to add weight to the suggestion of an
Anatolian, more specifically Luwian, presence here. But without
further evidence this remains a matter of enlightened guesswork.
The city of Kültepe-Kanes, contemporary with Level II of the
karum and thus dating ca.2050–1950 BC or a little later, was pro-
tected by two defensive lines, the inner wall being built on large
unhewn stones, reused in the later defenses of Kanes IB attribut-
able to Anitta, son of Pithana. Among the buildings excavated in
the city is a likely palace, with residential quarters and a large
paved open square. A palace and five temples are mentioned in the
tablets. The entire city and the karum outside the walls were burnt
in a violent destruction, conceivably the result of a Hittite attack,
although Anitta’s association with Kanes IB and the intervening
phase of Kanes IC make it chronologically unlikely to have been
attributable to Pithana. The stratigraphy of the city, however, does
not indicate any desertion of the site between Kanes II and IB, in
spite of the destruction of Kanes II. The palace containing tablets
of Warsama, king of Kanes, however, most probably belongs to a
phase (IC) when the karum was abandoned, and the merchants had
withdrawn within the walls of the Anatolian city, if they had not
indeed retreated to Assur. A bronze spearhead with typically Ana-
tolian bent tang bearing the inscription “Palace of Anitta the king”
was recovered from a public building within the city in Kanes IB
context, adding weight to the claims made in the Anitta Text.
In the karum of Kanes the orientation of streets and many
162 ● KÜLTEPE
arrival of the foreign traders from Assur that the level of sophisti-
cation in the economy of central Anatolia was attained. More
probably a network of trade routes had evolved through the activi-
ties of native Anatolian merchants, with the Assyrian newcomers
being adept at profiting from established business networks. Kanes
had a long history of urban life, the growth of trade in Anatolia
emerging during the Early Bronze III period, whose beginning in
the mid–third millennium BC could be said to mark a cultural wa-
tershed not repeated until the advent of the Iron Age in the 12th
century BC. The characteristic Alışar III (Cappadocian) ware ap-
pears at Kültepe in the levels termed Early and Middle Cappado-
cian, continuing through the Late Cappadocian phase, which in-
cludes the first two levels (IV–III) of the karum of Kanes. This
painted pottery underwent three phases of development conform-
ing with the sequence of levels at Kanes. It is noteworthy that it
was in the Early Cappadocian phase, long before the arrival of
Assyrian merchants, that the Anatolian city contained a public
building of megaron plan, either a temple or a palace, suggesting
western influence on central Anatolia. Could this have been an
outcome of the Luwian migrations?
The vicissitudes of Anatolian society, with growing conflicts
between the various minor kingdoms perhaps in part stimulated by
competition to enjoy the benefits accruing from the presence of
foreign merchants able to pay tolls to allow safe passage of their
caravans, had driven the Assyrian inhabitants of the karum of
Kanes away. The perimeter wall surrounding the karum of Kanes
IB suggests the necessity of effective protection for the merchants
returning to Kanes and in fact extending their trade to other mer-
chant colonies. How much significance is to be attached to the
smaller number of tablets found in karum IB compared with karum
II is not entirely clear. What is evident is that the second period of
Assyrian activity at Kanes lasted a shorter time, on the evidence of
limmu names on the tablets, than the first period (karum II). After
the first destruction the period of desertion of the karum (IC)
probably lasted not less than 50 years, seeing that graves of this
time dug into the ruins of karum II were evidently unknown to the
inhabitants of the reoccupied colony (karum IB), not being robbed
of their contents.
Though there are fewer tablets to reveal details of the Old
Assyrian trade in the time of karum IB, it would be mistaken to
conclude that this trade had shrunk in volume or variety. Two fac-
tors indicate the contrary: first, the expansion of the area of the ka-
164 ● KULULU
KUMARBI. The Hurrian god often termed “King of the Gods” and
the central player in the best surviving compositions of Hittite-
Hurrian mythology, he was the protagonist in dramatic events af-
fecting the community of gods. The main source concerning
Kumarbi comprises mythological texts from Hattusa, especially
the fragmentary Kingship in Heaven and The Song of Ullikummi.
He appears also in cultic texts from Mari, Nuzi and Ugarit as well
as in the myth concerning silver connecting him with his special
cult center at Urkesh (Tell Mozan) and on a first-millennium BC
hieroglyphic stela from Tell Ahmar (Til-Barsip) on the Euphrates
River.
The Hurrian theogony is set out in the Kingship in Heaven
text, giving Kumarbi as the third in succession to celestial sover-
eignty, after Alalu and Anu. At times Kumarbi is equated with En-
lil, king of the Sumerian gods, whose seat was at Nippur in central
Mesopotamia. The reference in one passage to Kumarbi’s going to
Nippur reinforces this identification. There are indubitable western
links, with Greek mythology as narrated by Hesiod, although the
roots of Hurrian theogony lie in Mesopotamia.
The second myth of the Kumarbi cycle, The Song of Ulli-
kummi, has Kumarbi begetting the stone monster Ullikummi for
the purpose of regaining the throne of heaven from Tesub.
Kumarbi, setting out from his town of Urkesh, arrives at a spot
called Cool Pond, where a great Rock is lying. Kumarbi is then in-
vited by the Sea-God to have his child by the Rock brought up
there. In due course the Rock bears Kumarbi a child, who, accord-
ing to the text, it was hoped would “hit Tesub and pound him like
chaff.” After a warning from the Sun-God about the diorite stone
child, offspring of the Rock Ullikummi, Tesub and his brother
Tasmisu go to reconnoiter, being joined by their sister Ishtar (Hur-
rian: Sausga). All three ascend Mount Hazzi, on the Mediterranean
coast near Antioch: this is the classical Casius. Then we read of
Tesub ordering Tasmisu to prepare his war chariot and the two sa-
cred bulls to haul it into battle. In this first confrontation, even with
the support of “70 gods,” Tesub is unsuccessful against the Stone.
In the great second battle Ullikummi boasts of the role his father
Kumarbi has assigned him. Thereafter, though there is a complete
break in the text, it can be assumed the outcome is the final tri-
166 ● KUMARBI
be sent from Egypt, with the consent of the Pharaoh Ramesses II,
successfully to treat Kurunta for a serious illness.
The case for a coup d’état resulting in the seizure of the throne
by Kurunta rests primarily on bullae found at Hattusa, bearing the
inscription “Kurunta, Great King, Labarna, My Sun.” By them-
selves these bullae do not provide absolute proof, only that he had
come to claim a title not granted to him. There is, however, the cir-
cumstantial evidence of destruction at Hattusa—mainly along the
walls and in the temple area—subsequently repaired as part of a
wider building program directed by Tudhaliya IV. Civil strife
seems indicated.
The fate of Kurunta following the regaining of his throne by
Tudhaliya IV is unknown. If a deliberate policy of suppressing any
record of an uprising was followed, it was all too successful. Ku-
runta is most unlikely to have been allowed to remain as ruler of
Tarhuntassa.
The part played by Kurunta has become much clearer since the
unearthing (1986) of a perfectly preserved bronze tablet under the
pavement just inside the Sphinx Gate in Boğazköy: Upper City.
The text, of 350 lines of cuneiform Hittite, is of a treaty drawn up
between Tudhaliya IV and Kurunta. The preamble clarifies the role
of Kurunta in the years following his uncle’s usurpation of the
throne from Urhi-Tesub, as well as providing welcome new data
on historical geography.
city gate and of drilled stone blocks, some filled with burnt wood.
Temple II was a major structure, with at least 83 rooms, forming a
single complex around a central court: there were two entrances,
each three meters wide, one having a guardroom. This temple was
possibly dedicated to the Storm-God, associated with a major-
ity of Hittite cities. Tablets indicate the presence of archives in a
major center not too far removed from Maşat Höyük.
include Beycesultan.
-L-
LABARNA (before 1650 BC). This king was regarded by his succes-
sors as the founder of the royal dynasty, and his name was assumed
as a title by each king on his accession, though for his lifetime
only, not after death. Clearly therefore his achievements must have
been such as to command lasting respect; and it seems most im-
probable that he could have been confused with his grandson Hat-
tusili I, even though their military feats are described in similar
language by Telipinu in his Proclamation. Labarna was more
likely to have been the grandfather than the uncle of Hattusili I,
who recalled the rebellion against him as a warning against dis-
unity in the kingdom.
Labarna was probably based at Kussara, previously the ances-
tral home of Pithana and Anitta and the likely focus of the early
Hittite kingdom. There are no surviving records from his reign, the
one major source being the later Proclamation of Telipinu, well
over a century after his death. This included a historical prologue
containing a message for posterity, namely, that only at times of
unity in the royal family and stability in the Hittite homeland was
military expansion possible. Had Labarna himself achieved this
stability early in his reign, or did he inherit it? There is just a pos-
sibility that an earlier king, Huzziya, preceded him.
LALANDA ● 171
LOWER LAND. This stretch of territory covered the Konya Plan and
beyond to the southwest border of Hatti proper. Its possession was
essential for the security of the Hittite homeland and for control of
the main route south into Kizzuwadna and thence into north Syria.
The most critical phase in the history of the Lower Land, from
the Hittite viewpoint, came with its fall to western invaders from
Arzawa during the dark days of Tudhaliya III. It was here that his
son had his first major confrontation with the Arzawan enemy,
successfully expelling his forces from the Lower Land, though
only after hard fighting. After his accession Suppiluliuma I, to end
this threat to the Hittite homeland, appointed a seasoned com-
mander, Hannutti, as governor. He was provided with infantry and
chariotry, enabling him in due course to move against the Ar-
zawan state of Hapalla.
Lalanda was an area which had come to heel at this time, but
rebelled later, early in the reign of Tudhaliya IV, who feared for
the security of Hittite rule in the whole Lower Land. Moreover, the
secession of Tarhuntassa, obscure as the precise course of events
remains, involved the southern areas of the Konya Plain, thus im-
pinging on the Lower Land. This was Luwian territory, as demon-
strated by the principalities of the early first millennium BC.
LUKKA. The region known by this name was the precursor of the
Classical Lycia, extending over the southwestern corner of modern
Turkey and increasingly popular with tourists. Though featuring
quite frequently in the Hittite records, it was never one unified
kingdom, and thus could not be brought under vassalage. Nor was
its population at all consistent in loyalty to the kings in Hattusa,
for there was often the contrary influence of Arzawa, the long-
standing opponent of the Hittite state.
The men of the Lukka Lands had a long tradition of seafaring,
which they put to good use through piracy in the eastern Mediter-
ranean, at least from the Amarna period in the 14th century BC,
with Greek historical sources revealing the depredations of Lycian
pirates. In the Late Bronze Age they commanded the sea route
from the Mycenaean world (Ahhiyawa) eastward to Alasiya (Cy-
prus) and Ugarit. Lycian was an Indo-European language, one of
LUSCHAN ● 181
-M-
MAGIC. No ancient Near Eastern people could cope with the hazards
of life, not least with war and sickness, without the penetrating
power of magic. In some sense it was the link between the more
complex manifestations of religion and the unsophisticated beliefs
and practices of the majority of the population, undirected by priest
or scribe. Though the Hittites owed much to Mesopotamian and
Hurrian traditions, their magical texts were a collection of indi-
vidual prescriptions rather than official products of temple schools.
It was not so much the heartland as the outlying regions, nota-
bly Kizzuwadna and Arzawa, that supplied a large number of
those skilled in the magical arts. Linked with these was the art of
divination. Only when a god or goddess was involved were
prayers and sacrifices necessarily incorporated to reinforce the
rituals of magic.
Hittite magical texts are more illuminating than those of
Mesopotamia and Egypt, for the name of the practitioner, his or her
MAGIC ● 183
fered to the Lord (Yahveh) for a sin offering; but the goat on which
the lot falls is to be presented alive “for a scapegoat” (Authorized
Version, 1611), surely as good a translation as any of the modern
versions. This was to make atonement and to be released into the
wilderness: “The goat shall carry all their iniquities upon itself into
some barren waste, and the man shall let it go, there in the wilder-
ness.”
The concept of a moral dimension, or sin, in connection with
the scapegoat was apparently unique to the Hebrews, with their in-
cipient monotheism. For the Hittites and others the scapegoat was
commonly employed to remove harm from the army before battle
or from the royal family, plague and pestilence being a recurrent
menace. The Hittites might lay a wreath of colored wool on a
ram’s head, then drive it toward the enemy, according to a pre-
scription of one named Uhhamuwa, a magician from Arzawa in the
west. The ritual of Pulisa requires a bull to be garlanded, the pre-
scription ending thus:
these rams and this woman have carried it away from the
camp. And the country that finds them shall take over this
evil pestilence.”
ing a liquid offering to the gods, in each case into a handled vessel
with ring base. In one scene the king faces four gods, headed by
the Storm-God, grasping the telltale thunderbolts, with the second
and fourth gods holding an ax over their left shoulder; the second
god appears to be holding a lance. In the other scene the king faces
left toward the Storm-God, and behind him is a related god riding a
heavy wheeled vehicle drawn by a bull, the sculptor having failed
to allow enough space on the block for a competent depiction. This
last bears some similarity to one of the scenes on the gold bowl
from Hasanlu, implying a shared Hurrian cultural heritage. An-
other relief demonstrates the memory in Malatya of the myths of
its Hittite forebears: it shows the fight of the Storm-God against the
dragon Iluyanka, depicted in multi-serpentine form. These reliefs
can be attributed to the 12th and 11th centuries BC. Much later is a
colossal statue of a king of Malatya in semi-Assyrianizing style
and attributable to the eighth century BC.
MARI. Major city on the right bank of the middle Euphrates, coming
into indirect contact with the Hittite sphere through Emar, Car-
chemish and Aleppo in the early second millennium BC. Its pros-
perity always depended on transit trade between the cities of
Mesopotamia and those of Anatolia and the Mediterranean coast,
though it had workshops for textiles and other industries, flourish-
ing at the same time as the Old Assyrian trade with Kanes and be-
yond.
The great palace of Mari, eventually comprising over 250
rooms and covering more than 34 hectares, was repeatedly en-
larged over four centuries, until its destruction by Hammurabi of
Babylon. The ruler of Ugarit asked Hammurabi to present his son
to Zimri-Lim, last of the kings of Mari, to enable him to widen his
education by visiting one of the recognized wonders of the world.
This combined several functions, being the private residence of the
royal family, the center of the civil service, the place of reception
for foreign visitors and embassies and the depot for taxes and trib-
ute received in the form of food and other commodities needing
extensive storage space, a feature it had in common with all ancient
Near Eastern palaces.
Some 25,000 cuneiform clay tablets were recovered by the
French expedition under the late André Parrot in the inter war sea-
sons, the work on the site having resumed after World War II. Of
these 1,600 were found in one room, evidently an archive, within
the civil service quarters and close to two rooms with benches and
exercise tablets, the school rooms for the young trainee scribes.
One of the most interesting aspects of life in Mari, as revealed
by its tablets, is the evidence for the relations of the settled urban
population and agriculturalists with the pastoralists exploiting the
less fertile land outside the limits of irrigation. If such a delicate
balance of differing interests obtained also in the less fertile parts
of Anatolia, as for instance the environs of Acemhöyük, there is
no documentation yet found.
The removal of Mari, which never revived, from the interna-
tional scene indirectly assisted the rise of the kingdom of Mitanni
and eventually also the expansion of Assyria.
190 ● MARRASSANTIYA
of the first part of his western campaign, along with lands includ-
ing Wiyanawanda and Lukka, as recorded in the hieroglyphic
Boğazköy: Südburg inscription. A more southerly location for
Masa is thus suggested, as likewise by the reference in the
Tawagalawa letter. The inclusion of a mock battle in the rituals or-
dained by Tudhaliya IV’s religious reforms hardly implies very
friendly relations between the Hittite king and the men of Masa.
MAŞAT HÖYÜK. Attention was first drawn to this major Hittite site
with the discovery of a tablet (1943). Excavations have been con-
ducted by Tahsin Özgüç, of the University of Ankara (1973–
1984). This site is located 116 kilometers northeast of Hattusa, 20
kilometers south-southwest of Zile and 312 kilometers east of An-
kara, standing just west of the modern village of Maşat, and is al-
most certainly identifiable with the Hittite city of Tapikka. This
was a major administrative center near the border with the Kaska
lands, sharing the same material civilization with the cult center of
Arinna (Alaca Höyük) and the seat of royal government (Hat-
tusa).
The history of settlement here began in the third millennium
BC, the Early Bronze Age ending with a burnt destruction. Maşat
V likewise ended in violent burning, as did the contemporary set-
tlements of Kanes (karum IB), Boğazköy: Büyükkale IVd and
Lower City 4, Alaca Höyük 4, Alışar Höyük and Acemhöyük.
Maşat IV was contemporary with early Büyükkale IVc (Hittite Old
Kingdom).
Maşat III can be dated to the very early Empire (early 14th
century BC), when Hittite control over the troublesome Kaska bor-
derlands was briefly restored, after the setbacks under Hantili II.
The archive of tablets, most being letters, may represent only a
decade or so, in the reigns of Tudhaliya I/II and Arnuwanda I.
Their “Middle Hittite” script is consistent with a dating ca.1400
BC. These tablets were found in the palace built on the citadel,
with a contemporary temple in the lower city, both destroyed at the
same time. The latter is very similar in plan to other Hittite tem-
ples, with paved central court, magazines and other rooms.
Very soon after the destruction of Maşat III, large new public
buildings were constructed under Suppiluliuma I. Dating for
Maşat II is provided by tablets, still in the “Middle Hittite” script, a
seal impression and seal of Suppiluliuma found together in one
major building. This building level was short-lived, destroyed
probably in the reign of Mursili II, shortly before the second major
McEWAN ● 193
Hammering and casting were used largely for tools and weap-
ons but also for a variety of non utilitarian items such as figurines
and personal ornaments. The exploitation of alloys was first devel-
oped late in the fourth millennium BC, the commonest in early Hit-
tite Anatolia being arsenical copper, continuing the tradition evi-
dent at Alaca Höyük and elsewhere in the Early Bronze Age and
outlasting the imports of tin in the Old Assyrian period. Alloys of
copper with nickel, tin and lead occur under the Hittite Empire.
It was in remote, relatively inaccessible mountain sites that the
laborious tasks of mining, extraction, smelting and refining were
carried out, unfortunately not recorded in the Hittite texts. For such
a record it is necessary to turn to the Assyrian annals of the first
millennium BC. Modern mining activities are of limited use in ef-
forts to pinpoint prehistoric metallurgical sites, since the smaller
metal sources once exploited have no commercial value today. Ar-
chaeological science, however, includes the technique termed lead
isotope analysis, now quite widely employed to determine sources
of metals.
Sheet metal was produced and shaped, and jointing was
achieved by casting or riveting. For decorative metalwork and per-
sonal ornaments the various techniques found as early as the mid–
third millennium BC in the “Royal Cemetery” of Ur in southern
Mesopotamia—chasing, cloisonné, filigree, granulation, gilding
and repoussé—were practiced in Hittite Anatolia, with wire-
drawing as an innovation. Repoussé was the technique used for the
small-scale friezes on a bowl from the rich hoard of metal vessels
from Kinik (Kastamonu).
but it represents the greater part of the time span in which the Mid-
dle Hittite script was in use, extending into the early Empire.
Aluwamna succeeded Telipinu. The throne was then seized by
Tahurwaili, possibly one of the three assassins of Huzziya I. There
followed the reigns of the kings Hantili II, Zidanta II, Huzziya II
and Muwatalli I.
MUKIS. A territory lying north of Aleppo and from time to time un-
der its rule, it was conquered in a rapid campaign by Suppiluliuma
I, after his defeat of Mitanni and capture of its capital Wassu-
kanni. When Mukis proved an unwilling vassal of Hatti, Ugarit
was persuaded to join Suppiluliuma against Nuhasse and Mukis,
whom he called his enemies. He gave much of Mukis to Niqmaddu
II of Ugarit, increasing his realm almost fourfold. Suppiluliuma
then extended the kingdom of Carchemish (under the viceroy
Sarri-Kusuh) to the borders of Mukis, which was thus hemmed in
by Carchemish and Ugarit.
wrath against the land of Hatti. His father’s neglect of a certain fes-
tival, his alleged breaking of a frontier treaty with Egypt and—to
modern eyes far the most serious—his slaying his elder brother to
gain the throne were all cited as provoking the gods. Mursili could
not understand why his offerings were not sufficient compensation,
although he never denied that a father’s guilt descended on his
children.
When he came to the throne, Mursili II was mocked by his
enemies as a mere child, though probably in his early twenties.
This may have happened because he was the fifth and youngest son
of Suppiluliuma I, his eldest brother, Arnuwanda II, having died
of the plague and another brother, Zannanza, having been mur-
dered on entering Egypt to marry Ankhesenamun. Yet it seems
curious that two other brothers, viceroys of Aleppo and Carchem-
ish, were willing to remain as such, allowing their younger brother
to ascend the throne in Hattusa. It is noteworthy that during their
lifetimes Mursili seems to have relied heavily on their support in
maintaining his hold on his father’s territorial gains in Syria.
Mursili was immediately to prove his enemies sorely mistaken
in their estimate of him: his youth probably gave him an energy not
always seen in kings of more mature years. The first major crisis of
his reign was one experienced by most Hittite kings, whose ene-
mies, sometimes seducing some of the Hittite vassals, saw the ac-
cession of a new king as an opportunity to strike out against their
overlord or threatening neighbor. Vassalage anyhow implied a per-
sonal bond, which a royal Hittite successor could not assume
automatically to inherit. The most unrelenting danger to the Hittite
Empire came from the Kaska lands to the north; and the new reign
began with two years’ campaigning against these tribesmen, whom
he never permanently subdued.
Mursili then turned his attention to the west, where he was to
win his most significant successes, removing Arzawa from the
map as a political and military threat and securing his triumph by
the deportation of 65,000 to the Hittite homeland, along with live-
stock and military paraphernalia. He was to have no serious trouble
in the west for the remainder of his reign, bar minor sedition, ena-
bling him to concentrate on dangers in the northeast, the south and
the southeast.
It was to the north and northeast—the Kaska lands, the Upper
Land and Azzi-Hayasa—that Mursili constantly found his atten-
tion drawn, in the early years of his reign leaving Syria to the expe-
rienced hands of Telipinu in Aleppo and Sarri-Kusuh in Carchem-
208 ● MURSILI III
The Muski may well have been responsible for the destruction
of Carchemish (ca.900 BC).
Mita of Musku, prominent in the annals of Sargon II of
Assyria (722–705 BC), was surely the great Midas, whose capital
was at Gordion. But Muski/Musku must have been a generic tribal
name, used over a wide zone and for centuries in Anatolia. Only
thus can its presence in the annals of Sargon II and rather later in
the inscriptions of Rusa II of Urartu (ca.685–645 BC) be ade-
quately explained.
-N-
NESA/NESILI. Nesa was the original form of the city name Kanes,
with which the earliest historically attested Hittite presence in Ana-
tolia was associated. The application of the name to the Hittite
language, as Nesili (Nesite), continued much longer.
vassal kingdom of Ugarit, things could have been far worse, had
Tukulti-Ninurta I pressed home his advantage across the Euphra-
tes. Though unquantifiable, these were probably factors contribut-
ing to the coup d’état a few years later by the king’s cousin Ku-
runta.
chives of Mari and Alalakh VII, Nuhasse was not a political entity
until the campaigns of Suppiluliuma I. In his time there were sev-
eral rulers within the Nuhasse Lands, minor chiefs who oscillated
in their loyalties between Hatti and Mitanni.
In the reign of Mursili II Nuhasse again rebelled. The Hittite
policy of indirect rule with reliance on compliant puppets failed to
secure prolonged tranquillity. Hattusili III decided on the Nuhasse
Lands as the place of exile of the deposed Urhi-Tesub, a serious
mistake as it proved.
-O-
OIL. Fine oil was akin to perfume, and as such much prized, being
used for anointing divine statues in the temples and during festi-
vals, as well as the king himself in the accession ritual. The nobil-
ity certainly used it for their toilet. Fine oil was more than a cos-
metic or cleanser, however, for it clearly brought good fortune:
hence the anointing of the commanding officer before battle, to-
gether with his horses, his chariots and all his weapons. Cedar oil
was especially valued. Fine oil could be stored in horns, or in some
rituals mixed with wine. An Egyptian king, possibly Amenhotep
III, in a letter written in Hittite to the king of Arzawa refers to the
anointing with oil of the head of the woman selected to be his wife.
Oil was extracted from a variety of vegetable sources, notably
olive, sesame, cypress, juniper and nuts. It might be used along
with resin, though that would be prized largely for its fragrance. It
was also used regularly for lamps and torches and for the prepara-
tion of food, especially breads and pastries. Oil could be employed,
with fat or grease, as a waterproofing agent.
That oil had its uses as a medicament, doubtless for aches and
pains and strained muscles, is perhaps implied by the instruction to
trainers, in the Kikkuli treatise, to massage their horses with fine
oil on the fifth day, after daily washing during the preceding days.
There can be little doubt that for the majority of the population
fine oil was a luxury they could ill afford. They were, after all, of
inferior status compared with the horses of the elite chariotry!
Animal fat must have been their standard medium for cooking and
lighting.
the routes taken by the merchants traveling to and fro between As-
sur and the karum of Kanes or the other Anatolian merchant colo-
nies. It seems that the total distance each way of the caravan route
was about 1,200 kilometers; that the precise route varied according
to external factors or individual choice; and that, after reaching the
Euphrates River from Assur, the commonest route on to Kanes
passed Ursu (west of Birecik) and Hahhum, with an alternative
from Ursu via the more easterly Mama, likely to have lain in the
Elbistan plain.
Sidelights on the caravan route occur in references to the tex-
tile trade en route from Assur to Anatolia. Several tablets mention
textiles from the town of Talhad, near the upper Balikh River, a
tributary of the Euphrates west of the Khabur River: belts and
shawls were among the products of Talhad. Most such tablets are
transport contracts, dealing with shipments from Anatolia to Assur.
References to the datum, or caravan toll, are highly relevant to
the problems of the caravan route taken by the Old Assyrian mer-
chants. Percentages of the datum payable at each town en route
should correspond with the relative situations of these stations on
the road, as indeed they appear to do. Such datum texts are often,
though misleadingly, called itineraries.
ORACLES. Oracular texts record question and answer, from man and
god respectively. These continue until a positive reply emerges,
even if it means revealing intimate or guilty secrets! Experts in
divination were employed to interpret the signs by which the god
or goddess responded. Answers were a brief “yes” or “no.”
Extispicy—examining the pulsing entrails of sheep just
slaughtered—was expensive, the prerogative of the wealthy. For
the poor there was interpretation of the patterns formed by drops of
oil in water.
Lot- (kin-) oracles required a board with symbols of human
life, interpreted by the “Old Women,” perhaps by a throw of the
dice. Snake-oracles were governed by a water-snake’s movements
through a basin divided into sections filled with water.
Bird oracles were performed by trained augurs, often slaves.
Every detail of species and flight of birds coming within a demar-
cated area, frequently beside a river, was conscientiously recorded.
The augurs had to have extra keen eyes and ears. This augury was
employed before campaigns, with augurs accompanying the army:
it was not unknown for a military venture to be delayed until a fa-
vorable oracle could be obtained.
were his principal research interests. Von der Osten was by all ac-
counts a likable man and certainly a vigorous pioneer of central
Anatolian field archaeology, whose career was blighted in mid-
stream, a setback from which he never fully recovered.
-P-
PALA. This district was located just west of the lower reaches of the
Marrassantiya River. It is significant not for any political or mili-
tary prominence but as the homeland of a population speaking
Palaic, a distinct Indo-European language, which seems to have
superseded a Hattic substratum.
Palaic texts are all too rare in the surviving records. Emil For-
rer recognized Palaic (palaumnili) as one of the seven languages,
in addition to Hittite, in the archives of Hattusa. One such text
comprises a mythological tale followed by a hymn-like composi-
tion. The mythical theme is of gods attending a feast, where they
can neither slake their thirst nor satisfy their hunger. The hymn
mentions Zaparwa, the leading god of Pala, probably a Storm-
God. There are similarities to the Hittite tales of the Vanished God.
All elements can be traced back to Hattic origins. The town of
Lihzina is mentioned.
Pala was of strategic importance for the defense of the north-
ern borderlands of Hatti, and as such merited the appointment of a
senior official as governor of Pala-Tummanna, an office held by
Hutupiyanza, to whose aid Mursili II marched, after access to Pala
had been cut by a Kaska attack. In the Hittite Laws Pala is men-
tioned as one of the foreign destinations of merchants; and there
were severe fines for crimes against such traders.
Male Procession
Pisaisaphi (tablets); Nergal (Underworld); Seri and Hurri;
Hesui; Pirinkir (?); “Stag God” (Karzi); Astabi, Simegi (“Sun-God
of Heaven”), paired with Aya; Kusuh (Moon-God) paired with
Nikkal; Ninatta and Kulitta (servants of Sausga); Sausga (goddess
of War and Love); Ea (Water-God), paired with Tapkina;
Kumarbi (Grain-God, equivalent to Dagan in the middle Euphra-
tes valley); Tasmisu, brother of Tesub; then comes a gap, in the
sense that six deities in the female procession have no opposite
figures in this male procession; then comes “Calf of Tesub” (=
PARSUNTA ● 225
Female Procession
Sausga; unknown; Aya (?), paired with Simegi; Nikkal (=
Ningal), paired with Kusuh; Tapkina, paired with Ea;
Salus-Bitinhi, paired with Kumarbi; Naparbi, paired with Tasmisu;
Allatu; Hutena and Hutelluna (goddesses of Writing and Destiny);
Darru-Dakitu (servants of Hebat); granddaughter of Tesub; Alanzu
(daughter of Tesub and Hebat); Sarruma, son of Tesub and Hebat;
Hebat (Sun-Goddess of Arinna).
PLAGUE. The pestilence which struck the Hittite Empire after the
capture of Egyptian prisoners of war and their removal to Hatti
killed both Suppiluliuma I and his successor, Arnuwanda II. It
continued for some 20 years to ravage the land, provoking Mursili
II to enunciate his Plague Prayers in an effort to appease the gods.
Medicine was then bound up with prayer, propitiation and magic.
In the end, of course, it was simply natural processes whereby the
infection lost its strength which ended the plague. There is no clear
indication of its precise nature, though presumably it was one of
the numerous sicknesses still to be found in the waters of the Nile,
from which native Egyptians had probably acquired immunity.
Recurrent famine had not yet afflicted the Hittite population,
but any shortage of food must have weakened immune defenses.
Sanitation was far from perfect in the cities, though sewerage is
apparent in some areas of Hattusa.
-Q-
-R-
into cultural relations between sites and areas often quite widely
separated by geography. Changes in material culture, however,
seldom proceeded identically.
Pottery is by far the most useful indicator, from its ubiquity
and fragility alike. In a long-lived major building level the surviv-
ing pottery is likely to date to its final years. Much attention has
been devoted to seals, but these have less chronological signifi-
cance, since they are more durable and often handed down as fam-
ily heirlooms from one generation to the next.
The longest continuous sequences of stratified occupation lev-
els have been excavated outside the Hittite homeland, at Mersin
(Yumuktepe) and Beycesultan, each covering several millennia. In
Hatti, Boğazköy has occupation on one hilltop (Büyükkaya) of the
sixth millennium BC, but the area was not continuously settled un-
til the later third millennium BC. Alışar Höyük was occupied for
more than three millennia, until Hellenistic times, but with a hiatus
in the Late Bronze Age. Alaca Höyük too has a lengthy stratigra-
phy. Gordion had quite a long settlement history. Kilise Tepe was
continuously occupied from Early Bronze II into the Iron Age. In
Altınova, east of the Euphrates River, Korucutepe and
Norşuntepe both provide lengthy sequences of occupation levels.
See also ABSOLUTE CHRONOLOGY.
-S-
SAMUHA. A major cult center, along with Nerik, Arinna and Zip-
palanda, also functioning as one of the store cities of the Hittite
state, it was located in the upper valley of the Marrassantiya, in
the Upper Land. While its site has not been identified, two possi-
bilities are the citadel of Sivas, the modern provincial center, and
the site of Tekkeköy, four kilometers south of Zara, upstream from
Sivas and not far from the river. At the former, the sec-
ond-millennium BC remains are buried under the Seljuk citadel, of
medieval date. Tekkeköy, a site on a rock ridge, has surface pot-
SAPINUWA ● 237
tery of Late Bronze and Iron Age wares, and by its area was
clearly a town site.
Samuha was one of many cities regained by Telipinu, but
played its most significant political role under Tudhaliya III,
when it may have proved to be the one remaining center loyal to
the Hittite king, when Hattusa and most of his other territories had
fallen to the combined assault of enemies from west, north and
east. Even Samuha fell for a time, when “the enemy from Azzi
came and sacked all the Upper Land and made Samuha his fron-
tier.”
Samuha may have been the first major city to be recaptured
and brought back to Hittite rule by Tudhaliya III, who may have
established his court there, while Hattusa remained under enemy
rule. It became the base for successive attacks northeastward
against the tribes of Kaska, the menace which had to be con-
fronted first, if only to liberate Hattusa. Tudhaliya III led these
campaigns in person till near the end of his reign, when he lay sick
at Samuha, command being handed over to his son, the future
Suppiluliuma I. It seems that, despite the incursion from Azzi,
Samuha by its location proved relatively secure from attack.
In the final act of his troubled reign, Urhi-Tesub marched
against his uncle’s strongholds in the Upper Land but failed to win
support against Hattusili (III). He reached Samuha, but was
soundly defeated, being shut up in the city “like a pig in a sty,” and
eventually compelled to surrender. Hattusili attributed his success
to the support of the goddess Ishtar of Samuha, to whom both he
and his successor Tudhaliya IV were dedicated in their youth.
SAUSGA. A deity not unique in the Hittite world in being both male
and female, variously associated with war, love and fertility, and
related to the Semitic Ishtar, Sausga is best known from the Hit-
tite texts and from the reliefs of Yazılıkaya. There, she is depicted
among the male deities, wearing a tiara, distinctive hairstyle and
kilt, giving a military appearance, but with her clothing pulled
away to expose her lower torso. Sausga was especially venerated
by Hattusili III, very probably owing to the Hurrian background
of this deity, aligning with Kizzuwadna, the homeland of his
queen, Puduhepa.
This was, however, a relatively late import into the Hittite
royal pantheon, being almost unknown before the Middle Hittite
period. The earliest reference occurs in association with Nineveh,
where the cult of Ishtar took a distinct form from that found else-
where in the Mesopotamian world. A lamb was offered to Sausa,
later identified in a lexical list as “Ishtar of/in Subartu,” that is, of
the North, soon before 2000 BC, during the Third Dynasty of Ur.
It was the Hurrians who enthusiastically adopted the cult of
this deity, renaming her Sausa or Sawuska. Widely though not
prominently venerated, Ishtar/Sawuska was the chief divinity of
Tusratta of Mitanni, who invokes her alongside Re, the Sun-God
of Egypt. The increasing popularity of Sausga from the Middle
Hittite period until the fall of Hatti is but one manifestation of the
Hurrian impact on the court and kingdom.
This deity continues to be mentioned in the Iron Age in the
hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, while the cuneiform sources
mentioning Ishtar of Nineveh are exclusively Assyrian.
240 ● SAYCE
stamp seals have not survived, but very probably occurred, for use
in stamping textiles. Steatite was used for some of the Hittite seals
excavated at Ugarit.
It is the cylinder seals which display the skills of the cutter in
design, the stamp seals being relatively simple and limited in rep-
ertoire. The Old Assyrian style probably derived from the glyptic
art of the Third Dynasty of Ur in southern Mesopotamia (2113–
2004 BC), specifically from the rule of Ur over Assur. Influences
are discernible from the Syrian-style seals of the third millennium
BC and from seals of the so-called Syro-Cappadocian style. Seals
of the Old Assyrian style were presumably made both at Assur and
in Anatolia. Lapis lazuli seals are textually recorded as being sent
from Assur to Anatolia. Themes in this style include: standing fig-
ures; introduction to a seated deity, a dominant subject in Mesopo-
tamia; supplication before a seated deity, those without inscription
often having one of a rich variety of subsidiary subjects forming
the end or terminal element of the design; processions of deities
with thunderbolts and other symbols or weapons; a god in a char-
iot; the Water-God and scenes with the water hero; the nude god-
dess; combats; scenes in two registers. The basic scene of intro-
duction or supplication forms the center of nearly all designs.
Terminal elements in a design can combine serpents, bulls, lions,
scorpions, crossed animals, and tiny human figures or deities,
making for a rich repertoire in contrast with the stereotyped seals
of contemporary Mesopotamia.
The cylinder seals of the Anatolian style are mostly of high
quality, though some can be classed as crude. The origin of this
style could lie in karum III–IV or in Syria or both. The cylinder
seal must have been imported by the first Assyrian merchants,
along with the cuneiform script, into central Anatolia. By the time
of karum II at Kanes the cylinder seals in the Anatolian style had
developed entirely original designs. Native Anatolian subjects,
among them different forms of Storm-God or Weather-God, espe-
cially animals, are combined with Mesopotamian and other foreign
themes, all fitted into crowded Anatolian designs, often on several
levels though not in rigid registers. Hittite art was later to absorb
elements of iconography and composition from Anatolian glyptic
art of the Old Assyrian period. The classification of the subject
matter of such crowded designs is difficult. They include: intro-
duction, supplication and offering before a seated deity or ruler;
deities and others standing before a seated deity or ruler; deities
enthroned or in procession; scenes of animals with “heroes of the
246 ● SEALS
This tablet was with others in an oven where they had just
been baked: they were never dispatched.
Who were the Sea Peoples? Not all the groups which dis-
rupted Anatolia in the 12th century BC can be included under this
overriding name, notably the Muski. Of those listed in the above-
quoted inscription at Medinet Habu, the majority evidently came
from Palestine (Peleset or Philistines), the Aegean region (Denyen)
and Sicily (Shekelesh). One suggestion is that two other groups
should be largely discounted, not being mentioned in most of the
inscriptions: these are the Sherden or Shardana and the Teresh, the
most westerly of the Sea Peoples, so-called. These must clearly be
associated with Sardinia and with mainland Italy (Tyrenia). The
Sherden first appear in the early 14th century BC in Egypt, in the
reign of Amenhotep III, and were being employed as mercenaries
by Ramesses II. In the Medinet Habu reliefs they appear fighting
on both sides, distinguished by their bronze horned helmets: their
association with Sardinia is based not merely on their name but
also on bronze statuettes with horned helmets, found in the distinc-
SEEHER ● 249
SEHA RIVER LAND. The river was probably the Classical Caicos,
which flows into the Aegean Sea not far north of the mouth of the
Hermos River. This territory formed the northern part of the home-
land of Arzawa, lying north and northeast of modern Izmir and
immediately north of Sardis. It was fertile land, destined to be-
come part of the central region of the kingdom of Lydia in the Iron
Age.
250 ● SERI
SILVER. In some ways this was regarded in the ancient Near East as
being as highly prized as gold, although its lower exchange rate
belies this impression. In some excavated sites it is rare or non-
existent, owing to the fact that, unlike gold, it corrodes badly in
adverse soil conditions. As with gold, artifacts of silver are over-
whelmingly recovered from burials, and then only from those not
robbed.
In Anatolia the earliest major find of silver comprises personal
ornaments from graves of the fourth millennium BC from
Korucutepe, in the Keban area of the upper Euphrates valley, sub-
sequently the land of Isuwa. Silver artifacts of the third millen-
nium BC occur at Alaca Höyük and elsewhere in central Anatolia,
at Mahmutlar, Horoztepe, Eskiyapar and Alışar Höyük, as well
as at Troy.
The major evidence for silver comes from contemporary tab-
lets and other inscriptions. It was in use in Mesopotamia from the
mid–third millennium BC as the dominant medium of exchange in
trade, in a society where something approaching a form of cur-
rency was required. Silver was employed in making purchases and
arranging loans and deposits, as well as paying rents. It was,
moreover, included in offerings to the gods and in items of tribute
in peace and war, featuring prominently in the last capacity in the
Late Assyrian royal annals. The most numerous textual references
occur in the tablets from Kültepe-Kanes, when silver was one of
the major exports from Anatolia, and when it appears in complex
partnership and other deals.
Various hints can be found of the value attached to silver over
and beyond the obvious commercial contexts. It was evidently re-
garded as the metal of special purity, mentioned in the context of
Hittite royal funerary customs: a silver vessel was used by the
women responsible for collecting the bones from a royal crema-
tion, early on the second day of the funeral rites. Later, a kinsman
of the dead cuts down a vine with a silver ax. In an early Hurrian
myth preserved in a Hittite version, the young god Silver, living in
the countryside with his mother, is told by her: “O Silver! The city
you enquire about, I will describe to you. Your father is Kumarbi,
the Father of the city Urkesh. He resides in Urkesh. . . .”
This story was originally set in the mountains where silver
was mined, a region with which ethnic affiliation is claimed for the
citizens of Urkesh. The Keban area is nearer the location of Urk-
SIPYLUS ● 253
esh at Tell Mozan than the silver mines of the Taurus Mountains,
and the population there would have been mainly Hurrian. A more
economic use of silver, in a professional context, is apparent in a
text from Hattusa describing the construction of a house, with the
completion of the timber roof structure. At this point the architect
is obliged to shin up a rope to the roof, three times on to the roof
and down again, the third time cutting a sash hanging
from a roof beam: in this sash are tied an ax and a knife of silver.
After bowing to the owner of the house, the architect goes home,
taking the ax and knife for himself, as his fee.
The principal Anatolian sources of silver were the Bolkardağ
region of the Taurus Mountains, including Madenköy, and the Ke-
ban mine, until 1833 yielding up to five tons of silver annually.
Silver is also found in western Anatolia, in the Çanakkale and Iz-
mir areas, and in the Pontic highlands south of the Black Sea,
where place-names—including Trabzon-Gümüşhane and Amasya-
Gümüşhaciköy—are highly suggestive, gümüş being Turkish for
“silver.”
The extraction of silver was commonly associated with sulfide
ores, particularly lead sulfide (galena), sources of lead thus being a
strong pointer to silver too. Cupellation was the technique used for
extracting silver from lead ores, evidence occurring in the
Bolkardağ mining region. Native silver is rare today, though it
may have been more common in antiquity.
SIRKELI. Rock relief overlooking the Ceyhan River and the Ya-
kapınar-Ceyhan road, 37 kilometers east of Adana and not far
north of the modern east-west highway past Adana. This is one of
254 ● SLAVERY
made to recapture the city. At the end of the Great Syrian War
west of the Euphrates only Carchemish remained under Mitan-
nian control.
Hittite military and diplomatic involvement in Syria contin-
ued, with the eventual winning over of Amurru, under its devious
ruler Aziru, from its allegiance to Egypt under Akhenaten (1352–
1336 BC) to Hittite overlordship, to which he remained loyal until
his death, having understood the weakness of Egypt in Syria.
Meanwhile, Hittite forces were penetrating the land of Amka—the
Biqa’ valley between the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon ranges—
recognized hitherto as within the Egyptian sphere. At some point
the king’s son Telipinu was moved from his post in Kizzuwadna to
appointment as king, in effect viceroy, in Aleppo, a nominal priest
turned general. When his father returned to Anatolia, for punitive
operations in the Kaska lands, Mitanni saw its chance for a final
attempt to regain its lost territories west of the Euphrates; but Te-
lipinu counter-attacked, establishing a winter camp near Carchem-
ish and subduing the areas surrounding the city, though not the city
itself. He was then summoned to meet Suppiluliuma in the Lower
Land. Perhaps inevitably, Mitanni responded by laying siege to
the Hittite camp near Carchemish.
A Hittite reaction was clearly demanded, and Suppiluliuma
was not one to shrink from the challenge. Carchemish had to be
taken. Thus opened the Second Syrian War, known otherwise as
the Hurrian War, with operations extending over some six years.
After a week’s siege, a fierce battle the next day led to the fall of
Carchemish, destined to remain in Hittite hands until the end of the
Empire and indeed beyond. It was during the siege that Suppiluli-
uma was astonished by a message sent from Ankhesenamun in
Egypt, following the death of her young husband, Tutankhamun,
possibly murdered.
When Zannanza, fourth of the five sons of Suppiluliuma, was
slain at the border of Egypt, war was inevitable, despite the denials
of the next pharaoh, Ay, of complicity in the crime. Militarily suc-
cessful as was this attack on Egyptian territory in Syria, there was
one disastrous consequence: the thousands of prisoners of war
brought with them into the Hittite realm a fatal plague, in due
course killing both Suppiluliuma and his eldest son and successor.
Mitanni fell ever more deeply into internecine strife, continu-
ing with the murder of Tusratta and dethronement of his son Satti-
waza, who sought the support of Suppiluliuma. Concerned at the
threat to Hittite rule in north Syria from the growing power of
SUPPILULIUMA II ● 261
scription. This is a genre not found earlier in the Empire but quite
common in the first-millennium BC Luwian hieroglyphic inscrip-
tions. This is significant also in derivation from Middle Assyrian
texts, where the genesis of historical annals can be detected. The
conquest of Tarhuntassa is also mentioned. This western campaign
may also have been directed against the homeland of some of the
maritime marauders soon to join the Sea Peoples, and who were al-
ready a major threat to Hatti. The same enemy may well have been
the target of the attack by Suppiluliuma II on Alasiya (Cyprus),
which can be deciphered in the very badly worn rock inscription of
Boğazköy: Nişantaş, 11 lines of text and 8.5 meters long. Initially
this was ascribed to Suppiluliuma I but then to Suppiluliuma II
(strictly, Suppiluliama).
An indication of the tensions surrounding the throne comes
from an oath taken by a scribe, with heavy emphasis on loyalty to
the king and his immediate descendants. Such divisions inevitably
weakened the king in the homeland, and tended to undermine the
loyalty of vassals, including Ugarit.
SWORDS AND DAGGERS. The Hittite sword was not a rapier but
was used for slashing. Its cutting edge was on the outside of the
sickle-shaped blade, and it was fashioned of bronze. This weapon
remained in use until the introduction, possibly from western Ana-
tolia, of the straight sword—superior in design and in being forged
of iron—by the Sea Peoples or in their time. Often only the pom-
mel of stone, bone or metal has been recovered in excavations.
Swords appear on the reliefs of Karabel, Gavurkalesi and
Yazılıkaya and in the Iron Age at Zincirli. Hittite soldiers were
also equipped with a short dagger, frequently to be seen on the re-
liefs, its hilt often crescentic. More elaborate hilts with animal
heads appear on daggers clearly for ceremonial use. Blade and hilt
were originally attached by rivets but later cast in one piece. Inlays
of wood or bone could be attached by rivets and flanged edges.
-T-
TABLETS. At Kanes some tablets may have been baked in the mer-
chants’ hearths, but most were found by the excavators either
unbaked or fired only by the destruction. There was no uniformity
of size or type of tablet according to contents. Orthography also
varied. All in all, the Old Assyrian merchants seem to have orga-
nized their businesses, including their tablets—archives, corre-
spondence, contracts and so on.—on a “family firm” basis. The
Cappadocian tablets are usually small, about five by four centime-
ters, and rectangular, probably in part owing to practicalities of
transport and storage in private houses with limited space. But le-
gal transcripts, karum statutes and some letters and memoranda
were of necessity written on very large tablets. While the tablets of
karum II were put into clay envelopes which were then sealed, in
karum IB the seal was often impressed directly on the tablet.
The tablets from Hattusa—some 5,000 or more in some
30,000 fragments—are rectangular, with the whole obverse and re-
verse closely written in cuneiform script, each side divided into up
to four vertical columns. The text was also divided into sections.
They were not fired, except in the final conflagration. The contem-
porary tablets from Ugarit were, however, baked in ovens. The
vast number of fragments has kept Hittitologists employed for al-
most a century, the discovery of a join often being greeted as a ma-
264 ● TAPIKKA
jor advance.
Wooden tablets are textually recorded, along with “scribes in
wood,” but of course have not survived. These would have been
written in hieroglyphs and in the Luwian language.
change, the ensuing period being termed Late Bronze IIb and dated
until ca.1100 BC. There was, however, one significant innovation,
the arrival of Mycenaean pottery of “granary” style (Late Helladic
IIIC). Tarsus had been brought within the Aegean trading zone.
TAWANIYA. On textual evidence this was the cult center of the god-
dess Teteshapi, a deity of Hattian origin associated with animals,
music, dancing and festivities. It has not been located, though one
theory, not widely supported, would identify it with Alaca Höyük,
more probably Arinna.
TAXES. Written records from the Old Assyrian trading colonies and
the Hittite state alike attest the character and imposition of taxes in
order to raise revenue. This applied to the small Anatolian princi-
palities which dealt with the Assyrian merchants and later likewise
to the provincial centers obliged to remit payments to Hattusa.
The differences lay in the more far-flung range of the earlier trade
and in the more equal weight of the parties involved compared
with the centralized government of the Hittite Old Kingdom and
Empire. No records of tax evasion through smuggling survive from
Hittite sources, such as taking a caravan of donkeys over the hills
to avoid a customs post, as occurred in the time of the Assyrian
trade.
None of the treaties or “sworn oaths” between the Assyrian
authorities and the local Anatolian rulers has survived. But recur-
rent themes, no doubt prominent in such treaties, were the import
tax on tin and textiles and the “tithe.” If prohibited goods, such as
Anatolian textiles and meteoric iron (amutum), were traded, tax
could be avoided. Textiles were the most profitable goods to
smuggle, more so than tin, whose sources could more easily be
controlled.
Under Hittite rule the major centers of the Old Assyrian period
largely went into decline, with the shrinkage of long-distance trade
and the concentration of Anatolian commerce on Hattusa. Never-
268 ● TEGARAMA
theless, the smaller centers and those not easily accessible from the
capital retained economic independence. The basis of their wealth
was inter city trade and local industry, including metalwork and
textiles. The evidence for their economy rests, however, on the re-
cords kept in Hattusa of the payments in kind, or taxes, which they
were obliged to send to the Hittite treasury in Hattusa. These
payments might be made in currency in the form of silver bars,
weighing up to 18 kilograms. More often they were in the form of
copper artifacts or of raw wool or woven garments. Modest quan-
tities of clothing, industrial products and food were sent, for exam-
ple, from Ankuwa. Most such taxes in kind—whether tribute
(mandattu) or gifts—were in small quantities from small communi-
ties; but in total they must have accounted for much if not most of
the revenue received at Hattusa, over and above receipts from vas-
sals outside the central homeland.
Not only the Palace but also the temples in the major cult cen-
ters received taxes in kind, though the precise bureaucratic ma-
chinery is unknown. Circulation of goods, however, continued in-
dependent of the palatial system controlled from Hattusa. See also
TREASURY INCOME.
TELIPINU. The god of fertility and patron god of Mursili II, who
may well have sought his special protection for the recovery of his
land from the devastation caused by the great plague. Telipinu was
son of the Weather-God, and in one text was credited with the
foundation of the Hittite Kingdom.
He was the hero of the Myth of the Missing God, whose dis-
appearance led to catastrophic impoverishment of the land, with
failure of crops and sterility of livestock. After much ritual activity,
the wrath of Telipinu was eventually appeased, and he set about re-
storing general fertility.
TELIPINU ● 269
To the king and the queen, the princes and the land of
Hatti, grant life, health, strength, long years and enduring
joy. Grant everlasting fertility to their crops, vines, fruit-
trees, cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, mules and asses, together
with the beasts of the field, and to their people. Let them
flourish! Let the winds of prosperity pass over! Let the land
of Hatti thrive and prosper.
TELL TAYANAT. At this site in the Amuq plain the expedition sent
to north Syria, as then delineated, by the Oriental Institute of Chi-
272 ● TELL TAYANAT
cago in the 1930s carried out a limited area of excavation. This was
largely in the hope of finding what they had been unable to dis-
cover at Tell Judeideh, their principal excavation in the plain,
namely, monumental architecture and sculpture of the Neo-
Hittite period.
The excavators were more fortunate at Tell Tayanat, where
two adjacent buildings were uncovered, one a bit hilani and the
other rather questionably termed a megaron, and as such out of
place in north Syria: its description as a megaron ignores the fact
that its focus was not in the large central room immediately inside
the entrance porch but in the small sanctuary beyond. Henri Frank-
fort compared it with the Assyrian temples at Khorsabad, not
much later in date, and with a temple built during the Assyrian oc-
cupation of Guzanu (Tell Halaf), which began not later than 808
BC.
There can be little doubt that these buildings at Tell Tayanat
date to the time of Tiglath-Pileser III (744–727 BC) and thus to the
beginning of the final phase of Neo-Hittite civilization, for two
reasons: first, the three basalt column bases of the porch of the bit
hilani are the same as those of Building F/K, erected by Bar-Rekub
at Zincirli; and second, because of the finding of relief slabs of the
style of Tiglath-Pileser’s reign, though provincial in quality—
reliefs depicting a row of soldiers—reused as pavestones of a gate
in the area. This reuse may well belong to the later rebuilding of
the bit hilani. The suggestion of Calvin McEwan, the excavation
director, that there was only a minor entrance to the ground-floor
rooms of the bit hilani in the original plan seems improbable.
The double-lion column base, one of an original pair in the
porch of the so-called megaron, must be reckoned one of the in-
digenous elements of Neo-Hittite architecture; and with this may
be classed the double-sphinx base at Zincirli. Neo-Hittite sculpture,
whether orthostats or column bases, was essentially part of the
over-all architectural scheme. The inclusion in the design of gate-
ways and porticoes of guardian lions was an idea of ultimately
Mesopotamian origin, transmitted both to the Hittite capital at
Boğazköy-Hattusa and to Late Bronze Age Palestine, exemplified
at Hazor. Its lasting place in Neo-Hittite architecture can reasona-
bly be ascribed to Hittite influence.
One invaluable piece of evidence from Tell Tayanat deserves
mention: a fragment of a colossal statue, showing the top of a col-
umn with its capital, rather similar to the column base.
TEMPLE 1 ● 273
save only for huge jars, presumably holding the corn, oil, dried
beans, wine and other provisions required for the large staff. The
cult rooms within the temple itself were likewise found empty.
Looting at the time of the fall of the kingdom must indeed have
been thorough.
The division of the main structure of Temple 1, separated from
the surrounding storerooms and covering 65 by 42 meters, into
gate chamber, processional way, entranceway, inner court, stoa and
cult chambers makes its plan obviously comparable with those of
the numerous temples in the Upper City of Hattusa. The way of
the royal processions can be traced by these architectural elements,
with a large monolithic basin in the outer court or processional
way, presumed to have been used either for ritual ablution or for
libations or conceivably for both.
At the far (northeast) end of the temple stood two rooms
clearly the focus of the cult. Reached through a portico, or stoa, of
five stone piers, the more easterly of the two cult chambers con-
tained against its rear wall a stone base: at one time considered to
be a throne base, it is now agreed to have supported a divine
statue. In the light of the arrangement of the reliefs at Yazılıkaya
and earlier at Alaca Höyük, the left-hand shrine was perhaps for
the god, presumed to be the Storm-God, and the right, with the
surviving statue base, probably for the Sun-Goddess of Arinna. In
the absence of inscriptions or reliefs, a considerable element of
speculation is inevitable.
Along the southwest side of the main temple complex
stretched a street, beneath which ran a sewer. On the other side
stood a self-contained complex, its one entrance directly facing the
side entrance to the temple: this “Southern District” covered 5,300
square meters, and probably included offices for scribes, of whose
activities there are clear traces nearby, thus serving as an adminis-
trative center. That there were workshops here is hinted at by one
cuneiform tablet mentioning a “House of Operations,” also very
probably housing priests and the musicians and singers required for
the rituals. Storerooms and cult chambers also may have been sited
here. But the almost complete dearth of finds in this “Southern Dis-
trict” makes complete certainty about its functions impossible.
Again, the looting at the fall of the kingdom was complete.
Temple personnel are indicated for Temple I by a tablet from
the corridor between the gateway and the first court listing 208
persons. Writing instruments came mostly from the rooms of the
“Southern District” next to its central court. The administration of
TEMPLE PERSONNEL ● 275
TESUB. His status attained its apogee in the late Empire, under the
influence of Puduhepa and through the reigns of her husband and
her son Tudhaliya IV, when the king—on becoming a god at
death—came to be identified with Tesub.
This god can be equated with Ba’al (Cannanite/Phoenician),
Adad (Assyrian), Marduk (Babylonian) and Zeus (Greek). Tesub
was a genuine Sky- and Weather-God, syncretized with the Storm-
God who had held sway from earlier times in the Hittite realm. His
role in this respect is depicted by his clasping a bunch of thunder-
bolts, best known with the head of the male procession in Chamber
A of Yazılıkaya.
The ancestry of Tesub was Hurrian, demonstrated by his
leading role in the epic cycles entitled Kingship in Heaven and The
Song of Ullikummi. He became in due course the second-ranking
member of the pantheon of Urartu, after Haldi. The reception of
Tesub into the official Hittite pantheon in the 13th century BC is
the clearest indication of the Hurrian background of the royal fam-
ily in Hattusa during the Empire. This had been first signaled by
the marriage of Tudhaliya I/II to Nikkalmati, of Hurrian family,
at the dawn of the Hittite New Kingdom (Empire).
the reliefs but mentioned in the texts are panther, wolf, mountain
goat, lamb and piglet.
Dance, music, games and acrobatics were central to the festi-
val in honor of Teteshapi. At Alaca Höyük the acrobats may well
have performed in the courtyard in front of the reliefs. The Hittite
texts illuminate the physical setting of these rituals, with references
to buildings with courtyard, window and gate; an inn; a storage
pit; and, significantly, a ladder, ladder men and daggers or swords.
Tawaniya is recorded as the cult center of Teteshapi, though
its location at Alaca Höyük is highly debatable. This cult here
seems closely connected with that of the Storm-God with his Hat-
tic name Tarhu or Taru, depicted as a bull standing on an altar.
Among the many deities involved in the festival of Teteshapi were
the Sun-Goddess of Arinna, Mezulla, the Storm-God of Zip-
palanda, Telepinu and the Hattic War-God Wurunkatte.
girls, played a vital role as the production force. When orders could
not be met in full or on time, textiles might be imported from
neighboring Babylonia, where the textile industry was of even
greater antiquity. Sheep-rearing must have employed a significant
proportion of the population of Assyria.
Some tablets reveal a strong preference for mixed loads of tex-
tiles and tin. Some letters even stipulate that precious metals, silver
or gold, arriving in Assur from Anatolia should be spent half on tin
and half on textiles.
While the textiles came mainly from Assyria itself or from
Babylonia, some were bought en route in north Syria, while local
Anatolian textiles were traded within Anatolia, a trade in which
Assyrians also played a prominent role. There is some evidence,
however, that the Assyrian authorities pursued a protectionist pol-
icy, trying to hamper or prevent the circulation of Anatolian prod-
ucts among Assyrians, presumably because they might undercut
Assyrian textiles.
Type, size, amount of wool and finishing were all points of
importance in the correspondence between Kanes and Assur: re-
grettably, no records from Assur have been excavated. Puzur-
Assur, a merchant based in Kanes, wrote to a woman named
Waqartum, with detailed instructions on combing, shearing and so
on: more of the fine quality textiles are requested; but the Abarnian
textile which she had sent was less popular. Plainly, there was a
discriminating clientele being served by the Assyrian merchants,
with an element of competition playing into the hands of the cus-
tomers. The large number of textiles must indicate a home indus-
try, employing at least a number of female relations, especially
daughters, as well as slave girls. While most textile production was
channeled through the family firms, it appears that there may have
been some transactions on the side, as it were, for the particular
benefit of the merchant heading the firm. Wool was occasionally
sent to Lamassi, the wife of the merchant Pusu-ken, in Assur from
Anatolia, because of high prices in the City (Assur).
The Anatolian textiles were of inferior quality, by far the
commonest brand being pirikannu. These, along with saptinnu
textiles, were not welcome in Assur, and Pusu-ken was specifically
forbidden to buy them, being reminded that the orders of the City
were binding. Heavy fines were imposed on those breaking this
regulation.
After the disappearance of the Assyrian merchants from Kanes
and the other karum sites, no comparable records of the textile in-
THEOGONY ● 281
dustry and trade survive from the Hittite Old or New Kingdom.
The palace archives of Hattusa, however, record imports of tex-
tiles, perhaps parts of royal exchanges of gifts, from Babylon and
Egypt, as well as linen textiles from Syria (Amurru) and Cyprus
(Alasiya). Contributions from the provinces of different qualities
of wool and clothing are registered, along with gowns, linen fabrics
and dresses in various styles.
The thriving city and port of Ugarit, for nearly two centuries
a Hittite protectorate, was no mere entrepot but a major center of
industry, albeit directed mainly to exports. The purple dye obtained
from innumerable murex shells, the source of the renowned Tyrian
purple of the Phoenicians in the first millennium BC, was already
being produced in the workshops of Ugarit: linen and wool were
dyed, for making into garments of different designs or for export in
bales. The export markets are recorded in the economic texts of
Ugarit, and must have included the court at Hattusa. The textile in-
dustry, spinning and weaving, was among some hundred crafts
listed in the tablets from this prosperous and cosmopolitan city.
(Anu and Kumarbi) but also in Hesiod, in the fight between Ou-
ranos and Kronos. Hesiod omits the generation of Alalu, but this is
included by Philo Byblius; in the outline of Phoenician mythology
he ascribes to a certain Sankhuniaton, giving the following se-
quence: the Phoenician Elioun (Greek, Hypsistos), “The Highest,”
is identifiable with Alalu; the Greek Ouranos, “Sky,” Phoenician
name not given, is identifiable with Anu; and the Phoenician El
(Greek, Kronos) is the equivalent of Kumarbi. Elsewhere Ba’al-
Hadad, as the chief of the gods, is the equivalent both of Tesub and
of Zeus. Ea, the wise god of the Mesopotamian pantheon, is the
one who in the last resort appoints and deposes celestial rulers.
Phoenician mythology was the direct descendant of Canaanite tra-
ditions of the second millennium BC, which themselves had tenu-
ous links with Hittite religion, essentially through Ugarit. See also
PANTHEON (HITTITE); PANTHEON (YAZILIKAYA).
one bull, three sheep, loaves of bread, three pitchers of wine and
other drinks, a ration indeed indicating transportation over some
distance, requiring a considerable time. The lighter timbers proba-
bly were available more locally, for the craftsmen bringing the
joists and battens had to be content with some loaves.
The dowel holes in the masonry of Temple 1 (Boğazköy) and
the charred timbers from other sites provide evidence of the meth-
ods of timber-frame construction, the junction with the footings
and the use of mud brick above. The burnt palace of Beycesultan
V yielded traces of the upper story, its construction and decoration,
though this cannot be described as Hittite.
To this day, around Bolu and in the Black Sea region, houses
can be found which can be termed log cabins. Naturally such have
not survived from the second millennium BC, making archaeologi-
cal surveys in that zone of Anatolia liable to be frustrating, since it
will be apparent that prehistoric settlements are going undetected.
The texts show that such houses were prevalent in the enemy lands
north of Hatti, the homeland of the Kaska people. In the archives
of Hattusa and in Sumerian occurs a very rare term, E.GIS.UR.RA,
evidently signifying a “log cabin.” See also BUILDING
METHODS.
merchants who came to Kanes (Nesa) from ca.2050 BC. The tab-
lets found there indicated beyond doubt that tin was imported from
lands to the east, being one of the staples of this Old Assyrian trad-
ing network. The puzzling fact seems to be the extinction of an in-
digenous Anatolian mining industry, albeit on a limited scale, at
the end of the third millennium BC, apparently succumbing to the
arrival of foreign tin which could undercut the local product. Easier
extraction of the ore and more sophisticated marketing seem the
likeliest explanations. The evidence differs for the two trading sys-
tems, for the Anatolian tin mining is known from archaeological
discoveries and analyses alone, whereas most evidence for the
Assyrian trade derives from the tablets from their principal colony,
Kanes. Unfortunately there is less evidence for the extraction and
uses of tin after the end of the Assyrian trade around 1750 BC,
though tin ingots have been recovered from Late Bronze Age
shipwrecks in the Mediterranean, at Gelidonya and Ulu Burun.
Fifty kilometers east-southeast of Niğde and four kilometers
from the small town of Camardi there has been found an Early
Bronze Age tin mine at Kestel, two kilometers south of which was
located a miners’ village of the same period at Göltepe. Only sub-
economic amounts of material remain unmined today, but some
200 tons of metallic tin were produced over one millennium during
the Early Bronze Age at Kestel; and one ton of metallurgical de-
bris, including fragments of crucibles with tin accretions, was re-
covered from excavations at Göltepe and at the entrance to the Ke-
stel mine. Mining activity reached its zenith here around the mid–
third millennium BC, with one batch of radiocarbon determinations
giving calibrated dates of 2870–2200 BC, while another batch has
given results of 3240–3100 BC.
Another source of Anatolian tin, not far from Kestel, was the
Bolkardağ mining district, situated 15 kilometers southwest of
Çiftehan and 100 kilometers north of Mersin. This district has
proved to be perhaps the richest in a wide range of metallic ores of
anywhere in Anatolia. Over 800 mines have been located, most of
which yield significant percentages of tin, alongside other metals.
The tin ore is commonly stannite rather than the cassiterite at Ke-
stel, and would normally be less likely to be relevant to prehistoric
mining activity, occurring as it does in veins in granite. Thus it is
hard to extract. Nodules of stannite have, however, been recovered
from streambeds. The dearth of dating evidence makes it impossi-
ble to evaluate with any accuracy the scale of Bronze Age work-
ings, where mining has continued to modern times. Yet the prox-
286 ● TIN
it was solely for killing the merchant! The real crime was removal
of his goods. Weights and measures in the Hittite lands were
modeled on those in force in Mesopotamia, though with significant
difference in relative weights. A merchant’s death in a quarrel or
by accident incurred fines of 240 and 80 shekels respectively.
Ingots, commonly in oxhide form, were the international cur-
rency of maritime trade plying between the Levant and the Aegean
lands; and one such has been found at Hattusa. The Hittite state
treasury income probably benefited only marginally from the
seaborne Mediterranean commerce, except through the caravans
transporting crude metals to the centers of metallurgy in Anatolia.
The Hittite court and high society, however, had a strong liking for
semi precious stones such as lapis lazuli from Afghanistan and
amethyst, jasper and turquoise from the deserts near the Nile, as
well as for fine woolen and linen textiles. All these imports arrived
via the major emporia of the Near East.
Horses were from time to time imported from Babylonia, Mi-
tanni and Egypt, but a nearer source of supply lay in the Arzawa
lands of western Anatolia, on Homeric evidence a major horse-
breeding region in the time of the Trojan War. Human imports
ranged from Nubian slaves to doctors and scribes, though medical
men might come for a royal consultation, then returning home.
It is hard to avoid the impression that, in spite of all the indica-
tions of commercial contacts, Hittite state and society remained
remarkably little influenced by outside elements, save only in re-
ligion. See also OLD ASSYRIAN CARAVAN ROUTES.
TROY. This site is of course most famous for its Homeric associa-
tions as recounted in the Iliad, not written down until the eighth
century BC. Its Turkish name is Hissarlik (“little castle/citadel”). It
is now agreed that this is indeed the site of Troy, and that it can be
identified with Wilusa of the Hittite records. It was thus involved
in the Hittite world and in the complex rivalries in and around Ar-
zawa. Both archaeologically and historically it can be considered
primarily an Anatolian rather than an Aegean settlement at least
until the 13th century BC. Nevertheless it lies on a fault-line, as it
were, between Europe and Asia, the focus of academic attention
not always wholly dispassionate, centered on questions related to
Homer, on the one hand, and to Anatolian historical geography,
on the other.
Originally located by Franz Kauffer (1793), Troy has seen ex-
cavations for over a century, first by Heinrich Schliemann (1870–
1890), with further work after his death by his assistant Wilhelm
Dorpfeld (1893–1894); then by Carl Blegen for the University of
Cincinnati (1932–1938); and most recently in ongoing seasons un-
der Manfred Korfmann since 1988, for the University of Tübingen
and for Cincinnati. Much of this expedition’s work has been con-
centrated outside the Citadel, in the Lower City—work that has at-
tracted interest and controversy in almost equal measures. Regret-
table acrimony has been stirred up, ostensibly by the bold
reconstructions of the site publicized by Korfmann, but in all prob-
ability as much by academic jealousy, led by a university colleague
in Tübingen, not an archaeologist! Opinion among archaeologists,
however, has come down strongly on Korfmann’s side, especially
after a symposium held to thrash out these disagreements (Febru-
ary 2002).
TROY ● 291
nificant items of trade from the third millennium BC. The econ-
omy of Troy was sustained, for purposes of basic subsistence, by a
plentiful supply of fish. Modern surveys have established the pre-
historic coastline, now well out from its Bronze Age line, with
consequent silting of the harbor on which Troy had so heavily de-
pended.
time in which the Hittite king was engaged elsewhere. He was un-
able to effect a permanent Hittite presence in Isuwa.
The first step needed to restore Hittite power in the southeast
was to secure Hittite control of Kizzuwadna. That done, Tudhaliya
fixed his eyes on Aleppo, as indicated by a treaty over a century
later by Muwatalli II, a reissue of one by his father Mursili II,
with Talmi-Sarruma, vassal ruler of that city. Treaties are particu-
larly invaluable sources through their inclusion of a historical pre-
amble, biased as it usually was, and this is no exception: it refers
back to Hattusili I and Mursili I and then to Tudhaliya I/II, “with
whom the king of Aleppo made peace.” Though briefly allied with
Hatti, Aleppo then accepted Mitannian suzerainty, an error which
provoked a violent response from Tudhaliya. His claim to have
razed the city could well be accurate; but his claim also to have de-
stroyed Hanigalbat (Mitanni) must be a gross exaggeration, given
the continuing activity of Mitanni east of the Euphrates. Alalakh
Level IV with the palace of Niqmepa was, however, destroyed.
The Hittite state was once more involved as a leading player
on the central stage of Near Eastern power politics, in north Syria
where so many interests confronted one another. The Hittite New
Kingdom and a new era had begun, however temporary the con-
quests by Tudhaliya I/II proved to be.
-U-
UGARIT. This, the major Late Bronze Age city on the Mediterranean
coast of Syria, was soon identified by cuneiform tablets found in
the French excavations carried out since 1929 at the site of Ras
Shamra, three kilometers inland, and at the associated port of
Minet-el-Beidha (ancient Mahadu). The excavations, following the
accidental exposure of a stone-built tomb, were directed by Claude
F. A. Schaeffer (1929–1939 and after World War II until 1970)
and were resumed from 1978. The excavations are currently di-
rected by Marguerite Yon and Yves Cabilt (University of Lyon)
concurrently with reassessment of aspects of the earlier seasons’
results.
Ugarit can lay claim to the first rank among all Bronze Age
cities in the ancient Near East, though the Early and Middle Bronze
Age levels are relatively little known. The heyday of Ugarit was in
the Late Bronze Age, with the thousands of tablets dating entirely
from the 15th to the 13th and very early 12th century BC. The
great majority of these tablets indeed date from the last two genera-
tions of the city, up to its sudden and violent destruction by the Sea
Peoples. Ugarit had a mixed population, its written records being
even more diverse, including Sumerian, Akkadian, Hurrian and
Hittite texts, as well as syllabic and alphabetic Ugaritic.
Lying just north of Canaan, yet greatly influenced by its cul-
tural traditions, literary and religious, Ugarit thrived as an entrepot
for east-west trade, possessing a powerful fleet deployed in the
Mediterranean in trade with the Mycenaean cities. It also lay on a
north-south route for overland trade between Anatolia and Syria.
With the expansion of Egyptian power in the New Kingdom, from
UGARIT ● 299
for public works in the city but also for the large fleet.
Archaeological links with the Hittite homeland are discernible
in the postern tunnel in the short surviving stretch of the city for-
tifications, near the royal palace, and even more clearly in the seal
impressions. The postern at Ugarit is of more finely dressed ma-
sonry than that in the perimeter defenses of the Upper City of
Hattusa, dating most probably to the reign of Suppiluliuma I
(1344–1322 BC). The stonemason’s craft had a long history in
Syria, being passed on in due course to the Phoenicians. The finest
Hittite masonry, in and beyond Hattusa, can be dated after the ex-
pansion of Hittite military and political power into Syria. Seal im-
pressions exemplify Hittite royal glyptic art, in the form of con-
vex-headed stamp seals with the royal monogram in cuneiform or
hieroglyphs surrounded normally by two lines of script, cuneiform
and hieroglyphic, thus providing bilingual data of some use in the
decipherment of the hieroglyphs.
The clearest evidence of the external relations of Ugarit, how-
ever, is to be seen in the magnificently built stone tombs of Minet-
el-Beidha and Ugarit itself, excavated in the early seasons and
found to contain numerous pottery vessels, including many Myce-
naean, highlighting the importance of the maritime Aegean trade
and also of the merchant community from the Mycenaean cities
settled, along with other foreigners, in Ugarit. It is not impossible
that such contacts were ultimately to speed the onslaught on
Ugarit by the Sea Peoples, an event vividly attested by tablets
found abandoned in the oven wherein they had been baked. Such
contemporary record of violent attack and impending destruction is
extremely rare. This great city was indeed cut off in its prime,
never to rise again.
tite ritual texts reveal that it was the gods of the Underworld who,
unlike the other deities in the Hittite lands, had a strong desire for
blood from the sacrifices offered to them: thus it would be ensured
that the blood would not so much be exposed to the sky as allowed
to soak into the ground.
In the standardized pantheon which emerged in the early 14th
century BC, a group of deities associated with the Underworld
ranked low down the line, after the local deities. It was almost as
though there was a superstitious fear about recognizing such sinis-
ter beings. In the older Hattian pantheon, Sulinkatte was the
equivalent of Nergal, while Lelwani—a god, though later a god-
dess—was likewise associated with the Underworld; and Siwat,
“The Lucky Day”—a euphemism for “Day of Death”—occurs es-
pecially often in the mortuary rituals.
The clearest, most familiar manifestation of the Underworld in
Hittite religion, or more accurately in the Hurrian cult, occurs in
Chamber B of the Yazılıkaya sanctuary outside the city of Hat-
tusa, with the remarkable and indeed unique Sword-God, a god in
human form emerging from the hilt of a dagger, its blade too short-
ened to be termed a sword. This has long been recognized as iden-
tifiable with Nergal, the god of the Underworld, one of the Meso-
potamian deities imported by the Hurrians into Anatolia. From a
magical ritual going far to explain the Sword-God of Chamber B at
Yazılıkaya come the words: “He makes them as swords and fixes
them in the ground.” In another text “the bronze swords of Nergal”
and “the twelve gods of the crossroads” are mentioned together:
hence the twelve running gods, not soldiers as once supposed, fac-
ing the Sword-God and likewise appearing in the larger Chamber
A at Yazılıkaya at the rear of the procession. Skeletons of birds
were found in crevices in the rock just outside Chamber B and in
the small Room C: these typically occur in rituals associated with
the Underworld.
Magic features in the context of Underworld rituals and the
chthonic powers, as in the employment of the substitute for preser-
vation of the king’s life or for due completion of the royal funer-
ary customs. Effigies or “infernal substitutes” are prominent in
these rituals. See also BURIAL CUSTOMS.
URARTU. This kingdom, centered on the land known to its own rul-
ers as Van, flourished from the mid–ninth century BC, coming to
an abrupt end not many years after the fall of Nineveh and the
Assyrian Empire (612 BC). Its language is agreed to be related to
Hurrian, though with a common ancestor rather than in direct de-
scent. While it has been suggested that the cyclopean masonry
characteristic of its numerous fortresses may have been derived
from the comparable masonry found in the Hittite lands, notably in
the gateways of Boğazköy: Upper City, this seems highly im-
probable. There are no hints of cultural connections in other re-
spects with Late Bronze Age central Anatolia; no Urartian for-
tresses can be dated before the ninth century BC; and in any case
building methods are the least likely aspect of any cultural tradi-
tion to be transferred over long distances, if only because of the
necessity of obtaining stone and timber from nearby. It has to be
admitted, however, that craftsmen could move long distances, as
happened when workmen were imported from all over the Persian
Empire for the construction of Persepolis.
Urartu became directly involved in Anatolia west of the upper
Euphrates River with campaigns in the land of Malatya and later
organization of a doomed anti-Assyrian alliance, defeated in battle
URHI-TESUB ● 303
URIAH. Perhaps the best known Hittite until the excavations began in
1906 at Boğazköy (Hattusa), revealing the royal archives of the
imperial period. One of King David’s royal guard, the king, who
had seduced Uriah’s wife, Bath-Sheba, deliberately sent him into
the forefront of the fighting, correctly expecting him to die in bat-
tle. Thus was David enabled to take Bath-Sheba as his wife, who
bore him a son, Solomon. By so doing he incurred the wrath of
Yahveh, conveyed by the words of Nathan the prophet, later, with
Zadok the priest, to anoint Solomon king. Living in the 10th cen-
tury BC, Uriah can be termed a Neo-Hittite, one of many then in
Syria and the former land of Canaan.
-V-
-W-
“wheel” is hurgi.
the ancient Near East. In many ways their position was regulated
by law or social custom, although individual circumstances and
personality played their roles, not least in the Hittite state. Inevita-
bly much more is known about women of wealth or in positions of
influence or even power than about the vast majority, for the most
part living on the land. This is hardly remarkable: exactly the same
applies to men.
Mesopotamian influence gives the first clear light, in the form
of the senior wives of the Old Assyrian merchants, who remained
at home in Assur, while their husbands went to Kanes or beyond,
to operate the Old Assyrian trade in Anatolia. These merchants
picked up local wives to give them company during absences of
some years from their homeland. It does not require much imagina-
tion to suppose that such liaisons did not go unnoticed in Assur;
but it seems they were not allowed to interfere with the functioning
of the family firm. The tablets from Kanes indicate the business
abilities and down-to-earth efficiency of those women left in
Assyria, effectively in charge of production and shipments at that
end
of the line. It is with the production of textiles that the clearest evi-
dence of the role of Assyrian women and their workforce, includ-
ing young girls and slaves, is available. These responsible women
would have learned the textile business, manufacturing and trading,
from childhood. Although in the records they appear compliant
with their husbands’ requirements in terms of fabrics, sizes and
quantities per order, some tablets hint at lively arguments, even if
they were difficult to conduct effectively over such a long distance
as the route from Assur to Kanes. In comparison, consignments of
tin or copper were relatively straightforward.
There was no Anatolian equivalent of that privileged order of
Mesopotamian women from rich families of the Old Babylonian
period, contemporary with the Assyrian trade to Kanes, who led
sheltered, comfortable but celibate lives, the naditu, of whom much
is known from the archives of the city of Sippar.
The whole question of matrilinear versus patrilinear succes-
sion is bound up with the problems surrounding Indo-European
origins and immigration into Anatolia, of course including the Hit-
tites. In spite of the undoubted Hattian elements in early Hittite
society, there is no proof of matrilinear succession in the Hittite
Old Kingdom nor indeed in the New Kingdom, or Empire. This
latter is more surprising in the light of the certain Hurrian impact
on the state religion, on the royal blood line and on literature and
WOMEN ● 315
later decided she did not wish to proceed to marry her betrothed,
she could so decide without her father’s consent, the one stipula-
tion being the return of the betrothal gift. At marriage the bride’s
father had to provide her with a dowry and the bridegroom with a
symbolic gift. One Hittite marriage custom, paralleled in Assyria,
was that the bride, while normally going to live under the same
roof with her husband, might alternatively remain in her father’s
house. In that event, if she were to die, her dowry would, it seems,
pass to her children; but if living with her husband, it would go to
him. This implies two degrees of marriage.
The objective of marriage was to perpetuate the family line.
Failure by either party to consummate the marriage was regarded
as breach of contract, with severe financial penalties. In line with
the levirate marriage custom of the Bible, it was the duty of the
brother-in-law to marry his brother’s widow, especially in the ab-
sence of an heir. Widows had few rights when it came to remar-
riage, the only invariable prohibitions being on intercourse with fa-
thers or sons.
Inevitably much less is known of the status and indeed the
lives of the majority of the population, those engaged in agriculture
and stockbreeding, including women. Their labor was vital to the
economy, yet the rate of hire for a woman worker at the harvest
was precisely half that for a plow ox.
While certainty is impossible, the evidence tends to imply a
slightly happier lot for Hittite women compared with those living
in Mesopotamia. This is consistent with a more humane legal
ethos. See also HITTITE LAWS.
-Y-
was after all equally typical and at a rather earlier date of Kassite
Babylon, with its elaborately decorated kudurru.
Chamber A is the larger of the two areas of this rock shrine,
originally approached through an entrance structure of which only
the lower stone courses survive. Exposed for centuries, the reliefs
here are badly worn and damaged, though the subject matter can be
distinguished. The smaller area, Chamber B, is a cleft in the rock
not more than 2.7 meters wide: here the reliefs are better preserved,
because not exposed until excavated in the mid–19th century.
The obvious feature of the composition of the figures depicted
in Chamber A, an unusual arrangement for the ancient Near East,
is that there are two processions meeting in the center, rather than
just one long row of figures approaching a deity seated on a throne.
The Male Procession is headed by Tesub, the Hurrian
Storm/Weather-God; the Female Procession by Hebat/Hepat,
the Hurrian Mother Goddess metamorphosed, probably through the
agency of Puduhepa, queen of Hattusili III, into the Sun-
Goddess of Arinna. A detailed description of the pantheon is
given elsewhere. Suffice it here to mention some of the participants
in these two processions of divinities. From front to rear of the
Male Procession stand the Grain-God Kumarbi, the goddess of
War and Love Sausga, the bulls Seri and Hurri and the Under-
world-God Nergal. In the Female Procession, immediately behind
Hebat, stands Sarruma, son of Tesub and Hebat, followed in due
course by goddesses of writing and destiny. One might compare
these last with the god of tablets, who brings up the rear of the
Male Procession. Other deities are for the most part related to one
another as a divine family network.
In Chamber B the main elements comprise: the remarkable
Sword-God, its figure emerging from the hilt of a very short sword
or dagger; a row of running figures resembling soldiers but un-
doubtedly divine; and the pair of the king, Tudhaliya IV, held in
protective embrace by his guardian god, Sarruma. This theme of
divine protection of the sovereign is probably of Egyptian inspira-
tion, occurring as it does in Hittite art for the first time in the reign
of Muwatalli II, possibly immediately following the battle of
Kadesh. Significantly, all the main figures in Chamber B face
north, toward the end wall of this chamber, where stands an empty
statue base with a cartouche (royal monogram) of Tudhaliya IV.
Moreover, there is a clear association with the Underworld and
thus with royal funerary customs. Thus Chamber B, whatever the
precise interpretation of Chamber A which may emerge from on-
320 ● YAZILIKAYA
-Z-
against incest: though the text is broken here, he seems not to have
been heeded.
Kanes does seem at one time indeed to have been ruled by a
queen (rubatum), though captured by Anitta from a king. Other
old Hittite texts indicate a location for Zalpa by the sea. Whether
the legend of the queen and her offspring conceals memories of
early migrations into central Anatolia from the north seems less
plausible than might once have been the case, seeing that the early
Indo-Europeans evidently arrived in Anatolia much earlier than the
later third millennium BC, as formerly suggested.
The kingdom or principality of Zalpa was evidently prominent
in the early years of Hittite power, though fading out thereafter. It
was clearly significant in the period of the Old Assyrian merchant
colonies. The so-called Anitta Inscription records that the kingdom
of Nesa (i.e. Kanes) was ravaged and subdued by Uhna, king of
Zalpa, perhaps in alliance with the king of Hatti. This conquest
may be reflected in the destruction of Kültepe-Kanes-Karum II,
dramatically mirrored in the archaeological record. One tentative
theory is that Nesa may have cut off the trade routes to the more
northerly Anatolian kingdoms. By the end of his reign Anitta had
subjugated all lands from Zalpa in the north to Ullanma in the
south. Then, however, he was faced by an alliance of Hatti and
Zalpa. The latter was defeated, its ruler being brought back to Nesa
as a prisoner of war; Hattusa was put under siege.
Later on, Hattusili I records marching against Zalpa, destroy-
ing it and seizing its gods. This was not, however, to be the end of
the story, for Zalpa was able to profit from the inevitable rivalries
within the Hittite royal family: Hakkarpili, one of the sons of Hat-
tusili I, in spite of having been appointed a local governor in ac-
cordance with common Hittite practice, was involved in a rebellion
against his father. Though the outcome is not documented, this was
presumably suppressed.
ZIPPALANDA. This is one of the many towns well known from the
written records of Hittite times, not pinpointed on the ground until
recently, when it has been identified with a settlement mound near
Kerkenes Dağ in the province of Yozgat. It was an administrative
center in the Hittite Old Kingdom, evidently of Hattic origin, and
the seat of a royal prince together with “the son of Ankuwa.” This
ZIPPALANDA ● 325
Bibliography
Contents
Abbreviations 330
General Works 330
General Works on Hittite Civilization 331
Collections of Texts in Translation 332
Copies of Texts/Tablets 333
Tablet Archives 333
Indo-European Background and Horse Domestication 333
Old Assyrian Trade and Colonies 334
Government, Law and Kingship 335
Political History, Chronology etc. 336
External Relations, Diplomacy and Gift Exchange 338
Historiography 340
Economy: Trade and Food Production 340
Natural Environment 341
Warfare 342
Religion, Magic and Divination 343
Funerary Customs 345
Art and Architecture 345
Metals and Metalwork 347
Pottery 348
Excavation Reports 349
Aspects of Various Sites 354
Boğazköy Excavation Reports 355
Boğazköy: Shorter Reports and General Works 356
Early Research 356
Festschrifts 358
Daily Life, etc. 359
Literature and Mythology 359
Language and Writing 360
Personal Names (Onomastica) 360
Hurrians 361
Early Trans-Caucasian Culture 361
The Fall of Hatti and the Sea Peoples 362
Neo-Hittite Civilization 363
330 ● BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abbreviations
General Works
lichen Museen zu Berlin, neue Folge, Heft 12. Mainz: Philipp von
Zabern, 1997. Review by H. A. Hoffner, JNES 59 (2000): 124-126.
Laroche, Emmanuel. Catalogue des Textes Hittites [CTH]. Paris, 1971.
———. Supplement to Catalogue. RHA 30 (1972): 94-133.
Copies of Texts/Tablets
Tablet Archives
B. Anatolia
C. Horses
A. Administration
B. Laws
C. Kingship
D. Royal family
A. General
B. Old Kingdom
D. Western Anatolia
F. Chronology
A. General
B. Diplomacy
E. Tarhuntassa
Historiography
A. Trade
B. Food production
Natural Environment
Warfare
A. General
B. Hittite warfare
C. Chariotry
D. Battle of Kadesh
A. General
B. Various aspects
Archi, A. “Il colto di focolare presso gli Ititi.” SMEA 16 (1975): 77-87.
Gonnet, Hatice. “Le culte des ancêtres en Anatolie Hittite au IIe mill.
avant notre ère.” Anatolica 21 (1995): 189-195.
Takaoğlu, Turan. “Hearth structures in the religious pattern of Early
Bronze Age northeast Anatolia.” AS 50 (2000): 11-16.
Van der Toorn, Karel. “Gods and ancestors in Emar and Nuzi.” ZA 84
(1994): 38-59.
Volpe, A della. “From the hearth to the creation of boundaries.” JIES
18 (1990): 157-184.
F. Divination
G. Festivals
Funerary Customs
A. General
B. Sculpture
C. Eflatun Pınar
D. Rock reliefs
E. Architecture
F. Glyptic (seals)
Pottery
B. Boğazköy
C. Gordion
Excavation Reports
Alaca Höyük
Alişar Höyük
Beycesultan
Carchemish
Eskiyapar
Hama
Horoztepe
Ikiztepe
Alkim, U. B., O. Bilgi and H. Alkim. Ikiztepe I: The First and Second
Season (1974-1975). Ankara, 1988.
Inandiktepe
KaraHüyük (Elbistan)
Kilise Tepe
Postgate, J. N. “Between the plateau and the sea: Kilise Tepe 1994-
1997.” In Roger Matthews (ed.), Ancient Anatolia. London: BIAA
(1998): 127-141.
Korucutepe
Kültepe
Malatya (Arslantepe)
Maşat Höyük
Mersin
Norşuntepe
Porsuk Höyük
Crespin, A.-S. ”The Porsuk area at the beginning of the Iron Age.” AS
49 (1999): 61-71.
Pelon, Olivier. “Occupation Hittite et début de l’age du fer à Porsuk.”
BIBLIOGRAPHY ● 353
Sakçegözü
Tarsus
Tell Halaf
Zincirli
A. Troy
B. Beycesultan
C. Emar
D. Ugarit
E. Other sites
Mann, 1975.
Boehmer, R .M. Die Kleinfunde aus der Unterstadt von Boğazköy.
Berlin: Mann, 1979.
Von den Driesch, Angela, and Joachim Boessneck. Reste von Haus—
und Jagdtieren aus der Unterstadt von Boğazköy—Hattusa
Grabungen 1958-1977. Berlin: Mann, 1981
Neve, Peter. Büyükkale—Die Bauwerke. Grabungen 1954-1966.
Berlin: Mann, 1982.
Boehmer, R. M. and H. G. Güterbock. Glyptik aus dem Stadtgebiet
von Boğazköy. Berlin: Mann, 1987.
Hawkins, J. D. The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool
Complex at Hattusa (SUDBURG). StBoT Beiheft 3. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 1995.
Neve, P. J. Die Oberstadt von Hattusa. Die Bauwerke I. Das zentrale
Tempelviertel. Boğazköy-Hattusa 16. Berlin: Gebruder Mann,
1999.
Bittel, Kurt. Hattusha, the Capital of the Hittites. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1970.
———. “The Great Temple of Hattusha-Boğazköy.” AJA 80 (1976):
66-73.
———. Hattuscha, Haupstadt der Hethiter: Geschichte und Kultur
einer altorientalischen Grossmacht. Cologne: Dumont, 1983.
Hawkins, John David. “The new inscription from the Südburg of
Boğazköy-Hattusa.” Archäologischer Anzeiger (1990): 305-314.
Neve, Peter. “Boğazköy-Hattusha: new results of the excavations in the
Upper City.” Anatolica 16 (1989-1990): 7-19.
———. Hattusa Stadt der Götter und Tempel. Mainz am Rhein, 1993.
———. Lecture on excavations in the Upper City, in Proceedings of
the British Academy 80 (1993): 105-132.
Seeher, Jürgen. Hattusha Guide—A Day in the Hittite Capital. Istanbul:
Ege Yayinları, 1999; rev. ed., 2002.
Early Research
A. General
B. Travelers
C. Languages
Festschrifts
Hurrians
Drews, Richard. The End of the Bronze Age: Changes in Warfare and
the Catastrophe ca. 1200 BC. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
Press, 1993.
Hawkins, J. David. “The inscriptions of the Kızıldağ and the Karadağ
in the light of the Yalburt inscription.” In Festschrift Alp (1992):
259-275.
———. “Anatolia: the end of the Hittite Empire and after.” In Eva
Braun-Holzinger and Hartmut Matthaus (eds.), Kulturelle und
Sprachliche Kontakte. Colloquium im Johannes Gutenberg-
Universitat 11-12 Dezember 1998. Mainz: Bibliopolis, 2002.
Singer, Itamar. “The battle of Nihriya and the end of the Hittite
Empire.” ZA 75 (1985): 100-123.
———. “New evidence on the end of the Hittite Empire.” In E. D.
Oren (ed.). The Sea Peoples and Their World. Philadelphia, 2000:
21-33.
Ward, A.W., and M. S. Joukowsky. The Crisis Years—The 12th
Century BC. Dubuque, Iowa. 1989.
Woodhuizen, Fred C. “The late Hittite Empire in the light of recently
discovered hieroglyphic texts.” JIES 22 (1994): 53-81.
B. Sea Peoples
Neo-Hittite Civilization
A. General
B. Carchemish
C. Tabal
D. Karatepe