The Transformation of Kabuki Themes:

From Tokugawa to Meiji

Michael Becker

May 2012

Carthage College
Kenosha, WI
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The Transformation of Kabuki Themes:

From Tokugawa to Meiji

Michael Becker

Kabuki has been a popular performing art in Japan since its formation in the
Tokugawa era. However, the kabuki seen today in modern Japan is not the same
as the kabuki seen previously. A major impact on kabuki theatre was the Meiji
Restoration of 1868. The paper below will discuss an important aspect in the
transformation of kabuki. This transformation was that of the themes of the kabuki
plays. The government, seeing many of the traditional Japanese themes as
controversial and inappropriate, regulated the kabuki performances in a way that
was appealing to the Western, foreign eyes. Because theatre served as an integral
part of culture in the West, the Japanese sought to do the same; kabuki was to be
made into a far more educational form of entertainment that was ethical and
decent. Several well-known kabuki plays, both from the Tokugawa era and the
modern era, are discussed in order to understand the importance of these
controversial themes.

Beginnings

Kabuki began during the Tokugawa era (1600 – 1867), an era of unification

following the Warring States Period. Victorious Tokugawa Ieyasu self-appointed

himself as Shogun and chose Edo (Tokyo) as the capital. After Ieyasu’s victory in

the Battle of Sekigahara, peace was restored to the country. Once Tokugawa

Ieyasu was in control, there was a sense of freedom and opportunity in Edo. This

centrally located city would soon be the birthplace of kabuki theatre because of

this atmosphere.
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Kabuki’s role in society contributed to Japan’s cultural identity. A kabuki-

represented identity, such as Japan’s, was considered by the Japanese elite as

distasteful for the Western visitors. Inspired by Western traditions of the cultural

importance of their theatre and wanting to create a positive image of Japanese

culture for the Westerners in newly opened Japan, the government made many

changes to kabuki. Specifically, the themes of the kabuki dramas underwent a

transformation due to the arrival of the Western foreigners’ influence. This

transformation was the product of a popular role of kabuki in Japanese society

among the common people combined with a feeling of discontent and desire for

change among the Japanese government leaders.

This paper begins with the origins of kabuki and some of its earliest

developments during the Genroku era (1688—1703). In order to understand

kabuki’s later developments and adaptations, one must first be familiar with its

origins and practices. Following the discussion of the various styles of acting and

the importance of training, the role of kabuki in society is discussed. This role

includes the importance of theatre attendance by the commoners of Japan,

kabuki’s patronage, and the bakufu relations with kabuki. Understanding this

role leads to further understanding of the importance of the Meiji adaptations

for, as we will see, kabuki plays an enormous role in Japanese society.

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With the end of the initial history and background information on kabuki,

our attention is then turned towards the themes of the plays. This consists of the

programmatic “worlds” in which plays were written, eight major scenes of

emphasis in kabuki plays, ninjo-giri conflicts, and Tokugawa prohibitions of

various themes. The Meiji adaptations of kabuki are discussed next. The

incoming foreigners created a need for the Meiji government to adapt kabuki

because of its large, prominent role in Japanese society. Kabuki became restricted

to an even greater extent because of the desires of the Meiji government to appeal

to the Westerners. Finally, to reinforce the Meiji attitudes towards some of the

plays, three of the most popular plays in the kabuki repertoire are discussed in

order to reveal how they have changed since the Meiji Restoration. This analysis

concludes this paper and hopefully gives the reader an understanding of Japan’s

evolving kabuki theatre.

The origin of kabuki can be credited to a single woman and prostitute

from Kyoto and a priestess of the Buddhist Izumo Shrine, Okuni. She performed

many Buddhist songs and dances with a small group of actors and actresses in

Kyoto. When performing, Okuni dressed in male attire and played the role of a

samurai. Her “scandalous modern songs” and “sensuous dance” as a man

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became known as kabuki.1 Following Okuni’s first performance, many other

troupes of women formed and performed frequently while practicing

prostitution.

Kabuki was deeply tied to both male and female prostitution. Within a

few years of Okuni’s performances in Kyoto, there were imitations by troupes of

prostitutes. These shows, known as yūjo kabuki (prostitutes’ kabuki),

demonstrated many techniques used by prostitutes to approach prospective

clients. Additionally, male performers assumed female roles which created a

sexual confusion. Hayashi Razan (1583—1657), a contemporary Confucian

scholar, expresses this confusion: “The men wear women’s clothing; the women

wear men’s clothing . . . They sing base songs and dance vulgar dances; their

lewd voices are clamorous, like the buzzing of flies and the crying of cicadas . . .

This is the kabuki of today.”2 Despite the confusion, people continued to flock to

the performances of yūjo kabuki. Because the audience comprised mostly of

samurai and other footsoldiers, who attended the theatre for entertainment and

acquiring a prostitute, there were sometimes fights sparked by rivalries over the

performers. The violence between the patrons due to a conflict over prostitutes

1 James R. Brandon and Samuel L. Leiter, Masterpieces of Kabuki: Eighteen Plays on

Stage (Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 2004), 1.
2 Donald H. Shively, “The Social Environment of Tokugawa Kabuki,” in Japanese

Aesthetics and Culture: A Reader, ed. Nancy G. Hume (Albany, NY: State University
of New York Press, 1995), 198.
6

led to the 1629 banishment of the women from the stage, by which the

government separated prostitution from kabuki acting. In addition to the

banishment, the government also created a clear separation by concentrating

houses of prostitution in designated quarters away from the theatre quarters.

The sense of freedom first felt by Okuni diminished when, in 1629, the

Tokugawa shogunate banned the women from the stage. After Okuni’s

banishment, young boys and men took over the profession which they had

began doing in 1612, including both acting and prostitution, although they

certainly did not live a life of luxury: “Kabuki actors of the Edo period (1600—

1868) were called ‘Kawara beggars’; they lived under poor conditions as pariahs;

and they were looked upon by the general population with a combination of

fear, awe, and contempt.”3 These living conditions were certainly a result of the

early practices of kabuki actresses and young boy actors.

Troupes of young boys began performing wakashu kabuki (youths’ kabuki)

about ten years after Okuni first performed her songs and dances. Some of the

performances of the young boys were about homesexual love and others about

techniques to solicit prostitutes. Homosexual practices became widespread

beginning in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries during military campaigns as

well as in Buddhist monasteries. Furthermore, in the seventeenth century, some

3David Goodman and Kazuko Goodman, “Kabuki from the outside,” The Drama
Review: TDR 15, no. 2 (Spring, 1971): 177.
 7

shogun and feudal lords exerted their preference for charming, elegant youths,

which in turn led to commoners practicing homosexuality as well in the

footsteps of their leaders.4 In 1648, homosexual practices were banned in the

plays and, because of the government’s lack of success, the Tokugawa

government closed the theatres in Edo and other cities four years later in 1652,

bringing about the end of wakashu kabuki.

Kabuki did not progress rapidly until the Genroku era (1688–1703).

During this era, kabuki’s developed forms became the criterion for its future

developments.5 It was during this era that three of the most influential actors

rose to fame. The first and perhaps most important was Ichikawa Danjuro I, who

created an innovative school of acting. Danjuro devised a style of kabuki acting

known as aragoto.6 This style is simple and full of chivalrous and heroic

movements which are typically greeted with applause from the audience

members. The exaggerated movements, in which Danjuro urged actors to

perform like they were five or six year old children,7 are expressions of strength

and morality. The movements of aragoto are said to reflect the essence of the Edo

townsmen.

4 Ibid., 201.
5 A. C. Scott, The Kabuki Theatre of Japan (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.,
1956), 37.
6 Yoshinobu Inoura and Toshio Kawatake, The Traditional Theater of Japan (Tokyo:

The Japan Foundation, 1981), 189.

7 Ibid., 191.
8

Another important aspect of Danjuro’s aragoto is the actors’ makeup

(kumadori). In a scene from the play Shibaraku, one of the most representative of

Danjuro’s acting, an evil minister is about to execute several innocent bystanders

as an attempt to overthrow the emperor. The evil minister’s face is painted white

and has lines drawn around his eyes and across his cheeks, identifying him as

the villain. When a sword is about to be dropped down, a cry of “Wait!” is heard

from behind a curtain at the end of the hanamichi, an elevated walkway crossing

the audience seating present in kabuki theatres to allow actors to make

magnificent entrances. The actor appears on the stage as the hero of the play. His

face is also painted white but consists of thick red lines around his eyes and on

his cheeks. These lines are theatrical representations of the man’s veins bulging

in anger.

Stopping at a point on the hanamichi, the hero introduces himself. This

introduction, known as tsurane, entertains the audience as he slowly draws out

his words and speaks in a loud, thunderous voice. Following his presentation, he

moves to the stage to punish the villain and rescue the captives. While doing this,

he displays several poses of heroicism, known as mie. When the actors strike

these poses, members of the audience shout encouragements to the actor. The

poses often occur at the climax of the scene and bring with them a heightened

sense of authority of the hero.

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The other two influential actors of the Genroku era were Sakata Tojuro

and Yoshizawa Ayame. Tojuro was especially skilled in love scenes. Yoshizawa

Ayame was known as the greatest onnagata (male actor acting in a female role) of

the time.

Tojuro perfected a different style of kabuki acting known as wagoto. This

style is full of soft, gentle actions and delicacy in mood. The character of the

acting is very realistic and representative of daily life and norms. Since wagoto

plays are depictions of the everyday customs, they often present a man visiting a

courtesan in the prostitution quarters. Tojuro urged the actors of wagoto plays to

“forget about the lines and get out on the stage” and “forgetful of the audience,

act the play as if it is a reality.”8 Sakata Tojuro held realistic and natural acting to

the highest degree which boosted wagoto acting’s popularity among actors and

audience members alike.

Because actresses were prohibited from performing on the stage, actors

had to take the roles of women. The notions of women’s inferiority and the

samurai code even limited what the men acting as women could do. The actors

known for their perfection in being a female on stage are known as an onnagata.

Being an onnagata required much practice and devotion to the art. It is desirable

that the actor who performs as an onnagata should feel like one both on and off of

8 Inoura, 192.
10

the stage. On stage, the onnagata must do everything in a reserved manner, never

exerting her full energies. There is an imaginary line on the stage which the

onnagata must never cross; the line is formed by the area where the curtain is

drawn across the stage. They must possess realistic beauty and charm and be

willing to cultivate these characteristics in all aspects of their everyday life,

something which is taught at the beginning of their training.

The variety of disciplines mastered by these three leading kabuki actors

show the importance of family lineages in kabuki. Kabuki acting is a hereditary

profession where actors are trained in childhood, beginning by age seven (some

can begin even younger). These children grow up in a kabuki atmosphere

because their fathers and even grandfathers perform frequently. If an actor does

not have any sons, he can adopt a successor from among his pupils.

In an interview with four kabuki actors, Professor Leiter asks about the

important elements of their training.9 Although these actors are from the mid-

twentieth century, the elements of the training have hardly changed and

therefore, the interviews give an accurate depiction of an actor’s training. Bando

Tsurunosuke claims that the most important training process is dance: “the actor

9 Samuel L. Leiter, “Four Interviews with Kabuki Actors,” Educational Theatre

Journal 18, no. 4 (1966), 391—404.
 11

must learn how to move his body.”10 Following training in dance comes the vocal

training and training in other various acting forms.

In his interview with Leiter, Bando Mitsugoro VIII claims that the most

important element of early kabuki training is the practical experience. Onoe

Baiko discusses the importance of understanding the psychological aspects of

your character. In order to play a role successfully, you must completely enter

the role while disregarding everything else. The final actor interviewed by

Professor Leiter was famous actor Nakamura Utaemon VI. Utaemon was

educated in all aspects of kabuki and specialized as an onnagata. Like

Tsurunosuke, Utaemon holds dance technique as the most important aspect of

kabuki training.

As the young actor-apprentices learn from their mentors, they begin to

associate with them in a natural way. The child’s talent begins to be cultivated

under the watchful eye of his kabuki teacher. Additionally, he does not just act

for the audience: the child takes part in the entire daily routine of being a kabuki

actor. This includes the behind the stage life. He must continually practice acting

in kabuki theatre and must learn many stage accomplishments (mie), especially if

he is intended to become a specialist in women’s roles (onnagata). The young

actor must also be able to act through suggestion without speaking for long

10 Leiter, “Four Interviews,” 393.

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periods. Tsurunosuke, one of Leiter’s interviewees, claimed that this pause is the

most difficult element of acting.11 This is a very common characteristic of kabuki

performances and one which must be carefully mastered by the actor.

Could this characteristic of kabuki acting have been a reason for

misunderstanding by the Westerners? Western cultures have long emphasized

verbal expression and clear, open communication of opinions and emotions.

There is a negative attitude in the Western tradition towards silence, most

notably in social and public relations. However, in Japan, silence is prevalent and

not frowned upon in the communication of the Japanese. This silence, known as

chinmoku, has roots in Zen Buddhism.12 Through Zen training, one is taught that

truth can exist only in silence. It cannot be described verbally. Constantly

practicing meditation, quietude, and emptying one’s mind is the only way an

individual can understand the goal of Zen practice. Kabuki theatre uses this

silence between lines or for long periods of time in order to express tension,

excitement, and the climax. Although this may seem odd to Westerners, it is a

practice that has long been perfected and established by the kabuki actors.

Silence in Japan has a wide range of meanings, including sympathy,

modesty, agreement, patience, embarrassment, resentment, lack of forgiveness,

11Leiter, “Four Interviews,” 394—395.

12Roger J. Davies and Osamu Ikeno, The Japanese Mind: Understanding
Contemporary Japanese Culture (Tokyo: Tuttle Publishing, 2002), 52.
 13

and apathy.13 Although a knowledgeable audience member can interpret the

character of the silence, it causes confusion to Westerners who are not used to

having silence in their culture. Chinmoku can often be seen as a waste of time in

which Japanese could be speaking in order to be more direct in communication.

However, silence is used to think about ways to communicate smoothly.

Westerners speak quickly and act without thinking whereas Japanese speak

slowly and hesitantly in order to process their actions. Japanese society is based

on relationships among group members rather than individualism: Japanese stay

silent to avoid seeming selfish, being impolite or immature, being rude, and to

avoid conflict. These trends are culturally reinforced through the Japanese social

relationships with each other and are not inherently obtained from birth. Because

of silence’s pervasiveness in Japanese communication, it has no doubt played an

important factor in kabuki theatre.

Zoë Kincaid, author of Kabuki: The Popular Stage of Japan, discusses how

this element of silence is used.14 In Mokuami’s play Kochiyama, a long scene of

silence occurs as a samurai hides near a road, waiting for a passing palanquin.

When the palanquin comes into view, he rushes out bearing his sword,

frightening the escorts away. The samurai, expecting to find someone he is after,

13Davies, 55.
14Zoë Kincaid, Kabuki: The Popular Stage of Japan (New York: Benjamin Blom Inc.,
1965), 38—39.
14

lifts the curtain and observes that the sleeping passenger is not the man he

wants. As he withdraws, the passenger awakens seeing the gleaming sword,

saying: “Is that a falling star?” This one line is the only thing spoken in this long

scene, illustrating the importance of silence in kabuki performance. The

relationship between Japanese culture and kabuki performance complement each

other. Kabuki’s elements are representative of the Japan’s culture and society.

Kabuki and Japanese Society

In Edo, kabuki was the center of urban culture. Attending the theatre was

a very exciting experience, especially for women. Women attending a kabuki

performance were able to appear in their best clothes as well as to eat and drink

in public. Their favorite actors could see the women in their elegant kimonos.

Kabuki performances usually began by 6 a.m., or sunrise, because of their

incredible length and the risk of fire if torches were to be used at nightfall.

Preparations for their attendance began the day before. These preparations

included dressing of the hair and going to the bathhouse; similar preparations

were also made by men visiting the pleasure quarters at Yoshiwara.15

However, kabuki was not patronized by the masses but rather from

wealthy commoners, primarily merchants. The prostitution quarters and theatre

15 Shively, “Social Environment,” 212.

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quarters were both intended for the entertainment of the commoners and the

samurai classes. They were irresistible even to samurai, who attended the theatre

with merely a large hat or scarf to slightly conceal themselves, avoiding any

confrontations at all cost in order to prevent embarrassment of their class.

Although they looked upon the theatre as an evil influence, some high-ranking

bakufu officials and powerful daimyo were fascinated by kabuki and were

devoted fans. The government restrictions and supervision over kabuki created

the need for these upper class supporters to hide their kabuki desires. The

pleasure and entertainment districts were the only place where commoners and

samurai were on equal footings.16 The commoners’ patronage of kabuki can be

attributed to the newly found peace in Japan.

When peace was brought about in Japan in the 1600s, the power of the

samurai class diminished greatly. Because they found great power in violence,

the presence of peace enabled money to become a far superior weapon.17 The

commoners began to rise because they were wealthier than the powerful

samurai. It was this boom in the economy that enabled kabuki to flourish during

the Genroku era. Prior to the patronage of kabuki, the two forms of art which

were patronized were the Bugaku dances by the Imperial Court and the Noh

dramas by the aristocratic samurai. With the inception of kabuki into the

16 Faubion Bowers, Japanese Theatre (New York: Hill and Wang, 1952), 57.
17 Ibid., 55.
16

theatrical arts world of Japan, the commoners, due to their financial successes,

were finally able to sustain their own popular theatre. Four theatres were created

in Edo, three in Kyoto, and four in Osaka.18 Although these three cities were

under Tokugawa control, the cities needed their amusement arenas in order to

contain their authoritative positions in population and in commerce.19 For these

reasons, kabuki prospered in this environment.

Being in the theatre district of the city provided a setting of complete

freedom from the strict Confucian society. This attitude was especially prevalent

in the merchant class of Edo. The social structure of Edo placed the merchants

beneath the samurai class although the merchants were by far superior

financially. Because of their wealth, these merchants first bought an expensive

courtesan and then spent a large sum of money on a typical day at the theatre.20

In the seventeenth century, kabuki was always under surveillance by the

Tokugawa regime, the bakufu. Restrictions on the kabuki plays and social

environment were present. Considered a disruption to the Confucian structure of

relationships, the bakufu strove to restrict kabuki’s power. The growing

popularity and power of kabuki conflicted with the government’s desires to

maintain social classes. Kabuki had much power in its artistic expressions and, as

18 Ibid., 58.
19 Shively, “Social Environment,” 195—196.
20 C. Andrew Gerstle, “Flowers of Edo: Eighteenth-Century Kabuki and Its Patrons,”

Asian Theatre Journal 4, no. 1 (Spring, 1987): 67.

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Bowers claims: “the artistic expression of a people long oppressed by the samurai

would by nature be antagonistic to the oppressors and would glorify their own

cause.”21 These artistic qualities excited all levels of society, upsetting the bakufu.

The efforts of the bakufu ended up assisting, rather than preventing, the

development of kabuki. Rather than abolishing kabuki completely, their attitude

towards it seems to have been that it was a necessary evil, similar to prostitution.

A document known as Ieyasu’s legacy gives us insight of this attitude:

Courtesans, dancers, catamites, streetwalkers, and the like always

come to the cities and prospering places of the country. Although
the conduct of many is corrupted by them, if they are rigorously
suppressed, serious crimes will occur daily, and there will be
punishments for gambling, drunken frenzies, and lasciviousness. 22

Kabuki performances kept the actors working and the patrons satisfied. Without

kabuki, more serious crimes would occur, wreaking havoc throughout the cities.

It is because of this that the government did not abolish kabuki completely.

A pattern recurring throughout the Tokugawa era was the bakufu’s

yielding to the persistent pressure of the theatre officials because of the

importance of the kabuki theatres in the economy. Because of their leniency,

kabuki went through many groundbreaking developments. Theatres and

21Bowers, 58.
22Donald H. Shively, “Bakufu Versus Kabuki,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 18,
no. 3/4 (Dec., 1955): 337.
18

teahouses were able to be constructed extensively, staging and costumes became

more elaborate, and rebellious themes were built into plays.

Theatre policy required that all of Edo’s main theatres were to be located

in a quarter comprised of Sakai-cho and Fukiya-cho, or in Kobiki-cho.23

Additionally, the prostitution quarters were concentrated to the licensed quarter

of Asakusa, which became known as the New Yoshiwara. This segregation was

an attempt to separate the entertainment quarters from the center of Edo as well

as preventing catastrophic fires which had an enormous impact on the city when

they occurred numerous times in the 1650’s. The number of theatres was

restricted to four large and eight small venues. The earliest kabuki theatres

consisted of a small, uncovered stage with a bamboo paling or bunting enclosing

the audience members. Evidence of the first roof covering the stage and audience

can be found in a 1639 drawing.24 The theatre gradually developed in size despite

government disapproval and even included boxes, blinds, and screens used to

provide privacy from the strict government.

Following the fires of the 1650’s, more elaborate stage sets and costumes

were developed to accompany the creation of longer plays. Various types of

drawn and drop curtains were used as well as the creation of a runway through

the audience (hanamichi). In 1718, wooden shingles were permitted over the stage

23 Shively, “Bakufu Versus Kabuki,” 339.

24 Ibid., 347.
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and boxes. These were replaced five years later by tile roofs and outer walls of

plaster in order to prevent fire hazards. The addition of the roof and walls made

it even more difficult for the government to regulate the kabuki performances.

The performance became increasingly private and government authorities could

not enter observe the performances from the outside. In order to watch a kabuki

play, the bakufu had to purchase a seat, allowing the theatre managers to become

aware of their presence. Although these adaptations further enabled kabuki

theatres to gain privacy from the government, they were granted because of the

government’s leniency. Kabuki had a profound effect on the economy: patrons

lived in the city in order to be close to the entertainment centers and therefore,

patronized the city’s businesses as well. Because theatre owners pleaded that rain

was bankrupting them, the bakufu enabled roofs and more solid walls to be

created.

Kabuki plays a large, important role in Japanese culture and society. It is

within this role that many controversial themes were performed and widely

accepted by the various classes of the Japanese audience. However, these themes

were ones which the government thought were twisted and distorted: a sore

sight to foreign eyes.

Tokugawa Kabuki Themes

20

The vast majority of kabuki plays performed still today have their origins

in the Genroku era. The basic kabuki plots consisted of legends, stories, and

historical and contemporary events. Plays throughout the Genroku era were

scarcely changed; the main changes tended to be small revisions or adaptations

of certain selections of the play according to strict Tokugawa regulations.

Although there were revisions and alterations present, the majority of the plays

were based on the already familiar basic plot. Plays were written around a

certain “world” (sekai), or time frame. In a daily kabuki performance, all of the

plays performed were related to this “world.” For political reasons, the

government was unable to interfere if the so-called “world” was placed in far

distant history. Contemporary events were also disguised by being placed in an

old “world.”

The major “worlds” were those dealing with the Soga Brothers’ revenge in

1170, the struggles between the Taira and Minamoto Clans around 1300 (the

Taiheiki “world”), the heroicism of Yoshitsune, and with Toyotomi Hideyoshi or

Oda Nobunaga in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (the Taiko “world”).25

The audience desired acting to lie within the framework of familiarity,

convention, and accustomed technique. The “worlds” provided for the

25 Bowers, 149.
 21

satisfaction of the audience’s desires while still offering room for new surprises

and tricks.

Although these “worlds” helped with the programmatic elements of the

kabuki theatre, they often forced various unrelated views on current plays,

making them seem different than what they actually are about. There were many

times when unrelated plays would be forced into a certain “world.” One such

example is the famous play written in 1713, Sukeroku: Flower of Edo.26 It was

squeezed into the Soga “world,” turning the hero of the play into one of the

avenging brothers. This results in a difficult situation for the audience to follow

the story logically. Furthermore, being forced into a certain “world” restricts the

originality of the plays. The dramatic situations of kabuki plays were quickly

formalized and standardized, changing very little since their first performances.

Part of this reason is that the audience changed very little as well. The audience

was familiar with the plays and was far more interested in seeing what an actor

does under certain circumstances. Their familiarity of the play is a prerequisite to

their observation of the actor, for they do not have to focus on following an

unfolding plot. Unlike Japan, Westerners are far more interested in the plot of the

play. They prefer to see a new play for the first time rather than several

performances of the same play with few changes.

26 Ibid., 150.
22

Basic scenes comprised the majority of kabuki plays. These “scenes of

emphasis” (shonenba) are similar to Western ideas of the climax.27 There are eight

major shonenba in kabuki plays and each play may contain more than one

shonenba. The first of which are scenes of torture or pressure (semeba). It is in

these scenes when a hero is encircled by an enemy and forced to reveal

information or reveal his identity. The hero is forced to surrender because of the

pressure being put onto him.

The second shonenba is the selling of human life (Mi-uri). Prostitution is an

important aspect of this scene but there are also variations. It sometimes deals

with a woman who voluntarily sells herself in order to protect her parents or

husband. Another variation on Mi-uri is that the sale could be completed without

her knowledge. Selling a woman into prostitution is often unthinkable to

Westerners, creating feelings of sorrow and despair. However, in the Genroku

era where these scenes were first performed, the gay quarters were the most

fashionable and extravagant places. The more talented girls were able to choose

their own clients. Even those who were not as beautiful or talented still lived a

comfortable life in Yoshiwara.

Another shonenba is the substitution of one person for another (Mi-gawari).

Substitutions were used for the hero to manipulate the enemy or to save

27 Bowers, 151.
 23

someone by sacrificing someone else. Religious substitutions occurred when a

statue of Buddha stands as a substitute for a sincere, religious person. Romantic

substitutions are used by the heroine who sacrifices herself in order to save her

lover. A final form of substitution is ethical, where a servant sacrifices himself for

the lord. Substitutions were common throughout Japan. Warriors bought the

lives of commoners to use as a double for them in times of emergency.

A fourth scene of emphasis is that of head-inspection (Kubi-Jikken). This

was a direct result of the substitutions. An enemy’s head was often brought

before an inspecting officer who was required to identify the head. Sometimes

parents were called upon to inspect their own child’s head while pretending that

it was someone else. These scenes were full of mixed emotions, including many

false emotions in order to save themselves. Often, they were very elaborate,

requiring a great deal of time for the actor to effectively display his various

emotions. Emotions often portrayed include anguish, disbelief, puzzlement, joy,

confusion, conflict, and resolution.

The fifth shonenba is the slapping with footwear (Zori-uchi). Although this

may seem puzzling to Westerners, the Japanese are uneasy about the dirt

brought in from the street by footwear. Visitors to homes, restaurants, and

temples are required to remove their outdoor shoes at the entrance of the
24

building and place indoor sandals on their feet instead. One of the foulest insults

to Japanese is being touched or struck by footwear.

Pulling of the obi (Obi-hiki) is the sixth shonenba. The obi is a long belt

worn by both men and women; the unfastening of the obi is closely associated to

eroticism. Unrelenting men use the obi to restrain a resisting woman by holding

it at one end, creating dramatic poses with the long strip of colorfully

embroidered cloth.

The seventh shonenba is seppuku. Seppuku is suicide, an honorable death

and considered an act of highest bravery. Seppuku is committed as an apology for

sin or error, in compliance with a command by a superior, as entreaty, in error,

or in the spirit of boldness. Suicide is committed because of a tragic circumstance

where death appears to be a better option than life.

Finally, the eighth and final major scene of emphasis is murder (Hito-

Koroshi). Murder is one of the most important themes in kabuki plays. The

Tokugawa era was an era of peace following the Warring States Period. Murder

was a very stirring subject and constituted an outlet for the Japanese people’s

impulses. Similar to seppuku, there are various causes of murder: provoked

murder where the hero kills the villain, accidental murder where the victim is

mortally wounded during a struggle or the wrong person is killed, and duty

murder where a person must sacrifice themselves for a higher cause.

 25

Violence on the kabuki stage is perhaps one of the most characteristic

aspects of kabuki. The role violence plays in the plays far surpasses any such

violence used in the classic theatre of the West. Although deaths were often

performed on stage in the West, massive amounts of bloodshed and violence

never occurred. Violence is, in one way, what makes kabuki so distinct from

other forms of theatre. Many kabuki deaths happen incredibly slowly; the

audience watches the actor die in piercing agony. While dying, the actor is able

to show a great deal of pain and suffering, creating an incredibly emotional

impact.

The emotional impact is further enhanced by the visual effects of fake

blood.28 Concealed tablets of red liquid are often hidden in an actor’s mouth or

robe. The realism of kabuki creates the need for such bloodshed. The red blood

creates a dynamic contrast between the white painted bodies and the black

kimonos the actors wear, making it a very effective visual device.

The themes of kabuki plays during the Tokugawa era were strictly

enforced by the government officials. In addition to the previously discussed

prohibitions against women, young men, and the acts of prostitution, several

other censors were present. One of the more well-known restrictions was that on

the theme of double suicide (shinju). First popularized by Chikamatsu

28Samuel L. Leiter, “The Depiction of Violence on the Kabuki Stage,” Educational

Theatre Journal 21, no. 2 (May, 1969): 150.
26

Monzaemon (1653—1725), shinju is very popular in domestic-type kabuki plays.

A common aspect of kabuki plays, regardless of topic, is the intrapersonal

conflict between a character’s feelings (ninjo) and their duty to society (giri).29 In

double suicides, it is this ninjo-giri conflict of a young married man and his

mistress, often a courtesan, that leads them to believe that a double suicide is the

most appealing choice. The performance of the suicide is very beautiful and

elegant. The actors must display utmost somberness and hope for a more

satisfying future life. Because of the exquisitely poetic treatment and popularity

of the shinju, in 1723, the government was forced to forbid the suicides and the

plays which concerned them.30 These suicides were a threat to the Tokugawa

peace and order that was well-established as a result of the end of the Warring

States Period because within them was a portrayal of violence. The violence was

an aspect the Tokugawa regime looked forward to removing from its history.

The government’s political interests furthered the Tokugawa restrictions.

Plays dealing with political subjects were very controversial during this era. One

of the first orders issued to theatre managers, in 1644, stated that: “In plays the

names of existing people will not be used.”31 A stricter law prohibited the

29 Leiter, “Depiction of Violence,” 147.

30 Donald H. Shively, “Tokugawa Plays on Forbidden Topics,” in Chushingura:
Studies in Kabuki and the Puppet Theater, ed. James R. Brandon (Honolulu, HI:
University of Hawaii Press, 1982), 25.
31 Ibid., 25.
 27

mention of Tokugawa Ieyasu or any of his successors. The government was very

sensitive about matters extending back to their rise of power in the late sixteenth

century. Playwrights and theatre managers took these laws as challenges when

writing and performing kabuki plays. Their plays were camouflaged from the

pervasive government by setting the plays in a completely different time period

and with characters who, in no obvious way, related to the subject at hand. These

playwrights never described events during the Tokugawa era directly in order to

avoid troubles with the government.

In addition to the government’s prohibition of the depiction of actual

living government leaders, the actor’s depiction was socially frowned upon as

well. Because the actors were considered to be a very low social class, almost

outcastes, a depiction of themselves as a Tokugawa leader or samurai would be

considered intolerable. It is important to note, however, that the government

overlooked plays depicting the lives of ordinary commoners. These plays often

used real names or obvious substitutes and dealt openly with scandals and

shinju. As long as the play was not about a person of high power, the play was

not prohibited.

Another portrayal which was prohibited was that of religious leaders such

as Shinran, Honen, and Nichiren. Many complaints were submitted by religious

leaders in response to the offensive nature and lack of piety of the kabuki
28

performances. The government action against the plays was political, not a

matter of doctrine or belief. They were simply submitting to the grievances of the

persuasive religious groups in Japan.

A last prohibition concerned the removal of “unusual events of the

present time,” “any matters which are questionable,” and “unfounded rumors

which are current in society.”32 Besides protecting the names of living political

and military leaders, the government did not want current events to be

mentioned or gossip and scandals pertinent to these leaders. These rumors

would lead to instability in the political power of the Tokugawa.

Meiji Adaptations

The effects of the Meiji Restoration of 1868 saw a decline in the artistic

developments of kabuki. Kabuki’s recognition by the Meiji government proved

to be even more detrimental to its performances than the authoritative

Tokugawa repression.33 The Meiji leaders sought international respect which in

turn would give them diplomatic equality. They were very concerned with the

Western views of their culture for the West was deeply rooted with the classical

theatre such as Shakespeare; kabuki needed to be considered a pleasant sort of

32Shively, “Tokugawa Plays,” 27.

33Faith Bach, “New Directions in Kabuki,” Asian Theatre Journal 6, no. 1 (Spring,
1989): 79.
 29

entertainment in Japanese society rather than a disreputable one. It was

constantly being compared to the theatre of the West. Additionally, the

government sought to use the stage as an ideal place to instruct the commoners

in new behaviors and ethics that were necessary in an advanced nation. In 1872,

actors and theatre managers were told: “Now that aristocrats and foreigners will

be coming to the theatre, vulgarity and all things inappropriate for family

viewing are to be eliminated. Stories must become vehicles of education.” 34

Kabuki was to have a new function in Japanese culture and society.

As evidence of the newly established role of kabuki in Meiji society, two

developments occurred within the first few years of the Restoration. Firstly, in

September 1868, the sanza’s banishment to Saruwaka-machi was repealed.35 The

sanza were Edo’s three remaining authorized kabuki theatres towards the end of

the Tokugawa era. In 1841, these sanza were relocated to Saruwaka-machi in

Edo’s northern outskirts in order to impose more restrictions on the theatres, a

prevalent theme throughout the Tokugawa era. The 1868 overturning of the

banishment was a sign of the government’s new ideas about the theatres. The

theatres were now in a place where all of the public were exposed to them.

The second development occurred in 1871. Kabuki actors prior to the Meiji

Restoration were members of a social class so low “that they were not permitted

34 Bach, “New Directions,” 79.

35 Rachel Payne, “Early Meiji kabuki censorship,” Japan Forum 19, no. 3 (2007): 322.
30

surnames, so they had no access to worlds inhabited by the lofty personages

portrayed on their stages.”36 In 1871, kabuki actors were finally given full social

status as new commoners. This full social status was a necessity if the Meiji

government wanted to disconnect kabuki from its links to prostitution and the

pleasure quarters, thus creating a more positive image of its culture.

As can be expected, the audience of kabuki was changing as well. The

repeal of the Tokugawa social class restrictions enabled kabuki to be enjoyed by

all levels, not just the merchant classes. Although the authorities were still not

fully supportive of the theatre, they acknowledged its contributions to society

and focused rather on limiting the damage that its increased public exposure

could cause to society. Many educated elites attended kabuki performances and

often were accompanied by Western guests. With the influx of Western observers

came demands for the accommodation of these audience members. Western

chairs were added to the theatre seating and, with the introduction of electricity,

new lighting and special effects were produced. With the growing popularity of

kabuki amongst the Westerners, the Meiji government had to make rapid

changes to the rules of kabuki performances, affecting many of the plays being

performed. These changes were first implemented in a series of edicts in 1872.

36 Bach, “New Directions,” 81.

 31

The first edict and an accompanying editorial explain the government’s

reason for removing inappropriate materials from kabuki performances:

Because members of good society and foreigners were now

attending plays, theatres were forbidden to show anything inciting
lewdness which parents and children could not watch together, but
they should rather show wholesome plays which could be
considered educational.37

The editorial extends this idea further:

Generally speaking, it is through the eyes that the heart is touched.

All feelings, be they pleasure, anger, compassion or joy, arise from
what we see. The theatre is a means of delighting the eyes and
gladdening the heart, but its main aim must be to educate. Light
amusement is acceptable in moderation: however, there are many
licentious things that must not appear on stage, things that, if we
watched with our families, would make us hide our faces in our
sleeves. If foreigners saw such shows, they would surely think that
these are part of our national customs and that we indulge in them
ourselves. Naturally they would come to despise us because of it. 38

This edict and editorial was the first one issued to theatre managers in regards to

the topics of their kabuki performances. It was very important for the

“licentious” topics to be removed from the performance in order to prevent

Western views and opinions of kabuki which differed from those desired by the

Meiji government.

37 Payne, 322—323.
38 Payne, 323.
32

In one way, the first edict was a repeat of the Tokugawa restrictions

against kabuki. In both eras, the restrictions placed on kabuki called upon the

avoidance of politically rebellious or insulting references to the Emperor or

Shogun. However, the first edict represented the Meiji government’s desire to

prevent the Westerners from being stunned by the insults against the Emperor as

well as to contain political criticism of the regime.

A second edict encouraged playwrights to no longer use false names to

disguise historical figures in their plays. By encouraging the use of real names,

kabuki would become more educational, an aspect which was desired by the

Meiji government. One such example is the name Hashiba Hideyoshi, whose

“kabuki stage” name was Mashiba Hisayoshi. Paving the way for an educational

stance, Hideyoshi’s name was preferred because the false name had the potential

to confuse the young and therefore teach them false information. The

accompanying editorial to this second edict states that an actor is an instructor

and that the theatres are a sort of school. Additionally, the setting of the play and

its characters should complement each other: “regarding play content, one

should not be setting them in the Kamakura era and changing character names to

people of the Ashikaga line.”39

39 Payne, 323—324.
 33

Later that year, in August, kabuki theatres were required to present play

scripts to the Kyobusho (Department of Religious Affairs) for censoring as well

as registering the dates of their theatrical performances with the Kyobusho.

Unlike the previous two edicts, the censorship by the Kyobusho of the kabuki

theatres was required; failure would result in a suspended license for a period of

time. The aspects of the play scripts being censored were disrespectful references

to the Emperor and mischief harmful to public morals. Actors must also act in a

way appropriate to their newly achieved social status. In September, kabuki

theatres were required to apply for a performance license as well as pay taxes on

their earnings. This taxation meant that kabuki was being accepted and

incorporated into mainstream society; previously, because kabuki was

considered outside of society, the theatres had been exempt from taxation.

Although there were many efforts to censor kabuki for the Westerners,

harsh feelings were still expressed by the foreigners in response to the kabuki

performances. One of the earliest descriptions of kabuki was by Swedish botanist

Karl Peter Thunberg (1743—1828). His description represents one that the Meiji

government attempted to avoid nearly a century later, setting the stage for the

Meiji edicts of 1872:

The actors have a costume so unusual and so strange that one is led
to believe that they intend to startle the spectators and not to amuse
them. Their gestures are not less ridiculous than their clothes. They
34

make grisly contortions which demand much exercise. The theatres

are not comparable to those of Europe so far as decorations, the size
of the hall, and all the accessories are concerned. . . Their pieces are
very gay, but of an oddness that borders on the ridiculous.40

Thunberg assumes that even the Japanese audience members would be startled

by the performances. Because their costumes and movements were considered to

be abnormal and their themes to be treasonous, this had a tendency, according to

Thunberg, to startle the entire audience.

A Look Into Specific Kabuki Plays

What follows are summaries and analyses of some of the major kabuki

masterpieces. These examples are enlightening to the sort of topics the

government was adamant at prohibiting and will pave the path for

understanding the reasons behind the transformation of kabuki following the

Meiji Restoration of 1868.

One of the most well known kabuki plays is Sukeroku: Flower of Edo.

Written for Ichikawa Danjuro II, who acted as Sukeroku, the play is based on the

love between a courtesan, Agemaki, and her lover, Sukeroku. It is said that both

Ury Eppstein, “The Stage Observed: Western Attitudes Toward Japanese Theatre,”
40

Monumenta Nipponica 48, no. 2 (Summer, 1993): 151.

 35

Agemaki and Sukeroku killed themselves in Osaka in either 1673 or 1709.41

Several other plays were written and performed in 1675 and the years to follow.

The production of Sukeroku: Flower of Edo abandons the theme of their double

suicide. Instead, the play tells how Sukeroku and his brother Shinbei kill Ikyu, a

rival samurai and patron of Agemaki. Tsuuchi Jihei II, son of Danjuro I’s favorite

playwright, rewrote the play within the “world” of the Soga brothers three years

after its first performance in 1713.

With the desire of the government to adapt plays for a more educational

setting, one of the first things done was shortening the lengths of the plays. The

longest versions of Sukeroku: Flower of Edo were three hours long. With the

introduction of the play to foreigners, it was commonly reduced to two hours by

omitting a few scenes. These omissions additionally allowed the government to

prevent certain unattractive scenes. The first scene often omitted is the

introduction of Manko, Sukeroku’s mother. She arrives in Yoshiwara searching

for Agemaki in order to dissuade her from becoming involved with Sukeroku.

Because Sukeroku is supposed to be avenging his father’s murder, his constant

visits to see Agemaki and brawling with others in Yoshiwara have become a

distraction. Impressed with her devotion, Manko grants Agemaki permission to

marry Sukeroku and begs of her to deter her son from his continuous brawling.

41James R. Brandon, Kabuki: Five Classic Plays (Honolulu, HI: Univsersity of Hawaii
Press, 1992), 51.
36

With Ikyu on his way to visit Agemaki, Manko departs and thinks about the sad

fate of her son and his courtesan. Manko gives Agemaki a letter and departs.

After reading the first few lines, Agemaki responds, “Because of Sukeroku, a

quarreling son, a mother’s life is black.” Further realization leads Agemaki to

believe that “because of Sukeroku, my quarreling lover, my life, too, is black.

How pitiful a woman’s fate.”42

The reason this scene is often cut is because it provides a correlation

between the prostitution quarters of Yoshiwara and constant brawling by

samurai and other patrons in the quarters. The resulting violence is one in which

the Meiji government did not want to advertise to the foreign visitors; Japan has

been known as a violent country since the 16th century.

Another scene often omitted is the giving of a jacket by Manko to

Sukeroku following their encounter in the street of Yoshiwara. Due to

Sukeroku’s quest for his stolen sword, Tomokirimaru, his brawls with the

samurai were a way for him to find his sword. Agemaki, who is still suspicious

of Sukeroku’s brawling after talking with his mother, has Manko pass by

Sukeroku disguised as a samurai. When he picks a fight with her, he is shocked

to see his mother as the disguised samurai. After explaining his reason for

picking fights (out of filial piety in his quest to find the stolen sword), Manko

42 Brandon, Kabuki: Five Classic Plays, 58.

 37

gives him a charmed jacket which will protect him in his fights. However, the

jacket will split if his brawl is not inspired by filial piety and so too will his

mother’s heart split.

Prior to the final omitted section, which is shockingly the conclusion, Ikyu

and Sukeroku encounter each other and, in an attempt to rid himself of his

enemy, Ikyu tries to make Sukeroku make a treasonous statement against the

government. Using a nearby three-legged incense burner, Ikyu makes an analogy

that together, they can attack the Shogun. He takes out his sword and slices the

burner in two, suggesting that if they work separately and choose not to join

each other, they will not be able to accomplish such a feat. Sukeroku observes

that the sword of Ikyu is actually his “Tomokirimaru.” He whispers to Agemaki

that he will wait for Ikyu tonight and she goes back into the house. Sukeroku

departs down the hanamichi.

This final omitted section consists of the murder of Ikyu and Sukeroku’s

flee from the scene. When Ikyu leaves the house that night, Sukeroku is waiting

for him and kills him. As he examines his “Tomokirimaru,” a crowd arrives to

pursue the murderer. Sukeroku hides in a huge barrel of real water until the

pursuers were led to believe that the murderer has fled by Agemaki. Sukeroku

then climbs out of the barrel of water and ascends to the roof to make his escape.

The provoked murder of Ikyu was one in which the government felt strongly
38

against. Because Sukeroku: Flower of Edo was one of the most popular plays of the

time, having the climactic murder at the end would suggest the importance of

this scene in relation to Japanese culture and life.

The Subscription List (Kanjincho) went through a major adaptation for the

Westerners. Initially adapted from a Noh drama, Ataka, in 1841, Kanjincho

dramatizes an incident in the life of a historical figure from the twelfth century,

Minamoto Yoshitsune. Unlike Sukeroku, this play added in new aspects and

edited already existing ones rather than removing them altogether. The cause of

these additions is the fact that Westerners are unaware of the story of the general

and one of the main characters, Yoshitsune. Yoshitsune is a skilled warrior and it

was through him that his brother Yoritomo secured the position of Shogun.

Yoshitsune’s popularity boomed and out of fear, Yoritomo ordered him to be

captured. Yoshitsune’s party, led by the priest Benkei, flees to the Ataka barrier

station. The Ataka barrier guard, Togashi Zaemon, is determined to find

Yoshitsune and capture him; it is said that Yoshitsune was disguised as a

Buddhist priest. Although he recognizes Yoshitsune, he allows them to pass

because of Benkei’s resourcefulness. The giri-ninjo conflict of Benkei arises

because the only way he can save Yoshitsune would be by slapping as if he were

just a mere porter. However, slapping him would be an inhuman act. Benkei

suppresses his human emotions and carries out his duty to save Yoshitsune by
 39

slapping him in front of Togashi. It is this slap that saves Yoshitsune from being

captured by Togashi.

One of the most crucial additions to the play for the foreigners was the

addition of many chorus lines, describing the history and conflict between

Yoshitsune and his brother Yoritomo. Accompanied by flute, drum, and plucked

samisen, the chorus tells of Yoshitsune’s past:

Yoshitsune, Yoshitsune! / Defeated armies, / For his brother’s rule. /

But family ties are never proof to jealousy. / Soon it was known, /
‘Yoritomo turns his face / From the one / Whom all have learned to
love.’ / Forced to flee / Silently, / Yoshitsune and his band of five /
For three long years have fled / Through distant places / And
seasons / By furtive ship, / Through distant paths of waves, /
Arriving, now at last, / At Kaizu Bay.43

These chorus lines poetically tell of the story of the two brothers and their arising

conflict. The Japanese audience is aware of this story but with this added

information, the foreign audience also understands why Togashi is attempting to

capture Yoshitsune.

Because the play is centered around the conversation between the priest

Benkei and the guard Togashi, Yoshitsune’s importance is forgotten by the

foreign audience. It is because of Yoshitsune’s desire to flee without being

captured that prompts Benkei to defend him against Togashi from the outset. In

the adaptation of Kanjincho, Yoshitsune is given a great deal more movement

43James R. Brandon, Traditional Asian Plays (New York: Hill and Wang, 1972),
213—214.
40

throughout the play whereas in Japan, he would be motionless for a large

majority. This movement suggests to the audience his importance.

A final adaptation came in a revision of the order between the danced

confrontation of Togashi and Benkei and the slapping of Yoshitsune by Benkei.

In the original version of Kanjincho, Yoshitsune is struck before Benkei and

Togashi danced. However, this striking is considered the climax of the plot. If the

disguised person truly was Yoshitsune, then Benkei would not have struck him.

It was Benkei’s cleverness that saved Yoshitsune by the slap. Therefore, the

danced confrontation between Togashi and Benkei culminated in the slapping of

Yoshitsune, establishing the slapping as the emphasis of the scene. This change

enabled the foreign audience to understand the importance of the slap.

These changes enabled the performance of Kanjincho to become more

educational to the Western audience, as desired by the Meiji government.

Because of its roots in Noh drama, an art form of the nobility, it has become a

classic throughout Japan and therefore was performed frequently for foreign

visitors as guests of the Meiji leaders. The role of the play in Japan’s culture and

society created the need for its adaptations for the Westerners.

The final play to be discussed is Kanadehon Chushingura (The Treasury of

Loyal Retainers). Commonly known as Chushingura, the play is the most famous

kabuki play in existence. First performed in 1748, it is based upon an incident

 41

which occurred from 1701 – 1703. Asano Naganori, lord of the provincial fief of

Ako, was in charge of a large reception at the Shogun’s castle in Edo. Asano

requested instruction from Kira Kozukenosuke, master of court ceremonial,

because he was unfamiliar with the protocol for the ceremony. However, Asano

failed to provide the expected bribe to Kira and was insulted and degraded by

the offended Kira. In response to the insults, Asano drew his sword and

wounded Kira slightly, an inappropriate act. Asano was ordered to commit

seppuku the same day and his lands and property were confiscated. A group of

Ason’s retainers vowed to take revenge and they killed Kira in his mansion

eighteen months later.

Less than two weeks after the incident, references began to be made about

it in a kabuki play about the Soga brothers. The Tokugawa government quickly

banned the play after its first performance in Edo. Other smaller plays were

written about the incident while being adapted to hide their true meaning. It was

not until nearly fifty years after the incident that Chushingura was performed,

depicting the Ako incident. This depiction however was disguised because of the

censorship on the theatre by the government.

Written at a time of strict restrictions by the Tokugawa government, the

play was adapted to disguise its true meaning. One of the adaptations the play

first went through when it was written was the changing of names. During the
42

Tokugawa era, it was illegal to use the names of living people in the kabuki

plays. Some of the lesser known characters went through simple edits in their

name: Oboshi Yuranosuke became Oishi Kuranosuke, Hayano Kampei became

Kayano Sampei, and Amakawaya Gihei became Amanoya Rihei. The main

characters of the play had to be changed to an even greater extent: Asano

Takumi-no-kami Naganori became Enya Hangan Takasada and Kira

Kozukenosuke Yoshitaka became Kono Musashi-no-Kami Moronao.44 These sort

of name changes were common in kabuki plays from the Tokugawa era because

of their restrictions. The kabuki theatre could be a source of uprising by the

commoners if the real names of government leaders were used and portrayed

negatively. As discussed previously, following the Meiji era, the 1872 kabuki

edicts placed an emphasis on making kabuki more educational. Names were

therefore changed back to their original names. This impacted Chushingura

greatly because of its popularity and its topic dealing with a scandalous act in the

early sixteenth century. Audiences now became educated through kabuki about

the events from 1701—1703.

The second adaptation was similar to the first one in that the play was set

in the Ashikaga period (1336—1573) and its locations from Edo to Kamakura.

44Aubrey S. Halford and Giovanna M. Halford, The Kabuki Handbook: A Guide to

Understanding and Appreciation, with Summaries of Favourite Plays, Explanatory
Notes, and Illustrations (Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1956), 139.
 43

With the end of the Tokugawa restrictions and the beginning of the Meiji era, the

play revealed its true meaning even though it could have previously been

assumed if one was familiar with both the actual events and the plot of

Chushingura.

Due to the Meiji edicts, historical kabuki plays being performed

throughout Japan were adapted to educate both the Japanese and foreign

audience members about Japan’s true history. It is through these adaptations that

the Westerners were able to create a vivid image of Japan’s history. All in all,

these changes discussed previously enable the Westerners to understand kabuki

to a greater extent. This was the goal of the Meiji government in order to create a

stronger relationship and line of communication between Japan and the West.

Because of kabuki’s role in society, the government made these changes in order

to create a positive image of Japan, an image they hoped would be portrayed to

the foreign audience of the kabuki theatre.

44

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