978 3 319 57475 2

Women in
Governing
Institutions in
South Asia
Parliament, Civil Service
and Local Government
Edited by
Nizam Ahmed
Women in Governing Institutions in South Asia
Nizam Ahmed
Editor
Women in Governing
Institutions in South
Asia
Parliament, Civil Service and Local Government
Editor
Nizam Ahmed
University of Chittagong
Chittagong, Bangladesh
ISBN 978-3-319-57474-5 ISBN 978-3-319-57475-2 (eBook)

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2
Library of Congress Control Number: 2017940623
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To
Members of South Asian Network for Governance Studies
Preface
South Asia, as Sobhan has argued, is united by a common thread of

misgovernance. Several reasons may account for the lack of good gov-
ernance in the region, of which the ineffectiveness of governing insti-
tutions, particularly parliament, civil service and local government, is
very important. These institutions have had an asymmetrical growth,
with the bureaucracy predating the other two. Parliament is the young-
est among the three institutions of governance. These, however, share
one attribute—all three can be considered as ‘gendered’ institutions. In
fact, lack of gender balance in different governing institutions is one of
the important reasons for their ineffectiveness. Different countries in the
region have adopted measures in recent years to mainstream gender in
these institutions, among other things, by adopting a policy of ‘positive
discrimination’. This has led to an increase in the number of women at
different levels. Women have also fared well while competing with men
for jobs/seats in different institutions. While it may take a long time to
achieve gender parity, it is clearly evident that women are at least as capa-
ble as men in doing things that have traditionally been considered to be
the ‘preserve’ of men. The change in gender composition of different
institutions, however, has not taken place in a uniform way. Differences
in the scope and scale of change are noticeable in different countries of
the region; these can also be noticed in the same country over a certain
period of time.
However, our understanding about the nature of change taking place
in the gender composition of different governing institutions in South
vii
viii Preface
Asia and its implications for empowering women is limited. The policy of
inclusion adopted in different countries with a view to encouraging more
women to come to the forefront has not received much scholarly attention.
In particular, there is no major comparative study on the scope, implica-
tions, and limitations of the policies and/or measures used to mainstream
gender in different governing institutions in the South Asian region. This
volume seeks to redress this deficiency. It particularly tries to explore if
there is any major relationship between descriptive representation and sub-
stantive representation of women in these three governing institutions and
examines the factors that account for such relationship or lack of it.
Most of the papers included in this volume were earlier presented
to an International Conference on Inclusive Governance in South Asia
organized in Dhaka by Public Administration and Governance Research
Network and the Department of Public Administration of the University
of Chittagong, in collaboration with The Asia Foundation (TAF) and
Southern University Bangladesh. I gratefully acknowledge the financial
support of TAF, Southern University, UGC, University of Chittagong,
YPSA, and Manusher Jonno Foundation. It would have been almost
impossible to organize the Conference without such financial support.
Several chapters—2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 12 and 16—have been specially written
for this volume. I am extremely grateful to the authors of different chap-
ters who, despite their busy schedule, agreed to contribute to the vol-
ume. Colleagues from different parts of Bangladesh and abroad travelled
a long way to attend the Conference; many of them also gladly agreed
to review papers which the authors have found very useful. I appreciate
their kind support and cooperation. Dr. Muhammad A. Hakim, UGC
Professor of Political Science at the University of Chittagong read drafts
of some of the chapters. I am grateful to him. I owe a special debt to
Ms. Jerin Chaudhury for careful reading and extremely helpful edi-
torial comments on the book. Special acknowledgements are due to
Professor Drude Dahlerup of the University of Stockholm, Sweden;
Professor Shirin M. Rai of the University of Warwick, UK; and Professor
Ahmed Shafiqul Huque of McMaster University, Canada, for endorsing
the book. Professor Huque also read drafts of Chapters 1 and 18 and
made extremely useful comments. I am indebted to him. Finally, I am
also grateful to members of the editorial team of Palgrave Macmillan,
particularly to Warren Jemima and Beth Farrow, and to Jayanthi
Narayanaswamy of Springer Nature, for their help and support in making
the publication possible.
Preface ix
However, responsibility for accuracy of data and interpretation of facts

and information in different chapters rests with individual author(s), and
not with the publisher or the editor.
Chittagong, Bangladesh Nizam Ahmed

February 2017
Contents
1 Introduction 1
Nizam Ahmed
Part I Women in Parliament
2 Alangkar or Ahangkar? Reserved-Seat Women Members

in the Bangladesh Parliament 17
Nizam Ahmed and Sadik Hasan
3 Women in Parliament—Entering the Public Male Domain

in Bhutan 41
Sonam Chuki
4 Deepening Democracy in India: The Role of Women

Parliamentarians and Their Challenges 59
Sangita Dhal and Bidyut Chakrabarty
5 Women in the Parliament: Changing Gender Dynamics in

the Political Sphere in Nepal 79
Punam Yadav
xi
xii Contents
6 Who Speaks for Women in Parliament? Patriarchy and

Women MNAs in Pakistan 97
Nusrat Jahan Chowdhury
7 Gender Inclusive Governance: Representation

of Women in National and Provincial Political
Bodies in Sri Lanka 117
Kamala Liyanage
Part II Women in Civil Service
8 Balancing Work and Family: Women in Bangladesh

Civil Service 141
Nishat Afroze Ahmed and Ferdous Jahan
9 Women in the Bhutanese Bureaucracy 163

Kunzang Lhamu
10 Women in Civil Service in India 175

Shivani Singh
11 Limits of Inclusion: Women’s Participation

in Nepalese Civil Service 193
Narendra Raj Paudel
12 Women in Pakistan Civil Service 209

Nighat Ghulam Ansari
13 Women in Administrative Service in Sri Lanka 229

M.A.F. Anwara Nilmi and Darshi Thoradeniya
Part III Women in Local Government
14 Women’s Representation and Participation in Local

Government in Bangladesh: New Openings and
Remaining Barriers 245
Maheen Sultan
Contents xiii
15 Proxy or Agency? Women in Rural Local

Government in India 267
Prakash Chand
16 Gender and Local Governance in Pakistan 285

Nasira Jabeen and Umm-e-Farwa Mubasher
17 Testing the Politics of Presence: Women’s

Representation in Local Government in Sri Lanka 305
Kamala Liyanage
Part IV Conclusion
18 Does Inclusion Matter? Women in Governing

Institutions in South Asia 325
Nizam Ahmed
Index 343
Abbreviations
A/L Advanced Level

ADB Asian Development Bank
AL Awami League
ARC Administrative Reforms Commission
BBS Bhutan Broadcasting Service
BBS Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics
BCS Bangladesh Civil Service
BIGD Brac Institute of Governance and Development
BNEW Bhutan Network for Empowering Women
BNP Bangladesh Nationalist Party
C & EG Customs and Excise Group
C & TG Commerce and Trade Group
CAS Ceylon Administrative Service
CCS Ceylon Civil Service
CIET Community Information, Empowerment and Transparency
CP Communist Party
CSB Civil Service Board
CSO Civil Society Organization
CSP Civil Service of Pakistan
CSS Civil Superior Service
CWC Ceylon Workers’ Congress
DC Deputy Commissioner
DCT Druk Chirwang Tshogpa
DE Directly Elected
DFID Department for International Development
DGP Director General of Police
xv
xvi Abbreviations
DM District Magistrate
DMG District Management Group
DoPT Department of Personnel and Training
DPT Druk Phuensum Tshogpa
DSP Direct Seat Parliamentarian
DSWPs Direct-seat Women Parliamentarians
DVA Domestic Violence Act
ECB Election Commission of Bhutan
ER Elected Representative
EWR Elected Women Representative
FAFEN Free and Fair Election Network
FFs Freedom Fighters
FGD Focus Group Discussions
FIR First Information Report
FPSC Federal Public Service Commission
FSP Foreign Service of Pakistan
GNI Gross National Income
GoB Government of Bangladesh
GoN Government of Nepal
GoP Government of Pakistan
GRAP Gender Reform Action Plans
GSMNA General Seat Member of National Assembly
HIS Helvetas Intercooperation Swiss
IAS Indian Administrative Service
ICS Indian Civil Service
IDEA International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance
IFS Indian Foreign Service
IG Information Group
ILO International Labor Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
IPS Indian Police Service
IPU Inter-Parliamentary Union
IRP Interim Recruitment Policy
IRS Inland Revenue Service
JHU Jathika Hela Urumaya
JVP Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna
KABIKHA Kajer Binimoye Khaidda (Food for Works)
KII Key Informant Interview
LFS Labor Force Survey
LGB Local government body
LGSP Local Government Support Program
LSSP Lanka Sama Samaja Party
Abbreviations xvii
MC Municipal Councils
MDG Millennium Development Goal
MEP Mahajana Eksath Peramuna
MLCG Military Lands and Cantonment Group
MNA Member of National Assembly
MoGA Ministry of General Administration
MoWA Ministry of Women’s Affairs
MP Member of Parliament
NA National Assembly
NCW National Committee on Women
NCWC National Commission for Women and Children
NGO Non-governmental Organization
NHDR National Human Development Report
NPAW National Policy for the Advancement of Women
NRB National Reconstruction Bureau
OBM Open Budget Meeting
OECD The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
OMG Office Management Group
PA Peoples’ Alliance
PAAS Pakistan Audit and Accounts Service
PAS Pakistan Administrative Service
PC Provincial Councils
PDP People’s Democratic Party
PG Postal Group
PILDAT Pakistan Institute for Legislative Development and Training
PML-N Pakistan Muslim League -Nawaz
PMQT Prime Minister’s Question Time
PPP Pakistan People’s Party
PR Proportional Representation
PRI Panchayati Raj Institutions
PS Panchayati Samity
PS Pradesheeya Sabhas
PSC Public Service Commission
PSCER Parliamentary Select Committee on Electoral Reforms
PSP Police Service of Pakistan
PTI Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf
RENEW Respect, Educate, Nurture and Empower Women
RG Railways Group
RoP Rules of Procedure
RSMNA Reserved Seat Member of National Assembly
RSWPs Reserved-Seat Women Parliamentarians
xviii Abbreviations
SC Schedule Caste
SLAS Sri Lanka Administrative Service
SLFP Sri Lanka Freedom Party
SLMC Sri Lanka Muslim Congress
SMS Short Message Service
ST Schedule Tribe
TNA Tamil National Congress
TR Test Relief
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Program
UNF United National Front
UNO Upazila Nirbahi Officer
UNP United National Party
UP Union Parishad
UPFA United People’s Freedom Alliance
USA United States of America
UT Union Territory
UZP Upazila Parishad
VGD Vulnerable Group Development
VGF Vulnerable Group Feeding
WB World Bank
WCP Women Component Plan
WPC Women’s Parliamentary Caucus
ZP Zila Parishad
List of Figures
Fig. 16.1 Local government structure in Pakistan 288
xix
List of Tables
Table 2.1 Nature of women MP activism (1991–2015) 25

Table 2.2 Types of motions moved by two categories of
women MPs (1991–2015) 26
Table 2.3 Issue orientation of different types of motions 28
Table 2.4 Issue orientation of motions moved by two categories
of women MPs 29
Table 3.1 Composition of Parliament of Bhutan 45
Table 4.1 Women representation in various Lok Sabha 69
Table 6.1 A comparative view of numbers of Pakistani general-seat
and reserved-seat women MNAs and their representation
of women’s issues 104
Table 6.2 Women-related issues raised by reserved-seat and general-seat
women MNAs 105
Table 7.1 Total candidates nominated and the percentage of
women in general elections (1947–2015) 125
Table 7.2 Elected women according to political parties: 1947–2015 129
Table 8.1 Performance of women candidates 147
Table 8.2 An overview of BCS examinees notified in the gazettes
(by sex) 147
Table 8.3 Breakdown by sex of male and female officers at
middle and senior levels (1999–2011) 148
Table 8.4 Ways to balance work and home roles 156
Table 9.1 Civil servants by gender—trend over the past 20 years 167
Table 9.2 Gender profile of executives and specialists
by position level 167
Table 10.1 Performance of women candidates 179
xxi
xxii List of Tables
Table 11.1 Structure of civil service (by category) 195

Table 11.2 Women’s share in Nepalese civil service 198
Table 11.3 Success rate of men and women in civil service
examinations 200
Table 11.4 Role of Public Service Commission 202
Table 11.5 Perception of respondents on PSC examination 203
Table 11.6 Perception of respondents on justice from PSC 204
Table 11.7 Reasons for the success of PSC examination 205
Table 12.1 Total number of female officers in each common
training program (CTP)—from 13th CTP to 37th CTP 214
Table 12.2 Federal government employees by their gender
and occupational/functional group (2012–2013) 214
Table 12.3 A comparison of female and male ratios at various
levels (2013–2014) 216
Table 13.1 Employment in Sri Lanka (by occupation and
gender) 2015 233
Table 13.2 Gender composition of Sri Lankan Administrative Service 235
Table 13.3 Men and women in Sri Lankan Administrative Service 236
Table 14.1 Participation in union parishad (by sex) 251
Table 14.2 Participation in upazila parishad (by sex) 251
Table 16.1 Women’s representation in local government in Pakistan 291
Table 16.2 Status of women in local government in Pakistan 292
Table 16.3 Seat distribution in Punjab for local government
elections 2015 293
Table 16.4 Seat distribution in Sindh for local government
elections 2015 294
Table 16.5 Seat distribution in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa for
local government elections 2015 295
Table 18.1 Representation of women in governing institutions 327
Table 18.2 Quota provisions in South Asia 328
Editor and Contributors
About the Editor
Nizam Ahmed is Professor of Public Administration at the University

of Chittagong, Bangladesh. He graduated with Honors and obtained
a Master’s in public administration from the University of Dhaka. He
also has a master of social sciences (Administration) degree from the
University of Tasmania, Australia, and a Ph.D. from the University
of Melbourne, Australia. His fields of interest are legislative behav-
ior, local government, party politics, and comparative administration.
Dr. Ahmed did his postdoctoral research as a Commonwealth Fellow at
the University of Hull, UK, and also at the State University of New York
as a Senior Fulbright Scholar. He has authored/edited several books and
published numerous articles in leading international journals. Professor
Ahmed is the Chief Coordinator/President of Public Administration and
Governance Research Network—Bangladesh and Secretary, South Asian
Network for Governance Studies.
Contributors
Nishat Afroze Ahmed received her bachelor of international relations

with Honors from the University of Chittagong. She has also an MA
in international relations from the same University. At present she is
xxiii
xxiv Editor and Contributors
working as a Lecturer in the Department of International Relations,

University of Chittagong, Bangladesh.
Nighat Ghulam Ansari has obtained her Ph.D. from Utrecht University,
the Netherlands, and currently working as Assistant Professor at the
Institute of Administrative Sciences (IAS), University of the Punjab,
Lahore, Pakistan. She did her MBA from Quaid-i-Azam University,
Islamabad, and MPhil from IAS. She has 10 years of experience of work-
ing in the corporate sector and is associated with the teaching profession
since 2006. She has published research papers in various national and
international journals and presented papers in International Research
Conferences. Her research interests include organization behavior and
human resource management with a special focus on gender issues.
Bidyut Chakrabarty is Professor of Public Administration at the

University of Delhi, India. After completing Ph.D. from the London
School of Economics, Chakrabarty began teaching in Indian Institute of
Management, Calcutta. He has taught at different universities outside
India such as the University of Iowa, USA, University of Hull, UK, and
Monash University, Australia. He became a professor at the University
of Delhi in 1991 where he has built a special research group in public
administration in ‘the third world.’ He held the Mahatma Gandhi Chair
for Global Non-Violence at James Madison University, Virginia, USA,
and India Chair at Hamburg University, Germany. Chakrabarty has pub-
lished about 40 books and numerous articles in all major areas of politi-
cal science.
Prakash Chand is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Dyal

Singh College at the University of Delhi, India. He holds a Ph.D.
from the University of Delhi. Dr. Chand has recently conducted post-
doctoral research on environmental pollution, industrial relocations
and labor rehabilitation in Delhi. He is the author (with Prof. Bidyut
Chakrabarty) of Public Administration in a Globalizing World (Sage
2012). His research papers have appeared in various national and
international journals. He received a Doctoral Fellowship from Indian
Council for Social Science Research (ICSSR) and a Post-Doctoral
Research Award from the University Grants Commission (UGC),
India.
Editor and Contributors xxv
Nusrat Jahan Chowdhury is Associate Professor of Public Admini

stration at the University of Dhaka. She also taught in the Department
of Public Administration, Rajshahi University and for a stint at
Jahangirnagar University. She was awarded a Commonwealth Scholarship
and received her Ph.D. in politics and international relations from the
University of Auckland in New Zealand. She has published one book,
contributed chapters to different books/volumes, and published articles
in reputed local and international journals. Her research interests include
peace and conflict issues in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, gender quotas and
women’s representation in politics, NGOs and women development, and
public policy.
Sonam Chuki has Ph.D. in gender and politics from Queensland

University of Technology, Australia. She has taught democracy, politics,
and gender studies at the Royal Institute of Management in Thimphu
for about 19 years. Sonam served as a commissioner at the National
Commission for Women and Children (NCWC), Bhutan’s only state
agency which addresses women and children’s issues. At present, she
serves as a member for the gender advocacy team for Bhutan in the
South Asian Region. Sonam has publications in gender and politics and
is passionate about women’s genuine empowerment. Currently, she
works at the Royal Education Council in Paro, Bhutan.
Sangita Dhal is an Assistant Professor [in senior grade] and UGC post-
doctoral fellow, Department of Political Science, Kalindi College, Delhi
University, and has more than 14 years of teaching and research expe-
rience in the field of public administration, public policy, gender stud-
ies, and issues relating to governance. Her doctoral work from the Delhi
University was on ‘Grassroot Democratic Processes and Women: A Study
of Panchayati Raj Institutions in Odisha.’ Dr. Dhal has been a Member
of Course Revision Committee for Public Administration and Public
Policy in Delhi University and has contributed articles to several edited
books and various reputed journals.
Sadik Hasan is Associate Professor of Public Administration at the

University of Dhaka, Bangladesh. Previously, he worked as Associate
Professor of Public Administration at the University of Chittagong,
Bangladesh. He earned his Ph.D. in public administration from the
University of Sydney, Australia, and Master of Public Administration
xxvi Editor and Contributors
(MPA) from the University of Baltimore, Maryland, USA. He has pub-

lished a number of research articles in reputed refereed journals and
contributed chapters to several books. He is the author of Women in
Bangladesh Local Government: A Study of Gram Sarkar (Dhaka 2007).
His research focuses on e-governance initiatives in developing coun-
tries, e-transparency, South Asian Politics, Local Government, Women in
South Asia, and NGOs.
Nasira Jabeen is the Dean of Faculty of Economics and Management

Sciences and Professor and Director, Institute of Administrative Sciences,
University of the Punjab, Pakistan. She has a postdoctorate from the
University of Texas at Austin, USA, in gender and governance and
a Ph.D. from the University of Stirling, UK. She also has a master of
public administration (MPA) degree from the University of Southern
California, USA. Prof. Jabeen has experience of working with many
international developmental organizations. She has published widely in
international and national journals. She is the Chairperson of National
Curriculum Review Committee for Public Administration.
Ferdous Jahan is Professor of Public Administration at the University

of Dhaka. She also worked as the academic coordinator of BRAC
Development Institute (BDI) of BRAC University, Bangladesh, for
several years. Jahan obtained a Ph.D. in political science in 2005 from
the University of Pennsylvania, USA. She has authored journal articles
on governance, development, and women’s empowerment issues which
have been published in renowned national and international academic
journals. Dr. Jahan’s current academic interests and research include reli-
gion and politics, pro-poor governance, public service, urban govern-
ance, and women’s empowerment issues in developing societies.
Kunzang Lhamu obtained her master degree in public policy from

the National University of Singapore. She is now the Director of the
National Commission for Women and Children (NCWC), Royal
Government of Bhutan (RGoB). Prior to this, she worked as the Chief
of the Research and Evaluation Division (RED) of the Gross National
Happiness Commission (GNHC), RGoB. She has spearheaded initia-
tives to institutionalize outcome management in Bhutan through devel-
opment of the National Evaluation Policy and National Evaluation
Protocol and Guidelines (currently in draft) and also is the Chair of the
Editor and Contributors xxvii
Evaluation Association of Bhutan, which is in the process of being regis-

tered as a Civil Society Organization.
Kamala Liyanage is Senior Professor of Political Science at the University

of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka. She has published more than 70 books, chap-
ters in edited books, monographs, articles in refereed and non-refereed
journals, and training modules on ethnic conflicts, gender issues, public
administration, and international relations. She has been awarded several
prestigious scholarships and fellowships such as Monbusho Scholarship,
Commonwealth Fellowship, Fulbright Fellowship, and Japan Foundation
Fellowship. Her research interests are comparative politics, ethnic conflicts
and resolution, and gender studies. Dr. Liyanage is a human rights trainer
and activist.
Umm-e-Farwa Mubasher is a Lecturer and Ph.D. Scholar (previ-

ously Research Scholar) at the Institute of Administrative Sciences,
University of the Punjab, Lahore. She is currently working as a team
member on a research project in the field of public sector governance
and management, gender and governance and leadership. Her area of
research in Ph.D. (management) is governance and human resource
management.
M.A.F. Anwara Nilmi is a Temporary Lecturer of Political Science at the

University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka. She prepared a dissertation on The
Role of Street Level Bureaucracy in Delivering Public Health Services in
Sri Lanka in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of bach-
elor of arts. Anwara worked as a Research Assistant in a project entitled
‘Addressing Domestic Violence Through Antenatal Care in Sri Lanka’s
Plantation Estates: Contributions of Public Health Midwives’ funded by
the Research Council of Norway from 2013 to 2017.
Narendra Raj Paudel is Lecturer of Public Administration at

Tribhuvan University, Nepal. His research interests include public policy
implementation, development admi ni
stration, and gender and health
governance. He has authored two books and published a number of
articles in reputed journals and chapters in edited volumes at home and
abroad. He is the Managing Editor of South Asian Journal of Policy and
Governance.
xxviii Editor and Contributors
Shivani Singh is currently Assistant Professor of Political Science at

Dyal Singh College, University of Delhi, India. She has published articles
in various journals and presented papers in various national and interna-
tional seminars on issues of contemporary relevance. Dr. Singh has con-
tributed a chapter on MNREGA to a book on public policy co-edited by
Prof. Bidyut Chakrabarty and Dr. Prakash Chand. She is the editor of
Governance: Issues and Challenges (Sage 2016).
Maheen Sultan is one of the founders of the Centre for Gender and
Social Transformation at the BRAC Development Institute, BRAC
University, a regional center on research, teaching, and policy related to
gender and social transformation. She is a development practitioner with
over 30 years experience in a range of capacities, from direct program
management to policy formulation. She has worked on issues of social
development, local governance, civil society participation, and gender
equality. Maheen is a member of Naripokkho, a Bangladeshi women’s
activist organization. She is co-editor of ‘Voicing Demands: Feminist
Activism in Transitional Contexts’ (Zed Books: London, 2014).
Darshi Thoradeniya works as a visiting lecturer in the Department

of History at the University of Colombo. She is the Colombo branch
manager of the South Asia Institute, Heidelberg University since 2014.
Darshi completed her Ph.D. in history of medicine at the University of
Warwick in May 2014 on a Wellcome Trust Strategic Award. The title
of her thesis is 'Women’s Health as State Strategy: Sri Lanka’s Twentieth
Century.’ She has published one chapter in a book titled Women’s Global
Health: Norms and State Policies published by the Lexington Books in the
USA, and articles in international and local journals.
Punam Yadav is a Teaching Fellow in the Gender Institute and Research

Fellow in the Centre for Women, Peace and Security at the London School
of Economics. Prior to joining LSE, she was part-time Lecturer at the Centre
for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney. Dr Yadav’s research
interests include gender, peace and security, gender and social transforma-
tion, gender and post-conflict reconstruction, gender and conflict-induced
internal displacement, conflict sensitive program management, gender and
development, gender and social inclusion, gender analysis, and gender plan-
ning and gender mainstreaming. She is the author of Social Transformation
in Post-conflict Nepal: A Gender Perspective (Routledge 2016).
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Nizam Ahmed
Women in South Asia, as in other regions of the world, constitute nearly

half of the total population. According to one estimate, 48.4% of the
South Asian population in 2014 were women. But they remain seriously
disadvantaged vis-à-vis men in almost every respect. Women also lag
behind their counterparts in other regions in Asia, particularly the Asia
Pacific region and East Asia. A recent UNDP Report has observed that
East Asia and the Pacific are pulling ahead of South Asia on most indica-
tors of gender equality such as health, adult literacy, and economic par-
ticipation.1 The Report further observes that the divergence has become
so magnified that today South Asia ranks close to or lower than sub-
Saharan Africa, at the bottom of the heap. Gender inequity is particularly
evident in representative politics as well as in the institutions of govern-
ance. Only 16% of women are represented in the parliaments in South
Asia, which is less than the global average of 23.3% (IPU 2017).
South Asian women also lag behind in respect of their representation
in the bureaucracy. In Southeast Asia, women have better representa-
tion in the bureaucracy than those in South Asia. In at least one coun-
try, Philippines, women surpass men in respect of representation in the
bureaucracy; while in Thailand, the proportion of men and women in
the civil service is almost equal. In only a few countries in South Asia
N. Ahmed (*) 
University of Chittagong, Chittagong, Bangladesh
e-mail: [email protected]
© The Author(s) 2018 1

N. Ahmed (ed.), Women in Governing Institutions in South Asia,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_1
2 N. Ahmed
do women have even one-third of representation in the civil service. In

Nepal, for example, despite women-friendly and inclusive laws, women’s
representation in the civil service is still dismal. Only 15.8% of the total
civil servants are women. The situation is more or less similar in Pakistan.
South Asian women, however, fare better than their counterparts in
Southeast Asia, East Asia, and the Pacific in local politics; they occupy
between 24 and 36% of seats in local authorities.
The lack of female involvement and participation in different insti-
tutions of governance has several consequences. Haque (2003, p. 584)
argues that the lesser representation of female citizens not only risks
causing a legitimacy crisis for the government; it may also be seen as
wastage of human resources from an economic standpoint as women are
now better educated than in the past and have the potential to become
assets. In the absence of a sizeable number of women at different levels
of administrative hierarchy, there is a risk that they may be discriminated
against in respect of the delivery of services. ‘The male-dominated state
bureaucracy may not adequately comprehend women’s specific needs
and problems—including special health care, child care, domestic vio-
lence, and so on—and serve them accordingly’ (Haque, p. 584). Thus,
in order to avoid gender-biased service delivery, there should be enough
women in the public administration, so that their specific preferences can
be better comprehended and presented, and that their needs would not
be overlooked or neglected (Sun 2004).
The above observations are not intended to argue that the presence of
an adequate number of women in different sectors and at different hier-
archical levels will automatically help them take decisions that will benefit
women, in other words, they will always be gender-aware and gender-
responsive. There are doubts that more women in decision-making posi-
tions will be able to do much for women for various reasons, of which
the following are important: first, most women have been socialized into
traditional roles in a patriarchal society and have integrated these tradi-
tional values of inequality between women and men; second, women do
not form a homogeneous group defined by their sex alone and as they
are more likely to come from the elite class, it is unlikely that they will
challenge the interests of their class; third, women candidates do not
always focus on women’s issues alone during elections as it may cost
them politically; and finally, since women in most countries do not have
a critical mass in decision-making bodies, they will be less likely to con-
front the male leadership (Miranda 2005, pp. 3–5). This is, however, not
1 INTRODUCTION 3
to underestimate the capacity of women to make a change. Women can

play the role of change agents in at least the same way as men, and one
prerequisite is that they have adequate representation in different institu-
tions of governance. But as stated earlier, women remain grossly under-
represented in different institutions and there is a need for correcting the
imbalance between men and women.
Including the Excluded

There is no ‘one best way’ of including the excluded in the governing
process. However, one dominant way used to redress the imbalance in
gender representation in different governing institutions is to adopt
a policy of quota, i.e., setting aside a certain percentage of seats/posts
for women. Quotas are of different types; these have advocates as well
as detractors. Advocates of gender quotas point to evidence that quota
reforms change the legislative arena by normalizing women’s politi-
cal presence, thereby generating new political cultures, broadening the
mainstream political agenda, and causing both women and men to pay
more attention to women’s interests (Clayton et al. 2016, pp. 4–5).
Detractors argue that the quota system undermines the principle of
merit. It is also argued that quota reforms may create a backlash among
male legislators who, in reaction to quotas and the influx of women,
try to preserve power, close down spaces for women’s substantive rep-
resentation, and marginalize female newcomers (Clayton et al. p. 5). A
United Nations report (2013) states that quotas themselves are insuffi-
cient unless accompanied by some other measures such as sanctions for
non-compliance, candidates placed in winnable positions on party lists
and party support.
Critics argue that the introduction of quotas for women does not
always bring about positive results. As one analyst remarked on the
experience of Bangladesh: ‘Instead of contributing to women’s politi-
cal agency and autonomy, it accentuated their dependence in politics
and reinforced their marginality’ (Chowdhury 2002, p. 1). The real-
world politics, however, does not appear to be as straightforward as
Chowdhury’s comments suggest. Those assessing the performance of
women parliamentarians often consider modern western parliaments as
a model without taking into consideration the characteristics of the con-
texts within which the role of women parliamentarians has evolved in
those countries.
4 N. Ahmed
Most of the western and Nordic parliaments have followed the ‘incre-
mental track of representation,’ to use Dahlerup and Freidenvall’s ter-
minology (2005), which implies that political representation of women
will rise only after women are able to increase their resources (i.e., educa-
tion and gainful employment). Without significant structural changes in
society, the inclusion of women in political institutions will not lead to
any long-term political empowerment of women. In contrast, most of
the new nations in Asia and Africa have followed the ‘fast track model
of representation,’ which provides for a sudden increase in the number
of women in different institutions including parliament without pro-
viding much scope to them to express themselves. The main reason is
that political representation often precedes economic empowerment of
women in these countries.
Moreover, the quota system adopted by countries following the two
representational discourses also varies substantially. Asian countries have
preferred to have their quota provisions legislated, rather than expect-
ing political parties to implement their own informal party quotas, as is
done in Western Europe and some countries from the African continent
(Ballington and Bylesjö 2000). Three major types of quotas have so far
been used to ensure better representation of women: legislative quotas,
party quotas, and reserved-seat quotas. Reserved quotas require setting
aside a certain percentage of seats in a legislature/local body exclusively
for women. Legislative quotas are mandatory provisions that apply to all
political groupings that require a certain proportion of female candidates
to address party selection, while party quotas are pledges by individual
parties to aim for a particular proportion of women among their candi-
dates to political office.2
Certain types of quota systems tend to be associated with particu-
lar regions. Reserved seats, for example, are the most widespread gen-
der quota system used in South Asia (Rai 2005) and in the Arab region,
while legal candidate quotas are the preferred system in Latin America
and the Balkans. Party quotas or targets are generally preferred in liberal
democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and the
Nordic region (McCann 2013). As Chowdhury’s estimate (2015) shows,
so far 28 countries have adopted the legislative quota, 61 countries have
adopted party quotas, and 13 countries set aside (reserve) a certain per-
centage of seats for women. To date, reserved seats have produced the
most favorable results in terms of increasing female legislators through
guaranteed representation, provided that reservation is as high as 30%
1 INTRODUCTION 5
or more (Tripp and Kang 2008; Krook 2009; Dahlerup and Freidenvall
2010).
Types of Representation
One thing which is clear is that the provision for quotas/reservation of
seats for women in national and local politics (and also in bureaucracy)
has led to some improvement in the ‘descriptive representation’ of
women, although our understanding about their ‘substantive representa-
tion’ remains limited. The two types of representation—descriptive and
substantive—were first expounded by Pitkin (1967) five decades ago.
Pitkin also identified two other types of representation—formalistic and
symbolic. Formalistic representation refers to the institutional arrange-
ments (rules and regulations) that precede and initiate representation,
while symbolic representation refers to the extent that representatives
‘stand for’ the represented with an emphasis on symbols or symboliza-
tion (Pitkin 1967). Compared with the formalistic and symbolic styles,
the other two notions of representation have received much wider
recognition.
Descriptive representation, according to Pitkin (1967), refers to the
manner in which an individual representative ‘stand for’ the represented
by virtue of sharing similar characteristics with the represented such as
race, sex, age, class, occupation, gender, ethnicity, or geographical area.
According to the descriptive perspective, electing more women serves a
symbolic purpose of gender equality, and, moreover, a greater legitimacy
is rendered to the political system (Iwanaga 2008, p. 3). Women in par-
liament bring new perspectives to the discussion of political issues, shap-
ing an agenda that accommodates women’s interests. The descriptive
approach argues for increasing women’s representation in legislative bod-
ies so that it better reflects their proportion in society (Iwanaga, p. 3).
Mansbridge (1999) argues that for African Americans and for women,
both historically disadvantaged social groups, the entry of representatives
into public office improves the quality of group deliberations, increases a
sense of democratic legitimacy, and develops leadership capacity.
The extent to which a higher presence of women in national legisla-
tures can be seen as a necessary condition to promote women’s issues
is difficult to ascertain. It is, however, often observed that having more
women in elected office produces more women-friendly policies. In
other words, the descriptive representation seems to have a direct effect
6 N. Ahmed
on substantive representation. Substantive representation is considered

important to incorporate women’s interests and perspectives since they
may espouse political issues that are either marginalized or excluded
in legislative bodies that are dominated by men (Iwanaga, p. 4). Black
(2013, pp. 4–5) refers to different studies to show that women politi-
cians have been shown to assign more importance to the policy problems
faced by women as a social group than their male counterparts, and sec-
ond, using their personal experience as women, they are able to bring
unique insights and innovative solutions to the policymaking process.
Rahayu (2014, p. 9) explains the significance of women’s representation
in the following way: ‘The presence of women in parliament is not solely
to ensure women’s representation … the voices of women members dur-
ing the decision-making process in parliament greatly contribute to the
redefinition of political priorities, and introduce gender-related issues in
the political discussion.’
Reingold (2006, pp. 4–5) observes that women’s presence makes a
difference in a deliberative body in at least two ways: first, female office-
holders are more likely to take liberal positions [than men] on a wide
array of issues such as gun control, social welfare, civil rights, environ-
mental protection, community development, and public health and
safety; and second, women in office are more likely to lend their support
to such feminist proposals—or, more generally, to liberal proposals on
‘issues of special concern to women’ and women’s political organiza-
tions. Research also shows that women, more often than men, take the
lead on women’s issues, no matter how broadly or narrowly such issues
are defined. For example, ‘women are more likely to express concern
about such issues and take an active interest in them, often to the point
where they consider themselves experts … they are more likely to serve
on committees relevant to women’s issues, they are more likely to craft,
introduce (sponsor or co-sponsor), and shepherd legislation addressing
such issues’ (Reingold, p. 6).
Some have, however, argued the link between descriptive representa-
tion and substantive representation is not as direct as is often assumed.
Part of the reason is that female politicians may not always have a gen-
dered awareness that influences them to act accordingly in specific
ways. As Iwanaga (p. 5) observes: ‘There are various differences among
women politicians that may be found according to ideological, eth-
nic, religious, economic, social, and other differences … there are male
politicians who also advance women’s interests and form alliances with
1 INTRODUCTION 7
women politicians in order to promote the interests of women.’ In fact,

where parties predominate, it is unlikely that women legislators will be
able to do anything significant without the support of their male coun-
terparts. ‘If women and men MPs share similar attitudes and values, then
it seems unlikely that the election of more women backbenchers has
the potential to make any sort of substantive policy difference, whether
through legislative votes, parliamentary activities, or influencing the
policy process behind the scenes’ (Lovenduski and Norris 2003, p. 86).
Although gender, in general, is significant and does matter when con-
structing policy, women are more likely to promote women’s issue policy
when placed in positions of power, such as committee heads or chair-
persons, or when their political party controls the majority vote (Peden
2015, p. 21).
Women’s substantive representation depends on many factors, among
which party is critically important. Research suggests that in the USA,
Democratic female legislators are likely to promote women’s issues more
than their Republican counterparts. The way(s) women are recruited to
the legislature is also critically important, so also is their number. There
are suggestions that when the number of women legislators reaches the
‘critical mass,’ it is likely that women’s issues will receive better attention
than when their number does not satisfy the critical mass requirement
(Thomas 1994). The concept of critical mass infers that the election of
an adequate number of female politicians will result in governance more
responsive to women (Grey 2002). There are differences of opinion on
what makes a number adequate enough to make it really critical. The
range varies from 10 to 40% (Childs 2004; Grey 2002)
Recent research, however, shows that critical mass is more a theo-
retical and popular expectation than a demonstrated effect (Grey 2002).
Research also reveals that numbers alone cannot be seen as an adequate
measure of the influence of women in a deliberative body (Crowley
2004; Carroll 2001; Sawyer 2002). In other words, relationship between
numbers and outcomes is not always linear. How women (or male) rep-
resentatives may choose to act, as Nazneen and Mahmud (2012, p. 31)
observe, depends on contexts and opportunities for raising women’s
needs and gender equity concerns; identity and interests of the individ-
ual representatives; how representatives and others perceive ‘women’s
issues’; and gendered nature of policymaking processes. What is impor-
tant to know is what Dahlerup (1988, p. 206) calls ‘critical acts.’ These
acts include the recruitment of other women, the introduction of quotas
8 N. Ahmed
for women, and new equality legislation and equality institutions and
depend crucially on ‘the willingness and ability of the minority to mobi-
lize the resources of the organization or institution to improve the situ-
ation for themselves and the whole minority group’ (Childs and Krook
2008, p. 731). There are also arguments that a critical mass of women
in parliament is more effective when there are strong links with women’s
movements and an effective national gender machinery exists (Nazneen
and Mahmud, p. 31).
The two notions—critical mass and critical acts—are, however, not
mutually exclusive; the former may be seen as a necessary, if not a suffi-
cient condition, of the latter. Number matters, although it matters more
in some than in other cases. Numbers make women visible; such visibility
of women has some meaning in an institution almost dominated by the
other sex. Quota systems have been viewed as one of the most effective
and expeditious affirmative action policies in increasing women’s par-
ticipation and representation in both elective and appointive positions
in public office (Iwanaga, p. 10). But different types of quota system
used to increase the number of women are also likely to have differential
impact. For example, as stated earlier, reserved-seat quota system allows
more women to get elected to a deliberative body. Referring to the
reserved seats in three South Asian countries—Bangladesh, India, and
Pakistan—Rai (2005, p. 181) suggests that these have indeed addressed
issues of the underrepresentation of women, as increasing numbers are
joining local government institutions. There is some evidence that their
involvement may lead to an increased participation of women in provin-
cial and national-level politics (Rai, p. 181).
It is, however, assumed that women elected on a party quota system
have better potential to play a proactive role than those elected from
reserved seats. Part of the reason is that they are considered to be an
integral part of the party-building process, and they have the scope to
exert pressure (sometimes in collaboration with women’s organizations
outside) from within. On the other hand, women elected from reserved
seats can rarely hope to play any major role as they often lack any inde-
pendent base of power. In most of the cases, they remain disadvantaged
vis-à-vis the party (leadership) and have to abide by party dictates.
Quota systems are inherently concerned with quantitative gains—fos-
tering female involvement through increased physical ratios. However,
to maximize the potential for women to make a meaningful contribu-
tion to the political sphere, the existing qualitative barriers to female
1 INTRODUCTION 9
engagement must also be identified and addressed (Bennett 2014).

Besides, the reserved-seat system of representation can be seen as a step
toward empowering women from above which mostly fails as women
representatives do not have any real contact with the electorate. More
importantly, women representatives often act as a broader state-building
and regime-consolidating tool and are part of a larger project to reinforce
patriarchal structures (Goulding 2009; Kuku 2009). However, the extent
to which directly elected women fare better than those who are elected
from reserved seats in promoting women’s issues is difficult to ascertain.
Women in Bureaucracy and Politics

Much of what has been described above can be noticed in local poli-
tics. Many countries have adopted a system of reserving a certain per-
centage of seats in local councils for women who, in some cases, have
a larger constituency than their male counterparts and are elected in
a much more competitive way than the latter. As at the national level,
the introduction of the provision for reservations of seats for women in
local councils has led to a large increase in the number of women in local
government in many countries. The extent to which an improvement in
descriptive representation at the local level has had any impact on sub-
stantive representation needs to be ascertained. In other words, whether
the change in public policy aimed at increasing the number of women
in local councils is a mere ‘eye wash’ or it can be seen as a step toward
‘empowerment of women from below’ deserves serious consideration. A
common complaint—‘representation without participation’—is widely
heard in local government in many countries. The validity of this allega-
tion needs to be probed. Many countries have also adopted a policy of
reserving a certain percentage of positions in the civil service for women.
As with other similar policies in politics and local government, the num-
ber of women in many civil services has increased with the implementa-
tion of this ‘positive discrimination’ policy, although the extent to which
it has had any major impact on breaking the glass ceiling is difficult to
ascertain.
In general, parliament, civil service, and local government have
remained ‘gendered’ institutions in most of the countries of the world,
notwithstanding the introduction of several measures to increase the
number of women in these institutions in recent years in some coun-
tries. Glass ceiling is also widely noticed in both politics and bureaucracy.
10 N. Ahmed
In other words, there remains a major gap between descriptive repre-

sentation and substantive representation in different governing institu-
tions. South Asia provides a case where diversity in the representation
of women can be widely found. Developments in different South Asian
counties, however, have not taken place in any uniform way. Intercounty
differences in the representation of women in different institutions of
governance are noticeable in the region. The extent of such difference
and its implications needs to be ascertained.
Scope and Structure of the Volume

This edited volume probes into policies aimed at increasing the repre-
sentation of women in various governing institutions, particularly par-
liament, civil service, and local government, in different South Asian
countries where uniformity and diversity are both widely evident. The
volume also seeks to explore the implications of uniformity and diver-
sity for the substantive representation of women in these institutions.
Different country papers seek to examine, among other things‚ the
scope and limits of what can be called different ‘positive discrimina-
tory policies’ adopted to promote women’s representation, the extent
to which the higher presence of women in different governing institu-
tions, resulting from the implementation of quota policy, makes any dif-
ference in the process of policymaking, and the way men and women in
different governing institutions look upon each other’s role and adopt
strategies for mutual adjustment. Most of the chapters in this book are
revised versions of papers presented to an International Conference on
Inclusive Governance in South Asia held in Dhaka in early May 2016.
Different authors have revised and updated their papers in light of dis-
cussion in the Conference and comments of reviewers.
The volume is divided into three parts, with each part dealing with
the issue of representation and participation of women in one particu-
lar governing institution. Part One focuses on the role of women in
parliament. The aim is to see the extent to which an increase in the
number of women MPs matters in lawmaking or oversight, to explore
the way(s) male and female lawmakers perceive each other’s role, and
to identify the manner in which the two groups of lawmakers share
parliamentary power and deal with the problem of mutual adjust-
ment. Part Two deals with the issue of women’s representation in the
bureaucracy in different South Asian countries. Different chapters in
1 INTRODUCTION 11
this Part focus on several issues such as the structure of civil service,
measures taken to mainstream gender in the civil service, attitude
of men toward women, and problems faced by women civil servants
to balance work and home roles. Part Three examines the extent to
which women’s higher presence makes any difference in local govern-
ment policymaking including distribution of patronage and benefits,
explores the way(s) male councillors perceive the role of women, and
seeks to identify measures both groups of councillors take for mutual
adjustment. The concluding part identifies the extent to which the pol-
icy of inclusion of women in different governing institutions in South
Asia matters.
Notes
1. h t t p : / / a r t i c l e s . e c o n o m i c t i m e s . i n d i a t i m e s . c o m / 2 0 1 0 - 0 3 - 0 9 /
news/27619587_1_gender-equality-south-asia-saharan
2. http://www.wikigender.org/wiki/debate-on-gender-quotas/. Accessed:
January 20, 2017.
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1 INTRODUCTION 13
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PART I
Women in Parliament
CHAPTER 2
Alangkar or Ahangkar?
Reserved-Seat Women Members in the
Bangladesh Parliament
Nizam Ahmed and Sadik Hasan
Bangladesh has a unicameral parliament. It is composed of 350 members,

of whom 300 are elected from single-member constituencies on popular
votes, while 50 seats are reserved for women to be distributed among
different parliamentary parties on the basis of a proportional system. The
constitution, which came into effect on December 16, 1972, one year
after independence, provided for reservation of seats for women for a
Research for this paper was carried out with funding from a DFID/ESRC
Project entitled Parliament, Public Engagement and Poverty Reduction in
Bangladesh and Ethiopia administered by School of Oriental and African Studies,
University of London. The authors express their indebtedness to the Principal
Investigator of the Project Professor Emma Crewe for her critical comments on
the paper and suggestions for its improvement.
N. Ahmed (*) 
S. Hasan 
University of Dhaka, Dhaka, Bangladesh

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_2
18 N. Ahmed and S. Hasan
certain period of time. Initially, 15 seats were reserved for women to be

elected by popularly elected members of parliament (MPs). The number
of seats reserved for women increased to 30 in 1979, 45 in 2004, and
50 in 2010. The mode of election was changed in 2004 when the pro-
vision for proportional representation was introduced. Until the intro-
duction of this amendment, the constitution provided for the election of
(reserved) women MPs by those elected from general seats. This policy
allowed the party winning a plurality of seats to claim all of the seats
reserved for women. This ‘winner takes all’ policy caused serious resent-
ment among women’s organizations that not only sought a change in it
but also demanded that parties make public commitments to nominate at
least one-third of women candidates in general elections.
Reserved-seat women parliamentarians (RSWPs), numbering 30 in
the 1980s, were once referred to as 30 sets of alangkar (ornament) by a
popular national weekly on their election in 1986, which caused serious
uproar and forced its editor to flee the country. Those elected to parlia-
ment in a similar manner a quarter-century later have claimed themselves
to be the ahangkar (pride) of the nation. The two notions are different—
one totally undermines the contribution of women representatives by
relegating their role to a decorative one, while the later probably overes-
timates the potential role of women representatives. Both assertions need
empirical probing. This chapter investigates the role of ‘quota women’—
those elected indirectly to the parliament—now numbering 50, using the
notions of descriptive representation and substantive representation devel-
oped by Pitkin (1967). Empirical evidence shows that the ‘quota women’
are not as docile as people often tend to assume; they have, in fact, fared
better than women elected on popular votes, referred here as direct-seat
women parliamentarians (DSWPs), in performing parliamentary functions
(see Ahmed 2013). Several factors, however, still discourage them from
playing a major proactive role. This paper identifies those factors, based
on a review of secondary literature and parliamentary records as well as
in-depth focus group discussion with several women MPs, and examines
their implications for empowering women in parliament.
Parliamentary Rules and MP’s Role Definition

Formally, Bangladesh has a women-friendly parliament. The Bangladesh
Parliament has more women members than many other legislatures.
Bangladesh ranks 89th in terms of the representation of women in
2 ALANGKAR OR AHANGKAR? RESERVED-SEAT WOMEN MEMBERS … 19
parliament worldwide.1 Women also hold most of the important lead-

ership positions including the positions of the Speaker, the Leader
of the House, the Deputy Leader of the House and the Leader of the
Opposition. Nowhere can one find a representative assembly as domi-
nated by women, at least theoretically, as in Bangladesh. Such domina-
tion, however, is more formal than real, as we shall see later. Women face
considerable difficulties to assert themselves, much more than their male
colleagues, and RSWPs remain doubly disadvantaged, both in relation to
their male colleagues and also women elected on popular votes.
The extent to which women parliamentarians or, for that matter, MPs
as a group, can play a proactive role depends not only on their num-
ber, but also on several other factors of which three are important: the
extent to which they understand the rules governing the operation of the
House, their readiness as well as ability to use the rules, and their will-
ingness to change the rules if they do not find these adequate to play a
proactive role (Karam and Lovenduski 2005). Much of what is done in
the parliament takes place in a structured way; to be able to influence
any parliamentary decision is to understand the rules. No one, however,
can expect an MP to have a good grasp of the rules overnight; it is a
learning process which may take a long time for an MP to have mastery
over rules. It depends largely on the age of the MP in parliament—her/
his experience as a lawmaker. It is expected that the longer an individual
works in an institution, the better is the prospect of learning the rules.
Experience, however, shows that there is no automatic relationship
between the level of competence an MP possesses and his/her nature of
activism in the parliament. The extent to which an MP is able to make
his/her presence felt by others in parliament depends on many factors, of
which knowledge about rules is only one, albeit an important criterion.
Two other criteria—willingness and ability of members to be proactive—
are critically important. Willingness is referred here as the motivation of
members to do what is expected of them, while ability is referred mostly
to their level of competence. Both are influenced by a number of varia-
bles such as the formal-legal status a parliament enjoys, the nature of the
party system, and political culture. Legislatures do not exist in a vacuum;
the very existence of a legislature is derived from a constitution (Olson
and Norton 1996, p. 4). The constitution provides the basic framework,
delineating the formal relationship of legislature with other organs of
government, prescribing its formal scope of work and setting the guideline
for regulating the behavior of members (Ahmed 2002). If the parliament
remains seriously disadvantaged vis-a-vis other sources of power, its mem-

bers, no matter how competent they are, will find it difficult to make any
significant contribution.
Yet experience shows that the main hindrance to the willingness of
an MP to use rules depends not as much on the constitutional system
as on the type(s) of the party system a country adopts. An MP may
find his/her role largely constrained even in countries where a parlia-
ment formally enjoys an ‘exalted’ status as in Bangladesh. The scope
to work independently of party dictates is an important factor that
will determine whether an MP will be willing to influence the parlia-
mentary outcome in any significant way. If members are seen as del-
egates, the other personal attributes are unlikely to have any significant
influence.
In Bangladesh, the constitution restricts floor crossing and prescribes
a delegate role for the MPs. An MP who is elected as a nominee of a
particular party cannot vote against her or his own party in the parlia-
ment. Nor can he/she abstain from voting defying party directives failing
which he/she risks losing the membership of parliament. One can notice
a high-level concentration of power/authority in the party’s top leader.
The Prime Minister, for example, has traditionally held the position of
the Leader of the House, the Leader of the Parliamentary Party, and,
most importantly, the head of the (organizational wing) party. Nothing
moves within the parliament or outside of it without her concurrence.
Those willing to use rules have to be careful before proposing any par-
ticular course of action. Any proposal to change the rules without the
consent of the party leadership is fraught with risk; the latter may look
upon this type of activity with suspicion.
On the whole, there exist serious impediments to the use of rules
by MPs, no matter whether they are men or women; any attempt to
change the rules appears to be risky. No one in Bangladesh now wants
to be labeled as a ‘reformist’; everyone wants to define his/her roles and
responsibilities in a way that is not likely to challenge the status quo.
This, however, does not mean that MPs always remain inert. What it
perhaps implies is that there are limits to MPs aspiring to become pol-
icy advocates or parliament (wo)men, to borrow Searing’s terminology
(1994). Policy advocates are those who seek to initiate policy and/or
to influence it. The government apparently enjoys monopoly over the
policy process; it does not want to share this (power) with others, not
even with MPs. Nor can one find any serious demand by the MPs for
participation in the policymaking process. Nor do they have access to

support and services needed to become policy advocates in Bangladesh.
If there is not much scope for the MPs to engage in policy debates,
neither can they hope to become ‘good’ parliament men—those
absorbed by the conduct of business in parliament (Searing 1994).
Parliament (wo)men are focused on ensuring that the interest of parlia-
ment is protected. They spend most of their time in parliament and are
not immersed in the process of representation. Reasons discouraging
MPs to become ‘good’ parliament (wo)men in Bangladesh are many and
varied; these range from time constraints and procedural difficulties faced
by members, to negative attitude of government. Only a few MPs are
full-time politicians. Most are business people (53.5% in the present par-
liament) who have to invest significant time to respond to the demands
of their other roles. Career politicians do not have much scope to enter
the parliament. Even if MPs are willing to be parliament men, they are
likely to face various difficulties.
The parliament does not meet very frequently. The average num-
ber of sitting days per year (75) is exceedingly low, so also is the aver-
age length of each sitting day (3.32 h). In both respects, the parliament
of Bangladesh lags far behind other parliaments.2 Procedural constraints
also discourage the private members to become parliament men. Most
of the MPs (in Bangladesh and also elsewhere) thus want to become
good ‘constituency members’—those who do not look up but down
(Saalfeld and Muller 1997, p. 10). Their priority is to provide services
to their constituencies, either of a collective or individual kind. This does
not imply that other categories of MPs lack constituency orientation. In
fact, all MPs do some constituency work much of the time. However,
compared with other categories of MPs, constituency members, as their
names suggest, are more interested in promoting the interests of their
constituents than other aspects of their multifaceted job.
RSWPs, however, remain disadvantaged in one important respect.
They are not elected from any geographic constituency; rather, they
owe their(s) election to party leaders. Theoretically speaking, they have
better scope to become policy advocates or parliament women. Unlike
the directly elected women MPs (DSWPs) who, as a matter of neces-
sity, have to spend a large part of their time and resources to satisfy the
needs and priorities of their constituents, RSWPs may try to specialize
in higher-order activities (e.g., concentrating on policy/national issues).
The way(s) MPs, particularly RSWPs, define their role and the manner in
which their role definition differs with that of DSWPs will be explained
in subsequent sections.
Scope for Participation
Formally, men and women lawmakers in Bangladesh—no matter if they
are directly elected or elected from reserved seats—enjoy similar powers,
privileges, and facilities; both have an equal opportunity to perform dif-
ferent parliamentary functions, particularly lawmaking and oversight of
the executive. The Rules of Procedure (RoP) do not discriminate one
against the other. Although the lawmaking process in Bangladeshis is
dominated by the government, as in other Westminster-style democra-
cies, there is scope for private members to move bills and legislative mat-
ters. Rule 72 provides that any member other than a minister can seek to
introduce a bill by giving 15 days notice in advance. A private member
means a member other than a minister (Bangladesh Parliament 2007).
The RoP allows an MP to utilize several techniques to raise and popu-
larize different issues and also to require the executive government to
account for its actions. According to RoP, the first hour of every sitting is
available for asking and answering of questions. An MP has the opportu-
nity to ask questions that require an oral answer or written answer. There
are also provisions for short-notice questions and supplementary ques-
tions. As in Britain, there also exists in the Bangladesh Parliament provi-
sion for Prime Minister’s Question Time (PMQT). The Prime Minister
now answers the questions of the MPs once a week (every Wednesday
when the parliament is in session). MPs can also raise motions demand-
ing the adjournment of the business of the House for the purpose of dis-
cussing a matter of recent and urgent public importance. They can also
call the attention of a minister to any matter of urgent public importance
(CAM) and ask for half-an-hour discussion (HHD) on a matter of pub-
lic importance which has been the subject of a recent question, and the
answer to which needs clarification on a matter of fact. Provisions also
exist for short discussion (SD) on issues requiring immediate action,
and an MP can make statements on matters of urgent public impor-
tance (SM). All these motions moved in the House require ministerial
response. MPs can also move private members’ resolutions demanding
government actions, or/and support. Besides, the formal debates on the
president’s speech made at the beginning of each calendar year and, in
particular, the debate on the budget speech by the finance minister in the
middle of the year also provide for some scope to the MPs to scrutinize
the activities of the government (Ahmed 2002, p. 108).
There are, however, certain limits to the use of different techniques.
None of the motions can be moved without advance notice being given
to the Parliament Secretariat. The various devices, however, are not sub-
ject to similar types of constraints. Thus, while questions (except PMQT)
can be asked and call-attention motions moved in every sitting day
except on the day the annual budget is presented, half-an-hour discus-
sion and discussion for short duration can be held only twice a week.
The latter, however, can be moved at short notice: two hours before the
commencement of a sitting, while an MP who wants to ask questions to
a minister has to give at least fifteen clear days notice. Besides, each tech-
nique is subject to certain other constraints; in particular, these have to
satisfy a number of conditions before being accepted. These restrictions
are, however, found not only in Bangladesh but also in the Westminster
(House of Commons 2015) and the parliaments patterned after it (Kaul
1979). Different west European parliaments also impose many of these
restrictions (Wiberg 1995). These are needed, among others, to ensure
that the parliament maximizes its use of time. The way(s) women MPs in
Bangladesh have tried to utilize different techniques will be explored in
subsequent sections.
Women in the Parliamentary Process

As stated earlier, both men and women lawmakers formally have equal
access to different parliamentary techniques. Reality, however, sharply
differs with what is being written in the Rules Book. Women MPs lag far
behind male legislators in moving private members’ bills. According to
parliamentary records, most of the private members’ bills moved in the
parliament between 1991 and 2015 (203) were initiated by ‘male’ par-
liamentarians. Women members so far moved only four bills—two in the
fifth parliament and two in the seventh parliament. All except one have
dealt with issues related to women. One of the bills provided for chang-
ing the composition of the parliament, reserving at least one-third (100)
of the 300 seats for women. The other two women-related bills, which
were moved in the fifth parliament, provided for replacing the arbitra-
tion of family disputes by an arbitration council headed by the local UP
chairman by a Munsif Court. However, if not all bills moved by women
MPs dealt with women’s issues, neither can it be said that bills moved by
male private members always lack any focus on women. Record shows
that ‘male’ parliamentarians also have moved some bills that provide for
better representation of women in parliament or to correct injustices
inflicted on women. For example, the Domestic Violence (Prevention,
Protection and Compensation) Bill, submitted by one Dhaka male MP
to the Parliament Secretariat in 2009, provided for stringent punishment
for those involved in violence. Such violence affects women more than
the others.
Several ‘male’ members of the seventh and eighth parliaments moved
private members’ bills, proposing reinstatement of the provision for
reserved seats for women and/or increasing the number of reserved seats
and changing modalities for election. For example, one of the bills pro-
posed for dividing the country into 30 zones for the purpose of elect-
ing the reserved-seat women parliamentarians, with directly elected
MPs from each zone forming an electoral college for electing a woman
parliamentarian. In contrast to the earlier system when an MP had 30
votes, the new system would allow an MP to cast one vote. Another bill
by a ‘male’ MP provided for increasing the number of women MPs to
64, with each district electing a woman MP. Another MP moved a bill
entitled The Oppression of Women and Children (Special Provision)
(Amendment) Bill, 1997, providing for stringent punishment for those
involved in oppression of women and children. All of these bills were
moved by ‘male’ private members; none was enacted into a law.
An important bill was also moved by the Minister for Women and
Family Affairs, a RSWP, which was subsequently made into a law. The
law, entitled Domestic Violence Act (DVA), provides for preventing
domestic violence and to provide protection to victims of violence. The
bill originated in civil society. Usually, such bills do not have much pros-
pect of success as these often lack government support. But the DVA
case was different. Part of the reason was the strong commitment of the
Minister who had links with CSO movements and was a staunch sup-
porter of women’s empowerment. She played an instrumental role in
ensuring that the bill had an easy passage at different stages and suc-
ceeded in overcoming whatever resistance came from different sources.
Women MPs, however, have fared better in asking questions and rais-
ing other motions than in initiating legislation. On average, they asked
8% of the oral questions, 14% of supplementary questions, and nearly
13% of written questions in five parliaments (5, 7, and 8–10). Some dif-
ferences in the nature of activism of MPs in different parliaments can be
noticed. Of the five, the ninth parliament appears to be an exception.

Nearly 19% of the oral questions and 25% of the supplementary ques-
tions in this parliament were raised by women MPs. Women members in
the ninth parliament lagged behind their counterparts in the tenth parlia-
ment in respect of moving written questions in the House, and eighth
parliament in raising supplementary questions. More written questions
by women were also answered in this (9th) parliament than in earlier leg-
islatures. Women MPs in the ninth parliament also fared better than their
predecessors in moving different types of motions. More than a quarter
of the statements made on matters of urgent importance and one-fifth of
call-attention motions were moved by women MPs; the scope of activism
slightly decreased in the tenth parliament, although it was much higher
than what could be noticed in earlier parliaments (5th, 7th, and 8th par-
liaments) (Table 2.1).
Overall, women members in the eighth parliament trailed behind
their counterparts in other parliaments in asking questions and mov-
ing other types of motions. The main reason was that it did not have
many women members during the first three years of its operation. The
‘quota’ women in the eighth parliament were elected more than three
years after its inauguration; hence, they did not have much time to play a
Table 2.1 Nature of women MP activism (1991–2015)
Parliament No. and Questions askeda (% of total) % of Other motions movedb

% of total (% of total)
Women questions
MPs Oral Supplementary Written asked CAM SM SD
N = 402 N = 315 N = 214 N = 931 moved N = 1820 held
N = 364 N=5
5 34 (10.3) 4.8 10.2 5.2 6.6 12.2 9.4 4.4

7 38 (11.5) 5.1 8.9 3.4 6.2 14.8 17.1 11.1
8 52 (15.1) 1.5 28.2 1.1 2.0 7.1 5.5 0.0
9 70 (20.0) 18.7 25.5 6.8 15.8 21.1 25.6 0.0
10 71 (20.3) 13.3 14.6 22.3 16.0 25.8 17.6 0.0
Average 53 8.4 14.2 12.9 10.8 14.1 15.1 5.3
aQuestions asked by women MPs in two sessions each of the fifth parliament (1991–1995), the sev-
enth parliament (1996–2001), the eighth parliament (2001–2006), one session of the ninth parliament
(2009–2013), and two sessions of the tenth parliament (2014–). Calculations have been made by the
authors
bMotions moved by women MPs in the fifth, seventh, eighth, and ninth parliaments and first eight ses-
sions of the tenth parliament. Calculations have been made by the authors
Source Ahmed (2013); Bangladesh Parliament (2014–15)
proactive role. Moreover, there were only a few directly elected women
in the eighth parliament. On the other hand, as stated earlier, women
in the ninth parliament showed greater enthusiasm in moving different
types of motions. One of the important reasons was that the ninth parlia-
ment had the largest number of women members (70) until then, many
of whom had long experiences in both parliamentary and party politics.
The ninth parliament amended the constitution in 2011, increasing the
number of RSWPs from 45 to 50.
An increase in descriptive description, which initially took place during
the tenure of the eighth parliament, however, did not have much positive
impact as the change came very late. On the other hand, the decision to
elect reserved-seat women MPs immediately after the inauguration of the
ninth parliament and the tenth parliament turned out to be advantageous
from several standpoints. In particular, an early election of RSWPs helped
them promote the cause of women better as they had more time to focus
on different issues including those related to empowerment of women.
The change in descriptive representation has had some kind of posi-
tive impact. As stated earlier, following the change in descriptive repre-
sentation, the number of motions moved increased substantially in the
ninth and tenth parliaments. Those who were elected indirectly appeared
to be more active than the popularly elected women MPs. Table 2.2
shows the nature of activism of the two groups of women MPs—DSWPs
and RSWPs.3 DSWPs trail behind the latter (RSWPs) in almost every
Table 2.2 Types of motions moved by two categories of women MPs

(1991–2015)
Types of Questions asked Total Other major types of Total

women questions motions moved N = 3115
MPs N = 931
N = 265 Oral Supplementary Written Call- Statements
N = 402 N = 315 N = 214 attention made
moved N = 1820
N = 364
DSWPs 11.2 7.2 15.4 10.8 6.6 4.6 7.4

(22.6%)
RSWPs 88.8 92.8 84.6 89.2 93.4 95.4 92.6
(77.4%)
Source Same as Table 2.1

respect. The percentage of questions asked and other motions moved by

the latter is much higher than the former. The issue orientation of differ-
ent types of motions moved by the two categories of women parliamen-
tarians will be discussed in the next section.
Issue Orientation of Motions Moved by Women MPs

The RSWPs can be seen as more than onlookers as the discussion in
earlier sections reveals; they fare better than women elected on popu-
lar votes and even ‘male’ MPs in moving different types of motions.
Why do they fare better than others will be explained in a subsequent
section. This section explores the behavioral orientation of the ‘quota’
women and compares it with that of their popularly elected counter-
parts. To ease comparison, issues raised and promoted by MPs, par-
ticularly women MPs, have been grouped into several categories.
These are: issues that directly focus on women, women-related issues,
economic issues, local development issues, national issues and prob-
lems, and others.
Table 2.3 shows the issue orientation of different types of motions
moved by the women MPs. It reveals that women parliamentarians
use call-attention motions more than the other techniques to popular-
ize (directly) women and women-related issues; on the other hand,
local level/constituency development issues find more prominence in
Statements on Matters of Importance (71A), while questions deal mostly
with national issues and problems as well as local development issues.
What is, however, clearly evident is that less than one in ten motions
directly focuses on women or deals with women-related issues. Women
parliamentarians do not seem to be much keen to promote women’s
issues; to the contrary, they are apparently more interested in raising con-
stituency-related issues than other matters.
One can also notice some differences in the issue orientation of the
two groups of women parliamentarians. In general, RSWPs appear to
be equally active in using different types of motions; their motions also
focus on all different types of issues. This perhaps reconfirms an earlier
assertion that RSWPs are not to be seen as mere alangkar; they play an
important role in keeping the parliament alive. However, DSWPs out-
number the ‘quota’ women in moving motions aimed at promoting
constituency interests. The difference is quite obvious. Those elected on
Table 2.3 Issue orientation of different types of motions
Categories of Nature of issues raised Total

motions
Directly Women- Economic Local National Others
focused related issues develop- issues and
on issues ment problems
women issues
Questions 7.7 3.3 1.6 44.5 28.7 14.2 100.0

N = 904a
Call-attention 11.3 4.9 0.8 34.1 11.8 37.1 100.0
motions N = 364
Statement on 7.6 2.7 0.8 52.4 10.2 26.3 100.0
matters of impor-
tance N = 1820

aIssue orientation of 27 questions could not be ascertained
popular votes ignore their constituents and issues that interest them at
their own peril. Since elections have become much more competitive in
recent years than in the past, those who want to get reelected have to
give special attention to what their constituents want.
On the other hand, those who owe their election to the parliament
through parties and/or leaders (RSWPs) do not have to worry much
about what local people think. Under the existing system, women
elected from reserved seats do not have any territorial constituency;
hence, they do not have to be as much concerned about the support of
the locality as their directly elected colleagues. This is, however, not to
argue that indirectly elected women totally neglect local development
issues. Nearly half of the motions (except questions) moved by RSWPs  
focus on local issues. Like DSWPs, those elected indirectly also use more
time and energy to promote local/constituency issues. The nature of
activism of the two groups of MPs in highlighting different issues can be
seen from Table 2.4.
Explaining Women MP Behavior

It has been observed that RSWPs appear to be comparatively more
active, moving more motions on the floor of the House than the
DSWPs. An average DSWP moved 0.4 call-attention motions, made 1.5
statements of urgent importance, and asked 1.9 questions. In contrast, a
Table 2.4 Issue orientation of motions moved by two categories of women MPs
Focus of motions (other than) questions Types of motions
CAM 71 (N = 364) 71A (N = 1820) 68 (N = 5) Questions (N = 904)
DSWPs RSWPs DSWPs RSWPs DSWPs RSWPs DSWPs RSWPs

N = 24 N = 340 N = 84 N = 1736 N = 0 N=5 N = 102 N = 802
Directly focused on women 8.3 11.2 2.4 7.8 – 14.3 9.8 7.5
Women-related issues 4.2 4.1 4.8 2.4 – – 5.9 2.9
Economic issues 4.2 1.5 3.6 0.6 – – 0.9 1.7
Local development issues 50.0 32.9 64.3 52.2 – – 45.1 44.4
National issues and problems 12.5 14.1 13.0 11.2 33.3 14.3 28.4 28.7
Others 20.8 36.2 11.9 25.8 66.7 71.4 9.8 14.7
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
2 ALANGKAR OR AHANGKAR? RESERVED-SEAT WOMEN MEMBERS …
29
RSWP moved 1.7 call-attention motions, made 8.5 statements on mat-

ters of urgent importance, and asked 3.9 questions between 1991 and
2015. Call-attention motions (CAMs) moved by RSWPs and urgent
statements they have made also focus more on women’s issues and
women-related issues than those popularized by DSWPs. On the other
hand, questions by DSWPs have greater women focus than those asked
by RSWPs. Their motions also focus more on constituency issues than
those moved by RSWPs. This difference, however, decreased substan-
tially in the tenth parliament. Almost a similar percentage of questions
asked by the two categories of women parliamentarians in the tenth par-
liament have dealt with constituency issues.
As stated earlier, directly elected parliamentarians often pay special
attention to promoting the interests of their constituents. They usually
spend more time and resources attempting to keep their constituents
happy. Since MPs expect constituency work to yield more electoral pay-
offs than other activities, they are likely to engage in it (Ahmed 2015).
In fact, constituency work is more important for reelection than is poli-
cymaking or oversight. As Fiorina (1977, pp. 43–45) has observed:
By taking explicit stands on policy matters [in the USA], the member will
make friends as well as enemies. In contrast, constituency work is not so
controversial. Moreover, the members will have more difficulty to claim
credit for his policymaking initiatives than for his constituency work
because members of a legislature make policy collectively but perform con-
stituency work individually. Finally, the benefits from constituency work
are more immediate and concrete than policy outputs.
Effective member–constituent relationships also contribute to democracy

by strengthening the people’s connection to their government, and by
providing ‘real life’ assessments of how government programs are actu-
ally working on the ground.
One can, however, notice that RSWPs are also no less constituency-
oriented than those elected on popular votes. No RSWP has an inde-
pendent constituency, but each of the 50 RSWPs is given responsibility
for a certain number of constituencies, some in their home districts, and
others in different districts. Yet experience shows that RSWPs tend to be
at least as serious as their elected colleagues in visiting their home con-
stituencies. As stated earlier, DSWPs appear to be less active than RSWPs
in terms of raising different issues in parliament. Part of the reason is that
only a few DSWPs are backbenchers in the real sense; most of them hold
senior leadership positions in their parties or in parliament. They usually
do not take part in parliament proceedings unless important issues find
prominence.
As an example, reference can be made to the DSWPs in the current
tenth parliament. Of the 16 DSWPs belonging to the ruling party (AL),
only two can be considered as backbenchers in the real sense. Among the
other 14 MPs, one is the Speaker, one is the Prime Minister and Leader
of the House, one the Deputy Leader of the House, three are ministers,
three are former ministers and now committee chairs, one is a whip and
another one is a former whip, and two are committee chairs. The leader
of the JP is the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament. These people
generally do not take part in parliament proceedings. In fact, the four
backbenchers moved almost all of the (AL) motions in the House.
The above observation is, however, not intended to idealize the
role of the RSWPs, all of whom except one are backbenchers. As with
DSWPs, most of the RSWPs do not play an active role in parliament,
although it is difficult to identify the extent to which lack of prepared-
ness or party restrictions account for this. Some RSWPs have observed
that they are apparently needed to form quorum and to sustain the gov-
ernment; they are discouraged by leadership to play any proactive role.
As one RSWP observed:
Sometimes directives are issued from policy forums of the party asking [the
MPs] to use offensive remarks against the opponents. To comply with such
directives one has to forget [the value of] principles and morals and play
the role of a ‘quarrelsome’ lady to keep the leaders of the party happy. If
that can be done successfully, leaders are full of praise and commendation.
If not, condemnations are forthcoming. To them, everything is alright
if the party chief or members of the party policy forums are happy. Our
responsibility is to ‘say sir’, ‘yes sir’ to everything. We have no other thing
to do (The Manabkantha, January 8, 2017).
Another RSWP concurred:
RSWPs are used to make the Sangsad glamorous and to overcome quorum
crises … As they are elected MPs as nominees of the party, they have to
remain busy keeping senior leaders happy and doing what they want (The
Manabkantha, January 8, 2017).
One RSWP once moved several amendments to a bill, some of which

were also accepted. Yet rather than appreciating her role, the party sec-
retary general subsequently criticized her for overactivism. Other RSWPs
thus have learnt lessons from this example [not to be proactive] (The
Manabkantha, January 8, 2017). Thus, an important reason prompt-
ing RSWPs to focus on constituency issues is their apparent ‘inability’
to raise legislative/policy issues in parliament. These constraints apply to
almost all MPs, no matter if they are men or women, or directly or indi-
rectly elected. Reference has been made to this structural constraint in
an earlier section. Suffice it here to mention that the MPs in Bangladesh
lack freedom to define their role independently of party control.
What is evident from the above is that the representation of women
has improved—from 34 in 1991, to 71 in 2016, although it has not yet
reached the ‘critical mass’ level, and data show an increase in the nature
of activism of the MPs. However, such an increase in activism falls short
of any major improvement in substantive representation of women.
Several conditions still remain unfulfilled: willingness of women MPs to
act together on behalf of women, their ability to cross party lines, if nec-
essary, and scope for reaching out to male colleagues—conditions that
are necessary to make descriptive representation meaningful. RSWPs face
considerable difficulties in raising important issues. Even motions moved
on issues related to women can be seen as negligible (8.8%).
Constraints Facing Women MPs

Members of parliament (MPs) in Bangladesh remain disadvantaged in
several respects. Women are doubly disadvantaged and face more prob-
lems than their male counterparts while carrying out their business.
In particular, RSWPs, who, as observed in earlier sections, fare bet-
ter than the others in almost every respect, face obstacles from several
sources. As an example, reference can be made to the opposition to
the consideration of private members bills initiated by a RSWP in the
fifth parliament. The bill, as stated earlier, provided for a minor change
in the local arbitration process by replacing the chairman of the UP
by a judicial official as head of arbitration council. Several ruling party
MPs as well as ministers sought to resist the bill at almost every stage
of the parliamentary process, arguing (erroneously) that the spirit of
the bill was contrary to Shariah. They also observed that the bill, if
enacted, would hurt the sentiments of the Muslim community. Farida
Rahman, a RSWP who initiated the bill, was not allowed to defend the
bill.
Barrister Rabeya Bhuiyan, a RSWP, also moved a bill in the sev-
enth parliament that was extremely important; it provided for reserving
one-third of seats in parliament for women. The Commitee on Private
Members’ Bills and Resolutions (CPMBR) recommended the introduc-
tion of the amendment bill. But it never had the first reading. At one
stage, it lapsed. However, the bill on domestic violence moved by the
(then) Minister for Women Affairs, a RSWP, could become a law for sev-
eral reasons, of which the special relationship of the minister with the
Prime Minister was very important. Those opposing the bill were aware
of this relationship. Moreover, the bill had a strong source of support
among CSOs which the opponents could rarely underestimate.
RSWPs are also discriminated against in several ways. They are given
less time to speak on the floor, and it is always difficult to convince the
Chief Whip of the need for time to speak in the House. One RSWP
attending the FGD referred to the difficulty of accessing the Chief Whip
in the following way:
Both men and women MPs are [formally] equal. But you’re a woman,
that’s the problem. Women get less time [to speak] and are allowed to
speak at less important time … You’ve to turn to the Chief Whip [and
whips] almost begging for time. But they will go to other (male) MPs and
request: ‘you speak’, ‘you speak’ … But women MPs, especially RSWPs,
often go to the Chief whip and say, ‘I want to speak’. The Chief Whip is all
in all … he decides who is to do what … Our situation is vulnerable.4
Not all of those who want to speak are allowed time. Some are allotted
time. For that, cautioned the RSWP, ‘one needs to have a “special quali-
fication” that we do not have. To be able to influence the decision of the
Chief Whip, they have to do many things that we do not do or will never
be able to do.’
RSWPs are also given less allocation for development. They receive
one-third of the allocation that a popularly elected MP receives for test
relief (TR) and food for works program (KABIKHA). Technically, a
RSWP does not have a specified constituency to represent. However‚ she
is given she is given responsibility for several upazilas(6/7), but does not
receive any allocation for their development. On the other hand, a popu-
larly elected MP is entitled to recommend infrastructural projects worth
TK. 40 million every year for his/her constituency to be implemented

by contractors. Many other privileges and facilities granted to a directly
elected MP are not given to RSWPs. For example, MPs are made chairs
of governing bodies of high schools and colleges, but RSWPs are not
allowed to be even members. Nor do RSWPs have any role to play in
the working of local councils, particularly the Upazila Parishad (UZP)
and Zila Parishad (ZP). Local government laws require different councils
to mandatorily seek the opinion of the local MP before undertaking any
activity and by local MP, people usually mean constituency MP. RSWPs
are mostly ignored; they are not apparently considered to be MPs. One
RSWP, in conversation with the authors, confirmed it. She observed:
I’m a woman. I am addressed as a ‘woman’ MP, whereas a constituency

MP is addressed as an MP. I am introduced in different functions as a
reserved seat woman parliamentarian and people do it almost religiously.
Like a man, I have been involved in politics and political activities for a
long time. I am associated with all front organizations of the party. Despite
having involvement with so many organizational activities, when I’m intro-
duced in such a way I feel bad … seriously bad.5
Patriarchy is widely evident. In fact, one of the greatest hurdles to the

empowerment of RSWP is patriarchy. A national daily quotes a RSWP
in the following way: ‘It is really sad that many of our elected male col-
leagues do not look upon [us] with respect. Some of them tease us as
parliament’s “call girls.” Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is working for the
empowerment of women. But many of her party MPs strongly believe in
patriarchy—immersed in patriarchal values and beliefs.’ (Amader Shomoy,
March 3, 2016). Patriarchy is strongly entrenched in other institutions
of the society—family, party, and even the judiciary. Narrating the dif-
ficulties faced in her early years in politics, one RSWP attending the FGD
observed:
My brothers and sisters were all good students. I also did extremely well
in my SSC and HSC examinations securing a position in the merit list in
the latter. When I started politics after getting admitted at the University
of Dhaka, my brothers told my father: “She has become a liability for the
family. We cannot face others for her … people can see her pictures in the
newspapers … she has been spoiled. Abba (father), you do something;
otherwise we [family] will be in trouble and such a good student’s career
will be spoiled … family members did not allow me even to attend any
invitation. Now when they take pride saying that our sister is an MP, I
try to scold them and make them responsible for torturing me mentally
… Only one male member in the family was my protector – my father.
He always supported me and after my marriage, my father in law also
defended me.6
Another RSWP attending the FGD also had similar experience when she
was actively involved in Student League [a front organization of AL]
politics in the 1990s. She used to live in a Dhaka University student hos-
tel. Although one of her first uncles used to live in Dhaka, she did not
have easy access to his house as she was involved in student politics. Her
uncle used to remind her that her mother sent her money not for doing
politics but for study. Whenever there was any unrest in the university or
hostel and students were asked to leave hostels immediately, she used go
to her friends’ houses. Her uncle and aunt did not approve of her doing
politics. Yet when she became an MP, her aunt called her seeking help to
solve some problems. Other relatives also ask for help since she is an MP.
But their mindset has not changed yet. Still now, many relatives or peo-
ple in the so-called high societies do not want to accept them, although
they readily seek to enjoy advantages.
RSWPs face opposition from various sources, for example, parties, DSPs,
DSWPs, and hybrid politicians. Some RSWPs consider their election from
the reserved seat as a stepping stone to be associated with mainstream
politics—electoral politics. Their target, as some have observed, is to get
elected on popular votes. Yet the task is not an easy one. Perhaps, the great-
est challenge comes from DSPs, referred here as constituency MPs. They
consider RSWPs as their main adversaries, rivals. One RSWP observed that
her constituency MP does not visit the constituency very often. On the
other, she spends much more time in the constituency than the DSP and
has better links with the people. Yet, he is called the ‘elected’ and she as the
‘reserved’ MP. She finds it disgraceful when some people say: ‘even though
you are an MP, you are still not equal to him.’ This hurts her.
RSWPs usually try to build a constituency with a view to preparing
themselves for party nomination in the next election. This risks RSWPs
becoming the target of attack by DSWPs. Many RSWPs spend more
time in their own areas than DSWPs. Some consider the present DSWPs
as their competitors and thus try to raise issues in parliament that con-
cern the people of their own areas as a means to appeal to them for votes
in the future. Usually, a RSWP is likely to face greater hostility from a

constituency MP if both have responsibilities for the same constituency.
Conflict between the two is likely to be inevitable in these constituencies
than in areas where the two hold responsibilities for separate constituen-
cies.
One national daily observed that a directly elected MP once threat-
ened a RSWP from abroad when he came to know that the latter would
attend a prize-giving ceremony in their constituency. He observed that
the ‘reservist’ was not to be considered as an MP, so she should not be
allowed to enter into the constituency. In fact, supporters of the MP
attacked the function in presence of the RSWP; many children were
wounded. Since then, the RSWP secretly visits the constituency when the
constituency MP is not there (Bangladesh Protidin, February 4, 2016).
Similar cases have been reported form other constituencies. One Dhaka
MP used to take a female party leader with him wherever he used to go
or whenever he held meetings. However, he started behaving differently
after she became an MP. The two now consider each other as adversaries,
not allies, as in the past. A RSWP, who was a directly elected MP in the
last parliament, argued that the latter has better contact with the elector-
ate than the former. The people of the constituency do not appear to be
as enthusiastic now as they were during her last term as a directly elected
MP (Bangladesh Protidin, February 4, 2016).
RSWPs observed that one must understand that they wanted to have
a political career. Many of them have travelled a long way to reach this
position. They are not political ‘novices.’ But the recent trend toward
encouraging hybrids to join parliamentary politics is likely to cause one
of the main threats to democratic consolidation in the country. In fact,
those who have a glorious political past feel very threatened because of
the quick rise of hybrids, especially daughters of ministers/MPs. As one
RSWP observed:
There are two trends in AL politics: daughters of ministers/MPs think that

they are owners, and we’re laborers. You’ve got two/three (seats of MP) –
that’s more than enough. We will get the majority because our fathers did
it. In fact, we are now more concerned about our survival. Nomination is
somewhat become secondary. Many have entered the parliament without
knowing when to say ‘Joy Bangla”, “Joy Bangabadhu” … many hybrids say
that at the beginning of the speech; whereas those who have involvement
with AL politics know that they have to end their speech by saying so.7
Many DSPs consider their parliamentary seats something like private

properties; only they have the right to use it; and after their death, only
their family members should be entitled to hold offices at any cost.
In fact, dynastic succession and familial politics are widely noticed in
Bangladesh; these have almost become part of the political culture. Most
of the women parliamentarians have been nominated because of their
family relations with parties to which they belong. As Jahan (2015, p.
119) has observed:
Family connections are particularly important for women to gain leader-

ship positions in political parties. Many women members of parliament get
nomination as successors to their father’s or husband’s seats. In the ninth
parliament, out of the 18 directly elected women MPs (with the exception
of Hasina and Khaleda), more than half were dynastic inheritors.
Many of those who cannot be accommodated are assured of/given

a place in parliament after elections. The change in the system of elec-
tion to reserved seats now allows not only the ruling party but also other
major parties to adopt this strategy.
Patriarchy, which is widely evident, works in various ways. One RSWP
observed that she had held senior positions in a District Women AL for
a long time. However, when she asked for a position in the district or
upazila AL committee, people started saying that she could not leave
the Mahila (Women) Awami League as if she was indispensable for its
survival. Actually, it was intended to technically drop her from the race
for MP. Two RSWPs observed that AL was probably the most gen-
dered political party in the country. Even BNP was less gendered than
the AL; it had three women district presidents/secretaries. Many Awami
Leaguers even do not hesitate to ensure defeat of party women candi-
dates so that they do not hold leadership positions. As an example, one
RSWP attending our FGD referred to the last municipal mayoral elec-
tions. Seven women candidates for mayors were nominated by the AL
in seven safe constituencies. But only two got elected; the rest were
defeated. One of the important reasons underlying defeat was the sup-
port extended to opposition male candidates by many Awami Leaguers,
a kind of ‘unholy’ alliance between two adversaries; the strategy was
mostly intended to check the rise of female leadership.
Another important development to be noticed is that it is a fight not
only between men and women. The RSWPS and DSWPs also consider
each other as adversaries; one wants to prosper at the expense of the

other. The latter do not want to act as mentors to the former; rather,
there is some kind of serious competition between the two in some
places. Like their male counterparts, women DSWPs are also keen to
ensure dynastic domination than to act as role models for new genera-
tion of women party activists.
Conclusion
This chapter has tried to explore the role of RSWPs in Bangladesh. It
shows that although they are not to be seen as  alangkar, they cannot
be considered as ahangkar either, however, not for their own failures or
faults, but for defects of the context within which they have to work. An
average RSWP appears to be more active, at least in terms of moving dif-
ferent types of motions in the parliament, than DSWPs, or even many
direct-seat parliamentarians (DSPs). Their motions also focus on a wide
variety of issues than those raised by other categories of MPs. However,
they face considerable difficulties in charting out a political career for
themselves; these problems risk making a RSWP an ‘onlooker’ in the
long run or even a mere spectator, if not an alangkar.
Male parliamentarians do not appear to have a positive opinion about
the role and performance of the RSWPs. Nor does the top party leadership
appear to have an inclination to allow RSWPs to have a genuine political
career. Experience shows that only a few RSWPs are given a second chance
to become an MP. Nor can a RSWP realistically expect to be nominated
to a general seat. The top leadership of the party (AL) has warned RSWPs
not to try to create separate political spaces for themselves in their con-
stituencies. The Prime Minster has made it clear that RSWPs will not be
nominated to contest general seats.8 This could be seen as a disincentive to
those who want to choose politics as a profession. To some extent, it can
also be seen as a triumph of patriarchy and familial politics over democracy.
Notes
1. http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm. Accessed: October 24, 2016.
2. For example, in Pakistan the National Assembly must meet 130 days a
year. In Britain, the House remains in session for 146 days a year. Each sit-
ting day lasts about eight hours. The Indian Parliament meets, on an aver-
age, 100 days a year, with each sitting day lasting from 5.2 to 7.3 h.
3. RSWPs and DSWPs differ in a number of respects, e.g., age, income, and
connection to power politicians. In this paper, we will focus mostly on
their nature of activism in the House. Space limitations will not allow us to
dwell on other differences between the two groups of women MPs.
4. FGD held on February 10, 2016.
8. (Ctn24.com., July 26, 2016).
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H. Doring (Ed.), Parliaments and majority rule in Western Europe. Frankfurt:
St. Martin’s Press.
CHAPTER 3
Women in Parliament—Entering the Public

Male Domain in Bhutan
Sonam Chuki
Bhutan is a small developing country in South Asia, situated between the

world’s largest democracy, India, and the powerful emergent economy
of China (Sherpa 2013, p. 42; Jha 2013, p. 1). Bhutan never experi-
enced British colonial aggression as did the other countries on mainland
South Asia and remained a sovereign state largely untouched as a result
of its geographical isolation (Phuntsho 2013, p. 63; Sinpeng 2007,
p. 34). The monarchy remained the established political system until
March 2008 when the Fourth King decided to introduce democracy by
decree (Turner et al. 2011). The King’s devolution of executive power
by decree was not driven by international pressure, economic crisis nor
the citizen’s movement for democracy (Turner et al. 2011, p. 185). The
King personally travelled across the country and persuaded unwilling
people to accept democracy before the new change gained its support.
The majority conservative, politically passive and uneducated population
supported the monarchy for they preferred ‘the paternalistic style of gov-
ernance’ (Sinpeng 2007, pp. 40–41).
S. Chuki (*) 
Royal Education Council, Paro, Bhutan

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_3
42 S. Chuki
Bhutan has a parliamentary system of government patterned mostly

on the Westminster model. The Prime Minister is the head of the execu-
tive, while the parliament consists of the National Assembly (NA), the
National Council (NC) and the King. Thus, the King remains one of
the key actors in Bhutanese politics. There are 25 seats in the National
Council or the Upper House. Five of them (eminent personalities)
are nominated by the King and 20 elected from 20 districts. National
Assembly or lower house consists of 47 members elected from 47 con-
stituencies. Both houses have to meet at least twice a year; both also
enjoy legislative powers, although money bills and finance bills origi-
nate in the NA. In case of disagreement between the two houses, a joint
session is called to resolve the problem. The Constitution requires that
elections to the National Assembly shall be by two political parties estab-
lished through a primary round of election in which all registered politi-
cal parties may participate. Funding for election campaign to registered
political parties is provided by the Election Commission.
Elections to the parliament have been held twice: first in 2008 and
second in 2013. The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) won the elec-
tions in 2013, while Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT) party, which was
in power for 5 years (2008–2013), became the main opposition party. A
study of Bhutan’s first elections showed that at the national level, voter
turnout for the National Council was 53% and for the National Assembly
79.3% (Sithey and Dorji 2009, p. 356). According to Sithey and Dorji
(2009, p. 362), in the 2008 elections women constituted 51.8% of the
total 186,431 cast votes in the National Assembly election. Women
continue to outnumber men in voter registration and participation.
According to the Election Commission of Bhutan (ECB), there were
about 193,873 female registered voters against 187,917 male voters
out of 381,790 registered voters for the primary rounds of the National
Assembly elections held on 31 May 2013 (Dema 2013a, p. 1). Such
numbers suggest that women are concerned about the political process
and are eager to participate in the democratic process through voting.
While men have traditionally been more active in public forums, they
seem to take less interest in voting.
However, more female voters did not translate into the nomination
and/or election of women to political office (Tremblay 2006). A total
of 30 women candidates including two women party leaders contested
the 2013 elections. The number of women elected to parliament is
also very low. The existing patriarchal socio-culture does not seem to
3 WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT—ENTERING THE PUBLIC MALE … 43
support women’s participation in public decision-making in general and

politics in particular. This can be traced back to the history of women’s
low status and subservient roles in the Bhutanese governance system.
However, following the first democratic elections held in Bhutan in
2008, ten women were elected to the National Council and the National
Assembly. They were entering a political space which was implacably
masculine in its practices and processes. While these women approached
the parliament with a sense of victory, their male colleagues were unwel-
coming and sometimes intimidating because they had challenged and
changed the norm for what it meant to be a politician in Bhutan. Within
this dominant male environment, women had to carve out their position.
Their involvement in the Council’s and Assembly’s Committees, and
their voice and leverage during the process of legislation exposed the par-
liamentary milieu as masculine and not an easy work place for a woman.
During the process of legislation, different dynamics between men and
women parliamentarians were revealed.
The entry of women into the parliament also raised issues about further-
ing gender equity in the parliament. One method which has been embraced
in some advanced Western democracies and a few developing democra-
cies is seat reservation. However, such strategies are not widely welcomed
in Bhutan. The women parliamentarians were also examined over their
seemingly passive stance in the National Assembly and their leverage in the
National Council. These women politicians are heavily scrutinized by the
Bhutanese society as to their presence and activity in the parliament.
Masculine Political Space

Patriarchy is rooted in ‘political, social, or economic forms, whether of
caste or class, feudality, or bureaucracy, just as it pervades all major reli-
gions; it also exhibits great variety in history and locale’ (Millett 2000,
p. 25). Parliament is a patriarchal space. In Bhutan, the National
Assembly is housed in a traditionalDzong (fortress) architectural design
although it was built in modern times. Traditionally, Dzongs were a com-
pletely male space in terms of purpose, structure and functions although
today the female workforce share its space with minimal practical needs
like a separate washroom. The National Assembly building’s structure is
very formal and has a hierarchical ambience. A few women members are
scattered around in a big hall amid a large male presence. However, the
National Council is located in a less formal structure, a single storeyed
44 S. Chuki
modern building. The Council is less intimidating with members sit-

ting quite close to each other in a semi-circular arrangement although
the Chairperson has an elevated seat. The women members in the
Council appear quite at ease during deliberations. Since renovation of
the Assembly and Council buildings, modern washrooms for men and
women are available, at least addressing basic practical gender needs.
However, it is yet to be seen whether women will be permitted to breast-
feed their children in these buildings.
The Bhutanese parliament’s nature and structure exhibit m asculine
domination in terms of male supremacy. The fundamental masculine
political culture‚ symbols and language are carried forward through
the dominant Buddhist culture in the form of sword, scarves and boots
which are largely a male prerogative. The parliamentary language,
Dzongkha, is difficult for most women politicians to articulate their ideas
in debate because they were not as proficient as most men. This is attrib-
utable to their less experience in the use of high-flown official Dzongkha
in public debates.
Further, in Indonesia, Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of
the country’s charismatic first President was accepted as the political
candidate because she was the president’s child and (Kwok 2014). In
Bhutan the first cohort of ten women parliamentarians had to try and
fit into ‘ill-fitting’ men’s attire. During the process of trying the male
political skin, the female body experienced more pressure because it is
strikingly different from the presented masculine norm. ‘Gender blind-
ness has been the orthodoxy in political theory, even in radical critiques
of liberal democracy’ (Puwar 2004a, p. 14).
A young woman parliamentarian, who is also a mother, lived within
the vicinity of parliament to attend to her young breast feeding child
during the lunch hour. Two of her colleagues who were young mothers
quickly returned home during short breaks to feed their children. Some
advanced democratic countries still operate within the masculine model
in parliament. In the UK, for example, breastfeeding was prohibited in
the House of Commons in 2000 (Puwar 2004, p. 88, see also Puwar
2002, p. 129). In a similar vein, the Australian Parliament House had no
child care room until 2009 but had a gym, pool and meditation room
(Crawford and Pini 2010, p. 613; Crawford and Pini 2011, p. 93).
Moreover, opponents mercilessly blamed Edith Cowan, the first
woman who was elected to parliament during her first campaign for
abandoning her husband and children although she was 60 years of
age then, and her husband was out campaigning for her (Sawer and
Simms 1993, p. 82). This patriarchal attitude still appears to remain
in contemporary Australia. Australia’s first woman Prime Minister,
Julia Gillard, was criticized for not being a ‘natural woman’ in terms
of having no husband and children and therefore not being able to
relate to average Australians (Kent 2010, pp. 227, 231). In addition,
the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC 2012) YouTube video
revealed that former Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, faced misogyny and
sexist comments from Tony Abbott, the then Leader of the Opposition.
Women and Elections
Entering the male political space, parliament, has not been easy for
Bhutanese women (see Table 3.1). Wangmo, one of the senior woman
members in the National Council, said that it is challenging for a woman
politician to be included in party politics. Wangmo’s experience is true
for most women. During the 2008 elections, all four women in the
National Assembly from the victorious DPT joined party politics with
men’s support. In 2013 general elections in the National Assembly, only
three women were elected from the winning PDP. Although their tenure
in office ended, the King re-appointed two former women Councillors as
his eminent representatives in the National Council, which did not have
a single elected woman representative.
Grey and Sawer (2005) argue that in Australia and New Zealand wom-
en’s low representation in parliament and leadership roles within it for
about half a century can be attributed to the male-driven political parties’
‘gate keeping’ function (Grey and Sawer 2005, p. 176). In the Bhutanese
National Assembly, during the second parliamentary elections the number
of women dwindled from four to three women out of 47 parliamentarians.
However, the PDP government provided one of the ministerial berths to a
Table 3.1 Composition of Parliament of Bhutan
Parliament 2008 2013
Male Female Male Female
National assembly 43 4 43 4
National council 19 6 23 2
Total 62 10 66 6
Source Chuki (2015)

46 S. Chuki
woman. Thus, the country has its first woman Minister. Further, a woman
candidate entered parliament when male member resigned after the 2013
general election. After the DPT’s president’s resignation (Wangchuk
2013a, p. 1), the DPT supporters nominated Dechen Zangmo, a woman
entrepreneur from an influential local family.
Therefore, it was easier for women from influential families to obtain
political nomination from male party gatekeepers (Dema 2013b, p. 1).
A by-election was held on 9 November 2013. Dechen Zangmo won the
elections. Hence, the number of women in the Assembly rose to four as
in the first period of parliament and the percentage of women’s represen-
tation increased to 8 from 7% with six females out of 72 members (BBS
2013j). When the opposition adopted Ministries and agencies based on
the custom of shadow Ministers, Dechen Zangmo was given the respon-
sibility for women and children issues (Dorji 2013, p. 1; Wangchuk
2013b, p. 1). In the traditional male-defined political arena, women’s
roles in both ruling and opposition parties appear to be relegated to con-
ventional soft subjects (Puwar 2004, p. 89). These issues are considered
less important when compared to ‘hard’ and significant issues such as
‘foreign policy, economic or defense’ (Puwar 2004, p. 89).
Men and Women in National Parliament

In general, men and women parliamentarians are of view that they have
a cordial personal and professional relationship. However, men and
women differed on issues of ethics and moral values. Women participants
in the research study generally perceived men to be more ambitious,
publicity seeking, changing stances depending on situations and playing
politics in a negative manner. Men were seen to accept pressure with-
out upholding their principles either being diplomatic or crafty in their
professional conduct. On the contrary, women remain steadfast, princi-
pled and consistent with their views in an erratic political environment.
Women saw themselves to have less ambition than men and preferred
working behind the scenes and meeting deadlines rather than emerging
into the limelight. Women also felt that they were more easily accessible
than most men.
There is a general view that men parliamentarians were more visible
than women as the latter were not seen as often as men on television
or heard on radio. Similarly, IDEA’s recent study (2014a) showed that
women focus less on media coverage during their election campaign than
men. In Peru, for example, men spent’4.8 times more on media cover-
age than women’ in their 2006 elections. Men put in time and effort
for political marketing and therefore fare well at the polls (IDEA 2014).
Yangden, a senior woman parliamentarian in the Council, stated that
men are ‘real’ politicians implying a negative undertone. Yangden reiter-
ated that she had no qualms about expressing her honest views about
men to their face. Zhiwa, a young woman parliamentarian, and Wangmo,
another senior woman parliamentarian in the Council, agreed with
Yangden’s views. Wangmo opined that women spent more time working
and less time marketing themselves whereas men just did the opposite.
A study of gender in the Australian parliament confirms that men
spent more time on self-promotion than women (Crawford and Pini
2011, pp. 91, 96). Shreejana, a senior woman member in the Assembly
with more than a decade’s work experience prior to joining politics, said
that people find women politicians sensitive and approachable. Seven out
of ten women parliamentarians said that women politicians were much
more committed than men in supporting individual and collective vot-
ers’ needs. They said that they ensure that all possible is done until the
problem is resolved. They thought that men were casual about individual
voter’s problems.
The two youngest women parliamentarians felt that senior and veteran
men, including an old Minister, undermined their capacity to address
public policies. Pangchen, one of the young woman parliamentarians in
the Assembly, stated that men tend to disapprove when women stress
women’s issues and sought men’s support by including men’s concerns.
Deki, the youngest woman member in the Assembly, often lobbied one
or two men for support and had them to convince the rest of the men
when all four women in the Assembly failed to seek men’s support.
Thus, women tend to use a non-confrontational approach when seeking
male support for a redress on issues that largely affect women.
Some men parliamentarians thought that women in the Council were
more capable than women in Assembly. A single woman in the Assembly
was named as capable but tough and emotional. The other three mem-
bers were seen as passive participants. However, Kinga, an intellectual
young male member, who is the Deputy Chair in the Council, saw men
and women as people’s representatives in parliament and had an equal
amount of respect for them. Like Kinga, Lhendup, a senior male mem-
ber in the Assembly, stated that he respected men and women as the
people’s representative irrespective of their gender. Tshering, a senior
48 S. Chuki
male member in the Council, thought that despite the abilities of women
in the Council, they could not work as a team to address bigger women’s
issues. But, Kinga opined that women themselves take different stand on
gender issues and that subjects are discussed on its merit and not on gen-
der perspective.
Gender was given less importance than merit and capable women
Councillors appeared to overlook women’s issues and act in a gender-
blind manner. However, women Councillors ensured inclusion of both
‘he/she’ in the Constitution during the first session of the parliament in
2008 when ‘he’ was used to refer to both male and female. A male DPT
Minister in the Assembly claimed that Bhutanese politics was not yet
tainted with the negative labels of politics and suggested that both men
and women politicians were in the process of learning to deal with the
complexities of politics. The Opposition Leader differed and said that
several men and some women parliamentarians in the Assembly had poor
conduct. He cited women parliamentarians in the Council as role models
for aspiring women politicians. Both men and women parliamentarians
labelled one senior, capable woman Councillor, who promoted women’s
issues, as a feminist in a negative sense.
Able women parliamentarians were cautious of openly promoting
women’s issues lest they be negatively termed feminist in the face of huge
male dominance. Both men and women have very little understanding of
feminism other than its association with women’s issues. Hence in such a
context, feminism seems to cause fury among the educated and influential
elite. In a mature and much admired democracy like Norway, for example,
there were a few women politicians who were feminist activists and men
did not receive them well. Women faced difficulty in representing their
sex (Bystydzienski 1995, pp. 93–95). In Australian party politics, women
with strong feminist views face disappointment in a political environment
where women’s issues are sidelined (Sawer and Simms 1993, p. 208).
Men and Women on Parliamentary Committees

Both the National Council and the National Assembly have a set of
committees related to key areas of governance. There were 15 different
committees in the Assembly and seven in the Council during the first
term of parliament. In the Assembly, two women served as Chairpersons
of Education Development and Women and Children’s Committees.
The other three women participated in other committees as members.
All four women agreed that they learnt from their colleagues in small
groups of different committees. In principle, women stated that equal
opportunity is given to both men and women. However, one woman’s
Chairperson responsibility was given to a male member in the Ethics and
Credential Committee even after her nomination as the Chair by her
male colleagues within that committee and her full agreement to accept
the position. The Speaker who approved the Chairpersons of different
committees undermined the young woman legislator’s age and limited
work experience in being able to manage other senior members.
Women parliamentarians in the UK have needed to work hard to
prove themselves continuously and experienced ‘a double burden of
doubt and representation’ (Puwar 2004, p. 91). In Norway, most
women politicians have experienced difficulties in influencing decisions
in committees. However, men got into committees of their choice and
could wield power and direct decisions (Bystydzienski 1995, pp. 86–87).
Similarly, in Australia, men dominated economics and security-related
committees and women occupied health and education committees
(Crawford and Pini 2011, pp. 90–92).
Deki, the youngest woman member in the Assembly, did not chair
any committees but was a member of Environment/Land, Urban
Development and Poverty Reduction Committees. Despite her male
colleagues’ offer of Chairpersonship, she was apprehensive about her
ability to meet the committee’s objectives. Dawa, a young male mem-
ber in the Assembly, was a member of Ethics and Credential and Public
Accounts Committee. He said that he encouraged young women mem-
bers to learn and improve their managerial capacity in the Assembly. He
added that he found the senior woman member of the Council, who was
Chairperson of the Joint Public Accounts Committee of parliament, to
be a tough but balanced person.
As opposed to the Assembly, the responsibility of the Chairperson of
all seven committees is rotated among 25 members including six women
in the Council and appears democratic. The main reason was to provide
equal opportunity to everyone. The Chair’s main duty was to organize
the meetings, identify issues and set the agenda. It was important as the
entire sessions of the Council depended on the Chair’s work. In the con-
duct of the meeting, there was very little difference between the Chair
and members as everyone was treated equally and had equal amount of
voice in the discussions. Wangmo, a senior woman Councillor, opined
that Chairperson was just a title. Instead, the role was result oriented in
50 S. Chuki
nature and the Chair had to seek all members’ support to get the work
completed. She observed that a young Chairperson faced the challenge
of gaining all committee members’ support and often worked alone. But,
Kinga, a young member in the Council, stated that he had no reserva-
tions against women chairing parliamentary committees.
The youngest woman member chaired a Committee whereas the
oldest and the most experienced Councillor remained a member of the
Committee. Women Chaired the Good Governance, Public Accounts,
Legislative and Socio-Cultural committees based on a system of rota-
tion. The Committees were important working bodies where most of the
critical debates related to parliamentary agendas were discussed in great
detail before the formal presentation and discussion in the Council and
in joint sittings of the Council and the Assembly. It was in these small
groups that women attempted to persuade their men colleagues on
highly contested issues such as rape, child support in the case of divorced
parents and domestic violence. Kinga and Yangden commented that the
Council had a democratic spirit and an open-minded work culture. The
men in the Council were also noted to be well-educated, experienced,
worldly and therefore open to ideas and dialog.
The fine difference between the Council and Assembly was that the
Council members were free of party affiliation and clear and confident
about their stance. The Assembly members were guided by their party
positions and restrained in taking individual stands. Further, all women
in the Council thought that women from the Assembly lacked an open
attitude of learning and were least prepared for the Joint Committee
discussions. The experienced women thought that the two youngest
women members in the Council exhibited an open attitude of learn-
ing and sought advice from senior and experienced men and women
Councillors as and when required and built their professional capacity.
There are now ten Committees in the Assembly. The former Women and
Children’s Committee was renamed as the Women, Children and Youth
Committee. The new name appears broader in scope as it implies inclu-
sion of not only women and children but also youth.
The Divergent Views of Men and Women on Rape

Women parliamentarians in the National Assembly interviewed for this
study stated that their men colleagues were usually supportive of gender
issues because almost all of them had a family. There were times when
they refused to support women’s issues for they did not experience the
same problems that women faced. Women had to make efforts to per-
suade them and win their support. Male parliamentarians were worried
about serious penalties against male rapists who inflict irreversible pain
on children and they seemed to identify with the perpetrator. Women
did have the ability to address significant social issues like rape through
strong preventative law.
Dema added that she was able to lobby and convince her scepti-
cal male colleagues through evidence-based information from national
and international perspectives. She said that she attempted to win the
majority’s support and ignored a few who had obstinate views that
the majority’s opinion was recognized in democracy. She also thought
that her lobbying skills failed when the majority were against her views.
Persuading skills seem challenging in a workplace with only four women,
who were young in age and inexperienced, and 43 men, who were older
in age and experienced, particularly, the ten seasoned Ministers.
Well-educated, experienced, worldly and articulate women in the
Council made extra efforts to convince male members, including
Ministers in the Assembly, during the discussion of rape in a joint sitting
of parliament. Yangzom, the young member in the Council, noted that
she and her colleagues in their Committee in which rape was discussed
worked very hard to gather comprehensive information on rape registered
in all the 20 Dzongkhag (District) courts, the Thimphu referral hospital’s
forensic unit and police and a comparative research on rape penalties from
15 different countries. She said that men members in the Council were
convinced after listening to a well-researched argument with hard facts.
She added that it is critical to garner men’s assistance through conciliatory
means while discussing sensitive women’s issues like rape.
Zhiwa, a young woman politician, who was one of the King’s emi-
nent representatives in the Council, added that men politicians in the
Council were convinced of and agreed to the need to make the rape pen-
alty more a deterrent but some of male members in the Assembly argued
that the rape penalty was too heavy. Zhiwa argued that there is no need
to make another law if people behaved and rape does not take place.
She added that male members including the Ministers in the Assembly
argued against tough rape penalties. She thought that it was important
to institute a stringent rape penalty because despite the awareness, rape
occurred and a strong penalty would serve as preventative measure. It
is interesting to note that gender alignment took place while discussing
52 S. Chuki
rape. Men parliamentarians identified with perpetrators and women with

victims of rape during the process of discussion.
Women Seeking Support from Male Colleagues: The

Domestic Violence Prevention Bill
Radical feminists view male sex and power along with domestic violence
as an explicit manifestation of patriarchy (Millett 2000, pp. 23–26,
Waters 2007, p. 253). The patriarchal social structure of masculine domi-
nation and feminine subjugation exposes women to violence. Despite the
rise in domestic violence, women parliamentarians struggled to convince
men. During the process of the Domestic Violence Prevention Bill enact-
ment, Dema was the Chair of the Women and Children’s Committee.
She commented that she lobbied with her male colleagues and initiated
ten rounds of Women and Children’s Committee discussions in which
she invited supporters and sceptics to comment on the contested clauses
of the Bill. Further, the Women and Children’s Committee met with the
stakeholders in the government and civil society.
However, the study found that male members had reservations dur-
ing the process of the Bill’s discussion in parliament. The Speaker of the
National Assembly, an old man, condescendingly expressed that there
were only about 50–60 women instead of 250 women who were given
permits to observe the discussion. Most men legislators spoke against
the Bill. As recorded in the researcher’s field notes from the parliamen-
tary proceedings on 4 July 2012, some young male parliamentarians
appeared insensitive to the rising domestic violence against women in the
recent years, all of which had been covered by NCWC and RENEW’s
study, print and broadcast media. The author’s observation of the par-
liamentary debate showed that out of four, three women supported the
Bill. One was silent all through the discussion because of her limited
Dzongkha language.
The institution of protection and social welfare officers to care for the
victims in all 20 Dzongkhags (District) was the most important aspect
of the Bill. This clause resembles the Indian ‘The Protection of Women
from Domestic Violence Act, 2005’ for it has instituted protection
officer in the Act (The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence
Act 2005, p. 2). The protection officers are state government appointed
public servants and authorized to carry out key functions related to pro-
tection of victims of domestic violence (The Protection of Women from
Domestic Violence Act 2005, pp. 4 and 9). However, in Bhutan’s con-
text, this clause became the point of debate and was not well received
during the discussion of the Bill. Eight male members including an old
veteran male Minister objected, stating that there was a conflict of inter-
est with the police as the police looked after the cases related to domes-
tic violence. They were insensitive about the existing culture of silence
among the victims as many bore emotional trauma to save their family
image. The victims sought police assistance as the last alternative when
everything else had failed. In the hierarchical Bhutanese cultural context,
people tend to listen to senior members in organizations including par-
liament. Although the Prime Minister did not share his views in the par-
liament, he supported the Bill in the cabinet. Also, three male Ministers
spoke for the Bill.
After 2 days of detailed and heated discussion observed by many
Bill supporters, who were mostly women, the National Assembly cast a
vote on 5 July 2012. Out of 42 members present in the Assembly, 40
of them voted for the Bill, one abstained and one voted against the Bill.
The Prime Minister’s support helped to pass the Bill with a huge ‘yes’
vote. The existing literature on gender in masculine organizations points
out that when women are a minority, they have the leverage to use their
symbolic position to advance themselves (Yoder 1991, p. 187). On the
contrary, in the National Council the Bill was well discussed in relation
to critical issues and was easily passed.
Seat Reservation in the Parliament

The topic of seat reservation or quota is an important aspect of current
thinking on women and politics. The existing literature indicates that
the concept of quota and its implementation is highly contested. In spite
of the limitations of the quota system, past and recent research shows
that gender quotas have been introduced in several countries around
the world. According to International IDEA (2013), about 110 coun-
tries use quotas either ‘voluntary, legislative or through reserved seats’.
More than 60 countries have initiated gender quota in the past 15 years
through constitution revision, electoral laws and party rules to allocate
a certain number of party seats for women (Dahlerup and Freidenvall
2005, p. 26; Paxton et al. 2007, p. 269).
In Bhutan, since 2012 there has been public discussion about seat
reservation to increase women’s representation in parliament. The UN
54 S. Chuki
played an active role in quota debate. The topic of quota was discussed
in UN Women organized workshop in 2012. There were views for and
against a quota. Some key participants from the South Asian region sup-
ported quota. The workshop pointed to the need for deeper discussion
on the quota issue following the first election and the lack of legisla-
tion to ensure minimum level of women’s representation in the country
(Zangmo 2012, p. 1).
Similarly, UNDP Bhutan initiated an e-discussion in 2012 on the scope
of women’s participation in politics in the 2013 elections. According to the
author’s participation, one view suggested seat reservation in parliament
until a certain percentage of women in parliament is attained (Solution-
Exchange Bhutan Discussion 27 February–19 March 2012, p. 3). The
contested view argued for letting capable women exercise their own choice
rather than asking government to encourage them as there were adequate
numbers of able women in professional jobs who can be elected to office
based on their capacity and help build confidence for all women (Solution-
Exchange Bhutan Discussion 27 February–19 March 2012, p. 3).
Further, women’s seat reservation in parliament was raised during the
National Assembly elections of 2013. In those primary and general elec-
tions, the ruling party promised formulation of a legislation of 20% quota
for women in all elected offices (PDP Manifesto 2013, p. 50). The DCT,
one of the woman-led parties in the primary rounds also talked about
introducing a quota. Krook (2011) argues that political elites pursue quo-
tas for tactical reason (Krook 2011, p. 165) and appears true for Bhutan.
The interviewees saw quota as a highly contested subject. There
were men and women respondents across a wide spectrum who argued
for and against seat reservation. The reservation supporters argued for
quotas as a time-bound short-term measure to include a critical mass of
women in parliament to ensure an equal number of men and women
until a level playing field is met. It was acknowledged that it was going
to take a long time to equalize the men–women ratio in parliament if
capability is the premise to include women. There was a recognition that
it was important to balance men’s and women’s perspectives in dealing
with societal issues in legislation.
Bhutan has a majority First-Past-The-Post electoral system. Similarly,
in a BBS YouTube video (2014), Danish political scientist Dalherup
argued that Bhutanese men enjoyed an ‘indirect quota’ privilege for in
38 out of the 47 constituencies women could not vote for women as
there were no women candidates and without women’s full participation
democracy is incomplete. Tshendu, a young woman private documen-

tary film-maker, involved in making award winning films on Bhutanese
women leaders at local and national levels, viewed quota as an opportu-
nity for women to be an elected local government representative in the
face of their low education and patriarchal cultural beliefs. As for parlia-
ment, she opined that well-educated and capable women were against a
quota more than men. The women party leaders share similar view.
Most interviewees did not support quota. Some respondents con-
tended that the Constitution did not permit quotas. They also pointed
to the fact that there is no blatant gender discrimination and a quota
would not solve gender inequalities. Instead, equal opportunity must be
ensured to access education and employment for women to exhibit their
potential. They posited that there was no substantive evidence indicating
that women cannot come into parliament without a quota, and strongly
argued that women’s abilities would be undermined and women’s posi-
tions considered tokenism.
However, the ECB advocated for quota to enhance women’s participa-
tion in politics after its study of two parliamentary and Local Government
elections (Kuensel 2014a, b). Moreover, the need for quota re-emerged
as an important resolution in the NCWC and Bhutan Network for
Empowering Women (BNEW)’s ‘National Consultation-Conference on
Women in Politics in Bhutan’ in 2014 (Lamsang 2014, pp. 1–3).
Conclusion
Women across the world participate in a structurally masculine political
space and face difficulties in trying to fit into the male costume (Pateman
1989, p. 6). The IPU’s current statistics state that women’s representa-
tion in parliament at the global level is poor at 22% (IPU 2015). Closer
to Bhutan, women’s representation in parliament in some of the South
Asian countries is single-digit figures. Bhutan falls under this category
with 8%. Right from the process of being elected to parliament to their
ability to influence the outcome of decisions within the parliament,
women face challenges. In the Bhutanese context, women entered parlia-
ment with support from male party gatekeepers.
Despite their small numbers, the first cohort of Bhutanese women
parliamentarians managed to convince their male colleagues to pass criti-
cal Bills related to women and children’s issues. However, well-educated,
experienced and worldly women who exhibited confidence were well
56 S. Chuki
received compared with young women who had little work experience
prior to joining politics. Similarly, most men and some women politicians
disliked feminist women politicians who promoted women’s issues. Like
women politicians in advanced democracies, Bhutanese women politi-
cians were allocated soft subjects related to social affairs in parliament.
Women parliamentarians were principled, committed and industrious.
On the contrary, men were found to be good at political marketing and
switching their political gear in tandem with an erratic political environ-
ment. Although contested, parliamentary seat reservation appears to
be a way forward to improve women’s representation in the Bhutanese
parliament and the state efforts seem progressive toward this end. Seat
reservation has enhanced women’s representation in both mature and
emerging democratic countries.
Women’s entry to the Bhutanese parliament has ensured that change
has occurred. The first ten Bhutanese women parliamentarians have
demonstrated that it is possible for women to play a role in Bhutan’s
political life and move from the private to the public sphere. Despite the
impediments which they faced due to the entrenched masculine values
and practices, these ten women did pursue a legislature program and
actively participated in parliamentary committee work. They were trail-
blazers and challenged the male hegemony of Bhutan’s parliamentary
system. They have shown other women that a political career and a role
in the public space are possible for women in Bhutan.
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CHAPTER 4
Deepening Democracy in India: The Role

of Women Parliamentarians and Their
Challenges
Sangita Dhal and Bidyut Chakrabarty
In the aftermath of the Second World War, nations across the world
experienced a host of path-breaking changes leading to positive trans-
formations in the economic, social, and political spheres. The clamor for
democracy, freedom, and economic development were complimented by
the spread of liberal democratic values and ideas that touched the lives
of millions of people. In the backdrop of this enabling post-war envi-
ronment, women’s empowerment became an indispensable outcome of
a long drawn battle against gender inequality in the political domain.
One witnessed a steady and healthy trend of democratization of the
internal polity of the nation states across the globe, where women began
to stake claim to their legitimate space in the political sphere. Both, in
S. Dhal (*) 
Department of Political Science, Kalindi College,
University of Delhi, New Delhi, India
B. Chakrabarty 
Department of Political Science, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_4
60 S. Dhal and B. Chakrabarty
the western world as well as in the post-colonial states, political pro-

cesses and institutions began to acknowledge the growing importance of
women as a gender category, who had remained silent or underrepre-
sented in the political space despite their numerical strength, which has a
critical significance in democracy. Thus, the growing demand for democ-
racy, equality, and justice in the last century led to the establishment of
rule of law based on constitutionalism that paved the way for greater par-
ticipation of women in the political and decision-making processes. The
inclusive character of participatory democracy, which ensures equitable
representation, is considered to be an ideal model for delivering justice
to women and other underprivileged categories of people, who are jos-
tling for space in the political sphere (Dahlerup 2006).
Women as a gender category have encountered systemic disabilities
woven around sociopolitical structures of dominance and deprivation in
the past (Beauvoir 1988, Wharton 2006). However, today women are
gradually proving to be an indispensable part of every sphere of life rang-
ing from family to the larger domains of politics and economy. It appears
that women today are gradually recapturing the lost space in the social,
economic, and the political spheres, which was historically denied to them
due to a variety of factors, most importantly, patriarchy and its various
forms of expression such as domination and subjugation (Walby 1997,
Menon 1999). Nations across the world have realized the importance
of women who contribute toward national development and economic
growth in various capacities. India is a classic example of such a society
that embarked on the path of democracy and constitutionalism after inde-
pendence. It is an evolving democracy, where though slowly, but steadily
woman are attaining political and economic empowerment through par-
ticipation in the political processes and institutions (Kumar 1998).
This paper attempts to examine the nature and scope of women’s role
in the larger political landscape of India and tries to unravel the critical
aspects linked to their assertion in the political structures, institutions,
and policymaking processes. It will also try to analyze the historical and
present roadblocks that prevented women from entering into the so-
called male bastion, which is evident from the small percentage of their
overall representation in the Parliament. The study includes impor-
tant women parliamentarians from diverse backgrounds, representing
different political parties and their role in the legislative processes and
policymaking. The paper will also delve into the critical area of gender
quota in politics, wherein the demand for 33% reservation to women in
4 DEEPENING DEMOCRACY IN INDIA: THE ROLE OF WOMEN … 61
Parliament and state legislatures will be discussed. Last but not the least,
there will be an attempt to understand whether women’s political partici-
pation and representation in the Parliament and legislatures has any bear-
ing on the overall question of gender equality and gender justice, which
will lead to their empowerment and emancipation in the society.
Conceptual Framework
Despite the sacred objective of the Constitution of India to lay the foun-
dation of a just and equitable society, where men and women shall enjoy
equal status, the reality is that despite 70 years of independence, our
democratic polity reveals an entirely dismal picture. Social stereotyping
and violence at the domestic and societal levels are some of the mani-
festations of this deep-seated system of patriarchy. Discrimination against
girl child, adolescent girls, and women persists in every walk of life.
Women are denied the rights and opportunities that are available to men
both in the public and in the private domain (Jaggar 1983). Though the
Constitution grants equality to women and also empowers the state to
adopt measures of positive discrimination in favor of women, the actual
implementation of the state’s agenda runs into problem when con-
fronted with the structures of patriarchy from the grassroots level to the
topmost structures of administration. Annie Mascarene, the first woman
MP from Kerala who was elected to the First Lok Sabha as an independ-
ent candidate from Thiruvananthapuram constituency in 1952, lamented
the fact that women were not given their political dues in independent
India (Forbes 1998). Though India has witnessed the robust function-
ing of the formal representative institution of the Parliament since several
decades which mirrors the highly pluralistic social order, the proportion
of female representation has been relatively less as compared to the male
representation (Mehra and Kueck 2003).
The Feminist Perspective

Feminist idea aims to recreate society, culture, and politics in non-patriar-
chal forms and holds that participation in public life is a key to advancing
the status of women, gaining access to power and equal rights. Committed
to social progress and emancipation of women, activists of women move-
ments all over the world demand the end of patriarchal domination,
which is regarded as the root cause of gender inequality in the society
(Pitkin 1971, Eisenstein 1994, Millet 2000). They maintain that equality
of sexes requires radical transformation of power structure in the society.
Mary Wollstonecraft, one of the early feminists, advocated women’s
education, which would enable them to be autonomous decision-mak-
ers and economically independent of men. Radical feminists like Zillah
Eisenstein and Kate Millet demanded more powers for women in the
decision-making process and their access to state resources, benefits, and
protection. Millet promotes the concept of gender equality through equal
rights and proper job opportunities within the existing system. These
women activists support the process of modernization as it is democratic
and egalitarian and thus beneficial for wom (Kimmel and Aronson 2011).
Modernization is also associated with gender equality as it provides
women various opportunities for employment, which would not only
empower them socially but also enrich them financially. Melissa Williams
(1998) advocates political representation in legislative bodies for histori-
cally disadvantaged groups like women to combat systemic discrimination.
According to Williams democratic states should undertake special meas-
ures to include historically marginalized groups in representative bod-
ies whose perspectives would be excluded without the special measures.
Most of current demands over democracy revolve around the need for
more meaningful political presence (Phillip 1993), equal representation
(Kymlicka 1996), and political inclusion of the excluded groups (Young
2000), and this situation can become a reality only when all members of
the community are treated with equal concern (Dworkin 1978).
Changing Social Paradigms

In heterogeneous societies, there is a multiplicity of different and con-
flicting interests. Often there are particular interests and needs of women
which would be inadequately represented in a political system dominated
by men. Equal right to vote has not been able to deal with this problem
of unequal representation of women in representative bodies. Changing
the gender composition of elected assemblies is a major challenge to the
social arrangement which has systematically placed women in a subor-
dinate position. Young (2000) argues that in large-scale societies repre-
sentation and participation mutually require each other for politics to be
deeply democratic and representative. The issue of political presence was
also linked to the idea of participatory democracy which would enable
equitable representation. It is heartening to see that there is political will
emerging to have more women in public life.
Although the changes appear to be slow, the increasing presence of

women in Parliaments across the world is a positive trend for their politi-
cal empowerment. The 73rd constitutional amendment act in India, has
resulted in empowering women with increased political participation at
the grassroots level. Various studies have revealed that increasing women
participation in the local bodies has improved their functioning to a
significant extent. Elected women representatives at the local level are
making a difference in shifting the focus of development policy by high-
lighting basic needs issues such as water, food security, education, and
livelihood (Datta 1998; Jayal and Nussbaum 2003). It was expected that
the Act would overcome the centuries-old inhibition among women and
encourage them to gradually shoulder responsibilities in the Legislative
Assemblies and National Parliament.
The National Policy for the Empowerment of Women addresses several
important commitments of the 12th Five Year Plan and the other policies
relating to empowerment of women. The goal of this policy is to bring
about the advancement, development, and empowerment of women at the
various levels by creating a society where women work as equal partners
in all spheres of life and develop a framework to ensure equal rights and
opportunities for women. The principle of gender equality expressed in the
Indian Constitution in its Preamble, Fundamental Rights, Fundamental
Duties, and Directive Principles, supports this noble objective.
However, there still exists a wide gap between the goals enunciated
in the Constitution, legislations, policies, plans, programs, and related
mechanisms on the one hand and the situational reality of the status of
women in India on the other. Therefore, the conceptual framework of
analysis of this paper will be based on a thorough examination of the
gap between the pious objectives of the constitutional democracy, which
was established after independence and the achievements of the Indian
Republic in the past seventy years in delivering gender equality and jus-
tice. The broad framework of the study will revolve around the question
of women’s political representation and their empowerment within the
broad structures of parliamentary democracy in India.
Political Empowerment of Women

The issue of women’s historical under-representation in political insti-
tutions has been addressed through the use of gender quotas in many
countries. In spite of its controversial nature, this constitutional and
legal provision that increases women’s representation is fast becoming
an acceptable enabling tool in the world today. Women’s political under-

representation is substantially rectified through the introduction of gen-
der quota. This is being effected through constitutional amendments
and changing electoral laws (electoral gender quota) in many countries
in recent times. Apart from gender quota, in many countries, national
political parties are setting aside fixed number of seats exclusively meant
for women candidates as part of their inner-party democratic measures.
Thus, the core idea behind the quota systems is to recruit women into
political positions and to ensure that women are not only mere tokens in
political life.
In India, the first significant step toward political empowerment of
women at the grassroots level through gender quota was the introduc-
tion of 33% reservation of seats for women in the Panchayat bodies—
the grassroots political institutions. It has been nearly 25 years since this
landmark legislation was brought into effect in 1993 through the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment, but we are yet to see any significant change
in the plight of women in terms of their political empowerment. At the
national level, the debate over gender quota in the Parliament and State
Legislative Assemblies has remained inconclusive and controversial, as
there appears to be no consensus on the issue. As a consequence of this
lack commitment and political will to bring gender quota in politics, our
democratic institutions have remained highly skewed in terms of gender
representation.
Though women are highly underrepresented in the Parliament,
their contributions are noteworthy as they have taken exemplary par-
liamentary initiatives to raise issues concerning women’s interests at
large. For example, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, Cabinet Minister for Health
(1952–1957) played an exemplary role in introducing health and fam-
ily planning programs. The most noteworthy contribution was the
establishment of All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) in New
Delhi apart from introducing BCG vaccination program on large scale
during her tenure. Mrinal Gore (member Lok Sabha, 1980) was fondly
addressed as Paaniwali Bai (the water-woman advocate) and was famous
for mobilizing women to protest against chronic water problems in
various parts of the country. As an activist also she raised the issue both
inside and outside the Parliament. Other women Member of Parliament
(MP) who have taken up significant parliamentary initiatives were
Phulrenu Guha, Renuka Ray, Geeta Mukherjee, Jayanti Patnaik, who
have raised several questions and private members Bills which proves that
these women members were conscious of their responsibilities and duties

as people’s representatives. However, due to weak numerical strength,
they have fallen short of achieving their objectives in the Parliament.
Gender Quotas: Fast Track Mechanism for Women’s

Political Representation
Electoral gender quota, as a fast track measure for women’s empower-
ment in various countries, has opened up enormous opportunities and
political space for women to make a difference in the national, regional,
and local governments (Dahlerup 2006). As Shireen Rai has rightly
observed that the reservation of seats has begun to turn the wheels of
political fortune for the “silent majority” (Rai 2005). Grassroots studies
have revealed that wherever women have taken up the leadership roles,
there has been a positive focus on utility-oriented expenditure and
the focus is on the basic issues such as housing, sanitation, and health.
Political environment provides the best chance to ensure equality of
opportunity because in the long run, greater representation of women
in politics translates into greater empowerment of women and increases
their presence in other fields too (Phillips 1993). Women’s movements in
India are drawing strength from the prevailing international environment
and are using it as an opportunity to press their long-standing demands.
The changing nature of the global milieu demands a qualitative improve-
ment of the image of the nation-state; hence, every state today is striving
to portray an image that is acceptable to the global community in the era
of globalization and economic integration (Forbes 1998).
Impact of Women’s Movement on Women’s

Representation
Given the historical legacy of colonialism and the challenges of the post-
colonial state in the developing countries, contemporary women’s move-
ments have focused on the creation of a conducive environment for
women to enter the public space. These movements are generally iden-
tified with the goals of realizing social and economic rights of women.
It also has to be meaningfully integrated with contemporary issues
such as women’s social rights, political empowerment, rights of ethnic
minorities, disabled and environmental protection in the new global
era. Women’s movement was one of the burgeoning efforts within the
society demanding for drastic changes in the functioning of govern-

ment, the planning process and the development strategies. Woman
Parliamentarians like Smt. Pramila Dandavate passionately championed
the cause of abolition of the dowry system and played an effective role in
the passing of the Anti-Dowry Bill. She also suggested for the establish-
ment of Anti-Dowry Commission on the lines of National Commission
for Women.
The demand for women’s representation is considered to be important
as it identifies itself with several important issues relating to the notion
of social justice and idea of empowerment which is expected to address
women’s historical exclusion from political institutions and processes. In
an attempt to make gender equality a reality, women’s movements had to
struggle for making universal political rights a reality, fighting against the
idea of gendered perspective in political institutions. However, the issues
of patriarchy, caste, region, community, and religion continue to divide
women and get reflected in the nature of local politics. Subordination
of women at home, political space, and workplace still continues to hin-
der the progress toward an egalitarian society. It is still a far cry, where
women enjoy equal status in a society that is egalitarian and ensures
equity and justice to all (Hewitt and Rai 2010).
Committee on the Status of Women in India (CSWI)

The Committee on the Status of Women in India was set up on
September 22, 1971, by a Resolution of the Ministry of Education and
Social Welfare to make a comprehensive examination of all questions
relating to the rights and status of women in the country. The first Status
of Women Report, prepared under the Chair of Dr. Phulrenu Guha and
editorial guidance of Vina Mazumdar, was submitted to the Minister
for Education and Social Welfare on January 1, 1975. It was an impor-
tant year, coinciding with the first ever United Nations’ International
Women’s Year in 1975. The Committee had the mandate to examine
the constitutional, legal, and administrative provisions that had bearing
on the social, educational, and employment status of women during the
last two decades. The Committee recorded that in spite of constitutional
and legal equality, women’s status in every sphere of life had remained
unequal with persistent disparities. Although many laws had passed in
the intervening period to remove these disabilities, they have had little
impact. The Committee had therefore recommended the establishment
of statutory, autonomous Commissions for women at the Center and
the State levels with the mandated objective of collecting information

regarding trends in social organization, which affect the rights of women
and an evaluation of the existing policies, programs, and laws that have a
bearing on the status of women.
It also recommended eradication of polygamy in Muslim personal law,
the enforcement of provision against bigamy under the Hindu Marriage
Act, to make offenses under the Child Marriage Restraint Act cogniza-
ble and appointment of special officers, compulsory registration of mar-
riages as recommended by the United Nations, amendment of the Dowry
Prohibition Act 1961, improvement of laws of divorce including addition
of cruelty and desertion as grounds of divorce in the Hindu Marriage
Act, changes in personal laws relating to inheritance, particularly to
bring legislative measures to cover Christian women of Kerala under the
Indian Succession Act as a step to unify the law. It also recommended
women’s rights to matrimonial property and establishment of Family
Courts among other enabling measures (Saxena 1999).
The CSWI also revealed that although women were participating in
increasing numbers in economic and political activities and in the process of
change, they were necessarily not the actual beneficiaries and were becom-
ing the victims of under-representation along with the other marginalized
sections of the society. In units of local self-government, rural women rarely
get directly elected, instead co-opting and nomination was the standard
practice. With the publication of the Report in 1975, a demand for the rep-
resentation of women in the Panchayat bodies by reservation rather than by
nomination was voiced and reiterated. This Report of the Committee thus
proved to be a landmark in the decades that followed which still serves as a
sacred document and guiding principle for generations of policymakers to
achieve women’s emancipation. The debate on political representation con-
cerning women has been how to encourage women to actively participate
and in large numbers to the panchayat (local administrative bodies) at the
various levels (National Perspective Plan For Women 1988).
Prior to 1993, women had very little space in the political environment
at the grassroots level. There was a lack of interest to contest elections
and participate in any kind of political activities as politics was consid-
ered to be the male preserve. As a result, the Parliament passed the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment Act in 1992 which reserves one-third seats
for women in the panchayat bodies. This measure unleashed a process of
tremendous mobilization and democratic grassroots governance as mil-
lions of women have been elected to the local bodies every term which has
enhanced political empowerment among the rural womenfolk. However,
the number of women contesting elections at the national level is still very
low compared to men. The number of women contestants increased from
45 in 1957 to 70 in the year 1977 and rose to all time high in 1996 with
599 women contestants in the Lok Sabha elections, this figure came down
to 274 in 1998 and rose to 668 in the sixteenth Lok Sabha elections. In
contrast, the number of men contesting elections has always been higher
in number as compared to women. In 1957, the number of male contest-
ants was 1,474 which increased to 7,583 as compared to only 668 women
contestants in 2014 general elections. Though more than 93% of the total
contestants are men, interestingly the percentage of women winning elec-
tions has always been higher than men in the present times.
The percentage of men who won elections in 1952 was 26.05%,
whereas women were 51.16%. In the year 1999, 12.3% men won the
elections out of the total male contestants and 17.3% women won out
of the total female contestants. In the fourteenth Lok Sabha elections,
12.6% female contestants won the elections. Despite more percentage of
women winning elections, political parties deny tickets to women can-
didates presuming that they are not capable of winning elections. Many
factors are responsible for this state of affairs. History of freedom move-
ment shows that a large number of women participated in freedom
movement. But after that it went on decreasing. The gender justice and
equal opportunity ideology of the Nehru-Gandhi era has lost its impor-
tance significantly in the present times. Gender roles have become major
obstacles in women’s political empowerment. Traditional division of
labor, illiteracy, economic barriers, the type of electoral system, lack of
sufficient training etc. has been keeping women away from politics. Apart
from this, elections have become a very costly affair. Women are unable
to collect large amount of money required to fight elections. Systemic
inequalities, discriminatory practices, and unequal power relations have
become major obstacles for women’s meaningful representation and par-
ticipation in the areas of political decision-making (Basu 2010).
Representation of Women in Parliament Since

Independence
The first Lok Sabha had only 2–3% women members which included
Masuma Begum, deputy leader of Congress Party who later became the
Minster of Social Welfare, Renuka Ray who was a veteran social worker,
Durgabai Deshmukh prominent Gandhian and the Chairperson of
Central Social Welfare Board, who all have made noteworthy contribu-
tions in the Parliament. The sixth Lok Sabha in 1977 witnessed less pro-
portion of women in Parliament at mere 3.5%. Although the number of
women MPs increased from 59 to 61 under the present NDA govern-
ment, it still remains far below the global average of 21.3%. In a recent
study conducted by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), India is placed
at 111th position in the list of 189 countries having women representa-
tives in Parliament. Even the lesser developed neighbors of India such as
Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal have around 20, 19, and 30% women
members in their respective Parliaments (Shankar and Rodrigues 2011).
Table 4.1 shows the total representation of women members in the first
to the sixteenth Lok Sabha which reveals that men have monopolized rep-
resentation in the Parliament and women are victims of political under-
representation despite constituting half of the population. Women leaders
account for just 11% of the 543 parliamentarians, while 89% of seats are
being represented by men. Ironically, this is the highest number of women
MPs elected to the Lok Sabha in the history of the country, although by
a small margin, according to a report by PRS Legislative Research, New
Delhi. The percentage of women parliamentarians in the Lok Sabha in
Table 4.1 Women representation in various Lok Sabha
General election Year Total members Women members % of Women in

in Lok Sabha Lok Sabha
First 1952 499 22 4.41

Second 1957 500 27 5.4
Third 1962 503 34 6.76
Fourth 1967 523 31 5.93
Fifth 1971 521 22 4.22
Sixth 1977 544 19 3.49
Seventh 1980 544 28 5.15
Eighth 1984 544 44 8.09
Nineth 1989 517 27 5.22
Tenth 1991 544 39 7.17
Eleventh 1996 544 40 7.35
Twelfth 1998 545 44 8.07
Thirteenth 1999 545 44 9.02
Fourteenth 2004 552 47 8.5
Fifteenth 2008 543 59 10.86
Sixteenth 2014 545 62 11.41
Source Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, Government of India, 2015

relation to the total number of seats in the various general elections has
considerably increased from around 5% in the 1950s to 11.4% 2014. The
presence of women in the upper house has been slightly higher—72 as
compared to the 62 women members in the fourteenth Lok Sabha—
probably due to indirect election and nomination of women members.
Among the States, Uttar Pradesh has the highest number of women
MPs (12) in the sixteenth Lok sabha; it is followed by West Bengal (7)
and Madhya Pradesh (6). Delhi, Meghalaya, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu
have one seat each. In 12 states, women do not have any representation
in the Lok Sabha. Among the parties, the Indian National Congress has
the highest number of women MPs (24), while BJP ranks second with
13 women MPs. Although the present Lok Sabha has the largest num-
ber of women, India still has to be more accommodating to induct more
women MPs so that issues concerning them get more prominence and
are raised frequently in Parliament.
Educational Qualification of Women Members

Education is one of the enabling factors of deepening democratic liberal
values and traditions, which eventually compliments the process of
healthy nation-building. Many women members in the 1950s and even
1970s were drawn from the freedom movement. Women members in
1990s had impressive educational attainments. Dr. Suguna Kumara held
MBBS, MD, DGO, DCH degrees, Dr. Prabha Thakoor had a doctorate
degree as was the case with Professor Rita Verma. While the proportion
of the representation of women members in the House did not undergo
significant changes most of them were better endowed educationally in
the 1990s. The women members of Rajya Sabha, most of whom had
high educational attainments, played a meaningful role in the proceed-
ings and debates of the House. The Upper House has elected three
women members as the Deputy Chairperson: Smt. Violet Alva (1962–
1969), Dr. Najma Heptulla (1985–1998), and Smt. Pratibha Devisingh
Patil (1986–1988). Some of them with their background in the strug-
gle for freedom and participation in representative institutions had added
luster to the debates and discussions of the House.
The women members having professional background relating to
social work and upliftment of women and weaker sections were in an
advantageous position to champion the cause of the downtrodden. In
this context, the role of Smt. Margaret Alva has been exemplary who
being in the Ministry of Personnel sought on many occasions to improve

the working conditions of the women employees. Late Ms. Jayalalitha,
who symbolized the true meaning of woman power, was the member of
Rajya Sabha for 5 years (1984–1989) during which she actively partici-
pated in the proceedings of the House on pertinent contemporary issues
such as dowry prohibition, land acquisition, and national anthem. Many
of the women members with a distinguished career in the profession of
law and journalism articulated the interests of common people with great
compassion. The nominated women members possessing special knowl-
edge or professional experience and being relatively free from the politi-
cal affiliations have driven home their stand with vigor and courage. This
has been facilitated by the fact of their nomination which makes them
the representatives, not of any State or Union Territory but of the whole
nation. Their exemplary performance has not only brought them lau-
rels but also raised the prestige of the Council of States (Rajya Sabha
Secretariat 2003).
Parliamentary Initiatives of Women Members

In a multi-party democracy, women do not express their opinion inde-
pendent of their party line. It is rare in Indian politics that individual
MPs express their personal opinion contrary to the view of the party they
represent. In other words, it is a well-established norm that in the Indian
party system MPs are expected to toe the party line. Rarely women MPs
have been found taking unanimous stand on issues other than gender
specific ones. This also is limited to voicing opinion only and not press-
ing for legislation. However, it is wrong to assume that young women
parliamentarians today are unable to register their presence on the floor
of the Parliament as compared to their earlier counterparts. They need to
be given the reasonable time to become mature and effective parliamen-
tarians. Earlier women who chose to enter politics made it their be all
and end all who lived and breathed politics. For them being in politics is
like being in a job they are committed to. It is no longer about being in
a man’s world and usurping his territory; hence, the aggression that used
to be the hallmark of the earlier women parliamentarians is no longer a
requirement for the younger breed.
Many questions of the women members expressed on the floor of
House pointed to the finer emotions of mercy, compassion, and love
reflecting the nobler aspects of life. For instance on April 5, 1953, Smt.
Violet Alva asked a question as to whether the Government knew about

the way in which monkeys exported by India are being used. She was
particularly keen to know whether such monkeys were used for medi-
cal research or conducting experiments in atomic energy establish-
ments. Smt. Rukmini Devi Arundale a nominated Member of the House
through her questions drew attention to vivisection of monkey without
anesthesia and preservation of wildlife. Such concerns reflected one of
the predominant issues covering rights of animals and advocating kind-
ness to animals which are now being taken up by many environmentalists
throughout the world.
The Eighth Lok Sabha (1984) for the first time appointed Smt.
Chandra Tripathi as the Chairperson of the Estimates Committee who
discharged her responsibilities in a fair and just manner. Ms. Mamta
Banerjee too played a noteworthy role in the eighth Lok Sabha who
spoke on various pertinent issues with regard to rehabilitation of dis-
placed persons and unemployment. In the Sixteenth Lok Sabha, women
MPs like Jyotirmoi Sikdar, Poonam Mahajan (BJP), and many others
have proved that though politics was considered to be a male terrain,
women are also trying to reclaim their political space through repre-
sentation. However, on most occasions, we can see instances where the
women MPs toe the party line, though there have been exceptions like
Kanimozhi Karunanidhi (DMK), Supriya Sule (NCP), and the lesser
known Tejaswani who are very articulate and passionately taking up
issues and fighting for causes. Kanimozhi has taken astounding initiatives
to promote and revive the classical literature and heritage of Tamil Nadu.
For most women parliamentarians, it was not difficult to maintain an
amicable family and work life balance and ensure that both are attended
to in the best possible manner.
The above account provides the broad range of issues raised by
women members in Rajya Sabha through the various parliamentary
mechanisms of question hour, half-an-hour discussions, and short
notice questions. The range of pertinent issues raised through the rel-
evant questions, the level and depth of discussions generated by it, and
information provided to them by the Government to each such question
amply proves the noteworthy role played by the women members in the
highest forum of democracy.
Women Representation in the Standing Committees

Both the Houses, individually as well as jointly, work in smaller groups in
the various Committees. This enables small groups of members to inten-
sively view and look at certain issues and make relevant recommenda-
tions to the appropriate House for legislation as well (Singh 2015). In the
Sixteenth Lok Sabha, a cursory glance at the composition of the Standing
Committees involved in policy framing would reveal that women MPs
are in microscopic minority except for Committee on Empowerment of
Women (Chairperson—Bijoya Chakravarty) has all 20 women MPs from
Lok Sabha and out of 10 Rajya Sabha MPs, eight are women MPs and
rest two MPs are men. This committee has submitted various reports on
women’s issues which have impacted women’s lives in a significant manner.
Important Standing Committees on Finance and Railways have no
women representatives whereas Standing Committee on Agriculture is
represented by one woman MP, Smt Raksha N. Khadse out of the total
31 MPs. The Standing Committee on Chemicals and Fertilizers is rep-
resented by seven women MPs out of total 31 MPs (22.5%). In order
to promote substantial progress and development in the rural and urban
areas, on September 5, 1998, the Committee on Members of Parliament
Local Area Development Scheme was set up under the headship of
Deputy Chairperson Dr. (Smt.) Najma Heptulla, in the Rajya Sabha
which was possible due to the constant pressure of women parliamentar-
ians. Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Smt. Sushma Swaraj
(BJP) and presently External Affairs Minister has been keen on raising
issues related to women reservation bill.
Changing the gender composition in representative bodies cannot
guarantee that women’s needs or interests will be addressed. In many
departmental standing committees of the Parliament, women composi-
tion is very insignificant because they are culturally thought to be lacking
traits such as leadership qualities, objectivity, and expertise and the like,
which are treated as masculine traits. Though various legislations have
tried to remove the structural barriers in order to promote gender equal-
ity and combat gender discrimination at workplace, one cannot be blind
to the fact that men in reality continue to dominate the upper tiers in the
political processes as well as administrative organizations.
Reflection of Gender Sensitivity in the Proactive Social

Legislation
In recent years, the empowerment of women has been recognized as
the central issue in determining the status of women. The 73rd and
74th Amendments (1993) to the Constitution of India have provided
for one-third  reservation of seats in the local bodies of Panchayats and
Municipalities for women, laying a strong foundation for their participa-
tion in decision-making at the local levels. It is in this context the issue
of women’s empowerment gains importance. Empowerment as a social
process challenges the fundamental imbalances of power distribution and
power relations between individuals in societies. This movement is aimed
at achieving social equality, which can be achieved through disempower-
ing some structures of power which have inherent class, caste, and gen-
der biases.
Empowerment as a political process has larger social repercussions
since it challenges the fundamental imbalances of power distribution in
the family and society. Empowerment of women would definitely help
in liberating themselves from the clutches of traditional bondage and
exploitation. Thus, it can be seen as a means of creating a new social
environment in which women can take decisions and make choices of
their own, either individually or collectively. The following social legisla-
tions have a strong feminist content which contributes to the women’s
empowerment in the long run.
1. Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Technique Act, 1994

providing for the prohibition of sex selection by any person by any
means before or after conception and the prevention of its misuse
for sex determination.
2. Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
[MGNREGA], 2005 guaranteeing 100 workdays per year at
minimum wage which benefits about 50 million people mostly of
whom are women has an enduring effect in boosting rural income
and wage rates.
3. Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 which is intended to pro-
hibit the practice of child marriage and ensure that this evil practice
is eradicated from the society.
4. Protection Against Domestic Violence, 2005 is primarily meant
to provide protection to the wife or female live-in partner from
domestic violence at the hands of the husband or male live-in part-

ner or his relatives.
5. Amendment To Hindu Succession Act, 2005 provides for giving
equal rights to sons and daughters in the property of parents and
abolishing the concept of widow’s estate under which a woman
was never a full owner but was one for life only.
6. The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace [Prevention,
Prohibition and Redressal Act], 2013 seeks to protect women from
sexual harassment at their place of work through the grievance
committee set up at the workplace.
7. National Food Security Act, 2013 provides for granting special
benefits to pregnant women and lactating mothers such as mater-
nity benefit of not less than Rs. 6000 and access to adequate quan-
tity of quality food at affordable prices.
A large share of the credit for these social legislations goes to the
initiatives taken by the women parliamentarians in both the houses of
the Parliament. However, there is a need for creating a level-playing field
for women representatives to contribute effectively and meaningfully in
the legislative processes of the Parliament. They can be effective when
their number is increased and their voice is multiplied. The lack of their
numerical strength creates hindrance in so far as raising diverse issues
concerning women’s interests
Concluding Observations
Politics in India is still dominated by men at all level of participation, and
women have not been given a respectable share of the political domain,
although they constitute almost half of the electorate. Women are still
not getting a share equivalent to men in decision-making process. Their
aspirations and needs are not adequately reflected in our legislatures as
their representation remained abysmally low. The average women repre-
sentation in the Lok Sabha from 1952 to till date is 6%, and in the Rajya
Sabha, it is 9%. The power of the national Parliament can be strength-
ened with substantial women’s political representation and progressive
legislation through increased participation of women in the public sphere
as vital stakeholders that will improve the quality of politics.
Women’s representation in the Parliament, while important on the
grounds of social justice and legitimacy of the political system, does not
easily translate into improved representation of women’s varied inter-

ests. While we cannot assume that more women in public offices would
mean a better deal for women in general, there are important reasons for
demanding greater representation of women in political life. First is the
intuitive one: the greater the number of women in public office, artic-
ulating interests, and seen to be wielding power, the more the gender
hierarchy in public life could be weakened. Second and more important,
we could explore the strategies that women employ to access the public
sphere in the context of a patriarchal sociopolitical system. These women
have been successful in subverting the boundaries of gender and in oper-
ating in a very aggressive male-dominated sphere. Their experiences
could be good learning examples for other women of Indian society.
Political will, inclusive development, restructuring power relations,
and administrative efficacy are significant instruments of the desired
change that the policymakers are aspiring to accomplish today. The
women parliamentarians must take initiatives to design gender friendly
policies to enhance the capacity of women and empower them to meet
the negative socioeconomic impacts which arise from the globalization
process. Constant pressure exerted on the patriarchal system of domi-
nance through women’s movements and assertion of democratic rights
based on the principles of equality and justice through legal, political,
and constitutional means is going to be the game changer in the twenty-
first century for rural, urban, and tribal women.
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Young, I. M. (2000). Inclusion and democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
CHAPTER 5
Women in the Parliament: Changing Gender

Dynamics in the Political Sphere in Nepal
Punam Yadav
Although women in Nepal have had the right to vote since 1951 and
they have been actively involved in various movements, the political
sphere remained male dominated until recently. The first woman par-
liament member was elected in 1958. However, despite women’s early
engagement and their active participation in various political movements,
women’s presence in the parliament remained significantly low even
after the establishment of democracy in 1990. The first democratic elec-
tion was held in 1991, and only seven women, out of 205 parliamen-
tary seats, were elected. The second election was held in 1994. Despite
the mandatory provision for at least 5% women’s representation, less
than 5% women candidates were given a chance to stand in the election
by the political parties. Although women’s candidacy increased to 6.3%
in the third election in 1999, only 5.85% won the election. Therefore,
even though there were some efforts made to ensure women’s repre-
sentation in politics, their participation did not exceed 6% until 2008,
and even then, those who were in the parliament were excluded from
P. Yadav (*) 
London School of Economics and Political Science,
Centre for Women, Peace and Security, London, UK

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_5
80 P. Yadav
decision-making processes. Moreover, most of the women who were

elected or given the opportunity to run in the election were either high-
caste women or the close relatives of male politicians such as their wives,
widows, or daughters (see Yadav 2016; IDEA 2011). A career in politics
was out of reach for the overwhelming majority of Nepali women.
Nepal saw a significant increase in women’s participation in politics
in 2008. Women won 33% of the seats in the first Constituent Assembly
(CA) election held in 2008. It was a historic achievement and a radical
transformation in the political sphere of Nepal. Currently, women are
appointed in various key positions. The president of the country, Speaker
of the Parliament, and the chief justice are all women. In this chapter, I
aim to analyze the complex, multifaceted, and nonlinear nature of the
lived experiences of women parliamentarians in Nepal. This chapter also
aims to examine whether women’s increased presence in the parliament
has made any difference to the political sphere, especially in regard to
making key legislative changes. It also aims to shed light on the changing
gender relations within the political sphere, with a particular focus on the
ways in which male and female lawmakers perceive each other. This chap-
ter is based on my in-depth interviews with 32 women parliamentarians
in Nepal. The fieldwork was carried out between May and June 2011
and December 2016 and January 2017, with CA members from both
the first and second Constituent Assemblies.
Historical Context
Although the political history of Nepal has been well documented,
at least for the past 300 years, with a detailed history from the 1950s
(see Whelpton 2005; Singh 2013), women are almost completely
absent from these records. To be able to see women’s contribution
in politics, one has to look at the literature on women’s movements
in Nepal, which demonstrates that women were not just discouraged
from participating in politics, but that their contributions were also
not recognized.
Despite the suppressive culture, the historical evidence suggests that
women have taken various leadership positions in the past, especially dur-
ing the Shah dynasty between the period of 1786 and 1951. Likewise,
women have also played significant roles in various political movements
(see IDEA 2011). However, their right to vote was only established in
5 WOMEN IN THE PARLIAMENT: CHANGING GENDER DYNAMICS … 81
1951 by the Interim Constitution of Nepal. The 1959 Constitution,

which also guaranteed these rights, however, only survived for a year as
the King Mahendra assumed all the power, dismissing the parliamen-
tary system in 1960. He introduced the party less panchayat system and
endorsed a new Constitution in 1962, which banned all the political par-
ties (Whelpton 2005). The rights of citizens were significantly compro-
mised (IDEA 2011). Although women had the right to vote, there were
a lot of discriminatory provisions in the 1962 Constitution: for exam-
ple, women could not pass their citizenship on to their children, children
could only acquire citizenship from their father, and women did not have
the right to inheritance.
The 1962 Constitution was a reflection of the society of that time.
Women were seen as secondary citizens. Their identity was linked to
their husbands or their fathers. They had limited mobility and were
constrained from participating in any movements. Women who went
out and participated in politics were seen as “bad” women. Therefore,
they were confined within the four walls of their homes, and the scope
of their engagement in public life was very limited. However, despite
all these sociocultural restrictions, women started getting organized
on a small scale. The first women’s rights organization was formed in
1917 in Siraha District, which was called the Nari Samiti (the Women’s
Committee) (Acharya 1994; IDEA 2011). This movement was against
the authoritarian regime of Ranas, who ruled the country for 105 years,
from 1846 to 1951. The aim of this women’s movement was to edu-
cate girls, so that they could fight against the Rana regime. As a result of
this movement, the first girls’ school was established in 1936. Likewise,
a more organized effort, the Nepal Mahila Sangh (the Nepal Women’s
Association) was established in the same year under the leadership of
Mangala Devi Singh to create awareness of the discrimination against
women (Acharya 1994; IDEA 2011). They also advocated for women’s
right to vote. The Nepal Women’s Association also raised awareness
of other suppressive cultures and traditions, such as early marriage and
polygamy (IDEA 2011).
The women’s movement was getting stronger. However, after the
establishment of democracy in 1950, various political parties were
formed and each political party had its own women’s wing, which meant
that women’s movement was fragmented by different political views.
Women were not included in any of the leadership positions after the
82 P. Yadav
establishment of the first democracy in 1950 despite their active engage-

ments in pre-democratic movements against the Rana regime (Acharya
1994). For instance, a 35-member Advisory Assembly was formed after
the fall of the Rana regime, and all of them were men. However, women
started protesting from outside the Assembly, and as a result, when
the second Assembly was formed in 1954, four women were included
(Acharya 1994). Shahna Pradhan became the first elected member of the
Kathmandu Municipality by standing in the election in 1952. Likewise,
Kamal Rana became the first Vice Chair of the National Assembly in
1952 and Dwarika Devi Thakurani became the first woman minister in
1959 (IDEA 2011). She was the only one who won the election, out
of the 15 women candidates who stood in the election in 1959. This
democracy was short-lived as King Mahendra took over all the power
in 1960, which also impacted the women’s movement (IDEA 2011).
Although it halted the political movements, women were active and still
operated underground.
The second democratic movement, which is known as the first
People’s Movement (Jana Andolan I), was launched in 1990 with the
aim of establishing a multiparty democracy. The movement started on
February 18, 1990, under the leadership of Sahana Pradhan. The move-
ment was successful, and the democracy was established that year. The
1990 Constitution was progressive and saw women and men as equal cit-
izens. This Constitution also guaranteed equal pay for equal work.
Despite some progress in the status of women, women’s participa-
tion in the parliament remained minimal until 1990. However, after
the establishment of democracy in 1990, the social and political space
became flexible and open to women, which meant that women could
easily get together and advocate for women’s rights. Nepal also ratified
several conventions on women in the 1990s including the Convention
on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW). The women’s movement particularly became stronger after
the ratification of CEDAW in 1991. The Muluki Ain 2020 (National
Code 1963), which gave more rights to sons over daughters and did not
give the right to daughters to inherit parental property, was amended in
2002. Through the 11th and 12th amendment bills (also known as the
Gender Equality Bill 2006), the government of Nepal abolished many
such discriminatory provisions from the Muluki Ain 2020 and guaran-
teed women’s rights, including their right to abortion.1 Even though
this was a progressive step, it still did not guarantee the full rights to
daughters. Although women had the right to inheritance, they had to
return their parental property if they get married. In the country where
marriage is almost universal, this kind of provision shows a strong influ-
ence of patriarchy even in the legislative body.
Despite discriminations and continuous backlash, women’s interest
and participation in political movement kept increasing. One of the suc-
cessful examples of women’s political participation is the Maoist move-
ment, which is also known as the People’s War. The Communist Party
of Nepal, Maoist, launched its People’s War in 1996 (see Hatlebakk
2010; Cottle and Keys 2007). Although the 1990 revolution established
a democracy, power remained in the hands of a few elites (Thapa and
Sharma 2009). Discrimination based on gender, class, caste/ethnicity,
religion, and region continued (Thapa and Sharma 2009). Moreover,
people were frustrated with the unstable democratic government of
the 1990s, which failed to fulfill the promise they had made to people.
Therefore, people started joining the Maoist movement. In addition to
various other reasons, women particularly joined the Maoist movement
to fight against gender-based discriminations (see Frieden 2012; Thapa
2012; Yadav 2016). There are various estimates as to how many women
were in the People’s War; however, according to the majority of sources,
women’s participation in the Maoist movement was 33–40% (see Yami
2007; Aguirre and Pietropaoli 2008).
Women’s participation in the Maoist movement changed the whole
political landscape of Nepal. Women did not just prove they are no less
than men within the Maoist party but also influenced women’s move-
ment outside (see Yadav 2016). The 10-year-long period of civil war in
Nepal was a peak period of political consciousness. People were curious
about the rapid and unpredictable political developments. It was also a
necessity of that time to keep themselves updated about politics as the
whole country was impacted by the war. The news of bombings, killings,
and arrests had become like “a new normal.” For their own safety, it was
necessary to take interest in political developments. Therefore, women,
even though they were not educated or had no political background,
started taking interest in politics.
The gender equality discourse within the Maoist party also influenced
the outside discourse. It is important to note that the women’s move-
ment was getting stronger outside the Maoist party as well, and this had
84 P. Yadav
influenced the decisions made by the government. For example, the gov-
ernment amended several gender discriminatory provisions in the Muluki
Ain 2020 (National Code 1963) due to the lobbying of women’s rights
activists and civil society organizations (see 11th and 12th amendment
bills for more details about the amendments). Moreover, the govern-
ment also started recruiting women into the Nepal army to counter the
Maoist, which was a historic step as women were not considered for
combat roles before. The Nepal Armed Police Force also started recruit-
ing women. The Civil Service Act 1993 was amended in 2007 and guar-
anteed 33% of seats for women in civil services.
While the People’s War was still ongoing, King Gyanendra took over
all the power from the democratic government and formed his own gov-
ernment in 2002. Angry with the King’s move, political parties started
getting together. They formed a political alliance called the Seven Party
Alliance (SPA) and launched the second People’s Movement (known
as Jana Andolan II).2 The Maoists also supported this movement.
Women’s participation in this movement was also remarkable. The sec-
ond People’s Movement was successful. The People’s War also ended
in 2006 by signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
Women’s participation in the parliament increased after the success of the
second People’s Movement. Out of 330 members of the interim parlia-
ment in 2006, 17% were women. This interim parliament passed a bill
to include 33% women in all state organizations, which was formalized
by the Interim Constitution 2007, a historic step that paved the way for
women’s participation in the Constituent Assembly election, which took
place in 2008.
First Constituent Assembly (CA) and Women

For the first time in the history of Nepal, nearly one-third (32.78%) of
women became the CA members. This was possible through the multiple
electoral processes that were adopted to ensure the proportional repre-
sentation of the discriminated groups, including women (IDEA 2011).3
The first CA election was significant in many ways. Women who were
elected or nominated to be CA members were not only from political,
elite families but also represented various caste, ethnicity, class, and edu-
cational backgrounds. Most of the women CA members (35.7%) were
from indigenous (Janajati) groups. Likewise, just over two-fifths (22%)
were from Brahmin, around 16% from Madhesi, and 11% from Dalits.
Chhetris were around 11%, and other castes were around 2%. There was
a good representation from various religions as well: over 57% identified
themselves as Hindus, around 9% were Buddhist, and nearly 3% were
Muslims, whereas over 26% said they did not follow any religion.
The age range of these CA members also varied. Although most of
the CA members were below 35 years of age, the ages that were repre-
sented were between 28 and 78 years, which suggests that a lot of young
women joined politics. These CA members held different educational
status and backgrounds. Nearly one-fifth (17.9%) of women had no for-
mal education (see IDEA 2011; Yadav 2016). Likewise, others had com-
pleted secondary school (24.5%) and above (14.8%). Although most of
them were married, 7.7% were unmarried and 15.3% were widowed/sin-
gle, which also includes war widows (see IDEA 2011). Those who were
married not only to politicians, but also to farmers and businessmen.
Out of 197 women CA members in the first CA, only 26 had expe-
rience of being members of the parliament. The majority of the CA
members did not have any experience of the parliament, and for some of
them, politics was a fresh start. One of the CA members said, although
she was helping her father when he was in politics, she never had
thought that she would one day become a legislator. There were vari-
ous reasons and circumstances surrounding their decision of joining poli-
tics (see IDEA 2011; Yadav 2016). Some of them started their political
career from their student life, whereas others started by being involved in
various movements such as the Maoist movement, Madhesh movement,
and other ethnic conflicts, which erupted after the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement in 2006. Moreover, some women became active in politics
only after the death of their husbands. Sunita Kumari Mahato4 shared
how she joined the Maoist movement:
My father was in politics. He was communist but in the United Marxist

Leninist (UML) party. When I got married, my husband’s whole fam-
ily was in the Communist Party of Nepal – Maoist. My husband encour-
aged me to join the [Maoist] party but I didn’t because the situation was
very difficult at that time. It was an armed struggle and the Maoists were
operating from underground. I had to take care of my son and family.
Therefore, I started teaching in a school as a secondary school teacher. The
Maoist movement escalated. The government announced an emergency
situation in 2058 BS (2002). My husband’s name was on the most wanted
86 P. Yadav
list. I was arrested from the school. I told them I was just a teacher, not
in the party; they released me after three days. However, they came every
now and again to my house, looking for my husband and tortured me and
my family. One day, my husband came home to do some party’s work but
he was arrested by the army along with his other friends. They were lined
up and killed … After my husband died, I became whole timer [fulltime in
politics] in the Maoist party. I was in the women’s committee, then took
the lead in the teacher’s committee and also became a Central Committee
Member and then I was nominated a CA member.
Ramrati Ram joined politics in a different circumstance. She was from

a lower caste. They were discriminated by the higher-caste people. She
wanted to fight against the discrimination, and for this reason, she said
she joined politics. Likewise, for some, their political journey started by
being involved in various political and ethnic movements. Whatever their
reasons for joining were, all of the women CA members wanted to bring
social change.
Second Constituent Assembly Election

The first CA was dissolved on May 27, 2012, after it failed to deliver the
Constitution even after 4 years. The second Constituent Assembly elec-
tion was held on November 19, 2013. This time only 30% women were
elected or nominated for the CA. Although it was less than the first CA,
it was still much higher than what it used to be. This time the women
in the CA felt different. They could not form a Women’s Caucus, which
meant that they could not raise a collective voice. The women’s move-
ment within the parliament was not as strong as the first CA.
Onsari Gharti Magar5, the Speaker of the Parliament, said,
Political parties did not allow women to gather in one platform. Women
are discouraged from being united on women’s issues. It is not like the first
CA. Women politicians who were at the forefront in the first CA for wom-
en’s issues, the party has sidelined them. That’s why now women’s voice is
weaker in the parliament. We are now trying to form an informal Caucus
through which we will again be able to bring women’s issues to the table.
Although the women’s movement seemed to have weakened in the sec-

ond CA, or it can be said that it is not as aggressive as it was in the first
CA, they are still pushing their agenda.
After the Promulgation of the New Constitution

The most controversial Constitution of Nepal was finally endorsed on
September 20, 2015, which led to civil unrest. The Madhesis, women,
and other discriminated groups started protesting against the discrimi-
natory provisions in the Constitution (see Jha 2015; Haviland 2015).
The new Constitution was somewhat progressive in relation to women’s
rights, as violence against women (VAW) based on any cultural, religious,
or traditional practices was criminalized and women were given equal
rights to inheritance. Likewise, it also reserved a 33% quota for women
in all state organizations. However, it has several discriminatory provi-
sions. One of the major problems with the new Constitution is the citi-
zenship rights.
The citizenship is the main basis on which to claim anyone’s rights.
The current citizenship provisions are discriminatory not just to women,
but it has a larger impact. Although the Constitution says “No Nepali
citizen shall be denied the right to acquire citizenship,” it categorizes
citizenship into two categories: citizenship by descent and naturalized
citizenship, and marriage seems to be the basis for citizenship. The fol-
lowing arrangements have been made in the new Constitution 2015:
• Article 11.2b: Any person whose father or mother was a citizen of

Nepal at the birth of such person can acquire citizenship by descent.
• Article 11.5: A person born to a Nepali citizen mother and having
his/her domicile in Nepal but whose father is not traced shall be
conferred the Nepali citizenship by descent, provided that in case
his/her father is found to be a foreigner, the citizenship of such a
person shall be converted to naturalized.
• Article 11.6: If a foreign woman married to a Nepali citizen so
wishes, she may acquire naturalized citizenship of Nepal.
• Article 11.7: In case of a person born to a Nepali woman citizen
married to a foreign citizen, he/she may acquire naturalized citi-
zenship of Nepal as provided for by a federal law if he/she is having
the permanent domicile in Nepal and he/she has not acquired citi-
zenship of a foreign country.
While a woman married to a Nepali man can acquire a Nepali citizen-

ship if she wishes to, the same does not apply to a woman married to a
foreign national. Likewise, a Nepali man may confer citizenship to his
88 P. Yadav
child if his wife is a foreigner, but the same rule does not apply to Nepali
women. The Nepali woman has to establish that the father of her child
is Nepali. If the mother is unable to prove that her husband is Nepali,
or if her husband denies their relationship, her child may not be able to
obtain a citizenship. Moreover, for women, their children need to be
born in Nepal, whereas this does not apply to the children of a Nepali
man. This raises a question: What happens to trafficked women, migrant
women, and others whose children are born in other countries?
The absentee population has doubled since 2001, from 0.762 mil-
lion to 1.92 million in 2011. People who were not in the country dur-
ing the census are called absentees. Nearly half (44.81%) of the absent
population is from the age group of 15–24 years (CBS 2011). On the
one hand, Nepali women have the right to marriage, which includes the
right to marry of one’s own choice, whether the spouse is a Nepali or a
foreigner. But the Constitution is silent about foreign men married to
Nepali women. According to a report prepared by the UNHRC in 2011,
there were 800,000 stateless people in Nepal. With the current provision
and increasing mobility of people, globalization, and media, this number
is likely to increase and the impact of this discriminatory provision will
not only be on women or girls but also on men.
I asked a few CA members about why, despite the significant presence
of women in the CA, they were not able to advocate for women’s equal
rights to citizenship. Rekha Sharma, Minister of General Administration,
said, “it was a patriarchal mindset that led to this decision. The provi-
sions in the new Constitution are the reflection of male domination
and patriarchy in our society.” Kamala BK, who was nominated as a CA
member in the second CA, said, “when we raised our concern about the
citizenship issue, we were told that it is not about women … it is a ques-
tion of national sovereignty.” She further added, “the political leaders
were afraid of India; because of the open border with India, they were
scared that it would be misused.” Onsari Gharti Magar added to that
saying,
They [male politicians] may be right about protecting the national interest.
However, they need to think beyond the box. They need to come up with
an alternate solution if the open border is a problem. In this globalized
world, there is increased movement of both men and women. They should
have analyzed the consequences properly before coming up with such a
conservative policy.
Women CA members also said that there were different opinions about
the citizenship in different parties. Since it was seen as a national issue,
not as a women’s issue, women CA members were not allowed to com-
ment on it. Therefore, they said, even when they were there, they could
not do anything.
Lived Experiences of Women CA Members

Women have made significant contributions to the success of various
democratic movements in Nepal, such as the democratic movements of
1950, 1979, 1990, 2006, the Madhesh movement in 2007, and vari-
ous other political movements. However, women’s political participa-
tion only increased after the first CA in 2008. Women in the first CA
represented various castes, ethnic groups, and religions. They came from
different regions with very different cultural backgrounds. It was a very
unique opportunity to see such a diverse group of women in the parlia-
ment. Women who had never been to school or did not have any formal
education had become CA members. They were working with women
who already had established political careers. Likewise, women who
started their careers as combatants were also now part of the legislative
body. Since these women came from different backgrounds, their lived
experiences of being in the legislative body also varied. They had both
positive and negative experiences.
For some, it was their first visit to the capital city, so they found it dif-
ficult to navigate their way through the city, whereas for others, because
they could not read or write, it was difficult for them to understand what
was going on in the parliament. Likewise, even for those who had a long
political career, they said it has been easier for them to be in the leader-
ship position now than before as women were more easily accepted as
leaders, which was not the case before. Puspa Bhusal6 said, “If you are a
man, you can easily be accepted as a leader, but for women, you have to
prove first that you can be a leader. The situation is much easier now.”
I asked the Speaker of the Parliament about her experience of being in
such a high-level position in a male-dominated institution, and she said:
People were suspicious about me when I was elected as the Speaker of the
Parliament, especially men. The Prime Minister was blamed for nominat-
ing me for this post. The Prime Minister came and said to me, ‘I gath-
ered all the courage to nominate you and you will now have to prove
90 P. Yadav
it.’ I got huge support from women. When I became the Speaker, many
women came to congratulate me. Men also came but with their families …
they also brought their daughters with them. I see that as a change. These
young girls will be inspired and will take an interest in politics and may
become like me one day.
Rekha Sharma, Minister of General Administration, had a similar experi-

ence. She said,
It is certainly easier now than before. However, we still need to prove our-
selves … we need to prove that we can do the job. The first couple of
months are about proving ourselves and creating an environment that peo-
ple will accept us as a leader. When I was appointed as a minister, the first
month was very difficult … staff and Secretary did not see me as a Minister
… they saw me as a ‘Woman Minister’. Although things have changed
now, we still need to prove ourselves that we are good at work, whereas
men never have to prove anything.
Most of the CA members I interviewed said, although they had to work

hard to establish themselves in the position, their life has transformed.
They also said that because of their new subject position, their status in
their family as well as in society has improved.
Women CA members also said that because of their involvement in
politics, especially after becoming a CA member, their confidence levels
have increased. Kamala BK said, “I can put my agenda clearly now, I can
express my views in public and in the party meetings. I feel one has to get
the opportunity to change themselves or develop themselves.”7 Onsari
Gharti Magar said, “I have set a role model. Before they [people] thought
only lawyers can be the Speaker of the Parliament but now after I have
done well in this role, every woman sees herself becoming the Speaker of
the Parliament one day.” Women CA members also expressed that they
feel more comfortable with the women Speaker of the Parliament. Kamala
BK said, “When there was a male Speaker of the House, we never went to
his office but now, we do not hesitate to go to her office.” She also said
that having a woman in leadership makes a huge difference. She said,
Now we have the woman President. She invited all women CA mem-
bers to celebrate Teej and 16 days of activism against GBV (Gender based
Violence). This happened for the first time in history. When women are in
leadership, they give us respect and recognition. If there was a man, this
would not have happened.
Has Women’s Increased Participation Made Any

Difference?
Nepal ranked 17th best in the world in regard to the number of women
in the parliament.8 Because of the critical mass in the parliament, women
in Nepal have been able to secure a 33% reservation quota for women
in every sector. After the first CA election, women were able to form
a Caucus in January 2009. Women CA members from all parties were
the members of this Caucus. Usha Kala Rai, ex-President of Women’s
Caucus,9 said,
The Women Caucus was there since 2058 (2001) but it wasn’t active. The
Caucus is made up of 19 political parties. It has been active since the CA
[the first CA]. Basically, this is a pressure group for women’s related issues.
There is no limitation to its work … everything that is related to women
falls under the mandate of this Caucus. Women from this Caucus are rep-
resenting various Constitution-drafting committees, we identify issues in
the Caucus and the relevant person takes those issues to their committees
to discuss and incorporate in the Constitution.
Usha Kala Rai drafted a document during her presidency, which listed
all of the women’s issues, and handed over to the Constitution drafting
committees. The Women’s Caucus was a very good platform where they
could discuss women’s agendas, putting aside all the ideological differ-
ences. Diversity among these women CA members also meant that they
had knowledge and experience of different groups of women in Nepal.
The first CA was historic also in a sense that it brought many women
into decision-making levels. Despite some resistance and hesitancy by the
male members, women kept pushing their agendas (Yadav 2016). There
were nine bills approved within three years, between May 2008 and
May 2011. Women played a crucial role in the approval of these bills.
Their involvement in the approval of the Domestic Violence Bill, 2009,
was crucial. This bill was tabled for a long time. Because of the critical
mass of women in the CA, this bill was approved and also the Domestic
Violence and Punishment Act was passed in 2009, which includes laws
making domestic violence, which is defined as “physical, mental, sexual,
and financial violence, as well as behavioral violence, as domestic vio-
lence,” illegal (IDEA 2011, p. 77).
In addition to this, they also participated in the passing of other bills
such as the Caste Discrimination and Untouchability Bill and Financial
92 P. Yadav
Bill (IDEA 2011). Since these CA members were responsible both for
their constituencies and the legislative parliament, they were involved in
various development projects, such as infrastructure development, drink-
ing water projects, education, and health. Shanti Devi Rajbansi, from the
first CA, said that she brought several development projects to her con-
stituency.
These women CA members were able to negotiate on various wom-
en’s issues individually or through the Caucus. They are still fighting for
the proportional representation of women in every sector. They raised
concerns about any kind of discrimination based on gender and have also
been advocating for the implementation of international acts, laws, trea-
ties, and conventions on the rights and protection of women. Recently,
they were also able to pass a bill on rape which allows more time for
women to report it, and it also has increased punishment for those who
commit rape crimes.
Forty percent women’s representation at the local government bod-
ies is mandatory now. However, women CA members also shared their
concerns that women are accepted in some positions and not in others.
Women’s presence in decision-making level is still low. Kamala BK said,
“There are 11 legislative committees, only two women are in leadership
roles. These are the committees that will pass the laws for implementa-
tion of the Constitution. Therefore, women’s presence in these commit-
tees is extremely important.” She also highlighted that, “Although there
are 172 women representatives in parliament, there is only one woman
full minister and 2 deputy ministers.”
Kamala BK, who became a CA member only in the second CA elec-
tion, said, “in the first election, CA women pushed the inclusion agenda.
They advocated for increasing women’s representation. Now we would
like to push it from 33 to 50% but we are also advocating to increase
women’s participation in the decision roles. Gradual changes have taken
place. We now have the woman President and woman Speaker. We are
trying to empower more women at local levels, too.”
Onsari Gharti Magar also added:
It has been difficult to challenge the patriarchal mindset. They [men] have
been very clever, which reduced the number of women in the second CA.
They first called for reserved seats. All qualified women were selected in
the reserved seats. When they asked for nominations for the direct elec-
tion, all the strong women candidates had already been selected for the
reserved seats, that’s why women who stood in the election did not win
and, as a result, women’s participation in the second CA was reduced to
30%. They played a very clever game with women.
She also added:
Although we have achieved quite a lot within a small amount of time,

implementation is still a challenge. For instance, a woman from Jumla
district can’t come to the Supreme Court in Kathmandu to report her
domestic violence case. First of all, she might not know about it. Even if
she did, she will not be able to seek the legal service because she will not
have enough resources to access these services. Recently, two young girls
died while in Chhaupadi10 home. If they were aware about the conse-
quences, these girls would not have died. But they have no education and
they accept it as a social norm. Although dowry is illegal, it is still being
practiced in Terai. Therefore, we need to focus on the implementation of
the law and I tell everyone that we need to start from our home.
Moreover, she also mentioned that, “although women have the right to
inheritance now, it will take time to fully implement. There is a percep-
tion that girls are someone else’s property. People also believe that giving
property to daughters is not practical as she will have to move to some-
one else’s house and it will break up the relationship with their brothers,
so although the Constitution has guaranteed their rights, it will take a
long time before it is practiced as normal.”
Moreover, women parliamentarians also commented on the unwilling-
ness of the male leaders to give up. They said they are discussing with
the male leaders for the rotational leadership, but men do not want to
give up their positions. They also said that the provision to bring more
women into local leadership will produce more women leaders in the
long run.
Women CA members of the second CA also said that if the
Constitution was adopted by the first CA, it would have been more
inclusive and better for women. Rekha Sharma said, “the first CA was
strong in women’s issues. No one would have dared to say no to any of
the women’s agenda but it is different now. Women are not allowed to
organize for women’s issues. All main political parties have internal dis-
putes. Women have not been able to come as strong as it was in the first
CA.”
94 P. Yadav
Despite all these hurdles, women have been pushing their agenda.
They are in the process of forming an informal Women’s Caucus. Onsari
Gharti Magar is taking the lead, and she believes that there will soon be a
Women’s Caucus.
Conclusion
If a man is unsuccessful then it is only about that one man but if a woman
is unsuccessful, the entire community is unsuccessful. So I always say,
a man is just one man but a woman is a whole community. Therefore,
women have to prove themselves (Onsari Gharti Magar).
Women’s presence in the parliament has significantly increased in Nepal

since 2008. Women who have been involved in politics certainly have
benefitted from this increase. Their lives have changed. They are more
confident. Because of their involvement in politics and various leadership
positions, they have become role models for many other women. The
political sphere is no longer only men’s space. Women have been able
to participate in and influence many important decisions, and they are
still trying to make women’s position better. They have advocated for
various legal reforms. Although initially for some women CA members it
was a challenge to enter into a male-dominated space, slowly the political
sphere has transformed into a more friendly space for women. The per-
ception about these women CA members has also slowly changed.
The new Constitution has been promulgated. The main aim of these
parliamentarians is to make that Constitution work and have all the pro-
visions in the Constitution to be converted into laws and policies. The
fight for proportional representation, which is increasing women’s partic-
ipation to 50%, is still ongoing. Women have been in many key positions.
However, women parliamentarians are still experiencing patriarchy and
male domination. Although their presence in politics has increased, their
presence in decision-making positions remains low. However, women
parliamentarians are determined to keep pushing their agendas.
Notes
1. See 11th and 12th amendments of the Muluki Ain 2020 for details about the
new provisions. The 11th amendment bill is available at http://nepal.ohchr.
org/en/resources/Documents/English/other/2009/March%2009/1.
Country%20Code%20amendment.pdf and 12th amendment bill (Gender

Equality Act) is available at http://evaw-global-database.unwomen.org/
en/countries/asia/nepal/2006/gender-equality-act-2006.
2. See Routledge, Paul (2010) for more details about the People’s
Movement II 2006.
3. The demographic data of the women CA members presented in this sec-
tion are mostly taken from a report published by IDEA International in
2011.
4. Interview with Sunita Kumari Mahato, member from the first CA, inter-
viewed on May 27, 2011.
5. Interview with Onsari Gharti Magar, member in both first and second CA
and the Speaker of the Parliament, interviewed on January 2, 2017.
6. Interview with Pushpa Bhusal, member in both first and second CA,
interviewed on May 27, 2011.
7. Interview with Kamala BK, member in the second CA, interviewed on
December 27, 2016.
8. See http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif.htm…
9. Interview with Usha Kala Rai, member of the first CA, interviewed on
May 27, 2011.
10. Chaupadi pratha is practiced in the Western hills of Nepal. Women and
girls are seen impure during their menstruation and are therefore required
to sleep in a cowshed. A lot of women and girls have lost their lives
because of this practice. There has been a lot of campaign against this
practice. However, it is still being practiced in some parts of the coun-
try. For more details about Chaupadi system, see UNRHCO (2011).
Chaupadi in the Far-West. Kathmandu: UN Resident and Humanitarian
Coordinator’s Office. Also see Chapagain, B. (n.d.). Shackles of the
Chhaupadi System, Astitwa. Retrieved October 20, 2015, from http://
www.astitwa.com/index.php/shackles-of-the-chhaupadi-system
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CHAPTER 6
Who Speaks for Women in Parliament?

Patriarchy and Women MNAs in Pakistan
Nusrat Jahan Chowdhury
It is now widely recognized that women’s presence is must in the politi-

cal institutions to represent women’s views and interest that are different
from those of men who constitute the majority group in these institu-
tions. Women’s presence is an effective way of making men more aware
about women’s different sets of needs, sensitizing them about the expe-
riences and deprivation of women and imparting different norms and
standards in political institutions. The presence of more women in this
process means more possibilities to bring changes in these institutions
for ensuring equality and democracy. Thus, the demand for increasing
women’s descriptive representation in parliament, a situation where leg-
islators share ascriptive similarities with population subgroups, is linked
with the expectation of women’s substantive representation, a situation
wherein legislators take policy actions that serve their population sub-
groups (cited in Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler 2005, p. 407). Substantive
representation is comprised of acting for or voicing women’s interests,
needs and expectations. Such expectation and link between descriptive
and substantive representation have prompted many countries to adopt
N.J. Chowdhury (*) 

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_6
98 N.J. Chowdhury
and implement different mechanisms such as gender quota to increase

the number of women in the national parliaments.
The experience of increased presence of women in parliament, how-
ever, has produced a mixed result in terms of women’s substantive out-
come. Research shows that with the increasing presence of women,
issues important to women are raised more frequently in the legisla-
tive institutions and female politicians do contribute to strengthening
women’s issues in important decision-making bodies (Celis and Childs
2008; Lovenduski and Norris 2003; Swers 2002). Women MPs work for
women and children in constituencies, committees and parties (Childs
2004). Women, as different scholars argue, act for women on the basis
of gender consciousness (Dahlerup 1988; Thomas 1991). However,
notwithstanding the general recognition that women’s larger presence
makes a difference in terms of promoting women’s issues, there is little
evidence to demonstrate that women have been able to change perva-
sively masculine cultures and norms of politics (Kittilson 2005). In some
instances, women have refrained from opposing bills that have dispro-
portionately and negatively affected women; they have even voted along
party lines for bills that affected women’s rights and interest (Bauer
2008; Tripp 2004). In some cases, women intentionally have distanced
themselves from representing or supporting women’s issues in a bid to
fit with the dominant male style and environment (Rahman 2004; Childs
2002).
The feminist analysis reveals that institutional context where women
MPs are present and act is crucial to understand their substantive rep-
resentation. The formal and informal institutions of society and politics
have a gendered structure (Krook and Mackay 2011). These institu-
tions largely undermine the presence of women or the integration of
women’s views (Acker 1990). The gendered parliamentary institution
affects women’s substantive representation in varying degrees and man-
ners (Kenny 2013; Krook and Mackay 2011). Despite the increase in
the number of women, the timing, rules and norms of political institu-
tions, working environment and arrangements, allocation and mem-
bership of important parliamentary committees and other important
positions remain male dominated (Dalton 2008; Ross 2002). Women
in such historically male-dominated institutions are considered as ‘space
invaders’ (Puwar 2004, cited in Dalton 2008, p. 4); they experience mar-
ginalization (Bochel and Briggs 2000). Evidence indicates that women
6 WHO SPEAKS FOR WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT? PATRIARCHY … 99
are met with negative reactions or even sanctions if they are ‘too’ femi-
nist (Dahlerup 1988, p. 294).
Women parliamentarians elected through quota face an additional but
different set of challenges in such gendered institutions. In many cases,
demeaning status and labels are used to stigmatize, marginalize and del-
egitimize women elected through the quota system (Bilal 2006). The
‘quota label’ in some cases may influence women to disavow their asso-
ciation with what are considered to be a ‘narrow’ set of female concerns
(Childs 2004) or vote against legislation that would promote women’s
rights (Tripp 2004) or to be less willing allies to their female-friendly col-
leagues (Schwindt-Bayer 2006). In other cases, quota women’s agency
to act for women is further decreased by indirect election and the
absence of constituency (Tinker 2004).
With such reality of parliament and women parliamentarians, this
chapter examines and analyzes the role of women Members of the
National Assembly (MNAs) in Pakistan. It also explores the challenges
they face in male-dominated institutions. Pakistan adopted and imple-
mented a quota system, reserving a number of seats for women in
national and provincial assemblies. At present, 60 seats are reserved for
women in the National Assembly. In addition, several women have been
elected to the NA on popular votes. This chapter compares and contrasts
the nature of activism of general- and reserved-seat women MNAs in
Pakistan. It specially seeks to examine whether indirect election and gen-
der quota label impact on women’s substantive representation.
Ideally, one would not expect Pakistani women MNAs to play any
major proactive role in parliament. Part of the reason is the existence
of a patriarchal belt where a ‘culture against women’ is deeply rooted
and established in Pakistan. Patriarchs often use legislation to limit
women’s autonomy and to control women outside the private domain
(Moghadam 1992). The masculinist informal norms and practices have
also been institutionalized in the legal system in the name of religion to
control the life and sexuality of women (Mumtaz and Shaheed 1987).
In addition, feudal and tribal dimensions of Pakistani society have fur-
ther strengthened the process of subjugating and controlling women in
the name of religion, honor and tradition. In such sociocultural context,
patriarchy is traditionally institutionalized in politics that pose several
challenges for women politicians in general and women parliamentarians
to act for women in the parliament, party and constituency.
100 N.J. Chowdhury
Yet, as evidence shows, Pakistani women parliamentarians have

fared better than their counterparts in other countries in the South
Asian region. Why and how women parliamentarians in Pakistan seek
to promote issues that interest women in parliament mostly remain
unexplored. This chapter is likely to fill this gap. Two primary meth-
ods, content analysis of debates of the 12th National Assembly
(2002–2007) and 13th National Assembly (2008–2013) and inter-
views with several women MNAs, were conducted for the purpose of
exploring the reality of substantive representation of Pakistani women
parliamentarians. Content analysis was important to locate whether
women MNAs speak in reference to the women’s issues which they
themselves identified as women’s issues during interviews. Women
legislators’ speeches in the parliamentary debates are as important
as any of their acts (Childs and Krook 2012). Any speech of women
legislators that referred to any of these issues was counted as an act
of substantive representation (SR). Interviews provided an impor-
tant source to understand the personal experiences and challenges of
women MNAs.
This chapter is organized into the following sections. Section two
provides a brief account of descriptive representation, examining the
background of the introduction to the quota system, its working and
limitations. Section  three explores the nature of substantive repre-
sentation, identifying the activism of women MNAs in the legisla-
tive field and their issue orientation, while Section four tries to answer
the main question raised at the beginning: Who speaks for women?
Section five explores the differences in issue orientation of reserved-seat
lawmakers (RSMNAs) and directly elected lawmakers (DE/GS MNAs),
while Section six makes an overall assessment of the role of women
MNAs. Section seven identifies the main barriers to substantive represen-
tation. Section eight concludes the chapter.
Women in Pakistan Parliament

Pakistan has a bicameral parliament. The National Assembly (NA) of
Pakistan, the lower House, is composed of 342 members, of whom 282
are elected on popular votes for five years and the rest (60) are reserved
for women which are distributed among different parties according to
the proportion of ‘general’ seats they hold in parliament. The Senate,

the upper House, has 104 members. Senators are elected indirectly by
members of provincial assemblies for six years; half of them retire after
every three years, and 17% of the seats in the Senate are reserved for
women.
Over the years, the representation of women in the NA has increased
significantly: from 4% in 1972 to 11.1% in 1988, and to 23% in 2008.
Women’s representation dropped below 2% in the 1990s primarily due
to the absence of the reserved-seat provision. But following the reintro-
duction of the reserved-seat system, the number of women in the NA
increased significantly. Such increase could be noticed in both categories.
The number of directly elected women increased from 3 in 1988 to 13
in 2002 and to 18, in 2008. Similarly, the number of seats reserved for
women had a threefold increase in the last two decades, from 20 in the
1980s to 60 now.
The provision for reserved seats has significantly contributed to an
increase in the number of women in the NA. However, the reserved-
seat women legislators do not have a geographical constituency to
represent. Predominantly, male political actors play the decisive role
in the election of women to reserved seats (Bari 2010). On the other
hand, each woman elected on popular votes has, like her male coun-
terpart, a specific geographical constituency. So it is important to
understand to what extent indirectly elected quota women and directly
elected women MNAs can act for women, differences in their role per-
formance and challenges they face in such gendered institutional con-
text.
Substantive Representation of Women in National

Assembly
As stated above, the number of women members in the NA has
increased over the years. To understand the dynamics and diversity of
representation, attempts have been made to identify the role of women
MNAs in both the legislative and non-legislative arenas. The next subsec-
tion focuses on the legislative orientation of the women MNAs.
102 N.J. Chowdhury
Women MNAs as Lawmakers

Women in Pakistan have historically remained more disadvantaged than
their counterparts in other countries in the region. Until recently, not
many women-friendly legislation could be found in Pakistan. As Shah
(2011) has observed: ‘The legislative history of Pakistan’s National
Assembly suggests that in terms of introducing women-specific issues
in Parliament, the performance of male parliamentarians has historically
remained extremely low. Perhaps more worrying from feminists’ stand-
point is that popularly elected female members often behave like surro-
gate men.’ The situation is, however, changing somewhat in recent years,
with more women-related issues now finding prominence in parliamen-
tary behavior. In particular, reserved-seat women MNAs have played a
major proactive role in popularizing women-related issues. They appear
to be equally active in moving legislation aimed at promoting women’s
interests and raising other women-related issues. This section focuses on
the nature of women MNA activism in the legislative field, while other
issues will be dealt with in the next sub-section.
Reserved-seat women MNAs have moved and supported a large
number of private members’ bills that deal with women’s rights and
issues; some of these bills have been enacted into laws. They have also
initiated measures for the repeal of many discriminatory laws. They
moved 42% of the private members’ bills in the 12th NA and 70% in
the first three years of the 13th NA (Shah 2011). In the 12th NA,
reserved-seat women legislators of both the ruling and opposition par-
ties played a critical role in the enactment of a law aimed at repealing
honor killing. The legislation, The Protection of Women (Criminal
Laws Amendment) Act 2006, declared honor killing as a ‘cold-
blooded’ murder (WPC 2010). It provided for amending two ordi-
nances of the Hudood Law: Zina and Qazf. The Women Protection Act
2006 moved all the provisions of Zina Ordinance back to the Pakistan
Penal Code including rape and gang rape. This Act protects women as
they can no longer be arrested and imprisoned on just the mere accu-
sation of Zina (Mehdi 2010). It blocked the path of false FIRs in the
cases of Zina because after the enactment of new law it becomes dif-
ficult for the people to wrongly implicate the people on the charges of
adultery or Zina.
In the 13th NA, women MNAs initiated and helped the pas-
sage of several bills aimed at protecting women’s rights. Some of
these bills were: The Prevention of Anti-women Practices (Criminal

Law Amendment) Bill 2008, National Women Commission Bill 2008,
The Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill 2009 (on sexual harassment), The
Prevention of Harassment at Work Place Bill 2008, The Reproductive
Health Care Right Bill 2009, and The Acid Crime and Prevention
Bill 2010. Pakistani women MNAs also actively spoke in support of
Reproductive Health Care Rights Bill 2009 that provided comprehensive
reproductive healthcare services, particularly to women in remote areas
and marginalized groups. Other important bills moved/supported by
women legislators were: National Commission on the Status of Women
Bill 2012 and Women in Distress and Detention Fund (Amendment)
Bill 2010. The National Commission on the Status of Women Act has
afforded the Commission new financial and administrative autonomy and
therefore better scope to investigate women’s rights violations (Jamal
2012).
Through the submission of many women-related bills and speaking
and voting for their passage in the House, women legislators advocated
women’s inheritance, legal and reproductive rights. They also spoke for
the passage of bills that afforded protection, support and legal action for
victims (UN Women 2010). The passage of the Domestic Violence Bill
submitted and supported by women from all the parties brought domes-
tic violence within the purview of the state which had previously been
considered as a domestic issue and therefore was excluded from state
jurisdiction. The number of times women legislators, especially reserved-
seat women, spoke for these bills indicates that Pakistani women made an
impact in relation to feminist legislation and acted to ensure the protec-
tion of women’s human, social and legal rights.
Women as Champions of Women’s Issues

Women parliamentarians not only fared better than male legislators in
moving private members’ legislation in the NA; they also outdistanced
the latter in raising other issues. For example, in the 12th NA, they asked
27% of the total questions, moved 30% of the total calling attention
notices and 24% of the resolutions and raised 8% of the adjournment and
privilege motions (Shah 2011). They performed much better in the 13th
NA. Table 6.1 shows the performance of reserved-seat (RS) MNAs and
general-seat (GS) MNAs in raising different women-related issues in the
House.
104 N.J. Chowdhury
Table 6.1 A comparative view of numbers of Pakistani general-seat and

reserved-seat women MNAs and their representation of women’s issues
National General-seat women Reserved-seat women

assembly
% of women % of total inter- % of total women % of total inter-
representation vention made vention made
12th (2002– 18.0 6.0 82.0 94.0

2007)
13th (2008– 22.0 11.0 78.0 89.0
2012)
Source Developed by author based on content analysis of the parliamentary debates
In the 12th NA, GS women MNAs constituted 18% of the total

(women) members but made only 6% of the total interventions. On the
other hand, RS women MNAs made 94% of the interventions, although
they constituted 82% of total women MPs. Similar situation could
be noticed in the 13th NA. Women legislators spoke on several issues
including violence against women, honor killing, forced religious conver-
sion of minority girls, kidnapping and gang rape of minor girls, increased
incidence of kidnapping and acid violence on women. They raised their
voice against the apparent discrimination of reserved-seat and opposition
MNAs in terms of allocation of time during the debates and develop-
ment funds. They made formal complaints to the Speaker for discrimina-
tion against RSMNAs. Women also raised and spoke about women and
children-related issues such as the increase in the number of incidents of
child abuse, acts or practices that hindered girls’ education and increased
child labor, which were highlighted in their speeches.
Several other issues, for example, law and order, increase in the prices of
daily necessities, and the plight of flood-affected people was also raised and
discussed by women MNAs. Women also raised issues that affected women
disproportionately, such as the rapid increase in HIV and Aids, human
trafficking and provisions for disabled persons. They also expressed their
concerns on women’s rights issues, drawing the attention of the House to
issues such as preventing women from casting the vote and the violation of
women’s rights in the Swat Valley by the Taliban. The representation of
these issues indicated that women were critical of government’s failure and
unwillingness to protect women’s political and civic rights.
Table 6.2 Women-related issues raised by reserved-seat and general-seat

women MNAs
Issue Areas 12th Parliament 13th Parliament

N = 159 N = 171
RS MNAs GS MNAs RS MNAs GS MNAs
Violence against women, 26 11 16 5

Women and legal system 27 3 58 6
Women and politics 17 1 1 –
Women and material 6 – 5 –
interest
Women and children 1 – 21 3
Women’s right issues 11 1 18 1
Women and society 52 3 34 3
Total 140 19 153 18
Source Developed by the author from the content analysis of daily bulletins of 12th and 13th national
assembly of Pakistan
Who Speaks Better for Women?

Generally, women MNAs speak for promoting and safeguarding
women’s rights and interests more than others. In the 12th National
Assembly, as one estimate shows (Shah 2011), only 17 (6.3%) of the
National Assembly’s 269 male members stood in support of their female
colleagues or individually initiated the issues of women’s rights. The
findings relating to the attitude of GSMNAs are similar. RSMNAs played
an instrumental role in raising and popularizing women’s issues in the
House. As Table 6.2 shows, they were more active than the GSMNAs in
almost every respect.
Table 6.2 shows that the representation of women’s issues by the GS
women members remained low in each National Assembly. This is not
surprising as general-seat women’s lower contribution to overall repre-
sentation of women’s issues corresponded to their lower presence. GS
women, despite having more autonomy and independence compared
to RS women, spoke less for women and on critical issues. The analysis
clearly shows that RS women MNAs brought on the floor those issues
that were responsible for the subordinate status of women in Pakistan.
RSMNAs presented their views and perspectives with arguments,
106 N.J. Chowdhury
experience and relevant data. Women legislators devoted their time and
efforts to present the situation and needs of general Pakistani women.
Exploring the Differences

RSMNAs, as the discussion above shows, surpassed their general-seat
counterparts in terms of legislative performance on women’s issues. This
finding is not unusual and is consistent with the earlier findings of civil
society organizations such as PILDAT, FAFEN and Aurat Foundation
that among the most active 25 female parliamentarians in the 12th
National Assembly, only two were general-seat women (Mirza and
Wagha 2009). The reason for this apparent difference in the substantive
representation of general- and reserved-seat women stems mostly from
differences in role perception and the institutional context. General-
seat women may find it beneficial and practical to invest more of their
political time and effort on attending constituents’ claims than speaking
for women. Most of the general-seat women in Pakistan, as their bio-
graphic data reveals, were from feudal backgrounds and elected in the
male member’s constituency. They did not face the complex process of a
formalized nomination process, nor had experience of discrimination in
political parties.
In addition, most of the general-seat women had no previous expe-
rience of social and women rights activism. More importantly, they
lacked any experience of politics and/or knowledge of women’s issues.
A Pakistani reserved-seat female legislator mentioned that there were
some general-seat women who did not do anything. The most effective
starting point for knowledge is one’s own experiences, and the lack of
personal and political experiences of general-seat women impacts their
feelings, willingness and effectiveness to speak for women (Jones 1993
cited in Reingold 2000, p. 34). Moreover, in the institutional and politi-
cal contexts of Pakistan, women elected to general seats find it difficult
to be publicly identified with women’s issues because it might be detri-
mental to their future political career.
Feminist institutionalists argue that women seeking to be both
accepted and effective in politics encounter assimilative pressures to con-
form to the established male behavioral norm in the gendered cultures
of the institutions (Puwar 2004, p. 77 cited in Franceschet 2011, p. 65).
Sometime women in such masculinist institutions deny their gender
identity and try to fit in with the dominant male styles. Some women
under the pretext of being national leaders ignored women’s issues.

Some argue that they are like the biological females who act as a social
man (Sorenson 1984 cited in Acker 1990, p. 139). Such a tendency by
female leaders to deny their gender identity and consciousness is dubbed
‘The Margaret Thatcher syndrome’ (Rahman 2004; Shaheed 2002).
Contrary to this perception of general-seat women, reserved-seat
women confirmed that they considered themselves as the representa-
tives of women and were responsible for voicing women’s concern in the
political process. Their responsibility was not confined within a specific
geographical constituency like those women in general seats. This dif-
ference in role perception and responsibility arises from their election to
reserved seats that confer a special mandate to improve the representa-
tion of women as a group (Schwartz 2004). Mandates emerge over the
quota campaign as a result of arguments that female representatives are
needed in order to present perspectives of women which are different
from those of men (Childs and Krook 2012). Such expectation trans-
lated into an informal norm and impacts on reserved-seat women’s rep-
resentation of women.
Moreover, reserved-seat women are constantly reminded of their
responsibility to women constituents, to use their political time and pres-
ence to pursue important issues of women (Bari 2010; Dahlerup 2009).
Thus, reserved-seat women’s perception of being a representative and
their representative acts shape the prospects for the substantive repre-
sentation of women. Reserved-seat legislators in Pakistan claimed that
reserved-seat women do better work than many directly elected female
legislators.
Explaining Women MNA Activism in Pakistan Parliament

Despite the differences in role perception between general- and reserved-
seat women, data indicate that representation of women’s issues
increased in the 13th NA compared to 12th NA. Several factors contrib-
uted to an increase in the representation of women’s issues. These were:
the appointment of a female Speaker, the formation of a women’s caucus,
the presence of more experienced women, the entry of highly educated
professional women and grassroots political activists with a background
in social activism. Accordingly, women’s voices got stronger with the
presence of an experienced woman Speaker who gave women MNAs
encouragement and opportunity to speak their mind (Ebrahim 2009).
108 N.J. Chowdhury
The role of the Speaker was significant in the formation of the Women’s
Parliamentary Caucus (WPC) and its continued effort to act for protect-
ing and ensuring the rights of Pakistani women.
Women’s Parliamentarian Caucus (WPC) was instrumental in the for-
mulation and passage of different women-related bills in the 13th NA.
Notwithstanding differences in party affiliation and/or intellectual ori-
entation, women MNAs in the WPC adopted an all-party approach while
discussing different issues. The WPC provided women parliamentar-
ians space and motivation to act for women. It also worked as a training
ground for newcomers where they learned about legislative procedures
from the experienced MNAs. It facilitated women’s substantive represen-
tation in the 13th NA and increased commitment to support bills that
benefited women. It also confirms that women do introduce and support
women-related bills more when there is an increased number of women
or when there is a women’s parliamentary caucus (Thomas 1991).
Also, more experienced women entered the 13th NA due to the re-
election of several women legislators of the 12th NA. They were experi-
enced in the legislative procedures and the lawmaking process. Women
of this group were more active in representing women’s issues when
compared to other reserved-seat and general-seat women (FAFEN
2012). It provided women legislators the opportunity to continue their
work on women-related bills, some of which they had initiated in the
12th NA. In addition, background profiles reveal that many grassroots-
level political workers and social rights activists were elected to reserved
seats. These women were familiar with Pakistani women’s issues and the
discriminations they faced, and were willing to use the floor of the parlia-
ment to seek redress.
Barriers to Substantive Representation

While the data indicated increased and active representation of women,
there were also valid data and example that indicate that not all women
act or speak for women. It is likely that some women are less effective
and willing than others to act for women. Almost 42% reserved-seat
women and 70% general-seat women in the 12th NA, and 35 and 53%
general- and reserved-seat women MNAs, respectively, in the 13th NA
did not voice concerns for women. Interview data reveal that the willing-
ness and ability of MNAs to act are circumscribed by a set of personal
and institutional factors. Such factors include: formal and informal norms
of political institutions, gender quota and indirect election, party disci-

pline and affiliation, and lack of support system.
The Pakistan legislature is infused with patriarchal, feudal and tribal
norms, and women legislators complained of not being taken seriously,
not only by male colleagues but also by the Speaker of the National
Assembly who, on several occasions, ignored the notices of women
and allocated less time to them to speak (PILDAT 2006). In the 12th
National Assembly, women’s opportunity to participate in the legislative
process was curtailed and not a single woman member was put on the
list of the Panel of Chairmen (Mirza and Wagha 2009). Experiences of
marginalization and invisibility in the masculinized space like legislative
institutions constrained and sometimes discouraged women from speak-
ing for women (Dalton 2008). Women legislators mentioned that their
male counterparts were not supportive of reserved seats and were suspi-
cious about the formation of the WPC.
Women MNAs also experienced a lack of support from their own
party members and male colleagues while raising issues related to wom-
en’s interests. Sometimes women legislators were either expelled from
the party or criticized for promoting women’s concerns and initiating
cross-partisan networking. Kashmala Tariq, a reserved-seat legislator and
a woman activist, was expelled from the party (PML-Q) due to her out-
spoken nature and the anti-woman mind-set of the party (Sahi 2008).
Dr. Fehmida Mirza, Speaker of the 13th NA and three times directly
elected MNA, was criticized for being ‘Women’s Speaker only,’ for her
support to women legislators in promoting women’s issues and for her
role in the formation of the caucus (PILDAT 2013). For general- and
reserved-seat women MNAs, the political context is similar, if not exactly
the same.
Feminist scholars argue that institutions created by men in response to
the interests of elites often function to constrain the behavior of women
(Browne 2014). It was observed that in Pakistan, whenever women
wanted to raise issues of mutual concern, parties or party leaders were
always there to impose their own political priorities which usually con-
flicted with the larger agenda of gender equality (cited in Saeed 2010).
Women legislators faced resistance from their male colleagues dur-
ing the passage of women-related bills. Women members of the ruling
party failed to incorporate two positive amendments in the Criminal Law
Amendment Act (on honor killing) due to strong resistance from some
quarters in the government and party (Mirza 2011). The Prevention of
110 N.J. Chowdhury
Anti-Women Practices Bill 2011 and its standing committee had faced
significant resistance to pass the bill (Khan 2011). The main opposition
women MNAs faced was from male members of their own or opposition
parties who tried to ignore them in the legislative process or block any
legislation to ensure women’s access to gender rights, goods and services
(Imtiaz 2011).
Moreover, according to informal conventions, senior members and
leaders of the parties and parliaments are given priority in the conduct
of business and appointment to important positions of the parliament.
Most of the senior members are obviously male. Women’s junior status
limits their access to the formal position of institutional power which,
in turn, constrains and discourages women from taking any initiative
to speak or participate in debates (Swers 2002). In some cases, women
were sexually harassed and felt pressured to give sexual favor to leaders
in powerful positions in the parties and legislatures (Bari 2010, p. 380).
Available evidence indicates that women legislators in Pakistan were
ignored, marginalized and victimized in political institutions. Their efforts
to act for women were further limited by constitutional rules to control
the freedom of legislators. Thus, the masculinist formal and informal
norms and practice constrain women legislators to voice women’s con-
cerns and affect their ability to act for women. Although the ‘quota’
MNAs play a more proactive role than the GSMNAs, in the Pakistani
institutional context they experience greater marginalization and invisibi-
lization than the general-seat women and demeaning statuses are attached
to them. In fact, quota label, indirect election and the lack of a constitu-
ency are likely to diminish reserved-seat women’s capacity to represent
claims (Reyes 2002).
The indirect election and reserved-seat status were used by male lead-
ers and parliament members to make women legislators invisible in the
legislative process. In the 12th National Assembly of Pakistan, female
reserved-seat legislators were ignored during debates on important
national issues and were not even provided with the minutes of the meet-
ings despite repeated requests. RSMNAs were only allowed to speak for
two to three minutes with repeated interruptions to wind up (Mirza and
Wagha 2009). Reserved-seat women MNAs were even termed as ‘politi-
cal show girls’ by some of their male colleagues.
RSMNAs confided that they were often reminded of their election
and positions. Male members regarded them as ‘not real politicians’ since
they had no constituency and their election was dependent on the favor
of the party leadership (Bari 2010). Also, due to reserved-seat status,

women were more vulnerable to party pressure and disciplinary actions.
Women legislators stressed the informal institutions and norms regard-
ing the status and position of reserved-seat women in parliament. What
is evident is that the reserved-seat label reduces women’s ability to act
for women and build solidarity with constituents. However, not all are
equally affected by this label. Those having strong professional, per-
sonal and political credibility were able to resist being labeled as ‘token’
lawmakers and succeeded in working for women. But those who were
‘junior’ political party workers without any leadership or organizational
experience and also lacked strong feudal or political family connections
were most often affected by the reserved-seat label. Many RSMNAs
experienced triple jeopardy due to their gender, their reserved-seat status
and their lack of leadership support or connections.
The substantive representation of women is also influenced by the
extent of party discipline. Party discipline is the rule, whereby the mem-
bers of a political party take a common public stand on a given issue
(Tremblay 2003, p. 230) and have a tendency to prevent women work-
ing across parties (Mackay 2001). However, in the context of a weakly
institutionalized authoritarian party structure, what influences the capa-
bility of women to speak for women is party affiliation. As women are
both individuals and politicians with their own political beliefs and views,
they are also like male party candidates, who represent that party’s poli-
cies and programs (Bochel and Briggs 2000; Phillips 1995). Pakistani
political parties are weak and dynastic in nature; these are also disciplined
in practice. The cross-party networking among women MNAs in such
an environment is viewed with a lot of suspicion. Party practices, if not
rules, discourage their MNAs from working closely with their coun-
terparts in other political parties (Bari 2010). Women legislators who
disregard party rules are subject to disciplinary action, and reserved-
seat women MNAs are more vulnerable to party discipline in Pakistan.
Reserved-seat women legislators who have tried to act independently or
disregard party directives risk losing the prospect of re-election.
However, apart from adhering to party rules, female legislators’ affili-
ation with the party ideology in some cases also influenced women to act
against women’s interest or to remain inactive. For example, women par-
liamentarians, Dr. Farida Ahmed and Ms. Samia Raheel Qazi, of MMA
strongly condemned and rejected the Protection of Women (Criminal
Laws Amendment) Bill 2006, due to their party affiliation and ideology.
112 N.J. Chowdhury
Sometimes, female legislators weigh the party’s position and their own
future career prospects as a parliamentarian. The ruling party’s (PML-
Q) female legislators in the 12th National Assembly opposed opposi-
tion member Sherry Rahman’s motion on ‘The Introduction of a Bill
to Provide for Elimination of Gender Discrimination.’ The bill proposed
that one-third of women must be recruited in the Federal Public Service
Commission and that equal pay be paid for equal work to women in line
with the International Labor Organization’s Convention No. 100 (Bari
2010).
In the 13th NA of Pakistan, pro-women legislators like Nafisa
Shah, Bushra Gohar and Shazia Mari remained silent on Nizam-e-Adl
Regulation (Zubeida 2009), the aim of which was to impose Sharia
laws in the Swat Valley in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan.
Sharia courts would interpret civil rights according to Islamic scriptures
which would render women invisible and enable unprecedented violence
to be inflicted on them (True et al. 2013). However, female lawmak-
ers were silent on raising the implication of Sharia law on the lives of
women (Zubeida 2009). It is evident that women legislators like their
male counterparts have to act within parameters set by the party lead-
ers and rules. Party affiliation remains important in light of its role in
providing access to political patronage (Goetz and Hassim 2003). Such
attitudes and practices of the parties also limit the effectiveness of the
presence of women to work for women and determine whether substan-
tive representation can take place.
Political institutions can facilitate or hinder the substantive represen-
tation of women by providing different levels of resources to initiate
women-related activities or research (Franceschet 2011). As legislative
business is a complex process, it takes time to learn the rules and apply
them. The inexperience of new women legislators in participating in the
legislative business is multiplied by the absence of institutional support
systems for women. This is a characteristic of underdeveloped institu-
tional contexts. Many of these newly elected women were political party
workers and professionals but they lacked knowledge about the complex
process of legislative business. There was no system of training in place
for these women, nor mentors for newcomers to learn the legislative
rules and procedures. In such institutional environments, new women
legislators became invisible in the legislative process almost immediately.
In particular, the lack of gender expertise, research staff and gender dis-
aggregated data posed difficulties for women to raise gender-related
issues in parliament. In Pakistan, elected representatives continued to

work without office space and assistance (Bari 2010). As such, the lack of
institutional support systems limited the effectiveness and willingness of
women to act for women in the legislative process or to initiate women-
related activities.
Conclusion
Women’s representation in the parliamentary arena shows that with the
presence of more women, representation of women’s issues increased
and therefore confirms the relationship between female representa-
tives and representation of women. Data also reveal that reserved-seat
MNAs in both parliaments (12th and 13th) represented women better
than those elected from general seats; they also made major contribu-
tions to promote women’s issues. Not only could one see an increase in
the number of issues raised and discussed by women MPs; there was a
qualitative shift in the nature of issues moved. Several factors such as the
[positive] role of the female Speaker, the formation of a women’s cau-
cus, an increase in the number of experienced women MNAs and the
presence of feminist activists as lawmakers caused this shift in the nature
of representation. However, women MNAs could not always represent
women the way they wanted mostly because of the informal and formal
rules and norms, party discipline, gender quota label and indirect elec-
tion and the lack of an institutional support system. It is evident that
women’s substantive representation does not depend solely on the num-
ber of women elected but on the presence and complex interactions of
institutional and individual-level factors. These factors intervene in the
process of substantive representation of women. These findings indicate
that the relationship between descriptive and substantive is not determin-
istic but complicated (Childs 2006).
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Thomas, S. (1991). The impact of women on state legislative policies. The
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Tinker, I. (2004). Quotas for women in elected legislatures: Do they really
empower women? Women’s Studies International Forum, 27, 531–546.
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ticipation in Asia pacific: Report for United Nations department of political
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15, 2013. Available at http://www.sacw.net.
CHAPTER 7
Gender Inclusive Governance:

Representation of Women in National
and Provincial Political Bodies in Sri Lanka
Kamala Liyanage
Inclusive governance implies bottom-up decision making, having all

concerned people at every level of governance participate (Beall 1996,
p. 3). Inclusiveness is a core value of democratic governance, in terms of
equal participation, equal rights, and treatment. It implies that all people
including women, poor, and ethnic minorities also have the equal rights
similar to men, rich and ethnic majorities to participate meaningfully
in governance and influence decisions that affect them (UNDP 2007,
p. 1). It also recognizes that all citizens are entitled to take an interest in
public issues and to address them. Equitable representation in governing
institutions is essential to the building and sustaining of democracy. The
achievement of democracy presupposes a genuine partnership between
men and women in the conduct of the affairs of society in which they
work in equality and complementarily, drawing mutual enrichment from
their differences (Inter-Parliamentary Union 2014, p. 4).
K. Liyanage (*) 
University of Peradeniya, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_7
118 K. Liyanage
The arguments for inclusion of women in political decision-mak-

ing bodies are many and diverse. For example, the presence of women
in elected bodies strengthens the legitimacy of equal rights and ensures
equal opportunities and promotes gender inclusive governance. It also
assures that women as a group have a leader who protects and shares
their interests and represents and enriches the experiences of women in
the decision-making process. There may also exist scope for better allo-
cation of public funds including subsidiaries for childcare, and efficient
delivery of basic services. Women’s presence is likely to encourage quali-
tative changes in women’s lives, create opportunities to build women’s
leadership skills, contribute to the change in the nature of political insti-
tutions and political culture, and create more women-friendly political
environment. The political women also serve as important role models,
which may inspire other women to involve themselves in politics (Rule
and Zimmerman 1994; Phillips 1995; Dahlerup 1988, 2007; Sawer
2000).
Today, in many countries including Sri Lanka, there is an increased
political awareness, higher voter turner out, and active participation at
election propaganda among women but their representation in the
elected bodies is pitifully low. In Sri Lanka, women constitute 51.9%
of the total population and their achievements in all fields includ-
ing life expectancy are remarkable. Despite the fact that women are
almost on par with men in every sphere of life, they have been margin-
alized in higher decision-making levels. Article 12(2) of the Sri Lankan
Constitution (1978) affirms equal rights to men and women. In 1980,
Sri Lankan government accepted the UN International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights of 1966. In 1981, Sri Lanka became a signa-
tory to the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discriminations
against Women (CEDAW). The Women’s Charter—Sri Lanka (1993,
2: 1)—affirms equal rights to men and women in politics. Thus, equal
political rights including right to representation of Sri Lankan men and
women have been guaranteed by national as well as international laws.
But there exists a major gap between what is written in the
Constitution and the ground reality. Electoral politics still remains a pre-
serve of men and women mostly remain ‘invisible.’ This paper focuses
attention on the underrepresentation of women in national and provin-
cial political bodies in Sri Lanka. It seeks to explore a number of issues
such as women’s political rights, their role as voters, party members,
activists, and leaders, and also their role and performance as elected
7 GENDER INCLUSIVE GOVERNANCE: REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN … 119
representatives at national and provincial levels. The paper also identi-

fies and explains factors that account for women’s exclusion from elected
bodies in Sri Lanka. The data for this study has been derived from four
researches conducted in 1994, 1998, 2010–2012, and in 2015–2016.1
During this period, 29 female politicians (including a woman Prime
Minister, President, two presidential candidates, and 12 Ministers, one
Governor of a Provincial Council (PC), three Deputy ministers) and
42 male leaders (two Prime Ministers, 17 Ministers, two Governors of
PCs, and 7 Deputy Ministers) at the national and provincial levels and 19
party officials (all four women party leaders, seven women members—
party Executive Committees, four male General Secretaries, two male
Deputy Leaders, and two Treasures) were interviewed. In addition, 23
Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) with party activists, members of wom-
en’s wings and selected voters in 14 districts were conducted.
Constitutional Development and Evolution

of Political Parties in Sri Lanka
There have been three constitutions in Sri Lanka: the 1947 Soulbury
Constitution, the First Republican Constitution of 1972, and the
Second Republican Constitution of 1978. The Soulbury Constitution
which consisted of the Ceylon Independence Act, 1947, provided a
Westminster or a parliamentary cabinet model of government to Sri
Lanka. The Governor General, the House of Representatives (101 mem-
bers), and the Senate (30 members) exercised legislative power under
this constitution. The First Republican Constitution, 1972, provided
a unicameral legislature, a nominal president and a cabinet of minis-
ters headed by a Prime Minister. The simple majority system was used
as the electoral system to elect parliamentarians under these constitu-
tions. The Second Republican Constitution, 1978, which was a mixture
of the French, American, and British government models established an
Executive Presidential system with a unicameral legislature (225 mem-
bers) and a cabinet headed by the President. This constitution intro-
duced a form of multi-member proportional representative system for
parliamentary and presidential elections (Wilson 1979). Under the 13
Amendment to the 1978 Constitution, nine Provincial Councils were
established and below the provincial level, there are elected 18 Municipal
Councils, 42 Urban Councils, and 270 Pradesheeya Sabhas.
120 K. Liyanage
The Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) was established in 1935 in Sri
Lanka as the first political party and the Communist Party (CP) followed
it by founding in 1943. From 1947 to 1952, the United National Party
was the dominant party in electoral politics in Sri Lanka and after that,
a two-party coalition system emerged in which the UNP and the SLFP
alternatively established governments (Kearney 1983). At present, there
are 68 registered parties in Sri Lanka and they can be divided into four
main categories such as major/dominant parties, old and new left par-
ties, ethnic parties, and smaller parties.
Women’s Presence in Politics

One of the important characteristics that set apart Sri Lanka from its
neighbors is that it recognized equality of men and women in poli-
tics much earlier than the latter. The Donoughmore Constitution,
which came into effect in 1931, granted franchise to men and women
on the same terms and conditions, and Sri Lankan women became the
first to enjoy franchise among the Asian countries (Mettananda 1981;
Jayawardena 1986). There have been 15 general elections in Sri Lanka
and the percentage of voter turnout has increased with each elec-
tion from 55.5% in 1947 to 86.7% in 1977 and since then it has been
around 65–70% even during the civil war period (Liyanage 1992, p. 17).
Though there is no official gender-disaggregated data on voting in Sri
Lanka, there is a strong perception that men and women have equally
voted or women have voted more than men at general elections since the
mid-1960s (de Silva 1995, p. 84).
Women not only vote in large number in Sri Lanka but also partici-
pate in different party-related activities both as party members and lead-
ers. The Sri Lankan parties do not have clear records on their party
membership and the way of granting membership differs from one
party to another. According to a survey done by Women’s Bureau of Sri
Lanka, the membership of women in different parties varies from about
20 to 30% (Women’s Bureau 1984). One survey (Kiribamune 1998)
illustrates that 33% of men and 25% of women own party membership
cards. However, although women do not obtain membership cards as
frequently as men, many of them generally attend party meetings where
the decisions taken by party’s inner circles are presented. This study
illustrates that the majority of women members of different parties gen-
erally come from rural areas and their main interest in attending party
meetings is to ‘enjoy the event’ by going out or to obtain some material

support. Many female party activists said that they contributed a lot to
their parties mainly during the elections, but blamed them for exploiting
women and ignoring them immediately after the elections.2
Women members appear to be active in mobilizing voters, but not
in making decisions or interest articulation. Like other patriarchal insti-
tutions, parties also place women in a subordinate position and exploit
them in a clever manner to achieve their political goals. In almost all
parties in Sri Lanka, the female segment of the Central or Working
Committee is very small. Women constitute 13.5% and 12.9% of mem-
bers of the Working Committee and the Executive Committee, respec-
tively, of UNP. 7.4% of the Central Committee members of SLFP, 3.0%
of LSSP, and 5.0% of CP are women. SLMC and the JVP do not have
any women in their highest policymaking bodies. In none of the parties
has the post of General Secretary been ever held by a woman. Very few
women represent the middle level of the party structures too.
The few women who have reached the top in party hierarchies have
attained these positions by virtue of their kinship to male heirs. The
emergence of Sirima Bandaranaike, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Srimani
Athulathmudali, and Farial Asraff in political leadership roles repre-
sents a paradox in Sri Lanka’s patriarchal culture that is best explained
by their linkages to male authority. The political value of some of these
women lies in their symbolizing the former leaders in the absence of
direct male heirs capable of taking their places. The transformation of
Mrs. Bandaranaike and Athulathmudali from housewives to party lead-
ers underscores their potential as unifying forces against the backdrop
of serious party internal crises. Thus, inheritance has legitimated their
leaderships.
Many interviewees3 did not have a clear understanding about the
importance of the inclusion of women in the party structures. Some
female MPs even said that they could not remember the total number
of female members of the Central/Working Committee of their parties.
This demonstrates the lack of interest in their party structures and inclu-
sion of women in them. Two female leaders emphasized boldly that it
was their ‘inherent’ right to represent higher committees since they had
been contributing actively to their parties. One female MP described
how her father took initiatives to establish a political foundation for her
and since then how she has been contributing to her party. Also, she
expressed her unhappiness regarding a gender quota to increase women’s
122 K. Liyanage
representation in elected bodies.4 Her point was that general women

who have no political experiences or ambitions should not be pushed by
others (meant NGOs) to political bodies.
Sri Lankan political parties, notwithstanding differences in ideology
and structure, have not done anything to address the issue of underrep-
resentation of women in politics. Women are underrepresented at top
levels of all parties, and the male leaders have been successful in pro-
tecting the patriarchal nature of these structures. Very few women MPs
demonstrated their ‘genuine’ interest in increasing women’s representa-
tion. The behavior pattern of the majority of women MPs shows that
once they enter party politics, they too become ‘male politicians’ or they
just serve as symbols of their husbands or fathers. Some women leaders
have occasionally demonstrated their opposition and anger toward the
proposal for including more women in political bodies.
Very few leaders of the parties whether female or male have illus-
trated their genuine interest and commitment to address the issue of
including more women in elected bodies. Both female and male lead-
ers are reluctant to initiate a sound discussion on this issue or to con-
vince some of their leaders to recognize its importance. The reasons for
this are the perceived fear and threat among leaders of parties regard-
ing a possible internal dispute over this issue and a division of the party.
The fear of losing the ‘popularity’ of party leaders among the second
level ranks by challenging the patriarchal party structure was seen as a
major barrier by many female candidates. It is obvious that many men
who have established their power bases are not ready to give up their
positions. According to a Provincial leader: ‘in granting election nomina-
tions, first we have to consider the sitting members of the elected bod-
ies, then the family members/relatives and/or close associates/friends of
leaders, some unsuccessful candidates in previous elections, strong sup-
porters of the party and some young men. Finally, there is no vacancy for
women—that is the reality.’ Even in the National List, though women’s
names were included several times, after the elections, they disappeared
without the notice of the particular candidate and men were appointed
to the Parliament. In 1999, two women were elected to the Uva and
North Central Provincial Councils but they were pushed out and their
seats were given to two men.
One can clearly understand this factor by analyzing the changes of
status of present prime minister regarding a relevant proposal presented
to him. Another factor that hinders women’s access to parties is men’s
patriarchal attitude towards women mainly as ‘protectors and decision

makers’. A statement made by a former male minister and sent to the
Ministry of Women’s Affairs at a national event where all female MPs,
women’s activists and concerned individuals gathered, states that ‘men
can represent women in an effective way, therefore it is not necessary to
have women members to represent their own interests’ clearly reveals such
beliefs’. He further observed: ‘I believe I am the most suitable person
to be the Minister of Women’s Affairs because my mother is a woman,
and my wife is a woman, I have four sisters and three daughters and have
looked after around 400 working women, as a manager of a garment fac-
tory’.5 This depicts the general belief of many male political leaders, that it
is their ‘hereditary’ rights/duty to represent and look after women.
Party politics has become a lucrative and competitive income generat-
ing avenue in Sri Lanka. Therefore, securing nomination is very com-
petitive and difficult even for a man. Generally, parties have their own
priorities to give nominations, and women are not given any space in
that. This has been practiced by parties to satisfy mainly the male associ-
ates of leaders. In case if they are unhappy or disappointed, many men
cross over the party or else create internal disputes. Since many leaders
do not want to face such challenges, they are hesitant to exclude men
and to include women. The long-standing experiences of men in using
power, the patriarchal party structures, negative attitude of party leaders
toward women’s inclusion in political bodies, and lack of financial ability
also have become major barriers to women aspiring to join party politics
and/or assume leadership roles.
The low level of inner party democracy also has become another
obstacle. Several case studies show that though some national leaders
have recognized the importance of the issue, the local leaders do not
allow women to come out of their shells. In case where there is a little
space, the local leaders push their family members, mainly a man, if not
available a woman. National leaders often try to avoid conflicts due to
the fear of breaking down of parties by keeping quiet or just by listening
to the local leader.6 Also, the lack of courage, willingness, and commit-
ment of party leaders at least to initiate a discussion on this issue can be
identified as another barrier to accommodating women.
The authoritarian nature of some party leaders too has negatively
influenced individuals who plan to initiate discussion about changing
such conservative traditions or challenging the party structures. Such
vocal persons have been marginalized/expelled from the party by the
124 K. Liyanage
leaders in the past. These incidents have not only provided negative
precedence but also created fear and suspicion among women’s minds
than men in the middle level of party hierarchies. Furthermore, eth-
nic parties such as SLMC, CWC, and JHU do not show any support
to increase women’s representation, probably due to their ideological
stances and inability to find sufficient number of capable or qualified
women for party positions and election nominations. This factor has
been used as a main ‘excuse’ by both major parties for more than two
decades in objecting to any relevant proposal for increase in women’s
representation.
Women as Candidates in General

and Provincial Elections
In Sri Lanka, it is difficult to give an accurate number of women con-

testing elections due to lack of gender-segregated data. In general, the
percentage of women candidates is very low. As Table 7.1 shows, it
varied from 0.3 in 1947 to 9.5 in 2015. The maximum percentage of
women nominated in national elections between 1947 and 2004 was in
1965—3.2. However, the situation changed quite significantly in 2015
when more than 6000 candidates contested the elections, of which
more than 500 were women, who represented parties and independ-
ent groups. Even in 2015, there were 81 (2.2) women to 3653 men
candidates nominated only by parties. Among the parties, JVP fielded
4.3% women in 2015, and the United Lanka People’s party the high-
est (33.3%). The two main coalitions led by major parties fielded only
around 1.9% of women candidates. Ethnic parties such as SLMC and
JHU have never nominated a single woman at any general election. In
1994, the two main parties nominated women as their presidential can-
didates. Although the UNP did not initially plan to field a woman can-
didate, it did so after the assassination of the official candidate—Gamini
Dissanayake (Liyanage 1998).
The percentage of women candidates nominated by all the parties
and independent groups for Provincial Council elections in 1989 was
2.8. The percentage, however, increased in subsequent elections—3.5 in
1993, 3.7 in 2004, and 4.5 in 2008. Generally, stiff competition among
the aspiring candidates is widely noticed during the nomination process.
It is often said that a candidate cannot win an election without a ‘base
support,’ a well-known name, and money. According to some women
Table 7.1 Total candidates nominated and the percentage of women in general elections (1947–2015)
Candidates Year of election
1947 1952 1956 1960 March 1960 July 1965 1970 1977 1989 1994 2001 2004 2015
Total 360 305 249 899 393 493 437 756 672 692 738 624 3653
Women 3 10 7 11 7 16 13 20 13 20 20 17 81
Women (%) 0.8 3.3 2.8 1.2 1.8 3.2 2.9 2.6 1.9 2.9 2.7 2.7 2.2
Women elected 3 2 4 3 3 6 6 10 12 10 11 11 13
Source Calculated by the author from data related to general elections 1947–2015—nominations given by parties only and nominations of independent
groups are not included. 2010 data is also not included
7 GENDER INCLUSIVE GOVERNANCE: REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN …
125
126 K. Liyanage
activists, ‘although there is a selection criterion, in practice it is done on

some “hidden” factors such as financial ability, family and individual con-
nections of the candidate with party leaders.’
Among 34 women who were nominated by political parties, between
1947 and 1994 general elections in Sri Lanka, 25 had or have come from
political families and they were nominated as substitutes for a father’s,
husband’s, or a brother’s vacant seat.7 This study demonstrates that
many younger men are supported by senior male political leaders to get
nomination but many younger women are not supported by women
leaders. One vocal female activist emphasized that there are not many
women in the higher level of parties with leadership qualities, and skills
to influence the party leaders. However, according to some male party
leaders, there are not many women with leadership skills to merit nomi-
nations.
Why So Few Nominations?

The study has identified several factors which have hindered women rep-
resentation in political bodies. In Sri Lanka, generally major parties with
strong electoral support and ability to win the elections do not nomi-
nate women. Therefore, difficulty in obtaining nomination has become
a major barrier for women to represent in political bodies. According to
experiences of many women politicians, men always push out women and
help other men to get nominations or to be party office bearers. Such
men use various strategies such as spreading rumors, emphasizing on
their ‘weaknesses,’ threatening, blocking their opportunities to establish
close associations with leaders, and discouraging to do so. Some local
women who have been trained and pushed by several women’s organiza-
tions failed to secure party nominations though they had worked years
for their parties. Although they joined smaller parties or independent
groups, it is extremely hard to win the elections.8 Almost all studies done
on this issue have shown that due to nepotism, gender stereotypes, gen-
dered socialization process, gendered roles, relations, and identities, patri-
archal nature of party structures, political violence, and lack of financial
and muscle power, women are at a disadvantage (de Alwis 1995; Leitan
2000; Liyanage 1996, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2005, 2012; 2013; Kodikara
2009).
Generally, parties select winnable candidates and in the Sri Lankan
political culture, women are not considered as strong, popular, and
winnable candidates. Because the candidates’ popularity depends on the

material benefits they distribute, the way they attend public events and
demonstrate their power. According to the gathered information, many
male candidates spend around 30–40 lakhs of Rupees on election propa-
ganda to distribute materials among voters. Some respondents pointed
out that ‘even if women candidates have funds they do not distribute
materials and alcohol etc. similar to men, because they are generally
thrifty.’ They believe that this is due to the different socialization process
undergone by men and women.
Many male political leaders interviewed view politics as a ‘masculine’
activity and women are not suitable for it. The majority of respondents
considered political violence such as threatening women candidates, not
allowing to organize meetings, following by motor bicycles, destroying
their posters and properties, spreading rumors on them, and attacking
their family members/supporters as main obstacles to women’s active
political participation. Moreover, many men generally do not encour-
age women by appreciating their political activities because they want to
undermine and place them in subordinate positions. As a result, many
women do not develop their self-confidence.
Sri Lankan women are generally socialized to be shy, naïve, polite,
and peaceful; therefore, many women do not want to challenge the
male political domain in an aggressive manner because they do not want
themselves to be considered ‘unfeminine’ by the society. Almost all rel-
evant studies have illustrated that the existing political culture of Sri
Lanka, mainly violent nature of election propaganda, aggressive cam-
paigns, ‘gift—distributing,’ male-dominated decision making in parties,
late-night ‘drinking’ parties, informal networking, and character assas-
sinations, has pushed women into disadvantaged positions (CENWOR
1995; De Silva 1995; Kiribamune 1998; Kodikara 2009; Liyanage 1996,
1998, 1999, 2000, 2005, 2013; Samarasinghe 2000; Wickramasinghe
and Kodikara 2012).
Many voters also do not consider women as suitable representa-
tives. They compare the characteristics given by the society to women
with those of men and vote for male candidates who possess ‘masculine’
leadership characteristics. The majority of voters measure the level of the
leadership by using very traditional sociopsychological indicators. This is
due to two main reasons: First, women are socialized in a different man-
ner and they believe that it is natural for them to behave as ‘women’
or in a ‘feminine’ way. But the society still believes that such ‘feminine’
128 K. Liyanage
characteristics and behavior are not appropriate for a political leader.

Second, the majority of women are not given opportunities to play lead-
ership roles; therefore, they have not improved their skills compared to
men or up to the level of the expectations of the society.
Lack of women’s visibility in political forums, mainly on electronic
media, lack of competence in delivering public speeches, and organizing
attractive propaganda meetings and lack of bargaining skills have been
considered by the voters as ‘negative or weak points’ of women. Thus,
masculine nature of party politics, the violent political culture, and some
conservative attitudes toward women have influenced to worsen this situ-
ation. Lack of nation-wide strong and established women’s campaign to
lobby for women’s representation too has been identified as a major bar-
rier in this regard. Though some women’s organizations and few indi-
viduals genuinely take interest in this issue, some of their activities are
short-term, project-based or are confined to election periods, and no
continuity is seen until achieving the final goal. The majority of women’s
organizations also lack strong lobbying skills, resources, and abilities in
organizing nation-wide campaigns/demonstrations.
Women’s Role as Elected Representatives

The number of women elected to the national legislature has varied.
Only 3.0% of the total members in the first Parliament elected in 1947
were women. The percentage decreased to 1.9 in 1960. It increased
up to 3.8% in 1970 and after that it has been increasing very slowly.
However, since 1989, this percentage has ranged between 4.0 and 5.8%.
It was only in the 1977 parliament that the percentage of women’s rep-
resentation increased up to 6.5%. Until 1977, women elected as MPs
belonged to left-of-center parties. After that, the majority of women
parliamentarians have come from either the UNP or the SLFP. At the
2010 general election, the UNP nominated one woman and the UPFA
two women to the Parliament from the national list. Between 1947 and
2010, there were/have been 23 women parliamentarians from the UNP,
26 from the SLFP, or PA and UPFA coalitions, three from the LSSP, and
one from the CP and two from the JVP.
However, the total number of women remains very low and since the
1980s, it has never exceeded 13 (Table 7.2). There have been only five
Tamil women MPs (UNP—3 and TNA—2) and two Muslim women
(SLFP led PA/UPFA—1 & JVP—1). In the 2015 general election,
Table 7.2 Elected women according to political parties: 1947–2015
Political Parties Year of election
1947 1952 1956 1960 March 1960 July 1965 1970 1977 1989 1994 2001 2004 2010 2015
N = 225 N = 224
LSSP 1 1 1 1 2 4
CP 1
UNP 1 1 1 9 4 4 4 3 5 7
SLFP/PA 1 4 1 1 8 5 5 8 8 5
UPFA
MEP 1 2
Jathika Vimukthi 1 1 1 1
Peramuna
TNA 1
JVP 1 2
Total 3 2 4 3 3 6 6 10 12 10 11 11 13 13
Source Calculated by the author—General election results 1947–2015

7 GENDER INCLUSIVE GOVERNANCE: REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN …
129
130 K. Liyanage
11 women (6—UNP/UNF, 5—SLFP/UPFA) were elected and one

from each UNP and TNA has been appointed from the national list.
There are two Tamil Women among them (1—UNP, 1—TNA). The
percentage of women Provincial Councilors in 1989 was 2.8%. In 1993,
it was 4.7%, 1999—3.2%, 2004—5.0, and in 2008/09—4.8.
Even when nominated to contest, it would appear that women do not
have equal opportunities with men at an election. All women MPs and
Provincial Councilors interviewed said that they had to face various diffi-
culties during elections. The organizational structure of parties makes no
allowance for the special difficulties faced by women. Therefore, one can
easily agree with Jayawardena’s (1986, p. 129) statement made two dec-
ades ago: ‘Women’s representation in the national legislature has never
been more than 4%, and participation at local government levels has
also been insignificant. The few women who have successfully contested
and made a name for themselves in the political process have generally
entered politics as a result of a death of a father or husband, inheriting,
as it were the male’s mantle power, even after completing more than five
decades after receiving universal suffrage.’
Women MPs do not have the same opportunities as men for participa-
tion at policymaking levels. From 1947 to 1956, there was not a single
woman in the UNP Cabinet. The first woman appointed as a Cabinet
Minister—Wimala Wijewardene, Minister of Health (1956–1959),
came from the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP). Mrs. Bandaranaike
headed the SLFP cabinet as the world’s first woman Prime Minister
(1960–1965) but did not include any other women in her cabinet. The
situation did not change during her premiership between 1970 and
1977. One woman was included in the 1977 UNP Cabinet; this prac-
tice had been followed by the UNP until 1994. In 1989, one woman
was appointed as a Cabinet Minister and three were appointed as
Ministers of State by the UNP. In 1991, two more UNP women were
appointed as ministers not in the cabinet. There was one woman in both
Cabinets and three Deputy Ministers of PA coalition in 1994 and 1997.
In 2000, there were three women in the Cabinet headed by Chandrika
Kumarathunga. In 2016, among 92 such ministerial positions there are
seven women (7.6%). Under the UPFA government, there was a woman
Governor of the Provincial Council and at present there are two women
Governors.
Generally, women ministers in Sri Lanka play a minor role since they
are given ‘soft’ portfolios—those related to women, children, youth,
social services, health, teaching hospitals, local government, or rural

development; these are also considered as ‘less influential’ or ‘feminine.’
Except when a woman is the head of government, they have never been
appointed to the more ‘powerful’ ministries that deal with the budget,
foreign affairs, or armed forces. However, few women Ministers who
were/are in 2001, 2004, 2010, and 2015 cabinets had/have been
assigned slightly different portfolios, such as transport, highways, elec-
tricity and power, land, plan implementation, and foreign employment,
and it may be considered as a new trend toward changing the traditional
mindsets of male political leaders.
The information gathered illustrates that majority of women ministers
perceive themselves and are perceived by male party leaders as being in
the right place only when dealing with problems mainly related to their
lives.9 Thus, similar to the party hierarchies, at the top level of govern-
ment also the majority of women representatives has not played pow-
erful roles and just followed the policies of their male heirs. Therefore,
they have not questioned about or not challenged the patriarchal nature
of political structures. Even leaders such as Mrs. Bandaranaike and
Chandrika Kumaratunga did not pay any serious attention on political
empowerment of other women or changing the male-dominated party
structures. Women Parliamentary Caucus, formed in 2006 with the
objective of initiating and promoting legislation on women’s issues,
mostly remained ineffective possibly due to the paucity of women repre-
sentatives and the lack of party support (Wickramasinghe and Kodikara
2012, p. 805).
The Parliamentary Caucus formed in 2006 with all 13 women MPs as
members had several discussions with party leaders, women activists, and
academics and presented three recommendations to the Parliamentary
Select Committee on Electoral Reform (PSCER): (a) one of every five
National List nominees be women; (b) create multi-member constituen-
cies in comparatively large electorates to have two nominations—one for
a man and one for a woman; and (c) in a mixed system of representation
which combines the simple majority and the proportional representative
system, every third person in the party electoral list should be a woman.
The PSCER, in its Interim Report made public in 2007, made two rec-
ommendations: First, political parties should include provisions in their
policies to ensure nominations of women candidates in order to guaran-
tee better representation of women in Parliament, Provincial Councils,
and local government bodies; and second, necessary legal provisions
132 K. Liyanage
be formulated to make it mandatory that every third candidate nomi-

nated by a party secretary from the National List be a woman candidate
(Interim Report of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Electoral
Reform, June 5, 2007).
The Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Bill, presented to
the Parliament in 2010, provided that 25% of the total number of can-
didates and additional persons whose names appeared in each nomina-
tion paper might consist of women and youth. The Bill was passed by
the Parliament in 2012 but without any mention on gender quota or
a special provision to ensure women’s political representation. In 2013,
a private member Bill was brought by a female opposition MP provid-
ing for the amendment of the Local Authorities Elections Ordinance.
It proposed that women and youth should, respectively, have 30 and
20% nominations in each local election. However, the MP was not
allowed to move the bill on the ground that it did not have the prior
approval of the Attorney General (Gomez and Jayawardena 2014). Nor
do women always speak for women when there is an opportunity to do
so. During the debate around the Prevention of Domestic Violence Bill
in Parliament in 2005, many women MPs did not speak at all on the
issue—signaling clearly that they did not consider themselves as repre-
sentatives of women’s or gender issues, and through extension, perhaps
even women as a sex/gender (801). Some women MPs also did not sup-
port abortion when parties allowed free votes on the issue in Parliament
(Wickramasinghe and Kodikara 2012, p. 803).
Parties and Government: Toward Redefining Role

It is widely recognized that there exist widespread restrictions on the
empowerment of women in Sri Lanka. Both the government and the
mainstream parties have apparently followed a policy biased toward men,
while women have often been sidelined for various reasons as explained
earlier. In recent years, some change in the attitude of both can be
noticed. Since 2000s, both major parties have been reiterating their com-
mitment to increase women’s political representation. Wickramasnighe
and Kodikara (2012) mentioned that there is no doubt that they have
discursively recognized the problem of women’s under representation
as evinced by their political rhetoric, going to the extent of committing
to increasing women in politics in their election manifestoes. Yet, con-
crete action continues to remain elusive (Wickramasnighe and Kodikara
2012). When questioned about ensuring women’s representation, both
major parties have given similar excuses. According to them, ‘these are
not demands of general women and they are just the interest of elite
or middle class, urban women. Sri Lankan women have gained many
achievements, they are a “privileged” group and enjoy equal status with
men and as a Buddhist country women are considered as the “center” of
the family.’
During the ethnic conflict of Sri Lanka, both parties gave the prior-
ity to find solutions to the ethnic issue as the most important task of the
nation but not to this issue. The socialist parties in Sri Lanka empha-
size that they treat men and women equally and do not consider wom-
en’s issues as special issues. Some changes in the attitude of government
toward the empowerment of women are also noticeable. In 2015, imme-
diately after the Presidential elections, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs
and the NCW appointed a Sub-Committee to prepare a proposal to
increase women’s political representation. When the Committee pre-
sented the proposal to the Prime Minister (March 6, 2015), he vowed to
resolve this issue observing that: ‘the issue related to women’s political
representation has been dragging for last three decades and this time we
should definitely find a solution to this issue.’ He promised to discuss it
with other party leaders and then to present it to the Cabinet. Minister
of women’s Affairs and another female leader of the UNP, who did not
win the 2015 general elections, took much interest in preparing and pre-
senting this report to the Prime Minister. The Cabinet approved in 2015
a proposal to amend the Provincial Councils Act No 2 of 1988, provid-
ing that at least 30% of total candidates included in nominations list sub-
mitted by parties and independent groups should be women.
The MoWA and the NCW under the UNP government prepared
a Women’s Rights Bill with the support of women’s groups and both
major parties pledged to make it a law. However, the Bill has been
languishing for many years due to many obstacles. As Gomez and
Jayawardena (2014, p. 5) mention ‘in this particular instance, govern-
ments have been reluctant to translate their unenforceable policy declara-
tions into actual law.’ Nor does the government appear to be very keen
to translate its commitment for the empowerment of women into action.
For example, at a national event organized to commemorate the
International Women’s Day (March 8, 2015, in Anuradhapura), the
Prime Minister reiterated his commitment to resolve the issue of wom-
en’s underrepresentation in politics. Yet, after two days, at a similar event
(March 10, 2015, at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Centre,
Colombo), organized by the Parliamentary Women’s Caucus, the Prime
134 K. Liyanage
Minister emphasized that ‘it is extremely hard to increase women’s rep-

resentation since men do not like to give up their positions.’ As an alter-
native, he suggested to increase the total number of representatives of
all elected bodies and office bearers of parties in order to give a space
for women because men are not ready to give up their ‘established posi-
tions.’ This clearly shows that his ‘fear of a possible threat’ may have
come from opposing groups. At a recent meeting, when the Prime
Minister was inquired about the 20th amendment to the Constitution
and the inclusion of women’s demand he said that ‘affirmative action
should be introduced at the local level and not at the national level.’
This shows that on one hand, the leaders are reluctant/hesitant to
challenge the male-dominated power-base of parties and on the other
hand, women’s lobbying is not strong enough to shake this power-base.
These experiences illustrate that lack of sensitivity, lack of genuine inter-
est, and lack of commitment of party leaders in increasing women’s
representation in their party hierarchies and elected bodies. All govern-
ments have mainly targeted rural women or poor women in plantation,
garment, and migrant workers’ industry. The study shows that the male
as well as female leaders of the parties whether democratic or socialist
have used electoral democracy in a clever manner to improve women’s
socioeconomic status in a way to obtain their efficient contribution to
the family as well as the economy but to exclude them carefully from
important public positions and to maintain and strengthen the patriar-
chal nature of the private and public spheres.
Conclusion
This study concludes on two contradictory situations, the active role
of women as voters and party members and a very low representation
in the elected bodies of Sri Lanka at the national and provincial levels.
Therefore, women have been excluded from key governing institutions
and pushed into the second-class citizens. Despite the fact that Sri Lanka
has had seven decades of independence and democracy, politics still con-
tinues to be dominated by men thereby causing constraints for women
to participate actively in governance. As a result, Sri Lanka has not yet
achieved gender inclusive governance according to its political dimen-
sion. To achieve gender inclusive governance, it is necessary to challenge
the patriarchal dominance of the political bodies and for that interven-
tion, there should be a well-organized women’s movement as well as
interim measures such as the affirmative action or quota system.
Notes
1. The author is grateful to the NORHED project on Democracy and
Governance, University of Peradeniya for granting a fund to undertake
research (Oct. 2015—Sep. 2016) on ‘Inhibiting or Increasing Women’s
Representation: Role of Political Parties in Sri Lanka.’ Some information
gathered for this study has been used to compile this chapter.
2. FDGs—members of Women’s Wings—UNP & SLFP—2015.
3. Interviewed—29 female and 42 male political leaders at national level
(1994–2015).
4. Interviewed—female MP—1998 and in 2009, meeting of the
Parliamentary Women’s Caucus.
5. The researcher delivered the key note address on ‘Importance of
Increasing Women’s Political Representation’ at this event organized by
the Women Media.
6. The information received from interviews conducted with male and female
candidates and mainly local-level political leaders before and after the 2011
local elections.
7. The researcher interviewed 21 women out of these 34 women candidates
(2001–2016).
8. Seventy-nine women, aspiring to run for local election 2011 in the Central
Province, were trained or supported by Women for Peace and Good
Governance (WPGG). Though party leaders were influenced in various
ways, only 31 women were given nominations, mainly by smaller parties.
Among the 48 candidates whose nominations were rejected, 32 joined
minor parties or independent groups to obtain nominations, but only
ten woman won the election (UPFA—5, UNP-2, SLMC—1, kandurata
Janatha Peramuna—1, and Ceylon Workers Congress—1).
9. During the period between 1994 and 2016, the researcher has interviewed
19 male and 12 female Cabinet, Non-Cabinet, or State Ministers and six
female Deputy Ministers.
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PART II
Women in Civil Service

CHAPTER 8
Balancing Work and Family: Women

in Bangladesh Civil Service
Nishat Afroze Ahmed and Ferdous Jahan
Bangladesh, one of the world’s top 10 most populous countries with

around 160 million people, has graduated from a low-income coun-
try to lower-middle-income country status, based on its US$1190
per capita gross national income (GNI) in 2015. Equally impressive is
the substantial decline in the incidence of poverty. Between 2000 and
2010, the number of people living below the poverty line of US$1.90
per day (2011 purchasing power parity) fell from 44 million (33.7% of
population) to 28 million (18.5% of population). The country has also
made remarkable gains in human development indicators over the past
decades. It has experienced substantial improvements in key educa-
tion, health, nutrition, and population outcomes, including several
health-related MDG targets. However, Bangladeshi women have not
been doing well. They continue to be disempowered on the economic
front relative to men. Data from the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics
(BBS) 2015 and the Labor Force Survey (LFS) of 2013 show that only
N.A. Ahmed (*) 
F. Jahan 

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_8
142 N.A. Ahmed and F. Jahan
one-third (33.5%) of eligible women were in the labor force in 2013

compared to the vast majority (over 80%) of eligible men (ILO 2016).
With regard to women’s employment in public sector, most of the
women employees are found in directorates/attached offices (91.4% in
2010), while only 0.6% work in ministries and divisions. The majority of
working women, however, hold subordinate positions; only a few occupy
class i positions. However, there has been a steady increase in the repre-
sentation of women in the higher civil service of Bangladesh (BCS cad-
res) over the years. For example, the percentage of women qualifying to
join (28) different BCS cadres increased threefold in one decade—from
10.7% in 1994 to 30.2% in 2004. Women also performed better than
men in the 32nd BCS examination; more than 55.0% of the total candi-
dates qualified to join the civil service were women. The percentage of
women at mid-level and senior level also increased from 8.5 in 1999 to
15.0 in 2006 and 21.0 in 2011 (Sultan and Jahan 2016; BBS 2012).
Notwithstanding such increase, women still lag behind men in their
participation in civil service. Despite equal opportunities guaranteed by
the Constitution and 10% reserved quota for women in civil service, the
overall rate of participation of women is still low. The question remains
why do we see low participation of women in civil service despite having
favorable economic and social development as well as pro-women affirm-
ative recruitment policies. Most scholarly articles and research concen-
trate on inter-bureaucratic structural and cultural constraints while trying
to answer this question (Sultan and Jahan 2016). This article argues that
both intra-organizational and intra-household relationships and gender
norms put women in a delicate situation when they enter the civil ser-
vice. Balancing family and work often becomes too difficult for women
that results in discouraging women to enter and excel in civil service.
Based on empirical research, this chapter identifies problems women
at work in Bangladesh face and strategies they adopt to overcome
such problems, particularly to balance work and family roles. Data for
this study were collected from both primary and secondary sources.
Secondary sources included review of books, articles, research mono-
graphs, and reports published in newspapers and magazines. For col-
lecting primary information, a questionnaire survey was undertaken in
January–February 2016. Structured questionnaires were administered
among 53 women officials of different cadres in the Bangladesh Civil
Service (BCS). Respondents belonged to the following cadres: admin-
istration, health, education, livestock, and forest. We also interviewed
8 BALANCING WORK AND FAMILY: WOMEN IN BANGLADESH CIVIL SERVICE 143
some women working in the civil service to check their views on how
they cope with demands of combining work and family. The chapter
is organized into eight sections. The following section tries to identify
a framework for discussion of the issue of balancing home and fam-
ily role. Section three provides a statistical account of the entry and
advancement of women in the civil service, while section four explores
the reasons underlying this development. Opportunities and con-
straints faced by women working for the government are explored in
the next two sections. Two types of constraints—work-related and
home-related—have been identified, and the way they deal with these
constraints has been explored in section five and section six, respec-
tively. Section seven identifies and explains the way(s) working women
seek to balance work and family roles, while section eight concludes
the chapter.
Work–Family Balance: A Framework for Discussion

Balancing work and family life is a critical challenge in most countries
of the world, and current social trends are making its integration more
laborious (Chinchilla et al. 2010, p. 7). It is now conventional wisdom
that working women everywhere play multiple roles; such roles often
conflict, causing further stress and inconvenience. Although women have
taken on employment outside the home, their household duties have
usually remained more or less the same. Several expressions such as dou-
ble duty, double day, second shift, or double burden (Beaujot and Liu
2005; Berk 1985; Hoschchild 1989) have been coined to describe this
phenomenon. Handling of many things at a time very often causes stress.
Double-day work invariably implies double burden, and many women
fail to deal with this problem in an effective manner. There are, however,
counter arguments that multiple roles may be a source of well-being.
Rodin and Ickovics (2005, p. 279) argue that being involved in multiple
roles expends possible resources and rewards such as different sources of
self-esteem and social support. Dissatisfaction in one role may not create
any serious stress as a more rewarding role may create a balance (Rodin
and Ickovics, p. 279).
Central to the literature of working women is the issue of how they
balance work and family roles. Available literature shows that the two
roles—work and family—often conflict. Such conflicts, however, do
not affect different categories of women in the same way. Herman and
Gyllstrom (1977) observe that married women experience more work–
family conflict than that of the unmarried ones. Some studies have found
that parents of younger children experience more conflict than do par-
ents of older children (Beutell and Greenhaus 1980), while large fami-
lies are seen as more prone to work–family conflict than small families
(Keith and Schafer 1980). Beutell and Greenhaus (1982) also argue that
women whose career orientations are dissimilar from those of their hus-
bands experience relatively intense conflict between home and non-home
roles. Work–family conflict is also associated with the amount of time an
employee spends in work place (Keith and Schafer 1980). There is a pos-
sibility of conflict in case of employees working overtime or are engaged
in strenuous jobs. Ambiguity and/or conflict within the work role have
been found to be positively related to work–family conflict.
There is no ‘one best way’ to deal with the problem of double-day
work. As women face the demands of combining work and family, they
develop strategies for organizing their lives and accomplishing many
tasks (Zarra-Nezhad et al. 2010; Ajaz et al. 2015). Such strategies differ
from one country to another. In the UK, for example, although women
sometime rely on relatives/friends, the main method used is to turn to
formal childcare arrangement and prioritization (White 1999). Working
women in the USA, Germany, and France also follow similar strategies
to cope with the problem. Pocock (2003) has observed that Australian
women balance work and family life mostly by doing part-time jobs.
Brazil provides a deviant case. Working mothers in Brazil get a generous
4–6 months leave, and they even have the option to work part time until
their child becomes a year old. Smith and Converse provide a succinct
account of the way working women try to balance work and home roles,
although the extent of success is difficult to measure. As they observe:
While paid employment takes priority in scheduling time, women do nego-

tiate with their employers and adapt their work hours when necessary, to
make themselves available for their families. Working mothers often use
weekends to catch up on household chores from the previous week and
prepare for the coming week. Sometimes they lower their expectations of
what absolutely must be done and reduce their housework so that they can
spend free time with their families, and they ask their partners and children
to share with the load. Double day work provides many time management
challenges for women (Smith and Converse 2012, pp. 1–2).
Working women in developing countries, while facing similar, if not the

same, problems, often have to follow somewhat different strategies to
balance the conflict. Part of the reason is the lack of options available
to women in developing countries, and partly because of sociocultural
factors. Research shows that family has traditionally provided an impor-
tant source, enabling working women to deal with the problem, particu-
larly in Asian societies. As Chinchilla, Herras, and Torres have observed:
‘Family has been the fundamental building block of society for centu-
ries. Families contribute to society and personal well-being in the private
sphere, as well as create social capital for companies and for the com-
munity’ (2010, p. 9). The support structure immediately given by fam-
ily to working mothers in the developing countries is one of the most
important sources to help reduce stress both at work and at home when
compared to working women in Western countries.
However, although the family takes precedence in highly collectivistic
societies, it is also recognized that paid work is crucial to ensure decent
lives for family members or at least to make ends meet (Caparas, p. 139).
It is often the failure to recognize the latter (by family members) that
leads to conflict. The dilemma facing policymakers is to evolve ways to
make work and family as allies (Chinchilla et al. p. 10), not adversaries.
No simple prescription can be made. However, responsibility tends to
lie more with employers than with family as the most significant deter-
minant of work–family conflict is found in the work domain (Warner
and Hausdorf 2009), not at home. What is immediately needed is the
introduction of family supportive strategies [by employers] (Rimi 2014,
pp. 88–89), although it is difficult to prescribe any standard formula for
such support. It will vary depending on the geographic region or cul-
ture. As Chinchilla et al. (2010, p. 10) have argued:
In cultures where large extended families are the norm, child-care needs
will not be the same as those in cultures where there is less family centere-
dness … Countries with high-quality educational systems and good trans-
portation infrastructures will have different work-family needs than those
with poorer systems.
However, although the involvement of extended family can be seen as a

support (as well as a strain) for working parents, the availability of fam-
ily supportive strategies, for example supportive work cultures, support-
ive supervisors, and family-friendly benefits, may be seen as important
prerequisites to make work and family as ‘allies.’ No universal strategies

can, however, be found or suggested as the needs, problems, and pri-
orities of working women may vary from one culture to another. What
is nevertheless observed is that a combination of inside (family support)
and outside support (family supportive strategies) may be seen as an
important way of helping working women balance work and home roles.
Women in Bangladesh Civil Service: From ‘Minimal’

to ‘Marginal’ Representation
Bangladesh emerged as an independent country on December 16,

1971. The new nation began with 399,839 officers and employees,
which included 48,000 armed personnel (Ahmed 1986, p. 153). The
Interim Recruitment Policy (IRP), announced in early 1972, provided
for reserving 30% of posts for freedom fighters (FFs), 40% as district
quotas, 10% for affected women, and 20% to be recruited on the basis
of merit in the case of class i positions. In other cases (non-gazetted),
recruitment would be done on a district quota basis. The quota system
was revised in 1976 when provisions for reserving 10% of regular posts
for women were introduced in the Constitution. Following a 1985 revi-
sion, the provision for reserving 10% of posts for affected women was
abolished, but the general women quota was retained. Half (5%) of the
10% of quota, so long reserved for affected women, was now earmarked
for merit, and the other half (5%) was allocated to the women from
small ethnic communities. There is no merit quota in case of recruit-
ment to class iii and class iv positions. Since 1976, women have joined
the higher civil service (BCS cadres) on a regular basis. The percentage
of women candidates has also increased over the years, so also has their
performance (Table 8.1).
Initially, it was difficult to fill up the 10% of posts that was reserved
for women. But now women not only have surpassed the permissible
limit; more women now join the service on the merit quota (Table 8.2).
Initially, women were not allowed to join the police service and some
other services, partly for their physical strength and partly for the techni-
cal nature of the cadres. The IRP did not apply to technical posts, posts of
defense services and to such other posts as may be considered unsuitable
for women by the concerned ministry (Khan, p. 40). No such restriction,
however, exists now. As a result, more women now join the civil service.
Table 8.1 Performance of women candidates
Name of BCS Eligible women Candidates Candidates Candidates

exams candidates (%) qualified in qualified in recommended
preliminary written test (%) (%)
test (%)
28th BCS Exam 31.02 20.85 21.48 30.59

34th BCS Exam 32.35 23.96 25.29 35.63
Source PSC (2014, 2015)
In recent years, as Table 8.3 shows, more women have also succeeded

in moving upward in the hierarchy, holding senior positions in greater
numbers in the Secretariat, the nerve center of administration and poli-
cymaking. Such success can be noticed at all levels—from Assistant
Secretary to the level of Secretary (Table 8.3). This implies that that the
attitudes of senior men toward women in the civil service are gradually
changing. This is partly as they too have wives and daughters engaged in
professional work (Sultan and Jahan 2016‚ p. 159).
However, there is better scope for promotion at the lower level than
at the higher level. At more senior levels, as Sultan and Jahan (2016, p.
157) argue, ‘there is a feeling that women might not be skilled as men in
“maintaining the liaisons” and networking, which are necessary to secure
promotions.’ Lack of ‘enough’ exposure or ‘visibility’ is also a problem
(Sultan and Jahan, p. 157).
Table 8.2 An overview of BCS examinees notified in the gazettes (by sex)
Name of BCS exams Male Female Total
5th BCS Exam 1984 678 (89.3) 81 (10.7) 759 (100.0)

16th Sp BCS Exam 1994 873 (69.8) 378 (30.2) 1251 (100.0)
25th BCS Exam 2004 2029 (74.5) 693 (25.5) 2722 (100.0)
26th BCS Exam 703 (66.1) 360 (33.9) 1063 (100.0)
27th BCS Exam 2417 (74.6) 822 (25.4) 3239 (100.0)
28th BCS Exam 1520 (69.4) 670 (30.6) 2190 (100.0)
30th BCS Exam 1622 (68.0) 763 (31.99) 2385 (100.0)
32ndBCS Exam 752 (44.9) 923 (55.1) 1675 (100.0)
33rd BCS Exam 5252 (61.7) 3255 (38.3) 8507 (100.0)
34th BCS Exam 1400 (64.4) 765 (35.6) 2175 (100.0)
Source Karim (2008), PSC (2014, 2015)

Table 8.3 Breakdown by sex of male and female officers at middle and senior
levels (1999–2011)
Position 2011 2006 1999
Men (%) Women (%) Men (%) Women (%) Men (%) Women (%)
Secretary 96.1 3.9 98.4 1.6 98.0 2.0

Additional sec- 94.8 5.2 100.0 0.0 98.2 1.8
retary
Joint secretary 90.2 9.8 93.2 6.8 98.5 1.5
Deputy secretary 88.1 11.9 88.3 11.7 98.6 1.1
Senior assistant 79.8 20.2 84.3 15.7 91.0 9.0
secretary
Assistant secretary 74.1 25.9 77.3 22.7 85.7 14.3
Total 79.0 21.0 85.0 15.0 91.5 8.5
Source Sultan and Jahan (2016)
Explaining the Development

There is no ‘one best way’ of explaining the steady increase of women in
the civil service. A number of factors account for it, of which the affirma-
tive action policy (quota system) is the most important. In particular, in
the early years of the civil service, women could not even fill up the vacant
seats. Now they perform so well that, as Khan has argued (2015, p. 148),
‘quota system is likely to be an obstacle rather than a special facility for
them.’ The Constitution not only provides for granting women and men
similar rights and opportunities; it also allows the state to make special
provisions for women and other disadvantaged groups in public employ-
ment (GoB 2011). Gender issues now find prominence in different
government policies and programs. Special allocations for women’s devel-
opment have routinely been made in different development plans. The
Government of Bangladesh (GoB) declared the National Policy for the
Advancement of Women (NPAW) on March 8, 1997. It has addressed
14 different and relevant issues where employment and administrative
empowerment of women were given special emphasis (GoB 1998).
Several provisions have been made in different legislation for a
woman-friendly work environment; these have had some beneficial
effects, especially in terms of encouraging women to join the civil service
and to stay in it. For example, women undergoing training at BPATC
are now allowed to have infants and their attendants live with them at
their hostels; this policy helps women ease tension and concentrate more
on work/studies. The period of maternity leave has been increased, and
paternity leave introduced. Legislation/rules requiring the setting up of
childcare centers for children up to 6 years of age, separate wash rooms
for women at work place, and punishment for improper behavior with
women colleagues have also been introduced (Sultan and Jahan, p. 160).
In addition, several other factors such as education, educated and pro-
gressive family background, economic necessity, the introduction and
expansion of the Internet services, and the resulting modernization of the
society have effectively contributed to the increase in the representation
of women in the civil service (Ahmed 2016). However, women still face
problems and uncertainties that largely hamper their entry and advance-
ment in the civil service. These are explained in subsequent sections.
Working Women in Bangladesh:

Opportunities and Constraints
The scope of female employment, as stated earlier, has increased consid-
erably over the last few decades. More women now compete for jobs,
and many of them do it successfully. In one sense, they have managed
to intrude into what was once considered to be the ‘preserve’ of men.
Those who join the service come from diverse backgrounds. Joining
the service is seen as a means to achieving many higher order goals.
Motivations for joining the service vary. For example, among the 53
women civil servants, almost all stated that job security (96.2%) and bet-
ter social prestige (98.1%) have been the prime reasons for joining the
service. Another important reason that attracts women to the civil service
is the availability of various facilities such as childcare, maternity leave,
and provisions for housing and transport. Only a few (16.9%) join the
civil service to avail the scope of exercising power. The women officials,
almost all of them, have the inclination to serve the public. Officials
have a strong desire to continue in the service unless anything serious
happens. No one has expressed any serious dissatisfaction with the way
they do things in their organizations. Only two out of 53 BCS officials
expressed any desire to leave the service.
This, however, does not imply that they can always work in a prob-
lem-free environment. In fact, women routinely face many problems and
constraints, some of which are insurmountable. These problems can be
categorized into two broader groups—work-related and family-related—

and are discussed separately in the next two subsections.
Problems at Workplace
The main problems that working women face at their workplaces include
gender discrimination, overwork, misbehavior of colleagues, and sexual
harassment. More than three-quarters of the interviewed respondents
considered gender discrimination as more pronounced than any other
problems except overwork which tops the list. Misbehavior of colleagues
is also a very serious problem. This section identifies reasons that account
for these problems, while the next will identify strategies that women
officials adopt to cope with these problems and their effectiveness.
Gender discrimination According to the interviewees, women are

deprived of their promotions, they are given a different job title, and
they are prevented from training opportunities, or posted to less impor-
tant positions, or/and transferred to very risky positions. Women are
also scrutinized more harshly than men; such harsh scrutiny might
have some kind of negative impact on their promotion to higher posi-
tions. Fifty-three percent of the respondents who were discriminated
against on the basis of their gender in their workplaces were posted to
less important positions and also scrutinized more harshly than men,
whereas about 38% observed that they were deprived of participating
in training programs. Reasons for such discrimination are many; these
range from jealousy of male colleagues and organizational biases toward
men, to their ability to do things in a better way than their male col-
leagues. Majority of them stated that their organization was biased
toward males.
Sexual harassment Sexual harassment—any unwelcome sexual behavior

which is offensive, intimidating, or humiliating (Mahtab 2012)—is at
least as prevalent as gender discrimination, if not more‚ in work places.
Women who are perceived to be more vulnerable, physically weak, and
lack connections with high-ups in the society have been subjected to var-
ious forms of sexual harassment. Men even harass their female colleagues
if they see that the latter are more capable than they are at work or out-
side and also use harassment as a weapon for taking revenge against
women with whom they have any kind of problems. Nearly one-third of
the respondents (31%) stated that they were at least once sexually har-
assed at their workplaces. Half of the (8) senior officials experienced sex-
ual harassment. Married women officials with children experienced more
sexual harassment than those without children. Women at the workplaces
are sexually harassed by their male colleagues (senior, junior, and same
level) and even outsiders/non-employees. Sexual harassment could be
found in various forms.
The dominant modes of sexual harassment that women respondents
faced were suggestive comments/jokes, perpetrators using foul or hos-
tile language, benefits made conditional on sexual favors, and the act of
staring or leering by male counterparts. Those experiencing sexual har-
assment observed that the perception and stereotyped gendered char-
acteristics that the society creates and assigns them for being a woman
make them vulnerable to sexual harassment. Among other reasons, the
respondents stated that as they could not shout when something wrong
was being done and their apparent physical weakness gave the perpetra-
tors a chance to harass them. Two respondents in the study found that
their beauty and attractiveness were responsible for the harassment they
had to undergo.
Misbehavior of colleagues Working women face two other major prob-

lems: misbehavior of colleagues and overwork. Male colleagues work-
ing at the same level misbehave more than those who are at the senior
or junior levels in the workplaces of the women respondents. This does
not mean that the high-ups in the organization always behave properly.
Twenty-five percent of the women officials complained that their bosses
were among those who misbehaved with them in the office. More than
71% stated that male colleagues misbehaved with them while 29% com-
plained about their male seniors. The interviewed respondents expe-
rienced misbehavior of various kinds that ranged from verbal abuses,
avoidance and spreading of rumors, to passing on bad comments about
one’s family. Jealousy and the perception that prevailed among the
male employees that women were vulnerable were the prime causes of
misbehavior.
The majority of the married respondents with children stated that
their colleagues misbehaved with them first as they were women and
thus vulnerable and also as they came from families with no strong
educational or cultural background. On the other hand, married
respondents with no children believed that their colleagues perceived

them to be vulnerable due to their gender and also considered them as
strong competitors and thus wanted to oust them from the office. The
jealousy of male colleagues for their female counterpart’s achievement
is quite natural as males in our society have grown up with the percep-
tion that women are less capable and knowledgeable than they are. So
when they realize that they lag behind their female colleagues in terms of
capability and efficiency, they become jealous which is reflected in their
misbehavior. Male colleagues, driven by their ego and self-interest, often
intentionally misbehave with their female colleagues at workplaces with
the aim of driving out the latter, who are more competent, from their
offices.
Overcoming Problems at Workplace

Women civil servants adopt a number of strategies to cope with problems
and challenges at workplace. The extent to which such strategies and
tactics actually work depends upon a number of factors. For example,
those who experience gender discrimination often seek to fight against
the injustice, while some prefer to remain silent. None of the respond-
ents preferred to quit jobs to overcome the problem of gender discrimi-
nation at their workplaces. About one-fifth of the civil service officials
stated that they found no change in the behavior of perpetrators, despite
the adoption of several strategies to change their attitude and orienta-
tion. Those who faced sexual harassment used different coping strategies
which included doing nothing but keeping silent due to fear of stigma,
lodging complaints with higher authorities, threatening to file law suit,
mobilizing women colleagues to fight against harassment, and trying to
avoid perpetrators and other strategies. The majority of the respondents
mobilized women colleagues to fight against harassment, and also some
chose the safe way of avoiding their perpetrators.
However, when asked whether they slapped their perpetrators, none
of them answered in the affirmative which meant they did not want to
create any further hassles in their future. The outcome was also positive
for most of the respondents as their perpetrators were seen to realize
their mistakes and tried to mend their way of behavior. However, it has
been observed that two of the married respondents with children were
still harassed by their perpetrators. To overcome the problem of misbe-
havior of colleagues, the respondents adopted a number of strategies.
These included lodging complaint with higher authorities, abusing the

culprits verbally, and avoiding the persons misbehaving with colleagues.
The majority of the respondents (57.1%) extended their hand of friend-
ship and making colleagues realize their faults. Also, the same percentage
of respondents chose the strategy of avoiding their misbehaving col-
leagues. Only a few (14.3%) chose to complain to higher authorities.
The outcome of the strategies adopted to correct the misbehavior
of the respondents is slightly better. Sixty-four percent of the sample
respondents believed that their colleagues had become more under-
standing, 28.5% found no change in misbehavior, while 10.7% reported
an increase in misbehavior of colleagues at their workplaces. However,
the proportion of married women who had no children and whose col-
leagues had no change in their bad behaviors was more than the unmar-
ried and also the married officials with children.
Challenges at Home
Working women in Bangladesh, as in other countries, are burdened
with the dual responsibility of managing both work and family at the
same time. It is seen that married women are mostly caught up in this
dilemma that ultimately creates stress in their lives and affects their effi-
ciency and effectiveness at work. Though both men and women work in
the same workplace, it is perceived in our society that a woman would
do all the household chores before going to and after coming back from
work. However, nowadays many women prefer nuclear family to joint
family to enjoy privacy in their personal lives and to avoid ‘interference’
which is often noticed in the latter (extended family) . Such a decision
has both advantages and disadvantages. Women staying in joint fami-
lies, if fortunate enough, get relief from the worries of looking after their
children when they are at work. But the contention between women and
their mothers-in-law that prevails still in today’s society apparently takes
away energy from women and intensifies their level of stress. Explained
below are some of the important problems that the sample respondents
faced in their homes.
Managing household chores Women have been traditionally assigned the

responsibility of managing the household chores, whereas men are sup-
posed to work outside and earn for the family. The household chores
range from cooking, cleaning, and looking after the family members,
to addressing their needs, shopping, and keeping minute details about

the household. More than half of the respondents in the study replied
that they themselves did the household chores (54.7%). In many cases
(60.4%), they depended on maidservants in managing the household
chore. Working women thus still have to do various household chores
before going to office and after returning home from a long day’s work.
Such dual responsibility causes stress among many women employees.
Women respondents, who have to do the household chores after work-
ing for 8–10 h a day, become exhausted which eventually affects their
level of efficiency at work the next day. It is to be stated here that 32.1%
of the sample respondents worked for 8–10 h in the office, while 22.6%
worked for more than 10 h. The majority of respondents in the sample,
however, lived in extended families. This may be regarded as beneficial
to the respondents as their work at home is likely to be shared by other
family members.
Looking after children Working mothers are bound to worry for the

children they leave behind at home while they are at work. Women offi-
cials depend upon more than one source for taking care of their children
when they and their husbands are away from home. Thirteen out of the
29 respondents who had children relied on their in-laws for taking care
of their children during their absence. Also, 10 relied on maidservants,
while eight took help from their parents. Parents and in-laws of women
employees are often seen as one of the most reliable, constant, and com-
fortable sources when the question of taking care of children in their
absence arises. None of respondents having children chose the option of
daycare centers for taking care of their children. Most of the respond-
ents stated that they did not find having children a barrier to their career
development probably for the reason that they had access to dependable
sources of taking care of children. Some of them considered having chil-
dren while building a career was one of the important challenges that
working women faced. So if this is a challenge, it means that they do not
want to speak out clearly that they are burdened by the dual responsibili-
ties of childcare and workplace in case they hurt their family members or
they betray with the unwritten ethics of motherhood.
Managing husband and other members of family One of the important

means of reducing overload by a working woman is to seek support
from others in the family, especially husband. Working women who have
supportive and cooperative husbands can perform their dual responsibil-

ity of managing home and work more easily than those who lack such
support. Nearly half of the respondents in the sample observed that their
husbands were very supportive and cooperative; eight found their hus-
bands to be supportive, and another eight considered their husbands to
be supportive but not always. Husbands’ support can come in various
forms, of which mental support and inspiration are more important than
sharing of household chores and looking after children as one can find
in developed countries. Some husbands, however, do not like the idea of
their wives staying outside at work for long hours. They are more com-
fortable with the idea that their wives should be confined to the bounda-
ries of home and take care of their children and family members.
The above observations are not intended to imply that the sample
women officials did not face problems at home. In fact, facing problems
with husbands, such as arguments and clash of opinions regarding deci-
sions, contention with in-laws, especially with mothers-in-law, and irri-
tation created by mismanagements of chores by servants are nothing
new in the daily lives of working women in our country. The majority
of respondents, when asked if they had any problem at home, answered
in the affirmative (20 out of the 39 respondents acknowledged that
they had problems at home), while married respondents with children
reported that they experienced more problems than the others. The
major problems that women faced at home were arguments with hus-
bands and hostility in interpersonal relationships at home. The most
dominant method used by the women officials to solve their problems
at home was keeping calm and discussing the problems with other family
members to reach a solution.
Balancing Work and Family

The environment and culture in which women are born and brought
up largely decide the way they will view different challenges confronting
them and the manner they will respond to such challenges. The strate-
gies working women adopt to cope with challenges also depend on the
type of support structures to which they have access to. Bangladesh is
considered to be a collectivist society. Although the culture of individu-
alism is on the rise, it still remains at its infancy. Earlier research (e.g.,
Hofstede 2005) revealed that Bangladesh scored a low 20 on the dimen-
sion of individualism, implying that the culture of collectivism still
remains strongly entrenched in the family structure of the country. This

can be seen as a manifestation of the way(s) people value their relation-
ships with their families, both immediate and extended, and their com-
mitment to defend the tradition of collectivity. The Bangladesh society
combines patriarchal tradition (of giving special importance to masculin-
ity) and collectivistic values, both creating obstacles as well as providing a
support structure for women at work.
For coping with challenges at home, women adopt several strategies
that are different in nature and effect than those found in Western socie-
ties. In extended families, responsibilities for doing household work are
shared by many. Unmarried women mostly depend upon parents who
readily support their working daughters having a relaxed evening that
their counterparts in other countries can rarely expect. For balancing
between work and home, working married women adopt various meth-
ods as Table 8.4 shows.
The majority of the respondents (79.2%) said that they took support
from their family members and relatives to balance their work and home
roles. Almost 57% stated that their husbands also supported them in the
sharing of works. Among other strategies to balance work and family
life, respondents negotiated the flexibility of work hours with their boss
(18.9%); some refrained from doing their office work at home (30.2%)
and took support from maidservants and drivers (37.7%). Only one
respondent did not know how she could balance her office and family
work.
Support from servants is one of the dominant methods of cop-
ing with challenges. Servants are in great demand nowadays. With the
gradual expansion of the low/non-skilled jobs in formal sectors (mainly
Table 8.4 Ways to balance work and home roles
Balance between work and home BCS officials (%)

N = 53
Take support from family members and relatives 79.2

Support from husband in the sharing of work 56.6
Flexibility of working hours negotiated with boss 18.9
Not doing office work at home 30.2
Support from maidservants, drivers, and daycare centers 37.7
Outings on the weekends 35.8
Dont’ know 2.5
the ready-made garments sector), maidservants are in short supply now.

There is thus an unequal competition among working women for hir-
ing the services of maidservants. In fact, a short supply of maidservants
causes some kind of concern among working women. Although they
can, in many cases, depend upon their elderly parents or in-laws to look
after their children or ensure the safety of the house, servants are needed
to do household chores that require physical strength. Yet having serv-
ants at home becomes a source of concern and irritation as in most of
the cases servants cannot be seen as very trustworthy or dependable. So,
a strategy adopted to cope with one major problem can become a source
of another major challenge. The dilemma thus continues. There remains
the risk of disrupting family life.
It has been observed that 25 out of the 29 married women officials
with children resorted to the tactic of taking support from their family
members and relatives and seven out of the eight unmarried officials and
nine out of the 15 married officials who had no children also chose the
same strategy to balance work and family. From this observation, we can
understand that those who are unmarried have to rely on their parents
and siblings, while those who have children need the support from their
parents and also their in-laws to manage their household chores while
they are away at work and also when they come back home after a long
hectic day. Women who had children were more in number than those
who had no children when it came to the strategy of taking support from
their husbands in the sharing of work.
Unmarried women officials were more comfortable in negotiating
the flexibility of working hours with their boss rather than their married
counterparts. It has also been observed that the proportion of married
women officials who had no children preferred outings on the weekends
rather than those who had children. Probably, the main reason is that
the latter could not afford to go for outings as frequently as the former
partly for financial reasons and mostly because such a strategy might
hamper the education of their children. A greater proportion of married
women officials having children relied on taking support from maidser-
vants as well as parents/in-laws because depending on one source was
likely to create problems rather than solving them. Not doing any office
work at home in order to balance responsibilities arising from home and
work was a strategy that was less used by all of the respondents.
Yet the respondents apparently were adamant to retain their job
rather than quit in the case of serious conflict between work and home.
Working women planning to quit in case of conflict is extremely neg-

ligible (9.43%). An absolute majority of respondents observed that the
strategy they would adopt if they were required to choose between stay-
ing in a job and disrupting family life would depend upon the situation,
i.e., they would try hard to resolve the problem before taking any action.
This implies that the working women are determined to balance work–
home needs and priorities.
Conclusion
This chapter has explored the way(s) women in the Bangladesh Civil
Service seek to balance work and family roles, a task which is very dif-
ficult to accomplish. On the whole, one can notice that the number of
women in the higher civil service has increased manifold over the dec-
ades. Such increase can be attributed to different factors: increase in edu-
cation of women, government policies aimed at encouraging women’s
education and employment, adoption of international conventions, and
growing awareness among women about their rights facilitated by wom-
en’s movements and NGOs. But the facilities and privileges granted to
women do not keep pace with this increase. The problem compounds
as male colleagues often do not want to consider women as equals. The
former have a tendency to consider the latter first as women, then as col-
leagues. This kind of attitude and behavior creates tension among work-
ing women. As a means to ease tension, many women turn to the ‘safest’
source—the family—for support, which is usually forthcoming. But in
the absence/ineffectiveness of stable family support structures, women
find it extremely difficult to cope with challenge of balancing the two
roles—family and work. Measuring balance is, however, difficult.
Our data reveal that working women in Bangladesh are strongly
supported by their families, especially by parents and in-laws, which is
common in different south Asian countries. Unlike in the West where
extended families are a rarity, most of the people in the south Asian
region have collectivist orientation. Extended families are very common
in south Asia which are valued, although some changes are forthcom-
ing in the family structure under Western influence. People are more
committed toward their own groups in south Asian countries, whereas
individualistic values reign the West. The support structure immediately
given by family to working mothers needs to be nurtured rather than
being allowed to be disrupted that one can notice in Bangladesh and also
other countries now. Family disintegration is taking place in Bangladesh,

as in other countries, at a much faster rate than in the past. While eco-
nomic reasons and attitudinal change may be seen as important fac-
tors causing disintegration, working women often face uncertainties in
career building because of worries of leaving children alone and/or to
the care of ‘unreliable’ people. Disintegration, however, causes a differ-
ent type of stress that ultimately affects work spirit and accomplishment.
Notwithstanding limitations, family still provides a very dependable
source of balancing the conflicting roles.
Yet, as observed earlier, family may be a necessary but not a suffi-
cient condition of balancing the conflicting roles. In fact, involvement
of extended family may sometime be seen as a strain for working parents.
What is needed is to have strong family supporting structures as work-to-
family conflict is more common than family-to-work conflict. As stated
in an earlier section, the government has introduced several important
work/family-friendly legislation which, if properly implemented, should
create an enabling environment for working women. Experience, how-
ever, shows that enforcement of such legislation is a major problem in
Bangladesh (as in other developing countries). Although the right to
maternity has been enforced by the government, many provisions of dif-
ferent women-friendly legislation remain unimplemented.
For example, The Bangladesh Labor Act, 2006, requires an organi-
zation employing more than 40 women to arrange childcare facilities
for children up to 6 years of age, near the workplace, with adequate
light, space and fresh air (Sultan and Jahan, p. 160). The law is mostly
honored in the breach. Rarely can one find these facilities in different
organizations; wherever exist, these are of so low quality that working
women often feel discouraged to use these. Similarly, The Government
Servants Discipline and Conduct Rules 1979, Section 27 on the conduct
or behavior toward female colleagues, states that ‘no government servant
shall use any language or behave with his female colleagues in any man-
ner which is improper and goes against the official decorum and dignity
of female colleagues’ (Sultan and Jahan, p. 160). Our findings, as stated
earlier, reveal that many women officials almost routinely face sexual and
other types of harassment, but the perpetrators are rarely punished. The
provisions of the 1979 Rules thus remain ineffective. What is needed
most is to ensure that the provisions of the various women-friendly legis-
lation introduced so far are implementled properly.
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K. (2010). Occupational stress and family difficulties of working women.
Current Research in Psychology, 1(2), 75–81.
CHAPTER 9
Women in the Bhutanese Bureaucracy
Kunzang Lhamu
Since the launch of the First Five Year Plan (FYP) in 1961, the Royal
Government of Bhutan (RGoB) has followed a gender-neutral approach
in the formulation and implementation of its policies, plans, and pro-
grams. A review of the 5-year plans indicates evolution from a Women
in Development (WID) approach from the Fifth FYP (1981–1987) to
a gendered approach in the Tenth FYP (2008–2013). The country rati-
fied the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination
Against Women (CEDAW) in 1981, without any reservations. The
Gender Pilot Study 2001, the first study on gender conducted in the
country by the erstwhile Planning Commission, renamed as the Gross
National Happiness Commission, and the Central Statistical Office,
renamed as the National Statistics Bureau, found that gender disparities
existed in education/literacy, employment and decision making. Today,
15 years on, these issues are still valid areas of concern. The Sixth FYP
states that Bhutan’s full human potential, as well as ensuring that the
whole population benefits from development, requires special efforts to
involve women in development.”
The Ninth FYP (2002–2007), in its chapter “Women, Children
and Gender” stated the Government’s commitment to promote wider
K. Lhamu (*) 
National Commission for Women and Children (NCWC), Thimphu, Bhutan

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_9
164 K. Lhamu
representation of women in decision-making bodies as well as in the

civil service. In recognition of women’s integral role in development,
the government allocated women-specific resources and proactively rec-
ognized woman’s integral participation in development through the
establishment of the National Commission for Women and Children
(NCWC) in 2004 for coordinating and monitoring women-related activ-
ities. The National Plan of Action for Gender (NPAG) was developed
coinciding with the Tenth FYP and highlighted seven critical areas for
action: good Governance; economic Development (focus on employ-
ment); education and training; health; aging, mental health and disabili-
ties; violence against women; and prejudices and stereotypes.
The Eleventh FYP (2013–2018) marked the beginning of concerted
efforts made in mainstreaming gender into the policy and planning pro-
cesses. The plan included a separate National Key Result Area “Gender
Friendly Environment for women’s participation” emphasizing gender
mainstreaming as a key crosscutting issue in the development plans and
also identifying it as a necessary consideration in the pursuit of Gross
National Happiness (GNH). Gender responsive key performance indi-
cators were included and Gender Responsive Planning and Budgeting
(GRPB) implemented as a key tool for gender mainstreaming.
As part of implementing the government commitment to ensure
gender equality as enshrined in different five year plan documents, the
government has introduced several legislative measures. The Labor and
Employment Act of Bhutan, 2007, for example, governs all labor and
employment matters of the country and has provisions to protect and
prohibit all forms of discrimination relating to labor and employment.
The Act provides for ensuring a conducive working environment for
women and specifically includes requirements such as a sexual harassment
protocol and flexible working hours for pregnant and nursing women.
The need for enacting such a law became imperative as the number of
women in the civil service has increased over the years.
This chapter examines the status of women in the civil service in
Bhutan. It explores a number of issues such as the gender composition
of the civil service and reasons accounting for an increase of women [in
the civil service]. The paper also tries to identify the measures taken for
mainstreaming gender in the civil service, particularly ensuring a gender-
friendly environment. The chapter begins with a short introduction to
the civil service in Bhutan.
9 WOMEN IN THE BHUTANESE BUREAUCRACY 165
The Civil Service in Bhutan

The Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan 2008, in Article 7 (8), pro-
vides Bhutanese citizens with the right to have equal access and opportu-
nity to join the public service. Article 9 (17) commits that “the state shall
endeavor to appropriate measures to eliminate all forms of discrimina-
tion and exploitation against women, including trafficking, prostitution,
abuse, violence, harassment, and intimidation at work, in both public and
private spheres.” Furthermore, Article 7 (11) states that “a Bhutanese
citizen shall have the right to equal pay for work of equal value.” The
responsibility for ensuring the state’s commitment rests with the Royal
Civil Service Commission (RCSC). As Article 26 (5) of the Constitution
states: “The Royal Civil Service Commission (RCSC) shall, in the inter-
est of promoting merit, productivity and equity, ensure that uniform
rules and regulations on recruitment, appointment, staffing, train-
ing, transfers, and promotion prevail throughout the civil service.” The
RCSC is the central personnel agency of the RGoB and is responsible for
instituting an apolitical, professional, and meritocratic civil service.
According to the RCSC Annual Report 2015–2016, the total number
of civil servants is 26,928 as on 30 June 2016. While efforts are being
made to maintain “a small, compact and efficient” civil service, there
is concern over the existing ratio of 1:28 civil servants to citizens. The
cumulative growth of the civil service between September 2003 and June
2016 is 78.92%. The annual growth rate has declined to 0.85% in 2016
compared to 1.68% in 2015 and 5.31% in 2014. Rationalization of agen-
cies, freezing of non-critical positions and redeployment of staff were the
main reasons for the decreased annual growth.
The Bhutanese civil service is comprised of five main categories:
i. Executives at the leadership/management (EX1–secretary; EX2–

director general; EX3–director)
ii. Specialists at the technical (ES1; ES2; ES3)
iii. Professional and management (P1–Chief; P2–Dy. Chief; P3–
Sr. Officer; P4–Officer; P5–Asst. Officer)
iv. Supervisory and support (SS2; SS3; SS4; S1; S2; S3; S4; S5)
v. Operational (O1; O2; O3; O4; O5)
The largest group is represented by the professional and m

anagement
category (49%), followed by supervisory and support category
which makes up 43% and the executives and specialists representing
166 K. Lhamu
leadership positions in the bureaucracy account for only 1% of the

total civil service strength. As per the Report, the median age of
civil servants is 34 years with 25% younger than 29 years and 25% of
civil servants older than 40 years. The median age range for females
is 25–29 years and 30–34 years for males, indicating that on average
female civil servants are younger than male civil servants.
Representation of Women in Civil Service:

Trends and Patterns
Out of a total of 26,928 civil servants, 17,417 are males (64.7%) and
9511 are females (35.3%) as on 30 June 2016. The number of female
civil servants has increased fourfold—from 2180 to 9511 over the past
20 years. The Civil Service Statistics December 2015 indicates that
among the Major Occupational Groups (MOG), the highest numbers
of female Civil Servants are in the Education and Training Services with
3392 constituting 12.75% of the total Civil Servants and 36.75% within
the MOG. There are 1451 female employees in general administration
and support Services constituting 5.45%, medical and health services
have 1292 females constituting 4.86%, architectural, engineering and
land services have 661 females constituting 2.46%, and finance and audit
services have 505 female employees constituting 1.90% (Table 9.1).
At the leadership level, i.e., the executives and specialists category,
there are 253 civil servants (forming 0.94% of the civil service) with 228
males and 25 females. Females comprise only 10%, showing a huge gen-
der gap at the decision-making level. However, at the P1 level, which is
the level from where executives/specialists are selected, the gender gap is
slightly lower and females comprise 20% of civil servants in this category
(Table 9.2).
The highest proportion of civil servants 48.62% is at the professional
and management level with 13,093 civil servants as of June 2016. This
category has 4843 females and 8250 males. The support and supervisory
level makes up 42.98% of the civil service followed by the operational
category with 7.46%. In the support and supervisory, out of 11,574
there are 7042 males and 4532 females, while under the operational cat-
egory, out of 2008, 299 are females and 1709 are male. The support
and supervisory category has the highest proportion of females at 39%
(the closest to the target set in the National Plan of Action for Gender
2008–2013 (NPAG, 2008–2013).
Table 9.1 Civil servants by gender—trend over the past 20 years
Year Male Female Total
1996 11,386 2180 13,566

1997 10,901 2271 13,172
1998 11,164 2378 13,542
1999 10,972 2723 13,695
2000 10,748 2897 13,645
2001 11,036 3222 14,258
2002 10,760 3505 14,265
2003 11,143 3982 15,125
2004 11,718 4396 16,114
2005 12,290 4800 17,090
2006 13,092 5257 18,349
2007 13,308 5499 18,807
2008 13,957 5891 19,848
2009 14,590 6523 21,113
2010 15,453 7059 22,512
2011 15,730 7421 23,151
2012 16,053 8222 24,275
2013 16,862 8444 25,306
2014 17,328 8992 26,320
2015 17,383 9228 26,611
2016 17,414 9511 26,925
Source RGoB (2016)
Table 9.2 Gender profile of executives and specialists by position level

Sl. No. Position/level Female Male Total
1 ES1 1 1 2
2 ES2 1 29 30
3 ES3 12 57 69
4 EX1 1 27 28
5 EX2 1 54 55
6 EX3 8 56 64
7 CO 1 4 5
Total 25 228 253
Source RGoB (2016)
Explaining the Trend

Representation of women in the civil service is gradually increasing.
Women now account for 35.3% of the total civil service, which is an
increase of 77% over the last 10 years. Female representation in the civil
168 K. Lhamu
service has been increasing due to the enabling and non-discriminatory

environment provided by the Constitution and the Civil Service Act of
Bhutan, 2010, which provides for safe and healthy working conditions to
perform duties and equal opportunities for employment in the civil service.
Furthermore, the Government’s policies in the social sectors have
also contributed to women’s increased participation in the civil service.
The literacy rates for females, though lower as compared to males, have
increased over the years from 46% in 2006 to 55% in 2013. The net pri-
mary enrolment ratio for girls was estimated at 96% as compared to 95%
for boys in 2013. At the primary education level, national survival rate
for girls is 79.4%, which exceeds that of boys (78.3%). At the secondary
level (VII–X), girls make up more than half (51.9%) of the total enrol-
ment. Girls’ participation at the public higher secondary level (XI–XII)
has increased from 32% in 2002 to 45.5% in 2013. Girls make up for
50.1% of the total enrollment in private secondary schools (VII–X). The
increasing number of female teachers at all school levels have helped
boost girls’ enrollment and retention, by creating a conducive environ-
ment and also serving as role models (female teachers constitute 37% of
the primary school teachers, 47% in the lower secondary schools, 44% in
the middle secondary schools, and 34% in the higher secondary schools).
The Comprehensive School Health Program has helped to bring
about substantial changes in hygiene, and the availability of iron supple-
ments, school health coordinators, school guidance counselors, and gen-
der-friendly school facilities has succeeded in retaining girls in schools.
The provision of hostel facilities and midday meals has also helped in
enhancing girls’ enrolment and retention in the remote areas.
The Continuing Education (CE) program, which was launched in
2006, was targeted at providing opportunities for in-service persons who
had discontinued their secondary studies for various reasons. As of 2013,
a total of 2077 learners (1013 males and 1064 females) are enrolled in
the CE program compared to 148 learners (78 males and 70 females) in
2006. The government does not restrict pregnant or married girls from
continuing their education but are encouraged to continue their educa-
tion by the school and institutes. The traditional belief that prevailed in
the past, that women are better caregivers, also prevented women from
joining or pursuing professional careers, which was further exacerbated
by the lack of child care facilities in the workplace.
The NPAG, 2008–2013, had set the target of increasing women’s
representation in the civil service to 40% of the total strength, which
indicates that the target has not been achieved even three years past the
target year. Although the reasons for this may require a deeper assess-
ment, the decline in girls’ participation at the higher level, lower per-
formance of girls in science and mathematics, and the lack of child care
facilities in the work place could be contributing factors for the target
not being met.
The higher proportion of female civil servants at the lower levels
signifies that as younger women are entering the civil service, we can
expect increased numbers in the higher levels in the future years. The
low participation of women at higher levels can partly be attributed to
the late start in education and the lower literacy rates for women. The
general literacy rate across all ages for females was 55%, which is lower to
that of males at 72% in 2013. The Gender Parity Index stands at 1.01,
which indicates that for every 100 boys there are 101 girls at the primary
school level.
As per the NPAG, 2008–2013, women’s lower representation at the
leadership levels may be explained by the late participation of women in
the education process. Assessing from the trend, the increase of female
civil servants at the highest levels of bureaucracy is seen to be slow and
may require targeted support/interventions.
Barriers to Gender Mainstreaming

in Bhutanese Civil Service
Since 1961 with the beginning of planned development in Bhutan, the

country has concentrated its efforts on improving the standards of liv-
ing of its people and fulfilling the spiritual, economic and emotional
well-being of the people. The philosophy of Gross National Happiness
(GNH), propounded by His Majesty, the Fourth King of Bhutan, pro-
vided the guiding principle and the basis on which development took
place. The development framework emphasizes the achievement of sus-
tainable development and self-reliance and places the individual at the
center of development. Such an approach creates a conducive environ-
ment for promoting gender equality and mainstreaming it, into the
development processes and outcomes.
However, the country, in the past, has always adopted a gender-neu-
tral approach to development whereby equal opportunities were pro-
vided for women and men without assessing their different situations
and needs. So while the RGoB is committed to promoting people’s
170 K. Lhamu
equal participation in development, it may be recognized that provid-

ing of equal opportunities alone is not adequate to achieve equality of
outcomes or gender equality. It is important that consideration is given
to institutions, mechanisms, and processes that enable women and men
to participate in the development arena and become equal partners in
nation building. This could include, among others, providing a gender-
friendly environment in workplaces through establishment of child care
crèches; reviewing selection practices (for work and training) and terms
and conditions of employment to remove potential biases; instituting
gender-friendly practices and frameworks to address the lower repre-
sentation of women in committees/boards and providing incentives to
encourage women to take up leadership positions; and instituting tempo-
rary special measures in areas where gender gaps are higher. As such, the
different needs, constraints and interests of both women and men need
to be understood and incorporated into the development process.
Toward an Assessment
The unequal status of women and their lack of opportunities are often
taken for granted and are considered normal. The gender inequalities
deeply rooted in families, communities, and individual minds, remain
largely invisible and underestimated. In case of Bhutan, Bhutanese
women are in a relatively better position compared to many neighboring
countries in the region mainly due to gender-neutral public policies, leg-
islation, and Buddhist values, inherent in the fabric of Bhutanese society.
While there has been notable progress in the area of reducing gender
gaps in Bhutan, there are disparities in many important areas of develop-
ment such as:
i. Low female representation in decision-making positions in govern-

ance (Judiciary, Executive, Legislative, and Local Governance)
ii. Higher female unemployment rate (urban overall: 6.8% with
female at 9.5% against 5.3% male; and rural overall: 2.8% with
female at 2.7% against 2.9% for male)
iii. Low female participation in economic activities
iv. Low female enrollment in tertiary education, implying higher
dropout rates after completion of secondary education
v. Low female enrollment in technical and professional fields
According to the findings of the Gender Pilot Study, Bhutan 2001 (www.
gnhc.gov.bt/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/rep_gpsr.pdf), an interest-
ing difference or stereotype in governance was evident, where men tended
to dominate the public domain and were involved in macro-level deci-
sions, while women were in the private sphere. Women perceived men
to be more capable of making decisions at higher levels. As such, despite
positive indicators, as per the study women believed in that men were bet-
ter equipped to understand and participate in the matters of governance
and decision making in the public sphere.
The same study found that though women were active in village
meetings, their participation declined as the level of governance became
higher especially at the national level. There was a perception among
women that the men better made important decisions as they were
more literate and more experienced in pubic dealings. Women felt that
“they are not taken so seriously.” Some women felt that, “there were no
women leaders in their community.” While women recognized the value
of meetings at the higher levels, they found extensive travel and night
halts as major constraints for attending meetings outside their commu-
nity. In addition, the burden of household and farm work coupled with
long and inflexible hours of both public and political work, prevented
women from participation in governance.
In a 2010 study on attitudes of Sherubtse College students—a lead-
ing tertiary education institute—male respondents (58%) were of the
view that men made the best leaders while females (78%) tended to think
capacities were equal (Tshomo et al. 2010). Men attributed the under-
representation of women to lack of toughness, leadership qualities, and
drive. The limited number of women in leadership roles also seems to
have affected how women’s capacities are perceived.
When it comes to women in the bureaucracy, the findings from the
above study, explain to a large extent the lower representation of women
in the civil service especially in decision-making positions. Despite an
enabling policy environment, women are still under-represented due to
the need to balance work/careers and family life. There are distinct gen-
der stereotypes that are embedded in families, communities and individ-
ual mindsets, which are subtle but largely affect women’s participation.
The Study on Gender Stereotypes found that 44% of survey respond-
ents believed that Bhutanese culture considers women as inferior to
men. These are apparent in proverbs referring to men being superior to
women, family habits, and household norms and expectations where the
172 K. Lhamu
women always has the role of the caregiver, community and institutional
practices, and through images and advertisements.
A 2010 study, which focused on the attitudes of students in one of
the oldest colleges in Bhutan (Sherubtse College), found that while 48%
of women viewed discrimination against women as a serious issue, only
29% of men though it was very serious or somewhat serious. The lower
literacy levels of women, attitudes and stereotypes, lower self-esteem,
the triple burden (reproductive, productive, and caregiving responsi-
bilities), and the lack of a conducive environment for empowerment of
women are the various constraining factors as per the Study Report on
the Participation of Women in the Local Government Elections, 2011
(RGoB 2011).
Toward a Gender-Friendly Environment in the

Bureaucracy
Although equal opportunities exist for both sexes in terms of recruit-
ment, promotion and, scholarship in the civil service, women’s participa-
tion in the civil service is lower than men. It is recognized that some of
the constraining factors, which deter women’s participation in the civil
service, are the lack of gender sensitive rules and regulations especially
pertaining to working mothers. As part of the reforms initiated in 2015
to enhance and sustain women’s participation in the civil service and cre-
ate gender-friendly work conditions, the RCSC in consultation with key
agencies reviewed the Bhutan Civil Service Rules 2012 (BCSR 2012).
With effect from March 2016, the maternity leave has been extended
from 3 months to 6 months, and the paternity leave increased from 5 to
10 days. The provision on baby feeding hours from 12 pm to 2 pm for
12 months was increased to 24 months to promote healthy breastfeeding
till the child attained 2 years of age. In addition, government agencies
have been encouraged to establish Crèche facilities with standard child
safety and well-being measures and guidelines for the pre-school chil-
dren (1–3 years) of their employees. This has further been strengthened
by the inclusion of two mandatory indicators in the Annual Performance
Agreement 2016–2017 of all the sectors: (i) timeline by which childcare
center (crèche) for the employees is provided and (ii) timeline by which
the internal framework to address gender issues at workplace developed.
Annual Performance Agreements are signed between the Prime Minister
and all Government Ministries, autonomous agencies, and local govern-

ments. The setting up of the Civil Service Support Desk for addressing
issues such as sexual harassment faced by civil servants, further supported
actions being made toward providing a gender-friendly environment in
the civil service.
Conclusion
Although women are not well represented in the civil service especially at
the executive levels, the representation of women in the civil service con-
tinues to grow owing to the enabling and non-discriminatory environ-
ment provided by the Constitution of Bhutan. Safe and healthy working
conditions for the performance of duties and equal opportunities for
employment in the civil service are provided as per the Civil Service Act
of Bhutan, 2010. Conditions that facilitate women’s enhanced participa-
tion in the civil service have been put in place in the form of extended
paid maternity leave, increased breastfeeding duration, and the manda-
tory establishment of workplace crèches. Further, the extension of pater-
nity leave underlines the fact that men are equally responsible for child
rearing. The BCSR 2012 also prohibits sexual harassment at workplaces.
References
BCSR. (2012). Bhutan Civil Service Rules and Regulations. Thimphu: Royal
Civil Service Commission.
RGoB (Royal Government of Bhutan). (2001). Gender pilot study, 2001.
Thimphu: Gross National Happiness Commission.
RGob. (2008a). Study on gender stereotypes and women in governance. Thimphu:
National Commission for Women and Children.
RGoB. (2008b). National plan of action for gender (NPAG) 2008–2013.
Thimphu: Gross National Happiness Commission and National Commission
for Women and Children.
RGoB. (2011). Study report on the participation of women in the local government
elections. Thimphu: Election Commission of Bhutan.
RGoB. (2013a). Eleventh five year plan guidelines and eleventh five year plan vol-
ume 1 (2013–2018). Thimphu: Gross National Happiness Commission.
RGoB. (2013b). Information brochure. (5th ed.). Thimphu: Royal Civil Service
Commission.
RGoB. (2015). The civil service statistics. Thimphu: Royal Civil Service
Commission.
174 K. Lhamu
RGoB. (2016). Annual report (July 2015–June 2016): State of the royal civil ser-
vice. Thimphu: Royal Civil Service Commission.
Tshomo, T., Angmo, T., & Patel, S. (2010). The Gender Divide in Bhutan:
Opinions on the Status of Women Split along Gender Lines Among College
Students. Research paper by members of Sherubtse College, Royal University
of Bhutan.
CHAPTER 10
Women in Civil Service in India
Shivani Singh
The Indian Civil Service, by and large, has remained a male preserve due
to a complex set of socioeconomic and ideological factors. The compo-
sition of civil service is at odds with the gender make-up of the society
they represent which reveals that certain voices are being silenced or sup-
pressed. The scene is, however, undergoing slow and steady changes in
view of the socioeconomic churnings that India has recently witnessed.
Besides sustained movements opposing gender discrimination, the preva-
lent political authority seems persuaded to raise voice against sociopo-
litical practices supportive of gender inequality. Although this campaign
is gaining strength day-by-day, it cannot be said to have completely
uprooted the sources of prejudices against women being considered
equal for all practical purposes. The question that women are asking is
very simple: why should women not be a part of the decision-making
processes that impact them? Despite the promise of universality and
equality, women have remained on the margins of decision-making and
public office.
The main objective of this chapter is to highlight reasons underly-
ing the low representation of women at all levels of the government and
identify factors that cause gender inequalities in the civil service. It also
S. Singh (*) 
Dyal Singh Evening College, University of Delhi, Delhi, India

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_10
176 S. Singh
explores factors that discourage gender mainstreaming in the civil ser-

vice. This chapter argues that despite not having completely achieved
its goal, the campaign for women empowerment appears to have cre-
ated a mind-set in support of gender equality which is also evident in the
changing texture of Indian Civil Services in view of the growing number
of women in responsible positions in the administration.
The Steel Frame in India

Modern civil service in India is essentially a British creation. The Indian
Civil Service (ICS) provided the foundation of what Lloyd George called
the “steel frame” of British rule in India. There were three categories
of services—All-India, central, and provincial—in British India. Among
the different services, the ICS, an All-India service, was the most impor-
tant. It was the sole repository of power (Morris-Jones 1964, p. 23). The
nationalist leaders did not have any positive opinion of the ICS. Nehru
once characterized the Indian Civil Service as “neither Indian, nor civil,
nor service” and argued for its disappearance in independent India.
There was, however, no serious break with the past in post-partition
India. The threefold classification of services found in British India was
retained. The steel frame, now represented by the Indian Administrative
Service (IAS), has also continued and retained its class character even in
independent India. Alexander (1998) observed that the new civil service,
after independence, was the continuation of the old one, with the [only]
difference that it was now to function in a parliamentary system of gov-
ernment under elected political leaders.
The civil service in India is heavily colored by status and rank con-
sciousness. Despite the popular image of the Weberian notion of
bureaucracy as the most rational and efficient form of organization, it
has been found in real life mirroring the prejudices of the larger soci-
ety. Even within the bureaucracy, not much attention has been paid to
minority or gender issues. Thus, the “merit myth” of bureaucracy has
been questioned by many critics. However, the issues of inequalities of
power and status existing within bureaucracies never attracted the con-
cern of scholars until recently. The so-called bureaucratic rationality has
in reality worked in such a way that women have been judged unfavora-
bly as potential members of the bureaucracy. It has been argued that a
“discourse of bureaucracy” with emphasis on rationality, objectivity, and
10 WOMEN IN CIVIL SERVICE IN INDIA 177
impersonality ran alongside a “discourse of domesticity” that stressed

emotional and familial values.
Historically, bureaucratic principles, as opposed to the domestic
sphere, came to be associated with males and maleness and served to
exclude women from the bureaucracies or to confine them to the lower
levels (Bhattacharya 2000). In British India, women were disqualified
from holding Class I posts in various departments under the control of
Governor-General-in-Council. They were eligible for Class II posts and
the clerical services. In independent India, despite the constitutional
guarantee of “equality before the law” and “equality of employment
opportunities,” the number of women and underprivileged sections in
the civil service has been abysmally low. In 1983, the government of
India’s high-power panel on minorities, the Gopal Singh Committee,
reported that the percentage of Muslims in the civil service was far
behind in proportion to their population. This stands against the princi-
ples of inclusive governance.
Thus, although the Muslim population in the country is almost 12%
of the total, their representation in the country’s highest services stood
at only 3.15% between 1981 and 2000 (Najiullah 2006, pp. 688–689).
Similarly, of the 3284 officers in the Indian Police Service recruited dur-
ing the same period, only 120 were Muslims. This is the general trend of
Muslim representation in the service all over India with slight variations
(Najiullah, p. 689). There has not been much improvement in the repre-
sentation of Muslims over the last 20 years. Equality of opportunity, as a
principle, does not take into account the claims of structurally disadvan-
taged groups (Mohanty 2000). Different reasons are attributed to the poor
representation of Muslims in the civil services in India. Although Muslim
leaders often consider it as a prejudice against them, observing that their
access to the professions is deliberately blocked because of their faith, a
recent research (by a Muslim scholar) reveals that “the low level of partici-
pation of Muslim students in the CS examinations rather than their proba-
bility of being selected is the major cause for low representation of Muslims
in these services.” A second factor that inhibits Muslim participation is that
“Muslim girls are performing well in many areas but they are not encour-
aged to attempt the civil service (CS) examinations” (Patel 2014).
However, one positive trend noticed over the last few years, as evi-
dent from examination results, is that the civil service is becoming rep-
resentative in terms of caste, tribe, regions, and ability. The number of
178 S. Singh
physically challenged successful candidates has increased over the years—

from 34 in 2012 to 53 in 2014 (Jain 2015). A differently able candidate
even topped the merit list in 2014. In terms of the geographical profile
of the successful candidates, the results over the recent years confirm a
pan-India distribution. The 25 toppers in 2013 list were spread across 11
states; in 2014, the top 25 candidates came from 15 states (Patel 2014).
The family background of top 25 candidates shows diverse represen-
tation from all walks of life with their parents being a farmer, teacher,
businessman, government servant, doctor, advocate, professor, and civil
servant (PTI 2013). Candidates from OBC, SC, and ST also perform
well nowadays; no seat in those categories remained vacant in 2014,
although nearly 100 posts in the General category remained vacant.
Women also succeeded in increasing their representation, although they
still constitute a distinct minority.
The above observations, however, are not intended to argue that the
situation has changed drastically. Continuity with the past is still widely
noticeable. The experience of the last few years shows that there is less
representation of students from low-income groups and rural back-
grounds. Even among the backwards, SCs, and STs, the economically
well-to-do are joining the civil service. A case in point is that of Meenas
and Negis of the north that dominate the services among the STs. These
communities are economically better equipped than their counterparts.
Rural–urban differences are also widely evident. Available information
shows that candidates from urban areas are in an advantageous position.
For example, the number of urban male candidates is higher than their
female counterparts; the number of urban female candidates is higher
than their rural female counterparts; the number of rural male candidates
is higher than their rural female counterparts; the number of urban male
candidates is higher than their rural male counterparts; and the number
of urban female candidates is higher than rural male counterparts.
Women’s Representation in Civil Service: Trends

and Patterns
The national movement for independence from British rule pioneered

the participation of women in public life. In the civil disobedience move-
ment launched by Mahatma Gandhi in 1930, more than 17,000 partic-
ipants were women. A major reason for women being drawn into the
Table 10.1 Performance of women candidates
Year Total candidates Candidates selected Percentage of total
Male Female Male Female Male Female
2012 208,569 62,873 753 245 75.5 24.5

2013 241,726 76,458 861 261 76.7 23.3
2014 NA NA 950 286 76.9 23.1
Source Jain (2015); UPSC Annual Reports
independence movement was the nature of Gandhi’s personality which

inspired confidence not only in women but also their predominantly
male guardians who allowed their women folk to join his movement.
Nevertheless, in India, women are generally treated as subjects or
recipients of policy decisions rather than full participants in them. The
representation of women is very low at the top level where policies are
framed. For example, the number of women holding higher positions—
Secretary, Additional Secretary, and Joint Secretary—is very small. In
1951, the Indian Administrative Service recruited its first woman officer,
and it was not before 1972 that the first woman joined the Indian Police
Service. Until then, women were not considered physically fit for jobs
like police and army. Women working in the central government were
around 3% until the early seventies. The percentage doubled in the late
1980s and early 1990s when women constituted 6.6% of the total work-
force in the union government.
In the case of the Indian Foreign Service and Indian Police Service,
the share of the women was a meager 1.6%. According to the statistics
of the late nineties, the proportion of women in central government was
approximately 7.6%. Out of this, 98% were in Group C and D posts. The
position of women in higher civil service was equally bleak −10.45% in
the IAS, 3.4% in the IPS, and 3.18% in the IFS. In recent years, women
have performed extremely well, topping the merit list for four succeed-
ing years. The percentage of women joining the civil service has also
increased. Although there has been a slight slid in recent years, the share
of women can be seen as quite respectable compared to earlier situation.
The top position in Scheduled Tribe (ST) and Scheduled Caste (SC) was
also been secured by women candidates in 2012 (Table 10.1).
180 S. Singh
However, as Jain has observed, although women remain on top in

UPSC results, they [still] fail to break male stranglehold in the overall
merit list. For every 20 male IAS officers, there are only three female
officers.1 Since 1974, India’s steel frame has incorporated only 687
women compared to more than 3000 men.
Factors Encouraging Women to Join the Civil Service

The celebration of the Women’s Development Decade and the growth
of women’s movement in different parts of India have generated a good
deal of literature on the women’s question. From a situation where
women have been usually confined to the roles of housewife and mother
or in the traditional occupation of teaching, nursing, and other social
work, modern Indian women are trying to enter into diversified spheres
of activity which were earlier considered exclusively male domains. The
number of women officials in civil service, although compared unfavora-
bly with men, has increased over the years. One of the important rea-
sons is the quest for status. Among the inequalities, most noticeable in
contemporary societies are the inequalities of income, occupation, and
education, and inequalities inherent in the distribution of power and
authority which manifest themselves in relation to domination and sub-
ordination. Status factor has become pertinent for women in India. In
particular, status is concerned more with esteem and prestige rather than
with wealth and power. Therefore, to acquire power, status, and respect-
ability in society, girls have found civil service a viable option.
Status in ancient India was governed by the concept of ritual purity.
Even today, among high caste Hindus, women may be said to be the
custodians of the purity of the house and its members and of ritual.
Their considerable concern for the material and spiritual welfare of the
household is believed to depend on the meticulous observance of the
purity-pollution rules and the periodical performance of ritual. Feminine
preoccupation with rituals provides them power over men (Srinivas
1978). With changing times, status and power are associated with finan-
cial independence. However small is the proportion of urban educated
women, the fact is that they have jobs that give them both regular
incomes and social esteem. Therefore, personal career growth, security of
job, financial independence, respectability in society, bright career pros-
pects, and to acquire power and status in society are the factors that are
encouraging women to join civil service in large numbers.
Among the higher castes, a girl was trained to be wife and daughter-
in-law, and success or failure in both the roles reflected the credit or
discredit of her parents. Now to counter this, girls are inspired to join
civil service to protect the self-esteem of their parents. In many cases,
the absence of a son compels parents to motivate their daughters to ful-
fill the role of son by joining civil services. Also, the cost of urban liv-
ing has made both males and females realize that two incomes are better
than one. Family members influence women to become bureaucrats since
it saves parents from paying dowry and solves the marriage problems of
their daughters.
However, while individual/family factors are important in influencing
more women to join the civil service, there are other reasons, particularly
“positive” government policies, that have contributed to the process.
The Fifth Pay Commission recommended several measures to encourage
more women to join the civil service which were accepted by the govern-
ment. These include:
• Provision of common rooms and toilets for women.

• Quality crèches and day care facilities for children, preferably in the
office campus.
• Flexi-timing for women employees.
• Part-time employment for women when their children are very
small.
• Raising the age of recruitment for women to 35 years.
• Increase working women’s hostels.
• Priority allotment of accommodation for women and assured hous-
ing for married women employees.
• Grant of paternity leave for 15 days.
The Ministry of Personnel has also adopted several measures to make

women interested in the civil service. Some of the important measures
include:
• Introducing guidelines for the posting of husband and wife at the

same station.
• Allowing cadre change in respect of members of the All-India
Service on grounds of marriage.
• Attempting to create harassment-free work environment by issuing
guidelines for dealing with instances of sexual harassment.
182 S. Singh
• Adopting measures aimed at creating awareness pertaining to job

opportunities in civil service among women.
• Creations of more schools and counseling centers in rural areas.
• Alleviation of poverty among girls.
• Changes in social attitudes of parents.
A focal point has also been set up in the Department of Personnel and
Training to deal with all women-related issues in the civil services. The
Department has been running a number of courses for gender sensitiza-
tion of all government officials—to change male attitudes so that they
learn to share the household and childcare duties.
Perception of Male and Female Officials in the Civil

Service
This section seeks to explore the perception of male and female officials
toward each other’s role and their relations. Male officers believe in
gender stereotyping because they feel that women lack the competence
to handle portfolios like Finance, Defence, and Home. Therefore, they
should be preferred for “soft ministries” like Social Welfare, Culture,
Women and Child Development. Male officials also believe that infor-
mal visibility of women officials is low and they lack networking abili-
ties. Male officials are apprehensive about the mobility of women,
which is a prerequisite in civil service. The general interpretation of
male civil servants is that because of multiple roles as wives, moth-
ers, and daughters, women are unable to render due attention to the
demands of their job.
One pertinent problem is that male officials feel uncomfortable
to work under a woman boss and sometimes do not want to accept a
woman boss. Male officers are of the opinion that women often misuse
laws. Till the time male seniors are sympathetic to their cause, women
officials get along with them smoothly. The moment they are repri-
manded for dereliction of duty or denied place of posting or designation
of their choice, they immediately complain against their male seniors.
Also, contrary to the general perception, women officers too have been
found to indulge in acts of financial malpractices and corruption. For
example, one former Uttar Pradesh woman official has been convicted
for corruption and given imprisonment.
Women in authority find themselves in double mind due to the per-

ceptions of men regarding qualities that a civil servant should possess
which are unsuitable for women. If they behave like women, they are
perceived as unsuitable leaders. If they behave like leaders, they are per-
ceived as domineering and undemocratic by the male officials because of
masculine culture of the organization. Women officers believe that unlike
their male colleagues, they avoid an unholy alliance with political leaders.
Also, they are not always eager to twist and bend before political lead-
ers to get their choice of top postings. The male officers develop close
proximity with the political leaders to further their careers as well as use
their proximity to political power to aggrandize themselves. Women, by
and large, keep themselves insulated from political pulls and pressures,
thereby leading to visible improvement in governance.
Women officers believe that more women in civil service will lead to
the improvement in the quality of governance because women are effi-
cient managers. They manage household expenses with a limited budget;
also, they are capable of responding to needs and priorities of the elders,
children, and the spouse, thus making them more sensitive in nature.
This quality enables them to deal with their colleagues at office and also
the public at large with greater perfection. Women feel that they are
competent enough to face the challenges of civil service. They believe
that they are more humane, accessible, less aggressive, and less prone to
corruption. More women in governance would help in improving the
status of women in society. Women officials feel that they possess unique
qualities as they are assertive and persuasive, more willing to take risks,
more empathetic, and have strong interpersonal skills. One of the sig-
nificant results of, for instance, success in the IAS is the fact that young
women get posted as Collectors at district headquarters. Traditionally,
the Collector was regarded as the lord of his district, and it is something
of a cognitive revolution for villagers to find that they are being gov-
erned by a woman and a young one (Srinivas 1978).
Barriers to Gender Mainstreaming in Indian Civil

Service
Despite the steady increase of women in the civil service, adequate repre-
sentation is still lacking. The reasons cited for low proportions of women
in Indian Civil Service vary from lack of motivation to lack of facilities.
184 S. Singh
As Jeanne (1988) observes: “If women are ambitious, they lack neces-
sary education; where they get education, they often gain access to jobs
less prestigious and less powerful than those of men. When they enter
the public services, they are blocked in promotions and upward mobil-
ity, where they get high positions, they are neglected or discriminated
against.” Overall, several barriers—structural, administrative, politi-
cal, and social—discourage women to enter the civil service and/or to
remain in it. These barriers are explained below.
Structural Barriers to Gender Mainstreaming

Individual human beings are unequally endowed both physically and
mentally. Much of what an individual does in life and a great deal of what
she can do depend on her place in society. Therefore, inequality among
sexes can be traced to basic structural phenomena such as class, status,
and power which are found to exist in all societies (Beteille 1988). The
representation of women in civil service shows an increasing trend but
the increase is not substantial. The increase is also not proportionate to
the increase in education levels of women.
One pertinent reason is that education is not taken by women to
build a career in civil service; graduation is mostly meant to get good
grooms. Another reason is social background of civil service candidates
which is tilted toward a small section of the society which is rich and
powerful. The majority of the selected candidates are from public and
missionary schools which provide education to a microscopic minor-
ity. Similarly, women who qualify in the civil service are elite within elite
(Barik 2004). There is less representation of women from the rural back-
ground and from low-income groups because they cannot afford to take
classes in expensive coaching centers.
In view of the well-entrenched structural impediments toward women
empowerment in general, it is difficult for women to compete with their
male counterparts. Lack of training and coaching opportunities, particu-
larly in rural and remote areas, is a great hindrance for girls from rural
background to join civil service. Women officers mainly come from fami-
lies which can afford expensive education in private schools. Education,
financial, and administrative background help girls to take up competi-
tive examination.
In families with limited resources, girl’s education is viewed as a
liability and boys are given preference because education for them is
considered as an investment. The girl’s education is viewed as a liabil-

ity because the parents have to give dowry for their wedding. Parents
often feel that their daughters should get married at the right age, hence
most of the time they do not encourage the girls to avail of the chances
because civil service examination is lengthy, time-consuming, and cum-
bersome. Even after qualifying, it is a problem for parents to find a suita-
ble match because of the prevailing societal norms such as groom should
be more qualified and in a better job, and marriage should take place
within the caste/jati, as pointed out by Srinivas (1978). Lack of qual-
ity schools and state scholarship for girls are also obstacles for women to
join the civil service. Girls born in rural families whose dependence on
agriculture and low rate of geographical mobility are obstacles in way of
girl’s education.
Administrative Barriers to Gender Mainstreaming

Service conditions involving postings in distant cadres, taxing field
duties, balancing family commitments with demands of the job, and
sexual harassment at workplace are some of the administrative factors
responsible for discouraging women to join the civil service. Public per-
ception that for women domestic responsibilities take precedence over
the workplace also pressurizes them to accord low priority to their pro-
fessional advancement. Sexual harassment committees at work places are
not very effective, partly for the reason that very few cases are reported
to the committees and partly because of the tendency to settle disputes
through mutual compromises. One can notice some kind of contra-
diction in the behavior of the government. The government has often
expressed the desire to recruit more women in the civil service. But it
does not appear to be very serious in taking actions against male offi-
cials sexually harassing women at work places. The case of Rupam Deol
Bajaj, Special Secretary, Department of Finance, who complained against
K.P.S. Gill, DGP, Punjab, for committing a series of serious misdemea-
nors against the aforesaid female officer is an example of government
apathy in cases of sexual harassment. Bajaj brought it to the notice of
the Governor who proposed actions on the advice of J.F. Rebeiro which
were termed as soft by Bajaj. Even after 6 months of the incident, no
concrete action was taken against Gill (Maswood 1989).
Gender stereotyping of posts has resulted in the denial of impor-
tant postings to women. In the last 65 years, there have been no
186 S. Singh
women Secretaries of Home, Finance, Defence, Personnel, and Cabinet

Secretary. They are considered unfit because they lack different mascu-
line skills required for these important departments. The “glass ceiling”
effect has dissuaded the promotion of a woman officer to the senior
posts in international institutions like the World Bank or IMF. Certain
kinds of work are considered to be “women’s work” and others as men’s,
but more important is the fact that whatever work women do they get
lower wages and are less valued, e.g., nursing and teaching are predomi-
nantly female professions. Feminists point out that this “feminization” of
teaching and nursing is because such work is seen as an extension of nur-
turing work that women do within the home (Menon in Bhargava and
Acharya 2008, p. 226). Women who join civil service are expected to
serve “soft ministries/departments” like Ministry of Women and Child
Development, Department of Posts, and Indian Foreign Service due to
stereotypes about their sensitive nature, nurturing, and diplomatic skills.
Political Barriers to Gender Mainstreaming

Politicization of civil service has become rampant in India, especially
since the seventies. Refusal to succumb to the wishes of the political
bosses often results in frequent transfers of the civil servants. The women
officers feel it is difficult to handle political leaders. They remain under
constant threat of victimization if they do not toe the political line. This
holds true especially in recent years due to increase in the criminalization
of politics. Expected close political proximity with political bosses is pos-
sible only through compromises in decision-making as well as in ethical
standards. There is considerable corruption at the operating levels. This
discourages women from taking up civil service or to opt for voluntary
retirement during their service.
Two recent developments have focused on the relationship between
political executives and public servants. In 2013, Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh urged that if there was no evidence of wrongdoing,
there should not be any presumption of criminality. He also said that sec-
tion 13(d)(iii) of the Prevention of Corruption Act would be removed.
This section extends the corruption to any loss to the government by
the action of public servants. Second, the Supreme Court of India, on a
public interest litigation plea by several retired senior civil servants, ruled
in favor of greater order and transparency in transfers and posting. It
directed the formation of a Civil Services Board of senior civil servants
to decide on transfers and postings and a fixed tenure for postings. It

also directed civil servants not to accept oral orders from their superior
officers or Ministers, and to ensure that the orders are reduced in writing
before they are carried out.
However, the following disjoints in governance should be kept in
mind: First, the Prime Minister’s assertion at the anti-corruption seminar
on November 2013 that a loss to the government and the country does
not necessarily constitute wrongdoing indicates the direction of future
political decision-making. If this is the mind-set, there is no way the
Supreme Court judgment will change the behavior or attitude of those
in power. Second, fixity of tenure in lucrative jobs, as promised by the
court, is but a guarantee to continue to exploit the benefits of the posi-
tion. It will become a double-edged sword. If there is collusion between
the interests of the political executive and the civil service, the Supreme
Court judgment will result in an increase in wrongdoing, not a curb on
it. There is enough evidence at all levels of administration that this is
true. Lastly, there is the ultimate question of accountability. As long as
wrongdoing goes unpunished, the politician will continue to believe that
getting voted back to power is sufficient proof of innocence and that the
civil service should not be a bottleneck. The vertical hierarchy of notes
and orders prevalent in India shifts responsibility in a manner that makes
accountability difficult—it is time to change that (Narayan 2013). Civil
Service Board is also required to set up a cell exclusively to deal with
women’s issues and grievances.
Social Barriers to Gender Mainstreaming

A patriarchal system which excludes women from decision-making, early
marriage or marriage at the age when a woman is preparing to enter the
civil service, lack of education and financial resources, family attitudes
favoring the male child’s higher education are some of the social barriers
responsible for discouraging women from joining civil service. Families
which already had a government servant provided more motivation and
encouragement to girls of their families to take up civil service. Family
members influenced them to become a bureaucrat since it saved the par-
ents from payment of dowry and solved the marriage problems of their
daughters.
Urban residence and education are essential for women prepar-
ing for civil services. In India, female education has not only followed
188 S. Singh
male education but an intimate link exists between female education,

marriage, and caste. One consideration of relevance is that a girl ought
not to be more educated than her husband. The pressure to get women
educated is part of the process of securing good husbands. Parents want
their daughters to get only that much education as will give them the
utmost advantage in the marriage market including waiving of dowry.
Colleges and universities provide respectable waiting places for girls
who wish to get married. Since girls could not be kept idle at home till
they were married, they were sent to school and colleges. Now, girls are
encouraged to qualify the civil services examination regarded essential for
obtaining a good groom.
Due to mental conditioning and socialization from early childhood,
boys and girls are trained in appropriate, gender-specific forms of behav-
ior, play, dress, and so on. Thus, feminists argue that sex-specific qualities
and the value that society attributes to them are produced by a range
of institutions and beliefs that contextualize social behavior of boys and
girls differently. In addition, societies generally value “masculine” char-
acteristics more highly than “feminine,” while at the same time, ensuring
that men and women who do not conform to these characteristics are
continuously disciplined into appropriate behavior. The process of gen-
der socialization itself is a violation of basic human rights as it attempts
to control women’s autonomy and independence of thought and action:
obstacles that operate to keep women away from decision-making posi-
tions, thus depriving them of rights and opportunities that are presently
available to men.
The existence of patriarchy at the work place has proved to be a major
challenge. Patriarchy refers to an overarching system of male dominance
operating at every level—economic, political, cultural, and professional.
Thus, individual woman may appear to hold some power, but it would
be strictly within the limits set by patriarchal rules. Therefore, women
in Indian Civil Service enjoy a very limited say in the decisions regard-
ing their postings and assignments, which are largely decided by their
male counterparts. Male colleagues usually do not prefer women to be
posted in high powered ministries. It is thus clear that the present sub-
ordination of women arises from social and cultural values, ideologies,
and institutions that ensure the material and ideological subordination of
women. Feminist critiques point out that women are denied equal access
to resources through the structured operation of patriarchal ideology
which endorses distinction between sex-specific qualities, e.g., bravery
and confidence as masculine and sensitivity and shyness as feminine. It

creates an artificial dichotomy between “public” (relating to profession
and career) and private (relating to family) and encourages gender-based
division of labor where women are primarily responsible for reproductive
work related to the family and men for productive work.
Concluding Observations
Gender equality is a far more complex aspiration and requires the inter-
vention of community organizations and policy-oriented efforts by the
state as well as nongovernmental organizations. History proves that soci-
eties where men and women have played equal roles have been more
balanced and prospered faster than those which have either been patriar-
chal or matriarchal. Inclusion of women in large numbers will provide a
strong foundational administrative grid to the steel frame. More diverse
civil service will contribute to a more wholesome diversity in negotiating
complex policy environments. For a system to permit room for multiple
choices and corrections, a sufficiently diverse civil service is imperceptive.
Inclusive governance must include good management practices.
“Good management in the context of government refers to the budget-
ing, measurement and organizational system and processes that ensure
the most effective and efficient use of public resources to ensure pub-
lic missions and outcomes-without good management, we have infec-
tive governance at best” (The Woodrow Wilson International Center
for Scholars 2014). According to the Second Administrative Reforms
Commission 2005, “Governance is admittedly the weak link in our quest
for prosperity and equity.” Thus, improvement in the quality, perfor-
mance, and effectiveness of the civil services will have a positive impact
on the quality of governance which requires adequate representation of
women in civil service. There are examples of women bureaucrats who
have refused to fall in line with the wishes of their political masters.
Durga Shakti Nagpal, the feisty officer who took on the Utter Pradesh
sand mafia is a case in point.
A steady increase in a number of women appearing and join-
ing civil services over the years appears to be a silver lining in this so-
called male bastion. Men have accepted without protest women as
their bosses in government offices, schools, colleges, and universities.
The career woman in India is very visible, and it is significant that the
society at large has readily accepted women’s assumption of new roles.
190 S. Singh
Although prejudiced mind cannot be reformed overnight even by apply-

ing most stringent coercive measures, one has to constantly attack the
sources of prejudice by evolving simultaneously alternative thought pro-
cesses seeking to bring about changes in the wider social, economic, and
political environment.
This is not a battle between two biologically divided sections of soci-
ety, but a tussle between two diametrically opposite weltanschauung:
one for change and the other for status quo. Since it is struggle against
a mind-set, it cannot be exclusively gender-driven, but an encoun-
ter involving various sections of society which are persuaded to believe
that gender equality is not a charity, but is a key to human progress,
and hence, the sooner it is accomplished, it is better for a society reeling
under well-entrenched prejudices, depriving half of India’s population of
equality and fairness. Inclusive governance demands that adequate repre-
sentation of all sections of society, including women will help in enhanc-
ing the glitter of the steel frame and ensure that its shine does not fade
away with passage of time.
An institutionalized policy toward the representation of women
will surely be an impetus toward creating a space for gender equality,
although this cannot be adequate to root out prejudices against gender
equality. There should be an awareness that women’s reproductive and
productive roles were closely linked to economic, social, cultural, and
political conditions constraining women’s advancement, and that factors
intensifying the economic exploitation, marginalization, and oppression
of women emanate from chronic inequalities in the family and commu-
nity at national and international levels (Jha 2003).
Note
1. Available at http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Women-on-top-
in-UPSC-results-but-fail-to-break-male-stranglehold-in-overall-merit-list/
articleshow/47967077.cms, accessed October13, 2016.
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CHAPTER 11
Limits of Inclusion: Women’s Participation

in Nepalese Civil Service
Narendra Raj Paudel
The feminist approach stresses that the development of a nation will be

incomplete in the absence of either sex’s participation in public organiza-
tions. The voice and interest of either gender who cannot be represented
in an organization will be silenced. Thus, initiatives have been taken
worldwide to ensure the participation of women in different areas of
society, economy, and polity. Conceptually, women’s participation means
not only women’s involvement in decision-making and its implementa-
tion but also sharing of benefits. Although women have made progress
in higher education, labor market participation, and wages in recent dec-
ades, they remain underrepresented in top positions in corporations, civil
service, and politics (Bowling et al. 2006). For example, women occu-
pied only 16.9% of all Fortune 500 board director positions in 2013,
18.5% of seats in the US Congress in 2014, and 29% of OECD senior
civil service positions in 2010. Across the globe, 60% of countries have
adopted alternative forms of quota which have advanced women’s rep-
resentation in governance at national, provincial, and local levels (The
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 2014).
N.R. Paudel (*) 
Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Nepal

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_11
194 N.R. Paudel
In South Asia, on average, the representation of women in the

national parliament varies from six to 33%. But the representation of
women in the national civil service is still low. The major barriers that
obstruct women’s representation include lack of female aspiration, lack
of qualified women, and socio-cultural factors. It is often argued that
women are interested in looking after their homes and children; they
may be reluctant to compete especially with males. Women are also
observed to be less competent in laboratory experiments (Gneezy et al.
2003). Contrary to these arguments, proponents of women’s participa-
tion observe that greater economic stability and growth occurs when
more women hold senior positions. Women’s representation accelerates
the decision-making process in order to bring about a fundamental shift
in the gender balance in positions of influence. Then, men and women
[of Europe] can have an equal voice in working together toward a better
future (EU 2010).
This chapter examines the role of women in the civil service of Nepal.
It tries to identify the status of women in the civil service and explores
measures that have been taken to include women in greater numbers.
The paper also identifies the gap that exists between the policy of inclu-
sion, which appears to be forward-looking and praise-worthy, and the
reality on the ground.
Notwithstanding the adoption of different measures for inclusion, the
rate of representation of women remains low. The paper explores reasons
that underlie the ‘poor’ representation of women in the civil service. It
argues that the creation of an ‘enabling’ environment leads to enhance-
ment of the capability of women. Eventually, they achieve success in the
civil service examinations. This paper tries to identify the extent to which
an ‘enabling’ environment has been created in the case of Nepal and the
extent to which women in Nepal have been able to reap benefits from it.
Structure of Civil Service in Nepal

Civil service is an organization that carries out different functions on
behalf of the government. The role of the civil service has changed with
time. It is more diversified in nature now than in the past. Not only
do civil servants share policy functions with politicians; they are also
involved with almost every function of the government. These functions
can be categorized into four groups—governance, economic, social, and
infrastructure (MoGA-UNDP 2014, p. 9). The governance functions
11 LIMITS OF INCLUSION: WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION … 195
include administrative services, logistics management, internal security

and peace, foreign relations, and human resource management. The
economic activities include economic planning, creation of investment
climate and promotion of macro-economic stability. It also includes the
mobilization of resources for the generation of income and employment.
Moreover, civil service provides social services such as health, educa-
tion, drinking water, sanitation, and social security to enhance the quality
of life of the people. Civil service also focuses its attention on building
infrastructure needed for sustainable economic and social development
such as transportation, communication, energy supply, and environmen-
tal management.
The Civil Service of Nepal has thirteen categories of services. They
are as follows: General Administration, Agriculture, Auditing, Economic
Planning and Statistics, Education, Engineering, Forestry, Health,
Justice, Parliament, Foreign Affairs, and Miscellaneous. Nearly half of the
civil servants belong to general administration, while the health service
employs about one-fifth of total civil servants. Engineering and forestry
services are placed in third and fourth positions respectively. Other ser-
vices like economic planning and statistics, education, parliament, and
auditor general have a smaller proportion of civil servants (Table 11.1).
The Government has opted for the policy of increasing decentralization
and placing services closer to the people, with the result that more field
Table 11.1 Structure of civil service (by category)

Categories Number Percentage
General administration 37,044 46.30

Agriculture 4925 6.16
Auditing 327 0.41
Economic planning and statistics 369 0.46
Education 1644 2.05
Engineering 7961 9.95
Forestry 4829 6.04
Health 16,418 20.52
Justice 3028 3.78
Parliament 221 0.28
Constitutional 52 0.06
Foreign affair 210 0.26
Miscellaneous 2973 1.53
Total position 80,001 100
Source Department of Civil Personnel Record, MOGA (2013)

196 N.R. Paudel
offices have now been established. The duties and responsibility of cen-
tral government’s organizations are formulation of basic policy, macro-
level planning and monitoring, and evaluation, whereas the responsibility
for implementation of these policies rests with departments and regional-
and district-level organizations.
The Policy of Inclusion

Nepal made its commitment to amend the country’s rules and regula-
tions in line with international conventions and laws, mostly those
framed by the UN, with a view to encouraging more women to be active
participants in the governing process. The need for the involvement of
women has been recognized in different documents. The Government
of Nepal (GoN) expressed its commitment to reform legal instruments
to remove barriers to women’s participation in different sectors of the
economy and society (Paudel 2006). In fact, Nepal has already enacted
as well as amended many statutes and provisions of law to improve the
status of women—important among them are The Gender Equality Act
2006, Human Trafficking and Transportation Control Act 2007, 12th
amendment of Country Code (that criminalizes witchcraft and recog-
nizes it as a crime against state), and Domestic Violence Control Act
2008. Measures have also been taken to replace the Country Code 1963.
The government of Nepal amended the Civil Service Act of 1993 in
2007 and introduced the quota system in the Nepalese Civil Service.
The Election Act of 2007 provided for reserving one-third of seats for
women in the National Parliament. The present Constitution of Nepal,
passed in 2015 by the Second Constituent Assembly, made several pro-
visions for guaranteeing the rights of women. Article 38 provides that
every woman has equal lineage right without gender-based discrimina-
tion. Women also shall have the right to safe motherhood and reproduc-
tive health. They shall also have the right to participate in all bodies of
the state on the basis of the principle of proportional inclusion (GoN
2015a, b). The Constitution further states that women have the right to
obtain special opportunities in education, health, employment, and social
security on the basis of positive discrimination. Finally, the spouse shall
also have the equal right to property and family affairs (GoN 2015a, b).
The GoN is thus constitutionally committed to ensure a favorable envi-
ronment for women’s improvement and participation.
The Civil Service Act of 1993 (4th Amendment) made a special provi-
sion for women in case of recruitment to the civil service. It provided for
reserving 45% of the total seats (as quota) for women, Dalits, Madhesi,
the disabled, backward areas, and ethnics. Assuming 45% of seats as hun-
dred percent, 33% of the seats are reserved for women. It means that
only 15% of seats out of both open and inclusive categories are reserved
for women. In case of age limit, there is also provision for relaxation
of age limits for women. The maximum age limit for men is 35 years,
whereas it is 40 years for women. No age limit applies to women who
have worked for more than five years continuously in the development
sector; they can apply for a position in the civil service whenever they
want.
Women also have less probationary period after they join the ser-
vice—six months; in contrast, the probationary period for men is one
year. Women also become eligible for promotion one year earlier than
men. It is 3 years at the non-gazetted level and 5 years at the gazetted
level for men to be eligible for promotion. This implies that women will
have a natural advantage over men in case of promotion. It is rare to
find this kind of ‘extreme’ positive discrimination in any other country of
the world. Women also get 98 days delivery leave twice during the whole
service period. Also, women get special leave on the occasion of Teej,
Rishipanchami, and International Women’s Day. The adoption of such
positive discrimination measures is expected to create a favorable envi-
ronment for women to join and build a career in the civil service.
Women in the Civil Service

The share of women in the Nepalese Civil Service is quite low. Women
constituted only eight percent of the total civil servants in 2003; this
increased to 15% in 2010 and to 18% in 2015. Most of the women work
at lower levels; their participation at the policy level is extremely neg-
ligible (less than 3%). No woman has ever held any top level position
in the civil service. These senior positions mostly remain the preserve of
men. Table 11.2 shows that the highest share of women’s participation
is observed at the non-gazetted level. For example, the percentage of
women holding non-gazetted level positions increased from 11 in 2003
to 22 in 2012; it thus doubled in ten years. The percentage, however,
decreased to 21 in 2015. Those holding these non-gazetted positions are
198 N.R. Paudel
Table 11.2 Women’s share in Nepalese civil service
Rank 2003 2010 2015
Male Female Female Male Female Female Male Female Female

share share share
(%) (%) (%)
Special 41 1 2 67 2 3 63 2 3
class
Gazetted 304 4 1 416 13 3 429 29 7
I
Gazetted 1399 52 4 2474 113 4 3119 163 5
II
Gazetted 4909 304 6 7129 593 8 12,451 1698 12
III
Non 38,596 4224 11 34,813 7632 22 32,686 8774 21
Gazetted
Class less 23,885 1432 6 20,366 1446 7 19,175 1518 7
Total 69,134 6017 8 65,265 9799 15 67,923 12,184 18
Source Civil Service Department, Ministry of General Administration 2015
mostly expected to assist officers (gazetted and special position holders)

in discharging their functions.
There existed no policy of inclusion for women before 2007. Social
and cultural impediments also did not allow many women to do any out-
side work; they were expected to remain at home and do only household
chores. Job-seeking by women in Nepal is relatively a new phenomenon.
However, despite the state’s effort to narrow down gender gap in the
civil service, the situation is still not very encouraging. Women consti-
tuted only 15% of the total civil servants in 2015. Reasons are many; the
following appear to be important.
• The inclusion policy adopted for the civil service is still at the initial
stage and it may take a few more years for the figures to go up.
• Those who have joined civil service have little career-development
opportunity and move up through performance-based promotion
system.
• No attraction for competent women outside bureaucracy to join
high-level civil service positions through lateral entry system as pro-
vided for in the Act (Awasthi and Adhikari 2012, p. 30).
However, one encouraging feature is that the number of women apply-

ing for civil service positions has increased over the years; their success
rate has also increased. In contrast, although the number of male candi-
dates has also increased, they have had a lower success rate than women.
Table 11.3 provides a comparative account of the nature of competi-
tion between men and women for civil service jobs in Nepal. Table 11.3
shows that the number of female applicants increased significantly
between 2007 and 2012. In 2007, there was 39% of female applicants,
whereas the males accounted for 61%. The number of female applicants
continued to increase in successive years, reaching up to 47% in 2012.
The main reason underlying the increase in the number of women appli-
cants is due to the implementation of the policy of inclusion. The inclu-
sive policy encouraged women to apply for jobs in the civil service. On
the other hand, the percentage of male applicants decreased from 61
to 53, although their number increased considerably (from 107,687 in
2007 to 195,387 in 2012).
One thing to be mentioned here is that although the number of women
applicants has increased substantially, the rate of women appearing in civil
service examinations is low. More than one-third of the applicants did not
actually appear in the examination in 2010–2011. Awasthi and Adhikari
(2012, p. 26) have identified three reasons that account for this gap.
They are lack of confidence [of candidates], lack of time to prepare for the
examination, and long distance between the examination centers and their
homes. The rate of success of women candidates compared (with male
applicants) is found to be very low; it varied from 6 to 12% between 2007
and 2012. Notwithstanding the adoption of a policy of inclusion, women
still trail far behind men in passing civil service examinations. As a result,
many seats reserved for women remain vacant. According to estimates by
Public Service Commission, about 250 positions reserved for women could
not be filled due to lack of appropriate candidates. Several reasons account
for this state of affairs, of which the following are important:
• It takes around 18 months to complete the PSC cycle—from adver-

tisement to making final recommendations. Many candidates thus
cannot wait for such a long period of time.
• Lack of availability of appropriate candidates.
• Lack of availability of candidates for technical positions (in particular).
• Inability on the part of candidates to secure pass marks (Awasthi
and Adhikari, p. 27).
200 N.R. Paudel
Table 11.3 Success rate of men and women in civil service examinations
Number of applicants passed rate on the basis of sex
FY Female Male Total Total Both Nos

passed nos. and passed
No. applied % No. % No applied % No. passed % Nos. percent
passed
2007/08 67,435 39 366 9 107,687 61 3647 91 175,122 4013 100

2008/09 32,457 38 117 6 53,711 62 1747 94 86,168 1864 100
2009/10 139,963 47 495 11 160,500 53 4030 89 300,463 4525 100
2010/11 110,307 44 367 11 141,344 56 3298 89 251,651 3665 100
2011/12 113,785 42 398 11 157,792 58 3194 89 271,577 3592 100
2012/13 173,418 47 617 12 195,387 53 4461 88 368,805 5078 100
Total 637,365 2360 816,421 20,377 1,453,786 22,737 100
Source Annual Report of Public Service Commission (2008, 2009, 2010, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014)
Those who have agrarian background, studied in community colleges,

and belong to educated Brahmin and Chhetri family succeed in greater
number in Public Service Commission’s examinations (Paudel 2014).
Explaining Variations in Representation

As stated above, women candidates generally trail behind their male
counterparts in civil service examinations. Notwithstanding the introduc-
tion of several measures for mainstreaming gender in the civil service, the
response is not satisfactory. Women have apparently failed to take much
advantage of the measures taken for improving their representation in
the civil service. This section tries to explore the reasons for the under-
representation of women by seeking answers to a few questions:
• Is the examination conducted by Public Service Commission fair?

• Why do some castes fare better than others?
• Does the present legal provision give a sense of justice to Nepalese
women aspiring to enter into the Nepalese Civil Service?
• What are the factors responsible for entry into civil service in Nepal?
Two methods were used to collect data to answer these questions: First,
macro-level data on civil servants for 12 years—from 2003 to 2015—
were gathered from the Civil Service Department and grouped gender-
wise, while the share of women aspirants (2007–2012) was gathered
from Public Service Commission, a constitutional body responsible for
recruiting civil servants. Second, 227 candidates, 182 males and 45
females, were approached to collect primary data through closed-ended
questionnaire from seven districts (Dhanusa, Dhankuta, Dhangadi,
Gorkha, Accham, Dailekh and Kathmandu). 28 key informants who
were organizational heads/chiefs of concerned offices were interviewed.
Questions about the impartiality and effectiveness of the PSC and the
level of performance of civil servants were included in the questionnaire.
Reasons for specific caste domination, domination of agrarian rather than
urban people, and domination of graduates from community colleges
rather than private ones were also explored in the study.
202 N.R. Paudel
The Impartiality of Public Service Commission

As per the Constitution of Nepal, 2015, the duty of the PSC is to con-
duct examinations for selection of suitable candidates to be appointed
to vacant positions in the civil service (GoN 2015a, b, p. 163). The
assumption of this study is that the share of women in the civil service
will increase if the selection process of PSC is impartial and effective.
No one can enter into the civil service without crossing the PSC door.
Therefore, the question, in this study, was about whether the selection
of civil servants by PSC was impartial and effective. The findings of the
study showed that 95% of the respondents readily agreed on the impar-
tiality and effectiveness of PSC in selecting appropriate candidates. No
major difference in the opinion of the two categories of respondents
could be noticed (Table 11.4).
Most of the candidates also observed that the different types of test
used by the PSC to judge the suitability of candidates—written test,
interview, IQ, language test, practice test—were also impartial and effec-
tive (Table 11.5). In an interview with the author, an organization head
opined: ‘The selection process of PSC is based on scientific methods; it is
always alert to make the process error-free and totally merit-based.’
One thing to be noted here is that although both groups of applicants
agreed that the impartiality of the PSC was beyond any question, nearly
one-fifth of female respondents did not consider it to be totally impartial.
Part of the reason was that the advertisement made by the PSC inviting
applications was not easily accessible to many women living in remote
areas. Some women applicants also alleged that the policy of inclusion
Table 11.4 Role of Public Service Commission
Variables Male (N1 = 182) Female (N2 = 45) Total
Yes (%) No (%) Yes (%) No (%) N = 227
Impartiality of Public Service 95 5 93 7 95

Commission
Effectiveness of PSC to select 84 16 79 21 83
appropriate candidates
Source Field study (2014)

Table 11.5 Perception of respondents on PSC examination
Variables Male (N1 = 182) Female (N2 = 45) Total

(N = 227)
Bad (%) Good (%) Bad (%) Good (%) Good (%)
Written test 2 98 9 91 97
Interview 6 94 9 91 93
I.Q. 7 93 14 86 92
Language test 6 94 11 89 93
Practical test 7 93 11 89 93
Source Field Study (2014)
was not implemented properly. One of the male respondents also criti-
cized the selection process in the following way: According to him:
PSC did not identify the role of section officer, under-secretary, joint-sec-
retary in each service. There must be different standards of questions and
the evaluation method for each position be different. PSC has used the
same selection methods such as written test, interview and so on [for each
category].
It is to be mentioned here that there are 11 services in Nepal. Nine

services are governed by Civil Service Act, 1993 and separate acts exist
for the health service and the parliamentary service. In general, the
process of selection of candidates is considered to be effective as well
as impartial. A study undertaken by Central Department of Public
Administration of Tribhuvan University also found the PSC was that the
most trusted public institution in Nepal. Such trustworthiness mostly
stems from the policy of impartiality and effectiveness that the PSC has
followed in the selection process. The findings of the study showed that
more than four-fifth of the respondents observed that the policy pursued
by PSC was just. Most of them found that it was open to all and adopted
an inclusive policy. No discrimination was noticed; the screening process
of PSC was extremely impartial. Comparatively, more women perceived
the PSC policy as ‘just.’ However, one respondent opined that:
Despite an increase of women aspirants, the real competition remains con-

fined to ‘elite’ women. University degree is a pre-condition to apply for
204 N.R. Paudel
Table 11.6 Perception of respondents on justice from PSC
Gender Total N = 227
Male (N1 = 182) Female (N2 = 45)
Yes (%) 81 87 82
No (%) 19 13 18
PSC exams. Middle class women and women belonging to lower income
groups lag behind the others in respect of getting access to the university.
The rate of literacy for women is also lower than the corresponding rate
for men. Thus, not many women can apply for vacant posts published by
PSC mostly because they lack university degrees. Besides, an examination
of social background of women who have been selected shows that they
are either the sister of a civil servant or wife or sister-in-law etc. In fact,
most of them are relatives of civil servants. It means that the real benefit
[of the policy of inclusion] goes to families whose members are already in
the civil service.
Much of what the respondent had said was, as the discussion in the next
section shows was true (Table 11.6).
Family Orientation and Education

PSC invites applications for prescribed positions as per demand of the
Ministry of General Administration (MOGA), a central personnel agency
in Nepal. It publishes its calendar to conduct service-wise and position-
wise examinations throughout the year. PSC has also changed the proce-
dure of submitting application—from the manual to the on-line system.
It is now easier to apply and the PSC, which used to remain over-
crowded [with applicants] in the past, now can work almost undisturbed.
To some extent, this can be seen as an important factor accounting for
an increase in the number of applicants for civil service jobs. However,
the success rate of female candidates still remains low. Table 11.7 shows
reasons that candidates attributed to their success.
Almost all except a few female civil servants observed that family
orientation was critically important for their success in the civil service
examination (97%). A slightly lower percentage (94%) of male candidates
Table 11.7 Reasons for the success of PSC examination
Variables Male Female Total (N = 227)

(N1 = 182) (N2 = 45)
Agree (%) Disagree (%) Agree (%) Disagree (%) Agree (%)
Family orienta- 94 6 97 3 95
tion
Much secured 96 4 93 7 96
job in civil
service
More laborious 96 4 93 7 95
No reliable alter- 88 12 93 7 89
native other than
civil service
More educated 97 3 91 9 96
Nepali language 90 10 88 12 90
as mother
tongue
State has dis- 27 73 46 54 31
criminated
More economic 38 62 44 56 39
benefits in civil
service
agreed to what the female civil servants had said. While analyzing the
social background of women who were successful in the PSC examina-
tion, it was found that most of them had (one of the) parents, brothers,
or husbands in the civil service. Only a very few women who had no
family members in civil service achieved success. This shows that fam-
ily members’ support (in the form of coaching and/or supplying refer-
ence materials) for the preparation of examination matters a lot. In case
of male candidates, the findings show that many of them worked hard to
prepare themselves for the examination. They found neighbors and rela-
tives very helpful.
Most of the civil servants (96% male and 93% female) were attracted
to the civil service because of the guarantee of the security of job.
Government service in Nepal is preferred to a private-sector job because
the salary and other benefits provided by GoN are fixed and have more
certainty, while these are uncertain in the private sector. Government
servants enjoy the security of tenure. The government cannot easily
206 N.R. Paudel
terminate anyone; it can only dismiss a civil servant from office in case
he/she is proved guilty of corruption or murder. Otherwise, the job is
safe. It is for security of tenure and higher social status, and not for eco-
nomic benefits, that graduates prefer jobs in the civil service.
The way candidates prepare themselves for civil service examination
is an important factor determining their success (or failure). Those who
labor hard can expect to succeed. Extra labor often causes stress and this
is noticeable among both male and female civil servants, although it is
slightly more noticed among the latter. Both found the civil service as
the main source of employment. Since no reliable alternative (source of
employment) exists, there is extra demand for jobs in the civil service.
Since there is an oversupply of candidates for a limited number of jobs,
competition becomes acute. This, in turn, puts extra-pressure on the
candidates.
97% of the male civil servants and 91% of the female civil servants
emphasized the importance of ‘good’ education as one of the important
keys to success in the PSC examination. More male civil servants, how-
ever, emphasized the importance of ‘quality’ education than female civil
servants. In Nepal, the literacy rate of women is about 57%, whereas for
males, it is 75%. Only a small percentage of women get the opportunity
for higher education; this, in turn, disadvantages them in the competi-
tion for civil service jobs. Without university education, people cannot
compete for gazetted posts. For non-gazetted posts, the minimum edu-
cation required is higher secondary graduation.
Overall, three major factors—family orientation, education, and labor
for the examination—play a crucial role in the selection of candidates in
the PSC examination. Women trail behind men in almost every respect;
hence, they have a lower rate of success in the examination conducted by
the PSC.
Conclusion
This chapter has explored the status of women in the civil service in
Nepal. Available evidence shows that notwithstanding the introduction
of a policy of inclusion, women remain underrepresented in the civil ser-
vice. Their number in absolute terms has improved over the years, but
the rate of improvement is slow, especially compared with men. The rate
of success for women in the civil service examination is much lower than
it is for men. Among the reasons accounting for underrepresentation,
education, and family orientation appear to be crucially important. In

Nepal, the rate of literacy for women is very low. Socially, a daughter was
considered to be a liability until recently. Nepal has had a son-prefer-
ence culture. Therefore, women generally did not get any real opportu-
nity for education in the past. Culturally, they were also confined within
the household in the past due to the prevalence of patriarchal values
and prejudices. The policy of inclusion introduced in accordance with
the provision of the new Constitution has had some effect in creating
a favorable environment for women. But the process of change is very
slow. Nepal will probably have to wait longer than many of its neighbors
to mainstream gender in the civil service for reasons mostly unique to
Nepal.
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CHAPTER 12
Women in Pakistan Civil Service
Nighat Ghulam Ansari
The history of women in the formal workplaces of Pakistan generally and

in the managerial positions specifically, is not very long owing to social
constraints and a very low literacy rate of Pakistani females (about 47%)
(GoP 2015). However, the situation is improving at least in urban areas
where girl students now outnumber the boy students in higher educa-
tion and are also entering the job market in great numbers. The female
participation in the total workforce of the country as a ratio of their pop-
ulation shows an improving trend: from 13.6% in 2001–2002 to 22.1%
in 2012–2013. The share of female vulnerability (‘at risk of lacking
decent work’ as per UNDP definition) amounts to 75% as compared to
54.3% for males, which implies that a majority of females is working on
the jobs of lesser quality and stability than those of their male counter-
parts (GoP 2014). This chapter discusses the females’ representation in
the civil bureaucracy of Pakistan and delineates how they cope with vari-
ous challenges and professional demands in a bid to sustain and succeed
in their professional career.
N.G. Ansari (*) 
Institute of Administrative Sciences, University of the Punjab,
Lahore, Pakistan

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_12
210 N.G. Ansari
Civil Superior Services (CSS)

The Civil Service in Pakistan comprises twelve occupational groups col-
lectively known as Civil Superior Services (CSS)—the largest public sec-
tor organization covering almost all the spheres of public service from
civil administration to foreign services to inland revenues to police ser-
vice and also the information services and office management posi-
tions of the secretariat. The origin of the CSS Pakistan can be traced
far back to the colonial period. The British developed a well-organized
civil service system to rule over India. It was initially manned by people
recruited from Britain. However, when the need for associating Indians
with administration became imperative, the British sought to ensure that
those who joined the civil service were what Lord Macaulay once called:
‘Indians in blood and color, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals,
and in intellect.’
At the top of the hierarchy of different categories of services (All-
India, Central, and Provincial) was the Indian Civil Service (ICS). The
ICS had a very prestigious and elite connotation, and the objective was
to serve the rulers contrary to the present concept of being accounta-
ble to the public. This elitism persisted in the civil service even after the
independence of Pakistan in 1947 when the ICS cadre was re-designated
as PAS (Pakistan Administrative Service), and subsequently as the CSP
(Civil Service of Pakistan). There were two All-Pakistan Services, the
CSP and PSP (Police Service of Pakistan), and eleven Central Superior
Services. The CSP enjoyed an elitist status with reservation of key posts,
financial benefits, and prestige. A class distinction in the civil service was
introduced by the Islington Commission in 1912, where Class-1 officers
held the position of the executives or administrators and Class-11 offic-
ers held posts of operational level; this was subsequently expanded to
class-111 (mostly the clerical jobs) and class-IV (peons and messengers).
This classification and elitism of CSP continued after the independence
of Pakistan but evoked a strong resentment and reaction from the pub-
lic and members of other superior services, which eventually resulted in
1974 reforms. The reforms focused on eliminating the hegemony of the
CSP, which was viewed as the direct successor of the ICS, hence entail-
ing a colonial heritage. CSP was renamed as District Management Group
(DMG) after the 1974 reforms, and effort was made to bring all services
on an equal footing.
12 WOMEN IN PAKISTAN CIVIL SERVICE 211
The civil service of Pakistan has been subjected to a number of admin-

istrative reforms and mostly by the commissions of foreign experts who
gave numerous recommendations. Finally, the reforms were announced
by Prime Minister Bhutto on August 20, 1974. By virtue of these
reforms, all the services and cadres were merged into a unified graded
structure and the earlier classification was abolished in favor of 22
grades; which were applicable to all Ministries and Departments of the
Government where grade 1 was the lowest grade and grade 22, the high-
est. In order to emphasize professionalism in the field of administration,
the ‘occupational groups’ were also constituted which at present are 12
in number and include Commerce and Trade Group (C & TG), Customs
and Excise Group (C & EG), District Management Group (DMG)
renamed as Pakistan Administrative Service (PAS), Foreign Service of
Pakistan (FSP), Inland Revenue Service (IRS), Information Group (IG),
Military Lands and Cantonment Group (MLCG), Office Management
Group (OMG), Pakistan Audit and Accounts Service (PAAS), Police
Service of Pakistan (PSP), Postal Group (PG), and Railways Group (RG).
Pakistan is a federal state where, as per the constitution of 1973, the
Federal Government in the name of the President exercises executive
authority of the Federation. Prime Minister is the Chief Executive of the
Federation and exercises the authority of the Federal Cabinet. The sub-
jects to be dealt with by the Federal Government and those to be dealt
with by the Federal and Provincial Governments concurrently are stipu-
lated, while the remaining matters are the jurisdiction of the Provincial
Governments. Federal Government handles its matters through Federal
Secretariat comprising several ministries/divisions and their attached
departments. Currently, there are 46 ministries and 220 attached depart-
ments in the Federal Government. Each ministry is headed by a minister
(an elected politician), who is assisted by a federal secretary (BPS 21/22)
for performing the administrative duties. The Federal Secretaries are the
most senior civil servants mostly from DMG and OMG cadre who are
assisted by the Additional or Joint Secretaries (BPS 20). A division is
divided into a number of sections. A Deputy Secretary (BPS 19) is in
charge of a group of sections. Each section is headed by a Section Officer
(BPS 17 & 18). Similar grouping and structure exists in the provinces
for administration of provincial matters.
CSS is considered a generalist cadre, where recruitment is made on
the basis of general education of the candidate up to the Master’s or
212 N.G. Ansari
Bachelor’s degree. The candidates are selected on the basis of a com-

bined competitive examination, which is held every year by the Federal
Public Service Commission (FPSC), and consists of a written examina-
tion, psychological test, medical test, and a viva voce. The candidates
thus selected are then allocated to various Occupational Groups on the
basis of the order of merit obtained by a candidate, his/her domicile
(for provincial quota), and his/her own preference for the Occupational
Groups. Pre-service training of about 6 months is imparted to the
selected candidates before they are sent to the specialized training insti-
tutes for the specific requirements of their allocated Occupational Group.
Later on, in-service training is also provided to the officers of various
grades as a refresher course in order to keep them up-to-date on the
latest trends in public administration experiences. The system may be
termed as ‘Rank Oriented System,’ as the recruitment is made for a spe-
cific career or rank in an Occupational group and not for a specific job
(Khan‚ 1987). The incumbents of these groups are mobilized horizon-
tally for various different jobs of the same rank.
Representation of Women in Federal Civil Service:

Trends and Patterns
Although the rights of citizens are protected under Article 27 of the
Constitution of Pakistan stating that ‘no citizen otherwise qualified for
appointment in the service of Pakistan should be discriminated against
in respect of any such appointment on ground of sex, caste, or creed’
(Khosa‚ 1992), yet women’s entry into the civil service was restricted
to some select groups only until the administrative reforms of 1974.
Women were considered eligible to compete for Pakistan Audit and
Accounts Service, Pakistan Military Accounts Service, Customs Service,
and Income Tax or Inland Revenue Service but deemed incongruent for
physically strenuous and rigorous jobs of the CSP and the Police Service
of Pakistan (PSP) (Khurshid‚ 2011). The Administrative reforms served
to remove this barrier and allowed women to compete for all occupa-
tional groups of the federal civil service.
However, there are some anecdotal reports of gender streaming and
subtle discriminatory practices against women at the time of recruit-
ment, via more subjective recruitment tools such as viva voce and/
or the psychological testing that is used to determine the suitability of
the candidates for various occupational groups. These tools being more
susceptible to gender stereotyping are considered liable to skewing the
female ratio in the occupational groups that are considered more prestig-
ious and/or attractive in terms of better career growth and more chances
of reaching the top positions of the civil service hierarchy (Jabeen‚
2013). Reservations also exist for the field postings of lady officers, espe-
cially in District Management Group (now PAS), where the District
Magistrate (DM) or Deputy Commissioner (DC) has to perform in the
capacity of the CEO of the district, maintaining law and order, collect-
ing revenue, monitoring social and economic development, and supervis-
ing multiple executive duties, for which male incumbents are considered
more suitable than the females.
Despite the reservations, however, there are instances where female
officers have opted for and been assigned the field postings of DMG and
they proved quite effective and successful in their career. Women have
been competing for the CSS groups on merit without reservation of
seats or quota until 2008 when a fixed quota of 10%, in addition to open
merit, for each CSS group was introduced to ensure their due represen-
tation in bureaucracy. This affirmative action has been proved a catalyst
for triggering a consistent increase in the number of women officers,
from an average of five and 25 each year to 81 in the 37th common
batch of 2009 as Table 12.1 shows.
Henceforth, a phenomenal growth in the number of female employ-
ees in the Civil Service is recorded each year, as per the statistical bul-
letin of Federal Government employees published by the Establishment
Division of the Government of Pakistan, showing a number of 639
women officers in 2010–2011 and 797 in 2012–2013. The repre-
sentation of women in various unconventional occupational groups
such as PAS and PSP has also improved a great deal as reflected in the
(Table 12.2), showing the density of females in various groups, how-
ever, women still tend to crowd in some groups such as IRS, IG, and C
& EG. The Information Group (IG) has the maximum representation
of women (26.14%) followed by IRS (18.5%), C & EG (18.12%), and
Commerce and Trade (16.32%).
The larger presence of women in these groups is attributed to their
‘self-selection’ of such occupational options, which are perceived as more
congruent and socially acceptable and also more manageable along with
their family and care responsibilities. The most preferred groups are the
ones that have the least incidence of mobility in terms of postings and/
214 N.G. Ansari
Table 12.1 Total number of female officers in each common training program

(CTP)—from 13th CTP to 37th CTP
CTP Year No. of female CTP Year No. of female

officers officers
13th 1985 11 26th 1998 27

14th 1986 10 27th 1999 24
15th 1987 9 28th 2000 24
16th 1988 9 29th 2001 24
17th 1989 9 30th 2002 28
18th 1990 4 31st 2003 25
19th 1991 14 32nd 2004 23
20th 1992 6 33rd 2005 40
21st 1993 8 34th 2006 27
22nd 1994 18 35th 2007 36
23rd 1995 16 36th 2008 53
24th 1996 26 37th 2009 81
25th 1997 20
Source Khurshid (2011)
Table 12.2 Federal government employees by their gender and occupational/

functional group (2012–2013)
Sl. no. Name of group Females % Males % Total
1 Commerce and Trade 39 16.3 200 83.7 239

2 Pakistan Customs Service 87 18.1 393 81.9 480
3 Pakistan Administrative Service 111 14.1 679 85.9 790
4 Economists 7 15.9 37 84.1 44
5 Foreign Service of Pakistan 68 15.0 384 85.0 452
6 Inland Revenue Services 173 18.5 762 81.5 935
7 Information 69 26.1 195 73.9 264
8 Military Lands and Cantonment 6 9.7 56 90.3 62
9 Office Management 49 10.9 398 89.1 447
10 Pakistan Audit and Accounts 92 12.6 638 87.4 730
11 Police Service of Pakistan 17 2.5 660 97.5 677
12 Postal 27 13.1 179 86.9 206
13 Railways 18 14.9 103 85.1 121
14 Secretariat 34 6.7 474 93.3 508
Total 797 13.4 5158 86.6 595
Source Statistical bulletin of Federal Government employees, Establishment Division, Government of

Pakistan
or trainings so as to avoid disturbing their families. This attitude evi-

dently converges with the assertion in the literature that ‘parenthood &
self-selection’ constitutes a significant barrier in the female professional

life (Issac et al. 2012).
The groups with a greater incidence of women officers are apparently
favored by the potential female candidates due to the presence of role
models who are surviving and are successful in their career; so it works
as a feedback on these groups for aspiring women officers. On the con-
trary, the groups with lesser number of women such as PAS and PSP are
the ones that are perceived as difficult to manage due to the require-
ment of field postings and/or public dealing, which in turn is considered
incongruent with female role in terms of societal dictates. Also, women
in unconventional groups, owing to their ‘token’ presence, have to per-
form extra hard to prove their worth and compete with their male col-
leagues for promotions. In the words of Kanter (1977), ‘women having
a token presence in a profession have to carry the burden of representing
their category (gender) whereby they not only try to “overachieve” but
also attempt to lose their unavoidable “visibility” by way of toning down
their feminine attributes and adapting to the mannish attitudes.’
The successful female officers of PAS visibly strive for this adaptation
and are duly acknowledged and admired by their male colleagues for
‘acting like a man.’ Nevertheless, the recent venturing of women into the
unconventional groups of CSS and their successful performance therein
have indeed served to open new avenues for the aspiring female officers
by way of creating an acceptance of their role and recognition of their
valued contribution not only by the Service but the society at large.
The self-selecting behavior of women is also manifest at the time of
field postings where they avoid the frequent rotation and opt for the
secretariat assignments at the cost of losing mainstream and are eventu-
ally rendered deficient in the vital ingredient of exposure and experience
required for career advancement. It also serves to reinforce the stereo-
type that women are less career-oriented and have lesser motivation to
endure and move ahead in their careers thereby contributing to creating
and/or strengthening the glass ceiling both at the time of entry as well
as progression in their career.
If we notice the comparative statistics of career progression of males
vs. females in terms of their ratio in the lower, middle, and highest levels
of civil service (Table 12.3), we do not find a huge difference across gen-
ders as far as their percentage reaching the highest echelon of the Service
is concerned i.e., 4.4% for females as opposed to 5.22% for males. This
interesting pattern appears to arise out of an off-the-cuff approach of
performance evaluation system at CSS, which under the influence of the
216 N.G. Ansari
Table 12.3 A comparison of female and male ratios at various levels (2013–

2014)
Level Grades Male Female
Number Percentage Number Percentage
Lower level 17 & 18 2953 57.2 574 72.0

Middle level 19 & 20 1936 37.5 188 23.6
Top management level 21 & 22 269 5.2 35 4.4
collectivist societal traditions does not approve of writing a bad report

and having the responsibility of rendering someone jobless. Evidently,
the performance evaluation process that does not record or report a defi-
ciency in the employees’ job performance, whether a male or a female,
has a minimum or may be no contribution at all in creating a glass ceil-
ing for the females in their career advancement; rather it may somehow
be supporting them by not allowing a medium for the stereotypes about
female performance to surface even if perceived as such.
Perception of Officials on Representation of Women

in the Civil Service
An acquiescence of the female inclusion in various civil service groups for

the sake of representing about 52% population of the country is clearly
palpable in the minds of both male and female officials of the Service.
However, a deep-seated stereotypical conviction about ‘suitable’ and
‘decent’ professions for women is still inexorable. A very strong verdict
of some male officers was revealed during the course of in-depth inter-
views (Ansari, 2014) regarding the demarcation of professions in terms
of their suitability for the females. The majority of male officials believed
very strongly that females should opt for teaching and medical profes-
sions only, as the rest of the vocations, especially the ones where they
have to interact with males and deal with general public, is not quite suit-
able for them. Even some women officers corroborated such opinions
about the suitability or lack there of of some professions/occupational
groups while talking about their opting for certain CSS groups.
The conventional incongruity of certain professional demands
imposes women to select themselves out of certain groups and avoid
certain tasks/assignments thereby endorsing the stereotypic belief

about their lack of motivation for a professional career. Self-selection
by the women is exercised at the time of giving options for the groups
where they consciously try to opt for the groups that are perceived
more ‘acceptable’ or ‘decent’ by the society and/or are more manage-
able for themselves in view of their domestic responsibilities. Another
point of self-selection in CSS is encountered when women using certain
exemptions in the service opt out of field postings and choose secretariat
(office) jobs for their convenience. This type of mind-set is in line with
the sex-role identity theory of Chusmir and Koberg (1991), according to
which, women feel discomfort while crossing over to the masculine sex-
typed jobs. A study by 2009 (Ceci et al. 2009) revealed that the factors
impacting women’s career ‘spill over into the family or the reverse, the
family spills over into the job.’
The female officers’ self-selection at the time of field postings gener-
ates a criticism from their male counterparts who seem to harbor strong
reservations about women joining the profession on equal footing,
drawing equal remunerations and then claiming exemptions out of the
difficult situations. Such perceptions, in the long run, can prove quite
damaging for the female professional careers in multiple ways. Firstly,
women by refusing the field postings and opting out of the mainstream
are always at the risk of being sidelined at the time of promotions for
not having adequate experience or exposure of the field. Secondly, this
practice serves to endorse the stereotypes about female workers of having
lesser orientation, seriousness, and motivation to sustain and succeed in
their career. Finally, it serves to undermine their value as a useful human
resource by way of creating an administrative issue for the Service to find
enough vacancies in the big cities, an issue which is going to become
even graver in view of an expanding number of women joining the
service.
The perception of an extra baggage of female employees in the shape
of their domestic responsibilities goes beyond affecting the career of
an individual woman and tends to have an adverse impact on the pros-
pects of all aspiring candidates at the time of entering or joining a pro-
fession. They are likely to be ignored in favor of a male candidate who
is perceived more serious for a professional career, hence more eligible;
thus subjected to a ‘disparate impact,’ in terms of Burgess and Borgida
(1999). The disparate impact is largely responsible for producing the dis-
mal statistics of females’ workforce participation in Pakistan.
218 N.G. Ansari
As per the evidence in the literature, the agentic/communal divide

between men and women constitutes a major ingredient of the stereo-
typic ‘difference barrier’ between genders which in turn is the most con-
spicuous panel of the ‘glass ceiling’ that women have to encounter and
tackle while progressing upward in their professional careers. This divi-
sion, however, seems blurred in the context of CS, Pakistan, where the
agentic and communal traits in men and women are overlapping and
indistinct, apparently due to the collectivist influences (Ansari‚ 2014)
and have served to weaken the perception of ‘difference barrier’ and ulti-
mately the glass ceiling in the Civil Services of Pakistan. Women in CSS
are visibly able to circumvent the barriers and reach the highest echelons
of service (Table 12.3) if they are able to manage their ‘family /societal
issues.’
Gender Mainstreaming in Pakistan Civil Service:

Impediments and Support
Various reforms coupled with the affirmative action aimed at improving
the female representation in the country’s civil bureaucracy have proved
successful to the extent of facilitating their entry into the service, which is
clearly reflected in the given statistics. However, encompassing them into
the mainstream of this typically masculine profession so as to ease their sus-
tenance is a challenge that might not be realized unless some basic changes
in the administrative and cultural fabric of the Service are initiated.
The concept of a career woman is still quite novel in the society of
Pakistan and the working women have to endure a dual challenge of prov-
ing their credibility in their chosen career and maintaining the image of a
‘good woman’ to the tune of societal prescriptions dictating the duties of
a female toward her family and governing her social conduct. The ‘Asian’
society of Pakistan prescribes a clear-cut division of gender roles where the
woman has to assume the household duties including taking care of her
husband, children and the extended family as her primary role; her desire
to pursue a career is tolerable only on the condition that her primary duty
to her family and the household is not compromised. This automatically
relegates her professional role to a secondary position in contrast to a man
whose career assumes his primary obligation.
This primary/secondary division becomes quite explicit in the work-
places where women giving priority to their domestic duties compromise
on their career front and become deficient to compete with their male
counterparts who expend their primary duty of a career unencumbered
by any extra baggage of domestic responsibilities. The primary/sec-
ondary split creates an inherent bias in the professional performance of
male and female employees as is explicit in the following discussion of
the impediments in the job performance of females in the Civil Service,
Pakistan, examined in terms of two main societal doctrines: the duties of
a female toward her family and the social conduct of women.
Despite the enactment of various laws for limiting the maximum work
hours, working beyond the stipulated hours is the norm in most of the
professions in most of the countries around the world, especially at the
managerial level jobs. Although it is considered an issue of work-family
life balance for all the employees in general, it is specifically regarded a
major obstacle for women aspiring for higher positions in their career.
Coser and Coser (1974) termed professions such as law, medicine,
or laboratory science, and also the top civil society jobs as the ‘greedy
institutions’ due to their characteristic of more-than-full-time ethos. It
is evident in the literature that an important ‘reason for women’s lack
of career success is that women, even when in full-time employment,
usually retain the major responsibility for caring and domestic work’
(Harkness 2003 cited by Crompton and Lyonette 2011, p. 233).
CSS, like most other professions, practices the ‘beyond full-time
ethos’ or 24/7 norm as a ‘gender-neutral’ practice which nonetheless
imposes a major challenge for females who are unable to work beyond
office hours due to what is termed as their ‘family issues.’ Since they can-
not sit late in the office just like men do, they are not considered as use-
ful a human resource as men and relegated to a lesser evaluation in spite
of having equal or sometimes superior professional capabilities. The same
family issues impel women officers to resist job postings to remote areas
of the country in their bid to remain in big cities and in turn culminate
into depreciating their value as a resource, or in some cases, decreeing
them a burden on the Service.
The CSS criteria of promotion to the next grade stipulate a vari-
ety of experience and exposure, which the females tend to miss due
to their restricted rotation in their job and preference to remain in a
few selected positions. They miss out the experience that they could
avail through field/foreign postings and also lose their professional
development, which could have been gained through the training
220 N.G. Ansari
opportunities. By opting for the secretariat jobs over field postings,

they tend to skip the mainstream and become sidelined or marginal-
ized which ultimately limits/delays their prospects of moving ahead
or upward in their career.
The second doctrine of the society seems to constrain the perfor-
mance of women officers in unconventional or incongruent groups such
as PAS, PSP, and Foreign Service where they need to interact with gen-
eral public mainly comprising male members. This limitation for females
can be viewed in conjuncture with their tendency of avoiding field post-
ings and can be attributed to the societal values which do not allow,
rather censure a liberal interaction of males and females. Women officers,
having internalized these values, are understandably deficient to handle
interactions involving public dealing.
Similarly, professional networking is considered a valuable tool for
gaining success in career and reaching the top echelons. Evidence, how-
ever, shows that working women usually face more difficulty in creating
or joining social networks than men do. According to Ibarra (1993), it
has been found in the analyses of social networks that men have more
extensive social networks that include influential organizational mem-
bers than do women. The literature also reports working women facing
more difficulty in establishing mentoring relationships in their organi-
zations than do men because of the possibility of having more men in
the mentoring capacity (Ragins and Cotton 1991). This impediment of
constrained or limited capacity to networking by professional women is
further aggravated in the Asian culture of Pakistan, where the interac-
tion of male and female is restricted and rather frowned upon by the
society. So this limitation actually works to ‘out-group’ women in their
organizations and by limiting their potential to accumulate social capi-
tal, works to halter their progress toward the desired levels of their
career.
The above restraints in females’ professional performance actually
exert a two-pronged effect on their career prospects. First, it impacts
them on an individual level where it obstructs their career on account
of falling short on the requisite criteria for promotions. Second and
more pronounced effect is evident in terms of creating and reinforc-
ing the conventional stereotypes about the suitability (or lack thereof)
of the whole feminine gender for formal jobs. Professional women do
not only have to perform for themselves on the jobs but they also have
the burden of representing their whole gender. Most of the stereotypes

that are held with conviction by the employers seem to be generated
out of the above-stated limitations and constraints of the female incum-
bents.
There are, however, instances where women have been able to cir-
cumvent these barriers and reach the highest echelons and coveted
positions of the Service, which brings us to the discussion of ‘support
mechanism’ for female officers. Family support, by way of giving relaxa-
tion in household duties as well as social conduct, acts as the strongest
moderator for females’ performance and their success in the profes-
sional career. Besides that, there is an evidence of ‘cultural and systemic
support’ that provides an important relief to female careerists (Ansari‚
2014). A strong tradition of collectivism in Pakistani society (Hofstede‚
1984), where helping someone in a problem situation is considered
a duty of the other members of collectivity, entails an accommodat-
ing attitude of the bosses and colleagues in the workplaces presenting a
source of ample support for the working women. The bosses may ‘crib
about’ the female employees’ issues but they do not document it in their
Performance Evaluation Reports.
The collectivist approach is also manifest in the systemic support in
the form of various exemptions for the female officers from late sit-
tings as well as postings to the remote or insecure areas of the country.
The ‘wed-lock policy’ of the system, acknowledged and appreciated
by most lady officers, is a great support for the married women where
they can get posted at the posting place of their husband and keep
their family together. Another informal way of accommodating the
family issues of female officers is evident where they are allowed to
have a relaxed posting (with lesser workload) at the time of raising
their children.
It may, however, be pertinent to note here that the above systemic
support specific to women officers, although providing them a much-
needed relief in the short term, evidently contributes to their losing vis-
ibility, being marginalized and losing mainstream in the long run, hence
impeding their career progression. Moreover, the systemic support or
exemptions may be possible in the current scenario where women are
in small numbers and have a token presence only, but once this number
increases, as it is already manifest in the statistics, such provisions may
not remain practicable.
222 N.G. Ansari
Toward an Assessment
The situation of female careerists in Pakistan seems more like endors-
ing the notion of ‘labyrinth’ presented by Eagly and Carli (2007), rather
than the ‘glass ceiling’ alone. A number of snags and catches are evident
at various stages of the journey of women aspiring to join and succeed
in the paid employment. For a start, girls do not enjoy equal opportu-
nities in education, especially in the lower-income families. Boys’ edu-
cation takes preference over girls’ because of the societal norms that
consider paid jobs the domain of males and household duties the sphere
of females, leading to the belief that the girls do not need education as
they do not have to secure a paid job. This scarce opportunity for educa-
tion creates the primary and most insurmountable hurdle that restricts
the entry of girls in the workforce. Fortunately, the situation has much
improved in the urban areas of the country where girls are getting edu-
cated in large numbers and not only outnumber boys in higher educa-
tion but outsmart them also in terms of merit.
Secondly, strict demarcation of gender roles by the collectivist Asian
society of Pakistan prohibits the females to opt for paid employment
at the cost of neglecting their primary duty of domesticity and care; so
even after getting a professional education (e.g., medicine, engineering
and MBA), females can join the workforce only if permitted by their
fathers and brothers before marriage and after marriage it is up to the
husband and in-laws whether they allow her to adopt a career or not.
This phenomenon has actually resulted in a burning debate in the coun-
try about allowing girls to compete for professional colleges on open
merit because girls are more competitive than boys in terms of educa-
tional grades and merit and therefore are more likely to get admitted in
these colleges (currently girls constitute about 50–70% of the classes in
higher education).
It is argued that since there is no certainty that girls would join the
workforce after getting these degrees, their enrollment in these colleges
not only deprive the boys from the opportunity of getting professional
education but the subsidy given by the government on such education
also goes wasted. A number of female doctors not practicing after attain-
ing their degrees are quite a popular example most frequently cited in
the debate about equal opportunities for both sexes. Unfortunately, this
phenomenon is portrayed and used against feminine gender as if it is a
matter of their own choice rather than the result of a socially constructed
barrier.
Thirdly, even when women are allowed to join a career they are under
close scrutiny by the society about not only their social conduct outside
their homes but also in terms of fulfilling their primary duties of domes-
ticity and care. Due to this, career women are always under a lot of stress
to not only maintain a ‘respectable’ social reputation but also create a
balance between their professional duties and domestic responsibilities,
where the family responsibilities assume a primary role as against the
career requirements, which are relegated to a secondary position. Such
attitude of females in fact constitute a major barrier in their career pro-
gression as it entails making a lot of sacrifices on the career front in terms
of denying the important field duties, skipping the training opportuni-
ties, and taking career breaks for accompanying spouses on their post-
ings and keeping family together. This attitude of sacrificing on account
of familial duties not only costs women to lose development and pro-
gression in their own career, but it also serves to perpetuate the stereo-
types about the lack of seriousness and career motivation for the whole
feminine gender, which in turn, serve to restrict their entry as well as
advancement to the higher echelons.
Family factors assume the role of a very significant moderating varia-
ble in the female performance where it can both propel and impede their
career progress. While some familial aspects seemingly create a lag in the
female career, there are others that actually contribute a great deal in the
success of career women. Joint family system, where the married couples
reside with their parents and siblings, is still in vogue and encouraged in
the Pakistani society which, if the family is cooperative and have good
relations, can lend a great support to working women. She can leave
her children in the care of her mother or mother-in-law and perform
her professional duties with a peace of mind. Besides, there is a strong
tradition of hiring domestic help in Pakistani homes even when women
are housewives. Domestic chores are thus not that much of an unman-
ageable burden. The working females cite family support as their main
strength in the successful pursuance of their career (Ansari 2014).
Gender-neutral practices in the words of Acker (1992) visualize the
worker as ‘disembodied abstraction of an ideal worker’ whose charac-
teristics and attributes are more similar to male than those of a female
who is quite encumbered with her family responsibilities in terms of time
224 N.G. Ansari
and commitment. The impact of so-called gender-neutral practices of

full-time availability and an extensive job rotation in the civil service is
definitely not that neutral in case of female officers who, in their quest
to fulfill their professional commitments within the parameters of afore-
mentioned societal prescriptions, face an automatic exclusion from the
mainstream.
Conclusion
Diversity of workforce, defined by Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission (EEOC) as differences in gender, racioethnicity, and age,
no longer remains an option but has become the fact of life in today’s
fast-paced global world. The phenomenon of diversity, specifically gender
diversity, is fast becoming an inevitable reality for the organizations as an
increasing number of female workers are joining the formal workforce
both in the developed and in the developing world. Failing to respond
to this unavoidable change and maintaining a status quo in the policies
and practices of organizations could result in the loss of productivity as
well as profitability due to the costs associated with ‘diversity mismanage-
ment’ as documented in the extant literature. A reported higher rate of
absenteeism and turnover among the female employees as compared to
their male counterparts may be an apparent consequence of an unwel-
coming and unsupportive climate in the organizations, which ultimately
costs organization in terms of substituting a well-developed and trained
human resource.
The policy initiatives like Equal employment Opportunities and
Affirmative Action have paved the way for workforce diversity by
encouraging the inclusion of marginalized sections, including females,
in the formal employment. However, these interventions have been
subjected to a lot of criticism for having a sole focus on ‘normative and
structural’ changes and not targeting the ‘cultural models dominant
within organizations’ (Meyerson and Fletcher‚ 2000), which continued
to favor masculine gender in formal workplaces. The fragmented nature
of these interventions has achieved the target up to a limited level where
they have succeeded to open the doors for the new entrants; however,
the climate of the organizations has evidently remained unchanged and
for the most part unwelcoming for the new variety of workers. It has
been noted in the literature that improving the influx of diverse sections
in organizations cannot reap the fruits of diversity unless it is compli-

mented by a holistic improvement in the management practices for
catering a diverse workforce in organizations (Groeneveld and Verbeek‚
2012).
In the context of the Civil Service of Pakistan, the administrative
reforms and affirmative action of introducing quota system for females
in the occupational groups have definitely improved the influx of female
officers in the Service; however, the practices and policies in vogue for
the traditionally masculine Service remain unchanged in the name of
‘gender neutrality’ and both male and female officers are subjected to the
same treatment and requirements which sometimes result in automatic
exclusion/alienation of the latter. The predominant practice of ‘24/7
presence,’ for an instance, is considered a gender-neutral practice but it
works to exert undue stress on female employees who unlike ‘unencum-
bered’ male employees have multiple responsibilities to meet and expec-
tations to serve.
The ‘face-time system’ (Poggio‚ 2010), attaching more value to
physical presence in the workplace as compared to meetingperformance
targets, is seemingly considered a remarkable feat in the context of
CSS, which is more likely to be accomplished by male employees as
compared to their female counterparts; ultimately alluding aspersions
to the comparable worth of the latter as a useful human resource.
Alarmingly, both male and female officers of the Civil Service consider
the beyond-full-time practice as ‘normal,’ in the name of gender neu-
trality, and therefore no challenge and protest as such are forthcoming
from the female officers who somehow try to meet this demand, with
extra hardship of course, and try to act at par with their male counter-
parts (Ansari‚ 2014).
It may be concluded from the above discussion that in order for the
diverse perspectives and capabilities of a heterogeneous workforce to
turn into a competitive advantage, the organizations need to incorporate
a gradual and incremental change in their overall policy as well as cultural
framework whereby the ‘Gender neutrality’ of organizational practices
and discourses is replaced with ‘Gender sensitivity.’ Only then the unwel-
coming and unsupportive workplaces could be transformed into such
conducive and empathetic settings wherein the heterogeneity of human
capital is properly catered and flourished and diversity is not only toler-
ated but valued for its contribution.
226 N.G. Ansari
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CHAPTER 13
Women in Administrative Service

in Sri Lanka
M.A.F. Anwara Nilmi and Darshi Thoradeniya
Sri Lankan women have achieved remarkable successes in the spheres of

education, healthcare‚ economy, and sports over the decades. The literacy
rate of women in Sri Lanka today is 98.6%, which is much higher than any
other country in the South Asian region. Women have joined the Sri Lankan
Administrative Service (SLAS) in larger numbers than men; in fact, they
now constitute 64.49% of the total civil servants in Sri Lanka (unpublished
data collected and compiled by Ministry of Public Administration for inter-
nal Purpose only). In terms of women’s employment, Sri Lanka compares
favorably not only with its neighbors and other developing countries but
also with many middle-income countries. Why and how such metamorpho-
sis has taken place, the extent to which this increase is related to the wider
issue of women empowerment, how do women administrators perceive their
responsibility as civil administrators, and the extent to which women are
capable of handling civil administration effectively despite various limitations
M.A.F. Anwara Nilmi (*) 

D. Thoradeniya 
University of Colombo, Colombo, Sri Lanka

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_13
230 M.A.F. Anwara Nilmi and D. Thoradeniya
they face in the public sphere are some of the important questions that need
to be empirically explored to understand the real essence of the higher pres-
ence of women in public offices. In general, the status and role of women
in the Sri Lankan Civil Service have remained a neglected field of academic
inquiry. This chapter seeks to fill this void.
The objectives of this chapter are fourfold: firstly, to examine the level of
representation of women in the civil service; secondly, to identify the role
women civil servants play in the administrative service; thirdly, to explore
how the stakeholders such as heads of departments and offices, male col-
leagues, and service recipients view women’s presence in civil administra-
tion and evaluate their services; and fourthly, to explore whether women
face any challenges in delivering administrative services as civil servants.
The chapter is mostly based on the information collected from primary
and secondary sources. The authors interviewed 10 officials of Sri Lankan
Administrative Service (SLAS) of grades I, II, and III (executive and senior
executive categories) in 2016 with the intention of exploring their views on
different issues, particularly to know how they perceived their role and how
their male colleagues looked upon them and their activities. In addition, 25
undergraduate students of the University of Peradeniya were interviewed
to explore their views on joining the SLAS in the future.
Women in Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka was under the Western colonial rule for nearly four and a half
centuries until independence was granted by the British in 1948. The
Portuguese (1505–1656) and the Dutch (1656–1796) held only the
coastal areas, but the British ruled over the entire island from 1815 to
1948. By the 1900s, railways, roads, and harbors were developed by
the British government in order to facilitate rapid development of the
tea plantation economy.1 Simultaneously, a new social consciousness
among the colonized people gradually developed. Due to the tea planta-
tion economy and increased educational facilities, an urban and a rural
petty bourgeoisie class came into shape by the late nineteenth century.
Following India’s lead, the Ceylon National Congress was formed in
1919. Other mass social movements including the Social Service League,
founded in 1915, addressed health issues and promoted welfare think-
ing. By the late 1940s, British colonial administrators and constitutional
reformers such as Sir Charles Jeffries (permanent undersecretary at the
Colonial Office from 1945 to 1947) identified Sri Lanka as a ‘model
13 WOMEN IN ADMINISTRATIVE SERVICE IN SRI LANKA 231
colony’ due to the strength of its civil society, the political maturity, and
sophistication of its leaders, and above all, for the fact that it had granted
universal adult suffrage in 1931 (de Silva 1982).
Sri Lanka’s rapid progress toward political modernity was understood
to be in part the result of its educational infrastructures that served both
boys and girls. These infrastructures were initially built by the Baptist
and Methodist missionaries from the American Mission and the Church
Missionary Society. These missionaries began to establish schools for Sri
Lankan girls from the 1820s. Local languages (Sinhalese and Tamil) were
the medium of instruction in schools for the poor and English for the eco-
nomically privileged (Jayawardena 2003, p. 118; Jayaweera 2002). The
Ceylon Medical College was inaugurated in 1870 in Colombo, and the
first female student was admitted in 1892. The English Training College
for teachers was opened in 1902, and the first woman was admitted in
1908 (Jayawardena, p. 111). The welfare policy followed by the colo-
nial government, especially in the education and health sectors, was also
crucially important in promoting women’s education and health. By the
1950s, Sri Lanka became a model to be emulated by other nations of the
region while developing their public healthcare systems (Myrdal 1968, p.
1419). Western demographers became interested in studying Sri Lanka in
the 1950s because it was able to successfully bring down mortality rates.
Influenced by British, American, and Canadian women’s rights advo-
cates, and taking the example of Indian women activists, a group of Sri
Lankan middle-class, western-educated women came together to fight
for women’s rights and social reforms. The Women’s Franchise Union
was formed in 1927 by a group of Sri Lankan professional women,
many of whom were wives of nationalist and labor party leaders. The
first meeting of the Women’s Franchise Union was presided over by
Lady Dias Bandaranaike (mother of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, Sri Lanka’s
Prime Minister from 1956 to 1959) (Jayawardena, p.128). These pio-
neering women, members of these social and political movements, were
doctors, teachers, and lawyers. As stated earlier, Sri Lankan women had
the opportunity of school education provided by Baptist and Methodist
missionaries at the American Mission and the Church Missionary Society
from the 1820s. By the early 1900s, there were a significant number of
qualified upper-class women in Sri Lanka eager to engage in social work.
Missionary education, especially in boarding schools, disciplined and
molded the careless, restless bodies and the inattentive, obstinate minds
of native girls (de Alwis 1997). Women’s education, first introduced
in missionary schools and later in national schools established by the

Theosophical Society in Sri Lanka, was a progressive step toward wom-
en’s emancipation. Despite being dated, Dharmapala’s concepts such as
‘Gedara Budun’ are still taught in the school curriculum of Sri Lanka.
Contesting the notion of emancipation, Jayawardena (p.120) argued
that women’s education perpetuated and reproduced patriarchal ideol-
ogy by limiting women’s curriculum to needlework, home economics,
cookery, drawing, and piano music. The general perception was that
‘girls needed only limited education, just enough to make them pre-
sentable house wives’ (Jayaweera 1989; Jayaweera (ed.) 2002). Even
though female literacy rate in Sri Lanka is a commendable 97% today,2
women are still educated, as Jayawardene pointed out, within an ideo-
logical framework of patriarchy. Since women’s education is more geared
toward producing presentable housewives—to fulfill a necessarily social
reproductive role—education does not equip women with essential
tools to think ‘beyond’ this reproductive role that they are tradition-
ally bestowed with. In fact, female education in Sri Lanka has become
a double-edged sword. On the one hand, female literacy rate, which is
high when compared with other countries in the region, is often seen as
a measure of women’s empowerment. On the other hand, women’s edu-
cation has a strong emphasis on social reproduction. The empowerment
that women are supposed to achieve through education is entangled with
the aim of training for social reproduction.
Table 13.1 shows that women occupy far less positions than men
as managers, senior officials, and legislators (Government of Sri Lanka
2016, p. 18). Jayasinghe (2004‚ p. 127) identified a number of reasons
for the low participation of women in managerial positions. These are
as follows: reluctance by women to work for longer hours (after normal
working time), lack of preparedness to do any extra work during the
weekends or holidays, and unwillingness to work outstations when
required by management. These were acknowledged by the management
as hindrances to the promotional possibilities of women in employment
(Jayasinghe, p.127).
The Labor Force Survey of 2015 shows that women constitute
65.8% of the professionals. The professional group consists of ‘teachers,
nurses, doctors ….etc’ (Government of Sri Lanka 2016, p.18). However,
according to the same survey, 64.1% of the total female population
remains economically inactive. This is an outlier situation with regard to
women’s education and labor force participation in Sri Lanka. In other
Table 13.1 Employment in Sri Lanka (by occupation and gender) 2015
Occupation Total Gender % Contribution of female to

the total employment
Male Female
Total 100 100 100 34.9

Managers, senior officials, 6.1 7 4.6 25.9
and legislators
Professionals 6.5 3.4 12.3 65.8
Technical & associate 6 6.3 5.6 32.3
professionals
Clerks and clerical support 4 2.9 5.9 51.8
workers
Services and sales workers 10.9 11.5 9.8 31.3
Skilled agricultural, forestry, 18.6 18.9 18 33.8
and fishery workers
Craft and related trades workers 16.2 16.3 15.8 34.2
Plant and machine operators 8.6 11.3 3.5 14.3
and assemblers
Elementary occupations 22.6 21.6 24.3 37.7
Armed forces occupations 0.5 0.7 0.2 12.6
Source Government of Sri Lanka (2016)
words, even though women graduates are high in number, a large per-
centage of them are economically inactive due to the social reproduc-
tive role that they are bestowed with. Following an introductory note
on the origin and development of Ceylon Civil Service in the next sec-
tion‚ the Chapter will look at how women in Sri Lankan Administrative
Service have fared against this larger picture on women’s education
and labor force participation in section three. Section four identifies
the factors accounting for the increase in the number of women in the
adminsitrative service, while Section five explores the issue of gender
mainstreaming. Section six examines the attitude of men and women in
the adminsitrative service toward each other‚ while Section seven con-
cludes the Chapter.
Origin and Development of Ceylon Civil Service

The British colonial government introduced the Ceylon Civil Service
(CCS) in 1802, under Governor Frederick North in order to establish
a stable administration in the country. The failure of the Madras Civil
Service introduced in 1796 in the Maritime Provinces compelled the

British to establish a separate civil service (Warnapala 1974, p. 32). In
1833, following the Colebrooke–Cameron reforms, Ceylon had to
do away with the administrative divisions based on the ethnic and cul-
tural lines and came under one uniform administrative system based on
the five provinces, namely Northern, Eastern, Southern, Western, and
Central provinces (Wickramasinghe 2006, p. 29). Together with the
indigenous feudal administrators, a handful of British officials who had
access to the Secretary of State initially entered the CCS and ruled the
country. The Colonial Office decided to introduce a system of com-
petitive examination in 1856 and allowed the university graduates with
liberal education to enter the civil service. The Northcote–Trevelyan
reforms implemented in Britain in 1854 largely influenced the deci-
sion to introduce open competition in the CCS. However, it was only
in 1870 that a merit-based open competitive selection was introduced,
and Ceylonese candidates were also permitted to sit for the examination
(Nanayakkara 2015, p. 80).
After independence in 1948, recruitment to the CCS took place
through a competitive examination for Sri Lankan graduates in the age
group of 22–24 (Somasundram 1997, p. 5). The interview, which car-
ried 25% marks, was an important component of the selection process.
The interview board was composed of the Vice-Chancellor of the (only)
University of Ceylon (now Peradeniya), Secretary of the Treasury, and
three other senior secretaries. Only five to eight candidates were selected
for appointment every year. Those who failed the CCS examination were
given lower-level positions in the civil service. However, with the change
of government in 1956—from the right-wing capitalist UNP to left-wing
socialist SLFP—a new situation emerged. There was a need for reducing
the gap between the elite civil servants and the rural masses. With the
gradual increase in the number of Swabasha elites, the gap was reduced
to a significant extent. On the first day of May 1963, CCS was replaced
by Ceylon Administrative Service (CAS) (Somasundram, p.340). The
first advertisement for recruitment to the newly formed CAS was for
men only (Endagama, p. 97).
The Sri Lanka Examination Department conducts a competitive
examination to select the civil servants. The competitive examination
is held every year under two categories: open and limited. The mini-
mum qualification required for entering into SLAS is a degree from
the University Grants Commission approved universities. Newly passed
Table 13.2 Gender composition of Sri Lankan Administrative Service

Batch Percentage of civil servants
Male Female
1980–1985 68.18 31.82

1986–1990 70.41 29.59
1991–1995 71.09 28.91
1996–2000 63.44 36.56
2001–2005 61.89 38.11
2006–2010 41.56 58.44
2011–2015 35.51 64.49
Source Unpublished data collected and compiled by Ministry of Public Administration for internal pur-
poses only. It was supplied at the special request of the first author by Deputy Director of Ministry of
Public administration
university graduates under the age of 28 can apply for the open competi-
tive examination. A graduate is eligible to sit twice for the open exami-
nation. However, those who are already working in the administrative
service can apply for the limited examination. The upper age limit for the
limited examination is 50 years. This examination is held in a particular
period of time for the whole Island and is conducted in all three lan-
guages (Sinhala, Tamil, and English).
To qualify in the written examination, each candidate is required
to secure at least 50 marks in each of the following subjects: General
Intelligence, Global Trends, Aptitude for Management, Analytical,
Creative and Communication Skills, Social, Economic, Political
Background, and Trend in Sri Lanka. Those who qualify in the writ-
ten examinations are called for a formal 100-mark interview which
is intended to check the applicant’s personality, skills, and abili-
ties. The candidates are selected on merit, i.e., on the basis of marks
obtained both in written and in viva voce. Those who are selected
have to undergo training for 6 months at the Sri Lankan Institute for
Development Administration (SLIDA).
Women in Sri Lankan Administrative Service

CAS was made open to women in 1965 as a result of the pressure
exerted by the All Ceylon Women’s Conference. At the beginning, a 10%
quota was reserved for women, which was increased to 25% in 1975.
Table 13.3 Men and women in Sri Lankan Administrative Service
Year Class I Class II/I Class II/II Total
Total Women Women Total Women Women Total Women Women Total Women Women
No. No. (%) No. No. (%) No. No. (%) No. No. (%)
1979 165 3 1.8 345 19 5.5 1035 95 9.2 1545 117 7.6
1984 162 6 3.7 327 47 14.4 1141 138 12.1 1630 191 11.7
1988 178 12 6.7 274 59 21.5 1147 185 16.1 1599 256 16.0
1993 445 56 12.6 477 63 13.2 777 171 22.0 1699 291 17.1
2003 675 143 21.2 307 92 30.0 721 224 31.0 1703 455 26.7
2006a 716 183 25.6 171 47 27.5 833 311 37.3 1720 541 31.5
2007b 706 192 27.2 127 41 32.3 1043 431 41.3 1876 664 35.4
Sources Changing Role Of Women in Sri Lanka, 1997

Handbook on Sex-disaggregated Data: Sri Lanka: 2003, 2003
a http://www.pubad.gov.lk
b The Sri Lankan Woman: Partner in Progress, 2007
This resulted in a gradual increase in women in the CAS, later renamed

Sri Lankan Administrative Service (SLAS). The quota system was, how-
ever, abolished subsequently (Endagama 1985, p. 97). Table 13.2 shows
the male–female ratio in the civil service from 1980 to 2015.
Table 13.2 shows the male domination of the SLAS from 1980
to 1995. Since then (1995), there has been a steady decline of men
and a corresponding increase in the number of women. One reason
for the decline of men in SLAS may be due to the growth of jobs in
the information technology field; these are mostly male-centric jobs.
Women, however, mostly hold lower-level positions in the civil service,
although Sri Lanka produces more women graduates than men. More
women hold class II positions than class I positions (Table 13.3). This
probably implies that notwithstanding an increase in the number of
women in the civil service, breaking the ‘glass ceiling’ still remains a
formidable task.
Explaining the Increase in Women in Civil Service

As stated above, women now fare better than men in the competition
for jobs in the SLAS. Several reasons account for this, of which the fol-
lowing are considered to be important. Firstly, as mentioned earlier,
members of the SLAS are selected through a rigorous competitive exami-
nation. The selection process generally takes a year. Many male graduates
consider this long wait as wastage of time. They want to start working
immediately after graduation mostly for pragmatic reasons. Most of the
male graduates have family responsibilities, and some also do not like to
depend on their parents. Because of the breadwinner idea that still exists
in Sri Lankan society, men find it hard to wait for the SLAS examination,
although female graduates do not mind the wait. Most of the women
respondents confided that they liked to do a government job because of
the (job) security that is attached to the government sector.
Secondly, male graduates dislike working in a defined structure. They
often prefer jobs that require traveling, while women prefer to be sta-
tioned at one place. One important reason is that it provides an impor-
tant opportunity to women to balance work and home roles. Men
generally do not bother about this kind of balance; they prefer jobs that
require field visit and/or offer greater freedom. Women usually do not
like field posting, as it may cause difficulties for them to balance multiple
roles they are required to play.
Thirdly, men prefer private-sector jobs as these are both challenging

and rewarding (in terms of financial benefits and other facilities). On the
other hand, many women prefer job security to higher financial incen-
tives as a safety valve, as field posting or work beyond office hours may
create personal and family problems that are not easily amendable to
resolution. Moreover, having a secure job means one is able to support
herself/himself. On the other hand, private-sector jobs lack security of
tenure, and hence, many women do not opt for jobs in this sector.
Fourthly, SLAS has apparently lost its glamor. Unlike in the past when
SLAS was considered to be a source of honor, prestige, power, and social
reputation, many graduates, especially male ones, nowadays do not find
it very attractive as it cannot offer satisfactory remuneration or other
financial benefits. Nor can its members exercise the power and discretion
they could in the past. Graduates are keen to look for private-sector jobs
as these offer better incentives. Male students interviewed for the pur-
pose of this study observed that government jobs are very sensitive and
risky; they are held responsible for each action. Thus, males do not prefer
to get tied down to such a responsible job when they have opportunities
to engage in a side business and earn quickly.
Fifthly, an increase in the migration of male graduates can be seen as a
positive factor for women to join the SLAS in greater numbers. As stated
earlier, men usually want to have a job as soon as they graduate. But the
government cannot offer jobs to every graduate. Moreover, there always
remains a gap between the demand for jobs and the capacity of the gov-
ernment to respond to graduates’ demands. Besides, since securing a job
in the public sector is a lengthy process, many graduates cannot wait.
They go overseas to continue their postgraduate studies because in Sri
Lanka they cannot find a job with good salary after graduation. While
staying abroad, they can study as well as earn money by doing part-time
jobs. After completing their studies, they mostly stay there and try to
find a better job; some may even permanently stay there and apply for
citizenships. But most of the female graduates wait for a job in SLAS.
Barriers to Gender Mainstreaming in Sri Lankan Civil

Service
There are different types of social, political, and cultural barriers to
gender mainstreaming in the SLAS. Gender biases in the civil service
can be noticed in a number of ways. For example, according to SLAS
Minutes, applicants have a common age limit, but there are no gen-
der requirements. Applicants may be a male or a female (Government
Gazette 2013). The Ministry of Sri Lankan Public Administration
generally fills out available vacancies opened in different administra-
tive offices in different ministries in the island by selecting officers on
the basis of merit. However, when they actually start their work, gen-
der rather than ability becomes a major criterion. For example, jobs
requiring extensive field works are often offered to male officials; this
is one way of undermining the ability of female officials. However,
many women SLAS officers generally prefer working in offices mainly
in urban areas mostly for fulfilling family responsibilities and also for
lack of security and facilities in non-urban areas. It also reflects traits
of Sri Lankan culture. It has been noticed in recent years that because
of the short supply of male officials, women officials are assigned
functions that may require working at night. Many women officials in
the SLAS considered it as a challenge.
An administrator, irrespective of sex, has huge responsibilities. But
a woman official has some additional responsibilities that she can rarely
delegate to others. A woman plays different important roles in a soci-
ety other than an administrative one. She may have to play the role of a
mother, a wife, and a daughter. She has to handle all responsibilities of
different types and try to balance them equally. She has to patiently bear
all responsibilities with more stress than a man. A woman with a difficult
administration job will thus find it hard to excel in balancing both home
and work roles.
During their 6-month stay (for training) at SLIDA, all SLAS offic-
ers are given training in management, communication, and problem
identification and resolution. They, however, learn a lot of things
through practical work and experiences. It is often found that women
find it difficult to handle different types of work, partly because of
lack of skills and different socialization (than men). Strain and stresses
caused by the inability to balance different tasks may also influence
the way women officials work. These may call for adopting strategies
aimed at capacity building of women officials as well as reducing stress
that are, however, not easily forthcoming. All women officials in the
sample suggested that facilities such as housing, day care centers, or
family support should be given mainly to female officers; lack of these
facilities may be seen as a hindrance to gender mainstreaming in the
civil service.
Men and Women in the Sri Lankan Administrative

Service
Interviews with  both male and female officials of SLAS reveal that male
officials have a very positive view about women and their role in the
civil service. Generally, male officials accept that all the women are not
biologically equal to men, but they do have enough capabilities to do a
work. They are also really hard workers. They respect their occupation
equally to their personal life. Studies on Sri Lankan culture reveal that
women behave in a more democratic manner [than men] and have an
inclination to consult other officers before taking important decisions.
Whenever a woman accepts some responsibility, she tries to do it at her
level best. Women also have the reputation of achieving higher targets
even at the risk of sacrificing many important things. Male officials also
believe that many women are interested in studying new things related
to their field of work or specialization and often practice what they
learn. Many male officials also appreciate the contribution women offi-
cials make to the development of the nation through providing effective
administrative services and are also sympathetic to problems they face.
On the surface, female officers can be seen as a kind mother, a good
wife, an obedient daughter, and a helpful sister. Women officials inter-
viewed for the purpose of this study observed that the society expects
that they should manage both administration and family in an equal
manner. A woman should be able to balance both. But in practice, it is
difficult for an Asian woman to live up to this expectation. Women offi-
cials observed that they are often engaged in ‘silent struggles,’ particu-
larly when they have young children. They have to simultaneously try
to be an active and efficient officer, a good mother, and a wife. It is an
‘internal struggle that male officers do not have to fight.’
Female officers were happy that more women were joining the
SLAS; many also took pride in being a member of the SLAS. Some of
the sampled women officials observed that they had enough capa-
bilities to handle any difficult situation in a patient and efficient man-
ner. However, while expressing some kind of satisfaction as successful
SLAS officers, many of them were still found blaming themselves for
not ‘properly’ taking care of their family members including children
and also for not being able to spend time with them. Many women offi-
cials thus observed that they got fed up for not being able to balance
the two spheres—public and private. Some observed that they could not
take part in school programs as well as in family functions. Some women

officers were thus sad and frustrated, with a few even expressing some
kind of guilty feeling. Overall, this kind of feeling causes stress and may
have some kind of negative impact on their work performance. However,
interviewees, both male and female, said that Sri Lanka should have a
representative SLAS where men and women should be represented
equally.
Conclusion
This study shows that the representation of women in Sri Lankan
Administrative Service is very high, at least compared to other countries
in the region. The increase in the number of women in SLAS is mainly
due to several reasons, particularly free education and high rate of eco-
nomic growth and development. Moreover, the study demonstrates that
women play an equal vital role in the SLAS as men though they face vari-
ous difficulties. Both male and female officers perceive women as capa-
ble, efficient, and committed and duty bound. However, women feel
that they do an internal struggle to balance their roles in public and pri-
vate spheres, and in some cases, women are pushed into disadvantaged
positions while working at top levels. Such situations create frustration
and guilty feelings in women’s mind. Therefore, many female officers
suggest initiating some family support systems. Both male and female
officers suggested that the Sri Lankan government should introduce
measures to have gender balance in the SLAS at all levels.
Notes
1. According to the Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory, by 1921, 1,093,000 acres
were under plantation, while 798,000 acres were used to grow rice.
2. http://www.accu.or.jp/litdbase/policy/lka/index.htm (Accessed on the
March 9, 2012).
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bureaucratic adaptation. Colombo: Department of Cultural Affairs.
PART III
Women in Local Government

CHAPTER 14
Women’s Representation and Participation

in Local Government in Bangladesh: New
Openings and Remaining Barriers
Maheen Sultan
Participation of women in local government bodies in Bangladesh is not

a new phenomenon, with women entering through reserved seats from
1976. What is, however, new is the emergence of Mahila members (as
women members are called) who are more visible now than in the past
and who have proved their worth as public representatives, responding
to interests and wishes of their constituents in no less effective manner
than their male counterparts. In other words, their presence matters,
although its scope and extent may vary depending upon various factors.
There is thus now less debate about whether there should be women
in the local government bodies as it has become a given but there is
still debate about what roles they can and should play there. Those who
are dismissive of what women can and should do as public representa-
tives feel that they are there out of sympathy, as a front for their male
family members or as a formality because of government provisions that
M. Sultan (*) 
BRAC Institute of Governance and Development
BRAC University, Dhaka, Bangladesh

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_14
246 M. Sultan
require a certain number of seats needed to be filled by women. Others

who would like to see local governance reform with greater participa-
tion and power in the hands of local representatives see the women as
untainted by corruption, unspoilt by politics, and closer to their con-
stituents. The reality is probably somewhere in the middle, with the
women representatives being shaped by the culture and society they
belong to and influenced by the political practices that surround them.
As various authors have argued, representation does not equal par-
ticipation (Goetz and Hassim 2003; Panday 2008). The Bangladesh
Government is proud to cite the figures of the number of women who
are now in local government bodies [General Economics Division
GOB (2013a, b), Ministry of Women’s Affairs (2014)]. As a result of
the reservations made for women representatives, the numbers are quite
impressive, although how much voice and influence they have and/or
whose interests are they representing are issues that need further analy-
sis and review. Even in the areas where projects and national NGOs are
working, the elected women representatives and their constituents are
still operating in a patronage model of politics The idea that the mandate
for local government action might come from the constituency is unfa-
miliar to the UP representatives or other actors in the system, whether
male or female: voters expect them to deliver projects or benefits for
them—this is still the prevailing culture of local government (Hossain
and Akhter 2011, p. 3).
Various studies have shown that elected women representatives are
increasingly participating in an effective manner in the affairs of the local
government bodies, making their presence felt and their voices heard.
They are participating in the UP meetings, in various public forums, and
also raising different issues concerning budgeting and planning; women’s
concerns; project implementation; and scheme selection (Panday 2008;
2013). However, it is also important to know the processes being fol-
lowed and how far they are able to influence decisions and how they do
so. Another aspect that various studies have shown is that women elected
representatives have a special role in representing women’s interests and
responding to their needs, which is acknowledged by their constituents
and themselves. This is highlighted by Panday (2008, 2013), Nazneen
et al. (2014), and Khan and Mohsin (2008).
This chapter will explore why women chose to become public rep-
resentatives at the local government level and what processes they went
through to gain the acceptance of their constituents and family. It will
14 WOMEN’S REPRESENTATION AND PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL … 247
explore how women function while in office, in terms of dealing with

other UP members, the Chair, and also various government functionar-
ies. It will also analyze why they choose to continue or discontinue their
political careers. The hypothesis is that women in local government bod-
ies are political actors who exercise agency and can influence structures,
processes, and people to bring about change or make decisions in their
favor. This chapter will show that women are in fact strategically consid-
ering various options and making decisions and are able to take various
initiatives to gain greater control and influence within the constraints in
which they operate.
This chapter will argue that women representatives have gendered
routes to power which are related to their gender roles of caring for fam-
ily members and community members by providing for their needs and
promoting peace and harmony in the family and community through
problem solving and dispute resolution. Their gendered route to power
also is related to their past experience of public dealings where their pre-
vious experiences of social work, community services, and working for
NGOs have made them familiar figures and built up their reputation as
credible, trustworthy, and capable of solving problems for others.
A similarity with male politicians is seen in the case of the women who
belong to political families where they have learned the rules of the game
by watching family members practice politics, and they are able to use
the family networks and connections to come into the public domain
and make a place for themselves there. Johansson (2006) also concluded
that they are gendered by different pathways to power in different “wel-
fare states” reflecting “the way that different welfare states are gen-
dered.” This also points to the phenomenon that there is an influence of
different political and cultural contexts on the way political leadership is
gendered.
In the Bangladesh context, it was found that women have alterna-
tive strategies of exercising power, which are also related to their past
gendered experiences and also possibilities open to them, which are also
different from those of men. Women’s participation is also affected by
various changes which have taken place in the overall context. Women’s
literacy and education levels have increased as have their mobility and
participation in the labor force. With increasing access to the media,
mobile phones, and the Internet, women’s (as well as men’s) access to
information and communications with others has increased. News and
opinions travel faster. On the other hand, political parties have increased
248 M. Sultan
their penetration to both rural areas and urban slums, and political actors
and events are present at village and “moholla” (neighborhood) levels.
This enables women to witness and participate in local level politics more
than before.
While the above function as enabling factors for women to partici-
pate in public life more effectively, some of the barriers that have been
previously identified persist. These include the dominance of money and
muscle where women are relatively disadvantaged in having less finan-
cial resources of their own as well as well less access to volunteers who
can exert force or intimidation. Another barrier, that is, valid for men
as well is the lack of authority and power of local government bodies,
with power being concentrated in the hand of the UP Chair. As argued
by Ahmed (2016), even the power and authority of the UP Chair are
limited as decentralization is limited and local government bodies such
as the UP, have more responsibilities than authority. It is observed that
most women do not contest a second time for UP elections, which
would seem to indicate that they become discouraged by the barriers and
constraints they experience once in office.
This chapter will also review the considerations of such women mem-
bers in depth. This too is not specific to Bangladesh. Other research-
ers have also found that once elected women find the environment and
culture of local government to be inimical and intimidating, with men
showing aggression and resistance when they cannot cope with the
women (Beck 2001; Drage 2001; Irwin 2009). Australian research with
women councillors by the Department of Women (2000) in New South
Wales found that women felt isolated when they are a minority on the
council and that women are more often subject to bullying and other
inappropriate behavior than are male councillors. It is important to rec-
ognize that the structures and processes of local government bodies are
not neutral and are gendered and more attuned to male ways of work-
ing and being than to female ways. This paper is based on an in-depth
qualitative study undertaken by the author under the Sharique program
on local governance mandated by SDC and implemented by Helvetas
Swiss Intercooperation (HIS) and BRAC Institute of Governance
and Development (BIGD), which investigated experiences of women
who have been elected in the UPs at least once and also women who
have decided not to run for elections. It also explored the relationships
between women in local government bodies and local political parties,
local level UP representatives (UP Chair, members), and other civil
society groups such as NGOs and women’s organizations. The method-

ology used for the research consisted of desk review and primary data
collection.
As the purpose of this study was to explore in depth the experience
of women in local government and not to generalize the study find-
ings, fieldwork was conducted in six (6) unions in two adjacent Upazilas
in one division in order to control for the context (i.e., socioeconomic
conditions) as much as possible. We selected unions that have reelected
women members. The local level research site was in the Sharique pro-
gram sites of Rajshahi (Mohanpur and Tanor Upazilas) where some
unions have reelected women representatives. Field research included
key informant interviews (KIIs) at both national and local levels. In
each union, we interviewed three incumbent women members (which
included reelected members); one woman who was elected once and
not currently a serving member; the UP Chair; one male member; and
one CSO representative and one political leader. We also interviewed
one UNO (a Upazila executive officer). In total, we had 47 interviews
from six unions, of whom 22 were women elected representatives and 12
were male elected representative. Secondary data were collected through
review of existing literature and are available as the Stocktaking Report
on Women’s Participation in Local Government. Secondary sources have
included academic and policy literature on local governance, relevant
government documents and consultancy reports. National level inter-
views of academics and civil society experts were also carried out.
From Marginal Representation to “Critical Mass”

The Union Parishad, Upazila Parishad, Zila Parishad, Municipalities,
and City Corporations are the local government bodies (LGBs) under
the Local Government Division of Ministry of Local Government, Rural
Development, and Cooperatives. Local Government Units are Zila
Parishads (Districts Councils—64), Upazilas/Thanas (Subdistrict—487),
City Corporations (11), Pourashavas (Municipality—323), and Union
Parishads (Rural—4573). In the three Hill Districts, the local govern-
ment bodies are the Regional Council, the Hill District Councils, the
Upazila Parishad, Union Parishad, and Pourashavas. The Pourashava is
the local government institution for municipalities/urban areas. Union
Parishads, Upazila Parishads, Municipalities, and City Corporations are
elected bodies.
250 M. Sultan
Article 11 of the Constitution of Bangladesh confirms that the

“Republic shall be a democracy in which … effective participation by
the people through their elected representatives in administration at
all levels shall be ensured.” The Constitution is quite unique in includ-
ing detailed provisions for local government (Chapter 111, part IV
Articles 59 and 60) ensuring that “every administrative unit shall be
entrusted to bodies composed of persons elected in accordance with
law” (Article 59) and outlining their functions and conferring power
to collect taxes, prepare budgets, and maintain funds. Women’s rights
are guaranteed in the Constitution and women have equal rights in all
spheres of the State and public life [Article 28(2)]. Article 9 further
advances the principle of special representation of women in all local
self-governing bodies.
Women’s representation in the UP was promoted through two presi-
dential ordinances: the Local Government Ordinance of 1976 and
Municipal Ordinance of 1977, which for the first time provided for the
nomination of two women members in the UP. The Union Parishad
Ordinance of 1983 further made a provision for nomination of three
women members. However, direct election to the reserved seats for
women in the Union Parishad was first made in the Local Government
(UP) (Second Amendment) Act of 1997. It allows for direct elec-
tion of one chairperson and twelve members to the Union Parishad,
with three seats reserved for women members. Each woman member
represents three wards (each ward constituted by several villages). The
three women seats are reserved for direct election. In addition to three
reserved seats, women can take part in direct elections for general seats.
The Act is considered a milestone toward increasing women’s participa-
tion in politics and promoting their political skills through direct elec-
tions. Nevertheless, the Act was not able to address the confusions
regarding the role and responsibilities of women members. The quotas
were introduced in a way that women’s seats were added on so that they
do not disturb existing competition for electoral wards or constituen-
cies. However, by having direct elections to these reserved seats as was
introduced in 1997, their legitimacy as representatives is enhanced. This
has been documented by various researchers (Khan and Mohsin 2008;
Nazneen and Tasneem 2010). The number of women representatives
has also increased substantially over the years as shown in Tables 14.1
and 14.2.
Table 14.1 Participation in union parishad (by sex)
Category of representatives and year of election
Chairman Member
2008 2011 2008 2011
Number % Number % Number % Number %

Men 4477 99.53 4132 99.47 40,339 74.74 38,036 75.66
Women 21 0.47 22 0.53 13,637 25.26 12,236 24.34
Total 4498 100.00 4154 100.00 53,976 100.00 50,272 100.00
Source GoB (2013a, b)
Table 14.2 Participation in upazila parishad (by sex)
Chairman
2009 2010 2011
Number % Number % Number %

Men 452 99.56 473 99.37 473 99.37
Women 2 0.44 3 0.63 3 0.63
Total 454 100.00 476 100.00 476 100.00
Theoretical Approaches
A concept critical for those working on women’s representation in
politics is that of “critical mass” to explain that a significant number of
women are needed before they can make a difference to processes and
outcomes. This concept was first introduced by Kanter (1977) and
Dahlerup (1988) who analyzed the experiences of women forming
small minorities in the corporate and political spheres. Both were con-
cerned with the dynamics of marginalization in situations where women
were minorities, speculating on how this experience would change if
numbers increased. The critical number was proposed as 30%, at which
level women are expected to be able to make a substantial difference in
politics (Dahlerup 2006). This concept has been supported and used by
many researchers and academics (Mansbridge 1999; Lovenduski 2001;
252 M. Sultan
Choudhury 2002). However, other research suggests that lower num-

ber of women working together in the legislature can also affect politi-
cal change (Childs and Krook 2008). Some also argue that we should
look more closely at parliamentary and electoral systems instead of criti-
cal mass (Tremblay 2006; Grey 2006).
The idea that having a sufficient number of women in local govern-
ment bodies to form a critical mass may have influenced those carrying
out local government reform to try to provide a minimum of one-third
seats for women in bodies at each level (three seats for women versus
nine general seats in the UP, which in fact comes to 25%). That there
was a strong enough support for such as proactive measure is significant
in itself. As Mahmud and Nazneen (2014, p. 17) have pointed out: “the
support for and various other measures taken to increase women’s pres-
ence and (…) elected bodies are themselves the result of negotiations
between different social and political actors (political parties, their leader-
ship, women within the parties, other influential party factions, women’s
movement, etc.). What influences the action taken by the actors are: the
actual and perceived interests these actors have in promoting women’s
representation; the context within which opportunities for promoting
women’s representation arises; the strength i.e., resource of these actors
to negotiate and influence other actors and the gender discourses that
influence actions of these actors.”
The research results show that while the number of women pre-
sent in each UP does make a difference to the women by giving them
greater confidence and voice, and allowing them to form alliances
among themselves, they still face other cultural and structural con-
straints that limit their voice and agency. Voice and accountability are
also important concepts to understand women’s presence in politics
and how this can turn into effective participation. Goetz and Hassim
show that it is important to understand the mutual determinations
of voice and accountability to understand how women can effectively
participate in political institutions where “women’s political effective-
ness is understood as the ability to use ‘voice’ to politicize issues of
concern to women, to use electoral leverage to press demands on deci-
sion makers, to trigger better responsiveness from the public sector to
their needs, and better enforcement of constitutional commitments to
women’s equal rights” (2003: 29). The authors show how “voice” does
not automatically lead to better outcomes for women because public
institutions can have strong gender biases which counteract the impact
of women’s voice and presence in public. Many of the constraints to

women’s “voice” are due to their gender roles and relations such as
their responsibility for family welfare, their lesser human and financial
resources compared to men, and the way their sexuality is controlled
by society. The latter translates into lesser physical security in public
spaces and the fact that their sexuality is a matter of public discussion
and attacks when they are in public life.
Pathways to Political Power at the Local Level

It is important to supplement achievements in terms of number of
women in politics and in local government with an understanding of
the trajectories of the women who have decided to enter the sphere of
politics, including their motivations and entry points as well as barri-
ers and obstacles. Formerly, women’s agency in deciding to enter local
government and politics was denied and it was assumed that they were
proxy candidates for men who would exploit their wives, sisters, and
daughters to be able to access the advantages and resources allocated
for such posts. While such considerations have not fully disappeared,
their importance relative to the women’s own motivation has dimin-
ished. They too have their own ideas of why they are interested and
what they can gain, both as individuals and for their families.
Although it is often said that women have less exposure than men to
politics and therefore less experience and skills in this area, a few stud-
ies have highlighted that they may have experience and skills which are
relevant to their roles and responsibilities as public representatives and
they too have various personal, family, professional, and political net-
works that they can put to use. Some have experience of “how to do
politics” through voluntary and welfare work and in other informal
spaces. Some women have used their families to build their constituen-
cies and political networks and also to address the needs of their constit-
uents. Nazneen et al. (2014) show that political apprenticeship starts at
home and in informal spaces. Their family members had been involved
in politics or social activities and/or the women have been involved
in student politics and/or professional work. They actively build rela-
tionships and constituencies, using their family connections, social net-
works, and also relationships with development agencies and women’s
organizations.
254 M. Sultan
Learning to do Politics and Deciding to Contest

Elections
For the women interviewed for the study, “serving society” was the key
motivation mentioned for competing in the UP level elections. The rea-
sons they mentioned included firstly, having the opportunity to serve the
community; secondly, people’s love and respect; and thirdly, that peo-
ple would continue to remember them as a member and treat them with
respect. Several factors encouraged women to contest the UP elections.
Family background played a significant role for women to be involved
in elections. If family members such as husband, father, brother, and in-
laws are known to the community or have served as community leaders,
this gives the women an advantage. In most cases, the women themselves
did not have a political party affiliation before standing for elections but
once elected, they joined a party or openly declared their allegiance to
a party to facilitate interactions and their work in the UP. About half of
the women opted to support the political party that other family mem-
bers supported but for the other half, they chose to support the party in
power or the UP chairman’s party, out of strategic considerations.
In a number of cases, it was the women themselves who were known
in the community through their social engagements. Ten of the women
interviewed worked as health workers (2), domestic workers (1), midwife
(1), NGO worker (2), school teacher (3), or even as a domestic worker
or office staff. All these jobs entail a great deal of interaction with the
community and are often seen as serving the community. Such social
interactions with community members also serve as a training ground
for political activities. The community gets to know about the women
and gains respect for them, which encourages some women to contest
elections.
The desire of family members such as husband, father-in-law, other
family members’ to see women of their families in the UP, or community
members’ requests could play a crucial role in making women interested.
Another factor that illustrates the importance of the family relations is
that if a woman married within her natal community and her in-laws and
father’s family live in the same constituency, it is easier for her to con-
test elections (being both a daughter and daughter-in-law of the commu-
nity). Although expectations of monetary benefit from the post were not
mentioned explicitly by the women, it became clear in the course of the
interviews that all of them do a cost-benefit analysis and often complain
about their earnings and allowances being inadequate. This seems to

indicate that financial considerations are a hidden reason for contesting
elections.
In general, there are a number of barriers for women to contest gen-
eral seats which make it more sensible from their point of view to contest
reserved seats. These barriers include having to face more competitors
for general seats; expenses being therefore higher (also men spend more
for elections as they have easier access to money than female candidates);
women facing mobility constraints in canvassing votes; and lacking politi-
cal experience and skills compared to male contestants.
People’s Perceptions of Women up Members

Some characteristics are identified by the community as important for
someone who would wish to be a public representative, which are as
follows:
• Mobility and familiarity in the community which would give her

the opportunity to work with people and serve them as needed, i.e.,
NGO worker, teacher, health worker, and insurance worker.
• Known as a social worker who provides services such as birth atten-
dant and match maker for marriages.
• Good natured and helpful, e.g., can mix with people and provide
advice, help with dispute resolution, etc.
• Engaged with the community and its activities.
According to the FGDs respondent and other key informants, there are
mixed feelings about women candidates and elected representatives in
UPs. Firstly, as mentioned above, mobility is seen as an important qualifi-
cation to succeed in local politics. However, they are perceived to be less
mobile than men. Secondly, they are seen to be socially and economically
disadvantaged. UP chairman, members, local political leader, and NGO
key informants observed that most of the female candidates came from
“comparatively lower class of the society” who wanted to get respect and
monetary benefit from the post. They also believed that better off or
educated families did not like the idea of their daughters or wives work-
ing with common people for a minimum honorarium, little respect, and
insignificant tasks to do. Men in the community even went so far as to
say that women candidates and elected members have questionable moral
256 M. Sultan
characters (since they are active in the public sphere where they inter-
act with male UP members and the general public). Women community
members did not mention this issue but they stressed that they felt that
they were better represented in the UP by a woman.
There are, however, many prejudices against, and resistances to, wom-
en’s participation in politics. Male FGD participants felt that society still
does not approve of women participating in elections or politics. Some
referred to Bangladesh being a Muslim country and women’s activities in
recent times do not reflect that. Some of the general people seem to have
an unreasonable suspicion about the “moral” character of the female
members though they do not have evidence of that. For others, the
women representatives are not important or significant. “We don’t give
much thought about the female members. They are like optional subjects
in a syllabus (4th subject)” (Talondo Male FGD).
Women Councillors: Roles and Responsibilities

The Union Parishad Act 2009 states that the Union Parishad shall be
composed of a chairman, nine general members, and three mem-
bers to reserved seats. Clause 10.3 mentions that three seats will be
reserved for women and will be called reserved seats and women will
be elected directly to these seats. This Act also provides for 13 Standing
Committees which generally consist of four members, relevant gov-
ernment service providers, and various co-opted persons (e.g., school
teacher). Each UP member is supposed to Chair at least one Standing
Committee. The 2009 Act mentions that Chair of the Standing
Committees will be selected from among the elected members, and the
women elected to the reserved posts will Chair at least one-third of the
Standing Committees (Section 45.3). The Act sets out guidelines for the
functioning of the Standing Committees, which are to be supplemented
by bylaws. In addition, there are several General Committees concerned,
for example, with disaster management, water and sanitation, and selec-
tion and distribution of relief and welfare.
The 2009 Union Parishad Act adds the requirement to form ward
assemblies which shall meet at least twice per year and mandates that
both planning and budgeting should be participatory from 2010 for all
UP. The ward assemblies organized by the ward member are required to
identify priorities for action, raise awareness of local issues, monitor lists
of beneficiaries of social welfare programs, and motivate participation in

open budget and planning meetings. The elected women representatives
on the reserved seats are to be advisors to the ward assemblies (clause
5.5). The Act also requires each UP to hold an open budget meeting
(OBM) to seek public approval of the UP budget.
The UP Act, however, does not clearly define the functional jurisdic-
tions for the women councillors in the Union Parishad nor mention that
it is the same as that of the general members. On the other hand, it is
given a separate status by the statement that these would be referred to
as “reserve seats for women.” This sets the women aside as a separate
category in the councils leaving scope for the interpretation that when
the general seats are mentioned it is not applicable for the reserved seats.
The Chairs and male members have been using this major oversight in
the law to discriminate and often exclude the women councillors from
participating in UP activities.
Initially, when the first batch of women was elected to the UPs in
1997 on the basis of the new law, women were denied a role in project
planning, implementation, budget making, financial management, pre-
paring list, and distribution of VGD and VGF cards under the food secu-
rity schemes. Women were also denied the right to provide citizenship,
character, and other certificates usually issued by male representatives.
The women were also reported to be often excluded from meetings and
important decisions of the UPs. The ministry then responded positively
to the complaints from the elected women members and the concerned
civil society organization including the media. It issued circulars and
orders from the Local Government Division of the Ministry of Local
Government, Rural Development, and Cooperatives, specifying some
roles and positions that have to be provided to women reserve seat mem-
bers.
In addition, the Chairs and the male members continued to resist
implementing these orders from the government and no action was
taken for non-compliance. In many places, the women members
approached the UNOs and other Upazila officials seeking intervention
for the chairmen to comply with the orders but with no success. Thus,
although the sociocultural and economic barriers to women’s participa-
tion in the political institution of the UP were overcome to some extent
by women’s elections, this anomaly in the law prevented the removal of
the institutional resistances to their incorporation in the UP functions.
258 M. Sultan
Like men, the newly elected women members are not aware of the
legal framework of the UP and for their rights and responsibilities.
Although training is provided from various sources, they mainly learn
the functioning on the job. There are examples of women who bene-
fit from the training and the study of the various documents available
and are able to use that to ensure that the procedures are followed
and that they are given their due. An example is given in the next
section.
Role of Women Councillors in Local Council Decision

Making
The structure of the Union Parishad is such that the chairman has a
disproportionate role in decision making, and the general ward mem-
bers or women of the reserved seats play a secondary role. Procedurally,
ward assemblies or Standing Committees can make recommendations
to the council and the council makes the decisions. However, in the
case of decision making in the council, the chairman is the final author-
ity. In regard to the issues like dowry, divorce, and violence against
women, which are issues perceived of as related to women, the opinion
of female members is valued. In the case of land-related disputes, female
members’ opinion does not get importance (Interview 0101FM3).
When asked, the female members stated that it is the chairman who
decides about the Chairs of Standing Committees. It is the Chair who
represents the UP in government meetings and at the next level up, in
the Upazila Parishad.
The chairman is the chief executive of a Union Parishad. He
decides on all matters. He assigns work, approves sanctions of devel-
opment works, and presides over all meetings, committees. Without
his support and favor, nothing is possible and both male and female
members have to maintain good working relations with the chairman.
Although the elected women members interviewed said that they have
good relations with the chairman, probing revealed a different reality
with the women members having to strategize to influence decision
making.
If a woman member has strong political connections, ties with the
administration, or family status, then it is easier for her to get chairman’s
support, cooperation, and favor. For example, Puspa Rani had a strong
connection with the ruling party and she was the Secretary of Krishok
(farmers’) League at district level (Interview 0102FM2). The chair-
man used her political influence to clear bills from government offices
and obtained allocations from MP’s personal fund. As the chairman was
not from the political party in power, he needed her assistance in these
issues. She would receive her share of money for making his work easy.
Puspa Rani was therefore in a strong position to be able to negotiate
with the UP Chair. Social status is also a factor in gaining favor from
the chairman. Fayzunnahar who is the wife of the Pramanik (village
head) said that “I use my social power to influence chairman’s decision.”
Other interviewees mentioned that other members and the UP Secretary
respected her as wife of Pramanik (village head). She was not willing to
attend all meetings: “if they need my consent or signature, the chair-
man will send the papers by choukidar (nightguard) or Secretary will
bring them and I will sign these.” This was done as a sign of respect
for her and acknowledgment of her influence and position. Fayazunnahar
also felt capable of pressurizing the UP Chair which she does through
other political leaders. Also if she did not agree with the UP council, she
refused to sign the papers (0102 FM1).
Not all the women members were able to influence the UP chairman.
In the case of Champa Begum (0101FM1), she had an argument with
the chairman about the distribution of VGD cards as she thought she
should get more than the male members as she was elected from three
wards. But the chairman allegedly misbehaved with her, told her to never
set foot in the Union Parishad again and did not allow her to attend
meetings. In case of Josna Begum (0102FM3) when she asked for more
information about some project and refused to sign a resolution without
checking it, the chairman misbehaved with her and she was unofficially
barred from the Union Parishad.
Khairun Begum (0201FM1) a reelected member described how she
relentlessly fought for her rights in the UP. Although she was elected
with the support of BNP (the Bangladesh Nationalist Party) and the
chairman and six male members are supporters of BNP as well, it was
not easy to get what she deserves. Most of the time, the chairman pro-
vided false information about the allowance cards and even tried to avoid
including female members in the projects and programs like LGSP. Since
she was active and gathered information from different sources, she
could confront him and ensure she obtained her share of UP allocations.
260 M. Sultan
Most of the examples of dispute between the chairman and women

members result in the chairman prevailing over the woman member.
Therefore, most of them do not opt for open confrontation or dis-
putes. They choose alternative strategies. For example, Shabana Akhter
(0101FM3) keeps a manual of UP regulations with her. When she has
any doubts about the chairman’s decisions, she suggests that they con-
sult the manual. There are others who choose not to be confrontational.
Raihana Begum (0202FM3) described how she did not bother the chair-
man in his wrong doings. When asked why she did not complain against
the chairman, she said she did not want to be in bad terms with the
chairman. Since she is from a solvent family, she did not need money
and she was happy with whatever she got from the programs that she
ran. She said that the decision-making processes are quite well conducted
and Open Budget, Ward Meetings, and Standing Committee meetings
are held regularly in the UP. Thus, she gets the opportunity to share her
ideas in those meetings. But most of the time she, along with the other
members, keeps quiet and does whatever the chairman suggests.
Although Champa Begum (0101FM1) later entered into a confron-
tation with her UP Chair, she had mentioned a strategy of the women
members coming together. She described how female members had
started forming what she called “syndicates,” i.e., coalitions in order
to establish their demands and opinions. She felt that earlier women
members had little or no opportunity to express their opinions as their
male colleagues did not value their opinions. But, now the scenario had
changed and women can have their say and give their suggestions. The
importance of women members coming together was also mentioned
in the neighboring union, Ghasigram. Rahela Begum (0103FM3), in
the Ghasigram Union, also felt that male members and chairman come
together to act as a team to serve their own benefit and always try their
best to keep female members away from important works. More or less,
important decisions are taken without consulting the female members.
Another strategy mentioned by some of the women was using emotions
and appealing to men by showing that they were weaker and needed
help. Sometimes female members would cry in front of chairman and
secretary to get their sympathies (0101FM2). Some women showed
their anger in front of chairman and others sometime walked out from
the meeting. As a result, the chairman called them back and tried to
solve the problems.
Men and Women Councillors: Adversaries or Allies

The interviews with women members show that to function effectively
in the UP, they needed to have the male members and/or the chairman
as their allies, although structurally and culturally there were more rea-
sons for them to be adversaries. Once elected, women find the environ-
ment and culture of the UPs, unfamiliar and uncomfortable. Men are
often aggressive, some use abusive language (slang and swearing), and
women may be subject to bullying and inappropriate behavior. This may
include personal attacks, inappropriate jokes, and putting down because
of their inexperience, age, or gender. This is not a phenomenon limited
to Bangladesh or even South Asia (see Irvin 2009).
Some of the women might be called “Apa” (older sister) as a term of
respect or “Bhabi” (sister-in-law) which might also be a sign of respect
or a means of othering—relating to the woman through her husband
and not as an individual. In general, male members do not treat women
members as equals and do not want to include women members in day-
to-day activities so that they can take benefit without creating scope of
involvement for female members. This came out clearly in both male and
female UP members’ interviews.
Kinship often hampers the working relationship between the male and
female members. Male members try to dominate female members which
the female member may not like. Having male relatives interested in con-
testing elections has already been mentioned as a reason why women
would choose to contest for reserved seats so as not to compete with
male family members. Sometimes they create artificial crisis—for exam-
ple, Binu Begum, an ex-member (0102EFM) explained:
My uncle and I were from the same constituency. My uncle wanted to

exercise all the power. When we got a project jointly he never involved me
in the project and never gave my share. He always wanted to prove that
I couldn’t do anything without his help. To prove this he always created
false crisis like when I try to solve any dispute he opposes me behind the
scenes and creates another dispute.
Women members try to motivate the male members to work together

with them. Female members have to keep good relations with male
members in their three wards to work together to distribute VGD, old
age allowance, etc. They try to work closely with their male counterparts
262 M. Sultan
to avoid complications. Women who can “manage” the male members

can work freely and smoothly in the UP. Champa Begum (0101FM1)
stated “Togetherness is a good thing to complete any task. But, it
doesn’t function properly all the time. Most of them, male members
form a ‘syndicate’ or their own coalitions.” However, male members also
recognized the cooperation between women and male members as an
effective strategy (0101MM).
The conflicts between women and men elected representatives
are often over allocations and resources. Although Shabana Akhter
(0101FM3) was an AL supporter and presided over the committee for
the distribution of widow allowances, when she selected a widow who
was a BNP supporter, the male AL member refused to sign the card.
There are also social norms which restrict interactions between women
and men which also complicate relations between male and female UP
members. If men and women are seen together, people will start gos-
siping about both of them. In fact, men in the FGDs conducted had
expressed the opinion that the elected women were of “dubious char-
acter.” Some male citizens said that they try to maintain a distance from
the female members. They prefer not going to a female member even
if they need to. The reason is that if a male citizen is seen with a female
member more than once, people will start talking about them. So the
male citizens try not to go to a female member even if they need for
avoiding such situations.
Assessing the Role of Women in Local Government

This chapter has attempted to understand the trajectories of elected
women representatives in local government to understand the pathways
through which women gain access to political power and develop their
political voice and agency. With a change in the socioeconomic con-
text, the increased education levels of women, and their previous experi-
ence of social and community work, women are more effectively playing
their roles as public representatives. The concept of critical mass helps us
understand how the increased numbers of women in public office have
lead to their gaining greater recognition and importance, while the con-
cepts of voice and agency help us understand how individual women and
their coalitions have negotiated the various barriers and constraints to
develop more effective participation.
Women often take gendered routes to power and also have alternative
strategies of exercising power, which are related to their gender roles of car-
ing for the family and community and providing services to them. While the
women and men both strategize and negotiate with various persons, parties,
and institutions to overcome opposition and achieve their goals, compared
to the men, the women are less experienced and skilled at this. Peer-to-peer
learning and support can help the women to be more conscious and strate-
gic. For example, they learned by example that complaining to the UNO
about the UP Chair would have a negative impact and the other women
members chose not to complain after the experience of Josna Begum (0102
FM3). Also, the study found that in some of the unions, the women had
been able to develop solidarity between themselves and support each other
when they faced problems. Where they were isolated from each other, the
UNO, Chair, and members were able to dominate them more easily.
Various UP structures and process provide the opportunity for women
members to play a leadership role and develop their management and
leadership skills. These include the Chairing of Standing Committees,
Project Implementation Committees, and being advisors to ward shobhas.
These have a contribution in giving the women specific tasks and respon-
sibilities but their functioning is influenced by the actions of the UP
Chair, the secretary, and other male members. The differences in author-
ity between the Chair and members mean that the Chair takes the final
decisions and the members cannot go against his decisions. In order to
ensure the smooth functioning of the Standing Committees, or the pro-
jects, the women members have to make compromises and “manage” the
male members, the Chair, and also the political party activists nominated
to the various committees. While it is essential to emphasize the imple-
mentation of the existing legal provisions, it is important to understand
the constraints the women have to work within to make these functional.
In conclusion, in spite of the various constraints and barriers, we can see
that women are strategic actors who decide to contest general or reserved
seats based on an assessment of the context and the factors in their favor
or disfavor. They function in the UP through making compromises and
alliances with the UP Chair and male members and also political activists
appointed to various Standing Committees. They use their political party
allegiances and alliances to support their case or the UP Chair. They seek to
exert influence and power when and where they can and strategically decide
not to do so when the costs are too high or the possibility of a positive
264 M. Sultan
outcome are remote. Some of the women have suffered in the process of
confronting the UP Chair, political party, or government officials but at least
they have tried to make their views heard. The overall picture emerging is
of a more conscious, vocal and capable group of women leaders and public
representatives who cannot be discounted.
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CHAPTER 15
Proxy or Agency? Women in Rural Local

Government in India
Prakash Chand
People’s participation in the governance process of a nation is the

essence of democracy. Such participation is possible only when powers of
the state are decentralized to local bodies where people can sit together,
discuss their problems and concerns, and formulate as well as implement
their developmental policies and programs. Local self-government is crit-
ical not only for restoring the self-esteem of the villagers, but also for
reducing the burden of the state government. It also helps in mitigating
the alienation of the rural people as they become aware of the fact that
they are being consulted and their voice is being heard in the governance
of their own affairs by the state and the center (Chandrasekhar 2011,
p. 1). Decentralization of power and authority is the primary essence of
local governance. It is a process as well as a mechanism through which
democracy becomes truly representative, responsive, and accountable to
the people. In this way, local governance becomes a source of empower-
ment of the grassroots people.
India has one of the oldest traditions of local governance as the
village councils have existed here since ancient times. Local governments
P. Chand (*) 
Dyal Singh Evening College, University of Delhi, Delhi, India

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_15
268 P. Chand
in independent India have been formalized under the Panchayati Raj

(PR), a three-tier system with elected bodies at the village, block, and
district levels. The modern system is based in part on the traditional pan-
chayat governance, in part on the vision of Mahatma Gandhi, and in part
on the suggestions of various committees to harmonize the highly cen-
tralized Indian administration with a degree of local autonomy. The ini-
tiative was intended to facilitate greater participation of the people in the
local government through effective implementation of rural development
programs.
The participation of women in all spheres of life has become a sig-
nificant issue in the discourse of social and economic development. The
entrance of elected women representatives into the grassroots polity
through elections to the PR Institutions (PRI) in massive numbers is a
relatively new political phenomenon in India. Since 1993, when the 73rd
Constitution Amendment providing, among other things, for the reser-
vation of one-third of seats at each PR level for women came into force,
women have moved forward and demonstrated their ability to hold such
positions and fulfill the mandate of their constituents. With every suc-
ceeding panchayat election, women have been able to enlarge their rep-
resentation beyond the minimum 33% prescribed by the Constitution.
While speaking in the Lok Sabha on December 16, 2015, the Union
Minister of State for Panchayati Raj Nihal Chand shared the information
that women formed 46% of the total 1.341 million elected representa-
tives (ERs) in PRIs across the country (TIE 2015, p. 8). This implies
that some kind of metamorphosis has taken place in respect of represen-
tation of women at the local level.
This chapter attempts to examine the extent to which women’s higher
presence makes any difference in local government’s policymaking pro-
cess. It tries to analyze the effectiveness of legislative weapon for empow-
erment of women and highlights issues and challenges that confront
women panchayat members. It also looks into the dynamism of the pro-
cess whereby women empowerment is achieved through legislation and
seeks to analyze whether political participation of women does in fact
translate into concrete women empowerment—a state where women
are able to carve a niche for themselves in the traditional male bastion
and successfully find a forum for effective redressal of gender issues or
whether increased political participation of women is just an eyewash.
This chapter will try to explore the ground realities in light of the case
studies and experiences of some of the Indian states.
15 PROXY OR AGENCY? WOMEN IN RURAL LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN INDIA 269
Local Government in India: Historical Perspective

Local self-governing institutions have a long history in India, with the
earliest evidence from the Rig-Veda texts dating to 1200 B.C. Over a
period of time, these self-governing sabhas, or councils, evolved into pan-
chayats or councils of five people. These councils, usually controlled by
upper-caste men, were responsible for governing village affairs and man-
aging land and taxes. They also existed to monitor social conduct and
ethics of members as well as their occupational affairs (Sekhon 2006, p.
105). These bodies enjoyed a substantial amount of autonomy in terms
of organization, functions, and finance bestowed upon them by village
communities. The uniqueness of this form of governance was that it was
absolutely a spontaneous development and no external authority had
ever devolved power and authority on these bodies. Moreover, there was
no uniform pattern of this form of governance as different village com-
munities had no uniform pattern of organization (Srivastava 2002, p. 7).
The vibrant tradition of local democracy in India remained almost unaf-
fected and self-sufficient despite the vicissitude of political empires at the
central level. Thus, in India, from the distant past there existed a well-
organized system of village self-government, the pertinacity of which was
so well described by Lord Metcalfe in 1830 in the following way:
They seem to last where nothing else lasts. Dynasty after dynasty tumbles
down, revolution succeeds revolution, Hindu, Pathan, Mughal, Mahratta,
Sikh, English are all masters in turn, but, the village communities remain
the same. (Metcalfe as quoted by Mallik 1929, p. 36)
The British colonial state, as part of its housekeeping functions, had

adopted several measures to streamline local self-government. Notable
among them were the Ripon Resolution (1882), the Bengal Local Self-
Government Act (1885), and the Bengal Village Self-Government Act
(1919). Out of the said measures, the Bengal Village Self-Government
Act of 1919 may be regarded as the beginning of local self-government
in India, providing a two-tier structure—union boards at the bottom
level and district boards at the higher level. However, those self-govern-
ing structures were neither self nor local as those bodies were marked by
the perennial resource crunch, over-bureaucratization, and dominance of
local landed gentry. They remained as mere appendage of provincial gov-
ernment (Chakrabarty and Chand 2012, p. 271).The underlying objec-
tive was solely to serve the interest of the Empire.
270 P. Chand
The centralizing tendencies that were set in motion during the British
rule continued during the first decade of independence. Independence
had brought about a shift in power structure, but not in the attitude
regarding grassroots governance. Although the independence lead-
ers debated the issue of village self-governance, there was no unanimity
on it. The first major step toward institutionalizing the panchayats was
made in the late 1950s when the government introduced, on the basis of
the recommendations of the Balwantrai Mehta Committee, a three-tier
system of rural local government—i.e., a village panchayat at the village
level, a panchayats samiti at the intermediate level, and a Zilla Parishad
at the district level. The panchayats samiti was given greater recogni-
tion than the other two bodies. The issue of women’s participation in
the panchayat was first proposed in 1959 when the Mehta report recom-
mended that two women be appointed to panchayats. At that time, the
women appointed often came from rural elite families.
The Ashok Mehta Committee, appointed subsequently to inquire into
the working of PRIs and to suggest measures to strengthen them, felt that
a combination of factors such as an unsympathetic bureaucracy, absence
of political will, lack of involvement in planning and implementation on a
substantial scale, and the domination of local institutions by the economic
and social rural elite was likely to undermine the PRIs, (Desouza 2002,
p. 371). The Mehta Committee recommended a more radically decen-
tralized system of panchayats with strong decision-making powers, as well
as the inclusion of women and other disadvantaged groups such as the
lower-status castes and tribes in it. It underscored the functional necessity
of decentralization and recommended a two-tier system, with the Zilla
Parishad and Mandal Panchayat as the administrative setup for panchayats.
The committee also recommended that the district should be the basic
unit since it was a viable administrative unit for which planning, coor-
dination, and resource allocation were feasible and for which technical
expertise was available. The Ashok Mehta Committee also demanded the
constitutional recognition for panchyats. The committee even drafted a
model bill, which they appended to the report, seeking an amendment to
the Constitution along these lines (Kumar 2006, p. 23). But due to the
change in the political power at the center, the recommendations of the
Ashok Mehta Committee could not be implemented. No major change
in local government occurred until 1993 when the 73rd constitutional
amendment was made, to which reference has been made earlier.
Structure of Rural Local Government

and Constitutional Quintessence
As stated earlier, a three-tier structure of rural local government, with

a Zilla Parishad at the top, a panchayat samiti (PS) in the middle,
and a village panchayat at the bottom, was introduced in most of the
Indian states following the recommendations of the Balwantrai Mehta
Committee. In most of the cases, these PRIs became moribund and
non-functional in subsequent years. Elections were not held, and the
panchayats did not assume any active role (Ghatak and Ghatak 1999).
Several reasons accounted for the weaknesses of the PR system. These
include lack of proper funding, political interference, upper caste-class
domination, absence of participation of women, irregular elections, lack
of uniform structure, and non-constitutional status of local self-govern-
ing institutions. One of the important ways to overcome the problems
was to accord constitutional recognition to local government and to rec-
ognize panchayats as the ‘third tier’ of federal government.
The Seventy-Third Constitutional Amendment Act, 1992, is con-
sidered as an important landmark in the history of local government in
India. It can be seen as an important step to salvage the age-old tradi-
tional local government system. The Act provided for several important
changes aimed at making different PRIs representative and empowering
them to undertake a range of functions that differed significantly with
the past. The main features of the 73rd Amendment Act are as follows:
• It provided for a three-tier Panchayati Raj system, with a Zilla

Parishad at the top, a Panchayat Samiti at the intermediate level,
and village panchayats at the bottom.
• It provided for devolving power, authority, and responsibilities to
rural local bodies to enable them to function as institutions of self-
government.
• It made elections to PRIs mandatory for every 5 years. In case of
early or premature dismissal of PRIs, elections are to be held within
a period of 6 months, with the newly elected members serving out
the remainder of the 5 year term.
• It provided for reservation of one-third of seats at all panchay-
ats level for women, of which one-third is to be reserved for the
women belonging to schedule caste and tribes,
272 P. Chand
• A state-level Election Commission is to be constituted for a period

of 5 years to ensure free and fair elections in local bodies.
• A state-level Finance Commission is to be set up every 5 years to
review the overall financial position of local bodies,
• Schedule XI (Art 243G) has been added providing a list of 29 func-
tions to be performed by PR institutions.
It is evident from the above that several radical provisions were incor-
porated in the 73rd Amendment Act. These range from granting con-
stitutional status to PRIs, empowering the socially and economically
disadvantaged groups, i.e., Dalits, Adivasis, and women, and ensur-
ing free, fair, and regular elections, to fixing the terms of local councils,
empowering PRIs to formulate and implement policies, and addressing
financial issues of local bodies. Overall, the Act provided for a significant
degree of fiscal, administrative, and political decentralization from the
state to local levels. The new Act can thus be regarded as a path-breaking
legislation, providing a democratic framework for the governance of local
government institutions in rural India.
Women in Rural Local Government: From Marginal

Representation to ‘Critical Mass’?
One of the most significant features of the 73rd Constitution
Amendment Act is the institutionalization of women’s participation via
reservation of seats in the local bodies. Womenfolk in India, especially
in rural India, have been subject to a systematic and systemic exploita-
tion of the patriarchy. They have been systematically ‘excluded’ from
the corridors of power. The Act has substantially elevated the status of
Indian women from a subjugated status to a self-reliant one. The Act
has stipulated in categorical terms that ‘not less than one-third of the
total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every panchayats
shall be reserved for women’. Earlier, participation of women in PRIs
was questioned in terms of the substance and effectiveness of represen-
tation. Social and political backwardness prevented them from taking
part in decision making. Local committees insufficiently represented
women. Women rarely headed any panchayat. Thus, rural women did
not get their due share in development process in the past. The 73rd
Amendment Act has tried to alleviate all these weaknesses.
A quota for women in local government bodies is justified on a num-

ber of grounds. Firstly, it is a matter of justice that women be included in
political structures, as they constitute 50% of the population and should
not be absent from spheres of power. Secondly, elected women will bring
‘women’s interests’ to the formal political sphere. Because men do not
understand ‘women’s interests’, male-dominated political institutions
either leave them off of the agenda, or act in a manner that indirectly or
directly damages women’s position. Thirdly, elected women will trans-
form the very culture of politics. Finally, there is a symbolic relevance
to women’s reservations. The quotas dismantle the status quo and let
women feel, and be seen as, represented in the formal decision-making
process (Philips 1995).
There was no opposition to the 73rd constitutional amendment bill
providing for reservation of seats for women. Nor was there any serious
demand, especially from women’s organizations, for any such reserva-
tion. In fact, ‘reservations in India did not emerge out of a typical his-
torical pattern, nor did the Indian women’s movement push the formal
political sector for the quotas. Indeed, the women’s movement in the
early 1990s was primarily mobilizing around issues of dowry, rape/sexual
harassment, and prohibition’ (Jain 1998). Politicians moved and sup-
ported the amendment mostly in self-interest than for empowering
women in the real sense. Several reasons have been cited. While some
politicians looked upon the women’s reservation as an opportunity for
women in their families and kin groups, and also as a welcome chance to
reduce bitter factional conflicts at the local level, others did not consider
PRIs as centers of power and authority, hence they did not care if women
occupied one-third of the seats in these bodies (Baviskar 2003). Jain
(1998) argues that ‘the majority of (if not all) political parties supported
quotas for women because they did not expect women’s participation to
be empowering; instead, perhaps they assumed that women would take
on a passive, subdued role in the formal political sector.’ This weak pres-
ence would enable parties to easily dominate the representative and for-
ward their own agendas through them (Jain 1998).
Experience, however, shows that there has been a huge surge in
women’s interest in getting elected to local councils. Numerically, today
India can actually boast that there are more elected women representa-
tives (EWRs) in India than the rest of the world put together. As stated
earlier, nearly half of the EWRs at the local level are women. Several
states/union territories (UTs), for example, Assam, Andhra Pradesh,
274 P. Chand
Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, and West

Bengal, have reserved half of the seats in PRIs for women. Among the
five states/UTs which have reported higher EWRs include Jharkhand,
Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, Chhattisgarh, and Karnataka with 59.18, 58.29,
57.83, 55.14, and 53.40% representation, respectively (TIE 2015, p. 8)
PRIs operate in a complex socioeconomic environment. Caste, class,
and gender hierarchies have a crucial bearing on institutional process
and democratic practices. Generally, participation in panchayats in India
is affected by the apathy of women. This indifference has its roots in
the long historical background of their non-participation in governance
because of entrenched caste, class, and gender hierarchies. The dominant
political culture noticed since independence has also been one patronage
and it has certainly not encouraged the participation of women in the
institutional process. Low level of education and sociocultural norms also
forbid women to enter into politics. Conservative attitude of the family
members and the system of patriarchy prevailed in society also account
for their backwardness. To some extent, poverty and lack of financial
independence often make women dependent on men. Since they do not
have independent decision-making power in the family, they often show
their apathy toward politics (Gochhayat Artatrana 2013).
It was a very bold step for the rural women to come out of their
homes and enter into the political domain that was previously monopo-
lized by the male folk. The elected women leaders have tried to over-
come these problems by different ways. They now try to be regular in
panchayat meetings and keep themselves updated. They also participate
actively in discussion at village level to overcome constraints problems.
The training programs launched by the government have also helped
them become confident and face the day-to-day issues/problems in a
better way.
There are still some inherent snags in the present system. One of such
is the rotational reservation system. First of all, only a very small per-
centage of first time women members get elected for the second or third
time. Secondly, as male members previously held all these seats, they
often manage to fix these up in favor of one of their women relatives.
Hence, it is generally found that most women representatives scarcely
possess the previous experience of being associated with political or social
organizations; the majority of ERWs get elected to seats previously held
by their family members. A study report of the Government of India
(2008) shows that 41.7% of the female pradhans and 41.8% of the female
ward members drew their inspiration for contesting panchayat elections

from their spouses. Community groups such as Mahila Mandals and self-
help groups motivated 23.3% of women to take a plunge, while political
parties ranked a poor third motivating only 6.9% of the women repre-
sentatives and that too only in the states of West Bengal, Sikkim, Tripura,
and Kerala.
Thirdly, women candidates are rarely nominated for unreserved
seats. In rural local bodies, only 10.8% of the women get elected from
unreserved seats. For male contestants, however, this figure is 49%
(Government of India 2008). Women that have got in simply through
family connections are also not effective in asserting themselves and
bringing about meaningful change. The process also entails a huge wast-
age of resources on the part of state governments as with every elec-
tion they have to start the process of training and other related activities
ab initio for the women members (Jain and Singh 2015). Thus, the rota-
tional system of reservation begets a short-term gain mindset, leading to
a lack of accountability among the PRI members.

As per the provision of the 73rd Amendment Act, panchayats are author-
ized to prepare plans for economic development and social justice and
also to execute them. To facilitate this, states are supposed to transfer 29
functions and provide funds to execute these responsibilities. Most of the
functions of panchayats are carried out through different standing com-
mittees. Each of the members remains in charge of a committee, while
the overall responsibility rests with the chairperson of the panchayat. The
panchayats are supported by a host of local officials in the formulation as
well as implementation of their policies. Apart from funds received from
the government under the recommendation of the Finance Commission,
panchayats also receive grants for executing the schemes, such as poverty
elevation programs, employment schemes, and rural development pro-
grams. They are also authorized to raise funds by imposing taxes, fees,
penalties etc.
Some states have made special provisions for women’s empower-
ment. The state of Kerala can be seen as a role model. It has earmarked
40% of the budgetary allocation for the panchayats. The planning board
has been entrusted with the task of implementation of a People’s Plan
for Panchayat development. Gender dimensions have received special
276 P. Chand
priority. A number of steps were taken in this direction. First, special

instruction was given to ensure greater participation of women in the
gram sabha meetings. Second, women-related issues were an impor-
tant theme for discussion both at gram sabha meetings and also at the
training programs conducted for the resource persons. Third, panchay-
ats are mandatorily required to make a gender impact statement while
making cost–benefit assessment of the projects. Fourth, the local bodies
were advised to set apart 10% of the grant-in-aid under women compo-
nent plan for projects directly targeting women (Radha and Chowdhury
2002, p. 56).The women component plan during its operation in last
one decade has many achievements to its credit.
For the first time, development of women was brought into the
agenda of each local body. Women were treated not as mere beneficiar-
ies but as partners in the development process. With WCP, there was a
quantum increase in the benefits given to women. Within this broad con-
text, the disadvantaged groups such as widows, separated women, and
families with unmarried girls were given more weightage while selecting
beneficiaries for various projects. These initiatives helped in enhancing
the confidence of women and improved their decision-making capacity.
Role of Women Panchayat Members in Decision Making

Reservation of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institution has facili-
tated the empowerment of women. It has ensured their participation
in the policymaking process. Now, they can take decisions, influence
decisions, and have power over values, ideas, and resources. They are
bringing transformation in politics by challenging the existing hier-
archies of power. Several studies have explored the impact of reserva-
tion on the empowerment of women in India. A study carried out in
Orissa by Hust (2007) has found that women have gained in many
respects. They have acquired a legitimate space in rural political institu-
tions. The elected women take part in the local meetings, interact with
officials, and participate in the decision-making process. The study has
concluded that reservation, as a strategy to empower women, has been
successful.
Other studies have also observed that women leaders are making a
difference in rural India. A study carried out by Chattopadhayay and
Duflo (2003) in Birbhum in West Bengal has found that women now
invest more in goods that are relevant to the needs of local women, i.e.,
water and roads. The study suggests that given the difficulty of target-
ing public transfers to specific groups in an otherwise decentralized
system, reservation may be a good tool to ensure not only adequate
representation but also adequate delivery of local public goods to dis-
advantaged groups (Chattopadhyay and Duflo 2011, p. 242). Women
leaders make a difference on the ground. It also suggests that rectifying
imbalance in the political system does result in improving in the other
spheres as well.
Women leaders are also playing an important role in promoting girl’s
education and challenging the corrupt officials in Rajasthan. In Bhadsiya
village, 115 km from the district headquarters of Nagaur in the heart of
Rajasthan, girl students in a higher secondary school used to skip classes
and lug heavy buckets of water from a hand pump outside the com-
pound to the kitchen, where their mid-day meal was prepared. This was
a daily chore the girls had to perform dutifully. Those who did not want
to do it simply absented themselves from school on the days allocated to
them. When sarpanch (head of village panchayat) Radha Devi came to
know of this, she became furious. Not only did she reprimand the princi-
pal for getting the students to do work that was outside their curriculum;
she also motivated the young girls to attend school regularly. In another
case in Ekran gram panchayat of Bharatpur district, it was due to the dili-
gent efforts of sarpanch Anguri Devi that the numbers of girl students
in the local high school could be boosted (Kumar 2013, p. 56). Thus,
the vigilant women heads of panchayats in Rajasthan are working hard to
ensure proper schooling to girls, besides seeking ways to make their vil-
lages more gender friendly.
The above case studies make it evident that women are making a dif-
ference in the local governance. They are playing an important role in
the decision-making process, giving more importance to social develop-
ment activities such as health, education, sanitation, old-age pensions,
and social welfare. The active participation of women representatives
in local affairs has enhanced their confidence that has motivated other
women to come forward. Reservation has been fruitful in two ways:
firstly, it has facilitated women empowerment; and secondly, it has also
been proved to be an effective tool to ensure adequate delivery of local
public goods to the disadvantaged groups.
278 P. Chand
Men and Women Members of Panchayat: Adversaries or

Allies?
The attitude of men toward women’s entry into politics has begun to
change from that of total rejection to limited encouragement and, in
some cases, even to active support and motivation. However, there is
still a common complaint that women’s power is being misused by their
relatives, especially their husbands. They are being portrayed as prox-
ies or puppets. Strulik (2003) rejects such castigations. He believes that
it reflects a male-centered perspective denying women’s agency and
rational. To quote Strulik (2003):
By focusing on women’s dependency on their husbands, it is often ignored

that men also depend heavily on their own support systems. Also, men
have to rely on both female and male support structures. Men have their
mothers, daughters and spouses, so that they can neglect bothering about
reproductive work. They have, of course, their circle of male friends, where
they discuss village matters, where they shape their ideas, and where they
can draw support from different patron-client type relations. Still nobody
suggests that they are puppets or proxies for someone, whereas the influ-
ence other people may have on their decisions, and their dependency on
these sources of support, may just be more hidden and subtle.
Similarly, women can also utilize their support system. They can also take
the help of their relatives including their husbands. The study by Strulik
reveals that in many cases husbands were the biggest aides of their wives
in helping them to enter a completely new arena. Though in the initial
phase there might have been an intention to manipulate the women, but
very often these processes developed their own dynamics and gradually
the women extended their scope of action. Ultimately, the whole process
has empowered the women. Thus, women, according to Strulik, are not
proxies, but are transforming the way the political field is constructed,
and are reshaping their field of action in the political arena.
Another study (Nielson ORG-MARG) on the issue of proxy has
also made similar conclusions. It observes that there is a reason to be
optimistic on this count as this practice is diminishing and women are
depending lesser on their sarpanch patis (husbands) for decision making.
It suggests that a good way of reforming this practice is to make train-
ing compulsory for all elected representatives (whether male or female)
of PRIs in order to help them discharge their duties more effectively

(CDHR, 2015).
The issue of ‘surrogate participation’ of women is one of those pop-
ular notions that just refuse to fade away. Yes, in some circumstances,
where cultural and the social environment is highly patriarchal, proxy
participation continues. However, in circumstances where surrogate par-
ticipation is seen the actual situation might be that man might be playing
a nurturing and consulting role, assisting the new woman entrant into
the panchayats. Further, while surrogate participation might exist for
the first elected term of the woman, quite often we come across situa-
tions where women have increasingly asserted themselves, once they have
gained confidence—even winning the next election on their own worth,
rather than as symbols of their male backers (Tiwari 2012). There is a
need to bring about an attitudinal change in both men and women. The
common perception that women are only meant for household activities
and childrearing needs to be transformed into a feeling of equal partner-
ship. To inculcate this attitudinal change, there is a need to impart edu-
cation and awareness to both men and women members.

Reservation of seats for women in PRIs has acted as a catalyst in the pro-
cess of women’s political empowerment. A study by Mohanty (2001)
highlights some significant transformation due to reservation of women
in panchayats. According to the study, about 80–90% of women mem-
bers attend panchayat meetings regularly, implying that democracy has
become more participatory than before at the grassroots level. This argu-
ment becomes strengthened because the socioeconomic background
of these women shows that the majority of them come from the lower
income groups, particularly at the village panchayat level. Women not
only seriously take up issues relating to basic needs—drinking water
and availability of doctors and teachers in the villages, which is dear
to them— but also want to undertake basic developmental activities.
Mohanty’s study also reveals that women in panchayats weave many
dreams and their self-perception changes when they realize the immense
potential of the public sphere. Due to their active participation in dif-
ferent activities, villagers also recognize their potential. Their respect in
family has also increased which is linked to their empowerment.
280 P. Chand
As a result of the implementation of the policy for reservation of

seats for women in local bodies, more than one million women have
become involved in active (local) politics, while another three million
are involved in the political process and have become aware of the grass-
roots institutions. So, a ground has been created to mobilize the women
of rural India to seek gender justice in a more vigorous way (Mohanty
2001, pp. 5–8). Mohanty’s study clearly indicates that women’s presence
in PRIs has had a very positive impact. It has engendered development
process at the grassroots level; there is an enhancement of women’s self-
respect in family as well as in society; and there is an active mobiliza-
tion of women in the political life at the grassroots level. Another study
(Singla 2003) points out that a large majority of the respondents feel
that it is beneficial to have women in the decision making as it would
facilitate representation of matters concerning them which are generally
forgotten in the meetings.
Overall, the impact of women’s participation in rural local bodies has
been very positive. It has helped the rural women to become empowered
not only politically but also socially, culturally, and economically. Now,
they are more confident about their rights and responsibilities in the
society. Women’s participation in public sphere has emerged as a potent
tool of social transformation. To quote Baviskar (2003, p.9):
Shubhatai of village Vitner in Maharashtra looks more confident, and her

husband has stopped battering her, thanks to her enhanced status in the
family and community after she got elected in panchayats. Even, many
men have given up drinking. More significant is the improvement in the
self-image of women and their increasing confidence and experience in
public life. They no longer obey orders from males unquestioningly
Perhaps, the most important impact is the recognition of the value of edu-
cation by women. New panchayat members experience many handicaps
due to lack of education. This makes them keen to educate their daugh-
ters. There is no doubt that female literacy and education will improve in
the near future, partly due to women’s participation in panchayats. It is
likely that the next generation of women panchayat leaders will be better
educated and, therefore, better equipped to govern local affairs.
The above observations are not intended to idealize the role of EWRs
in PRIs. Many EWRs still face different problems. Barriers to women’s
political empowerment are still widely noticed. Women’s participation

in PRIs often remains confined to their representation and reservational
participation only. Many factors are responsible for this, of which two—
psychological and low level of education—are important. The psycho-
logical factor that inhibits active participation of women in the rural local
government system is their shyness and submissiveness, and their lack of
understanding of roles and responsibilities; their low level of education
compounds this problem.
The infamous ‘pradhan-pati’ syndrome is still widely seen, especially
in northern India. In this typical phenomenon of proxy participation,
male members of the women candidate wield power on her behalf. In
some cases, women have been used as rubber stamps. Actual decisions
are being taken by their male partners. Thus, the elected women rep-
resentatives have reportedly been reduced to proxies of their male rela-
tives and are under the control of male-dominated political party system.
Often, men do not accord women the respect and regard that are their
due. Officials take advantage of their inexperience and poor educa-
tion. Effective devolution is so uneven and inadequate that oftentimes,
even the most able women are crippled for want of the rightful alloca-
tion of functions, finances, and functionaries. A Ministry of Panchayati
Raj report observes that although the womenfolk participate in the gram
sabha meetings, they remain hesitant to interact officials.
Notwithstanding difficulties as stated above, women members in pan-
chayats have generally performed well throughout the country. The pro-
cess has brought a positive change in improving the status of women,
empowered them socially, politically, and economically, and helped them
to emerge as political leaders. Women are now more aware about their
rights and are more responsive to issues of drinking water, health, educa-
tion, economic empowerment, and the issue of alcohol abuse. There is
a new awakening and consciousness among women as a result of their
active involvement in the grassroots governance.
Conclusions
The 73rd Amendment has created an opportunity for a large number
of rural women to take an active part in the PRIs. It has made Indian
democracy participatory as well inclusive in its true sense. In many
places, women have been functioning well and have engendered the
282 P. Chand
development process. The family has accepted the new role, and even
the relationship between husband and wife has been altered. The initial
hostility of men toward the change is on the decline. Now, men have
accepted the change and are trying to use women to their own advantage.
The new process has democratized the local self-government and made
people at the grassroots aware of the value of substantive democracy.
There is no denying that in an unequal patriarchal society like India,
reservation of seats for women has invariably uplifted the status of
women. However, it should not be taken as the only way of empower-
ing women. It is only a step toward empowerment, not empowerment
in itself. Therefore, women members of panchayats need to be edu-
cated and informed about politics, their rights, the nature of Indian
democracy, and policies and programs for women and the underprivi-
leged section of society. Social organizations can serve as a catalyst to
mobilize women to address their issues. As far as the role of women
in local governance in India is concerned, we can say that participa-
tion and representation are clearly different from empowerment. An
elected woman representative needs the requisite social space in order
to effect the changes that she desires. Also, the onus is on political par-
ties who must motivate and integrate more women in the political pro-
cess. Empowerment as a process is slow, but self-perpetuating. Providing
women with opportunities and support systems through reservations
and other affirmative action has the potential to put into motion a sus-
tainable process for a change in gendered power relations allowing them
to slowly but steadily break the shackles of existing boundaries. Thus,
a combination of constitutional provisions, governmental efforts, social
action programs, and self-awakening among rural women is needed to
eventually facilitate the Indian women to become an active part of the
mainstream political system.
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CHAPTER 16
Gender and Local Governance in Pakistan
Nasira Jabeen and Umm-e-Farwa Mubasher
No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you.
We are victims of evil customs. It is crime against humanity that our women are
shut up within the four walls of the houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere
for the deplorable condition in which our women have to live.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Father of the Nation (Speech at a meeting of the
Muslim University Union, Aligarh, March 10, 1944).
A wide range of governance and administrative reforms has been initi-

ated in different parts of the world in the last four decades to bring in
more efficiency, more effectiveness, better responsiveness and improved
performance of institutions, specifically public sector institutions. Since
the implications of governance for progress are commonly accepted
and good governance is viewed as an imperative for development, the
N. Jabeen (*) 
Institute of Administrative Sciences, University of the Punjab
Lahore, Pakistan
U.F. Mubasher 
Institute of Administrative Sciences, University of the Punjab
Lahore, Pakistan

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_16
286 N. Jabeen and U.F. Mubasher
concept is at the heart of recent governance and management reforms.

Therefore, a key emphasis of the reform initiatives remains largely on
various dimensions of good governance as identified by the World Wide
Governance Indicators (WGI) such as devolution, political stability, part-
nership, participation, accountability and rule of law (Christensen and
Laegreid 2007; UNDP 2007; World Bank 1992).
The latitude of governance goes far from the above, encompassing
other values such as public empowerment, cooperative accomplishment,
shared negotiations and communal countenance. It comprises “the
manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country’s
economic and social resources” (World Bank 1992) and the exercise of
economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country’s
affairs at all levels. Despite the normative and descriptive variations in
the above views, they all consider public empowerment and involve-
ment, gender parity, transparency, accountability, efficiency and bottom-
up approach to decision-making as core dimensions of governance. The
rigid boundaries among public, business and civic society sector get
blurred in the new mode of governance as all three are considered as
partners and imperative players in the process.
An equal and full participation of all stakeholders irrespective of gender
is extremely important in decision-making for uniform human resource
development, effective governance and sustainable development. Gender-
responsive and gender-sensitive governance has also received global atten-
tion. Both gender equity and equality of opportunities are recognized as key
strategies for development and adopted as part of development framework
by the international development organizations (ADB 2008; DFID 2007).
It is widely acknowledged that women constitute half of the world’s popula-
tion and it is unfair and unreasonable to not include this half of the human
race in the process of development. Gender representation and participa-
tion at various levels have thus received considerable attention, resulting in
expanded roles for women in various echelons of governance. This phenom-
enon has taken place not only in developed countries but also in developing
countries including Pakistan where women have been allocated an increased
share in political governance. At local level alone, they have been provided
33% of representation through a system of Devolution of Power Plan
2001 to enhance their political participation in governance (NRB 2006;
Bari 2000).
Local governments throughout the world serve as the basic com-
ponent of democracy and provide the stage for public to be part of
16 GENDER AND LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN PAKISTAN 287
formulation, execution and implementation of local-level policies and

civic provisions. Local governments help communities in organizing
their efforts at the grassroots level and enable them to voice their con-
cerns in power corridors. They are well thought out to be a platform
to develop sound political leadership and a nursery for good govern-
ance. An analysis of the local governance system in Pakistan suggests that
although the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan provides
for equality, participation, right to vote and protection against discrimi-
nation (Articles 25, 27, 34), no major effort was made to improve the
participation of women at the local level in a true sense (Jabeen and
Jadoon 2009). Article 25 of the constitution states: “All citizens are
equal before law and are entitled to equal protection of law and there
shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex alone,” while Article 27
offers shield from discrimination in employment and states: “No citi-
zen otherwise qualified for employment in the services of Pakistan
shall be discriminated against on the basis of race, religion, cast or sex”
(Khosa 1992). Furthermore, Article 34 of the constitution indicates
the state’s pledge to guarantee the participation of women in different
spheres of life and provides for assenting the state action in this regard
(Khosa 1992).
Keeping in line with the above constitutional provisions, the previ-
ous constitutions of Pakistan (1956, 1962, 1970, 1973 and 1985) pro-
vided for the reservation of 5–10% of seats for women to promote their
representation at the local level. But the Local Government Ordinance
of 2001, in response to global trends, gender awareness and civil soci-
ety backing, earmarked 33% of seats for women at all three tiers of
local governance, i.e., District Council, Tehsil Council and Union
Council through an affirmative action. The noteworthy representation
of women in local governance at different levels was regarded as a turn-
ing point reform in the context of Pakistan that was projected to offer
novel opening of prospects for Pakistani women to establish themselves
at the grassroots level and express their concerns in the policy arena.
Correspondently, it was anticipated that such an opportunity would
enable women to participate in political, fiscal and community decision-
making arenas on equivalent footing and would help in eradicating gen-
der prejudices and biases innate in Pakistani society (ADB 2008; UNDP
2007; World Bank 2005) (Fig. 16.1).
Much of the existing literature in this regard has focused on the
issues, problems, obstacles and causes of low and limited participation
Fig. 16.1 Local government structure in Pakistan
of women in local governance process attributing them mainly to politi-

cal, economic, social and demographic factors in Pakistan. Nevertheless,
there is an emerging concern that to ensure full participation of women
in local governance requires to turning the coin’s side and evaluating
roles, responsibilities, performance and effectiveness of women in line
with the shift from local government to local governance. This chapter
explores the role of women local councillors in Pakistan. It focuses on a
number of issues such as the content of different legislation on local gov-
ernment and the context of their implementation, roles and responsibili-
ties of local councillors, problems they face while performing functions
and the attitude of men and women councillors toward each other. The
paper makes an overall assessment of the role of women local councillors
in Pakistan.
Trajectory of Local Government and Governance

in Pakistan
The history of local government structure in Pakistan can be traced

back to the All India Municipal Act of 1850 which established the base
for local government legislature at a larger scale. Afterward, several acts
and resolutions were made during the colonial rule to reinforce the
structure together with the Lord Mayo’s Resolution in 1870 on admin-
istrative and financial devolution and Lord Ripon’s Resolution in 1882
on local self-governance which permitted provinces self-sufficiency and

authority to structure legislature on local government systems (NRB
2006). The colonial local government structure was mainly designed
to oblige the colonial interests such as collection of land proceeds and
preservation of law and order. Bureaucratization, elitism, centralization,
command and control and state dominance over local institutions were
the main features of the then local government structure (Jabeen and
Jadoon 2009).
At her independence from the British rule in 1947, Pakistan inherited
a system of local government which was characterized as an amalgam
of British colonialism and Indian origin with unstable institutions and
unbalanced progress. It continued in the early years of the post-colonial
period. Regardless of the realization and need for having an indigenous
local government system appropriate to the local requirements of the
soil, numerous acts and laws such as the Land Revenue Act, 1967; Police
Act, 1861; and Criminal Procedure Code and Pakistan Penal Code,
1860, persisted to be executed as in the colonial period, and a status quo
was maintained concerning supremacies of the officials, i.e., commission-
ers, deputy commissioners, assistant commissioners, police officers and
civil servants of other ranks.
Over the years, every initiative to bring local democracies closer to
people through changing laws, policies, acts and manuals actually created
more distance and increased gap among the masses, elected officials and
administration. For instance, in 1956 and 1962, an effort was made to
introduce constitutional changes in the prevalent local government sys-
tem and the basic democracies system was introduced in 1959 through
the promulgation of Basic Democracies Ordinance 1959. The Municipal
Administration Ordinance was introduced in 1960. However, both of
these ordinances could not be implemented due to the rise in politi-
cal disturbance and instability in the country. Basic democracies system
(1959) was introduced by the military regime of General Ayub Khan
after disbanding the previous system of local government as part of the
government’s efforts to promote people’s participation in local affairs.
All necessary arrangements were made to implement the new system.
However, after the fall of Ayub Khan’s government in 1969, the sys-
tem could not be executed as designed (Local Government Department,
Sindh, 2004). Similarly, an altogether new system of local government
was designed by the first democratically elected government of the
country in 1975 through promulgation of people’s Local Government

Ordinance 1975. It also remained unimplemented due to the postpone-
ment of local government elections. Thus, bureaucrats and politicians
maintained their control over local institutions throughout the period
(Jabeen and Jadoon 2009).
The existing local government system, which owes its origin to the
Devolution of Power Plan 2001 was envisaged by the military govern-
ment of General Pervez Musharraf and introduced in the country on
August 14, 2001, through the promulgation of Local Government
Ordinance 2000. National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB), a federal
agency specifically established for this purpose, was given the responsi-
bility to design, develop and lead the plan. NRB formulated the devo-
lution of power plan which provided a conceptual and legal framework
for the new system of local governance for each of the four provinces
of Pakistan: Punjab, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan. The
official goals of devolution included: devolving political power to elected
politicians, decentralization of administrative authority, distribution of
resources to districts, deconcentration of management functions and dif-
fusion of power–authority nexus for transparency and checks and bal-
ances in the system through oversight by citizens.
In other words, the system of Devolution of Power Plan 2001 emu-
lated the transformation in development thinking over time, reflect-
ing a paradigm shift that took place from local government to local
governance by the year 2000. A marked change noted in this shift was
inclusiveness and integration, involvement of people in the process of
development, based on the realization that all development should be
ultimately people oriented, and without their engagement in the pro-
cess, no goals can be achieved as desired. Keeping in line with this grad-
ual shift in development thinking, the Devolution of Power Plan 2001
clearly defined the functions of each of the three tiers of local govern-
ance, i.e., districts, tehsils and unions. In order to ensure involvement
of various groups, it provided for the reservation of 33% of seats for
women and 20% for workers/peasants at all levels of local government.
Nevertheless, devolution, after the completion of its first term, has taken
the next terms in 2005 and 2013 (only in Punjab and Sindh provinces),
but is still facing many institutional, organizational and human resource
challenges.
Women in Local Government: From Marginal

Representation to “Critical Mass”?
Women comprise 49.2% of the total population of Pakistan.1 Women’s
representation and participation in political forums of Pakistan have
never been so promising. For a long time, they were either absent or
marginally represented in formal political forums, from parliament to
local government level. Throughout the history of Pakistan, their rep-
resentation in National Assembly was no more than 2.2%. During the
years 1947–2000, the representation of women could not be more than
1.0%. Their participation was further lower in Senate and the National
Assembly as there had never been any reserved seat for women at that
level till the year 2000. It was late in the year 2000, when 17% quota was
earmarked for women in National Assembly and the Senate. The situ-
ation was not different in the case of Provincial Assemblies. The local
government was the level that witnessed the most vulnerable women’s
representation at various levels. However, trends have changed gradually,
and this lowest tier has also started receiving attention in studies for its
significance, influence and shifting pattern with regard to women repre-
sentation and participation as exhibited in Table 16.1.
The metropolitan and village local government is a three-level admin-
istration structure (Union Council, Tehsil/Town Council and District
Council). Excluding the Union Councils, the associates of all the supple-
mentary councils are circuitously designated. The designated councillors
Table 16.1 Women’s representation in local government in Pakistan
Time Regime Representation

Period
1958–1962 Ayub Khan No special representation under Basic Democracies

1971–1977 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto No special representation was provided
1977–1985 Zia-ul-Haq Two seats at UC and 10% for other tiers except NWFP
1988–1990 Benazir Bhutto Local government elections were not held
1990–1993 Nawaz Sharif 10.4%
1994–1996 Benazir Bhutto Local government elections were not held
1997–1999 Nawaz Sharif 12.7% in Punjab 25.8% in Balochistan, 2.9% in NWFP
and 23% in Sindh
1999–2008 Pervez Musharraf 33% at all levels
Source Adapted from Aurat Foundation (2001)

Table 16.2 Status of women in local government in Pakistan
Local government level No. of seats reserved for women No. of elected women
Union Council 36,066 32,222

Tehsil Council 1749 1675
Town Council 161 161
District Councils 1988 1905
Total 39,964 35,963
Women elected on reserved seats for Minorities 126
Women elected on Nazim/Naib Nazim seats 16
Total No. of elected women 36,105
Source Adapted from Rayes (2002)
at the union level form the Electoral College for all elections for the
Tehsil/Town and District Councils. It was a common apprehension of
the Local Government Ordinance 2001 that women would probably be
reluctant to compete for the local government polls or their partaking
would be restricted by ethnic and societal barricades. Reality, however,
falsified this apprehension. Women ventured into local governments
arena in large number and substantiated 90% of the seats reserved for
them, and their fringe representation headed to the trend of becoming
a critical mass. This silent revolution was replayed again and again in all
local government elections. As Table 16.2 shows, women contenders
fared well in the local elections and chairs earmarked for women in the
Union Council were occupied every single time.
With reference to the summary profile of designated women coun-
cillors who were likely to lead the planned transformation in the social
and political setting of Pakistan, the prevailing statistics echoed that the
mainstream of women (60%) was comparatively beginners and younger
(age was less than 45 years), 75% had never been elected before, 73.7%
were housewives and half of them were uneducated (Bari 2000; Social
Audit 2004–2006). In standings of socioeconomic rank of elected
women, the ADB (2004) report stated that 52% of the elected women
were underprivileged or monetarily reliant on, 32% coming from work-
ing or middle class, 13% from the upper middle class and only 3%
belonging to the landlord or elite class (Asian Development Bank 2004).
Recently, the local body elections on a non-party basis were held
under the supervision of the Election Commission of Pakistan. The first
phase of local elections was held in two major provinces of Pakistan,
Table 16.3 Seat distribution in Punjab for local government elections 2015
Category of District Metropolitan Municipal Municipal Union Total

seats councils corporations corporation committees councils
Chairman/ 3281 274 460 – –

Vice
Chairmen
General 19,686 1644 2760 3587 –
Women 6562 548 920 657 6562
Peasants & 3281 274 460 – –
Workers
Youth 3281 274 460 182 3281
Non- 3281 274 460 222 3281
Muslims
Total seats 39,372 3288 5520 4863 16,405 69,448
Source Election Commission of Pakistan (2015)
Punjab and Sindh, on October 31, 2015. There were thousands of can-
didates of different parties who had participated in the local government
elections. In Punjab, the main rivalry was between the two major politi-
cal parties, i.e., Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz (PLMN) and Pakistan
Tehrik-e- Insaf (PTI). In Sindh, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) was
the dominant party. The elections were held to disperse administrative
and financial authority to local governments in order to ensure good
governance at the grassroots level. Seats were reserved for women in Zila
Council2, and it was the responsibility of the Election Commissioner to
organize and conduct elections fairly. Tables 16.3 and 16.4 show, among
other things, the nature of the representation of women in local elections
in Punjab and Sindh, respectively.
While preparations for local government election were made and seat
distribution was planned in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, no
such effort was made in the province of Baluchistan (Table 16.5).
Pathways to Political Power at the Local Level

Women in Pakistan have taken different pathways to reach to the highest
political forum of decision-making over time. Since the independence of
Pakistan, the trajectory of women participation in policymaking indicates
that women till 2000 were not able to mark a visible entrance in the man
subjugated realm of politics. As per Gender-Organization-System (GOS)
Table 16.4 Seat distribution in Sindh for local government elections 2015
Category District Metropolitan District Municipal Town com- Union com- Union Total
of seats councils corporations Municipal committees mittees mittees councils
corporation/
Municipal
corporation
Chairman/Mayor Vice 48 02 18 72 296 702 2350

Chairman/Deputy
Mayor
General 1175 209 351 605 984 1404 4700
Women 389 69 116 201 332 702 2350
Peasants & Workers 58 10 19 40 148 351 1175
Youth 58 10 19 40 148 351 1175
Non-Muslims 58 10 19 40 148 351 1175
Total seats 1786 310 542 998 2056 3861 12,925 22,478
Source Election Commission of Pakistan (2015)

Table 16.5 Seat distribution in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa for local government

elections 2015
Category District councils Tehsil councils V/N councils Total
General 978 978 23,111 25,067

Women 329 335 6678 7342
Peasants/Workers 59 85 3339 3483
Youth 59 85 3339 3483
Minority 59 85 3339 3483
Total 1484 1568 39,806 42,858
Source Local Government, Elections and Rural Development Department, Government of Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa. http://lgkp.gov.pk/wp-content/gallery/lg-elections-2015/Seats-distribution-in-KP-for-
LGE-2015.png
approach, they were facing different systematic (legal, political, cultural),

organizational (gender composition, opportunities for training and
development, participation in decision-making, mentoring and network-
ing, gender-friendly policies and practices), personal (familial, education,
skill development, self-confidence, socialization, domestic responsibili-
ties) and environmental factors as impediments to their entry into the
political arena (Jabeen 2001). The state enabled them to represent and
participate at that level through legitimate electoral reforms (i.e., quota/
representation of seats through affirmative action). While the social,
political, cultural and economic environments are stirring in contradic-
tion to women’s administrative partaking and representation, then the
state becomes responsible to take measures through the means of leg-
islative as well as administrative restructurings to facilitate the process of
transformation in favor of gender parity in governmental arrangements
and courses.
In line with the above, the government of Pakistan established distinct
departments, ministries and bodies to address women concerns, review
existing laws and policies and reform legislation on status of women such
as National Commission on Status of Women, 2000; Gender Reform
Action Plans (GRAPs), 2004; and Women Development Department,
2012. More recently, Provincial Commissions on Status of Women 2015
have been established to brace enactment of policies and incorporation
of gender in governance reforms. Besides the above, numerous strategies
and policies, i.e., National Policy for Development and Empowerment
of Women, 2002; the National Plan of Action, 1998; and the 10 Year
Perspective Plan (2000–2011), integrated the state’s pledge to endorse

involvement of women in all domains of life. After the 18th amendment
in the Constitution of Pakistan, provinces have been accorded more
responsibility to craft and ensure execution of reforms. All partners in
governance including public, private, civic society establishments and
community are making concerted efforts to promote as well as facili-
tate women participation in politics and decision-making forums at par
with men (Jabeen and Jadoon 2009). The rising trends in local govern-
ance partaking and working practices of women councillors in Pakistan
endorse that legislative, electoral and administrative reforms through an
affirmative action and gender quota are the pathway to women’s entry
and progression at the local level.
The literature on defining political career progression of women can
be broadly classified into traditional and newer pathways; nevertheless,
regardless of the paths, all trails continue to be slender and insufficiently
defined. A brief discussion in this regard is presented below:
The “traditional pathways” into political affairs normally comprise of
a long-lasting participation with the political party and practice on the
local level, for instance, presiding an electorate party, performing as party
representative or, most frequently, sedentary as a local councillor. At pre-
sent, there is a certain deviation in these traditional pathways together
with: “the political activist,” “the trade unionist” and “the civic activist” as
follows:
1. The political activist: The profile of many candidates who currently

are representatives reveals their pathways into politics. It began in
their childhood with their blood relations and kinfolks’ political
participation.
2. The trade unionist: Trade unionism remained a predominantly
significant track for numerous members into politics, e.g., the
Pakistan People Party (PPP, a political party founded by Zulfiqar
Ali Bhutto) and other parties. Trade unions are deliberated to be
the key path through which working-class individuals collect back-
ing and counseling that stand essential to turn out to be councillor
and at that juncture a fellow of assembly/parliament/government
later.
3. The civic activist: A number of legislators point out the ways
some particular occasions encouraged them to catch up with poli-
tics. Other representatives discourse about exactly how specific
concerns driven their participation in politics, for instance, gender

equality Gender equality rights, association with human rights or
civil society organizations Civil Society Organization (CSO).
The new pathways usually include working involvement in policymak-

ing, college or university training, specialized achievement, participation
in activism or an interest group, specific expertise set and/or personal
self-belief, passion and motivation for public service, etc. It may also be
drawn from professional involvement, for instance, the activism and analy-
sis abilities of an advocate, education of public administration or politics
education and training. Thus, novel pathways contain the undergraduate
candidate, the specialized representative, the personal motivation centered
politician and the politics enabling professionals. “New pathways” are
undoubtedly further exclusive. University training and proficient experi-
ence specifically in the field public administration and policymaking ought
to become the prominent features of present politicians. To conclude,
new pathways as compared to traditional pathways are more diverse and
flexible requiring multiple skill sets which encourage educated, skilled and
professional people to join the process of local governance.

The last four decades of the twentieth century have witnessed a substan-
tial transformation in the roles and responsibilities of women in terms
of their representation and participation in governmental, fiscal, societal
and managerial arenas. While women around the world have extensive
roles to play in different spheres of life, differences are there in terms
of their contribution, input and fully fledged performance from area to
area and state to state. The yardstick of the progress of nations today is
determined on the basis of women’s partaking in politics, governance,
decision-making bodies and power corridors of societies. Keeping in line,
the roles and responsibilities of women councillors need to be revisited in
the context of Pakistan.
It is manifested from different research studies and reports that
women leaders generally possess a considerate association and coopera-
tive style that are considered as effective to encourage the performance
of the subordinates. Moreover, women add further comfort to the work
environment through their particular and natural tendencies of collab-
orating and resolving issues. Women leaders have the benefit of being
intensely attentive on associations, contented with effective ways of com-

munication, functioning on networks and assimilating anything they dis-
cern at workplace and family. The review of local government reports
and documents suggests that women councillors frequently make use of
indigenous strategies, set working principles and premises and show con-
cerns for the effectiveness of their administrations. Women are involved
in strategic planning aimed at the development of the entire community
with wider prospects. They define the fiscal policy and allocate funds
through committee budgets. They contribute toward backing wide-rang-
ing issues concerning their communities and play their effective role in
improving inter-governmental relations at different tiers of local govern-
ance and establishing alliances and agreements with other partners, i.e.,
corporate sector and civil society organizations. The review of local gov-
ernment research reports and documents also endorses the above charac-
teristics relating to women’s roles and responsibilities at that level:
Women councillors are vocal in raising issues of public interest, they asked
questions regarding financial irregularities during the sessions, staged walk
outs, held press conferences and organized protest rallies on the issues of
their concerns. There are number of stories of courage that women coun-
cillors were able to tell, how they fought for the political space and the
financial resources in the local government. How they managed to mobi-
lized resources for social welfare of their communities. Women councillors
were particularly active in facilitating the poor to access safety nets such as
Zakat3 and Bait-ul-Mal fund4. They helped their community members in
arranging funds for dowry, marriages, children’s admission in schools, and
getting identity cards. Also women councillors played a role in facilitating
local communities to interface with the line departments and were able to
mediate needs of their constituents with the government. (GoP 2010)
Women are thus managing the administration of public resources quite

effectively, accepting their new challenging roles willingly and paving
ways for other women for public partaking.
Men and Women Councillors: Adversaries or Allies?

There is a general saying that women and men are like two wheels of
the same cart. Only if both of them are balanced and stable enough to
perform equally better, only then the cart may run well. Likewise, no
cart can run with one wheel or sufficiently small wheel as compared to
the other. The same applies to the role and status of men and women in
society. A society can develop and progress only if all of its members fully
participate in all spheres of life. However, research studies and reports
illustrate that mainstream of female councillors often faces male oppo-
sition for their administrative partaking in the local government (Aurat
Foundation 2005).
The male supremacy in local structures, particularly on higher seat
of authority such as that of the position of Nazim and common male-
controlled mentality of the public representatives, is commonly cited
as fundamental obstacles in the way of smooth functioning of women
councillors. Traditions of purdah, gender segregation, rigid role divi-
sions on the basis of gender, negative politics and thana kacheri5 culture
restrict women to come up with their fullest potential in constituencies
and impede their efforts. Political parties with male dominance become
the gatekeepers in the entry of women in politics. Women party fellows
are treated by means of inferiority, and important decision-making posi-
tions are not allocated to them in their particular party.
Women are not professed equally prospective contenders to win,
henceforth differentiated in the allotment of party ticket. Women coun-
cillors are often not informed of the time and venue of the conferences/
meetings/summits organized at various forums. On the other hand, if
they get invited and go for attending the meeting, they are not supplied
with any sort of agenda or schedule. It is realized that the Nazims and
male councillors deliberately discount women since they do not consider
it indispensable for women to be participative in the decision-making
practices. At times, women are tormented with unrelated queries and
comments throughout the meetings, for example, topics of “Pardah”
(veil) and wearing jewelry, makeup and dressing.
Their testament is to be considered as half, and their status is deter-
mined as per traditional societal norms and customs and ascribed as lower
than that of their male counterparts. Some reports also point that women
councillors are humiliated by male members when they demand for
traveling allowance or daily allowance, resources and conveyance facility.
Women are ridiculed by male councillors for their dearth of information
concerning the meeting decorum. Several Nazims and men fellows treat
women kindly, nonetheless not as per their equivalent counterparts. It
also has been observed that when Nazims and men fellows require back-
ing from women councillors and their effort, they at that moment treat
them cordially and deal with reverence and assistance (GoP 2010).
On the other hand, a record number of studies of women council-

lors via different NGOs (Aurat Foundation 2005; Bari 2000) as referred
earlier indicate that female councillors did not accept the state of affairs
submissively. They objected on biased behaviors and arrogant attitudes
of Nazims and other influential position holders. They performed walk
outs, staged protests in public and press meetings to convict Nazims’
unfair conduct in allocating development resources. A few vocal ones
also claimed on checking the execution of their development schemes
(Aurat Foundation 2005).

Traditional cultural norms in Pakistani society are based on male domi-
nancy rules and division of roles and responsibilities for women and
men. While men are assigned more prominent roles in the public arena,
women are assigned roles that largely confine them to domestic sphere.
Women roles in politics in the past restricted them largely to the promo-
tion of political parties and convincing womenfolk to come out of their
homes and casting vote in elections. Their starring role in the party was
restricted to the association of females section, organization of females in
courtesy of party and encouraging women for campaigning and marches.
These roles restricted women’s full representation and participation in
social, economic, community and political arenas and even affected their
occupational aspiration.
Despite having twice elected the women Prime Minister, Ms. Benazir
Bhutto in Pakistan, women representation in politics remained very low
and limited till late 2000 as discussed earlier. It was only in 2001 that
women were allocated a visible representation of 33% in local govern-
ance of the country through an affirmative action under the Devolution
of Power Plan system. The substantial representation of women at local
level was pathbreaking in the history of Pakistan which ultimately set
the basis for making their way through the complex contextual tradi-
tions and accepting challenging public and political roles with changing
trends (Jabeen and Jadoon 2009). The participation of women in direct
polls facilitated a more open culture, empowerment and egalitarian roles
for women and men in Pakistani society. An unprecedented number of
women (36,105) were elected as representatives of local governance at
different levels, i.e., district, tehsil and union as a result of 2000–2001
elections. The elected women councillors belonged to diverse social,

economic and political background which ultimately proved to be very
helpful in forming the critical mass to organize women of all strata of
society and voicing their community-specific concerns in the policy
arena.
There were certain apprehensions regarding the performance of
elected women in the local councils and their contribution in the newly
established system. How the elected women would conduct themselves
and cope with certain challenges in the system was another area of con-
cern which proved to be false by the ending time of their electorates. All
of them did not get comparable prospects and trials in the first term of
local government and faced numerous challenges at systemic, organiza-
tional and personal level regardless of their large representation in quan-
titative terms. Overall, women proved themselves to be capable in terms
of their competency and received marvelous recognition and pride from
their superiors, peers, relatives and communities. Their participation and
support too directed the approval of numerous bits of pro-women leg-
islation and strategies by the federal and provincial government. Some
of these women were groomed into energetic public workers, social
activists and supporters of community concerns. Even after the comple-
tion of the term of their local governments, many of them continued to
be the dynamic members in their societies providing for administrative
and financial sustenance of their community fellows. A large number of
women who initiated their political career as councillors at the Union
Council level took part in 2008 and 2013 general election and became
the participants of Provincial Assemblies.
The report on Social Audit of Governance and Delivery of Services,
CIET 2004, noted the following findings about women councillors:
The satisfaction of general public with the local government institutions

at Union Council increased in 2004 (54%) as compared to 2002 (48%).
It was noted that in the case of women councillors, the level of satisfac-
tion was higher. Health and Education were mentioned as two areas
where quality of service delivery was recorded as satisfactory particularly
by women. During the same period there was 2% increase in enrolment
in public schools particularly among girls from 2002 to 2004. On average
57% women approached women councillors for help in solving various
problems. Although there was a general complaint among women coun-
cillors that they did not have the power to resolve people’s issues, they
were still seen making an effort to connect them to relevant institutions/

officials to resolve their issues. The accessibility of women councillors and
their supportive attitude toward their constituents earned them respect and
social status. (GoP 2010, p.11)
The above findings and discussion revealed that women performed a sig-
nificant role in bringing problems of violence, health, education, envi-
ronment and governance on agenda for discussion and finding solutions
using all possible measures and governmental ways. They adapted the
learning philosophy, enhanced their understanding of the rules, regula-
tions and policies, actively participated in dialog by questioning things,
holding over cues and calling attention notifications.
Conclusions
To conclude, decentralization and good governance set the basis for
bringing women into the mainstream politics and decision-making in
Pakistan. It became evident that when women come into the public
sphere of policymaking by means of affirmative action or legislation, they
encountered certain challenges and constraints mainly by the patriar-
chal mind-set of the society. However, a review of the performance of
women councillors at the end of the first term of Devolution of Power
Plan 2001 revealed that women performed their roles and responsibilities
considerably well by making their mark, creating an enabling environ-
ment in institutions and paving ways for fellow women members of their
communities for their contribution. At the same time, dearth of politi-
cal understanding, specific expertise, knowledge of the local government
functioning, leadership and decision-making skills among councillors in
common and women councillors in specific were recognized as the key
areas of intervention by the government, civil society and donor organi-
zations to enhance the capacity of the members at that level.
After the 18th amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan and the
National Finance Commission (NFC) award, more responsibility has
been assigned to provinces and districts to improve upon their govern-
ance, education and health provision which highlights more a prominent
role for local-level governance. Keeping in view, specific reforms and
interventions in this direction may include provision of essential infor-
mation of local government framework, laws, policies and regulations,
increasing specific governance, public administration and management
education, coalitions, networking and partnership opportunities among

the key partners at the district level along with gender sensitivity training,
institutional association and support, capacity building for devolution
administration, leadership, decision-making and human resource skills to
enhance effectiveness of women councillors.
Notes
1. Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, http://www.pbs.gov.pk, 2016.
2. A Zila Council consists of all Union Nazims (Nazim is the title in Urdu
of the chief elected official of a local government in Pakistan, such as a
district, tehsil, union council or village council) in the district, which con-
sists of members elected on the reserved seats. These seats are reserved
for women, peasants, workers and minority community. The Zila Council
has its Secretariat under the Naib (the word Naib in Urdu literally means
“assistant” or “deputy”) Zila Nazim and has a separate budget allocation.
3. Zakat “that which purifies” is a form of almsgiving treated as a religious
tax and/or religious obligation in Islam.
4. Pakistan Bait-ul-Mal (PBM), “an autonomous body set up through 1991
Act. PBM is significantly contributing toward poverty alleviation through
its various poorest of the poor focused services and providing assistance to
destitute, widow, orphan, invalid, infirm & other needy persons, as
per eligibly criteria approved by Bait-ul-Mal Board” http://www.pbm.gov.
pk/pbm.html.
5. Thana culture is deeply rooted within the policing system. This includes
rude behavior of the police, torture, corruption, misuse of power, illegal
detention and inefficiency to use it according to one’s desire.
References
ADB (Asian Development Bank) (2008). ADB Supporting Implementation of
Gender Reform Action Plans In Pakistan, www.adb.org/prf.
Aurat, Foundation. (2001). Citizen’s campaign for women representation in
local government. Islamabad: Aurat Publication and Information Service
Foundation.
Aurat, Foundation. (2005). Citizens’ campaigns for women’s participation in local
government election 2001 and 2005: backdrop, glimpses of the campaigns, overall
results. Islamabad: Aurat Publication and Information Service Foundation.
Bari, F. (2000). Local government elections. Islamabad: Ministry of Women and
Development.
Christensen, T., & Lægreid, P. (2007). Regulatory agencies−The challenges of

balancing agency autonomy and political Control. Governance, 20(3), 497–519.
Department for International Development (DFID). (2007). Gender equality
action plan 2007–2009: Making faster progress to gender equality. London:
DFID.
Election Commission of Pakistan (2015) Report on Local Government Elections
2015, http://ecp.gov.pk/Documents/LG%20Elections/LGE2015_Report.pdf.
Government of Pakistan. (2010). Study on local bodies system and its impact on
women. Islamabad: National Commission on the Status of Women.
Jabeen, N. (2001). Gender, organization, system: A framework for research on
women in management. Asian Profile, 29(6), 93–101.
Jabeen, N., & Jadoon, M. Z. I. (2009). Gender and local governance in
Pakistan: Representation vs. Participation. International NGO Journal, 4(5),
264–276.
Khosa, A. (1992). The constitution of Pakistan. Lahore: Kausar Brothers.
National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB). (2006). The local government system,
2001. Islamabad: Government of Pakistan.
UNDP. (2007). Gender parity report. New York: UNDP.
World Bank. (1992). Governance and development. Washington, D.C: The World
Bank.
World Bank. (2005). Pakistan country gender assessment. Washington, D.C: The
World Bank.
CHAPTER 17
Testing the Politics of Presence: Women’s

Representation in Local Government
in Sri Lanka
Kamala Liyanage
The Constitution of Sri Lanka (1978) guarantees both women and men
the fundamental rights to equality. Article 12(2) of the Constitution
states: “No citizen shall be discriminated against on the ground of
race, religion, language, caste, sex, political opinion, place of a birth
or any one of such grounds.” Sri Lanka has ratified the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) and the Convention on
the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1981),
which stress the equal rights of men and women in all sphere of life.
Moreover, Sri Lanka has guaranteed women’s rights by issuing the
Women’s Charter (1993). Achievements of Sri Lankan women in terms
of literacy, education, health, physical quality of life, and life expectancy
are remarkable. Sri Lanka has a high Human Development Index for
women which is praiseworthy and is often cited as a model for devel-
oping countries (Handbook on Sex Disaggregated Data—Sri Lanka,
2003). Sri Lanka produced the first woman prime minister (1960).
K. Liyanage (*) 

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_17
306 K. Liyanage
Two topmost positions of the government—the presidency and the

premiership—were held by two women at the same time (1994–2004).
However, notwithstanding this commendable achievement, women
generally remain seriously underrepresented in politics, both at local
and national levels. The percentage of Sri Lankan women’s representa-
tion in the Parliament has been below six since 1977, and in Provincial
Councils, less than 5% since its inception in 1987. The percentage of
women’s representation in local governments was 1.9% in 1997, 1.8% in
2004, and 1.9% in 2011.
This chapter explores the reasons underlying the low representation
of women in local government in Sri Lanka. It will also try to analyze
the results of the last (2011) local elections, focusing specially on the
strategies adopted by winning and non-winning male and female candi-
dates. The paper will also seek to identify the challenges faced by women
in Sri Lankan local politics. It is expected that understanding the lack
of representation of women in local governments in Sri Lanka will help
us better understand their underrepresentation at the two upper tiers—
provincial and national levels. The information for this study was gath-
ered immediately after the 2011 local elections were held. Interviews
were conducted with 26 female candidates (7 successful, 13 unsuccess-
ful, and 6 rejected applicants), 19 male candidates (14 successful and 5
unsuccessful), 6 administrators, 4 journalists, and 9 civil society activists.
Besides, sixteen case studies were done on 11 women local representa-
tives and five defeated women candidates. Focused Group Discussions
(FGDs) were held in 15 Pradesheeya Sabhas (Village Council) between
February 2010 and July 2011. The FGDs consisted of male and female
councilors of local governments, candidates, rejected applicants, local
administrators, local party leaders and activists, Women’s Development
Officers, religious leaders, election monitoring officers and local election
officers, journalists, community leaders and members of Village Women’s
Society’s, and some voters.1
Political Representation of Women: Feminist Arguments

The lack of adequate representation of women in public life reflects a sig-
nificant loss of human resources to the nation. It raises serious questions
about the validity and reliability of the decision-making process. Several
arguments have been put forwarded by feminist political scientists to jus-
tify the equal representation of women in public bodies. The presence of
17 TESTING THE POLITICS OF PRESENCE: WOMEN’S REPRESENTATION … 307
women in elected bodies is evidence of the existence of equality between

men and women and hence strengthens the legitimacy of equal rights
and opportunity. It also will promote participatory democracy, demo-
cratic political systems, good governance, and peace. It is a matter of dis-
tributive justice that women should have a share in positions of power
and authority commensurate with their demographic weight or their
contribution to society. It also will guarantee equal citizenship and rights
to women. It is a matter of social utility that the pools of talents from
which public bodies are recruited should be effectively doubled and that
the decision-making process should be enriched by, e.g., the nurturing
experience of women. Besides, by participating at decision-making lev-
els, women will be able to make qualitative changes in their lives and to
develop their leadership skills.
It also provides role models for individual women by making them
more satisfied with their leadership role and their contribution to the
nation. Moreover, women’s participation in politics will give them more
confidence to work with society at large. It is important for women as
a group, distinguished by their reproductive role (whether potential or
actual), to be represented by those who share such a role so that they will
protect their interests. The increase in the number of women in politi-
cal institutions can create positive attitudes toward conventional poli-
tics. Democratic, sincere, flexible, committed, hardworking, thrifty and
less corrupted women can create more women-friendly political insti-
tutions and processes. This will contribute to the change in the nature
of political institutions and the political culture (Currel 1973; Vallance
1979; Kohn 1980; Norris 1987). Both women and men should be given
opportunities to plan and implement development strategies. Then only
a country can achieve sustainable development (Boserup 1970).
Women in Sri Lankan Local Governments

Local governments are considered as training grounds for future politi-
cal leaders. The Municipal Council in Sri Lanka—Colombo—was estab-
lished under the Municipal Council Ordinance of 1865 by the British
colonial rulers. Sanitary Boards, Local Boards, and Village Councils were
established in the late nineteenth century and the beginning of the twen-
tieth century. In 1920, the Village Council Ordinance was introduced
and changes were made to the old Village Councils. But women were
not given the right to vote; they did not have any representation in
308 K. Liyanage
different local bodies. Although the provision for universal adult suffrage
was introduced in Sri Lanka in 1931 by the Donoughmore Constitution,
no measure was taken to operationalize it for several years. Local govern-
ment elections on the basis of universal suffrage were conducted 6 years
after its introduction.
There existed four types of local governments—Municipal Councils,
Urban Councils, Town Councils, and Village Councils at the time of
independence (Warnapala 1993). In 1981, Gramodaya Mandala was
introduced in the village areas but it was not a successful experiment. In
1987, Provincial Councils and Pradesheeya Sabhas were introduced and
the government decided to retain the existing Municipal and Urban
Councils. Though the local government system changed from time to
time, the role of women was minimal. The first female representative in
local government in Sri Lanka was Dr. Mary Rutnam who was elected to
the Colombo Municipality in 1937. In 1949, Ayesha Rauff was elected
to the Colombo Municipal Council and she continued her political life
by contesting several times to the Municipality. She later became the
Deputy Mayor of the Colombo Municipality. In 1979, Chandra Ranaraja
became the Deputy Mayor and later the Mayor of Kandy municipality.
Nalin Thilaka Herath too was elected as the Mayor to the Nuwara Eliya
Municipality in 1996. R.E. Jayathileke, Nirupa Karunarathne and Kanthi
Kodikara served as Chairpersons of Urban Councils.
No major change in the representation of women can be noticed in
recent years. Of the 4552 local council representatives elected in 2011,
4465 (98%) were men. Only 87 women managed to win the elections; it is
the lowest percentage among South Asian countries. The highest number of
women (30) was elected by the Western Province. The Northern Province
followed the Western Province, electing 11 members. The Central Province
and the Eastern Province each elected nine women, Southern Province had
seven women, North Western had six and North Central, Sabaragamuwa
and Uva Provinces each had five women representatives. Among them,
one woman was selected as the Chairperson of an Urban Council (UC),
and another woman as the Vice Chairperson of another UC. Eight women
were selected as Chairpersons of Pradesheeya Sabhas.
Thus, local governments do not appear to be a good training ground
for women politicians in Sri Lanka to learn the “art” of politics. As
Robert Kearney pointed out, “Prospects for service in local government
bodies are so limited for women almost to the point of non-existence ….
The small number of women in local government is a significant impedi-

ment to women’s access to national politics” (1981, p. 81). Several stud-
ies (Kiribamune 1994; Liyanage 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005 Thambiah
2002; Leitan and Gunasekera 1998; Kodikara 2009) have identified
major obstacles that discourage women from taking part in local politics.
These are lack of confidence of women regarding their political leader-
ship, lack of political experiences, and training mainly due to the gen-
dered socialization process, lack of support of the political parties, media,
community and voters, violence against women and character assassina-
tion of women candidates, financial problems mainly due to high cost
of elections, attitudes of the society toward women’s political leadership
and patriarchal values and cultural taboos, and the weakness of the pro-
portional representative system.
Redressing the Imbalance: Initiatives by Government

and Ngos
The issue of under-representation of women in local politics has been

highlighted both by government and NGOs. After the 1970s, some
women’s NGOs and activists sought to influence the political parties to
take necessary actions to increase women’s representation. In 1994, 12
women’s organizations jointly issued a Women’s Manifesto which called
for the introduction of a quota system, reserving one-third of seats in
local governments for women. This Manifesto was presented to major
parties at general elections of 1994, 2000, 2004, and 2010; every time,
these parties promised to nominate more women, although the reality
was completely different. No exception can be found; even the Sri Lanka
Freedom Party (SLFP) did not remain an exception, Women who were
elected benefitted from family connections and had/have no genuine
desire to help women.
Recently, some NGOs and few government organizations have
organized awareness raising and leadership training programs for aspir-
ing women to run mainly for local elections. In 1985, the Center for
Training of Rural Leaders—Embilipitiya—conducted leadership pro-
grams for the youth including women. In the early 1990s, several
organizations such as the Department of Rural Development, Local
Government Training Centre, Sri Lanka Institute of Local Governance,
South Asia Partnership Sri Lanka, Center for Women’s Research,
310 K. Liyanage
Friedrich—Ebert Stiftung, Konrad Adenaur Stiftung, and Muslim

Women’s Research and Action Forum also organized some women lead-
ership programs. In the late 1990s, the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute
and Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development organized
several workshops to give political training to women. The National
Committee for Women, Women’s Bureau, Sinhala Kanthabivurdhi
Sanvidhanaya, Agromat, National Peace Council, and National
Democratic Institute too trained some women mainly for local elections
(Liyanage 2004; Kodikara 2009). Some other organizations conducted
training programs for women activists in rural areas in the late 2000s.
However, most of these programs were short-term and covered a
range of sessions, such as the concept of gender, women’s rights, good
governance, advocacy and lobbying, media and campaigning, network-
ing, building leadership skills, and national and local government struc-
ture of Sri Lanka. Some of these organizations organized visits to local
government and party offices with the objective of giving some under-
standing of the functioning of them to these trainees. Some organized
media and poster campaigns to raise the awareness of the public on this
issue. But the outcome of such programs cannot be considered to be
satisfactory.
The Necessity of Women’s Representation

in Elected Bodies
The majority of the FGD respondents (95%) emphasized the necessity

of women’s representation in all levels of elected bodies. The reasons
given by them were women constitute half of the Sri Lankan population,
they have different needs, interests, and experiences to represent, they
are given equal citizenship and voting rights, and they view social issues
from different perspectives.2 Many respondents of FGDs and interview-
ees felt that women mostly raise issues that are related to access to drink-
ing water, garbage, public toilets, day-care centers, domestic violence,
drugs, alcohol, and security, and they are more sensitive to such issues.
Therefore, it is important to have women in local governments. A PS
Chairman said “there is only one female member in our sabhawa and
she often discusses the issues related to drinking water, garbage, public
toilets, day-care centers, domestic violence, drug, alcohol, and security.
Before that, we rarely paid attention to such issues.”3
Many (86%) interviewees claimed that most of the functions of the

Pradesheeya Sabhas are connected to the lives of women and children.
But many rural women suffer more than men due to the lack of infra-
structure facilities, poverty and violence, etc. These women need the
support of female leaders. Moreover, since women in Sri Lanka have
gained achievements in various areas, many interviewees (73%) felt that
it is high time that they are given a chance to be part of decision-making
bodies.
A female Provincial Councilor observed:
Women have different biological and social roles. … they are more sensi-
tive to the issues related to women and children and it is not only their
rights but also their duties to represent their needs and interests. Then
only their status can be improved.4
The majority of the respondents of the FGDs feel that the different
characteristics and behavior patterns of a woman can be of assistance to
change the nature of the political culture of the country. More than 50%
of the interviewees claimed that the presence of a woman in a local elected
body can create a more “decent” and less violent atmosphere. Also, many
emphasized that women are protectors of the family, society, and the
nation and thus, their contribution to politics is important. One PS chair-
man said: “When a woman is in the sabhawa, our men behave decently …
one woman can change the whole atmosphere of the sabawa …
we may have less corruption, less thuggery and more democracy in the
sabawa, if we have more women.”5
A PS Chairman pointed out that “women are more committed to and
thrifty in doing rural social welfare activities and many CBOs are led by
them. Therefore, I believe that they can represent PS easily.”6 According
to another Chairman “I believe that about 80% of my votes are given by
women. … Since women can speak to other women’s hearts, can read
their minds easily, can behave openly with them, have closer relations
with them, they can represent their problems better than men do.”7
Challenges Faced by Women in Local Elections

The majority of women applied for election nomination in 2011 stated
that difficulty in obtaining the nomination was the main obstacle to
expose their skills in politics. Both men and women find it difficult to
312 K. Liyanage
obtain nominations mainly due to nepotism. Women are, however,

pushed into more disadvantaged positions because of their gender status.
A female candidate, who applied for nomination in 2011, observed:
I have been with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) for more than
three decades and supported Madam Bandaranayake during her difficult
times in politics. In 1978, I was imprisoned due to my political activities
but I did not give up … However, the party rejected my applications for
nominations at seven local and provincial council elections … I heard this
time that my name was included in the nomination list and I even went to
Temple Trees to sign nomination papers where I was shocked to hear that
my name was subsequently removed by the party organizer.8
A female PS councilor also had similar experiences:
“I gave my service to the United National Party (UNP) for long 18 years.
I worked as the President of Lak Vanitha in my area. The nomina-
tion [selection] board appreciated my performance and activities when I
appeared before it. However, due to conflicts of the party organizer with a
female Provincial Councilor with whom I have close relations, my applica-
tion for nomination was turned down … Nomination was finally given to
the organizer’s sister.”9
Two women candidates, who challenged their party decisions, observed

that they witnessed major problems in obtaining nominations and faced
violence during their campaign. One of them observed:
Both of us are active supporters of the party since our younger days.
Hence, the party leaders motivated us to run for local elections … When
we heard that the selected nominees were asked to sign the nomination
papers. We rushed to the party office but found that our names were not
included in the list … We joined an independent group. But unfortunately
we were not allowed to organize meetings … Our posters were destroyed
and supporters were threatened … Our agents (representatives) at the poll-
ing centers were chased away by thugs of a powerful minister of the area.10
Another female candidate who challenged her party expressed her anger
I worked for the SLFP for 17 years and served as the secretary to the
Kantha Bala Mandalaya in my electorate. During the presidential, parlia-
mentary, and provincial elections I took the leadership to establish wom-
en’s groups to increase the voter base of the party. The party organizer
promised to give me nomination and I applied for it during the last pro-
vincial council elections. But the organizer informed me that his brother
who returned from Japan should be given the chance. I applied again for
the Municipal election, and then he told me that his second brother who
had returned from Italy should be nominated.11
Another female aspirant for a local council seat explained her frustration
I have been working actively for the SLFP since 1996, helping to estab-
lish women’s groups in many villages, and to organize meetings … I
also accompanied the candidates to thousands of houses during the last
national and provincial elections. Several ministers and our electorate
organizer encouraged me to run for local elections … I submitted 15 files
to the nomination board, documenting my records of social activities for
which I was given the highest marks … I was advised to collect some funds
and to plan my campaign by the board … Finally, I was told that due to
high competition, my application for nomination was rejected.12
Another female candidate observed: “Our organizer is an authoritarian fel-

low … he gave the first preference to his son; and three other close associ-
ates followed him. The nomination list was filled by including “dummies”
because he just wanted to make his son the chairman of the PS.”13
Many male interviewees also expressed similar views. As one male
chairman of a PS observed
I applied 11 times but got nomination only this time. There are many
vicious things and under cuttings which happen during the nomination
procedure … so one must be patient and should not leave politics after
such failures, but should continue social work and gain the popularity,
build the leadership and establish closer relations with the party leaders.14
Many interviewees and members of the FDGs claimed that women were
often defeated as they had no experience in politics and found it diffi-
cult to invest their time and energy on gaining popularity, and recog-
nition in society. They felt that women could be successful only if they
314 K. Liyanage
started from the grassroots level and played the role of a leader in politi-
cal organizations, and trade unions, etc.15
A male PS councilor argued: “Women are not courageous, nor are
they committed enough; they just enjoy their subordinate positions in
this patriarchal culture and confine their lives to families/homes. They
must take the challenges to win the elections and to survive in the politi-
cal world.”16
Many members of the FDGs (75%) and interviews emphasized that
many women could not win the elections due to lack of support and
mentoring of senior women leaders. A male party official also held simi-
lar view. He thus observed:
Women in the parliamentary (except one) arena do not pay any attention
to this issue… They just want to enjoy the privileges they are entitled and
are not much worried about other women.. Most of the male leaders are
groomed by senior party leaders, but that is not the case with women.17
According to many members of the FDGs and interviewees (73%), the

violent political culture has become a serious impediment to women’s
success during elections. A former Secretary to the Ministry of Women’s
Affairs elaborated the problem in the following way: “I find Sri Lankan
political culture as the biggest impediment to women’s political suc-
cess. Violence, threats, male domination and lack of willingness of party
organizers to give nominations have negatively influenced women’s rep-
resentation.” Almost all of the women candidates referred to the nature of
violence they had faced during elections. One female candidate elaborated:
“I was threatened by a very powerful politician in that area who first asked
me to withdraw my nomination, failing which he advised [me] … not to
organize any political meeting. Two of his followers [hence men] used a
bike to follow me whenever I got out of my home. It really scared me.”18
In the present Sri Lankan culture, the voters expect material support
such as food, clothes, money, household items, and agricultural equip-
ment from the candidates and their (candidates) popularity improves or
declines depending upon their ability to distribute such patronages. Nine
out of ten respondents observed that since women lacked the ability to
distribute such materials among the voters on a wide scale partly because
of their financial handicap, they do not appear to be as popular as they
should be. Many voters sold their votes for Rs. 1000, or for a packet of
rice and a tea-shirt. Some male candidates spent between 1.5 and 2.0
million LKR (Sri Lankan Rupee) for campaign, but only a few women
could afford it. Generally, women cannot spend such a large amount of
money.19
Another factor hindering the prospect of the election of women
candidates, according to many respondents, is their inability to distrib-
ute alcohol among the supporters and voters. As elaborated by a female
candidate: “There are many men around a male candidate … they are
treated with alcohol and food. Such candidates become more popular
among voters.”20 A PS Chairman observed: “When I go from one house
to another during my campaign, I am always accompanied by 20–25
supporters to demonstrate my power, strength and popularity. To obtain
this support one has to treat them generously … I know, it is difficult
for a woman to do so.”21 Character assassination of women is also seen
as a serious factor which may negatively influence the electoral outcome.
Seven women candidates had faced such problems. According to a PS
chairman: “In our culture, generally men are free to have sexual relations
or extra marital affairs … But women are not … When political women
maintain close association with men, their competitors often spread vari-
ous rumors to malign them … In such a situation, women try to limit
their activities. It is a huge disadvantage to them.”22
All of the women interviewed for the purpose of the study and a
majority of FGD respondents considered the proportional representative
system, introduced in 1978, as one of the major barriers to the success of
women in elections. The system requires a candidate to cover [at least] a
district during the election campaign. A female candidate said that:
It is very difficult even for a man to cover the total area of the electorate
as it requires huge funds and a solid manpower to do so. Although some
male candidates are able to do it, women candidates lacking experience,
skills, networking and patron-client relationships find it hard to compete.
A male PS chairman said: “Under the PR system, inter and intra party
competition is rigorous even for a man. … Men who can organize pro-
cessions with at least 50–60 vehicles and demonstrate their power during
the nomination day are the winners. Many women cannot do it or they
do not like to do it due to their womanly–thrifty nature.”23
A male journalist emphasized that: “The Sri Lankan culture has cre-
ated a weak and flexible (siyumeli) woman … the media shows programs
316 K. Liyanage
on cooking and beauty culture and never portraits women as leaders …

The family, school and many religious leaders push women into subor-
dinate positions. Therefore, women confine themselves to the so-called
feminine jobs.”24
Data from the field show that women candidates also get less support
from families compared to males. A PS member said:
My family members were very supportive … my brothers played a key role

in organizing meetings … My wife, a teacher, went from house to house
and was able to collect many votes … My mother and daughters often
cooked dinner at least for 25-30 men … Many women may not have such
advantages.25
Five aspiring women who were not allowed by the male members of
their families to apply for nominations and another four who applied for
nomination without considering the objection presented their negative
experiences. The husband of one such candidate remarked: “A was a nice
wife … ours was a love marriage … But after she entered politics she
does not respect me, she returns home late … I have to cook for chil-
dren. She does not feed and clean children … Even she does not give me
my dinner plate which she did her for many years.”26
Another woman said “It is my duty to feed my children and give
them a hot meal/rice … My son has commented that if amma (mother)
wins the election, people will win; if amma is defeated, we will win. This
disturbs me and I have to give priority to my family.”27 This statement
shows that some women do not like to change their traditional roles and
consider these as their natural duties.
Winning Local Elections: The “Male” Methods

The majority of the male candidates (90%) winning elections stated that
they sought to build trust and confidence among the voters in their con-
stituencies by working with them for a long period of time. They suc-
ceeded in generating funds from various sources, and building wells and
toilets and distributing materials among the school children. Many male
candidates felt that it was an effective strategy to win the trust of those
who had a low income, e.g., pavement vendors, three-wheeler drivers,
and Samurdhi grantees. Some candidates built houses for the poor and
helped them improve their living conditions and won their votes. Some
Muslim male candidates revealed that they used their ethnic identity to
gain more votes in the Muslim-populated areas.
Establishing close relationships with the national as well as local party
leaders was another important strategy used by many candidates to get
elected to local councils. Many respondents (67%) felt that the “bless-
ings of the leader” were very important. Having a good relationship
with leaders, particularly with the electorate organizer of the party, is
extremely essential. They (leaders) must be invited to public events, and
candidates must attend the meetings that they participated in, and must
praise their leadership. It is only then that the person will be considered
an eligible candidate. Pre-campaign plans are essential to win an election.
Some winning male candidates shared their experience in strategizing,
viz. collecting funds, identifying issues in the area, and preparing attrac-
tive pamphlets even before receiving nominations. Getting the support
of the youth is crucially important.
Some male candidates used new technology to get elected. Some can-
didates (34.1%) said that the youth helped them by circulating messages
through SMS and Internet. Several male candidates considered that their
“humble” and “kind” characteristics had made them popular among the
voters. Nevertheless, 2 religious leaders, 2 human rights activists, 3 local
journalists, 12 party supporters, and 16 voters who attended the FDGs
pointed out that some male candidates used violent ways, viz. threaten-
ing and chasing out the agents of other candidates, giving alcohol and
other material rewards to election and police officers and bribing count-
ing officers as strategies to win elections. Six PS councilors and two
chairpersons too mentioned about such strategies and emphasized that
without using such devices it was difficult for them to win the elections.
Narrating Success by Female Candidates

Women who won the 2011 local elections used strategies similar to those
used by their male colleagues. All 7 female candidates who won the
2011 elections in the Central Province said that the most effective strat-
egy was taking part in the activities of their society and helping out the
people. This strategy helped to gain the trust of the people. From pro-
viding funds to giving them space to do what they wished for their politi-
cal campaign, the families remain supportive and encouraging. This gave
confidence to the women and thus helped them win the elections. Due
to the support of the family, some successful female candidates were able
318 K. Liyanage
to develop a close relationship with the leaders of the party as well. This
proved to be helpful because, as it was mentioned by some male candi-
dates, developing a good relationship with party leaders was important to
win an election. Pre-campaign planning was another successful strategy
used by the winning female candidates. They made the planning months
before the election and thus gained the trust of the people who voted for
them and made them win.
Conclusion
This study shows that women have not been recognized as equal to men
in the political representation. They face more difficulties than men to
win the local elections. Although a very few trained community lead-
ers in the Central Province have been empowered to challenge the age
old patriarchal setup of the political parties by crossing over parties and
obtaining nominations, the study illustrates that it was hard for them
to win the 2011 election. However, women who have been elected to
the local governments show that due to their established popularity and
leadership in the community through their long-term social, cultural,
and economic activities and the closer relationship with some party lead-
ers, support given by the family and pre-planned campaign movement
they won the elections.
When compared to men, it is obvious that the factors which help to
win the elections for both men and women are quite similar, but due
to the sociocultural and individual factors and lack of opportunities the
men are at an advantage. If the trained women were given the nomi-
nations by the major parties, the result would be different. Therefore,
it can be concluded that without having a structural policy for women
to obtain nominations, the political training and other forms of support
will solve only a part of the problem. Remedies such as greater awareness
and political training for women will not produce quick results. But quo-
tas will help to solve that part of the issue. The Parliament of Sri Lanka
passed the 2012 No. 22 Local Elections (Amendment) Bill on February
9, 2016, and it states that one-fourth of members of local governments
(MC, UC, and PS) should be women. According to this, a political party
or independent group is required to submit two nomination lists for a
local body, one for the purpose of electing members and the other to
nominate women in respect of wards. According to the percentages of
votes, a party/group received the women members selected from the

second list.
For example, if one party receives 50% of total votes by its general
list, it gets 50% members from women’s list. Before 2015, Sri Lanka
elected 4465 local councilors, and according to the 2016 amendment,
the total number will be 6619 (70% (5092) simple majority system and
30% (1527) PR system—total elected 6619) and 2206 women mem-
bers will be nominated.28 The Act has not given a specific criterion for
selecting women to this nomination list and it may be used by parties
to include their women family members and relatives to local elected
bodies. However, since the government has been planning to conduct
local elections based on this amendment in the middle of 2016, it is
yet hard to predict its results. The best way to fill the gap between
men and women’s representation in the local government of Sri Lanka
is by introducing actual elected quotas and not just including nomi-
nated women into local bodies. However, it is noteworthy to mention
that on one way at least by granting women to function as nominated
representatives of local bodies, they will be able to learn the game and
can develop their political skills to run for future local elections. Also,
by incorporating women in local bodies, the recognition of their rep-
resentation and legitimacy of women’s presence in elected bodies will
be strengthened. However, the quota itself will not solve the problem
and the awareness raising of voters, leadership building of women can-
didates, supporting them in election campaigning, and giving them
more opportunities for networking also should be taken into serious
considerations.
Notes
1. Interviews and FGDs were based on five questions: Is it necessary to have
women representatives in the local governments? Why many women can-
didates were defeated? What were the strategies used by successful male/
female candidates? What strategies should be used by female candidates
to win the elections?
2. Information—FGD—Yatinuwara PS division—April 05, 2010.
3. Information—FGD—Akurana PS—December 07, 2010.
4. Interview—female Provincial (Central) Councilor—March 10, 2010.
5. Interview with the Chairman—Wattegama Pradesheeya Sabhawa—
December 07, 2010.
6. Information—FGD—Patha Dumbara—April 22, 2010.
320 K. Liyanage
7. Information—FGD—Ambagamuwa—April 29, 2010.

8. Interview—female applicant for nominations in 2011—Hatton—April 29,
2011.
9. Interview—female UNP activist, crossed over the party and won the elec-
tion in 2011—Menikdiwela—April 30, 2011.
10. Interview—two female candidates—Udapalatha—April 28, 2011.
11. Interview—woman applicant for candidacy—Matale—April 20, 2011.
12. Interview—female candidate—Gangawata Korale—March 19, 2011.
13. Interview—female candidate—Maskeliya—March 22, 2011.
14. Interview—Chair Person—PS Ambagamwa—April 24, 2011.
15. Interview—Provincial Councilor—Kandy—March 12, 2011.
16. FGD—Central province—June 12, 2011.
17. FGDs—Central province—June 12, 2011.
18. Interview—woman candidate—Doluwa—March 23, 2011.
19. FGDs—Matale, Kandy and Nuwara Eliya—19th, 23rd, and 22nd respec-
tively.
20. Interview—vice chair-woman—Kadugannawa UC—April 06, 2011.
21. Interview—a Chair-person—Wattegama PS—September 20, 2010.
22. FDG—Yatinuwara—March 26, 2011.
23. Interview—a Vice Chair-person—PS Lindula—April 02, 2011.
24. Interview—a journalist—March 29, 2011.
25. Interview—member—Kandy Municipal Council—March 19, 2011.
26. Interview—husband of a PS councilor—March 19, 2011.
27. Interview—female candidate—Akurana—March 19, 2011.
28. Author is grateful to Gayani Premathileke, Legal Officer, Ministry of
Provincial Councils and Local government for giving me this information.
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Kearney, R. N. (1981). Women in politics in Sri Lanka. Asian Survey, 21(7),
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Kiribamune, S. (1994). Women in local government politics in Sri Lanka. Women
their Rights in Local Politics. Bangkok: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.
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dilemmas and challenges. Paper presented at a seminar on Local-self
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local self-governance in Sri Lanka. Seminar paper presented at the South Asian
Workshop on Women and Local Governance, India, Haryana: Center for
Women’s Development.
Liyanage, K. (2004). Capacity building to improve participation of women in
local governance: A comparative study. Paper presented at the Ninth National
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Liyanage, K. (2005). Women in local self-governance in Sri Lanka: Problems,
dilemmas and challenges. In Morina Perera & Rasika Chandrasekera (Eds.),
Excluding women. Social Scientists’ Association: Colombo.
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Lanka, Colombo.
Norris, P. (1987). Politics of sexual equality: The comparative position of women in
western democracies. Colorado: Boulder.
Thambiah, Y. (Ed.). (2002). Women and governance in South Asia: Re-imagining
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ment election of May 1991. Colombo: Lake House.
PART IV
Conclusion
CHAPTER 18
Does Inclusion Matter? Women

in Governing Institutions in South Asia
Nizam Ahmed
Major institutions of governance in South Asia, as in other regions, are

gendered institutions; these are dominated by men. However, this domi-
nation is not as entrenched as in the past. Some improvements in the
representation of women can be noticed across the region. Drawing
upon the research presented in this volume, this chapter explores the
reasons that account for an increase in the descriptive representation of
women and tries to identify its impact on substantive representation.
Attempts will be made to identify how men and women working in an
institution look upon each other’s role and define inter-role relationships.
This chapter begins by providing a comparative account of the nature of
change that has taken place in women’s representation in governing insti-
tutions, particularly, parliament, civil service and local government.
Trends in Women’s Representation

Women in South Asia are more visible now than in the past. Unlike a few
years ago when women had a very marginal ‘public’ presence, one can
now notice a gradual improvement in their representation in almost all
N. Ahmed (*) 

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2_18
326 N. Ahmed
institutions of governance in South Asia. For example, women who now

have more than one-third of representation in the higher civil service
in Bangladesh mostly remained unnoticed before the 1990s. Women’s
representation in national parliament has also increased manifold over
the years—from 5% in the first parliament (1973–1975) to 20.3% in the
tenth parliament elected in 2014. Similar trends can also be noticed in
Pakistan and Nepal; in the latter, the change can be seen as phenomenal.
The percentage of women parliamentarians in Nepal increased from 2.9
in 1991 to 34.3 in 2014. The increase in parliamentary representation
in Pakistan is not as phenomenal as in Nepal. Still, considering the con-
servative tradition of Pakistan, the change can be seen as very significant.
The representation of women in parliament in Pakistan doubled between
1988 and 2008.
However, the change in representation has not followed any uniform
pattern; it is more evident in some countries and in some institutions
than in others. For example, no major change can be noticed in the par-
liamentary representation of women in Bhutan; it remains stable at 8.5%
of the total in the two parliamentary elections held since the transition
from monarchy to democracy. Similar trends can also be noticed in Sri
Lanka. The parliamentary representation of women has changed only
marginally—from 4.4% in 1994 to 5.8% in 2015. However, increase in
the representation of women in the bureaucracy in both Sri Lanka and
Bhutan has surpassed the records of most other countries in the region.
Sri Lanka has recorded the highest increase in women’s representation,
and it has been followed by Bhutan and Bangladesh. Pakistan ranks the
lowest in the region in terms of the representation of women in the
bureaucracy. Bhutan and Sri Lanka, however, lag behind the others in
respect of representation of women in local government; women have
only negligible representation in local government in these two coun-
tries—1.8% in Sri Lanka and 12.9% in Bhutan. The change in the rate of
representation is the lowest in Sri Lanka; it increased from 1.7 to 1.8%
over the years. (Table 18.1)
On the other hand, the representation of women in Bhutanese local
government has doubled over the years—from 6.7 to 12.9%. More
women can be found in local governments in India, Bangladesh, Nepal
and Pakistan. Women’s representation in these countries varies from 24%
18 DOES INCLUSION MATTER? WOMEN IN GOVERNING INSTITUTIONS … 327
Table 18.1 Representation of women in governing institutions
Country % of women in different governing institutions
Parliament/lower house Civil service Local government
Minimum Maximum Minimum Maximum Minimum Maximum
Bangladesh 10.3 20.3 10.7 35.6 24.3 25.2

(1991) (2016) (1984) (2015) (2011) (1997)
Bhutan 8.5 8.5 16.1 35.3 6.7 12.9
(2008) (2013) (1996) (2016) (2011) (2016)
India 7.1 11.4 7.5 24.5 27.7 46.0
(1991) (2014) (2012) (2015)
Nepal 2.9 34.3 8.0 18.0 NA 7.7
(1991) (2014) (2003) (2015) (1999)
Pakistan 11.1 22.8 4.7 13.4 10.9 25.0
(1988) (2008) (2006) (2013) (1990) (2011)
Sri Lanka 4.4 5.8 31.8 64.5 1.7 1.8
(1994) (2015) (1985) (2015) (1991) (2011)
Source Compiled by the editor based mostly on data reported in different country chapters
in Nepal to as high as 46% in India. In Bangladesh and Pakistan, women

constitute a quarter of local council members. Reasons that account for
variations in women’s representation in different governing institutions
in the region are discussed in the next section.
Explaining the Trends

Women in South Asia have followed two ‘dominant’ pathways to seek
entry into different governing institutions—merit and quota. A third
pathway of ‘inheritance’ for entry into public institutions is also noticed.
Ascent by inheritance has happened in most South Asian countries,
and Bangladesh may be seen as the most advanced among them. Many
women (men, too) are getting the advantage of being related to incum-
bent leaders of elected bodies and are ushered in after their male partners
die or are declared ineligible for elections. The parliament has several
examples in which women with no experience have been elevated to the
most powerful group of decision-makers.
328 N. Ahmed
Table 18.2 Quota provisions in South Asia
Country Quota for women in different governing institutions
Parliament/lower Civil service Local government

house (%) (%) (%)
Bangladesh 16.7 10.0 25.0

Bhutan No quota No quota No quota
India No quota No quota 33.0 (Reserved seat)
Nepal 33.0 (Candidate) 15.0 40.0 (Candidate)
Pakistan 17.5 7.5 17.7
Sri Lanka No quota No quota No quota
Source Compiled by the editor based mostly on data reported in different country chapters
However, formally, the provision for merit as a mode of (political

and administrative) recruitment exists in every country of the region,
although some have also made laws allowing a certain percentage of
positions/seats to be filled on the basis of quota. The existence of the
quota system in fact accounts largely for differences in the representa-
tion of women in different governing institutions. There is, however, no
uniform pattern to be observed in different countries. While Bhutan and
Sri Lanka do not have any provision at all for quota, others, for example,
Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan, have made provisions for the quota-
based recruitment in all three governing institutions. Provision for quota
exists in local government in India, but recruitment to other two gov-
erning institutions—parliament and bureaucracy—is made only on the
basis of merit (Table 18.2).
Most of the countries in South Asia have not faced any serious prob-
lem in introducing the quota system. In Bangladesh and Pakistan, provi-
sions for quotas were introduced by martial law decrees; hence there was
not any scope to oppose these measures. In India, as stated in Chap. 16
by Chand, several factors such as strong commitment from the govern-
ment to enforce the quota rule, inclination of some politicians to extend
family network in politics by nominating own people, and the assump-
tion by some parties that they would be able to use ‘weak’ women
members for their own and party benefits, helped the introduction
of the quota system in local government. But the task of reserving any
quota for women in parliament appears to be extremely difficult, almost
impossible. Bills providing for the reservation of seats for women have
been moved in parliament several times but without any success.
During the first stint of the Congress-led UPA government, the Rajya
Sabha—the Upper House—passed The Constitution (One Hundred
and Eighth Amendment) Bill, 2008, popularly known as Women’s
Reservation Bill, in 2010. But it did not pass the litmus test in the Lok
Sabha because of the opposition of the allies. Various political parties
have staunchly opposed it because they fear many of their male leaders
would not get a chance to fight elections if 33.3% seats are reserved for
women.1 Opponents also argue that the provision for reservation would
perpetuate the unequal status of women since they would not be per-
ceived to be competing on merit; it would also restrict choice of voters
to women candidates only.2 The Bill has also been opposed by politi-
cians from the socially and economically backward classes who argue that
reservation would only help women of the elitist groups to gain seats,
therefore causing further discrimination and underrepresentation to the
poor and backward classes. It is also argued that the Bill in its present
form would end up ensuring seats in parliament for the female relatives
of those who are already in power.3
The issue of reservation of seats in parliament has been debated in dif-
ferent fora in Bhutan. As Chuki’s account shows [Chap. 3 in this vol-
ume], the ruling party as well as the main opposition party promised to
introduce quotas for women in all elective institutions including parlia-
ment on the eve of the 2013 elections. No step, however, has yet been
taken to implement the promise. The number of directly elected women
decreased in the second election in Bhutan. Sri Lanka has enacted a law
providing for reserving a quarter of local council seats for women. But
no election has yet been held under the new law, and as a result, the
number of women local councillors remains very low. Nor is there any
serious demand for reserving seats for women in the parliament. Lack
of any provision for reservation of seats for women in Sri Lanka and
Bhutan has contributed to what can be called a marginal representation
of women in parliament, although it has not had a similar effect in India.
India has the largest number of women parliamentarians elected on pop-
ular votes.
However, the way the lack of reservation has affected the representa-
tion of women in parliament in the three countries does not appear to
have a similar effect on the representation of women in the bureaucracy.
Notwithstanding the absence of any quota, women have continued to
330 N. Ahmed
fare well in civil service examinations and improved their presence in the
civil service in Bhutan, India and Sri Lanka. There has been a continual
increase of women in the civil service; such increase has taken place in a
much higher rate in Sri Lanka than in any other country in the region.
Nilmi and Thoradeniya [Chap. 13 in this volume] provide some interest-
ing explanations accounting for such a surge in women representation in
the Sri Lankan bureaucracy. One of the important reasons is that com-
pared with men, women have more options to wait and prepare them-
selves for tests and examinations; they have also less compulsions than
men to seek jobs. Women also graduate in larger number than men;
hence more women theoretically have the chance to sit for civil service
examination.
The number of women civil servants has also increased significantly
in India and Bhutan, although no provision for quota exists in either of
these countries. Lhamu [Chap. 9 in this volume] observes that the ena-
bling and non-discriminatory environment provided by the Constitution
and the Civil Service Act of Bhutan, 2010, which provides for safe and
healthy working conditions to perform duties and equal opportunities
for employment in the civil service‚ mostly account for the increase in
Bhutan. Improvement in girl’s education that has followed the imple-
mentation of a large number of school development programs is also one
of the important factors that has contributed to an increase in the num-
ber of women in the civil service. In India, Singh [Chap. 10 in this vol-
ume] observes that individual/family factors as well different ‘positive’
government policies have encouraged more women to join the civil ser-
vice. In Bangladesh, the increase is quite significant. In fact, the number
of women recruited on merit is two times higher than those recruited
on the basis of quota (10%). Ahmed and Jahan [Chap. 8 in this volume]
have explored the reasons accounting for an increase of women in the
Bangladesh civil service. They have found that besides the existence of
several laws and rules that are intended to ensure favorable work envi-
ronment for women, the ‘social prestige’ associated with the service and
the scope to exercise power have become a fatal attraction and enrolment
in the civil service in Bangladesh [as well in India].
On the other hand, the existence of the provision for quota may be
a necessary but not a sufficient condition to ensure that more women will
automatically become interested to join the civil service. Paudel’s data on
Nepal [Chap. 11 in this volume] show that notwithstanding the provision
of a ‘liberal’ policy of inclusion, many seats reserved for women often remain
vacant. Lack of ‘quality’ education and rural orientation mostly account for
the inability of women to join the civil service. In Pakistan also, notwith-
standing the existence of the provision for quota, the number of women
entering into the civil service is low. Part of the reason, as Ansari’s account
shows [Chap. 12 in this volume], is the existence of several subtle discrimina-
tory practices used against women during viva voce and psychological tests.
Role of Women Representatives

Theoretically, both men and women have an equal opportunity to play
a proactive role in the governing process. In practice, some are seen as
‘more equal’ than others. As the discussion in the text shows, some kind
of improvement in descriptive representation has taken place in most
of the parliaments of the region. The extent to which it has led to any
change in substantive representation is difficult to ascertain. Discussion
in different chapters shows that women in some parliaments have fared
better than others in raising issues that concern women as a whole.
Variations can be noticed in the performance of the two categories of
elected representatives—general seat and reserved seat—both at national
and at local levels.
For example, reserved-seat women members in the Pakistan parlia-
ment have moved many private members bills aimed at promoting and/
or safeguarding the interests of women. They have also more frequently
used other parliamentary mechanisms than their counterparts in other
parliaments to bring the issues of gender discrimination to the limelight.
In some respects, the performance of reserved-seat women MNAs in
Pakistan compares favorably with that of their male colleagues as well as
general-seat women MNAs whom one commentator has termed ‘surro-
gate men’ as they behave more like men when gender issues are raised
and discussed in parliament. As Chowdhury’s estimate [in this volume]
shows, reserved-seat women MNAs in Pakistan moved 42 and 70% of
private members’ bills in the 12th and 13th National Assemblies, respec-
tively. In fact, they have moved most of the bills related to political,
inheritance, legal and reproductive rights of women and most impor-
tantly, they have succeeded in getting those bills passed. This unique
achievement has stemmed from a number of factors to which refer-
ence will be made subsequently. Suffice it to mention here that, as
Chowdhury observes, the reserved-seat women MNAs speak more and
332 N. Ahmed
also speak better for women than the popularly elected women or male
MPs on issues that concern women.
Women in some other parliaments also try to raise issues and prob-
lems confronting women. Nowhere, however, can they match the per-
formance of the reserved-seat women MNAs in Pakistan in respect of
promoting women’s issues and interests. In Bangladesh, women MPs
moved only four private members’ bills; they, however, fared better in
using other techniques to raise important issues in the House. In both
Bangladesh and Pakistan, RSWPs have better record of promoting wom-
en’s issues than the general-seat women parliamentarians and obviously
male parliamentarians. What is important to note is that the latter even
do not always agree to support RSWPs when they try to bring women’s
issues to the limelight. The usual argument made to support this con-
tention is that general-seat women parliamentarians have to remain busy
with promoting their constituents’ needs and priorities and any effort to
accord extra importance to one group may antagonize the others, a risk
that they can rarely afford to take.
Empirical evidence, however, shows that reserved-seat parliamentarians
do not always lag behind their general-seat women counterparts in raising
constituency issues. In both Bangladesh and Pakistan, they have in fact
fared better in raising constituency issues. Chowdhury [Chap. 6 in this
volume] observes that women elected to general seats [in Pakistan] find
it difficult to be publicly identify with women’s issues because it might
be detrimental to their future political career. This could be noticed in
other cases also. For example, in Sri Lanka, as Liyanage account shows
[Chap. 7 in this volume], there is more instance than one when women
MPs did not readily agree to support issues in parliament that directly
concerned women’s interests such as abortion or domestic violence.
Dhal and Chakrabarty [Chap. 4 in this volume], however, provide
accounts of women MPs’ achievement in India in getting passed many
‘social’ legislation that are likely to benefit women more than others.
Chuki [Chap. 3 in this volume] has also observed although the women
MPs in Bhutanese parliament are cautious of promoting women’s
issues lest they be negatively termed feminist in the face of huge male
dominance, they nevertheless have succeeded in moving several pro-
women legislation such as legislation aimed at preventing domestic
violence or rape. Chuki has observed that the first ten women parlia-
mentarians [in the first parliament] were trailblazers who demonstrated
a principled, feminine, political leadership in a masculine environment.
They contributed to Bhutan’s development by enabling legislation which

directly impacts on women and children (rape and domestic violence) in
their first term. One of the main reasons for their success was that they
sought and succeeded in securing support from their male colleagues to
get legislation passed. Such achievements cannot be underestimated.
Several factors account for the difference in the nature of activism of
women MPs in the region. As observed above, women MPs in Pakistan,
particularly those elected from reserved seats, appear to be more active
than their counterparts in other legislatures. One of the important fac-
tors underlying their success was the formation of an all-party parliamen-
tary caucus on women and a woman Speaker providing guidance to the
caucus. Chowdhury argues [Chap. 6 in this volume] that the caucus,
besides providing a training ground for newcomers, also played a criti-
cally important role in the formulation and enactment of many women-
related bills. Yadav [Chap. 5 in this volume] has also observed that an
all-party caucus in the first Constituent Assembly in Nepal was instru-
mental in getting many important bills related to women’s interests
passed such as domestic violent punishment act, caste discrimination bill
and untouchability bill. Women members were able to negotiate many
important women’s issues individually and collectively through the cau-
cus. The women’s caucus mattered a lot in promoting women’s issues in
the first Constituent Assembly.
A parliamentary women caucus also exists in Sri Lanka, but it does
not appear to be very much active because of lack of party support and
adequate number of members. There are only a few women MPs in Sri
Lanka. On the other hand, the level of activism of women members in
India and Bangladesh do not match that of their counterparts in Pakistan
or Nepal, especially in the legislative field, although parliaments in both
countries are now led by women. In fact, the leadership role of the
Speaker in mobilizing women MPs and helping them promote wom-
en’s issues in Bangladesh and India is virtually non-existent. Formation
of an all-party women caucus appears to be extremely difficult—almost
impossible—in Bangladesh. Since the leadership in the two major par-
ties remains opposed to any kind of collaboration with each other, no
party MP will probably dare to take any such initiative, not even the
Speaker who mostly toes the party line. A USAID project once tried but
failed to form an all-party caucus during the tenure of the ninth parlia-
ment (2009–2013). Even its effort to form separate caucuses—one for
the ruling party and the other for the main opposition party—failed.
334 N. Ahmed
Several caucuses have been formed in the tenth parliament elected in

2014, but not a caucus on women. Parliamentary caucuses, however,
do not provide a panacea; there are other factors such as party program
and ideology, cultural norms and societal values that also may hinder the
activities of women parliamentarians, as explained in a subsequent section.
Women in local governments in different countries of the South Asian
region share some common attributes; their ability to play any proactive
role is limited not because of their personal failings, but mostly due to
the subordinate status of local government vis-a-vis central government.
Different chapters in this volume have documented the achievements of
women councillors in various countries, although it is difficult to make
generalizations about their role and performance. Sultan [Chap. 14 in
this volume] has observed that existing laws in Bangladesh have provided
some opportunities for women councillors in Union Parishad (UP)—
the lowest unit of rural local government—to play a leadership role. For
example, one-third of standing committee chairs are reserved for women
elected from reserved seats, and separate allocations are also earmarked
for them that they can distribute according to their own choice. Their
voice is ‘more’ heard while decisions are taken on women-related issues
such as dowry, divorce and violence against women than in other cases.
However, decision-making in the UP is highly centralized, with the
chairman exercising ‘unlimited’ powers including the power to extend
patronage. For a woman councillor (for any councillor) to be able to
make her mark in local politics is to have good relations with the chair-
man; nothing moves, as Sultan argues, without his concurrence.
Women councillors in India play a far more important role now than
before. As different studies show, women leaders make a difference on
the ground. They are playing an important role in the decision-making
process, giving more importance to social development activities such
as health, education, sanitation, old-age pensions and social welfare
[Chap. 15 in this volume]. Jabeen and Mubasher [Chap. 16 in this vol-
ume] have documented the scope and extent of the leadership role of
women councillors in local government in Pakistan. Not only do they
focus on issues that concern women and social sectors; as Jabeen and
Mubasher [in this volume] observe, ‘Women councillors define the fiscal
policy and allocate funds through committee budgets … they play their
effective role in improving inter-governmental relations at different tiers
of local governance and establishing alliances and agreements with other
partners’.
These observations are not intended to idealize the role of women

councillors. Many of the factors that discourage women at the national
level to play a proactive role can also be found in local government in
all these countries. The situation in Sri Lanka is different. Sri Lanka has
what one commentator called a ‘local government without women’.
There is thus not much scope to explore the role women in local gov-
ernment in Sri Lanka as they have only a very negligible representation.
Nepal has lacked any representative local government for nearly two dec-
ades.
Women and Men in Governing Institutions

It has been observed that the presence of women in different governing
institutions matter. It is also now recognized that much of what women
can do depends on many factors, of which the attitude of men is critically
important. As evident from Table 18.1, men still constitute an absolute
majority in all governing institutions; hence their opinion and ideas are
likely to matter more than those of women when decisions are taken on
different issues. The way elected women and men in different governing
institutions look upon each other is crucially important.
The various chapters in this volume reveal that nowhere can one find
men holding a very positive opinion regarding the role and p articipation
of women. Although direct resistance to any policy aimed at women’s
empowerment is rare, everywhere men are often found adopting dif-
ferent strategies to make the life of women difficult. As Ahmed and
Jahan observe [Chap. 8 in this volume], gender discrimination, sexual
harassment and misbehavior of colleagues which are generally found in
workplaces often create stress among officials in the civil service; those
protesting such kind injustices are often victimized, among other things,
by being posted to less important positions or are denied promotion
and/or scope to participate in important training programs.
In Pakistan, as Ansari observes [Chap. 12 in this volume], male civil
servants want women to be in the ‘soft’ professions such as teaching
and medical than in professions carrying prestige and offering scope to
exercise power and influence such as PAS or PSP. In India, male offi-
cials often have a tendency to consider women as less capable of holding
important positions in important ministries; many also do not want to
work under a female boss. Singh [Chap. 10 in this volume] observes that
many male officials also have a tendency to believe that as women have
336 N. Ahmed
to do multiple work, they often cannot pay proper attention to their civil
service duties. Male officials in Sri Lanka apparently have a more positive
view about the role of women officials; they readily appreciate the role
played by women officials and are aware of difficulties that women face
in workplaces and at home [Chap. 13 in this volume].
Men and women representatives in parliament and local government
have a tendency to define their role in a mutually exclusive manner.
Women often complain of indifferent attitude of the party leadership to
their legitimate claims and demands. Reserved-seat women representa-
tives remain doubly disadvantageous, although discussion in Chaps. 2
and 6 shows that they perform better than those elected on popular votes
—male or female. In Bangladesh, reserved-seat MPs receive less allocation
than their general-seat counterparts; they are also being discriminated
against in the House [Chap. 2 in this volume]. General-seat women par-
liamentarians, rather than expressing solidarity with reserved-seat parlia-
mentarians when the latter raise issues that concern women, often toe the
line followed by their male counterparts. They do not easily want to iden-
tify themselves with women or women’s issues and often have a tendency
to assert that reserved-seat MPs have the main responsibility to promote
issues concerning women. In fact, like their male counterparts, general-
seat women MPs also tend to undermine RSWPs as someone having a
‘second class’ status in parliament as they lack popular mandate. The par-
adox, however, is that, as a comparative study of the nature of activism
of the reserved-seat and general-seat women parliamentarians in different
parliaments in Bangladesh (Ahmed 2013) shows, the former outdistance
the latter in every respect, even in terms of raising constituency issues in
the House. This issue needs further exploration.
Suffice it to mention here that the situation at the local level is some-
what different as all three categories of representatives—men and women
elected from general seats and women elected from reserved seats—have
popular mandate. Unlike the reserved-seat MPs who are elected only by
popularly elected MPs, seats reserved for women in local government are
filled in by direct elections. They enjoy greater legitimacy and also have
better scope to assert themselves as their roles and responsibilities are
prescribed in statutes/rules; in contrast, reserved-seat women MPs do
not have any specific job description. Usually, reserved-seat local council-
lors are assigned responsibilities for dealing with women-related issues.
Some kind of division of labor can be found in local councils. Local
councillors in India, however, have better opportunity to be proactive as
they have separate constituencies like their male counterparts. Moreover,

as Chand argues [Chap. 15 in this volume], women councillors do not
face as much opposition as they witnessed in the past; the attitude of
male councillors [as well as general public] has begun to change from
total rejection to what Chand has called ‘limited acceptance’. The scope
of proxy participation, which was widely evident in the past, is gradually
declining. However, male councillors still do not want to accept women
representatives as equal. Women members are often not accorded the
kind of recognition and respect they deserve. There is a tendency in
India, as Chand has argued, to marginalize women members while tak-
ing decisions.
Mainstreaming Gender in Governing Institutions

Mainstreaming gender in governing institutions is a difficult task. Part
of the reason is that since governing institutions exercise power, any
attempt at mainstreaming gender will necessitate some kind of redefi-
nition of power relations in these institutions, a task that is difficult to
accomplish as the ‘powerful’ are likely to resist any attempt at power-
sharing. The introduction of the quota system can be seen as one of the
‘soft’ ways of allowing power-sharing without posing any kind of threat
to those who dominate different governing institutions. The ‘quota
women’ are not considered equal to those who claim popular mandate;
even in the bureaucracy, some kind of stigma is attached to those who
enter as ‘quota women’.
To be specific, ‘quota women’ generally lack strong bargaining power;
general-seat representatives, constituting the majority, actually decide
the ‘rules of the game’. Since men still constitute the majority of power
holders in different institutions, it is not unlikely that they will try to
resist any kind of change that will require major power-sharing. Gender
mainstreaming will thus require strong leadership capable of impos-
ing some change that is not still in sight in most of the countries of the
region. Although governments in half of the countries in the region have
in recent years been led by women, no significant change has taken place
in power relations in different governing institutions. Women leaders are
probably wary of initiating any reform that may threaten their own posi-
tions in their parties and government. Minor proposals are even looked
upon with suspicion. One reserved-seat woman MP in Bangladesh
expressed her anger at the statement made by one of the senior (woman)
338 N. Ahmed
party leaders in response to her request for some specific things: ‘You’ve
been made an MP; isn’t that enough? What else do you want? Be sat-
isfied with what you have been given’. Even reserved-seat MNAs in
Pakistan, who appear to perform better than women MPs in other coun-
tries of the region, find it extremely difficult to go beyond a certain
point where any effort to popularize certain issues risks becoming
counterproductive.
Chowdhury [Chap. 6 in this volume] reports that proactive women
MNAs are not only being reprimanded, one even lost her seat for being
vocal on women’s issues. Even the (former) Speaker of the Pakistan
National Assembly—Fehmida Mirza—came under serious attack for
supporting women’s issues; she was even been labelled by some as a
‘Women’s Speaker’ only. Chowdhury thus argues that both reserved-
seat and general-seat women MPs face similar political context and real-
ity. Cultural norms and societal values provide important impediments to
making any kind of major change in power relations in different institu-
tions including those charged with governing. Those who work in these
institutions, especially women, often find it difficult to challenge these
norms and values.
In Pakistan, as Chowdhury’s account shows, pro-women legisla-
tors were seen as opposing pro-women legislation such as protection of
women bill or a bill providing for the reservation of quota for women
in federal public service, as well as supporting bills that were likely to
negatively affect women such as the introduction of Sharia law in Swat
Valley. Thus, politicians have to work within limits set by cultural norms
and societal values which also influence political and party behavior.
Cultural norms prescribing a time-honored division of labor is still prac-
tised, no matter whether women work at home or outside. One woman
MP in Bangladesh expressed her anger/helplessness in the following
way: ‘He [meaning her husband] will not do anything at all … will be
willing to starve rather than cooking rice or fry an egg even when at
home’.
An important problem working women, no matter whether they are
in politics or are engaged in gainful employment, generally face is to
identify ways to balance their home and work roles. As a strategy to bal-
ance the two roles, many women civil servants in Pakistan, as Ansari’s
account shows, avoid field postings or choose services that do not
require posting outside the capital or main cities. This strategy, which
solves immediate problems, however, causes stress subsequently as many
of them find their career advancement blocked for lack of ‘appropri-

ate’ experience. Maintaining the image of a ‘good woman’ as defined
by social norms requires a delicate balance between home and work, a
task many find difficult to attain. Many women, as Ansari observes [in
this volume], thus have to relegate their professional role to a second-
ary position in contrast to a man whose career assumes his primary
obligation.
Ansari, however, argues that female careerists in Pakistan often receive
some kind of ‘cultural and systemic support’ such as exemptions from
attending late meetings or posting to remote or insecure areas in the
country, and/or experience accommodating attitude of bosses and col-
leagues; these may not be available to their counterparts in other coun-
tries. However, those who may succeed in adopting strategies aimed at
easing tension between the two in the short run, as Ansari argues, may
lose visibility, being marginalized and lose mainstream in the long run,
hence impeding their career progression. This may create more problems
in the long run. Moreover, family support, which has traditionally helped
women balance work and home-related problems, is becoming uncer-
tain mostly because of the high rate of family disintegration taking place,
especially in urban areas. Lack of alternative reliable family support sys-
tem compounds the problem.
Women working outside thus face a dilemma. There is no ‘one best
way’ to resolve this dilemma. Moreover, the notion/image of a ‘good
woman’—societal prescriptions dictating the duties of a female toward
her family and governing her social conduct [Chap. 12 in this volume]—
does not apply only to a working woman; it equally applies to women
who are involved in politics. Balancing politics and family requires at
least as much skills and strategies as needed to balance work and home,
although the way they may use these may vary from one context to
another.
Overall, various country chapters in this volume reveal that more
women can be found in different governing institutions in South Asia
now than in the past. However, the rate of increase in representation
can be seen as uneven, with some countries progressing at a much faster
rate than the others. Part of the reason is the existence of a quota sys-
tem that has contributed significantly to the improvement of descriptive
representation of women, particularly in Bangladesh and Pakistan. The
rate of increase of women’s representation is slower in those countries
340 N. Ahmed
where the system of quota does not exist, for example, Sri Lanka and
Bhutan. Evidence shows that the increase in descriptive representation
has a positive impact on the substantive representation of women in dif-
ferent countries. Those elected indirectly, referred to as ‘quota women’
in this book, do not always remain onlookers; in fact, ‘quota women’
in parliaments have fared better than those (women) elected on popular
votes in almost every country in promoting issues that concern women.
Differences in the nature of activism can be noticed not only between
the two categories of women MPs in a single country, but also among
women MPs in different countries, with Pakistani reserved-seat women
MPs outperforming their counterparts in other countries, particularly in
moving women-friendly legislation. Bangladeshi women MPs used dif-
ferent techniques other than legislation to promote various issues that
concern them. Quota women in local governments also appear to be
actively engaged in promoting women-related issues that generally do
not interest male representatives.
Yet women lawmakers or local women councillors do not receive the
kind of recognition they deserve. They often remain neglected and their
contribution is less appreciated. Patriarchy is widely evident; examples of
women being reprimanded for playing a proactive role are not rare. What
is particularly noticed is the absence of a sense of comradeship among
women representatives. Women do not always agree on women-related
issues. In general, party restrictions discourage cross-bench collabora-
tion; cultural norms and societal values compound this problem. Women
in bureaucracies in different countries also remain disadvantaged, not-
withstanding an increase in their representation over the years. In par-
ticular, glass ceiling is widely evident in different countries of the region.
Moreover, very often women find it difficult to balance work and home
roles. Experience shows that strategies adopted to make the two roles
compatible in the short run often turn out to be counterproductive in
the long run, thereby causing stress and strain among women officials.
One positive thing that can be observed is that resistance to women
seeking entry into politics and bureaucracy and their advancement is not
as widespread as in the past. Societal values regarding women are also
changing. There is greater social acceptance of women in leadership roles
now than in the past. Many even take pride in having daughters, sisters
or wives in important positions in politics and administration; educated
employed women are also seen as economic assets, especially in India.
What is needed most is to adopt policies and programs aimed at turning
different constraints to women’s empowerment into opportunities, a task

that seems to be difficult, although not impossible.
Notes
1. What’s the Women’s Reservation Bill all about? rediff News, March 08,
2010. http://news.rediff.com/special/2010/mar/08/whats-the-womens-
reservation-bill-all-about.htm. Accessed January 30, 2017.
2. ‘Twenty Years Too Long: Women’s Reservation Bill Continues to
Languish in Lok Sabha’, The Wire, September 16, 2016. https://thewire.
in/66260/womens-reservation-bill-in-lok-sabha/. Accessed February 10,
2017.
3. Ayesha Sumbul, ‘Women’s Reservation Bill—A Critique’, PCL Bulletin,
August 2004. http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Gender/2004/womens-res-
ervation-bill.htm. Accessed February 10, 2017.
Index
A Attitudinal change, 159, 279

Absenteeism, 224 Authority, 20, 121, 175, 180, 183,
Absentee population, 88 211, 248, 258, 263, 267, 269,
Acker, J., 98, 107, 223 271, 273, 286, 289, 290, 293,
Adhikari, R., 198, 199 299, 307
Administrative efficacy, 76 Awami League (AL), 31, 35–38, 262
Advocates of quota system, 3 Awasthi, G.D., 198, 199
Aurat Foundation (AF), 106,
299, 300
Affirmative action policies, 8, 142, 148 B
Aguirre, D., 83 Ballington, J., 4
Ahangkar, 17, 18, 38 Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS), 142,
Ahmed, S.G., 146 158
Ajaz, S., 144 The Bangladesh Labor Act 2006, 159
Alangkar, 17, 18, 27, 38, 340 Bangladesh nationalist Party (BNP),
Alexander, P.C., 176 37, 259, 262
Alliance, 6, 37, 84, 183, 252, 263, Bangladesh Parliament, 17, 18, 22
298, 334 Bari, F., 101, 107, 110–113, 184,
Annual performance agreements, 172, 286, 292, 300
173 Barik, R.K., 184
Anti-dowry Commission, 66 Barnett, S.M., 217
Apolitical, 165 Barriers to gender mainstreaming,
Arguments for inclusion of women, 118 169, 183–187, 238
Aronson, A., 62 administrative barriers, 184, 185
Ashok Mehta Committee, 270 political barriers, 186
Asian Development Bank (ADB), 286, social barriers, 187
287, 292 Basic Democracies system, 289
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 343

DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-57475-2
344 Index
Baviskar, B.S., 273, 280 Childs, S., 7, 8, 98–100, 107, 113,

Beall, J., 117 252
Beaujot, R., 143 Chinchilla, N., 143, 145
Bennett, C., 9 Chowdhury, N., 3, 4, 276, 331–333,
Berk, S., 143 338
Beteille, A., 184 Christensen, T., 286
Beutell, N.J., 144 Chusmir, L.H., 217
Bhargava, A., 186 The Civil Service Act 1993, 84, 203
Bhargava, R., 186 Civil service support desk, 173
Bhattacharya, M., 177 Civil service of Pakistan (CSP), 210,
Bilal, G., 99 211, 225
Black, M.J., 6 Civil Society Organization (CSO), 24,
Bochel, C., 98, 111 33, 84, 106, 249, 257, 297, 298
Borgida, E., 217 Civil Superior Services (CSS), 210
Boserup, E., 307 Class-character, 176
Briggs, J., 98, 111 Collectivist approach, 221
Browne, E., 109 Collectivist society, 155
Bureaucracy, 1, 5, 9, 10, 43, 163, 166, Colonial aggression, 41
169, 171, 172, 176, 198, 209, Committee on the Status of Women in
213, 218, 270, 326, 329, 337, India (CSWI), 66
340 Communist Party of Nepal – Maoist,
Burgess, D., 217 83, 85
Bylesjö, C., 4 Comprehensive Peace Agreement
Bystydzienski, M., 48, 49 (CPA), 84
Compromises and alliances, 263
Conducive environment, 65, 168,
C 169, 172
Call-Attention Motion (CAM), 22, Conflict, 36, 53, 133, 157, 159
23, 25, 28, 30 Consequences of female involvement,
Career women, 223 88
Carli L.L., 222 Constituency, 9, 21, 27, 28, 30, 32,
Carnes, M., 215 33, 35, 36, 61, 99, 101, 107,
Carroll, S.J., 7 110, 246, 332, 336
Ceci, S.J., 217 Constituency members, 21
CEDAW, 82, 118, 163 Constituency-related issues, 27
Celis, K., 98 Constituent Assembly (CA), 80, 84,
Center for Women’s Research, 309, 86, 196, 333
127 The 73rd constitutional Amendment,
Ceylon Civil Service (CCS), 233 63, 64, 67, 270, 273
Ceylon National Congress, 230 Content analysis, 100
Chief Whip, 33 Continuous Education (CE), 168
Childcare arrangement, 144 Converse, D., 144
Index 345
Coser, L., 219 Devolution of Power Plan, 286, 290

Coser, R., 219 Direct election, 92, 250, 272, 336
Cottle, D., 83 Direct-seat women parliamentarians
Cotton, J.L., 220 (DSWPs), 18, 21, 22, 26–28, 30,
Council of States, 71 31, 35, 37–39
Crawford, M., 44, 47, 49 Discrimination, 9, 61, 62, 81–83, 86,
Critical acts, 7, 8 91, 92, 104, 106, 108, 118, 150,
Critical mass, 2, 7, 8, 32, 54, 91, 249, 152, 164, 165, 172
251, 252, 262, 272, 291, 292, Domesticity, 177, 222, 223
301 Domestic violence, 2, 24, 33, 50, 52,
Crompton, R., 219 74, 91, 93, 103, 132, 196, 310,
Crowley, J.E., 7 332, 333
Cultural norms in Pakistan, 300 Domination, 19, 38, 60, 61, 88, 94,
Culture of individualism, 155 180, 201, 237, 270, 271, 314, 325
Culture of silence, 53 Dorji, T., 42, 46
Currel, M.E., 307 Double-day work, 143, 144
Drage, J., 248
Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT), 42,
D 45, 46, 48
Dahlerup, D., 4, 5, 7, 53, 60, 65, 98, Dworkin, R., 62
99, 107, 118, 251 Dynastic succession, 37
Dalton, E., 98, 109 Dzong, 43
Datta, B., 63
Debates, 22, 50, 70, 100, 104, 110
De Beauvoir, S., 60 E
Decentralization of power, 267 Eagly, A.H., 222
Decision-making, 2, 6, 43, 60, 62, Eisenstein, Z.R., 62
68, 75, 80, 91, 92, 98, 118, 127, Elected women representatives
164, 171, 175, 186, 187, 193, (EWRs), 273, 280
194, 270, 273, 274, 276, 286, Electoral laws, 53, 64
287, 293, 299, 302, 306, 307, Elite, 2, 48, 54, 83, 84, 109, 133,
334 184, 203, 210, 234, 270, 292
Delegate role, 20 Empowerment, 4, 9, 24, 26, 34,
Dema, K., 42, 46, 51, 52 59–61, 63–65, 67, 68, 73, 74,
Descriptive representation, 5, 6, 9, 10, 131–133, 148, 172, 176, 184,
18, 26, 32, 97, 100, 325, 331, 229, 232, 267, 268, 275–277,
339 279, 281, 282, 286, 295, 300,
de Silva, K.M., 231 335, 341
De Silva, W., 120, 127 Endagama, M., 234, 237
Desouza, P.R., 270 Equal access/opportunity, 23, 49, 55,
Detractors of quota system, 3 65, 80, 89, 90, 107–109, 132,
Devolution of executive power, 41 165, 177, 188, 198, 206, 207,
346 Index
222, 224, 231, 237, 254, 255, Franceschet, S., 106, 112
260, 263, 273, 281, 287, 307, Freidenvall, L., 4, 5, 55
331, 336 Frieden, J., 83
Equal pay, 82, 112, 165 Funding for election campaign, 42
Equal representation, 62, 241, 306
Equity, 66, 165, 189
Expertise, 73, 112, 270, 297, 302 G
Exploitation, 74, 165, 190, 272 Gender awareness, 287
Extended family, 145, 153, 159, 218 Gender-biased service delivery, 2
Gender blindness, 44
Gender composition, 73, 164, 295
F Gender composition of elected assem-
Face-time system, 225 blies, 62
FAFEN, 106, 108 Gender discrimination, 55, 73, 112,
Familial politics, 37, 38 150, 152, 172, 331, 335
Family support, 145, 158, 159, 223, Gender disparities, 163
239, 241, 339 Gendered institutions, 99, 325
Family supportive strategies, 146 Gendered norms, 142
Female careers, 89, 168, 171, 217, Gendered perceptions, 183
247 Gendered practices, 225
Female representation, 167, 170, 218 Gendered routes to power, 247, 263
Feminist approach, 193 Gender-friendly, 164
Feminist idea, 61 Gender equality, 1, 5, 61–63, 66, 73,
Feminist legislation, 103 82, 109, 164, 169, 170, 176,
Feminist subjugation, 52 189, 190, 196
Feminist women politicians, 56 The Gender Equality Act 2006, 196
Feudal, 99, 106, 109, 111, 234 Gender equality discourse, 83
Fifth Pay Commission, 181 Gender equity, 7, 43, 286
Fiorina, M., 30 Gender identity, 106, 107
The First Republican Constitution, Gender-neutral, 163, 169, 170, 219,
119 223, 224
First track model of representation, 4 Gender parity, 169, 286, 295
First-past-the-post electoral system, 54 Gender perspective, 48
Fixed-tenure, 187 Gender quota, 3, 4, 53, 60, 63–65,
Fletcher, J.K., 224 98, 99, 109, 113, 121, 132, 296
Floor-crossing, 20 Gender Responsive Planning and
Focus Group Discussion (FGD), 18, Budgeting (GRPB), 164
33–35, 37, 119, 255, 256, 262, Gender sensitivity, 74, 225, 303
306, 310, 311, 315 General seat, 18, 38, 106, 107, 113,
Forbes, G., 61, 65 250, 252, 255, 257,
Formal and informal institutions, 98 332, 336
Index 347
Ghatak, M., 271 House of Commons, 23, 44

Glass ceiling, 9, 186, 215, 216, 218, Hust, E., 276
222, 237, 340 Hybrid politicians, 35
Goetz, A.M., 112, 246, 252
Gomez, S., 132, 133
Government of Nepal (GoN), 82, I
196, 202, 205 Ibarra, H., 220
Goulding, K., 9 Ickovics R., 143
Governance, 1–3, 7, 10, 43, 48, 50, IDEA, 47, 53, 80, 82
67, 117, 134, 164, 170, 171, Ideology of Nehru-Gandhi era, 68
177, 183, 187, 189, 190, 193, Impartiality of Public Service
194, 248, 267–270, 272, 274, Commission, 202
281, 285–288, 290, 293, 295, Imtiaz, H., 110
297, 301, 302, 307, 325, 326 Inclusive development, 76
Government of Pakistan, 213, 214, Inclusive governance, 118, 134, 177,
295 189
Greenhaus, J.H., 144 Incremental track of representation, 4
Greenhaus, l.H, 144 Indian Civil Service (ICS), 175, 176,
Grey, S., 7, 45 183, 210
Groeneveld, S., 225 Indirect election, 70, 99, 109, 110,
Gross National Happiness, 163, 164, 113
169 Interim Constitution of Nepal, 81
Gunasekera, S., 309 Interim Recruitment Policy (IRP),
Gyllstrom, K.K., 144 146
Internal framework for gender issues,
173
H International Labor Organization, 112
Handrasekhar, L., 267 IPU, 55, 69
Haque, M.S., 2 Irwin, R., 248
Hassim, S., 112, 246, 252 Issac, C.A., 215
Hatlebakk, M., 83 Iwanaga, K., 5, 6
Hausdorf, P.A., 145
Haviland, C., 87
Heras, M., 143, 145 J
Herman, J.B., 144 Jadoon, M.Z.I., 287, 289, 290
Heterogeneous societies, 62 Jaggar, A., 61
Hindu Marriage Act, 67 Jahan, F., 142, 147
History of freedom movement, 68 Jahan, R., 335
Hofstede, G., 221 Jain, B., 178, 180
Honor killing, 102, 109 Jain, S., 273
348 Index
Jamal, S., 103 Kohn, W., 307

Jana Andolan I, 82 Krook, M., 54
Jana Andolan II, 84 Kuensel, 55
Jatiya Party (JP), 31 Kuku, N., 9
Jatiya Sangsad, 31 Kumar, G., 270
Jayal, N., 63 Kumar, R., 60, 277
Jayasinghe, V., 232 Kunovich, S., 53
Jayawardena, K., 120, 26, 130, 132, Kymlicka, W., 62
133, 231, 232
Jayaweera, S., 231, 232
Jeanne, M., 184 L
Jha, H.B., 87 Lack of female involvement, 2
Jha, M., 190 Lægreid, P., 286
Jha, T., 41 Lamsang, T., 55
Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), 120,
121, 128, 129
K Leader of the House, 19, 20, 31
Kaatz, A., 215 Leader of the Opposition, 19, 31, 45,
Kang, A., 28 73
Kanter, R.M., 215, 251 Leadership, 2, 5, 19, 20, 31, 37, 38,
Karam, A., 8, 19 45, 65, 73, 80–82, 89, 90, 92, 94,
Karim, M.R., 147 111, 118, 121, 123, 126–128,
Kashif, M., 144 166, 170–172, 247, 252, 263,
Kaul, M.N., 23 287, 302, 303, 307, 309, 310,
Kearney, R.N., 120, 308 317–319, 332–334, 336, 337, 340
Keith, P.M., 144 Legislation, 6, 8, 24, 43, 54, 63, 64,
Kent, J., 45 71, 73–75, 99, 102, 103, 110,
Keys, A., 83 131, 148, 149, 159, 170, 268,
Khan, A.A., 148 272, 288, 295, 301, 302, 332,
Khan, J.R., 212 333, 338, 340
Khan, S., 110 Legislative quotas, 4
Khosa, A., 287 Leitan, T., 126, 309
Khosa, A.S.K., 212 Less-valued, 186
Khurshid, K., 212, 214 Literacy rates, 168, 169
Kimmel, M.S., 62 Liu, J., 143
Kinship, 121, 261 Local government, 8–11, 34, 55, 65,
Kiribamune, S., 120, 127, 309 92, 130, 131, 172, 173, 245,
Kittilson, M.C., 98 246, 248–250, 252, 253, 257,
Koberg, C.S., 217 262, 267, 268, 270–273, 281,
Kodikara, C., 126, 127, 131, 132, 286, 288, 289, 291, 293, 298,
309, 310 299, 301, 302, 306, 308–310,
Index 349
318, 319, 325, 326, 328, Menon, N., 60, 186

334–336, 340 Mental—conditioning, 188
Lok Sabha, 61, 64, 68–70, 72, 73, 75, Meritocracy, 165
268, 329 Mettananda, T., 120
Lovenduski, J., 7, 98, 251 Meyerson, D. E., 224
Low performance/participation, 169 Millett, K., 43, 52, 62
Lyonette, C., 219 Mindsets and attitudes, 171
Minorities, 65, 117, 177, 251
Miranda, R.L.T., 2
M Mirza N., 106, 109, 110, 338
Mackay, F., 98, 111 Misbehaviour of colleagues, 150, 1552
Mahmud, S., 7, 8, 252 Model colony, 231
Mahtab, N., 150 Moghadam, V., 99
Male-bastion, 60, 189, 268 Mohanty, B., 279, 280
Male-dominated state bureaucracy, 2 Mohanty, M., 177
Male parliamentarians, 23, 24, 38, 51, Monarchy, 41, 326
52, 102, 332 Morris-Jones, W. H., 176
Male supremacy in local structures, MP activism, 25, 102
299 Muller, W., 21
Male supremacy, 44 Multi-party democracy, 71
Mallik, S.N., 269 The Muluki Ain 2020, 82, 84, 94
Managing household chores, Mumtaz, K., 99
153–155, 157 Myrdal, G., 231
Mandates, 66, 67, 91, 107, 246, 248,
256, 268, 336, 337
Mansbridge, J., 5, 251 N
Maoist movement, 83–85 Najiullah, S., 177
Masculine culture, 44, 98, 128, 183, Nanayakkara, V.K., 234
218, 224 Nari Samiti, 81
Masculine domination, 44, 52, 224 National Assembly, 38, 42, 43, 45, 48
Masculine norm, 44, 224 National Council, 452, 43, 45, 48, 53
Masuda, A., 143, 145 National Gender Machinery, 8
Maswood, A.A., 185 National Peace Council (NPC), 310
McCann, J., 4 National Policy for the Advancement
Mehdi, R., 102 of Women, 148
Mehmood, B., 144 National Reconstruction Bureau, 290
Mehra, A.K., 61 Natural woman, 45
Member-constituent relationship, 30 Nazneen, S., 7, 8, 246, 250,
Member of Parliament (MP), 7, 10, 252, 253
18–39, 64, 73, 102, 121, 132, Negotiations, 252, 286
133, 333, 337, 338 Nepal Mahila Sangh, 81
350 Index
New pathways, 297 Participatory democracy, 60, 62, 307

Norris, P., 7, 98, 307 Party discipline, 109, 111, 113
Norton, O., 19 Party ideology, 111
Nussbaum, M., 63 Party quotas, 4
Passive participants, 47
Patel, A., 177
O Pateman, C., 55
Olson, D., 19 Paternalistic style of governance, 41
Oral questions, 24, 25 Patriarch, 34, 37, 38, 43, 52, 60, 61,
66, 83, 88, 94, 99, 188, 232,
272, 274, 340
P Patriarchal attitude, 45
Panchayat Raj institutions (PRIs), 268, Patriarchal socio-culture, 42
270–275, 279–281 Patriarchy at work place, 188
Panchayats, 74, 269–272, 274–277, Paxton, P., 53
279–282 Peden, R., 7
Panday, D.R., 246 People’s Democratic Party, 42
Panday, P.K., 246 People’s participation, 267, 289
Parliament, 1, 3–6, 8–10, 18–21, 23, People’s War, 83, 84
25–27, 30–33, 35, 42–49, 51, Performance, 3, 38, 71, 101, 103,
53–56, 60, 64, 67, 69, 71, 73, 75, 106, 118, 169, 172, 173, 180,
79, 82, 84, 86, 89, 92, 94, 97, 99, 189, 201, 215, 219–221, 223,
100, 102, 110, 111, 113, 128, 225, 285, 288, 297, 301, 302,
131, 132, 194–196, 291, 318, 331, 332, 334
325–329, 331–334, 336, 340 Phillips, A., 65, 111, 118
Parliamentary process, 32 Phuntsho, K., 41
Parliamentary Select Committee on Pietropaoli, I., 83
Electoral Reforms (PSCER), 131 PILDAT, 106, 109
Parliamentary system of government, Pini, B., 44, 47, 49
42, 176 Pitkin, H., 5, 18
Parliament men, 21 Prime Minister’s Question Time
Parliament Secretariat, 23, 24 (PMQT), 22
Participation, 1, 2, 8, 10, 20, 42, 54, Pocock, B., 144
55, 60–63, 68, 70, 74, 75, 79, Poggio, B., 235
80, 82–84, 89, 92, 94, 117, 118, Policy advocates, 20, 21
127, 130, 142, 164, 168–173, Policy of inclusion, 11, 194,
177, 178, 193, 194, 196, 197, 196, 198, 199, 202, 206,
217, 232, 245–247, 249, 250, 207, 330
252, 256, 257, 262, 267, 268, Political barriers to gender main-
270–274, 276, 277, 279–282, streaming, 186
286, 287, 291, 293, 296, 297, Political career, 36, 38, 56, 85, 89,
301, 307, 335, 337 106, 296, 332
Index 351
Political culture, 3, 19, 37, 127, 274, Ragins, B.R., 220

314 Rahayu, R.I., 6
Political empowerment of women, 63 Rahman, S., 33, 98, 107, 112
Political inclusion, 62 Rai, S.M., 4, 8, 66
Political institution, 4, 63, 64, 66, 97, Rajya Sabha, 70–73, 75, 329
98, 109, 110, 112, 118, 252, Regime consolidation tool, 9
257, 273, 276, 307 Registered voters, 42
Political patronage, 112 Reingold, B., 6, 106
Political presence, 3, 62 Representation, 1, 3–10, 18, 21,
Politics as a masculine activity, 127 24, 26, 32, 45, 46, 49, 53, 55,
Polygamy, 67, 81 60–70, 72, 75, 76, 79, 84, 92,
Positive discriminatory policies, 10 94, 97–101, 104–108, 111–113,
Post-colonial states, 60 117, 118, 124, 126, 128,
Prejudices, 175, 176, 190, 207, 256, 130–134, 142, 149, 164, 167,
287 168, 170–173, 175, 177–179,
Prejudices and stereotypes, 164 183, 184, 189, 190, 193, 194,
Primary round of election, 42 201, 206, 209, 213, 218, 230,
Private members’ bills, 23, 24, 102, 241, 246, 250, 251, 268, 272,
331, 332 274, 277, 280–282, 286, 287,
Proportional representation of women, 291, 292, 295, 300, 306–308,
92 310, 314, 318, 319, 325, 326,
Proximity, 183, 186 329, 331, 335, 339, 340
Public Service Commission (PSC), Representation of women, 3–5, 8,
112, 199, 201, 202, 212 10, 18, 24, 32, 54, 62, 65, 69,
Public space, 56, 65, 253 70, 92, 99, 101, 105, 107,
Purity-pollution, 180 108, 111–113, 124, 126, 128,
Puwar, N., 44, 46, 49, 98, 106 130, 132, 133, 142, 149, 164,
167–171, 173, 175, 179, 184,
189, 190, 193, 194, 213, 230,
Q 241, 250–252, 287, 291, 293,
Qualitative barrier, 8 300, 306, 308, 310, 314, 319,
Quantitative gains, 8 325, 326, 328, 329, 339
Questions, 22–25, 27, 28, 64, 66, 71, Representation without participation,
72, 103, 201, 203, 230, 298, 306 9
Quota label, 99, 100 Reproductive rights, 103, 331
Quota system in the Nepalese civil Reservation of seats, 5, 17, 64, 65, 74,
service, 196 213, 272, 273, 276, 279, 280,
Quota women, 18, 99, 101, 337, 340 282, 329
Reserved seats, 4, 8, 9, 22, 24, 28,
37, 53, 101, 107–109, 245, 250,
R 255–258, 261, 263, 333, 334,
Radical feminists, 52, 62 336
352 Index
Reserved-seat quotas, 4, 5 Self-promotion, 47

Respectable femininity, 6, 48, 56, 62, Self-selecting behavior of women, 215
74, 98, 102, 103, 106, 109, 113, Senate, 101, 119, 291
186, 188, 193, 306, 332 Seven-party Alliance (SPA), 84
Restructuring power relations, 76 Sexual harassment, 75, 103, 150, 151,
Reyes, S., 110 164, 173, 181, 185, 273, 335
Royal Government of Bhutan (RGoB), Shah, S.A., 80, 102, 103, 105, 112
163, 165, 169, 172 Shaheed, F., 99, 107
Right to inheritance, 81, 83, 93 Shankar, B.L., 69
Rimi, N.N., 145 Sharia, 112, 338
Rodin J., 143 Sharma P.K, 83
Rodrigues, V., 69 Sharma, J., 83
Rules of Procedure (RoP), 22 Simms, M., 45, 48
Ross, K., 98 Singh, M.M., 80, 81
Rotational reservation system, 274 Singh, M.P., 73
Reserved-seat Members of National Singh, S., 275
Assembly (RSMNAs), 100, Sinpeng, A., 41
104–106, 110 Sithey, G., 42
Reserved-seat women parliamentar- Smith, S., 144
ians (RSWPs), 18, 19, 21, 26–28, Social activists, 301
30–33, 35–38, 332 Social barriers to gender mainstream-
Rule, W., 60, 88, 111, 118 ing, 187
Social justice, 66, 75, 275
Social legislation, 75
S Social Service League, 230
Saalfeld, T., 21 Social status, 206, 259
Saeed, M., 109 Socialization, 126, 127, 188, 239,
Sahi, A., 109 295, 309
Samarasinghe, V., 127 Societal dictates, 215
Sawer, M., 45, 48 Soft-ministries, 182, 186
Saxena, K.S., 67 Somasundram, M., 234
Schafer, R.B., 144 The Soulbury Constitution, 119
Schedule Castes (SCs), 178, 179 Speaker, 19, 31, 49, 52, 80, 86, 89,
Scheduled Tribes (STs), 178 90, 92, 104, 107, 109, 113, 333,
Schwartz, H., 107 338
Schwindt–Bayer, L.A., 97, 99 Special provision for women, 197
Searing, D.H., 20, 21 Sri Lanka Administrative Service
The Second Republican Constitution, (SLAS), 229, 230, 234, 237–241
119 Sri Lankan Institute for Development
Sekhon, J., 269 Administration (SLIDA), 235,
Self-esteem, 143, 172, 181, 267 239
Index 353
Srinivas, M.N., 180, 183, 185 Tremblay, M., 42, 111, 252
Srivastava, R., 269 Triple burden, 172
Steel-frame, 176, 180, 189 Tripp, A.M., 5, 98, 99
Stereotypes, 126, 171, 172, 186, 216, True, J., 112
217, 220, 223 Tshering, J., 47
Strategic actors, 263 Turner, M., 41
Strict demarcation of gender roles, Types of questions, 64, 203
222 Types of quotas, 4
Structural barriers to gender main-
streaming, 184
Strulik, S., 278 U
Substantive representation, 5, 6, 9, 10, UNDP, 1, 54, 117, 194, 209, 286,
18, 32, 97, 98, 100, 106–108, 287
111–113, 325, 331, 340 Union Parishad (UP), 23, 32, 246–
Sultan, M., 142, 147, 149, 159 250, 252, 254, 256–263, 334
Sun, Tsai-Wei, 2 United National Party (UNP), 120,
Supplementary questions, 22, 24 121, 124, 128, 130, 133, 234
Support mechanism for female officers, Upazila Parishad (UZP), 34, 249,
221 251, 258
Support structure, 145, 155, 158 Upper House, 42, 70, 101, 329
Suppressive culture, 80, 81
Surrogate participation, 279
Sustainable development, 169, 286, V
307 Verbeek, S., 225
Swers, L.M., 98, 110 Violence against women, 87, 104,
Systemic support specific to women, 258, 309, 334
221 Violent political culture, 128, 314
Voice, 6, 43, 49, 75, 86, 104, 107,
108, 110, 175, 193, 194, 246,
T 252, 262, 267, 287, 334
Targeted interventions, 169
Temporary special measures, 170
Thambiah, Y., 309 W
Thapa, D., 83 Wagha, W., 106, 109, 110
Thapa, G.B., 83 Walby, S., 60
Thomas, S., 7, 98, 108 Wangchuk, S., 46
Tinker, I., 1, 99 Warnapala, W., 234, 308
Tiwari, N., 279 Warner, M.A., 145
Token power, 55, 111 Waters, M., 52
Traditional beliefs, 55 Westminster Model, 42
Traditional pathways, 296, 297 Wharton, A.S., 60
Trajectories, 253, 262 Whelpton, J., 80, 81
354 Index
White, J.M., 119 Women’s Parliamentary Caucus

Wiberg, M., 23 (WPC), 102, 108, 109
Wickramasinghe, M., 127, 131, 132 Women’s representation, 2, 5–7,
Wickramasinghe, N., 234 10, 46, 53–56, 63, 66, 75, 79,
Williams, M.S., 62 92, 97, 107, 113, 121, 124,
Wilson, A.J., 119 132, 134, 194, 250, 252, 291,
Women CA Members, 84–86, 89–94 300, 306, 309, 325, 326, 330,
Women candidates, 2, 18, 37, 42, 54, 339
64, 68, 79, 82, 92, 124, 127, 131, Women’s right, 67, 84, 82, 87,
146, 179, 199, 201, 255, 275, 102–105, 231, 305
306, 309, 312, 314, 315, 329 Women’s Rights Bill, 133
Women councillors, 130, 136 Woodrow Wilson International Center
Women empowerment, 176, 184, for Scholars, 189, 193
229, 268 Work and family as allies, 145
Women-friendly work environment, 148 Work-family conflict, 144, 145
Women-in-Development (WID), 163 Work-family-friendly legislation, 159
Women in local governance, 282, 288 Work place crèches, 173
Women parliamentarians, 3, 18, 19, World Bank, 186, 286, 287
24, 27, 37, 43, 44, 46, 47, 49, Written questions, 24, 25
50, 52, 55, 56, 60, 69, 71–73,
75, 76, 80, 93, 94, 99, 103, 108,
111, 128 Y
Women-related issues, 27, 30, 102, Yami, H., 83
103, 182, 276, 334, 336, 340 Yoder, D., 53
Women’s Bureau of Sri Lanka, 120
Women’s Caucus, 86, 91, 94, 107,
113, 333 Z
The Women’s Franchise Union, 231 Zangmo, T., 46, 54, 56
Women’s interest, 3, 5, 6, 64, 75, 83, Zila Parishad (ZP), 34, 249
97, 102, 109, 111, 246, 273, Zimmerman, J.F., 118
332, 333 Zina, 102
Women’s movements, 8, 65, 66, 76, Zubeida, M., 112
80, 158

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Women in

ISBN 978-3-319-57474-5 ISBN 978-3-319-57475-2 (eBook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2017940623

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018

Cover image: Cover design by Samantha Johnson

Printed on acid-free paper

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature

South Asia, as Sobhan has argued, is united by a common thread of

However, responsibility for accuracy of data and interpretation of facts

Chittagong, Bangladesh Nizam Ahmed

Part I Women in Parliament

2 Alangkar or Ahangkar? Reserved-Seat Women Members

3 Women in Parliament—Entering the Public Male Domain

4 Deepening Democracy in India: The Role of Women

5 Women in the Parliament: Changing Gender Dynamics in

6 Who Speaks for Women in Parliament? Patriarchy and

7 Gender Inclusive Governance: Representation

Part II Women in Civil Service

8 Balancing Work and Family: Women in Bangladesh

9 Women in the Bhutanese Bureaucracy 163

10 Women in Civil Service in India 175

11 Limits of Inclusion: Women’s Participation

12 Women in Pakistan Civil Service 209

13 Women in Administrative Service in Sri Lanka 229

Part III Women in Local Government

14 Women’s Representation and Participation in Local

15 Proxy or Agency? Women in Rural Local

16 Gender and Local Governance in Pakistan 285

17 Testing the Politics of Presence: Women’s

Part IV Conclusion

18 Does Inclusion Matter? Women in Governing

A/L Advanced Level

Fig. 16.1 Local government structure in Pakistan 288

Table 2.1 Nature of women MP activism (1991–2015) 25

Table 11.1 Structure of civil service (by category) 195

About the Editor

Nizam Ahmed is Professor of Public Administration at the University

Nishat Afroze Ahmed received her bachelor of international ­relations

working as a Lecturer in the Department of International Relations,

Bidyut Chakrabarty is Professor of Public Administration at the

Prakash Chand is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Dyal

Nusrat Jahan Chowdhury is Associate Professor of Public Admini­

Sonam Chuki has Ph.D. in gender and politics from Queensland

Sadik Hasan is Associate Professor of Public Administration at the

(MPA) from the University of Baltimore, Maryland, USA. He has pub-

Nasira Jabeen is the Dean of Faculty of Economics and Management

Ferdous Jahan is Professor of Public Administration at the University

Kunzang Lhamu obtained her master degree in public policy from

Evaluation Association of Bhutan, which is in the process of being regis-

Kamala Liyanage is Senior Professor of Political Science at the University

Umm-e-Farwa Mubasher is a Lecturer and Ph.D. Scholar (previ-

M.A.F. Anwara Nilmi is a Temporary Lecturer of Political Science at the

Narendra Raj Paudel is Lecturer of Public Administration at

Shivani Singh is currently Assistant Professor of Political Science at

Darshi Thoradeniya works as a visiting lecturer in the Department

Punam Yadav is a Teaching Fellow in the Gender Institute and Research

Women in South Asia, as in other regions of the world, constitute nearly

© The Author(s) 2018 1

do women have even one-third of representation in the civil service. In

Fig. 16.1 Local government structure in Pakistan 288

Table 2.1 Nature of women MP activism (1991–2015) 25

Table 11.1 Structure of civil service (by category) 195

Nishat Afroze Ahmed received her bachelor of international relations

Nusrat Jahan Chowdhury is Associate Professor of Public Admini

Women in Bureaucracy and Politics

Scope and Structure of the Volume

Parliamentary Rules and MP’s Role Definition

Women in the Parliamentary Process

Table 2.1 Nature of women MP activism (1991–2015)

Table 2.2 Types of motions moved by two categories of women MPs

Source Same as Table 2.1

Issue Orientation of Motions Moved by Women MPs

Table 2.3 Issue orientation of different types of motions

Source Same as Table 2.1

CAM 71 (N = 364) 71A (N = 1820) 68 (N = 5) Questions (N = 904)

Women in Parliament—Entering the Public

Men and Women in National Parliament

Men and Women on Parliamentary Committees

The Divergent Views of Men and Women on Rape

Women Seeking Support from Male Colleagues: The

Seat Reservation in the Parliament

Deepening Democracy in India: The Role