Etnografia.

Praktyki, Teorie, Doświadczenia 2017, 3: 211–234

211–234
Anna Przytomska

Anna Przytomska
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza

Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices among

Quichuas from Ecuador (Imbabura and Chimborazo
Provinces)1
Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices…

El agua no es más fuerte que yo, porque yo soy el agua.

La tierra no es más grande que yo, porque yo soy la tierra.
El fuego no es más fuerte que yo, porque yo soy la luz.
El aire no es más grande que yo, porque yo soy el aire.
Yachak from Chimborazo (Ecuador), September 2012

Introduction

S ince the times of Carlos Castañeda and Michael Harner2 (and the develop-

ment of the hippie movement in the 50s and 60s) shamanism has not only

1 
This article is  based on  research material gathered during my fieldwork among Quichua
from central and north part of Ecuador (the Chimborazo and Imbabura provinces), conducted
between June-November 2010 and August-November 2012. Moreover, the paper summarises
the ideas presented in one of the chapters of my MA thesis entitled “Yachak – shaman, leader
and protector of tradition of the Quichua in the Ecuadorian Andes”, which I defended at the Depart-
ment of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan in July
2013.
2 
Castañeda is a Peruvian-American anthropologist who conducted research on shamanistic
practices. Castañeda is also the author of several controversial books (The Teaching of Don Juan:
A Yaqui Way of Knowledge; A Separate Reality: Further Conversations with Don Juan; Journey to Ixtlan:
The  Lessons of  Don Juan) on  shamanism among Yaqui (Uto-Aztecan language family) from
Sorona (northern Mexico). The controversy around his work concerned his research methods,
the credibility of the sources and descriptions as well as his writing style. Michael Harner (1980,
1984) is  an  American anthropologist conducting research among Jívaro Indians (Ecuador).
212 Anna Przytomska

started to attract attention of social scientists but also to gain worldwide interest.
As a consequence of globalization and commercialization (as well as a change
of cultural context) shamanistic practices were absorbed into pop culture. They
began to  be perceived as  a  special kind of  religious phenomenon (so-called
new spirituality), gradually took a form of neo-shamanism and became a part
of the New Age movement. In this context, the concept was limited to a trance or
psychedelic experience. As a result of these changes, the phenomenon underwent
a process of foreignization and the notion of shamanism started to be abused
and used to describe different phenomena unrelated to the original meaning
of this word (so-called broader definition of shamanism). The image of a shaman
has also been seriously distorted in popular-science and scientific literature. This
figure is often described as a rattle-shaking wizard, a charlatan or a psychopath
and is frequently associated with the usage of hallucinogens (Reichel-Dolmatoff
1987: 7). According to the evolutionary assumptions, which still linger, shamanism
is considered either as a base of a universal and fundamental religion or as one
of its development stages. This perspective was largely formed by Judeo-Christian
viewpoint (see: Vitebsky 1995; Ward 1994).
For contemporary social scholars, it is evident that shamanism is not only
an alternative state of consciousness or a set of archaic religious practices. Above
all, it is a culturally and historically conditioned human practice which is aimed
at social reproduction. First, it signifies that shamanism is soaked in specific
concepts of reality, forming a basis of the way people think, perceive and act
(ontology). These worldviews or ontologies consist of local myths and norms,
concepts of the world that determine practices and relationships between peo-
ple (Descola 1996: 85–86). Generally speaking, shamanistic practices are rooted
in a non-naturalistic ontological order which presumes the nature to be personal
and subjective reality (animistic order) with which the humans can enter into
relationships.
Secondly, shamanism cannot be described as  a  homogeneous, ahistorical
or frozen-in-time aspect of ancestral religiosity. It is a historical phenomenon
and it is determined by the past and the present, as well as by local and trans-local
politics, and economic and social situation (Taussig 1987). In the context of indig-
enous people’s history, it is, for instance, an expression of struggle and resist-
ance (Boddy 1989; Stoller 1995) in interethnic relations of power and subordi-
nation. Therefore, a contemporary form of shamanism is also strongly linked
to the colonial context and cannot be analysed without taking this aspect into
account. An  ayahuasca shamanism, which was investigated in  West Amazonia
by Peter Gow (1996) may serve as an example. Gow pointed out that although
ayahuasca was used by Amazonian people before the colonial period, ayahuasca

He  is  the  founder of  the  Foundation for Shamanic Studies. In  the  book The  Way of  the  Shaman:
A Guide to Power and Healing (1980), he describes so-called core shamanism which consists in fal-
ling into a  trance through ingesting hallucinogenic substance, drumming and  ritual dances.
His approach to the subject has been criticized by others Daniel C. Noel (1997) and Robert J.
Wallis (2003).
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 213

shamanism developed in colonial towns and at Christian missions at the begin-

ning of the 17th century. These practices were rather a reply to colonialism and not
a colonial product, because they evolved as a form of struggle against Spanish
invaders. It illustrates that shamanism cannot be treated as a remnant of archaic
religious form. As I showed in my other text (the case of Quechua shamanism
in Ecuador), modern shamanism is still linked to interethnic politics and cultural
resistance (Przytomska 2015a).
In the western vision of the world represented by the colonizers, shaman-
ism was perceived as a manifestation of primitive culture understood in terms
of wildness and primitiveness. On the other hand, shamanism appeared to Euro-
peans as a fossilized form of being “outside the history”, a “real”, “pristine” or
“untouched by civilization” element of a culture which would soon be forgotten
or absorbed by the dominant Western world. Mainly in popular but also in sci-
entific discourses, a nostalgic rhetoric about the disappearance of indigeneity,
traditional costumes and beliefs is still present. However, my research shows that
shamans still hold a strong position in local communities. In a wise way, they
gain and extend their influence over different aspects of reality, and they main-
tain positive relations with the non-indigenous people. For hundreds of years,
they have been adapting to different (more or less violence-saturated) actions
of the Others, in which they have openly or covertly participated.
This paper describes contemporary shamanism among Quichua of the Ecua-
dorian Andes (Imbabura and Chimborazo provinces in the Sierra region), sha-
man’s roles and his status in local indigenous communities. Based on the Quichua
worldview, I show what the key elements of shamanic practices are and what is its
importance to the continuity of Quichua life and culture. The premise of this
text is that shamanism has two complementary faces. The Quechua shamanism
in Ecuador is based on social reproduction or construction (healing, maintaining
the fertility of nature and people) and aggression at the same time (witchcraft).

Shamanism – around different theories

Before I proceed to the analysis of the case, I will make a few theoretical remarks.

The term shamanism has been used in very different contexts (Namba Walter,
Neumann Fridman 2004; Price 2011) and its meaning and origin are equivocal.
According to some researchers this word derives from the Tungus word saman,
in which sa signifies to know (Szirokogorow 1982: 269). According to this hypoth-
esis and Kulturkreis theory (culture circles diffusionism), the origin of shamanism
is associated with Siberia. According to the diffusionist approach, as the result
of migrations and cultural interactions, shamanism was supposed to spread from
Siberian area to the South-East Asia and then to other continents. However, this
trans-cultural diffusion interpretation has never been confirmed. Nowadays, sha-
manism is defined as a set of practices and beliefs based on the worldview accord-
ing to which a shaman fulfils a leading role in constructing and maintaining
214 Anna Przytomska

relationship between perceptible and imperceptible worlds. The ambiguity of this

notion arises from unstable historical conditions and various scientific orientations
used by researchers representing different disciplines (cultural anthropology,
religious studies and neurobiology). Lack of agreement among anthropologists
concentrates mainly on the following questions: what is shamanism and who
is a shaman (what conditions have to be met to call someone a shaman)?
Mircea Eliade3, a Romanian specialist in religious studies and representative
of a phenomenological approach, treated shamanism as a timeless phenome-
non “existing regardless of history and type of society” (Humphrey 1994: 191).
Moreover, from this traditional point of view, shamanism is “an ancient form
of religion”, “an ancient religious behaviour”, “a primitive, religious experience”
and “an archaic form of ecstasy” (Eliade 1994; Tokariew 1969). Most of Polish
studies of shamanism that also derived from works of Mircea Eliade (Wierciński
2000, Wasilewski 1979, Szyjewski 2001), define this phenomenon in  the  same
way – as an archaic form of ecstasy. Thus, in this view, the core of shamanism
is centered around trance.
These universalistic conceptions ignore local socio-political specificity
and distort the perception of this phenomenon. Rigid definitions reduce the capac-
ity and precision of shamanic practices’ interpretations. I distance myself from
essentialist theories, which consider shamanism as one of the religion stages.
I think that shamanism is a set of practices stemming from a particular vision
of the world, which excludes the dual distinction between the sacred and profane
spheres in its structure. Among Quichuans these two spheres are not separated
but constitute an indivisible whole. The immanent relation between material
and spiritual things excludes a concept of religion in the Western sense. A sha-
man is  not a  priest who conducts worship of  nature deities or ancestors, but
a specialist whose main task is to maintain a harmonious relation and order
between human and non-human persons. He plays a very important political,
social and educational role. In consequence, he also exerts influence on a group’s
functioning and its contact with the non-indigenous world.
Considering these heterogeneous characteristics of  shamanism and  its
different variants, formulation of  a  precise definition is  probably impossible.
The attempts to conceptualize this phenomenon by determining a set of specific
elements4 take us away from the crux of the matter and from its indigenous mean-
ing. In their work, the researchers mentioned above put emphasis on analyzing

3 
Eliade (Romanian philosopher and specialist in religious studies) and his successors describe
shamanism as “archaic techniques of ecstasy”. This approach gave rise to a set of characteristics
that a particular phenomenon should manifest in order to be considered as shamanism. Eliade
thought that, originally, there was “pure” shamanism. He  considered the  Arctic shamanism
to  be a  primary model, the  core of  which consisted in  ecstatic flights toward the  discovery
of the primary state preceding a “fall” of mankind.
4 
For example Marcel Mauss determined the following signs of being a shaman: signum dia-
boli (any stigmas, lack of  shade, squint), nervousness (compulsive behaviour or exaltation),
above-average dexterity and intelligence or disability (gibbus, blindness, old age), specific prac-
tices (shamanic initiation, a 5-stage journey to the world of spirits etc.) (Szyjewski 2001: 321–327).
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 215

the mechanisms of entering into a trance.5 Depending on a geographical region

and a worldview of a specific group, shamanism takes different forms and incor-
porates local elements. Techniques of falling into trance are only tools which lead
a specialist to a given goal. From the indigenous people’s point of view, shaman
goes on a journey to other worlds in order to fulfil some tasks: to heal (e.g. to find
a stolen or lost soul), to foretell the future, to refer to an unknown past, to obtain
some knowledge or skills, to contact non-human persons who play important role
in the human life (e.g. spirits, ancestors, divinities etc.). To conclude, the essence
of shamanism is: (1) a journey to other world to perform some tasks – for the com-
munity or for the  shaman himself; (2) maintenance of  relationships between
the “material” and “immaterial” worlds, which in fact are tightly coupled with
each other. In consequence, I postulate the usage of local terms because in many
cases they have specific meaning that helps to better understand shaman’s role
in the community, history of the group, in any intercultural interactions etc.

Yachak – the one who knows

The Andean Quichua people call themselves runakuna, which means ‘people’
(singular runa – ‘person’), and speak Quichua and Spanish. The Quichuan ethnic
group in Ecuador consists of 14 regional groups (pueblos). The Quichuan popu-
lation lives mainly in valleys covered with fertile, volcanic soil and surrounded
by two parallel mountain ranges of the Ecuadorian Andes, which were called
“the Avenue of the Volcanoes” in 1802 by the German traveller Alexander von
Humboldt (Quinteros Velasco 2006: 35).6
In Quichua language the  word yachak signifies “sage”, literally “the one
who knows”. This term came back to usage and gained popularity in Ecuador
in the 1990s. In reality, the people to whom it refers bear different names. They are
called chamanes (shamans), curanderos (healers) or in Quichuan language mamas
y taytas (mothers and fathers), which exactly indicates their high status and the fact
that they are treated with great social respect.7 The restoration of the word yachak
was associated with the improvement of socio-political situation of indigenous
5 
Depending on a geographical and cultural context, the shamans can do it with drums (Siberia,
Australia), plants like ayahuasca (liana, in Quichan: climber of spirits), San Pedro (a columnar
cactus containing mescaline), datura (species of vespertine flowering plants) occurring in South
and Central America and tobacco in Americas. Trance experience can also be a result of fasting,
self-mutilation, dances etc. which lead to exhaustion of the organism. Quichua yachaks usually
do it using tobacco, ascetic techniques (fasting and hypothermia due to long stays in the moun-
tains) and consuming ayahuasca, San Pedro or datura.
6 
The  majority of  Quichua live in  rural areas and  earn a  living from agriculture (corn, cere-
als and potatoes), animal husbandry (lamas) or breeding (cattle or pigs). They also specialize
in weaving. Their handcrafted products are sold to tourists. Since the 90s, especially the youth
have been migrating to  towns in  search of  employment opportunities. Many of  them find
low-paid jobs e.g. as construction workers, street vendors, cleaners or others physical work.
7 
In Quichuan culture not only yachaks bear titles of Mama or Tayta – in this context they mean,
respectively, Lady and Sir. These terms are used to describe (most often older) people with high
status in the group.
216 Anna Przytomska

people, including rights to maintain their cultural heritage and a wide range

of  revivalist activities initiated by Ecuadorian indigenous people. Yachaks
in local communities have a strong position, which stems from their knowledge
passed from generation to generation. Their basic task is to keep the community
in health by diagnosing and treating diseases. They occupy the highest position
in the hierarchy of healers and combine various healing practices. They fulfil
a ritualistic role – lead feasts and everyday ritual ceremonies. They are medi-
ators between perceivable (human) and  unperceivable (non-human) worlds.
By contacting spirits and ancestors they support the continuity and harmony
of these two worlds. Moreover, they teach about beliefs, history and norms of life.
They actively participate in contemporary politics and education, and fight for
the rights of indigenous people. They consciously co-create interethnic relations
and transformations. In the past few years, they have begun to exert influence
over the reinterpretation of beliefs, feasts, customs and, in consequence, they have
influenced the Quichua identity e.g. nativism.

Attributes of Yachak

The medical and ritual role of yachak is closely related to the notion of power,

understood as an extraordinary property. During my research, several concepts
emerged – samay, sinchi, kamay and atiy – important in shamanic practices.
Samay (a breath) is a revitalising factor, a life energy which every single
being possesses. According to Quichua, after human death samay is transformed
and becomes, once again, a part of the world (Przytomska 2013: 69). Samay is con-
structed as an outcome of contacts between an individual and other human or
nonhuman elements of the world. In other words, it is constantly created. A vio-
lation of any norm or taboo (inappropriate behaviour) causes samay loss, which
is equivalent to the violation of natural balance (disease). The concept of samay,
as a co-creative substrate of  every life being, is  associated with the  concepts
of health and disease. Health, in Quichua language allin kawsay or sumak kawsay
(a good life, welfare), is defined as harmony between physical, mental, emotional
and spiritual aspects. In individual dimension health establishes many rules.
I will only briefly mention the most important of them. The first one is to keep
a proper diet (allin mikuy) – to distinguish food according to a hot-cold concept
(rupay–chiri).8 Another rule is good thinking (allin yuyay), understood as positive
thinking, not harming oneself and the others. Yachaks argue that a human can
provoke a disease just by negative thinking. A good man should act well (allin
8 
An anthropologist José Yáñez del Pozo in his book Allikai: la salud y la enfermedad desde la per-
spectiva indígena writes that a hot-cold division not only applies to temperature differences but
also to features of nature and man. Rupay is the sun, everything white, crystal, masculine, hot
and expansive. In turn chiri is the moon, everything feminine, dark, cold, weak or docile (Yáñez
del Pozo 2005: 17–18). Treatment is based on off-setting by opposition, to return to the state
of equilibrium. To treat “hot illness” a therapy of “cold” things are used and vice versa (Przy-
tomska 2013: 70).
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 217

ruray) which means living in accordance with conventional standards (not being
lazy, lying, nor stealing). Quichua people also respect the principle of allin rimay
which is an appropriate form of speaking. According to it they should select
appropriate words, express themselves with respect and love towards other peo-
ple, nature and the entire world. The allin runa (good/healthy person) is presented
with a physical and a spiritual harmony only if he works for himself and others
in accordance with the principle of reciprocity, and participates in permanent
(e.g. cropping) or temporal group activities (e.g. building of a house or a road),
which is called minka. According to shamans, healthy people show generosity,
share goods, take care of a group’s development and harmony, and participate
in social and ritual life. The opposition of this is the idea of a sick person (unk-
uska runa), who shows arrogance, selfishness, envy, aggression, impetuosity
and deceitfulness. This state leads a person to sadness, loneliness and, conse-
quently, destroys the relationship between the individual and the group. An ideal
form of life consists in attempting to maintain the balance between the individ-
ual, the group and the environment (pakta kawsay). However, it should be noted
that such situation is the ideal model. Such ethos may be implemented in many
different ways.
Sinchi (force) is a physical force, an important element in the vision of a person
and a community. José Yáñez del Pozo (2005: 48) argues that Quichuan people have
an image of a healthy man, who is as hard and strong as mountains and stones.
The idea of sinchi structures life rules and constitutes the base of human activities
(Cifuentes 1992: 41). It is present in everyday language and comes from myths,
as  a  category which seeped into the  physical reality. The  concept of  physical
strength is associated with a chumpi – a girdle from the Andes made of llama
wool and worn by Quichua as a support for the spine during heavy physical
work (including carrying heavy loads). The girdle also serves as a protection
against “magical” actions. In fact, llama is a very important animal in Quichuan
cosmology. It is perceived as a guardian and helper in shamanic practices. Yachaks
claim that in the colonial period indigenous people who were forced to do hard
physical work wore girdles tightly tied around their waists to provide themselves
with force and protection against punishment imposed by landowners. Moreover,
girdle is used by shamans during rituals. It provides power during medicinal
rituals and at the same time protects against the loss of power (atiy). Chumpi (belt)
is about two meters long and is worn around the abdomen as a protection for pupu
(a navel), which is a weak point of the human body. The Quichuan believe that
a navel is the centre of the body, a symbolic point of the universe and the most
vulnerable part exposed to external risks. Sinchi, coupled with physical work,
becomes the basis of strength and continuity of the community. Community life,
including collective work (minka), is a guarantee of the group survival. Collective
building of houses, organization of feasts, sowing or harvesting not only build
economic base but also tie social bonds. If an individual does not support it, he
is expelled from the group. Diligence and physical strength are crucial features
for the members of the Quichuan community and important factors in selecting
218 Anna Przytomska

a spouse. Therefore, from the earliest age children are taught physical labour
when they help their parents in daily tasks. Quichua people say that a man who
does not work and does not care about the harmony of his family is not wel-
come in the community. Samay and sinchi are the properties which form a per-
son. The imbalance between the two means an illness. Their loss is tantamount
to death after which samay and sinchi return to the universe.
For shamans, the most important of the attributes mentioned above is kamay
(gift). It is a special ability, e.g. to treat people, to see the past, to predict the future
and generally to contact the invisible world. Kamay is something that an ordinary
man cannot possess, as it comes from the upper realm (Hanan Pacha). Because
of it, a yachak can fully perform his medical and ritual functions. In addition,
the  gift distinguishes shamans from other healers (curanderos), who despite
their extensive knowledge of treatment methods and illnesses do not have any
extraordinary capabilities. There are two ways to receive this gift. The first one
is related to „supernatural” events – mostly a series of dreams or visions contin-
uing over a long period of time, sometimes even several years. During this long
process, a person prepares and learns from other shamans (a shaman-master).
These dreams or visions present things that the person should do or change,
they may also show the future and the pathway of the adept’s transformation.
Don is understood as a vocation, destiny, selection of Pachamama, or the God.
A 50-years-old shaman from Chimborazo province told me a story of her visions:

(…) One night in a dream I saw an altar, some spirits, some kind of energy, but
then I didn’t understand it. I had a strange dream. I didn’t know what it meant.
3 months passed… I had the same dream again. “Why?” – I wondered. This time
the visions were closer and clearer. Then I realized it wasn’t a dream, it was a real
vision and these things started to show up also during the day. (…) I couldn’t
stand that anymore because these visions were getting stronger and stronger.
I thought I lost my mind. I didn’t know what was happening and why. (…) Other
yachaks said what it could be, but I tapped my forehead, I didn’t believe them.
Then I got sick, it was very serious, I suffered very much, I was ill for almost
two years. It took me 2 years. I still had some visions, I heard voices saying diffe-
rent things, but I didn’t want to see it, to understand it. I thought it was something
bad, that I was possessed. One day, it got even worse, I felt death. Again, visions
came. It was six o’clock in the afternoon. I asked my daughter to take me to Quito
where Pepe lived. He was a very famous yachak at that time. My daughter was
terrified, but she took me by van to him. Some strange things happened that
night. (…) Pepe looked at me and he said that he was going to Agua Pichincha
and if I wanted to, I could go with him. But even if I wanted to, I couldn’t get
up. He went, and he spent there four days and four nights. And he came back
and said that Agua Pichincha had sent me a gift. He told me to make an altar
and I asked him: “But how? What, what should I put there?” Pepe felt offended.
He said that I knew very well how to do it. I said that nobody had taught me
that. He insisted: „You see it, didn’t you notice?” (…) So, I made an altar, a very
nice one with flowers, water in the middle, very nice [she smiled]. Later, many
visions revealed to me, so many tasks that I had to fulfil. But I said: „My God, I’m
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 219

so small, so weak, how will I cope with it?” It was a real struggle with myself.
Pepe said: „There is no way back. Understand it. You must accept it, you cannot
hide it anywhere, you must accept it. Don’t feel alone because you won’t be alone.
Someone will always be with you. Don’t be afraid.”

The gift is present in the Quechua microhistory. It is based on the idea of a cir-

cular (or spiral) time as a part of the history of each family line or generation. After
the death of a shaman it returns, and it is passed down from generation to gener-
ation (from parent to child or from grandfather to grandson) like an inheritance,
which cannot be renounced. If the shaman does not transfer it before his death,
the gift returns anyway. In case it does not find a suitable person, it may return
after a few generations. It is conceptualized by the attribution of human (per-
sonal) qualities – “the gift is looking for someone who is worth receiving it”.
According to another idea the spirit of a deceased yachak looks for the right person
who could accept and incorporate the unique gift (embodiment).
Atiy (power) is  a  concept understood as  a  prime mover, an  ability to  do
something. The power is unstable and produced in a particular place and time.
It is closely related to action and change of a human condition. It transforms
itself. It is subject to continuous accumulation and loss, to constant exchange
or a game between the animated natural world and humans. Atiy can be char-
acterized by such properties as vagueness, openness and fluidity. This concept
is closely related to samay – a vital human force. Every person has the power,
provided that he or she lives in accordance with the standards and the rhythm
of the universe (that is balance). Otherwise, a person is exposed to its weakening
or loss. However, shamans know different techniques of power accumulation,
which is why they are stronger (more influential) than other people.
For Quichua nature has human qualities – it is conscious, causative, inten-
tional, and omniscient. It can grant or take away, punish or reward people. Nature,
understood as Pachamama (Mother Earth) cannot be cheated. It bestows power
on those who deserve it. The power, compared to the concept of the gift, operates
outside of history and time. It is an asocial property (in the broad sense), which
means that it is common to different types of persons (humans, animals, deities,
spirits, the dead etc.). In addition, it is subject to constant negotiation between
shamans, and constitutes a major factor in the competition and acts of aggression
between them.

Medical and ritual roles of Yachak

The most important role of a yachak is treating people and maintaining the group

in good health. Individual and group health (allin kawsay) define and depend
on each other. A unit exists as a part of a larger whole: family, local community
and other elements of the world. Therefore, health is determined by the relational
mode and reciprocity, which leads us to the collective (social) perception of health
220 Anna Przytomska

and disease. The first rule is based on the fact that every element of the universe

has an impact on others, and it has the same structure defined by the relationships
that occur between them. The principle of reciprocity means that everything has
to be reciprocated and the proper functioning of the whole (e.g. community, fam-
ily, individual) is dependent on the balance (health) of other elements.9 Moreover,
allin kawsay includes not only the concept of human health (human species), but
also the status of non-human beings with whom humans enter into relation-
ships. The Quichuan world is not anthropocentric, but rather person-centric (or
cosmocentric).
From the Quichuan perspective, the disease has a two-fold dimension. First,
it is a result of the imbalance of an individual or a group which results from
the breach of alli kawsay rule. Second, when the balance is already disturbed,
a person is exposed to the attack of various aggressive beings (also non-humans)
and to other factors resulting from the breach of life rules: possession by some
external force or loss of some elements. In other words, a disease is the state
of imbalance provoked by actions of humans or other entities (conceptualized
e.g. as wind, spirit, rainbow, thunder). These beings are commonly referred to by
a general Spanish term mala energía (bad energy). Negative action of these beings
is  based on  taking away samay which causes specific symptoms. According
to yachaks from the Imbabura province, diseases take a form of animals that,
according to their worldview, have negative characteristics (usually of reptiles,
amphibians, worms). The following brief story, which I recorded in the Chimbo-
razo province, illustrates this concept:

Good yachaks, who have a lot of power can heal witchcraft. There are people who
can kill with witchcraft. If someone is enchanted they need to undergo a purifica-
tion ritual with black candle. A few years ago, I had a severe case. I asked another
yachak for help, it  was my good friend. We  rubbed the  body of  patient with
candle. Then I put it in an earthenware and I covered it with white and red piece
of cloth. Then, we tied it strongly, very strongly, so that nothing could escape.
Then we continued the ritual. (…) We went to the river. When we walked, we felt
it, heard a hiss of a snake. It was in the container. We were scared, and we tied
the string even tighter. Oh, it was very strongly tied. If it had escaped, it would
have killed all of us. When we reached the river, we untied the string and quickly
threw out what was inside to the river. It was a snake. He told us everything.

9 
The model of a whole is that the world and its constituents are all persons i.e. animate beings
(people, animals, plants etc.) and concepts (time, space, ideas and knowledge etc.) The other
model of  a  whole is  also family or community, whose balance is  determined by the  health
of their members. The same relationships occur between the whole and its parts (which also
form the whole), and the inner elements. Thus, the family can be a whole for its members, but
at the same time it is a component of some villages, which in turn are parts of all Quichuan
group and parts of the universe. It is important that in the inside of one component whole occur
the same mechanisms as in the final whole and in the universe. We can compare it to a matry-
oshka doll – components are miniatures of the whole Quichuan world. In a basic sense, health
refers to every animated being. Quichuan believe that a sick man has direct impact on the social
environment in which he lives (Przytomska 2012: 70).
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 221

He told who cast the spells. Then he swam downstream and disappeared. It is not

a legend. It is a real story.”

As the  above quote mentions, a  disease can also be caused by witchcraft

of another yachak, called in Spanish brujos. This kind of disease can be healed
only by a yachak.
Treatment is often lengthy and requires change in lifestyle and the restoration
of broken relationships. What is also important in treatment process is yachak’s
preparation. Before and during the rituals, they must keep a special diet; abstain
from any sexual relations, alcohol and other drugs. If the case is difficult, they
need to perform additional rituals in order to purify themselves and strengthen
their medical power. Methods of treatment take a form of a ritual, in which every
gesture and each spoken word is significant. It can be subject to minor changes,
but it always forms a coherent whole. Healing process begins with a diagnosis
aiming to identify the type of disease and to find out what is causing it. In this
process, yachak uses eggs, guinea pigs or candles. Sometimes, he does urine anal-
ysis and checks the pulse. After the diagnosis, he begins the treatment. This
process, just like a concept of disease, comprises two stages. Initially, yachak deals
with the physical treatment of the disease’s symptoms. He performs a purification
ritual (limpia), with what I call “medical power catalysts” such as: eggs, plants,
fire and tobacco. This ritual should be performed prior to giving any medicine.
Next, yachak takes a series of steps with the patient (diet changes, improvement
of relationships in the family or the group, usage of natural resources in accord-
ance with the principles of equality and reciprocity), which aim to return to allin
kawsay and prevent another disease (Przytomska 2012: 73).
The yachak has extensive knowledge and abilities which are the combination
of different medical specialities. He can be partero (obstetrician), limpiador (spe-
cialist in purifications rituals), hierbatero (herbalist), cuypichak (specialist in rituals
involving a guinea pig) or fregador/sobador (kneader – bone specialist).
The yachak, as a hierbatero, knows medicinal plants and herbal medicaments.
He gathers herbs in the mountains, in glades and by the rivers. Sometimes, like
other curanderos, he grows his own herbal garden. Herbs are used for purification
rituals, baths, medications in the form of infusions and ointments. The yachak
also uses different plants to protect houses and farms (the most popular is Ruta
graveolens). Growing in front of doors, gates or entrances, plants ward off diseases
or witchcraft. From the Quichuan perspective, plants (like every other element
of nature) are treated as persons (animated beings). One yachak repeatedly told
me that plants love and feel like humans. In addition, they have a definite sex,
emotions, feelings, awareness and free will. They can reward or punish people
for breaking rules or taboos. Plants have the power of healing, but a healer cannot
use them for treatment unless they let him. For this purpose, the yachak needs
to create a friendly (reciprocal) relationship between him and the plant. Nature
endows humans only at their request. Nothing can be stolen or taken away from
nature. The yachak connects with the plant by touching it gently and talking to it.
222 Anna Przytomska

In this way, he can get to know its sex, age and history. He asks the plant to allow
him to pick it up and use its healing power. The yachak mutters certain formulas
during the gathering, preparation and treatment process. Plants should be treated
with respect and sensitivity. The yachak, while talking about plants or talking
to them, uses diminutive forms such as plantitas or hierbitas. A yachak from Otavalo
countryside told me the following story:

If a  plant disappears, it  means that there is  no love, harmony and  respect
in the community. Here all the yachaks have medicinal plants in their gardens.
Three years ago, all our plants were gone. They did not want to  grow. They
withered or started to rot. We planted them again, but they didn’t want to grow.
We cared about them, we watered them, and we talked to them. It didn’t help.
We gathered together and we all talked about it. Why? How? – we asked. Three
times we sowed without any result. We decided that we had to perform a cere-
mony before the next sowing. We asked for forgiveness, we celebrated a purifi-
cation ritual. Then the plants started to grow.

If during the  growing season some plant species wither or die, it  means
that they are angry (penalty imposed for the  improper people’s behaviour)
or they are sick. Disease is a disorder of the whole environment (understood
in the social sense), which consists of people, plants, animals, spirits, ancestors etc.
In the Imbabura province, the indigenous Quichuan believe that mountains are
usually men and plains are women. Humans, in order to be able to live and work
with them (to sow, plant, pasture herds) must ask them for permission, otherwise
they may get angry and punish humans. Relationships that people build with
nature are based on exchange and reciprocity. For this purpose, the yachaks cele-
brate ceremonies aimed to tame the space and obtain nature’s favour (Echeverria
Almeida 2004: 166–167; van Kessel Brouwers 1997: 38–40).
The ritual involving plants is called limpia con hierbas. Purification process
is conducted by hitting patient’s body with a bundle of different herbs (escoba
de hierbas) until the skin turns red and starts to itch and burn. For the yachak this
is a sign that the healing power of plants works efficiently. Another common
method of diagnosis and treatment involves a candle (limpia con vela). Each patient,
before visiting a specialist, buys two white candles and rubs his whole body with
them. The yachak lights a candle and then blows it out. He lights it again and reads
the flames to find out from which type of disease a patient is suffering and what
is the cause of it. According to yachaks, pictures that appear in the candle flames
represent diseases or sick organs. The flame can also show the future, lost or
stolen objects or places associated with them. Only the yachak possessing a gift
of vision can see those representations.
Yachaks use chicken eggs to treat mal aire (bad air) or mal viento (bad wind).
The treatment (limpia con huevo) consists in rubbing a patient’s body with eggs.
According to yachaks, an egg „absorbs the bad energy”. It means that it absorbs
a disease. After cleansing, the ritual egg should be discarded out of human’s
reach in order to prevent the retransmission of the disease. Healers also use eggs
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 223

to diagnose a disease. After the massage, the yachak breaks the egg and throw

it into a glass. By examining the egg’s white, he is able to determine the cause
of the disease and its type. On this basis, he can also see where and how the patient
caught mal aire.
Yachaks use fire, which also has purifying properties. The  specialist spits
alcohol on the candle flame in the direction of the patient. He ought to stand
about five feet from the patient, so that the flame would not burn him. After this
procedure, commonly known as soplo de fuego, some yachaks fill their mouth with
a mixture prepared with trago (cane alcohol) and infusion of herbs, and then they
splash it on the patient’s skin. Others rub colonia (a liquid prepared with alcohol
and 12 species of flowers and herbs) on the skin. Both treatments have a protective
function. Yachaks from the Chimborazo province use tobacco for purification, by
directing smoke towards the patient. Tobacco is added to coal and set on fire.
Smoke envelops the whole body of the patient. Tobacco is also a kind of connector
with the yachak’s protector spirit who helps him to heal and accumulate the power.
During purification rites healers whistle, sing and speak formulas addressed
to mountains, lagoons, volcanoes, Pachamama or the God (depending on beliefs),
asking for healing. The words are spoken very quickly, quietly and indistinctly.
There is no common formula. Each shaman creates his own individual and unique
version, which is sometimes transferred from master to disciple, or presented
in visions or dreams.
Radiografía de los pobres (x-ray for poor people) requiring the use of a guinea pig
is very popular in the Andes. The yachak selects healthy animals that are no more
than three months old. For a female-patient he uses a male-animal and a female
for a male-patient. The ritual involves kneading or rubbing a patient’s body with
the animal, the head with the head, the abdomen with the abdomen, etc. Accord-
ing to healers, guinea pig has the power of healing and can absorb diseases by
physical contact with the patient. Sometimes, the animal dies during this pro-
cess. Otherwise, the yachak kills the animal, he skins it and then he opens it up.
According to yachaks, guinea pigs are built in the same way as a human body.
The diagnosis is based on the analysis of animal’s internal organs, bones and skin.
When one of the parts shows redness, bumps, cracks or other lesions, it means
that the patient has a problem with this particular part of the body.
In the past, indigenous shamanic practices were prohibited or demonized.
Therefore, yachaks used to receive patients in their houses in the cover of the night,
in order to hide their activities from inimical local administration. Even today,
the oldest of yachaks serve only at night. Nowadays, it is not because of the fear
of persecution but rather out of habit. As healers, they usually work in their own
house and they see patients in separate rooms dedicated to medical treatment.
The most important part of such a room is an altar. It is located in the central part
of the chamber or by one of the walls. Each altar has four principal components,
symbolizing the four elements: water, rocks (earth), fire and air. The rest of equip-
ment is individualised and depends on the shaman’s beliefs. If they are Catholic
(in the form of so-called folk Catholicism) they have religious artefacts– pictures,
224 Anna Przytomska

rosaries and figurines of saints, the Virgin Mary or Jesus Christ. The quality

(power) of an altar is determined by the so-called sacred objects, such as spears
from a special type of wood, stones, and shells which are charged by atiy. During
treatment and rituals these items also have a protective function. Before and after
treatment the yachaks put flowers, corn, and other grains under the altar. The prac-
tice of thanksgiving (reciprocity) strengthens the power of shamans and provides
compensation and thanks to Pachamama. In the literature (Sharon 1976: 75; Jora-
lemon, Sharon 1993: 168; Giese 1989: 151–154) we come across the concept of altar
division into two sides (left and right). The left one is identified with life-taking
forces and the right with life-giving forces (Joralemon 1985: 10):

An altar [mesa], as it is understood by the shamans, is a game board, a symbolic

paradigm against which the ritual is played. It represents the struggle between
life-taking and life-giving forces, between left and right. But this struggle, this
opposition, becomes a  passage, a  resolution, by the  shaman’s reaffirmation
of mastery over both the left and the right. He is a balancer in the contest between
opposing forces. The game of ritual, which the mesa presents in concrete symbols,
is a balancing act performed by an individual who stands above the contest by
mastering both sides.

Joralemon (1985: 21) provides an example of a ritual with San Pedro cactus

(Echinopsis pachanoi), which is considered to be a sacred plant in the Andes – it has
healing powers. Andean specialists receive visions after drinking an infusion
from its leaves. Among Peruvian healers, where the author observed this ritual,
the cactus is placed on the right side of the altar. Personally, I did not find such
division of  the  altar area in  the  shamanic practices among the  Ecuadorian
Quichua. However, I found the same relationship and symbolism in a slightly
different context. It is present in treatment process, preparation of medications
and in rituals. During treatment, yachaks do not touch a patient’s body with their
left hand, they say it may cause the absorption of disease. The yachaks transfer
power (e.g. to a disciple), and use plants to treat – e.g. by rubbing an ointment
of medicinal herbs – with their right hand. I also noticed this division during ritu-
als, when the yachak puts his left hand on the ground and says different formulas
or sings songs asking Pachamama for power.
Axel Kroeger and Francoise Barbir-Freedman, authors of the book La lucha
por la salud en el Alto Amazonas y en los Andes, claim that altar is a symbolic point
of shaman’s contact with spirits, and that it represents the place of regeneration
of healing power, which is usually a stream or a source (Barbir-Freedmann, Kro-
eger 1992: 233). In my opinion, it is not limited only to the symbolic (metaphorical)
meaning. Altar is made of elements that come out of powerful places, i.e. those
that are filled with atiy. The presence of these elements not only represents places
of power, but in the physical (material) way they are present at the time of treat-
ment in shaman’s house. Therefore, altar is not only a metaphor but a physical
reconstruction of the power.
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 225

Rituals celebrated by yachaks are not only of  medical nature. They often
have a collective character and they are celebrated as part of indigenous feasts.
On such occasions it is necessary to gather all the villagers. Rituals are celebrated
near waterfalls, streams, lagoons, lakes, in mountains or at the foot of volcanoes.
The central point of each ritual is an altar, which also includes four elements (like
a private altar of the yachak). In its centre, there is a small vessel with water and fire
where the yachak throws dried plants, producing unique scent. Altar takes the form
of a circle or spiral (with fruits, flowers, seeds and stones), which is the representa-
tion of time. Around the altar, people participating in the ritual also form circles,
standing in an alternate order (female, male, female etc.). The number of circles
depends on the number of participants. Their forms are based on the four cardi-
nal points defining the four directions of the world. These points are, at the same
time, gates (called puertas) to the invisible world. In the gates there are stranded
guardianes (defender or guards). They are situated within the last circle, the largest
and the outermost ring. The guardines task is to control evil spirits who can enter
the circle and harm participants. The first circle of the altar is created by the sha-
man and pilares (persons who fulfil a role of helper or shaman’s assistant) – other
shamans and young disciples. The main yachak and his helpers offer gifts, express
requests, prayers and sing canticos (shamanic songs). Other circles are created by
other participants. Every person is obliged to bring gifts for Pachamama– flowers
and food (at the end they are divided among all the participants as a symbol
of unity and harmony).
Nowadays, not every local community has its own yachak. Therefore, some
shamans have become very mobile. They travel to perform rituals or medical
treatments in neighbouring villages (usually within one province). Already men-
tioned Axel Kroeger and Francoise Barbira-Freedman (1992: 230–231), writing
about the range of yachak’s work, created a classification which divides shamans
into two groups: „community members” and „foreign”. The former are leaders
of a community who take part in everyday life. The latter have marginal status
and do not participate in daily activities of a group. The authors suggest that „the
distinction between foreign and local healers can be found in all regions of tradi-
tional communities, at all levels of the hierarchy of healers, from the most remote
areas where indigenous traditions survive as the most important to urban areas
of Metis”. This division, however, is imposed from the outside and it does not
correspond to the native point of view. Firstly, the relationship between the com-
munity and the shaman is formed mainly by sharing the same ideas, beliefs,
and practices. The matter of sharing a living space or belonging to the same group
is less important here. Indigenous patients use the services of healers outside
the village or pueblo due to insufficient number of skilled specialists. Secondly,
the status of the yachak generates certain behaviour and relationships. Even if he
does not come from the same community, he shares the worldview of indige-
nous groups and he has desirable experience, knowledge and skills that the other
members of the group lack. Therefore, yachaks are invited to celebrate rituals; ask
Pachamama for a good harvest, harmony and prosperity for a given community.
226 Anna Przytomska

They provide some advice or mediation. Even if a shaman is not resident in a com-
munity (is locally foreign), he can enter into a relationship with a group because he
participates in the most important social practices, which impact the everyday life
of a group. The yachak has the status of a wanderer whose only destiny is teaching
and healing in order to maintain the balance (health) of a group. Yachaks enter
a community under special but temporary conditions. To enter a group and lead
it, he must become familiar. The  group makes him responsible for the  most
important issues, which require sensitivity, knowledge, and above all, excep-
tional power. After he completes his task he goes away. He loses his special status
in the group and, once again, he becomes a stranger. Because of his skills, he
is presented with a possibility of coming and leaving. To conclude this question,
it must be stated that the problem of alienation and locality can be solved if there
are conditions for doing it capably. It is true that a yachak-outsider never becomes
a permanent community member and he will not enter into day-to-day relations
with the inhabitants. However, for the time of the ritual he becomes a represent-
ative and a member with specific temporary status of the group’s guide.
The activities of the yachak are real indicators of his prestige and social author-
ity. However, the acceptance of their abilities does not mean any group’s blind
faith in their unique healing power. The proof of truthfulness and effectiveness
is the yachak’s life. It is related to the Quichuan concept of knowledge. The term
“yachak” derives from the word “yachay” which in Quichua language has three
basic meanings: 1. knowledge (content); 2. to  understand, to have knowledge
of a topic, to have the ability to learn; 3. the knowledge possessed and demon-
strated, to practise knowledge, to have a habit of doing something. The concept
of yachay includes the concept of knowledge, and cognitive and intellectual ability
to gain it, but it is also related to the concept of action. Not only does knowledge
mean theory (a potentiality) but it also denotes empirical practice. “To know”
means simultaneously “to know” and “to introduce in practice” (Przytomska
2015a). According to César Itier (Crickmay 2002: 40–55) the word yachay derives
from the archaic form yacha, in which the prefix ya- means “movement”, while
suffix -cha indicates the implementation of an indicated action. The secret of local
signification lies in a question of how Quichua perceive and understand the con-
cept of being a yachak – the one who knows and can demonstrate knowledge
through his own deeds. Therefore, knowledge is not only verbally articulated.
Its transmission occurs as a result of its implementation (practice) by the yachak
and by the experience of a group, if the yachak provides an example by his own
life, if he is the illustration of what he says. This signifies that he has the gift
and skills needed to perform the mission and to serve the community. Social
skills legitimate the healer and they influence his prestige. His educational func-
tion is present in social practices – in rituals, disputes, healing processes, help
in conflict resolution. Nevertheless, his teaching does not take a form of theoret-
ical speeches or lectures. Most of the time it constitutes the response to human
behaviour. Nothing is limited only to theory (Przytomska 2015b: 199–215).
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 227

Other side of shamanism

Yachaks can as well be called hampi (the one who poisons). Jambi in Quichua signi-
fies both: a medicine and a poison. Colloquially called brujos (witches) in Spanish,
they can use their skills to harm and kill. In fact, these apparently antithetic
activities are based on the same mechanism and the boundary between them can
be changed. In the Amazon, the researchers call this phenomenon dark shamanism.
The term was introduced by Johannes Wilbert, who conducted research among
Warao inhabiting the Orinoco Delta in the North-Eastern Venezuela and Eastern
Guyana (Wilbert 1972). Neil L. Whitehead, who conducted research on shamanism
(kanaimá) in Patamuna the Guiana Shield, indicates that anthropological literature
tends to focus on the „good” side of shamanism while the matter of so-called dark
shamanism is systematically avoided or treated superficially (Whitehead, Wright
2004: 10). The researchers of the Andes have never taken this subject seriously.
I outline this topic, because it is a very important part of the Andean shamanic
practices and it complements the contemporary image of yachaks.
The phenomenon of  brujería among Quichua takes three different forms.
Firstly, it  is (1) the  practice of  a  shaman aimed to  harm (by an  illness, death
and other misfortunes) a particular person on someone else’s behalf. It is classi-
fied as a ritual performed indirectly, i.e. at a distance. Sometimes brujería takes
(2) a form of an open, conscious and direct struggle between shamans in a situa-
tion of conflict or during a ritual when there are open so-called puentes (bridges
of power) between the ritual participants. Thirdly, brujería involves (3) the activ-
ities which I call “vampirism”. They consist in direct but covert theft of power
(atiy) from other shamans, rarely from people unrelated to shamanic practices.
The crucial point is the back – a place between the shoulder blades. Yachaks con-
firm that during an  attack the  victim feels pressure and  hotness in  this part
of their body. The victims are mostly young apprentices, who are not fully aware
of hostile actions of others yachaks and do not know how to effectively defend
themselves. When the gift or power is stolen, jambij can cast a „spell” called secada
(drying) on his victim, in order to get rid of the enemy. The illness is manifested
by a sudden and quick loss of weight. Within a week, the victim becomes skin
and bone, and then in a very short time he dies. The following story may serve
as an example of (3) hidden attacks:

Yachaks are very envious of knowledge. They are very reserved and secretive.
It’s their secret. Each of them has thier own individual form of action, treatment.
They have their own private prayers and songs. Once, I met two very old yachaks.
They were very enlightened. They had extensive knowledge inherited from pre-
vious generations. Their ancestors were also yachaks. It happened in 1994. One
of them had the gift of vision. One day, a man came to that yachak from outside
of the village and asked him for help in finding his missing cattle. The yachak
performed a ritual and he pointed out cars with the stolen cattle. The man called
the police and they found the stolen animals and captured the thieves. The man
from the  other village asked the  yachak what he wanted as  a  payment. But
228 Anna Przytomska

the yachak said: “it’s up to you”. It was a good yachak; he never asked for specific
amounts of money. The man offered him a part of his herd of cattle. What hap-
pened later? After that event, the old yachak, who had the gift of vision, became
popular in the entire province. One day, other yachak from the same village came
to him and said: „how is it possible that you have the gift of vision and I don’t?”.
But the old yachak didn’t reveal his secret. Next time they met at some collective
ceremony. They sat next to each other. (…) During collective rituals yachaks create
bridges of power. It is a very dangerous moment. Then, that night something
terrible happened. The jealous yachak stole the other’s power. The old yachak,
the one with the gift of vision, lost everything. That man stole his knowledge
and his gift. The old yachak couldn’t see anything. He lost everything, because
he couldn’t defend himself.

The final result of a fight depends on the power of shamans and cannot be

predicted. Nobody knows in what condition the enemy is. Often, particularly
during rituals, shamans make an alliance to accumulate power and to effectively
attack their rivals. Such practices have led todays yachaks to form clans – groups
of allied yachaks, created to promote and protect each other and help in treatment
after the attacks. Moreover, group members share common interests. All activities
of brujería are always conscious and voluntary. „Good” and „bad” yachaks use
the same techniques in their practices and have the same knowledge. They can
use the same sources of power (lagoons, volcanoes, streams, etc.) for both aims.
As N. L. Whitehead put it, dark shamanism is the other side of the same coin.
During my research, I observed several shamanic attacks. I describe briefly
two situations below. The  first incident took place during a  meeting of  over
a dozen of yachaks from the Chimborazo province. This fight took place in a public
space. An initially quiet conversation between two yachaks turned into a serious
argument. As it turned out later, it was associated with their long-standing con-
flict. I started to watch them when I heard some screams – both loud and low
sounds. It was terrifying. They dribbled. Their eyes were bloodshot, popping out
of their heads. They stood slightly hunched with heads lowered and tense bodies.
I could see the pulsing veins in their necks. They resembled animals getting ready
to attack. In the end, they both gave up. They turned away and went in opposite
directions, limping. It all took no more than a few minutes. The incident was
watched by a few people, including others yachaks. Nobody reacted or commented
on it. Later, one of the observers, in response to my question, said: „It’s better not
to meddle in the affairs of other people”. A while later I talked about the incident
with a younger yachak who participated in the struggle. I learned that his treat-
ment after the battle lasted three days. He stated that they had got carried away
by their emotions.
The second example of brujería is quite tragic. Although I was not a direct
witness or participant, I watched reactions and heard comments about those
events. At that time, I lived with yachak Roberto and his family in a village near
Riobamba (in the Chimborazo province). One morning, during breakfast, Roberto
received a vision. He started drooling and blinking. A spoon slipped out of his
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 229

hand and he mumbled to himself. He looked as if he had been paralysed. After
having recovered consciousness, he told us that hard days were coming, and we
must be careful. During the following few days he was tormented by dreams
and visions. Roberto was the head of an alliance formed by five other yachaks.
At that time, all of them were weakened because of some prior events. As he
claimed, they came into conflict with a group of yachaks from another province.
He suggested that they needed to pause their activities for some time in order
to regenerate their power. One of the shamans living in Quito decided otherwise.
A patient came to him with a disease caused by brujería. During the treatment
(actually a purification ritual) the shaman lost consciousness. His wife took him
to the hospital. Doctors announced that he was in a coma, but they failed to pro-
vide a clear diagnosis. After two weeks in the hospital, the man died. The yachak
with whom I lived, explained to me that his friend from Quito had been too
weak to cope with treatment (Roberto said: Él tenia muy poca fuerza/ He had too
little power). None of the clan members had made any attempt to heal the yachak
from Quito. They explained that they had been too weak to help him. Secondly,
they suspected that the incident was caused by the action of the hostile group.
The yachaks feared that if they tried to help, it could trigger an open conflict. They
could not afford it in that situation.
The energetic aggression may also be action of non-humans (bad spirits).
I personally experienced one instance of non-human aggression in the house
of a shaman from Chimborazo province. I participated in a San Pedro ritual. I did
not drink the cactus decoction and only observed the ceremony. The same night
I woke up in tears at 4 a.m. I dreamed that something or someone came to me
(some gloomy, bad and dark creatures which I could not identify) and they stole
some of my characteristics, skill; something of mine that I could not exactly define.
I did not know what happened exactly, but I was terrified, and I felt that I was
not me anymore. I was only laying in my bed, waiting until a new day started,
and the  household woke up. I  told my dream and  what I  felt to  the  shaman.
He said that during the ceremony, evil spirits or some brujo came to me and stole
something that was valuable to them. That same evening the shaman performed
a ritual during which he went to recover what had been stolen and he called
my soul. It is hard to explain but suddenly I felt better. The shaman explained
that sometimes during the ceremony unexpected things may happen. During
shamanic rituals, shamans open the  passage between the  world of  humans
and  nonhumans. Apart from „good spirits”, the  “evil spirits” may also come
along. According to him this was what happened in this case.

Shamanic practices as a political game

An American anthropologist, Frank Salomon (1983: 413–425), shows that in the colo-

nial times shamanism was a tool used during fights against enemies. Shamans
not only had „magical” powers but also political power, which was exercised both
230 Anna Przytomska

inside indigenous groups and outside of them, as a result of interethnic relations

and dependencies. Ethnohistorical studies of eighteenth-century sorcery trials
in the Royal Audience of Quito (1563–1822) indicate that many acts of „magical”
aggression and  defence were caused by the  colonial oppression. Shamanism
was the mechanism of internal resistance, which regulated the relations of dom-
ination and subordination imposed by the colonial administration. Moreover,
shamanic practice was adapted to the new situation in various ways. It occurred
on the outskirts of the colonial organism, where the government’s control was
not very effective. The mechanisms of the colonial subordination of indigenous
groups proved to be not strong enough to effectively stand up to the opposition
(represented, among others, by shamans) and to affect the relations of indigenous
communities. Shamans and their patients (clients) adapted to the colonial situation
in different ways – they paralysed legal systems by creating rebel groups. They
penetrated administrative structures and, consequently, thwarted their plans.
Solomon describes cases when officials and merchants were left to the mercy
and help of shamans in their dealings with local communities. In this context,
shamans played an important political role in establishing relations between
the  natives and  the  colonizers. When the  ineptitude of  local officials became
apparent, the colonizers suddenly realized that the real power over indigenous
communities is concentrated in other hands. The reasons of these situations have
been detected in the actions of magical provenance and, at the same time, the col-
onizers denied the local political dependency (Salomon 1983: 414). Soon they made
efforts to weaken the shamans’ position. They emphasized shamans’ demonic
powers and accused them of crimes and misdeeds. Silverblatt (1980: 176) points
out that the colonial authorities permanently demonized shamans. The policy
aimed to dispose of them, but it was not effective enough, especially among peo-
ple from the peripheries, where the resistance was difficult to overcome. “Magic”
strength very soon began to be perceived by the Creole society as the essence
of indigenous culture and as a force that exceeded the ethnic and cultural bound-
aries. By this conceptualization, the colonizers rationalized their own aggression
against indigenous people.
In addition, Andean indigenous population was perceived as  leaderless
(except for the groups to which the colonial leaders were delegated) and uncon-
trolled (or ungovernable). Such assumptions hampered the  management
of indigenous communities. Solomon confirms that cases of shamanic aggres-
sion in  the  eighteenth-century Andes reflect the  complicated micro-political
situation. Shamanism, or rather its aggressive form, served not only to eliminate
competitors (Middleton 1960; Mair 1969: 116–159) but also as a way of relieving
the economic and ecological tensions caused by unequal distribution of goods
and land management. Luis Millones (1979) shows that the increasing political
power of shamanic practices in that period was associated with the degrada-
tion of  colonial judiciary and  with the  attempt to  resist growing dominance
of the Catholic clergy.
 Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices… 231

Interethnic aggression of shamans can be interpreted as “peculiar strength

of weakness” of the colonial power (Salomon 1983: 425), which was used very
often, although in an invisible way, in local conflicts. These facts demonstrate that
the colonial authorities were not always effective, and that they did not fully con-
trol indigenous groups. The lack of understanding of different cultural practices
and lack of defence or preventive mechanisms made the administration impotent
and sometimes also dependent on shamans. The reason was lack of alternatives,
or the desire to use the insidious (relatively easily accessible) forms of defence
or attack. Such situation only perpetuated the incorporation of magical-political
forces of shamans into the colonial system.
Solomon demonstrates different situations, in  which the  representatives
of the colonial powers used the services of shamans to solve their internal con-
flicts. In these times, the most powerful shamans knew the colonial society; they
had a network of contacts that stretched over vast geographical areas, to different
ethnic groups, as well as to various classes of the Creole-indigenous society. These
conclusions, drawn from historical context, also help us to understand contem-
porary shamanic relationships. The intercultural competence of shamans still
allows them to align themselves with culturally different enemies and, as a result,
to extend their practices from intra-indigenous politics to external post-colonial
society. I think that shamanism is not only an exotic phenomenon or, in the case
of aggression, a peculiar problem of indigenous communities, but that it has
become an important part of the political practices of the colonial administration
(Przytomska 2015). Nowadays, this problem still exists. People still talk infor-
mally about the political competition supported by shamans.

Conclusions

Within the  shamanic practices, we  find two patterns of  praxis (Descola uses
it  to  specify properties of  objectified social practices, cognitive templates or
intermediate representations): reciprocity and predation (Descola 2013). The first
principle represents the  exchange system which strengthens communities
and gives them a sense of justice and stability. As to the second, humans can
pursue the  relationship of  predation in  two ways. One is  by not preserving
the principle of ayni, i.e. if they do not fulfil their obligations towards the com-
munity, then they become spongers. More obvious is the brujería’s example. All
patterns of social relations are realized in the same way between human persons
and  non-human persons. The  ethnographic material presented in  this paper
demonstrates that shamanism is a deeply social practice which permeates all
social dimensions. Moreover, we can conclude that shamanic practices have two
distinct faces – reproductive and destructive at the same time. First, they maintain
an order between the world of human and non-human persons. It means that they
make possible the indigenous reproduction according to their own perception
of the world. On the other hand, these practices are imbued with aggression.
232 Anna Przytomska

Brujería practices and accusations may represent tensions in the inter-community

and inter-ethnic relations. It is also a product of relationships, pre-Columbian,
colonial and contemporary, which are situated within two overlapping worlds
of Indian and non-Indian. Nowadays, it is not possible to clearly separate these
two spaces. Unquestionably, the  other side of  Quichuan shamanic practices
requires extensive research, analysis and reflection on the grounds for uncon-
trolled or illegitimate shamanic forms of aggression.

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SUMMARY
Reproduction and aggression: shamanic practices among Quichuas from
Ecuador (Imbabura and Chimborazo Provinces)

This paper describes the contemporary shamanism among Quichua from the Ecuadorian

Andes (Imbabura and Chimborazo provinces in the Sierra region), shaman’s roles and his
status in local indigenous communities. Basing on the Quichua worldview, I show what
the key elements of shamanic practices are and what is its importance to the continuity
of Quichua life and culture. The thesis of this text is that shamanism has two comple-
mentary faces. The Quechua shamanism in Ecuador is based on social reproduction or
construction (healing, maintaining the fertility of nature and people) and aggression
at the same time (witchcraft).

Keywords: shamanism, Ecuador, Quechua, indigenous worldview.