Christine - Schams-Jewish - Scribes - in - The - Second-Temple - Period (1998) PDF

JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
SUPPLEMENT SERIES
291
Editors
David J.A. Clines
Philip R. Davies
Executive Editor
John Jarick
Editorial Board
Robert P. Carroll, Richard J. Coggins, Alan Cooper, J. Cheryl Exum,
John Goldingay, Robert P. Gordon, Norman K. Gottwald,
Andrew D.H. Mayes, Carol Meyers, Patrick D. Miller
Sheffield Academic Press

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Jewish Scribes in the
Second-Temple Period
Christine Schams
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

Supplement Series 291
for my parents
Copyright © 1998 Sheffield Academic Press
Published by Sheffield Academic Press Ltd

Mansion House
19KingfieldRoad
Sheffield SI 19AS
England
Printed on acid-free paper in Great Britain

by Bookcraft Ltd
Midsomer Norton, Bath
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available

from the British Library
ISBN 1-85075-940-5
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments 7
Abbreviations 8
INTRODUCTION 11
Chapter 1
PREVIOUS SCHOLARSHIP ON SCRIBES AND ITS SHORTCOMINGS 15
Chapter 2
DISCUSSION OF THE EVIDENCE FOR JEWISH SCRIBES IN
THE SECOND-TEMPLE PERIOD 36
2.1. Description of the Sources 36
2.2. Evidence for Scribes in the Persian Period (539-323 BCE) 44
2.2.1. Bullae 46
2.2.2. Ezra-Nehemiah 46
2.2.3. 1 and 2 Chronicles 60
2.3. Evidence for Scribes in the Hellenistic Period (323-63 BCE) 71
2.3.1. Septuagint Translations of the Biblical Books 71
2.3.2. Testament of Levi and Aramaic Levi 83
2.3.3. Zenon Papyri (P. Cairo Zen. 590006;
P. Lond. 7. 1930) 87
2.3.4 Seleucid Charter (Josephus, Anf. 12.138-44) 88
2.3.5. 1 Enoch and the Book of Giants 90
2.3.6. Wisdom of Ben Sira 98
2.3.7. 1 Esdras and 2 Esdras 106
2.3.8. 1 Maccabees 113
2.3.9. 2 Maccabees (Eleazar) 121
2.4. Evidence for Scribes in the Roman Period
(63 BCE-Second Century CE) 124
2.4.1. Psalms Scroll (David) 124
2.4.2. Philo 125
6 Jewish Scribes in the Second-Temple Period
2.4.3. Kaige-Theodotion Translation 127

2.4.4. Josephus on Biblical History 129
2.4.5. Josephus on Jewish History in the Roman Period 133
2.4.6. New Testament 143
2.4.7. 4 Ezra 201
2.4.8. Testament of Abraham 205
2.4.9. Papyri and other Documentary Sources 209
2.4.10. Aquila's and Symmachus's Greek Translations 216
2.4.11. Mishna 218
2.4.12. Tosefta 230
2.4.13. Jewish Inscriptions 234
2.4.14. Targumim 239
2.5. Silence Requiring Explanation 251
Chapter 3
POSSIBLE EXPLANATORY FACTORS 274
Chapter 4
A POSSIBLE MODEL FOR THE STATUS AND
FUNCTIONS OF SCRIBES 309
Bibliography 328
Index of References 351
Index of Authors 359
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to thank Professor Martin Goodman

who with much patience has guided me through the arduous task of
writing a DPhil thesis. Throughout the work on the thesis, which has
resulted in this book, he has helped me find the necessary sense of
direction and focus. I have greatly benefited from his criticism of my
work and excellent scholarship. I am also extremely grateful for the
helpful comments and suggestions of my examiners, Professor Lester
Grabbe and Professor Geza Vermes, their encouragement towards pub-
lication, and Lester Grabbe's recommendation of this work to Sheffield
Academic Press. Needless to say any remaining mistakes are my own.
I would further like to express my gratitude to the Pusey, Kennicott
and Ellerton Fund (Oxford), the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Cul-
ture (New York), and Tyndale House (Cambridge) for their financial
assistance during the period in which the research for this book has
been carried out. I am very grateful to St Cross College for providing
such pleasant surroundings and the facilities necessary for the writing
of the thesis and the book. A thank you also to CHP Consulting for
giving me time off work to put the finishing touches to this book.
On a more personal note I would like to thank my parents who have
provided the best support one could wish for and who have taken a
great interest in my work. They have never failed to encourage and
assist me in many ways during years of study. This book would not
have been possible without them. Invaluable continuous support during
the making of the book has also come from my husband Graham, who
now knows more than most seismologists about Jewish scribes. Fur-
thermore, a special thanks to Ruth Cross on whose computer most of
this book was written and to Graham Robertson and Marcus Milwright
for proof-reading a large part of it. I would also like to thank Jacqueline
Joseph for all the inspiring coffee breaks spent discussing the intrica-
cies of Josephus's writings, the Dead Sea Scrolls, the rabbis and the
Second-Temple period in general.
ABBREVIATIONS
AB Anchor Bible
AGJU Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des
Urchristentums
ASNU Acta seminarii neotestamentici upsaliensis
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BARev Biblical Archaeology Review
BETL Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum lovaniensium
BEvT Beitrage zur evangelischen Theologie
BHS Biblia hebraica stuttgartensia
BHT Beitrage zur historischen Theologie
BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of
Manchester
BJS Brown Judaic Studies
BN Biblische Notizen
BNTC Black's New Testament Commentaries
BZAW Beihefte zur ZAW
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBQMS Catholic Biblical Quarterly, Monograph Series
CGTC Cambridge Greek Testament Commentary
CIG Corpus inscriptionum graecarum
CIJ Corpus inscriptionum judaicarum
ConBOT Coniectanea biblica, Old Testament
CPJ Corpus papyrorum judaicarum
CRINT Compendia rerum iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum
DID Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
EKKNT Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament
FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen
Testaments
HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament
HTKNT Herders theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament
HTR Harvard Theological Review
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
IVP The InterVarsity Press New Testament Commentary Series
JAC Jahrbuchfiir Antike und Christentum
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
Abbreviations 9
JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology

JJS Journal of Jewish Studies
JQR Jewish Quarterly Review
JRS Journal of Roman Studies
JSHRZ Jiidische Schriften aus hellenistisch-romischer Zeit
JSJ Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic
and Roman Period
JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New Testament, Supplement
Series
JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement
Series
JSPSup Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha, Supplement
Series
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
KAT Kommentar zum Alien Testament
LCL Loeb Classical Library
LSJ H.G. Liddell, Robert Scott and H. Stuart Jones, Greek-
English Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 9th edn, 1968)
NIGTC The New International Greek Testament Commentary
NovT Novum Testamentum
NovTSup Novum Testamentum, Supplements
NRSV New Revised Standard Version
NIL New Testament Library
NTOA Novum Testamentum et orbis antiquus
NTS New Testament Studies
OBO Orbis biblicus et orientalis
OTL Old Testament Library
OTP James Charlesworth (ed.), Old Testament Pseudepigrapha
OTS Oudtestamentische Studien
RB Revue biblique
RNT Regensburger Neues Testament
SBLDS SBL Dissertation Series
SBLSBS SBL Sources for Biblical Study
SBLSCS SBL Septuagint and Cognate Studies
SBLTT SBL Texts and Translations
SJ Studiajudaica
SJLA Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity
SNTSMS Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series
SPB Studia postbiblica
TDNT Gerhard Kittel and Gerhard Friedrich (eds.), Theological
Dictionary of the New Testament (trans. Geoffrey W.
Bromiley; 10 vols.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964-)
THKNT Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament
TNTC Tyndale New Testament Commentaries
VT Vetus Testamentum
VTSup Vetus Testamentum, Supplements
WBC Word Biblical Commentary
WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament

ZAW Zeitschriftfur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZPE Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik
ZTK Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche
INTRODUCTION
Purpose of this Study

This study is a historical investigation into the status and functions of
scribes during the Second-Temple period. A determination of the role
of scribes in ancient Jewish society has important implications for the
general study of both ancient Jewish history and the New Testament
writings. This topic has been the subject of many studies but the com-
plexity of the evidence has resulted in diverse scholarly assessments of
the status and functions of scribes in ancient Jewish society. The major-
ity of scholars hold the view that scribes played an important role in the
history of the Jewish people during the Graeco-Roman period and great
influence has been ascribed to them in social, political and religious
matters. However, most books on the history of Second-Temple Juda-
ism and commentaries and handbooks to the New Testament over-
simplify the complex evidence. For example, the relevant sources do
not contain sufficient information about scribes to allow one to derive a
comprehensive picture of their status and functions by simply collating
the evidence. In addition, some of the information about scribes seems
to be contradictory. Since studies of scribes are usually characterized
by conflation or selective use of evidence and are frequently based on
presumptions which can no longer be sustained,1 a new assessment of
the problematic evidence with regard to the status, power and functions
of Jewish scribes in ancient society is desirable.
Method and Limitations

It will be evident from the discussion of previous scholarship in
Chapter 1 that the selection of relevant evidence depends strongly on a
scholar's notion of scribes and his/her judgment about the validity of
1. E.g. about the membership and influence of Pharisees, rabbis or the

sanhedrin.
the sources. The selection of relevant evidence therefore constitutes one

of the main sources of disagreement. In this investigation I aim to
tackle this particular problem by using an approach which has so far
not been applied to the study of scribes. In order to minimize the influ-
ence of modern assumptions on the selection of relevant evidence an
exclusive approach will be used. The approach is exclusive in the sense
that it takes into account only those pieces of evidence which provide
explicit proof that the individuals or groups referred to are scribes.
Scribes are identified as such on the grounds of either a title commonly
designating a professional scribe ("IBID, K~IBO, "l1?^, ypauucrcexx;,
A,ipA,ctpvo<;) or a function exclusively requiring professional writing
expertise. The key to this approach is that it employs the perception of
the ancient Jews themselves as reflected in the extant sources. Figures
of ancient Jewish tradition who fit into a modern (scholar's) concept of
scribes but are never referred to as such in the ancient literature will not
be included in this study since there is no evidence that they were per-
ceived as such by their contemporaries. For the same reasons literature
which is sometimes labelled as 'scribal literature' but contains no
explicit information that it was composed by scribes cannot be con-
sidered in this investigation. It will, however, be attempted to explain
why some of the sources from the period under consideration in which
one would expect references to scribes do not mention them at all.
Outline of this Investigation

Chapter 1 will provide an overview of the various strands in previous
scholarship on scribes and point out their major shortcomings.
The corpus of relevant evidence will be determined using the exclu-
sive approach2 and will be submitted to a careful analysis in Chapter 2.
Prior to the discussion of the actual evidence, the general value of the
various types of sources for the writing of the political, religious and
social history of Judaism during the Second-Temple period will be
considered (2.1). Then the extant evidence will be presented and dis-
cussed according to sources in a roughly chronological order. The
material will be considered as evidence for the period in which it origi-
nated or to which it refers. This will allow the detection of changes and
developments of the functions and status of scribes as it is implausible
2. For a description of the approach, cf. above in the section on the method
and limitations of this investigation.
Introduction 13
that over a period of more than 600 years their role and status remained
unchanged.3 The material will be grouped in the following three sec-
tions: Persian period (2.2), Hellenistic period (2.3), and Roman period
(2.4). It will further be considered whether the silence of some of the
sources may provide significant information about (the lack of certain)
functions and the perception of scribes (2.5).
Chapter 3 will provide a description of a large variety of economic,
social, religious and political factors operating during the Second-
Temple period which may provide possible explanations for the com-
plex evidence about scribes and lack thereof. It will be explored how
these factors may have influenced the role and status of scribes. The
majority of these factors have not previously been considered in the
context of the study of scribes.
Since the evidence is inconclusive and large gaps exist in our knowl-
edge of scribes in ancient Jewish society, Chapter 4 will present a pos-
sible model of the status and functions of scribes during the Second-
Temple period. This model will account for all the extant pieces of evi-
dence for scribes selected by the exclusive approach. I consider it to be
an essential part of the methodology that none of the evidence should
be ignored but instead that all the evidence must be explained in one
way or another. The model presented in Chapter 4 does not claim to be
the only possible explanation for the evidence but it is aimed at avoid-
ing the simplification and harmonization of the evidence for scribes so
commonly found in previous studies on scribes.
3. For a recent similar but independent approach, cf. Levine's study of the
archisynagogos. In common with the approach used in this study, Levine states that
each source must be evaluated for its historicity and that the evidence in all sources
must be explained. Furthermore, the possibility of geographical and chronological
variety of the functions and status of the archisynagogos needs to be considered
(L.I. Levine, 'Synagogue Leadership: The Case of the Archisynagogue', in
M.D. Goodman [ed.], The Jews in the Greco-Roman World [Oxford: Clarendon
Press, forthcoming]).
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Chapter 1
PREVIOUS SCHOLARSHIP ON SCRIBES AND ITS SHORTCOMINGS
In previous scholarship on scribes several strands can be observed.

Although the hypotheses on the functions and status of scribes vary
widely, studies can be categorized according to their approach to the
evidence. Put in simplified terms, most studies tend to accept one of the
major available sources for our knowledge of first century Jewish
society as historically reliable or interpret the role of scribes according
to information derived from non-Jewish Graeco-Roman society. In
other words, most theories about Jewish scribes depend strongly on the
portrayal of scribes in either the New Testament, Josephus's writings,
or the rabbinic texts, or on the functions of the non-Jewish ypauiiaieix;.
Other evidence is frequently ignored or interpreted from a perspective
derived from what has been accepted as a reliable source. Contradic-
tions between different sources are rarely explained or, in most cases,
not even mentioned.
From the late nineteenth century onwards an increased interest in the
history of the Jewish people in antiquity can be observed in German
theological scholarship. Motivated by the understanding that Jesus, his
movement, and the New Testament texts should be considered in their
Zeitgeschichte (i.e. the historical, social and political context), scholars
like Emil Schiirer, Hermann L. Strack, Paul Billerbeck, Joachim Jere-
mias and Adolf von Schlatter published works concerning issues of
Jewish history and society in antiquity.1 With regard to the study of the
evidence for scribes these scholars clearly worked with presumptions
shaped by the New Testament writings. Scribes were perceived to have
been experts in and teachers of the Scriptures and Jewish law and,
as such, to have been influential in first-century Jewish society. In gen-
eral, these studies are based on the creation of an artificial category:
1. For bibliographical details, cf. discussion below.

Schriftgelehrte. It does not correspond to any category in ancient Jew-

ish society but invited the conflation of evidence for a variety of differ-
ent titles, roles, functions and positions.
The most prominent exponent of this type of approach is Emil
Schiirer. There can be no doubt that his famous Geschichte des jtid-
ischen Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu Christi,2 published at the end of the
nineteenth century, has had a long-lasting influence on the study of
Judaism in the Graeco-Roman period. Until recently, most modern
historiographies of ancient Judaism and the majority of handbooks to
the New Testament relied greatly on his work. It is both Schiirer's
approach to the evidence and his notion of scribes which has survived
and influenced the study of scribes until today.
Schiirer deals with scribes under the section heading: 'Die Schrift-
gelehrten und ihre Thatigkeit im Allgemeinen' .3 This title is already a
clear indication that he perceived scribes to be Torah scholars. Schiirer
assumed that the New Testament provides accurate information with
regard to scribes and that the Greek term Ypa|iume\><; and the Hebrew
"IBID are equivalents designating not only scholars in general but also
Torah scholars in particular. On this basis he conflated any evidence for
experts and authorities in the Scriptures from the New Testament, Jose-
phus's writings and rabbinic sources. He states that the titles VOUIKOI
and vouo6i8doKaXoi in the Gospels designated the specific functions
of scribes as legal experts and teachers of the law. Josephus, on the
other hand, is considered to have used more 'Hellenized' terms, for
example ao<t>iaiai or iepoypa|iuateii;, to refer to the same group.4
Schiirer believed that the title "1310 in the Mishna and Tosefta desig-
nated scholars who had already become authorities by the time of the
2. Originally published as Lehrbuch der neutestamentlichen Zeitgeschichte

(Leipzig: Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1874), it subsequently appeared in several
editions between 1886 and 1911 (3 vols.; Leipzig: Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung,
1886-1911). It was first translated into English in 1885-91 as A History of the
Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark).
3. Schiirer, Geschichte, II, p. 312 (I have used the third edition of the second
volume, since its structure of the relevant chapter is more or less identical with that
in the modern English and German editions, while there is little difference with
regard to the content). This translates as 'The Torah Scholars and Their Work in
General' in the English edition (E. Schiirer, G. Vermes, F. Millar, M. Black and
M. Goodman [eds.], The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ
[3 vols., Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1979], II, p. 322).
4. Schurer, Geschichte, II, p. 314.
1. Previous Scholarship on Scribes and its Shortcomings 17
compilation of the Mishna while the titles '3"l (p~l) and DDH referred to
legal experts who were contemporaries of the compilers of these writ-
ings.5 Schiirer's view implies that theD'HDIO were the predecessors of
the rabbis. The strong conviction that scribes were first and foremost
Torah scholars finds expression in the lack of a discussion of the fre-
quent Mishnaic references to their professional writing expertise. Only
in a footnote is it stated that a "1S1D was a person professionally con-
cerned with books, for example, also a writer.6 The meaning of the
Greek term ypauuctTEijg, however, receives no discussion at all.
Schurer outlines the historical development of scribes/Torah scholars
(Schriftgelehrte) and describes their activities in the period from the
time of Ezra to the compilation of the Mishna. He argues that in the
Hellenistic period a class of lay experts in the Scriptures gradually
gained importance and influence alongside the traditional experts,
guardians and teachers of the Torah, namely the priests. This develop-
ment was supposedly caused by the rise in importance of the Scriptures
in popular estimation and a general need for legal experts in society.
During the process of Hellenization; some priests are said to have neg-
lected their ancient tradition by turning towards Hellenistic culture.
Schurer argues that, as a result, scribes took their place as pious and
zealous guardians of the Torah. According to this view, the scribes
became the real teachers of the people and, by New Testament times,
formed a well-defined class (festgeschlossener Stand). Having greatly
increased their control over people's lives scribes supposedly became
the undisputed spiritual leaders of the people.7 With regard to the rela-
tionship between the scribes, Pharisees and Sadducees, Schiirer states
that the majority of scribes adhered to the Pharisees, the latter being the
sect which lived according to the law developed by the scribes. But he
argues that at least some scribes/Torah scholars must have belonged to
the Sadducees since they would also have needed professional inter-
preters of the law.8 It is the Pharisaic scribes, however, who as the pre-
decessors of the rabbis are associated with the casuistic interpretation
of the law which has been preserved in the Mishna.9 Schurer further

6. Schurer et al.. History of the Jewish People, II, p. 324 n. 2. In addition, sev-
eral references are provided (Schurer, Geschichte, II, p. 314 n. 1).
7. Schurer, Geschichte, II, pp. 313-14.
9. Schurer, Geschichte, II, pp. 320-21. Schurer also designates fifth and sixth
associates scribes with the definition of legal principles from the Torah,
the teaching of their pupils, and the administration of justice. Moreover,
scribes are considered responsible for the development of the Hag-
gadah, preaching and teaching in the synagogues, and care for the
transmission of the biblical texts.10
Hermann L. Strack and Paul Billerbeck's Kommentar zum Neuen
Testament aus Talmud und Midraschn contains an identical view of
scribes. Strack first expressed this view of scribes in his article on
Schriftgelehrte in J. J. Herzog's Real-Encyklopddie fur protestantische
Theologie und Kirche,12 shortly after Schurer's Lehrbuch der neu-
testamentlichen Zeitgeschichte was published.
Joachim Jeremias's Jerusalem zur Zeit Jesu13 has also been highly
influential.14 This book focuses on the economic and social situation of
Jerusalem at the time of Jesus. Jeremias's use of the rabbinic sources
hardly differs from Schurer's. Both scholars take it for granted that any
rabbi or individual with expertise in the Torah should be considered as
a scribe and provides information about the functions and status of
scribes during the later part of the Second-Temple period.15 However,
Jeremias's position is more extreme because his description of scribes
is almost entirely based on rabbinic material. At first sight he does not
even seem to discuss scribes, but rather Torah scholars and teachers of
the law. The vast majority of his proof-texts do not mention scribes
while many obvious references are not considered.16 It is evident,
however, from Jeremias's use of New Testament passages that, like
century rabbis as Schriftgelehrte to whom he ascribes the creation of the Baby-
lonian Talmud (Schurer, Geschichte, II, p. 320).
10. Schurer, Geschichte, II, pp. 320-28.
11. Munich: Beck, 1922-28.
12. Leipzig: Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung, 1884.
13. I: Leipzig, 1923; II: Gottingen: Pfeiffer, 1924-37.
14. The English edition, Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus (London: SCM Press,
1969) is a translation of the revised third German edition from 1967.
15. According to Jeremias's view a rabbi was an ordained scribe and the fomer
title was already used for scribes at the time of Jesus. At the beginning of the first
century the title rabbi was 'undergoing a transition from its former status as a gen-
eral title of honour to one reserved exclusively for scribes' (Jeremias, Jerusalem,
IIB, p. 104).
16. Jeremias's selection criteria for scribes appears to be fairly random and the
individuals he refers to as scribes do not seem to have a common denominator.
Besides many rabbis and priests, Josephus and Paul are included in his list of
scribes (Jeremias, Jerusalem, IIB, pp. 101-103.)
Schiirer, he equated Schriftgelehrter with ypaâtexx; and in this sense

discusses scribes.
Jeremias constructed a detailed description of the education, ordina-
tion, social status and source of income of scribes without providing
any supporting evidence specifically referring to scribes. Supposedly,
scribes occupied key positions in education, government, and the
administration of justice (e.g. in the Sanhedrin) on account of their
knowledge of the Scriptures and authority in legal matters.17 According
to Jeremias's view, scribes formed a new upper class which competed
with the old, the hereditary priestly and lay aristocracy. The power of
the Schriftgelehrte is described as being based entirely on the power of
knowledge, gained in years of study which was the prerequisite for
joining the company of scribes by ordination.18 Jeremias summarizes
that on the basis of their expertise in the sacred writings, authority in
legal matters, and knowledge of an esoteric oral torah and apocalyptic
tradition, ordained scribes were venerated like the prophets of old.
Their words were supposedly considered absolute authority and revered
with unlimited awe.19
Scribes as writers of scrolls or documents are dealt with in one sen-
tence in the context of a discussion of the economic situation in Jeru-
salem: 'the profession of the scribe was included among the arts and
crafts.'20 No connection is made between the professional writers who
produce copies of books and the scribes whom Jeremias considered to
have been Schriftgelehrte.
To borrow E.P. Sanders's blunt but accurate critique of Jeremias's
study of scribes and its influence on subsequent scholarship: 'on inspec-
tion, it (the evidence) turns out to be worthless. Everybody else, how-
ever, has simply inherited a view of first-century Palestine that can be
shown to be in error; but that is because they supposed that the experts
had done their home work.'21
Adolf von Schlatter's Die Theologie des Judentums nach dem Bericht
des Josefus22 2 was also intended to provide background information for
17. Jeremias, Jerusalem, IIA, pp. 27-31; Jerusalem IIB, p. 105.

18. Jeremias, Jerusalem, IIB, pp. 103, 106.
19. Jeremias, Jerusalem, IIB, pp. 111-12.
20. Jeremias, Jerusalem, I, p. 9.
21. E.P. Sanders, Judaism: Practice and Belief 63 BCE-66 CE (London: SCM
Press, 1992), p. 177.
22. Gutersloh: Bertelsmann, 1932.
the understanding of Jesus and his movement.23 Schlatter, like many

others, simply discussed Schriftgelehrte without clarifying to which
term(s) in the original sources he actually referred. Despite the fact that
Schlatter's notion of scribes does not differ from Schiirer's, it is
noteworthy that, in a footnote, he mentions Josephus's usually ignored
references to ypau|iaTei<;. However, Schlatter does not assign any sig-
nificance to his observation that 'Josephus only refers to the ypau-
umetx;, "1310, when the scribe occupied an official position, scribe of
the council, of the court, village scribe, scribe of the captain of the
temple.'24 An explanation for the differences between the functions and
status associated with scribes in the New Testament and Josephus's
writings was not considered necessary by Schlatter.
Schiirer's influence and the perseverance of his notion of scribes can
also be seen in Martin Hengel's influential Judentum und Hellenis-
mus.25 Hengel's assumptions concerning scribes are essentially the
same as Schiirer' s but he focuses on the role and functions of scribes
during the process of the Hellenization of Palestine. According to Hen-
gel, scribes were associated with teaching of the Scriptures and inter-
pretation of Jewish law from pre-exilic times. In this function they later
played an important part in the struggle between Hellenizers and the
anti-Hellenistic opposition.26 Like Schiirer, Hengel states that lay
scribes became very influential in Jewish society with the beginning of
the Hellenization of Palestine. However, he argues for a different cause
of this gain of power by lay scribes. While Schiirer assumes that the
failure of the priests to remain loyal guardians of the Torah resulted in
the take-over of the scribes, Hengel ascribes their acquisition of power
to the newly-created need for more teachers of the people and experts
in the law. This view is based on the following two assumptions:
scribes played a significant part in the anti-Hellenistic element of soci-
ety; the latter thought that the education of the masses would be an
effective measure against Hellenism. Hengel believes that the aim of
the traditionalists to educate the masses left priests and Levites unable
23. Schlatter, Theologie, preface.

24. Schlatter, Theologie, p. 200 n. 1.
25. WUNT, 10; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1969. The English edition Judaism and
Hellenism was published in 1974 (London: SCM Press). Cf. also M. Hengel, Zum
Problem der 'Hellenisierung' Juddas im 1. Jahrhundert nach Christus\ ET The Hel-
lenization of Judaea in the First Century after Christ (London: SCM Press, 1989).
26. Hengel, Judentum, pp. 143-44.
to cope with this enormous task of teaching and therefore resulted in

the development of a new group of lay teachers with increasing influ-
ence.27 Hengel seems to have derived this theory from secondary
sources and rather limited rabbinic evidence which can hardly be taken
as a reliable record of what happened in the second century BCE.28
Hengel also fails to explain how and why scribes developed from a
supposedly strong anti-Hellenistic force into the somewhat 'Hellenized
rabbis' of the first century CE.
Generally, scribes are thought to have been close to the Hasidim and
later mainly part of the Pharisees. As the predecessors of the rabbis
scribes are considered to have laid down the foundations of Mishnaic
law.29 With regard to the role of scribes as professional writers and
officials, Hengel does not supply more than a general statement about
the position of scribes in the official Ptolemaic administration.30
In short, Hengel, like others before him, conflates evidence for
scribes, Hasidim, Pharisees, rabbis and other individuals with expertise
in the Scriptures and the law. His elaborate view on the role of scribes
during the process of the Hellenization of Palestine is based on little
reliable evidence about scribes.
Schiirer's influence is also visible in the work of his English revisers
Geza Vermes, Fergus Millar and Matthew Black.31 Despite the pledge
in the preface to volume two that in order to 'offer students of today an
up-to-date compendium to serve as a basis for historical research', they
have 'felt free, indeed obliged.. .to introduce new evidence unavailable
to Schiirer, and to replace those of his views and opinions which appear
untenable in the light of contemporary knowledge', Schiirer's view on
scribes has not been changed at all.32 Instead, references to Ben Sira
and some additional explanations have been conflated with Schiirer's
original theory.33 Through this new revised and widely used edition
27. Hengel, Judentum, pp. 144-50, esp. 144, 146, 191-92.

28. Hengel, Judentum, p. 146 n. 162.
29. Hengel, Judentum, pp. 144, 146-47, 325-26 n. 458, 346, 375.
30. Hengel, Judentum, p. 34.
31. Schiirer et al., History of the Jewish People, II.
32. Schiirer et al, History of the Jewish People, II, p. v.
33. It is argued that the influence and prestige associated with the class of
scribes in New Testament times is already attested in Sir. 38.24-39.11. In addition,
it is pointed out that Jewish tradition describes Moses as a scribe par excellence
(safra) and that in Jewish Greek sources vouxx; has the same meaning as Torah.
Furthermore, a reference to the priestly hierarchy (in contrast to lay experts) in the
Schiirer's methodology and notion of scribes has been given a new

lease of life.
The influence of (the revised) Schiirer's notion of scribes has even
extended into the field of modern rabbinic studies. It may come as a
surprise that Jacob Neusner should also fall into the category of
Schiirer-dependent scholars with regard to his description of scribes,
although he does not discuss their role in detail. That this is indeed so is
evident from Neusner's long uncritical quote from Schiirer's discussion
of the role of scribes in his Judaic Law from Jesus to the Mishna.34
Accordingly, Neusner states that scribes were professional interpreters
of existing legal codes who methodologically worked out the laws in
casuistic detail through continuous study of the scriptural laws and
legal traditions. Neusner also agrees with Schiirer that the scribes were
the predecessors of the rabbis.35 He takes both assumptions further by
arguing that the Mishna contains much of the work of scribes from the
Second-Temple period. The Mishna supposedly reflects the style of the
legal discussions of the scribes.36 Neusner states that part of the second
Mishnaic division and the whole of the third and fourth were 'scribal
divisions' expressing the concerns of the scribes.37 In addition, he
argues that the Mishna, as a whole, is a document produced by trained
scribes, which he claims is evident from the presentation of vast
amounts of information in the Mishna in a systematic way.38 No expla-
nation is provided as to why this type of presentation should necessar-
ily have been a scribal trait. With regard to the functions of scribes in
Qumran community is included (Schiirer et al, History of the Jewish People, II,
pp. 323-25).
34. J. Neusner, Judaic Law from Jesus to the Mishnah: A Systematic Reply to
Professor E.P. Sanders (South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism, 84;
Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, 1993), p. 73, quoting from Schiirer et al., History of
the Jewish People, II, p. 330.
35. Neusner, Judaism: The Evidence of the Mishna (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 232-34. Parts of this discussion are repeated word for
word in Judaic Law, pp. 102-103.
36. Neusner, Judaism, pp. 232-34; Neusner, Judaic Law, pp. 102-103.
37. These 'scribal divisions' deal with written documents of all sorts, the way
transactions should be conducted, and contain regulations for the courts. Neusner
associates them with scribes on the basis of the rabbinic notion that scribes func-
tioned as writers of documents, officials in court, and generally as legal experts.
'Scribal divisions' are set in contrast to the 'priestly divisions': the first, part of the
second, the fifth and the sixth (Neusner, Judaic Law, pp. 102-103).
38. Neusner, Judaism, pp. 241-42.
pre-70 society Neusner remains vague. Scribes supposedly functioned

as legal experts in the government and administration in positions
which the Romans had left within Jewish control.39
Neusner's theory concerning the role of scribes as legal experts in the
Tannaitic period and writers of the Mishna stands largely unsupported.
He fails to attach any significance to the lack of evidence for the
authority and influence of scribes in post-70 society. Furthermore, he
fails to provide evidence from the Second-Temple period which would
consolidate his statements concerning the functions of scribes prior to
the destruction of the Temple. Nevertheless, Neusner makes a valid
point when he states that we should be surprised at the fact that no
division or tractate on the scribal profession can be found in the Mishna
and that no information is provided in this source as to how one could
become a scribe, how scribes were supposed to conduct their work, or
how a scribe could gain authority in his profession.40
A study of scribes with an even more extreme conflationist approach
than Schiirer's has been published recently. David E. Orton claims that
his book The Understanding Scribe: Matthew and the Apocalyptic
Ideal,41 is a new and thorough study of the concept 'scribe' during the
Second-Temple period. He aims to elucidate the 'scribe' in the gospel
of Matthew and the self-understanding of its author as scribe.
Like Schiirer, Orton's investigation is also guided by the assumptions
that the typical and most important function of a scribe was his ability
to interpret and teach Torah and that all individuals with expertise in
the Torah were scribes. He seems to have derived this, in his view,
typical characteristic of the scribe from the Chronicler's description of
Ezra, Ben Sira's description of the 'ideal scribe', and the role of the so-
called 'classical soferim' in rabbinic literature. In addition to individu-
als who were actually designated as scribes, Orton includes such figures
as Daniel, Baruch, Ben Sira, Philo, Josephus, the Teacher of Righ-
teousness and the 'p'OfaQ at Qumran, and also the targumists as further
evidence for the role and functions of scribes during the Second-
Temple period. Orton then conflates the whole spectrum of roles, func-
tions, and expertise of those whom he considers to have been 'scribes'.
In addition, all literature which reflects any of these interests is desig-
nated as scribal literature, including wisdom literature, the apocalyptic
39. Neusner, Judaic Law, p. 34.

40. Neusner, Judaism, p. 234.
41. JSNTSup, 25; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1989.
writings, and other texts containing a translation or interpretation of

biblical writings.42 It is interesting to note that the function of profes-
sional writing is downplayed, if mentioned at all.43 On the basis of his
investigation of all the figures of ancient Judaism whom he considers to
have been scribes and what he considers to be scribal literature, Orton
concludes that there is 'a high degree of common ground as to percep-
tions of the scribe in the Second-Temple period and on into the first
centuries of the common era.'44 This ideal of the scribe involves the
following elements: '(1) me the exercise of wisdom and the gift of special
"understanding" or insight... (2) the notion of authority, in the custody
and maintenance of religious values ... (3) hence the notion of righ-
teous teaching, including the right interpretation of the law and the
prophets ... (4) a close association with true prophecy ...; (5) a "pro-
phetic" contribution ... whether in the composition of hymns ... or in
the creation of new "wise sayings" as a means of passing on his new
insights.'45 This 'common ground' has, however, been created by
Orton's extremely conflationist approach to the evidence and the result-
ing corpus of evidence. The fact that those roles and functions of
scribes which do not fit Orton's pre-conceived notion of scribes are
ignored in his conclusions further highlights that the so-called agree-
ment in the literature is a result of Orton's presumptions and
approach.46 In short, Orton's all-inclusive approach simply takes
Schiirer's approach further by conflating even more titles, functions,
positions and literature with evidence for scribes.
It is apparent that the main weakness of this strand of scholarship is
the equation of scribes and Torah scholars, that is that all scribes were
understood to be Torah scholars and all those with expertise in the
Scriptures taken to be scribes. The creation of an artificial category of
Schriftgelehrte led to a conflation of evidence for individuals and titles
that were associated with expertise in the Scriptures. This approach
fails to take into account the perception of Jews of ancient society
42. E.g. Orton, The Understanding Scribe, pp. 48, 115-16, 119, 128.
43. Orton, for example, mentions writing in his discussion of Enoch but
emphasizes the apocalyptic context of this role (Orton, The Understanding Scribe,
pp. 78-80).
44. Orton, The Understanding Scribe, p. 161.
45. Orton, The Understanding Scribe, pp. 161-62.
46. Although Philo's and Josephus's references to scribes are briefly mentioned,
Orton ignores this material and evidence for professional writers in general in his
conclusion (Orton, The Understanding Scribe, pp. 59-61, 161-62).
themselves in as far as it is reflected in the sources. A further shortc-

oming is the neglect of evidence for scribes as professional writers. In
addition, it can be observed that the sources are frequently used without
consideration of their historical reliability. This is especially true for the
use of the information provided by the New Testament and the rabbinic
sources.
In conclusion, Schiirer's approach as well as his description of the
role and functions of scribes has been accepted widely. His theory has
been modified, extended, refined, or simply been quoted by many
scholars in the fields of the New Testament or ancient Judaism but until
recently has hardly been criticized.47
In the last few decades several scholars have attacked the strand of
scholarship represented by Schiirer. Among this group of scholars are
especially Elias Bickerman and Ed P. Sanders. Bickerman criticizes the
existence of a 'phantom' category of Schriftgelehrte which he traces
back to Luther's 'mistranslation' of the term Ypau|iaTel<; in the New
Testament. Sanders labels the 'standard view' a 'complex myth' based
on little or no evidence at all.48
Bickerman's and Sanders's studies represent a different type of
approach which is also shared by Martin Goodman. What these studies
have in common is a refusal to accept uncritically the New Testament
notion of scribes as influential Torah experts and teachers of the people.
On the other hand, they emphasize the importance of the consideration
of the meaning of the Greek term ypaunaTE'Uf; in its non-Jewish
environment. They consider the question of why Jews with expertise in
the Scriptures should be designated as ypafiuaTe'uc; in the first place.
One of the basic assumptions underlying this approach is that all Jew-
ish scribes were professional writers. They attempt to explain in differ-
ent ways the apparent tension between the portrait of scribes in the
New Testament and the actual meaning of the Greek title ypajiuaTexx;
as notary, penman, clerk or secretary. The variety of positions and
functions attested for scribes during the Second-Temple period are
47. For a discussion of Schiirer's influence and the negative attitude towards his
work by the 'Israeli school of historiography', cf. S.J.D. Cohen, The Political and
Social History of the Jews in Greco-Roman Antiquity: The State of the Question',
in R.A. Kraft and G.W.E. Nickelsburg (eds.), Early Judaism and its Modern Inter-
preters (The Bible and its Modern Interpreters, 2; Philadelphia: Fortress Press,
1986), pp. 34-36.
48. Sanders, Judaism, pp. 173-77.
explained as an evolution from their professional occupation as writers.

Despite coming from a similar stand point, the results of Bickerman,
Sanders and Goodman differ. The most significant aspects of their res-
pective theories will be discussed below.
Bickerman assumes that ypauuciTeii; were notaries, accountants and
jurists. In The Jews in the Greek Age,49 he argues that this Greek term
never had the meaning of Torah scholar and that modern scholars mis-
represent the D'HSIO and ypa|iuaTei<; by confusing notaries, accoun-
tants and jurists with the later rabbis. Bickerman argues that neither did
the rabbis call themselves Q'lQIO nor did Philo, Josephus or competent
church fathers call the rabbis ypauumEic,.50 This line of argument
leaves Bickerman to explain the portrait of scribes as experts of the law
and teachers of the people in the Synoptic gospels. He deals with this
apparent contradiction by introducing a distinction between technical
expertise in the Scriptures and laws on the one hand and scholarly
intellectual knowledge of the Scriptures on the other. Scribes sup-
posedly possessed a technical knowledge of the Scriptures and laws,
while sages and wise men had made the intellectual study of the Torah
their subject.51 In common with Schiirer and Hengel, Bickerman claims
that as conditions of life became more complicated a need for pro-
fessional jurists, the scribes, developed.52 In contrast to the former,
however, Bickerman emphasizes that there was no competition
between scribes and priests in the Hellenistic period.53 He associates
scribal jurists with the Temple in Jerusalem, royal courts and positions
49. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988. This book was published
(posthumously) in 1988, even though the initial version had already been com-
pleted in 1963. It contains Bickerman's own revisions until 1981 but unfortunately,
Bickerman decided to omit most of the footnotes due to what he thought was an
impossible task to bring them up to date (cf. the bibliographical note by A.I. Baum-
garten on pp. 309-11). As a result of the almost complete lack of references to the
primary sources and discussions of the hypotheses of other scholars, Bickerman's
theory is obscured in many points as it remains unclear on what evidence he based
his arguments. Scribes and sages and their functions and positions in society are
discussed in a separate chapter (Bickerman, Jews, pp. 161-76).
50. Bickerman, Jews, pp. 161-63.
51. Bickerman, Jews, pp. 161-63, 171 (technical knowledge of scribe), pp. 169-
72 (sage).
in the administration.54 Bickerman then blurs the distinction between

scribes and sages by stating that in the Greek age intellectuals (sages)
also functioned as scribes and that copyists gained knowledge of books.
According to his view sages functioned as writers and experts in Jewish
law because of their education and the general need in society for
advisors, stewards or secretaries from 'outside the scribal guild'.55
Copyists, on the other hand, supposedly became knowledgeable in the
contents of the books they copied. Bickerman ascribes this process to
the instruction in scribal schools which, he claims, existed in our sense
of the word for the scribal profession from the beginning.56 Although
this is not explicitly stated, Bickerman seems to have considered the
ypaunaTeic; of the Synoptic gospels to belong to the latter category of
scribes with legal expertise and knowledge of books.57
The main problem with Bickerman's thesis is that he first introduces
a distinction between intellectual knowledge of the scriptures (of sages)
and technical legal knowledge of Scriptures (of scribes), only to assimi-
late the two categories.
E.P. Sanders, in Judaism: Practice and Belief 63 BCE—66 CE, does
not place scribes side by side with the priests but identifies the vast
majority of scribes as priests and Levites.58 He discusses scribes in a
chapter about the functions of priests and Levites outside the Temple.59
Sanders aims to refute the 'standard view' of scribes as Torah experts
who had succeeded the priests in their traditional role. He rightly states

55. Bickerman, Jews, p. 175.
58. The notion that the scribes of the New Testament can and should be
identified with another, better known, group which existed during the Second-
Temple period also determines D.R. Schwartz's work on scribes. In his article
'"Scribes and Pharisees, Hypocrites:" Who are the "Scribes" in the New Testa-
ment?', republished in Schwartz, Studies in the Jewish Background of Christianity
(WUNT, 60; Tubingen: Mohr, 1992), pp. 89-101. Schwartz identifies the ypaî-
|iatei<; as Levites. However, he fails to provide an explanation why the Levites in
their functions as teachers of the people were designated as scribes. Similarly,
E. Rivkin identifies scribes with Pharisees and lawyers in 'Scribes, Pharisees, Law-
yers, Hypocrites: A Study in Synonymity', HUCA 49 (1978), pp. 135-42. His
theory is based on an unlikely interpretation of the New Testament evidence and he
does not explain why scholars, intellectuals, and teachers of the law came to be des-
ignated as scribes.
59. Sanders, Judaism (London: SCM Press, 1992), pp. 170-82.
that, contrary to the impression given by discussions about scribes in

most handbooks to the New Testament, there is no conclusive evidence
for the identity of scribes during the Second-Temple period.60 Based on
postexilic evidence for priestly and Levitical scribes as well as his
general assumptions about the functions of professional writers, San-
ders concludes that the title ypau.u.ctTe'ui; covers a wide range of
activities: the copying of texts, drawing up of legal documents, and ser-
vice as experts in the law.61 The reference to legal expertise is sur-
prising when we consider Sanders's later statement that relatively little
positive evidence of scribes in the sense of legal experts and teachers of
the law can be found.62 Rather than looking at scribes themselves,
Sanders seems determined to identify them as priests and Levites. This
seems to be an obvious consequence of his intention to prove the 'stan-
dard view' wrong. He argues that priests and Levites were qualified
(educated and literate), existed in sufficient numbers, and had the time
to function as scribes in a variety of positions in Jerusalem and through-
out the country. Sanders believes that aristocratic priests and Levites
put their education and expertise to good use by acting as judges while
non-aristocratic priests and Levites would have been able to earn
money by writing documents, scrolls, or using their legal expertise.63
Sanders's description of scribes is problematic, not because of his
association of priests and Levites with scribal functions and positions
but because he identifies virtually all scribes as priests or Levites. This
exclusive notion appears to be an over-reaction to two components of
the traditional view: that scribes had superseded the priests in some of
their traditional roles and that most scribes were Pharisees. It is also
evident that Sanders relies very strongly on Josephus' portrait of soci-
ety according to whom scribes neither functioned in the role of Torah
experts and teachers nor existed as a well-defined group. Hence
Sanders saw the need to assimilate the evidence from the Synoptics
with Josephus's description of society by identifying the scribes of the
Synoptics with the priests and Levites, frequently mentioned in Jose-
phus's writings.
More recently, in his article 'Texts, Scribes and Power in Roman
Judaea', Goodman has advanced a very different theory concerning the
60. Sanders, Judaism, pp. 172-77.

61. Sanders, Judaism, pp. 170-71, 179-81.
62. Sanders, Judaism, p. 177.
63. Sanders, Judaism, pp. 178-79, 181-82.
functions and status of scribes.64 Like Bickerman and Sanders, he con-

siders the fact that in the Graeco-Roman world the title Ypaun.a'CE'uc;
designated professional writers crucial for the study of Jewish scribes.
According to his view the evidence for scribes in the Synoptics indi-
cates that scribes gained authority in matters of the Scriptures and
recognition in Jewish society as professional writers. He argues that
they derived knowledge and prestige from the copying of the sacred
texts.65 The crucial point in Goodman's argument is his assumption that
because sacred scrolls were regarded as sacred objects the actual pro-
cess of writing the scrolls may have conferred prestige on the writer.66
He emphasizes that the production of manuscripts containing the texts
of the sacred books was not controlled in any way, implying that
scribes were trusted to produce a valid copy of the texts. He assumes
that the actual knowledge of the Scriptures was gained through the pro-
cess of copying the texts and states that 'perhaps the two roles of
scribes, as writers and interpreters, were mutually reinforcing. An
expert safer who was trusted to produce valid manuscripts for worship
might well also be a learned exegete of the biblical texts he assiduously
copied ... It might be precisely for such learning that a scribe was
trusted as a scribe.'67
The strength of Goodman's theory lies in its ability to explain much
of the extant evidence. His suggestion that scribes may have gained
knowledge, power and prestige through the process of copying sacred
books will be considered further in Chapter 3.68 The weakness of
Goodman's theory lies in the apparent discrepancy between, on the one
hand, the silence of all the extant sources from the Second-Temple
period concerning the copyists of sacred scrolls and on the other hand
Goodman's assumption that the task of copying sacred scrolls was spe-
cial and prestigious. The silence seems especially significant with
regard to such sources as Ben Sira, Josephus's writings, the Mishna,
and Tosefta where, on account of the interests of the authors, one
would expect such references. Furthermore, Goodman's approach does
64. M.D. Goodman, Texts, Scribes and Power in Roman Judaea' in A.K. Bow-
man and G. Woolf (eds.), Literacy and Power in the Ancient World (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 99-108.
65. Goodman, 'Texts', pp. 99, 107-108.
66. Goodman, 'Texts', p. 102.
67. Goodman, 'Texts', p. 108.
68. Cf. factor 25 and factor 26.
not take into account that the titles designating scribes may have carried
a range of associations in Palestinian Jewish society which were not
reflected in the Graeco-Roman notion of a ypanumeix;.
An entirely different strand of scholarship is represented by the work
of Ephraim E. Urbach, published in The Halakha, its Sources and
Development, and by Meir Bar-Han.69 Particular to Urbach and Bar-
Ilan's approach is their strong reliance on rabbinic evidence for infor-
mation about scribes while evidence in the New Testament and
Josephus's writings is neglected.70 Scribes are portrayed as professional
writers and legal experts, a notion clearly derived from rabbinic mate-
rial. The authors suggest that scribes earned their living by writing sac-
red scrolls, tefillin and mezuzot. Scribes supposedly also possessed
expertise in the interpretation of laws, a view that is based on the exis-
tence of laws ascribed to scribes (DHD10 HI31) in rabbinic writings.
Urbach who relies almost entirely on rabbinic evidence seems more
interested in the legal expertise of the scribes. Bar-Ilan, on the other
hand, puts more emphasis on their writing skills. In addition to rabbinic
material the latter adds information derived from general considerations
of scribes as professional writers in ancient society.
Urbach considers scribes to have developed the law code by explain-
ing and interpreting existing laws.71 He states, however, that scribal
laws and rulings were only recognized as halakhot 'in so far as they
confirmed and endorsed traditions ... already accepted by the Sages.'72
According to Urbach there is a substantial difference between the
occupations of scribes and sages.73 He suggests that scribes were legal
commentators whose function it was to interpret the law code decided
by jurists, that is the sages.74 Urbach apparently wanted to emphasize
69. E.E. Urbach, The Halakha, its Sources and Development (Yad La-Talmud;
Jerusalem: Massada, 1906); M. Bar-Ilan, 'Writing in Ancient Israel and Early Juda-
ism: Scribes and Books in the Late Second Commonwealth and Rabbinic Period',
in M. J. Mulder and H. Sysling (eds.), Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Inter-
pretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (CRINT,
2.1; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1989), pp. 21-38.
70. Urbach discusses evidence for scribes from Greek Jewish writings and the
gospels in one short paragraph and a footnote only (Urbach, Halakha, p. 97).
71. Urbach, Halakha, pp. 96-97.
72. Urbach, Halakha, p. 96.
74. Urbach compares this distinction between sages and scribes to the differ-
ence in ancient Rome between jurists and legal commentators (Urbach, Halakha,
that scribes had less influence and power than the sages. He further
describes sages as part of the upper class who were not allowed to take
a fee for their function as jurists, while scribes are said to have earned
their living by writing sacred scrolls and other sacred objects.75 Scribes
are also portrayed as teachers of the Scriptures.76 In common with
Bickerman, Urbach blurs his distinction between sages and scribes by
suggesting that the sages adopted scribal skills. He does not specify
what exactly these skills comprised but the judicial context of this dis-
cussion suggests that he referred to the scribal method of deriving laws
and rulings from the Torah by exposition.77
In addition to the writing of sacred scrolls and other sacred objects,
suggested by Urbach, Bar-Han also associates scribes with positions in
the government and administration. These positions supposedly
included functions in the sanhedrin, the writing of records, protocols,
decrees, and the drawing up of secular documents.78 He further adds
that scribes were teaching people reading and later also writing skills
but does not mention the teaching of the Scriptures.79 With regard to
the status of scribes, Bar-Han argues that 'in a traditional society, where
a scribe represented religious and ritual tradition, his social status was
highly respected.'80 In contrast to many other scholars but in agreement
with Sanders, Bar-Han asserts that most scribes at the end of the
Second-Temple period were priests.81 He further states that with the
increasing spread of reading and writing in society the scribal profes-
sion became secularized and scribes lost their status.82
The main weakness of the approach used by both Urbach and Bar-
Ilan is its strong reliance on and uncritical use of rabbinic traditions.
The Babylonian and Palestinian Talmudim or even the post-talmudic
tractate Soferim should not be used without distinction as reliable evi-
dence for the functions of scribes in pre-70 society. Evidence from the
pp. 96-97; E.E. Urbach, The Sages, their Concepts and Beliefs [Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1987], p. 569).
78. Bar-Han, 'Writing in Ancient Israel', pp. 21, 23.
79. Bar-Han, 'Writing in Ancient Israel', pp. 21, 23.
80. Bar-Han, 'Writing in Ancient Israel', p. 21.
81. This statement is, however, not supported by the evidence to which Bar-Ilan
refers (Bar-Ilan, 'Writing in Ancient Israel', p. 22).
82. Bar-Ilan, 'Writing in Ancient Israel', p. 29.
Second-Temple period is either neglected or conflated with the rabbinic

evidence without chronological considerations.83 In general, Bar-Ilan
provides little supporting evidence for his statements and in some cases
the references to the primary sources do not even support the argument.
Anthony Saldarini recognized the need for a new more comprehen-
sive approach and proposed a sociological approach to the study of
scribes. His book Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees 84 certainly con-
tains one of the most balanced studies on scribes although his approach
is not unproblematic either. Saldarini suggests that in addition to his-
torical and literary analysis, models of ancient society should be used to
control the reading of the extant sources. His study addresses questions
concerning the class, status, political involvement, authority and mem-
bership of the category of scribes (as well as Pharisees and Sad-
ducees).85
The framework for Saldarini's study and explanation of the ancient
evidence is provided by one specific model of an agrarian society in
antiquity (Lenski).86 The features of this model which are significant
for the study of scribes are the following: first, society is divided into a
governing class and a large peasant class (no middle class) and, sec-
ondly, the governing class retains its position with the help of retainers
who do not possess any independent power.87 Presuming that he knows
what the functions and status of scribes were, Saldarini states prior to
the discussion of any evidence that scribes functioned as educators,
bureaucrats, and major and minor officials in Palestinian society and, as
such, fit the description of retainers in Lenski's (and his own) model.88
Following a discussion of the evidence for scribes in the New Testa-
ment and Josephus's writings and drawing to a limited extent on other
Jewish literature from the Second-Temple period, rabbinic literature
and general information on the role of scribes in the ancient Near East,
Saldarini provides an overview of the various functions associated with
83. Bar-Ilan does not seem to distinguish between pre-70 society and Rabbinic
times while Urbach refers to the Second-Temple and Tannaitic periods but uses
mainly rabbinic material.
84. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1989.
85. Saldarini, Pharisees, p. 4.
86. Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 35-49.
scribes from the postexilic period to the Mishna.89 He concludes that

the functions of scribes were always associated with reading and writ-
ing expertise and sometimes also with expertise in Jewish law. Scribes
are said to have been in the service of kings, the Temple and wealthy
land-owners, functioned as officials in the administration at all levels,
wrote correspondence, kept records, copied texts and acted as judges.
Scribes were drawn from the priests, Levites and the people.90 As part
of the retainer class they are said to have derived their status and power
from the governing class or the individual who appointed them. Writ-
ing expertise and, depending on the level of the position, a more com-
prehensive education was essential.91
Concerning the ypauuaTel<; in the Gospels Saldarini states that,
although the historical reliability of these writings is questionable, the
general portrait of scribes in Mark and Matthew is sociologically prob-
able.92 As literate individuals educated in Jewish law and customs,
scribes could have had some political influence and power.93 The dif-
ferences between Josephus's writings and the New Testament with
regard to scribes are explained by the assertion that Josephus used dif-
ferent titles (e.g. ao<t>iaTcd) for experts and teachers of the law and that
the Synoptics are historically inaccurate with regard to their portrait of
scribes as an independent organized social group.94
Saldarini further argues that scribes were at least partly responsible
for the formation, redaction, transmission and translation of the Hebrew
Bible. They are said to have developed from mere copyists to authori-
ties of the writings which they transmitted.95
In general, Saldarini states that the 'title scribe covers many roles in
society and can be used of individuals in several social classes and
contexts' but that scribes did not form 'a unified class or organi-
sation'.96 According to Saldarini scribes were probably not always
89. Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 148, 151-57, 159-66, 171-73, 181-84, 186-87, 241-
76.
92. E.g. Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 156-57 (Mk), 172-73 (Mt.).
93. Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 155 (Mk), 162 (Mt.), 172 (Mt.), 187 (Lk., Acts),
266-68 (summary).
95. In this Saldarini follows M. Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient
Israel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985) (cf. Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 247-49).
96. Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 242, 273.
designated as such in the sources if they carried more prestigious titles,

for example that of a priest or notable.97
Much of Saldarini's discussion of the different functions of scribes is
based on the assumption that any learned and literate man who
employed his writing skills and/or with expertise in the law was
engaged in scribal activity.98 This is problematic since educated, literate
men who could read and write were not necessarily professional scribes
or designated with this title. All functions associated with scribes and
literate, educated men are combined into his notion of scribes.
Furthermore, Saldarini's so-called 'controlled reading' of the literary
evidence leads him to omit any piece of information about scribes
which does not fit his model of society.99 Although this partial omission
is justified by his approach, pieces of evidence which contradict his
model require an explanation, which he fails to provide. Moreover,
Saldarini's discussion of the evidence is oddly structured. The
discussion and interpretation of the literary evidence includes the New
Testament writings only. Evidence of scribes contained in ancient
Jewish literature and general information on scribes in Egypt and
Mesopotamia are discussed in the summary and synthesis of the status
and functions of scribes in ancient Palestinian society only.100
Summary
One of the main problems of previous scholarship concerning scribes is
the creation of an artificial category of Schriftgelehrte/Torah scholars
which was imposed on the ancient sources. The imposition of this cate-
gory led to a conflation of evidence for scribes, sages, rabbis, wise men,
sophists and other teachers of and experts in the Scriptures. Even
though the artificial category was discarded by some scholars, the
97. Saldarini, Pharisees, p. 275.

98. This is evident from, for example, Saldarini's statements about the forma-
tion and translation of the Bible, the existence of a wealth of Jewish literature from
the Second-Temple period, the authorship of books, and the identification of Jose-
phus's cro<|>i,aTcd with scribes (Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 247, 254, 260, 264-65).
99. This is particularly noticeable in his treatment of the New Testament evi-
dence. Even though he accepts the evidence for scribes in Mark and Matthew as
historically probable he does not explain why he marginalizes the evidence for
scribes as a coherent group of dominant influential leaders and teachers of the
people in his conclusion (Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 275-76).
conflation of titles, positions and functions remained a characteristic of

many studies of scribes. The main weakness of the majority of modern
approaches is their failure to take into account the perception of the
ancient Jews themselves as reflected by the sources. Instead, the selec-
tion and interpretation of the evidence is strongly influenced by modern
assumptions and pre-conceived ideas about scribes. Many views on
schools, the training of scribes, the production, publication and circula-
tion of books seem too rigid and sometimes too modern to provide an
adequate backdrop for the understanding of scribes in ancient Jewish
society. Furthermore, the strong bias of many studies toward only one
of the major sources and the conflation of data from different periods
distorts the role and functions of scribes. The potential significance of
the silence of some of the sources with regard to scribes has so far not
been considered at all. A further shortcoming is the lack of considera-
tion to what extent each source provides historically reliable informa-
tion about the realities of Jewish society during the Second-Temple
period. Finally, hypotheses about the writing and transmission of
manuscripts, authorship of books, or the making of the canon fre-
quently forget that not only scribes but also literate slaves and educated
individuals could read and write.
Chapter 2
DISCUSSION OF THE EVIDENCE FOR

JEWISH SCRIBES IN THE SECOND-TEMPLE PERIOD
2.1. Description of the Sources

A large variety of sources which originated during the Second-Temple
and early Rabbinic period have been preserved. The sources for our
knowledge of the history and society of the Jewish people during that
period include Jewish literary and documentary sources, comments by
pagans on Jews and Judaism and Christian writings. They present a
wide range of perspectives and provide information about different
aspects of Jewish history, politics, society and religion. However, the
use of these sources and archaeological evidence for the purpose of
writing religious, social and political history is not straightforward. The
information about the structure and functioning of society and the
description of historical events is deficient and biased. Only a small
percentage of the original material has survived and its preservation has
been according to chance. Prior to the discussion of the corpus of evi-
dence for scribes, this section will briefly evaluate the usefulness of the
various categories of extant material for the writing of history.
Jewish Literary Sources

The category of literary sources can be divided into historiographical,
philosophical, exegetical, wisdom and other religious writings,1 trans-
lations of biblical and non-biblical books, and compilations of legal
discussions. With the exception of the Hebrew Bible, the Dead Sea
Scrolls, rabbinic literature, and the Targumim, all the extant Jewish lit-
erature which is relevant for the Second-Temple period has been pre-
served through early Christian communities. This means that both the
1. This should be understood to include such different genres as, for example,
apocalypses, accounts of visions, or hymns.
2. Discussion of the Evidence 37
selection of the contents and the genres of ancient non-biblical Jewish

literature largely depended on the interests of the early church.2 We can
only guess how much and what kind of the Jewish literature from the
period under consideration has been lost.3 Furthermore, the history of
transmission of many Jewish writings also raises enormous difficulties.
Few have been preserved in their original language or form and many
have been edited or reworked to different degrees, first by Jews and
then by Christians. Different recensions of the same texts frequently
exist. Translations into various languages were made and several texts
survived in these translations only.4 Only in cases where copies of a
book were found among the Dead Sea Scrolls is it possible to deter-
mine with any certainty the extent of Christian revisions and additions.
For the study of scribes, as for any other aspects of ancient Jewish
society, it must be considered whether Christian interests, selection and
reworking of texts may have distorted the portrait of Jewish scribes
which emerges from the extant literary writings.5
Some historiographical writings from the period under consideration,
such as 1 and 2 Maccabees, Philo's Legatione ad Gaium, and Jose-
phus's writings, but also some of the later biblical books, claim to give
an accurate description of certain historical events and social and
2. On the possibility that geographical and cultural context can alter or enrich
the significance of literature, cf. E. Gabba, 'Literature', in M. Crawford (ed.),
Sources for Ancient History (The Sources of History: Studies in the Uses of His-
torical Evidence; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 1.
3. This is reflected, for example, in the discussion of the original size of the
corpus of Greek Jewish writings. While Horbury argues that many Jewish Greek
writings have been lost, Schiirer et al., adopt a more sceptical position (W. Hor-
bury, 'Jewish Inscriptions and Jewish Literature in Egypt, with Special Reference
to Ecclesiasticus', in P.W. van der Horst and J.W. van Henten [eds.], Studies in
Early Jewish Epigraphy [AGJU, 21; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994], p. 20; Schiirer etai,
History of the Jewish People, III.I, p. 472 n. 4).
4. To illustrate the difficulty for modern research in tracing traditions back to
the Second-Temple period, De Lange compares these texts to buildings: 'Some—a
very few—have been preserved virtually intact; others, in the course of long and
varied use, have been demolished, added to, restored, or even entirely rebuilt; in
certain cases the buildings themselves have been dismantled and the materials
reused in other buildings; and of course many buildings have completely perished
or have left nothing but fragmentary ruins' (N. De Lange, Apocrypha: Jewish Lit-
erature of the Hellenistic Age [Jewish Heritage Classics; New York: Viking Press,
1978], p. 12).
5. Cf. also factor 1 in Chapter 3.
political realities. History, however, cannot be written without selection

and interpretation of facts, hence historiography always reflects an
author's perception of events.6 It is necessary, therefore, to attempt to
determine an author's intended purpose for his writing, as well as the
social and political background of both the author and intended reader-
ship. It must be considered whether the main aim of a book was, for
example, apologetic or propagandistic and whether the intended audi-
ence consisted of Jews, non-Jews, or a mixture of both. Factors like
these provide clues for an author's bias which inevitably shaped his
account of historical events. The information that is contained in a his-
toriographical source has to be examined against apparent biases of its
author. The possibility of a distortion of the reality as well as certain
omissions must be considered. For example, when dealing with
Josephus's writings, one has to evaluate the evidence for scribes by
taking into account the author's pro-Roman and pro-priestly bias and
his wish to justify his own actions, explain the events of the war, and
extol the culture and heritage of the Jewish people.7 It is a good indi-
cation of the likely accuracy of information, if it can be shown not to
serve any direct purpose in the historical account in which it is found.
Other genres of Jewish writings from the period under consideration
offer less apparent but equally valuable information for the study of
scribes.8 Philosophical, exegetical, poetic, didactic, romantic, and wis-
dom literature does not intend to describe Jewish history and society
accurately but may nevertheless provide insights into an author's per-
ception of society. Writings in this category contain information about
the ideas, hopes, theology, beliefs and philosophy of some Jews and
may reflect certain notions and social realities. Both Philo and Ben
Sira, for example, frequently refer to professions and practices in their
own society in order to make or prove a point or to provide an example
for a statement. Furthermore, some of the Rules among the Dead Sea
Scrolls refer to the organization and functioning of communities but
problems arise from the fact that the time of origin of these texts is
difficult to determine and that it is sometimes unclear whether the Rules
refer to an ideal community in the future. In addition, expositions and
developments of biblical traditions can reveal some information about
society and people's perception of the past. However, since much of
6. Also Gabba, 'Literature', pp. 1, 3, 20.

7. Cf. introductions to sections 2.4.4 and 2.4.5.
8. Cf. factor 9 in Chapter 3.
this information is very fragmentary and modern theories about the

social setting of many ancient books are frequently of a speculative
nature, the evidence derived from these writings must be used with
caution.
The Greek and Aramaic translations of biblical books constitute a
further source. Through unusual renderings of passages or words,
changes of names, or explanations, they allow insights into how people
imagined their past and/or understood their present situation. It cannot,
however, always be clearly distinguished between the translator's
notion of the past and his contemporary realities. A more expository
translation style will naturally reveal more about practices and the
social realities of the translator's society than a more literal style.9 For
example, the Aramaic Targumim can be found on the expository end of
the scale which is why they prove to be such a valuable source for the
study of beliefs, practices and social realities of Jewish society. The
Aramaic translations aim to explain difficult or problematic passages as
well as to update the biblical texts with regard to beliefs, laws, names
and titles. In contrast, the Greek translations of the Bible are generally
less informative since they tend to be more literal.
While the Septuagint has preserved a Greek version of all Hebrew
biblical books, only very little has survived of the Greek revisions/
translations ascribed to Theodotion, Aquila and Symmachus. With a
few exceptions, the 'Three' have only been preserved in fragments of
Origin's Hexapla. Therefore, comparisons with the Hebrew text and the
Septuagint are fraught with difficulty.10 Further problems arise from the
textual history of the Aramaic and Greek versions. With regard to the
Greek translations, especially the Septuagint, later recensions tended to
9. For an introduction into the translating techniques of antiquity and the self-
understanding of the translators, cf. S.P. Brock, Translating the Old Testament', in
D.A. Carson, B. Lindars, and H.G.M. Williamson (eds.), It is Written: Scripture
Citing Scripture: Essays in Honour of Barnabas Lindars (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1988), pp. 87-98.
10. E.g. fragments of Aquila's translation of Kings have been preserved among
manuscripts found in the Cairo Genizah (cf. E. Wiirthwein, The Text of the Old
Testament [London: SCM Press, 1980], p. 53; F.C. Burkitt, Fragments of the Book
of Kings according to the Translation of Aquila (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1897]). However, the fragments do not preserve any passages relevant for the
study of scribes.
fuse and to influence each other." The Targumim as we know them

today date from several centuries after the Second-Temple period.
Although evidence from Qumran proves that Targumim existed in the
first century CE or earlier and there is no doubt that the Targumim con-
tain material from the Second-Temple period. No reliable method,
however, has been devised so far to distinguish earlier from later
traditions.12
A very similar problem concerning the dating of traditions arises
from the Mishna and Tosefta. Compiled in the beginning of the second
and third/fourth centuries CE respectively, much of the material is
ascribed to rabbis or scholars who lived during the Second-Temple
period. It is likely that at least some laws and traditions stem from the
period prior to the destruction of the Temple. There is, unfortunately,
no reliable method to distinguish earlier from later ones. The associa-
tions of certain discussions or laws with certain rabbis are not neces-
sarily historically accurate and can, in fact, sometimes be shown to be
wrong.13 Therefore, unless there is evidence to support an earlier date,
material from the Mishna and Tosefta should be used as evidence for
the post-70 period and the rabbis' perception of the past.
An added difficulty in using early rabbinic material to write history is
the compilers' apparent lack of historical interest. They mainly recor-
ded discussions on laws, customs and practice. Until recently these
laws and regulations have been taken as reliable evidence for the situ-
ation in Palestine in the first century and later, a view based on the
assumption that the Pharisees, sages and rabbis controlled the lives of
the people and that the Mishna and Tosefta contained a binding law
code. Recently, however, it has been shown that in the first and second
11. Wiirthwein states that manuscripts of the Septuagint contain more or less
mixed texts (WUrthwein, Text, pp. 58-59).
12. The earliest manuscripts from the Cairo Genizah date from the seventh and
ninth century CE (cf. P.S. Alexander, 'Jewish Aramaic Translations of Hebrew
Scriptures', in M.J. Mulder and H. Sysling [eds.], Mikra; Text, Translation, Read-
ing and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Chris-
tianity [CRINT, II.l; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988], pp. 217-53 (220);
A.D. York, "The Dating of Targumic Literature', JSJ 5 [1974], pp. 49-62 [49, 52]).
For an overview of the discussion, cf. York, 'Targumic Literature', pp. 49-62.
13. Sometimes rabbis ascribed to different periods are found to be engaged in a
discussion with each other. On the dating of traditions and texts, cf. G. Stemberger,
Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 2nd edn,
1996), pp. 46-48, 57-59.
centuries rabbis most likely did not have the necessary influence and
authority.14 Furthermore, the evidence does not allow for a straight-
forward identification of rabbis and Pharisees.
Information about society can nevertheless be gained from the
Mishna and Tosefta. Legal discussions frequently reveal social assump-
tions about society and, in some cases, rabbinic law simply describes
what was common practice in the Near East and provides legal justi-
fication for a long-established practice. Moreover, it is conceivable that
what was repeatedly and strongly prohibited was widely practised.15
In short, it must be determined for each tradition to what extent it
reflects the historical realities of Jewish society of either the late
Second-Temple or post-70 period.
Jewish Documentary Sources

A large number of Jewish documentary papyri, parchments and ostraca
dating from the Second-Temple period and the following centuries
have been found. In addition, a few letters on wood have also been
preserved.16 Many of these documents date from the first and second
centuries CE, although several older documents have also been found.
The bulk of the papyri was discovered in various wadis of the Judaean
desert, in Masada, and in Egypt as a result of the favourable climatic
conditions in these areas. The documentary material provides insights
into economic, legal and social aspects of everyday life and hence is
extremely valuable for the study of ancient Jewish society. It contains
information on a wide range of topics, including taxes, administration,
archives, laws, professions, positions and functions, the use of names,
and trade as well as more general topics such as the use of languages
and levels of literacy. Many papyri contain dates which allow for the
precise use of the data as evidence for a specific period.
A further source of information about the ordinary life of people
as well as the upper classes are inscriptions on stone. They are a
14. S.J.D. Cohen, 'The Place of the Rabbi in Jewish Society of the Second Cen-
tury', in L.I. Levine (ed.), The Galilee in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard
University Press, 1992), pp. 157-73; Sanders, Judaism, pp. 10-11, 464-67;
M.D. Goodman, State and Society in Roman Galilee, AD 132-212 (Oxford Centre
for Postgraduate Hebrew Studies Series; Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Allenheld, 1983),
pp. 159-63.
15. For more details, cf. Sanders, Judaism, pp. 464-71.
16. Cf. the survey by H.M. Cotton, W.E.H. Cockle and F. Millar, 'Papyrology
of the Roman Near East: A Survey', JRS 85 (1995), pp. 214-35.
distinctive feature of the Graeco-Roman civilization and Jewish inscrip-

tions have been found in many countries of the ancient world.17 How-
ever, it is apparent that Jewish inscriptions stand in marked contrast to
their non-Jewish counterparts. While Greeks and Romans made
extensive use of all kinds of inscriptions in public life, for example for
the publication of laws, decrees, privileges, speeches, dedications, votes
of honour and letters, Jewish epigraphic material seems to occur only
rarely outside the context of tombs and ossuaries.18 The vast majority
of Jewish inscriptions from the period under consideration are epitaphs
which, for obvious reasons, only offer limited information. Never-
theless, inscriptions which offer more than a name provide some data
on professions, positions and functions, Jewish participation in city life,
the use of languages, beliefs, hopes, ideals and values. In many cases,
however, the subject(s) of the inscriptions will be portrayed in an ideal-
ized way.
Several difficulties arise from the use of papyri and inscriptions for
the study of ancient Jewish society and history. First, it is not always
possible to distinguish between Jewish and non-Jewish material. In
order to avoid a blurred picture, clear criteria have to be employed even
though they will probably exclude some Jewish documentary material
which cannot be recognized as such. The minimalist approach only
designates papyri and inscriptions as Jewish if they were found in a
17. F. Millar, 'Epigraphy', in M. Crawford (ed.), Sources for Ancient History

(The Sources of History: Studies in the Uses of Historical Evidence; Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 80.
18. The major collections of Jewish inscriptions can be found in D. Noy, Jewish
Inscriptions of Western Europe (2 vols.; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1993-95); W. Horbury and D. Noy, Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt;
With an Index of the Jewish Inscriptions of Egypt and Cyrenaica (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1992); J.-B. Frey and B. Lifshitz, Corpus Inscrip-
tionum Judaicarum. I. Europe (Sussidi allo Studio delle Antichita Cristiane, 1; New
York: Ktav, 1975), II. Asie-Afrique (Sussidi allo Studio delle Antichita Cristiane,
2; Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1952). On the lack of
evergetism in Jewish society, cf. M. Goodman, The Ruling Class of Judaea (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 125-29. On the general attitude to
inscriptions in Jewish society, cf. C. Schams, The Attitude towards Sacred and
Secular Written Documents in First-Century Jewish Society (Oxford: Unpublished
MPhil thesis, Oxford University, 1992), pp. 67-71. On epitaphs, also P.W. van der
Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs: An Introductory Survey of a Millennium of Jewish
Funerary Epigraphy (300 BCE-700 CE) (Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and
Theology, 12; Kampen: Kok, 1991), pp. 10, 16-18.
Jewish environment or if Jewish names, technical terms, or symbols

were used. Secondly, the haphazard chance of preservation and finding
must be considered in any interpretation of the documentary evidence.
Thirdly, the evidence derived from papyri displays a geographical bias
in accordance with favourable climatic conditions. With regard to
inscriptions, it is often impossible to determine the date with any cer-
tainty. Despite these difficulties papyri, parchments, ostraca and
inscriptions supplement and, in many cases, correct our picture of soci-
ety which has mainly been derived from literary sources reflecting the
views of the literary and educated upper classes.
Pagan Sources
The comments made by non-Jewish writers of the Graeco-Roman
period on Jews and Judaism provide an outside view on how Jews and
their practices were perceived by their non-Jewish environment.19 The
pagan authors who do not seem to have been familiar with details of
Jewish life and society only describe some general characteristics of
Judaism at their time, albeit usually in a negative way.20 In many cases
their comments are characterized by prejudice and ignorance.21
Christian Sources
Besides Josephus's writings, the New Testament constitutes our richest
source of information for first-century Palestinian Jewish society. For
several reasons, however, the Gospels and Acts are also some of the
most problematic sources for the writing of social, political and reli-
gious history of Judaism in the late Second-Temple period. First, these
writings reflect a later Christian perspective on events that took place at
least a few decades earlier. Secondly, they display strong anti-Jewish
tendencies which may have distorted the accuracy of the description of
society and historical events. Furthermore, there is no conclusive evi-
dence to allow the determination of such crucial questions as the date
and place of origin, or the author and his background, with any
19. The main corpus can be found in M. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on
Jews and Judaism (3 vols.; Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and
Humanities, 1974-84).
20. Schiirer et al, History of the Jewish People, I, p. 63.
21. Also A. Kasher, Jews and Hellenistic Cities in Eretz-Israel: Relations of the
Jews in Eretz-Israel with the Hellenistic Cities during the Second Temple Period
(332 BCE-70 CE) (TSAJ, 21; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1990), pp. 5-6.
certainty. Neither are we in a position to provide a satisfactory explana-

tion for the phenomenon of similarity in material and order in the
Synoptics. It is, therefore, not surprising that no consensus has emerged
with regard to the historicity and accuracy of the individual Gospels
and Acts. The information which is provided in these sources must be
interpreted with consideration of the above mentioned factors. It is vital
to establish a differentiated view of the historical accuracy of each of
the Gospels and Acts. Different levels of accuracy are possible within
one writing. An author may be well informed on social and religious
matters but less knowledgeable about the political realities of Roman
Palestine, or vice versa. Furthermore, an author may have incorporated
accurate traditions but added explanations which reflect only a vague
grasp of some aspects of Jewish life at the time of Jesus. In this way he
may distort the original tradition with information that does not other-
wise fit the realities of Jewish society at the time of Jesus. Each book of
the New Testament should therefore be assessed individually for its
historical reliability on several levels.
2.2. Evidence for Scribes in the Persian Period (539-323 BCE)

Very little is known of the historical, political and social history of the
Jewish people in the Persian period. The literary and archaeological
sources are scanty with the former being very biased. An added dif-
ficulty is the fact that the history of the Persian Empire and its admini-
stration is not unproblematic either.22 The books Ezra-Nehemiah
constitute the main source for the early postexilic period. However, as
Grabbe has rightly argued, 'we should cease to write the history of
Judah in the first part of the Persian period by lightly paraphrasing the
book of Ezra' and allow Persian inscriptions, papyri, coins and archae-
ology to speak in their own right.23
22. For a balanced overview of the period and a short description of the avail-
able sources, cf. L.L. Grabbe, Judaism from Cyrus to Hadrian (2 vols.; Min-
neapolis: Fortress Press, 1992), I, pp. 29-73, 119-145; also G.W. Ahlstrom, The
History of Ancient Palestine from the Palaeolithic Period to Alexander's Conquest
(JSOTSup, 146; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993), pp. 812-906.
23. L.L. Grabbe, 'Reconstructing History from the Book of Ezra', in P.R.
Davies (ed.), Second Temple Studies. I. Persian Period (JSOTSup, 117; Sheffield:
JSOT Press, 1991), pp. 104-105, quote from p. 105.
Generally, it appears that under Persian rule Jerusalem and Judaea

were part of the large satrapy 'Beyond the River'24 but it is still a mat-
ter of discussion how the area was governed during this period. Appar-
ently, the Jewish high priest acted for part of this period as governor
and representative of the Jewish nation. However, the prevailing form
of administration during the two centuries of Persian rule seems to have
been a dyarchy, with a governor appointed by the Persian king and the
Jewish high priest sharing the authority.25
It is likely that the return of some of the exiles to Judah and
Jerusalem caused conflict with the people who had not been deported or
other ethnic groups who had been settled in the area by the Assyrian
kings.26 The majority of the upper class and leading citizens had been
deported after the destruction of Jerusalem, thus leaving mainly sub-
sistence farmers occupying the land. The vast majority of the educated
and literate elite were in exile and it may be assumed that the authors of
our main sources for the history the postexilic period, Ezra-Nehemiah
and Chronicles respectively, were part of or descendants of the
returnees from this literate and educated class.27
For our study of the status and functions of Jewish scribes in the
Persian period the main source of information is the Jewish literature
composed during this period. In accordance with the approach to the
evidence as described in Chapter 1, later literature about the Persian
period, for example Josephus's account, is considered as evidence for
the period in which it was composed.28 Therefore, the only texts studied
in detail in this section are Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles. The only
other relevant piece of evidence are ten bullae with identical
inscriptions. No other material has been selected on the basis of the
exclusive approach.
24. Ahlstrom, Ancient Palestine, p. 821.

25. Cf. Grabbe, Judaism, I, pp. 74-75.
26. Ahlstrom, Ancient Palestine, pp. 824, 835, 840-41, 846-47; Grabbe, Judai-
sm, I, pp. 121-22; J. Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah: A Commentary (OTL; London:
SCM Press, 1989), pp. 60-61, 67-69.
27. Ahlstrom, Ancient Palestine, p. 845; Grabbe, Judaism, I, pp. 117-18.
28. Cf. also Grabbe's argument that Josephus did not possess much historically
reliable independent information about this period (L.L. Grabbe, 'Josephus and the
Reconstruction of the Judaean Restoration', JBL 106 [1987], pp. 231-46).
2.2.1. Bullae
Ten bullae from the province of Yehud which stem from the seal of a
scribe have been preserved together with other bullae and two seals.29
On palaeographical grounds they have been ascribed to the late sixth
century BCE and can therefore be connected with the Persian province
of Yehud, that is, the early postexilic period.30
The relevant bullae contain the following inscription either complete
or in parts:
Avigad, no. 631
Belonging to Jeremai
the scribe
These bullae most likely stem from an official context in which case
they provide evidence for the employment of scribes in the Persian
administration of the province of Yehud.32 This non-literary evidence
compares to references to the scribes Ezra, Zadok and Shimshai in
Ezra-Nehemiah and documentary evidence from Egypt under
Achaemenid rule.33
2.2.2. Ezra-Nehemiah
The vast majority of studies on scribes have assigned much importance
to Ezra-Nehemiah. This is partly due to the fact that these books con-
tain a considerable amount of information about a figure called Ezra,
who is designated with the title "ISO, while otherwise material about the
status and functions of scribes in this period is extremely scarce. Fur-
thermore, the significance assigned to these books is a consequence of
the consistency with which modern scholarship has made Ezra the
29. Published in N. Avigad, Bullae and Seals from a Post-Exilic Judean

Archive (Qedem, 4; Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Institute of
Archaeology, 1976). For a short overview of the evidence of seals and bullae from
the province of Yehud during the Persian Period, cf. H. Weippert, Palastina in
vorhellenistischer Zeit (Handbuch der Archaologie, Vorderasien, 2.1; Munich:
Beck, 1988), p. 695.
30. Avigad, Bullae, pp. 16-17.
31. Text and translation from Avigad, Bullae.
32. Cf. also Avigad, Bullae, p. 8.
33. For Ezra, Zadok and Shimshai, cf. 2.2.2; for evidence from Egypt, cf. p. 54
n. 67.
scribe par excellence, the archetypal Torah scholar (Schriftgelehrter).

However, it will become apparent that matters relating to Ezra, the
scribe, are not as straightforward as they are frequently made out to be.
In the discussion about the date, authorship, purpose and authenticity
of Ezra-Nehemiah, as well as its relationship to Chronicles 'scholars
have offered a bewildering variety of methods for approaching these
questions and have proposed an equally bewildering array of solu-
tions.'34 Unfortunately, with the exception of the question of historicity
a complete discussion of these general issues is beyond the scope of
this book and can only be dealt with briefly.
The two books Ezra and Nehemiah will be considered as a literary
unity due to the fact that early masoretic texts treated them as one
work.35 The relationship to Chronicles is difficult to determine and
scholarly consensus has more or less disappeared. While the majority
still accepts the previously almost unchallenged assumption of a com-
mon authorship for both Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles, the theory
that the two works have been composed independently has now
become more widely accepted.36 It has been argued that the two works
reflect different and sometimes opposite views on central issues of bib-
lical history and theology. Furthermore, many differences with regard
to style and language have also been pointed out.37 As a working
34. K.G. Hoglund, Achaemenid Imperial Administration in Syria-Palestine and

the Missions of Ezra and Nehemiah (SBLDS, 125; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992),
p. 37.
35. Only from the fourth century onwards, with the promulgation of the Vulgate
was the work split into two parts (cf. T. Willi, Juda-Jehud-Israel: Studien zum
Selbstverstdndnis des Judentums in persischer Zeit [Forschungen zum Alten Tes-
tament, 12; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1995], p. 46; Hoglund, Achaemenid Imperial
Administration, pp. 38-39).
36. For bibliographical references and brief discussion of both views, cf.
S. Japhet, / & 2 Chronicles (OTL; London: SCM Press, 1993), pp. 3-4; Hoglund,
Achaemenid Imperial Administration, p. 37.
37. So Willi, Juda-Jehud-Israel, pp. 45-47, 64; I. Kalimi, Zur Geschichts-
schreibung des Chronisten (BZAW, 226; Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1995), pp. 7-9;
Japhet, 1 and 2 Chronicles, p. 4 and S. Japhet, The Supposed Common Authorship
of Chron. and Ezra-Neh. Investigated Anew', VT 18 (1968), pp. 330-71, esp. 330-
33, 371; H.G.M. Williamson, 1 and 2 Chronicles (New Century Bible Commen-
tary; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), pp. 8-11. For a critical discussion of Japhet's
and Williamson's positions, cf. A.H.J. Gunneweg, 'Zur Interpretation der Biicher
Esra-Nehemia', in J.A. Emerton (ed.), Congress Volume: Vienna, 1980 (VTSup,
32; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1981), pp. 147-49.
hypothesis this investigation will treat Ezra-Nehemiah as an indepen-

dent work. It is therefore also required that the purpose, bias, and his-
torical reliability of Ezra-Nehemiah be determined separately from
those of Chronicles.
The dispute over the date of Ezra-Nehemiah is related to the
identification of the Persian King Artaxerxes who is said to have sent
Ezra on his mission to Jerusalem. According to Ezra 7.7, Ezra went to
Jerusalem in the seventh year of Artaxerxes, which could indicate
either the year 458 BCE under Artaxerxes I, or 398 BCE under Arta-
xerxes II. There are difficulties associated with either dating but it
appears to be less problematic to place Ezra's mission before that of
Nehemiah. The latter can be dated with some confidence in 445-433
BCE, which would support a date for Ezra's activities in Jerusalem
during the reign of Artaxerxes I. This so-called 'traditional view' is
held by a growing number of scholars.38 If we accept the earlier date for
Ezra's mission and allow for some time to pass after Nehemiah's
activities we can assume a date towards the end of the fifth or beginning
of the fourth century BCE for the composition of Ezra-Nehemiah.39 If a
later date is assumed for Ezra's mission this would put the date of
Ezra-Nehemiah a few decades back but would not otherwise affect the
interpretation of the evidence concerning scribes in any particular way.
The author was mainly interested in Ezra's and Nehemiah's activities
as reformers and the transformation of the postexilic community. He
describes the great revival of Israel from the days of Cyrus and the
return from exile until the end of Nehemiah's office. The events are
perceived as the fulfilment of a prophecy by Jeremiah.40 However, the
restoration was incomplete since the country was still governed by a
foreign empire and the kingdom had not been re-established. It is
evident that the author and the community had to come to terms with
this situation which is reflected in the theological outlook of Ezra-
Nehemiah. The work emphasizes the generosity and support of the
Persian kings, presented as fearing the God of Israel as well as acting
38. For a discussion of both views, cf. Hoglund, Achaemenid Imperial Admini-
stration, pp. 40-44.
39. The chronological reconstruction of events causes further problems for
modern commentators on Ezra-Nehemiah. However, since the chronology does not
affect the interpretation of the passages relevant to the study of scribes, there is no
need to deal with this issue here.
40. Ezra 1.1.
on his behalf, and focuses on the establishment of the law. Further-

more, the author is only interested in the newly restored Jewish com-
munity while the other Jewish and non-Jewish people living in the land
and neighbouring people appear only as disturbing elements.41
There used to be a consensus in (English-speaking) scholarship
which accepted the basic historicity of the narrative and Ezra's mission.
The reliability of the author's three postulated main sources was
assumed: the Ezra Memoir, the Nehemiah Memoir and official Aramaic
documents.42 However, recently this consensus has been challenged by
Grabbe (with reference to Gunneweg's work) with a critical assessment
of its position.43 He points out that in German scholarship it has long
been argued that the sources, especially the Aramaic documents, are
highly problematic. Too little comparable material is available to
demonstrate the authenticity of the documents and it is suspicious that
some of the so-called 'Aramaic documents' are in fact to be found in
Aramaic in an Aramaic narrative.44 This has far-reaching consequences
for any study of Ezra since theories about his status and functions are
mainly based on what is claimed to be a copy of Artaxerxes' commis-
sioning letter. The question of the historicity of this letter will be dis-
cussed in more detail below.45 Besides problems relating to the
'official' documents, it has been noted that Ezra is portrayed as more
significant and important than Nehemiah. The former is associated with
what the author seems to have regarded as the culmination of the
restoration, namely the end of mixed marriages and the institution of
the public reading of the law. It has been suggested that the author used
41. Ahlstrom, Ancient Palestine, p. 822.

42. Ezra Memoir: Ezra 7-10, Neh. 8-9; Nehemiah Memoir: Neh. 1.1-7.73,
11.1-36, 12.31-43, 13.4-31; official documents in Ezra 1-7. For a brief description
of these sources, cf. Hoglund, Achaemenid Imperial Administration, pp. 44-48.
Hoglund accepts the basic historicity of the official documents but does not think it
possible to isolate an Ezra Memoir or Nehemiah Memoir (Hoglund, Achaemenid
Imperial Administration, pp. 47, 48). For bibliographical references on consensus
view, cf. Grabbe, 'Reconstructing History', p. 98.
43. Grabbe, 'Reconstructing History', pp. 98-106, referring to A.H.J. Gunne-
weg, Esra (KAT, 19.1; Giitersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1985) and 'Esra-Nehemiah';
L.L. Grabbe, 'What was Ezra's Mission?', in T.C. Eskenazi and K.H. Richards
(eds.), Second Temple Studies. II. Temple and Community in the Persian Period
44. Grabbe, 'Reconstructing History', pp. 99-101.
45. Cf. pp. 51-52.
the Nehemiah Memoir as a source and modelled Ezra on Nehemiah but

in terms surpassing the latter. This has been interpreted as evidence that
the author developed much of the tradition about Ezra from the Nehe-
miah Memoir rather than using an independent source (Ezra Memoir)
and that the information about Ezra is therefore not historically reli-
able.46 Although this is possible, it is nevertheless highly likely that the
author possessed at least some information about a Persian official
called Ezra who was active during the restoration period. The author
could have adapted this tradition for his own purposes thus conferring a
superior place in the history of the nation to the figure of Ezra.
In short, Ezra-Nehemiah is tendentious history. It contains selective
information about the political and social situation of the Jewish com-
munity in Judah and Jerusalem in the early postexilic period from a
later perspective.47 The author's interest in writing seems to have been
of a theological rather than historical nature. With regard to the infor-
mation about Ezra, it will be necessary to distinguish between the his-
torically probable and improbable although the scarcity of external evi-
dence does not allow for much certainty in this matter. It is necessary to
determine what reflects the historical realities of the Achaemenid
period but without using Ezra-Nehemiah to describe these realities in
the first place.48
Ezra's Titles and Position

In Ezra 7 the figure of Ezra is introduced to the reader as a priest and
scribe of the law of Moses. The author traces Ezra's priestly line back
to Aaron, thus emphasizing his link to the high priestly family.49 Ezra is
said to have been a skilled scribe (TTIQ "ISO) in the law and committed
to its study and teaching in Israel. It is further stated that he came from
Babylon and was sent by King Artaxerxes to Jerusalem.50
46. For details, cf. L.C.H. Lebram, 'Die Traditionsgeschichte der Esragestalt
und die Frage nach dem historischen Esra', in H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg (ed.),
Achaemenid History (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1987),
I, pp. 113-14, 120-21, 125; cf. also Gunneweg, 'Esra-Nehemia', pp. 151-52.
47. On the selectiveness and theological intentions of the author, cf. Hoglund,
Achaemenid Imperial Administration, pp. 40, 48.
48. This circular argument can frequently be found in studies of the books
Ezra-Nehemiah and the figure of Ezra himself (Grabbe, 'Reconstructing History',
p. 105).
49. Ezra 7.1-5.
50. Ezra 7.6, 10, 14.
It has already been mentioned in the introduction to this section that

any theory about Ezra's status, position and functions depends to a
large degree on what is claimed to be a copy of Artaxerxes' commis-
sioning letter.51 The authenticity of this letter has been much debated,
mainly in connection with the general historicity of Ezra-Nehemiah
and the mission of Ezra.52 The consensus view accepts the basic
authenticity of this letter. However, even scholars supporting this view
cannot ignore its distinctively Jewish elements, for example the exag-
geration of the gifts to the Temple, the distinction between the three
categories of priests, Levites and Israelites, and between different forms
of offerings at the Jerusalem cult.53 This has led to the argument that
the letter was drawn up with Jewish help, possibly Ezra's, in the Per-
sian royal chancellery. However, there is a growing number of scholars
who dispute its authenticity and argue that the letter either goes back to
the author of the book himself or at least has been heavily edited by
him.54 On account of the lack of comparative material it is difficult to
either prove or disprove its authenticity, but serious doubts are raised
by several elements.55 These include the improbability of the royal
gifts, the fear of God ascribed to the Persian king, and the powers
granted to Ezra which were on the level of a governor or satrap even
though he is never designated as such. It is easily conceivable that the
author may have forged a document or edited an existing one in order
to underline the main aim and message of his book. He could have
done so in accordance with his general knowledge of official docu-
ments from the Achaemenid period. It is evident that the letter supports
the author's intention of elevating Ezra over Nehemiah with regard to
status and power as well as portraying the Persian king as exceedingly
generous and in fear of the God of the Jews. These points have cumula-
tive strength in suggesting that Artaxerxes' letter should not be taken at
51. Ezra 7.12-25.

52. Hoglund, Achaemenid Imperial Administration, p. 227.
53. Cf. Grabbe, 'Ezra's Mission', p. 291; for a list of these elements, cf. J. Blen-
kinsopp, 'Sage, Scribe, and Scribalism in the Chronicler's Work', in J.G. Gammie
and L.G. Perdue (eds.), The Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East (Winona
Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990), p. 213; also Lebram, Traditionsgeschichte', p. 117.
54. For bibliographical reference on both positions, cf. Grabbe, 'Ezra's Mis-
sion', pp. 291-92.
55. According to Grabbe there is only one royal letter which is generally
accepted as genuine and it has only been preserved in a Greek translation (Grabbe,
'Ezra's Mission', p. 292 n. 16).
face value. The consequences for our evaluation of Ezra's titles and
functions in Ezra-Nehemiah are significant.
First, the titles of Ezra and their specifications will be discussed in
some detail.
Ezra 7.656
This Ezra came up from Babylon and he was a skilled scribe in the law
of Moses which the Lord the God of Israel had given.
Ezra 7.11
This is a copy of the letter that King Artaxerxes gave to Ezra, the priest,
the scribe of the book (or: the scribe, scribe) of the words of the com-
mandments of the Lord and his statutes for Israel.
Ezra 7.12 (letter)57
Artaxerxes, king of kings, to Ezra, the priest, scribe of the law of the
God of heaven, peace.
There are several observations to be made. First, there is a difference

between the titles in the letter and the narrative introducing it. While in
the narrative the titles specifically refer to Moses in association with the
law given by the God of Israel, in the letter itself the law is described in
a more general way as the law of the God of Heaven. Secondly, the
description of Ezra as "TTIB "ISO is ambiguous and can refer to either his
dexterity as a scribe/writer, or his knowledge and expertise, or both.58
56. All quotes of the Hebrew texts in this investigation are taken from the BHS.
The translations in this section are based on the NRSV but are generally more literal.
57. The titles appear in identical form in Ezra 7.21.
58. Ezra 7.6; cf. E. Ullendorff, 'The Contribution of South Semitics to Hebrew
Lexicography', VT6 (1956), p. 195, although he argues that in the Hebrew biblical
writings knowledge is stressed rather than dexterity. In the Ahikar-legend, the main
character Ahikar is also designated as a TITO "ISO. He supposedly functioned as a
high official at the court of the Assyrian King Sennacherib (704-681 BCE) and was
known for his wisdom and proverbs (cf. J.M. Lindenberger,The Aramaic Proverbs
ofAhiqar [Johns Hopkins Near Eastern Studies; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity Press, 1983]).
Thirdly, the repetition of the word "ISO in Ezra 7.11 is also ambiguous.
It may have been a simple copy error. As it stands it can be translated
either as 'Ezra, the priest, the scribe of the book of the words of the
commandments of the Lord and his statutes for Israel' or 'Ezra, the
priest, the scribe, scribe of the words of the commandments...'
Various theories have been advanced to help explain the oddities of
these qualifications of the title ~1DO by referring to the context of the
Achaemenid empire and/or the Jewish community. One of the most
influential interpretations which is still frequently referred to is that by
Schaeder.59 He argues that the title "ISO denotes Ezra's position as a
high imperial official at the royal court. The qualifications of Ezra's
title N'QB? n^"1"! Km "ISO in the commissioning letter are considered
to be part of the official title, indicating that he was in charge of Jewish
affairs at the royal court.60 Schaeder, and scholars following him, sup-
port their theory with comparative material from other Semitic lan-
guages.61 In his critique of Schaeder's approach, Grabbe points out that
Schaeder provides no material from the Achaemenid empire which is
contemporaneous with Ezra but only analogous material from Akka-
dian and later Iranian.62 Williamson moderates Schaeder's view and
argues that the title "BO marks an official position which Ezra received
in association with his mission to Jerusalem. It supposedly conferred a
'certain degree of authority' which makes the official character of his
mission plausible.63 The specifications of the title which express Ezra's
expertise in the book of the law of God are accepted as historical,
although Williamson does not perceive the law book to have been
identical with the Pentateuch.64 Hoglund draws similar conclusions
about Ezra's official position but describes the combination of the titles
]i~D and "ISO as 'a bit unusual'. He regards it as impossible to determine
Ezra's official status from the titles ascribed to him.65 A different
59. H.H. Schaeder, Esra der Schreiber (BHT, 5; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1930),
pp. 39-51.
60. Ezra 7.12,21.
61. Cf. J.M. Myers, Ezra. Nehemiah (AB, 14; New York: Doubleday, 1965),
pp. 57-61.
62. Grabbe, 'Ezra's Mission', pp. 293-94; for a further critique also Lebram,
Traditionsgeschichte',pp. 108-111,esp. 111.
63. H.G.M. Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah (WBC, 16; Waco, TX: Word Books,
1985), p. 100.
64. Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah, pp. xxxvii-xxxix.
65. Hoglund, Achaemenid Imperial Administration, pp. 227-28.
approach is reflected in the view that Ezra's title "ISO should be under-
stood to mean Torah scholar. Mowinckel, for example, argues that the
title "ISO should be interpreted as Schriftgelehrter in the New Testa-
ment sense of ypanp.aTex><; and that it designated Ezra's prestigious
position in the Jewish community.66 There is, however, no justification
for reading a first-century sense of a Greek term into its Hebrew equi-
valent which appears in a text composed four to five centuries earlier.
In general, the views just described are all problematic because they
presuppose the authenticity of the commissioning letter. However, even
without accepting the letter at face value, it can be assumed with some
certainty that Ezra was an official scribe in the Achaemenid administra-
tion. This view is based on several factors. First, it is highly likely that
the tradition about Ezra in Ezra-Nehemiah preserves at least a kernel of
historical truth, namely that a Jewish official was sent by a Persian king
to Jerusalem on some mission during the early post-exilic period. Sec-
ondly, there is no reason why this official should not have been a
scribe, since scribes as officials are attested at the Achaemenid royal
court and on a provincial level in a variety of sources, including biblical
and non-biblical material.67 Furthermore, foreigners were frequently
employed as scribes in the administration of large empires, partly on
account of their bi- or multilingual skills.68 Finally, the specification of
Ezra's title "ISO, which refers to his expertise in the laws of God, may
be ascribed to the author of Ezra-Nehemiah. It is probably that he re-
interpreted Ezra's official title in accordance with his own theological
66. S. Mowinckel, Studien zu dem Buche Ezra-Nehemia 3 (Oslo: Universitets-
forlaget, 1965), pp. 117-24.
67. Cf. C. Tuplin, 'The Administration of the Achaemenid Empire', in I. Car-
radice (ed.), Coinage and Administration in the Athenian and Persian Empires: the
Ninth Symposium on Coinage and Monetary History (BARev International Series,
343; Oxford: BARev, 1987), pp. 118-19, 123, 128; M.A. Dandamaev, V.G. Luko-
nin, and P.L. Kohl, The Culture and Social Institutions of Ancient Iran (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 104, 112, 114, 361. Evidence for scribes:
e.g. scribes of the province (Wino '"ISO) in the Elephantine papyrus Cowley 17
(= A6.1 in B. Porten and A. Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documents from
Ancient Egypt I [Texts and Studies for Students; Jerusalem: Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, 1986]); scribes of the treasury (K1SW '"ISO) in Cowley 2 (= B4.4 in
Porten andYardeni, Textbook, II); Shimshai, the scribe in Ezra 4.8, 17, 23; scribes
at the royal Achaemenid court in Est. 8.9; cf. also the numerous bullae which have
been preserved from the Achaemenid period which attest activity of scribes,
including bullae of a scribe from the province of Yehud (cf. 2.2.1).
68. Dandamaev and Lukonin, Ancient Iran, p. 114.
views. There is no evidence for scribes with such specifications of the

title as assigned to Ezra in the commissioning letter, even though
scribes in high positions were probably knowledgeable in royal and/or
native laws.69 Ezra's supposedly official titles in the letter appear to be
an expression of the Jewish belief about the origin of their national
laws which the author put in general terms to make it fit an 'official'
Persian document. It is therefore likely that the author adapted the offi-
cial Persian title "ISO to his own understanding of Ezra's main function
in the restoration of the postexilic community: the re-introduction of
the law which has been preserved in a book and its acceptance by the
assembled people.70
To conclude, it is probable that Jews were employed as scribes, that
is officials, in the Achaemenid empire, either in the central administra-
tion, on a provincial level, or both. By analogy, their functions are
likely to have included writing and reading expertise, knowledge of
official correspondence and the official administrative language Ara-
maic in addition to their own native tongue. Some of these scribes also
seem to have had responsibilities in legal matters, which is implied in
Artaxerxes' letter71 and confirmed by Udjahorresnet's inscription. It is
thus historically probable that a figure called Ezra functioned as an
official scribe in the context of the Achaemenid administration of
Yehud and that the author re-interpreted both his position and func-
tions. It is probable that in accordance with his ideology the author of
69. Cf. Udjahorresnet, who as an imperial official was sent by Darius (522-486
BCE) to his native Egypt with authority in legal and cultic matters. After having
spent at least some time at the Persian court he used his influence at the court to
restore the native cult sanctuary at Sais. He was a scribe (for this and other titles:
11. 7-10) with responsibilities including the supervision of legal and other scribes.
The information about Udjahorresnet's career has been derived from a detailed bio-
graphical inscription. For a translation, cf. E. Otto, Die biographischen Inschriften
der dgyptischen Spatzeit (Probleme der Agyptologie, 2; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1954),
pp. 169-73. Discussions of the inscription can be found in A.B. Lloyd, 'The
Inscription of Udjahorresnet, a Collaborator's Testament', JEA 68 (1982), pp. 166-
80, esp. 168-69; J. Blenkinsopp, 'The Mission of Udjahorressnet and those of Ezra
and Nehemiah', JBL 106 (1987), pp. 409-21, esp. 409-12; also Ahlstrom, Ancient
Palestine, p. 821.
70. The content of Ezra's book of the law has been the subject of much contro-
versy but does not need to be discussed here since it has no direct bearing on the
study of scribes.
71. Ezra 7.25-26.
Ezra-Nehemiah artificially extended Ezra's official title OSD) with an

explicit reference to the law (e.g. K'QCd H^R"1! Rfll ~13D) in order to
underline what he regarded as Ezra's most important role in the
restoration of the community, namely the reading and the establishment
of the Jewish law.
An alternative, although highly hypothetical, explanation of the evi-
dence is, however, also plausible. The author may have used a certain
tradition about a Jewish figure who was believed to have been active in
the early restoration period. According to this tradition no titles at all or
other titles were associated with this figure. In this case both the titles
rHTD/jrD and "ISO may be ascribed to the author himself which would
suggest that the association of priest and scribe with expertise in the
law and its reading is likely to reflect the realities in the author's con-
temporary society. It is conceivable that he was familiar with priestly
scribes who possessed expertise in Jewish law and its interpretation as
well as its public reading. The specifications of the title scribe, as in
mn'-misa nm "ISO and tTDti n^-H «m ISO are also open to the
interpretation that scribes actually wrote copies of scrolls containing the
laws. This receives tentative support from Ezra's description as "ISO
THO since "Villa may be understood as a reference to his dexterity and
skill as a writer. The people who copied scrolls may have been the
same who did the public readings of the law and who had knowledge
and expertise of scribes.
In short, this view argues that it cannot be known what Ezra's official
position and his mission were. The texts are taken to reflect the author's
notion of priests and scribes at a later time instead of the realities in the
early postexilic period. The author may have wanted to trace back the
authority of priestly scribes in matters of the law to the early restoration
period in order to legitimize their role in his contemporary society.
With regard to either interpretation of the evidence, the author's
notion of Ezra, the priest and scribe, must be dated at the time of the
composition of Ezra-Nehemiah, that is probably in the period between
the end of the fifth and the middle of the fourth century BCE rather than
at the time when Ezra is supposed to have been active.
Ezra, the Reader of the Law

It has already been mentioned above that the author of Ezra-Nehemiah
considered the reading of the book of the law to the assembled people
as one of Ezra's most important functions in the restoration of the
community. It is considered a more significant event than the re-estab-

lishment of the cult or the completion of the building of the walls of
Jerusalem.72
According to Neh. 8.1, Ezra, the priest and scribe, is asked to bring
out the book of the law and to read it to the people who were assembled
in Jerusalem.
Neh. 8.1
And they said to Ezra, the scribe, to bring the book of the law of Moses
which the Lord had given to Israel.
In the following verses the author describes the public reading of the
law and its explanation to the people. On the day after the public read-
ing of the law, the heads of the fathers' houses of all the people, the
priests, and the Levites are said to have come to Ezra with the intention
to study the law.
Neh. 8.13
On the second day the heads of the fathers' houses of all the people, with
the priests and the Levites, assembled to Ezra, the scribe, to gain insight
into (or: to study) the words of the law.
These two passages repeat Ezra's association with expertise in reading
and knowledge of the law. This had previously been mentioned in Ezra
7.10, where his commitment to the study of the law is emphasized. It
may be stated again that reading expertise and knowledge of national
laws is historically probable for a scribe who functioned in the early
postexilic period, but that it cannot be excluded that this association
reflects the author's contemporary notion of priestly scribes.
A Scribe Appointed as Treasurer over the Tithe

A further reference to a scribe can be found in the context of Nehe-
miah's final reforms. There is general agreement that this passage was
part of an extract from an account written by Nehemiah himself, a
72. For more details on the observation that Ezra outshines Nehemiah in many
parallels, cf. the discussion above. The original location of Neh. 8 has been much
debated by scholars; however, since the placement does not affect my interpretation
of the evidence for scribes this issue does not require further discussion here.
source believed to have been used by the author of Ezra-Nehemiah and

thought to be reliable.73 The reform of the tithing system is ascribed to
Nehemiah's second term as governor.74 It apparently included the re-
organization of the stores in the Temple and the appointment of three
treasurers and two assistants to supervise the distribution of the tithes to
the priests and Levites.
Neh. 13.13
And I appointed as treasurer over the treasury Shelemiah the priest, and
Zadok the scribe, and Pedaiah from the Levites, and as their assistant
Hanan the son of Zaccur, son of Mattaniah, for they were counted faith-
ful; and their duty was to distribute to their associates.
Nothing more specific is said about the roles of the individual officials
in charge of the tithe but it is probable that the scribe was in charge of
the record keeping and accounting.75 It cannot be determined whether
the scribe Zadok was a priest, Levite, or neither. Non-priestly officials
in the service of the Temple, dealing with sacred things, are nothing
unusual in Ezra-Nehemiah but it is more likely that privileged groups,
such as priests and Levites, retained powerful positions in the Temple
administration.76
Temples were part of the fiscal administration of the Persian
provinces and the Temple in Jerusalem most probably functioned in the
same way. The Temple is therefore likely to have collected taxes for
the Achaemenid overlords and for the Temple functionaries them-
selves.77 Zadok, the scribe, seems to fit best into the category of
73. Grabbe, Judaism, I, p. 36; Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, p. 353; William-

son, Ezra, Nehemiah, p. xxiv.
74. Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, p. 354.
75. Williamson regards the role of the nSD as the professional administrator
whilst Blenkinsopp argues in more detail that his functions included the keeping of
an inventory of resources and disbursements as well as that he represented the inter-
ests of the governor Nehemiah himself (Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah, p. 388;
Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, pp. 354, 356).
76. E.g. Ezra 2.40-57; 10.23-24; Neh. 7.1, 43-60, 73. In contrast, 2 Chron.
34.12b-13 refers to DnSD in the Temple as Levites (cf. 2.2.3).
77. For a discussion of this issue, cf. J. Schaper, 'The Jerusalem Temple as an
officials who collected and/or administered taxes, including tithes, for

the Temple functionaries.
Shimshai, the Scribe

Ezra 4 contains several references to Shimshai, the scribe, who suppos-
edly was one of the leading men involved in the external opposition
against the rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem. He is designated
with the title "130 and is associated with the writing of a letter to King
Artaxerxes.
Conclusions
References to scribes in Ezra-Nehemiah include Shimshai, a non-Jew-
ish high official in the province Beyond the River; Zadok, a Jewish
scribe who acted as treasurer over the tithe in the Temple; and Ezra, the
Jewish priest and scribe from Babylon.
Shimshai is clearly associated with writing expertise and official cor-
respondence. He generally appears to have been an influential figure.
This information about the scribe Shimshai supports the view that Ezra
may also have functioned as a high official in the Achaemenid empire
in a provincial context with some influence and power.
The brief reference to the scribe Zadok in the Temple of Jerusalem
indicates that scribes were employed in the Temple for administrative
and accounting purposes which probably included the collection and/or
administration of taxes, including tithes. It is likely that this informa-
tion is historically accurate since it is believed to have been part of
Nehemiah's account and since it fits the general evidence for the
employment of officials in temples during the Achaemenid period.
With regard to Ezra, matters are more complicated. Two possible
explanations have been proposed with regard to the origin of Ezra's
titles, position and his functions. One view ascribes the titles njrD/jrD
and "ISO to a reliable tradition about Ezra who is portrayed as an impor-
tant figure in the restoration period. Ezra is understood to have occu-
pied a high official position in the Achaemenid empire in Jerusalem. In
this role he may be compared to other scribes in the Achaemenid
administration which suggests that he possessed reading and writing
expertise, familiarity with official correspondence, possibly expertise
in the royal and native laws, and was generally well educated. The
Instrument of the Achaemenid Fiscal Administration', VT 45 (1995), pp. 528-39,

esp. 529, 538-39.
extensions of his title "1BD which designate Ezra's expertise in the laws
may, however, be ascribed to the author of Ezra-Nehemiah's ideo-
logical views on the restoration period despite the fact that in his
official capacity Ezra may have had some legal expertise.
The alternative view proposes that the author used a tradition about
an important figure in the early postexilic period but that both titles and
their various extensions should be attributed to the author. This sug-
gests that the author may have wanted to trace back and/or legitimize
the role of priestly scribes concerning the public reading and interpreta-
tion of the law in his contemporary society. It is also conceivable that at
that time (priestly) scribes copied scrolls containing the law. It must be
emphasized that with one exception Ezra is always referred to as priest
and scribe and that expertise in the law and the public reading should
not be associated exclusively with only one of the titles.
2.2.3.1 and 2 Chronicles

Similarly to Ezra-Nehemiah, the scholarly debate on the date of com-
position and authorship of Chronicles is an ongoing one and has so far
failed to reach a consensus. The lack of conclusive evidence does not
allow us to answer these questions with certainty. As it is beyond the
scope of this dissertation to discuss these issues in detail they can only
be dealt with briefly. It has already been stated above that in this inves-
tigation Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah are considered as independent
works implying that different authors, dates of composition, purposes
and biases should be assumed.78
With regard to the author of Chronicles it is generally conceded that
he had a strong interest in the cult and the Temple personnel. He most
probably belonged to the latter but cannot otherwise be identified.79 For
the date of composition the suggestions range from the end of the sixth
to the middle of the second century BCE, spanning a period of more
than three centuries. The extreme ends of the spectrum are set by the
Chronicler's reference to the establishment of the kingdom of Persia
and a citation by the Jewish writer Eupolemus.80 The arguments for
78. Cf. introduction to 2.2.2.

79. Cf. W. Riley, King and Cultus in Chronicles: Worship and the Reinterpre-
tation of History (JSOTSup, 160; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993), pp. 24-25 n. 3; for
a discussion of various ancient and modern identifications of the author, e.g. with
Ezra, cf. Japhet, Chronicles, pp. 23-24 and Williamson, Chronicles, pp. 16-17.
80. 2 Chron. 36.20; for references in Eupolemus, cf. C.R. Holladay, Fragments
either a very early or a very late date are unconvincing and the majority
of scholars assume a date somewhere in the fourth century BCE. This
view is based on the author's perspective on the Persian empire, some
administrative details, the lack of evidence for Hellenistic influence,
and the presence of anachronisms.81 These general limits for the date of
composition are sufficient for our study.
The Chronicler's82 major known sources for his account of the
monarchic period are the canonical writings Samuel-Kings, but he also
used the Pentateuch, the Former Prophets, and Ezra-Nehemiah.83 It
seems likely that his non-canonical sources included genealogical lists,
but otherwise we can only speculate about the contents and the nature
of these sources. It cannot be determined with any degree of certainty
what should be ascribed to the author of Chronicles and what he pos-
sibly derived from pre- and postexilic sources, none of which have
been preserved otherwise. It is necessary to decide case by case to what
extent it is likely that the Chronicler's extra-canonical material pre-
served historically accurate information about the pre-exilic period and
to what extent it reflected the situation of the postexilic period.84 Even
with regard to the Chronicler's use of Samuel-Kings things are not
straightforward. Again, differences in parallel accounts may go back to
a different Vorlage or even a different tradition of the text of
Chronicles.85
Chronicles covers the history of the monarchic period from the time
from Hellenistic Jewish Authors. I. Historians (SBLTT, 20; Pseudepigrapha Series,

10; Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1976), p. 102 n. 20. For an overview of the discus-
sion concerning the date of Chronicles, also I. Kalimi, 'Die Abfassungszeit der
Chronik—Forschungsstand und Perspektiven', ZAW 105 (1993), pp. 224-32.
81. For details of the argument against the extreme dates and in favour of a date
towards the end of the Persian period, cf. Japhet, Chronicles, pp. 24-28; also Riley,
King and Cultus in Chronicles, p. 26; Williamson, Chronicles, pp. 15-16 and Israel
in the Book of Chronicles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp. 83-
86.
82. In this investigation the term is used to refer to the author of Chronicles
only.
83. For a discussion of the Chronicler's sources, cf. Japhet, Chronicles, pp. 14-
23, also 'Common Authorship', p. 333 n.l; Riley, King and Cultus in Chronicles,
pp. 20-24.
84. Cf. also Kalimi, Geschichtsschreibung, p. 9.
85. For a more detailed discussion of the Hebrew and Greek texts of Samuel-
Kings and Chronicles as well as the possible influence of copyists, e.g. through the
harmonization of parallel texts, cf. Kalimi, Geschichtsschreibung, pp. 11-16.
of David and Solomon to the destruction of the kingdom of Judah

under King Zedekiah but from a different perspective and with a dif-
ferent bias than Samuel-Kings. The kings David and Solomon are por-
trayed in an idealized way and the institution of the monarchy and the
Temple cult are ascribed to them. Furthermore, the Chronicler's strong
interest in the cult and its organization, especially the role of the priests
and Levites, is evident. He seems to have intended to provide a re-
interpretation of the history of the monarchic period for his contem-
porary community. There was an obvious need to deal with the reality
of the political situation of the province of Yehud in the Achaemenid
empire. It required an explanation and interpretation of the fact that the
divine promise which had been given to David concerning his kingdom
and successors, as recorded in Samuel-Kings, had not been fulfilled.86
No kingdom with a Davidic successor had so far been established. This
may explain why the book of Chronicles has shifted the emphasis away
from the realm of political rule to the cultic sphere with the Temple as
the centre and the symbol of continuity.87 As a 'creative historian', the
Chronicler used a variety of sources and his own interpretative and cre-
ative skills to present an account of the past history of his people in a
way that was significant for the community of his own time.88
Evidence
Chronicles contains several references to individuals who are desig-
nated with the title "1310 and two general references toD'HSIO.89 Two of
the relevant passages, 1 Chron. 18.15-17 and 2 Chron. 24.11, have been
incorporated almost unchanged by the Chronicler from his source
Samuel-Kings. 1 Chron. 18.15-17 contains a list of high officials in
King David's service while 2 Chron. 24.11 is to be found in the context
of the account of King Joash's reign and the repairs of the Temple
ordered by him. In these two cases there are no significant differences
86. Cf. introduction to 2.2.2.

87. For a short reference to several scholarly interpretations along these lines,
cf. Riley, King and Cultus in Chronicles, p. 35.
88. For the description of the author as a 'creative historian', cf. Kalimi,
Geschichtsschreibung, p. 7,
89. Interestingly, Chronicles is the only biblical book which contains both Heb-
rew terms ~IS1D and "ffilEJ. Both terms are generally rendered with the title ypa\i-
uatsxiq in the Septuagint. References to the latter are, however, not included in the
discussion of the evidence for the Persian period here but will be considered in the
context of evidence from the Greek translations of the biblical books (2.3.1).
between the Chronicler's version and his biblical source with regard to
the status and functions ascribed to the "IBID. Therefore, it can be con-
cluded that both passages in Chronicles simply reflect the pre-exilic
notion of the status and functions of scribes in the service of a king.
They contain no information about scribes in the postexilic period.
In contrast, the differences between 2 Chron. 34.8-21 and its parallel
versions may be a significant indication of the functions of scribes in
the postexilic period. This passage contains an account of King Josiah's
order to repair the Temple and, as an indirect result, the finding of the
'book' by Hilkiah, the high priest. The Chronicler based his story of
Josiah's reign and his reforms on his source Samuel-Kings (2 Kgs
22.3-13), but the material has obviously been reworked according to his
own chronological, literary and theological views.
2 Chron. 34.890
In the eighteenth year of his (Josiah's) reign, when he had purged the
land and the house, he sent Shaphan91 the son of Azaliah, Maaseiah the
governor of the city, and Joah son of Joahaz, the recorder, to repair the
house of the Lord his God.
Shaphan, Maaseiah and Joah came to Hilkiah the high priest and deli-
vered the money which the Levites had collected in the whole of the
country. They gave it to the workmen who had the oversight of the
house of the Lord and it was used to repair and restore the Temple.
Shaphan, the scribe, is then given the book of the law by the high priest
and he reads it and reports to the king. The latter demands that the book
be read to him which is done by Shaphan. The scribe is sent with the
high priest and three further individuals as representatives of the king to
inquire on his behalf from a prophetess what is to be done, since Israel
and Judah have not been living according to what is written in the
book.
The parallel sections 2 Chron. 34.8-10 and 2 Kgs 22.3-5 contain sig-
nificant differences concerning Shaphan's responsibilities and function.
90. Unless otherwise indicated, the translations in this section are taken from
the NRSV.
91. In 2 Chron. 34.8 Shaphan is not designated as a "1310, but the title is
assigned to him in vv. 15, 18 and 20.
While the subsequent part of the story is more or less identical, the two
versions differ with regard to the introduction and beginning of the
account of King Josiah's actions. According to 2 Chron. 34.8-11, King
Josiah is recorded to have sent three high officials, one of whom was
Shaphan, to the high priest with the task of administering of the project
of the Temple repairs. In contrast, 2 Kgs 22.3-6 reports that the scribe
Shaphan was sent on his own to the high priest in order to deliver the
king's command of how the finances of the Temple repairs should be
handled.92 In the Chronicler's account Shaphan assumes responsibili-
ties in the financial and administrative field, which he shares with the
governor of the city and an official functioning as the recorder. In con-
trast, according to Kings, the scribe only delivers a command. These
differences probably stem from the re-arrangement and embellishment
of the canonical material. With the introduction of details into the
account, the Chronicler would naturally have ascribed additional func-
tions to officials whom he thought should have been involved.93 He
may have derived his notion of a scribe with administrative and finan-
cial responsibilities either from other sources or the role of scribes in
his contemporary society, or a combination of both. It is not inconceiv-
able that the functions associated with scribes in the Chronicler's
society influenced his portrayal of the role of scribes at the pre-exilic
royal court, either consciously or unconsciously. More precisely, he
may have been familiar with scribes with administrative and financial
responsibilities in the context of the rebuilding of the Temple in
Jerusalem in the early postexilic period.
In addition to these passages with parallels in Samuel-Kings, scribes
appear in sections which are part of the Chronicler's larger additions to
his canonical sources. It has been postulated that he used at least some
extra-biblical sources, for example lists, for these sections. References
to scribes in material unique to the Chronicler have the potential to pro-
vide some insight into his notion of scribes and their role in the Chron-
icler's contemporary society. However, it is difficult to determine
92. Cf. also Japhet, Chronicles, pp. 1025-26.

93. Nothing in the additional names and titles suggests the invention of the
Chronicler since the names are common and the titles are otherwise attested in bib-
lical literature from the pre-exilic period (cf. Japhet, Chronicles, p. 1026;
Williamson, Chronicles, p. 400). While most scholars attach no historical value to
the Chronicler's version, Japhet refers to a few scholars who advocate its historical
accuracy against the account in Kings (Japhet, Chronicles, p. 1020).
which parts of the extra-canonical material should be ascribed to pre-

exilic sources and what goes back to the Chronicler himself. Two of
these references can be found in the wider context of the account of
David's organization of the future Temple service and his kingdom
(1 Chron. 23-27). Many scholars have taken this section, or at least
parts of it, to be secondary to Chronicles but it has been shown that
these chapters serve an important function in the book and fit its literary
methods and general views.94 As a working hypothesis these chapters
will therefore be considered as the Chronicler's composition for which
he may have used some sources.
According to 1 Chron. 24.6, a scribe records the newly instituted
divisions of the priests and Levites and their duties in the future
Temple. The king, the princes, two representative priests and the heads
of the fathers' houses of the priests and of the Levites are said to have
been present.
1 Chron. 24.6
And Shemaiah son of Nethanel, the scribe from the Levites, recorded
them (the divisions of the priests)95
Shemaiah who records the divisions and their duties is described as a

scribe of the Levites. The alleged presence of the king, the princes and
leading priests and Levites implies that the Chronicler ascribed great
importance to this event. This makes it likely that the scribe was
thought of as a high official. He is portrayed with a role in the religious
administrative sphere where his expertise in writing was required.
The Chronicler ascribes the institution of the divisions of the clergy
to King David's initiative. Samuel-Kings does not contain a parallel
account of the origin of the priestly and Levitical divisions and their
respective duties and no evidence for this structure of priests and
Levites can be found in other canonical books. Since the Davidic
94. E.g. Williamson ascribes parts of 1 Chron. 23, 25 and 26 as well as the
whole of ch. 24 to a pro-priestly reviser about a generation after the Chronicler
(H.G.M. Williamson, 'The Origins of the Twenty-Four Priestly Courses', in J.A.
Emerton [ed.], Studies in the Historical Books of the Old Testament [VTSup, 30;
Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979], pp. 251-68, esp. 261, 268). For arguments against this
hypothesis, see e.g. Japhet, Chronicles, pp. 406-10; W. Wright, 'The Legacy of
David in Chronicles: The Narrative Function of 1 Chronicles 23-27', JBL 110
(1991), pp. 229-42, esp. 229, 241-42.
95. Translation based on NRSV.
origins of this structure cannot be historically substantiated it is usually

assumed that it should be ascribed to the postexilic period. This implies
that the role and function ascribed to Shemaiah goes back to the
Chronicler. The question arises whether in the author's understanding
this naiD was acting as one of David's officials or as a Levite in the
Temple, or both.96 All three options are possible but none compelling.
1 Chron. 24.6 is the only passage in 1 Chronicles where an individual
~IS10 is also described as a Levite.97 It is only logical that the scribe
who is writing records of such religious significance is portrayed as a
member of the clergy himself. The role of a scribe as a high official in
David's service could have been derived from other canonical sources.
However, scribes may also have been employed in high positions in the
Temple in the Chronicler's contemporaneous society. All that can be
concluded from this passage with certainty is that the author associated
writing expertise with scribes. In addition, the passage can be under-
stood as evidence that at least some scribes who functioned in the reli-
gious sphere may have been members of the clergy themselves.
In a further unique passage a scribe at the royal court of David
appears in the context of the long records of officials in charge of the
cult, the military and the royal treasuries and property. Jonathan, King
David's counsellor, is mentioned in the short list of the king's advisors
and counsellors.
1 Chron. 27.32
Jonathan, David's uncle, was a counsellor, being a man of understanding

and a scribe
Jonathan is described as a wise man, a scribe and a counsellor of the

king which indicates that he was a person of high prestige and influence
at the royal court. It is conceivable that the list of the king's counsellors
and advisors in 1 Chron. 27.32-34 was an addition or supplement to the
list of royal officials in 1 Chron. 18.15-17. At least the names and posi-
tions provided may stem from a pre-exilic source rather than the
Chronicler's own creativity.98 The description of the functions and
96. Shemaiah, the son of Nethanel, is not mentioned in any other passage and it
is therefore impossible to obtain any more information about this particular scribe
(Williamson, Chronicles, p. 164).
97. For a Levitical class of D'HSTO, cf. discussion of 2 Chron. 34.13.
98. So Japhet, Chronicles, p. 473.
expertise of Jonathan may already have been part of such a list. Alter-
natively, the author may have made explicit the role and expertise
which he thought to have been implied in a list. It is probable that in the
province of Yehud scribes functioned as advisors to the high priest and
to the governor. However, the Chronicler was probably also familiar
with the traditional influence of wise scribes at non-Jewish Near East-
ern royal courts." In short, the notion of a wise scribe in the role of
advisor to the king may be attributed to a pre-exilic source or to the
contemporary general Near Eastern notion of scribes. Alternatively, the
author's embellishment of lists or other material may have been influ-
enced by the role of contemporaneous Jewish scribes in the admin-
istration of the Persian province of Yehud.
A further scribe in the service of a king is mentioned in 2 Chron.
26.11. As part of a long insertion into the extremely brief account of
Uzziah's reign in 2 Kgs 15.1-7, this reference is also unique to the
Chronicler.
2 Chron. 26.11
Moreover Uzziah had an army of soldiers, fit for war, in divisions

according to the numbers in the muster made by Jeiel the scribe and
Maaseiah the officer, under the command of Hananiah, one of the king's
commanders. 100
Jeiel, the "1310, is one of King Uzziah's officials. Together with

another officer ("ItDIEJ) he is said to have been responsible for the mus-
tering of the people and the organization of the army. The authenticity
of the additional material has previously been doubted but many schol-
ars now accept 2 Chron. 26.6-15 as basically authentic and taken from
one or more extra-biblical sources.101 If this is correct, it can be
assumed that the source or sources are pre-exilic and that the military
role of a scribe also reflects a pre-exilic situation. This receives support
99. E.g. the legend of the scribe Ahiqar was widely known. Cf. also 2.3.6 and
factor 11 in Chapter 3.
101. Cf. Japhet, Chronicles, pp. 875-77. She considers 2 Chron. 26.6-15a to have
been taken from a collection of notes concerning various aspects of military, diplo-
matic and building activity.
from 2 Kgs 25.19, no doubt known to the Chronicler, which also asso-
ciates a scribe and other royal officials with the mustering of the
people.
In addition to references to individual scribes, the Chronicler's
unique material contains two general reference to D'HSIO. In one pas-
sage, scribes are referred to in the context of a general comment on the
functions of Levites which has been included in an account of the
repairs of the Temple under King Josiah.
2Chron. 34.13
And some of the Levites were scribes, and officials, and gatekeepers.
This passage is part of the Chronicler's extension of the parallel
account in 2 Kgs 22.3-7. The latter does not mention Levites at all. The
addition in 2 Chron. 34.12-13 includes more details about the admini-
stration and highlights the role of the Levites.102 Individual Levites are
portrayed as supervising various aspects of the Temple repairs and it is
stated that some of the Levites were scribes, officials and gatekeepers.
These groups are not associated with any particular tasks in the repairs
of the Temple which strongly indicates that they have been added in
order to provide a more complete account of the Levites' duties in gen-
eral.103 There is nothing in the Chronicler's canonical sources which
would express or imply such a classification of Levitical functions.
This suggests that the passage reflects the postexilic realities of the
Chronicler's own days. However, Chronicles is not consistent with
regard to its classification of Levites. The only other list which refers to
positions of Levites in the Temple differs. According to 1 Chron. 23.4,
Levites fulfil the functions of officers (D'HOttf) and judges, gatekeepers
and musicians, rather than of scribes, officials and gatekeepers as is
stated in 2 Chron. 34.13. The difference between the two lists is open to
various interpretations. First, it is possible that neither of the lists is
complete and Levites fulfilled all of these duties during the postexilic
period. Secondly, the list in 1 Chron. 23.4-5 may be dated earlier than
2 Chron. 34.9-13. In this case the differences in the two lists with
regard to scribes could reflect different stages in the development of
102. Japhet, Chronicles, p. 1028-29.

103. Against Williamson, who argues that these functions can naturally be
assumed in association with a major building project (Williamson, Chronicles,
p. 401).
Levitical classes and would suggest that scribes came to be a Levitical

class at a later stage in the postexilic period. This receives some support
from a probable development of certain families of singers, gatekeepers
and temple servants into Levitical classes/groups in the postexilic
period.104 But, if this is the case, it seems odd that families of D'HSIO do
not feature at all in the Chronicler's long lists which recorded the fami-
lies of singers, gatekeepers and temple servants. 1 Chron. 2.55, which
contains the only reference to families of scribes, is problematic in
itself.105 The inconsistencies of the evidence suggest that a class of
DHDIO may have developed after the Chronicler's time in which case
the reference to DHSIO in 2 Chron. 34.13 would have to be considered
a gloss by a later editor. The existence of a group or class of D'HSID in
association with the Temple at a later time receives support from the
so-called Seleucid decree by Antiochus III.106 However, the Temple
scribes mentioned in this decree may or may not have been Levites.
In short, 2 Chron. 34.9-13 probably reflects the organization of the
Levites in the post-exilic period and suggests that at a later stage in the
Persian period a 'class' or group of DHQID, possibly Levites, existed in
association with the Temple. This does not imply, however, that they
were the only DHS10 in Jewish society in the Achaemenid period or
that all scribes were Levites.
As already mentioned, a further unique reference to scribes occurs in
1 Chron. 2.55 in the context of genealogies of the house of Judah.
1 Chron. 2.55
And the families of scribes that lived at Jabez.. ,107
104. Evidence, e.g. for the singers coming from certain families: Ezra 2.41; Neh.
7.44; reckoned as Levites: 1 Chron. 9.33-34; 16.4-6; 2 Chron. 5.12. Cf. also the
discussion by Williamson, based on an investigation by Gese. Both reconstruct the
development of the Levitical class of singers in detail from passages in Ezra-
Nehemiah and Chronicles (cf. Williamson, 'Priestly Courses', p. 263; H. Gese,
'Zur Geschichte der Kultsanger am zweiten Tempel', in O. Betz, M. Hengel, and
P. Schmidt [eds.], Abraham unser Vater: Juden und Christen im Gesprdch uber die
Bibel Festschrift fur Otto Michel zum 60. Geburtstag [Arbeiten zur Geschichte des
Spatjudentums und Urchristentums, 5; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1963], pp. 222-34).
105. Cf. discussion below.
106. Josephus, Ant. 12.138-144 (cf. 2.3.4).
Some families, who are reckoned among the tribe of Judah, are said to
have settled at Jabez. Most scholars have understood the D'1210 in this
passage to denote scribes, although some prefer to translate it as
'Siphrites', that is, the inhabitants of Kiriath-Sepher.108 The former
interpretation is supported by references to other professions in
1 Chronicles' genealogical records, such as craftsmen and potters, sug-
gesting that D'HSIO in 1 Chron. 2.55 also denotes a profession.109 The
families are identified by their genealogical and geographical identity
as well as their profession.110 The passage may be used in support of
the view that scribal expertise was taught from one generation to the
next in a family context, although it does not exclude other possibilities
for the training of scribes. In most professions teaching from father to
son was standard practice in the ancient Near East and the legend of
Ahiqar provides some positive evidence that scribes were no excep-
tion.111 Unfortunately, the Chronicler's source and therefore the relia-
bility of the information about families of scribes living at Jabez is
unknown. All that can be deduced with certainty from 1 Chron. 2.55 is
that the Chronicler was familiar with the notion of families of scribes.
Summary
It seems that the Chronicler had no special interest in scribes as such,
nor in their role and functions. All scribes are portrayed in the context
of pre-exilic monarchic times. However, it is apparent that in some
cases the Chronicler's notion of the role and functions of scribes in
the past may have been influenced by the author's contemporaneous
society.
Passages which, in agreement with Samuel-Kings, refer to scribes as
royal officials, as advisors to the king, or in the context of the army
cannot be used as evidence for the role of scribes in the postexilic
108. E.g. Williamson argues that because scribes were probably not restricted to
a particular locality like other professional guilds, a proper name (Siphrites) should
be expected in this place (Williamson, Chronicles, p. 55).
109. Craftsmen: 1 Chron. 4.15; linen workers: 1 Chron. 4,21; potters, who were
also professional craftsmen of the king: 1 Chron. 4.23 (Japhet, Chronicles, p. 90).
110. Willi has observed that the geography seems as important as genealogy to
the Chronicler who defines the new Israel though origins (genealogy) and its rela-
tion to the land (geography) (Willi, Juda-Jehud-Israel, p. 124).
111. Ahiqar is said to have trained his nephew because he had no son himself.
The nephew was expected to succeed Ahiqar in his position at the royal court (cf.
Lindenberger, Ahiqar, pp. 3-4).
period. However, some sections which are unique to Chronicles sug-

gest that in the Persian period some Jewish scribes may have had
responsibility in administrative and financial matters, possibly in the
specific context of the rebuilding of the Temple. The possibility that
families of singers, gatekeepers and temple servants developed into
Levitical classes allows for the interpretation that the references to
scribes as Levites in Chronicles may reflect the development of a
Levitical class of scribes. However, this development is likely to have
postdated the Chronicler. Alternatively, the references to scribes as a
group of Levites may reflect the Chronicler's idealistic portrayal of the
realities of his contemporary society in accordance with his special
interest in the Temple personnel.
In general, Chronicles does not allow us to draw any conclusions
with regard to scribes in the secular sphere, that is, in the provincial
administration. It remains unclear to what extent the two spheres were
clearly distinguished in this period and whether some Temple scribes
also fulfilled functions in the administration of the province of Judah.
2.3. Evidence for Scribes in the Hellenistic Period (323 BCE-63 BCE)
2.3.1. Septuagint Translations of the Biblical Books
This section will investigate whether the first Greek translations of bib-
lical writings provide any information on the status and functions of
scribes at the time when the translations were made.112 There has been
much scholarly discussion about the origins of the Septuagint as both
the internal and reliable external evidence is very scarce. Much depends
on the interpretation of the Letter ofAristeas. This Jewish-Greek book
contains an account of the circumstances in which the Hebrew Scrip-
tures supposedly came to be translated into Greek during the reign of
Ptolemy II. It is generally assumed that this account is mostly fictional
but that the story contains a historical kernel.113 Despite the general
112. The translations/revisions ascribed to Theodotion, Aquila and Symmachus

stem from a later period and will be dealt with separately (cf. 2.4.3 and 2.4.10).
113. E. Tov, The Septuagint', in Mulder and Sysling (eds.), Mikra, pp. 164-65.
For a description of the intention of the author of the Letter ofAristeas, cf. G.W.E.
Nickelsburg, 'Stories of Biblical and early Post-Biblical Times', in M.E. Stone
(ed.), Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha,
Qumran, Sectarian Writings, Philo, Josephus (CRINT, II.2; Assen: Van Gorcum,
1984), pp. 78-79; A discussion of the three earliest Jewish writings referring to the
origin of the Septuagint can be found in N. Janowitz, 'The Rhetoric of Translation:
lack of conclusive evidence, most scholars agree on several more gen-

eral points which have conveniently been summarized by Tov: the
Jewish identity of the translators, an Egyptian (Alexandrian) origin, and
that individual biblical books were translated by different translators."4
With regard to the date, the Prologue of the Greek translation of Ben
Sira indicates that a Greek version of the Pentateuch, the Prophets and
the Writings was available by the middle of the second century BCE, at
the latest. However, it is usually assumed that the Pentateuch was
translated before the other books, probably in the third century. With
regard to the translation of the Writings, it remains uncertain how many
of the books were actually known to Ben Sira's grandson. Unfortu-
nately, it is beyond the scope of this investigation to discuss the origins
of Septuagint in detail but it is sufficient to place this source geo-
graphically (Egypt, Alexandria) and chronologically (third to second
century BCE).
The character of the Greek translation of the biblical books preserved
in the Septuagint is usually described as fairly literal but differences
between various books in style and language are noticeable.115 Fur-
thermore, it has been argued recently that the translation technique
within one book can also vary from very literal to highly interpreta-
tive.116 A translation is always also an interpretation of the original text
and thus reveals insights into a translator's perception of the past as
well as the realities of his contemporary society. It is, however, not
always easy to distinguish between the two. Nevertheless, the Greek
biblical writings provide some information about society in third and
second century BCE Egypt and how Jews who lived there perceived
their past. Information can, for example, be derived from passages
where the original Hebrew is difficult, where unusual terms are used in
Three Early Perspectives on Translating Torah', HTR 84 (1991), pp. 129-40.

114. Cf. Tov, 'Septuagint', p. 164. For further information on the name, origin,
date, versions and character of the Greek Bible, cf. Tov, 'Septuagint', pp. 161-81.
A brief discussion of the religious and cultural background of the translation is pro-
vided by S. Olofsson, The LXX Version: A Guide to the Translation Technique of
the Septuagint (ConBOT, 30; Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1990), pp. 2-4, 33-
34.
115. Olofsson, The LXX Version, pp. 7, 33-34; for more information on the lan-
guage, cf. Olofsson, The LXX Version, pp. 34-39.
116. A. Aejmelaeus, On the Trail of the Septuagint Translators (Kampen: Kok,
1993), pp. 66-67.
the translation, or where the translation shows inconsistencies. How-

ever, it must always be considered whether differences between the
Hebrew and the Greek version may have originated with a different
Hebrew Vorlage since it is now commonly accepted that there was
some fluidity with regard to the Hebrew text.117
The term 'Septuagint' designates a canon of Greek writings which
includes additional books that are not contained in the Hebrew canon.
Some of these writings were originally composed in Greek. This sec-
tion will only consider books translated from the Hebrew biblical writ-
ings while other evidence from the Septuagint will be presented
separately.118
The Greek translation of passages where the original Hebrew refers
to a scribe or scribes and those where only the Greek translation con-
tains a reference to a scribe/scribes will be discussed.119 Both aspects
have to be taken into consideration in order to gain a more adequate
understanding of the translators' notion of scribes. In cases where sev-
eral passages provide the same information only one will be quoted in
order to avoid repetition.
2.3.1.1. Pentateuch
It is noteworthy that in the Hebrew Pentateuch the term ~IS10/1SO does
not appear at all. Instead the term "lCD"ltD/nC223 is used frequently to desig-
nate various kinds of officials or officers. In the Septuagint of Exodus,
Numbers and Deuteronomy this term is usually translated with the
Greek term ypauuaTexx;. The context indicates leadership positions in
Egypt under the Pharaoh and under Moses. No functions involving
reading or writing are associated with these officials.120 Despite the lack
of indications for these functions, the term ypccuuatetx; was apparently
considered the best Greek equivalent, probably on the basis that the
term ~IQ2? could also designate different kinds of written documents.
Both the Hebrew term and the functions associated with the Greek title
had in some sense to do with writing. It is probable that the translators
did not know the exact functions of an official designated with the title
~\W in the past and therefore, with the exception of passages where the
117. A good example is the book of Jeremiah which in the Septuagint has been
transmitted in a much shorter version than the Hebrew. For a brief discussion of
this issue, cf. the relevant section below (2.3.1.2).
118. Cf. 2.3.6; 2.3.7; 2.3.8; 2.3.9.
119. The sources of the Greek text are indicated at the relevant passages.
120. Exod. 5.6, 10, 14, 15, 19; Num. 11.16; Deut. 20.5, 8, 9.
functions were indicated, opted for its stereotype translation as ypau.-

umexx;.121
In Deuteronomy there is an interesting variation of this standard
translation of "IBID (official). In several passages the Hebrew term has
been rendered as ypauuaTOeicraYaiye'ui;.122 In this book, only the D'HBD
which function in a military context appear as ypauuaTei<; in the Greek
version in accordance with the standard translation.123 The distinction
between two different kinds of officials designated with the same title
in the Hebrew original may be ascribed to the context in which they
occur. The officials in the military context are supposed to address the
people gathered for war and to offer people in various categories the
option of exemption from military service. The translation of D'lQEJ as
ypauuciTEic; in Deut. 20.5, 8 and 9 may therefore indicate that the
translators were familiar with scribes as officials in the army but not in
positions indicated by the other passages referring to scribes. They may
have known scribes who functioned in the contemporary Ptolemaic
army.124 Alternatively, the distinction between two different kind of
officials may have been dictated by the context of the remaining pas-
sages which refer to D'ltMD. That this is in fact more likely is indicated
by the term ypauuctToeiaaycoyexK; itself. In all passages where these
officials appear they are associated with judges and/or the administra-
tion of justice is explicitly mentioned as one of their functions.125 Since
the title ypauuaTOeiaaycflyexx; as such is not attested outside the Septu-
agint it is unlikely that the translators were familiar with officials des-
ignated with this particular title in their own society. The term is an
artificial construct which is made up of the noun eiaayayyexx; and the
121. On the process of the fixation of Greek and Hebrew equivalents, cf. Olofs-
son, The LXX Version, pp. 11-12. He also observes that sometimes a very literal
translation indicates that the translators did not understand the Hebrew
p. 7).
122. Deut. 1.15; 16.18; 29.10 (MT 29.9); 31.28. The term also appears in some
manuscripts of Exod. 18.21, 25, but since it has no parallel in the Hebrew it is
usually assumed that it was introduced from the parallel passage in Deut. 1.15 (cf.
J.W. Wevers, Notes on the Greek Text of Deuteronomy [SBLSCS, 39; Atlanta:
Scholars Press, 1995], pp. 9-10 and Notes on the Greek Text of Exodus [SBLSCS,
30; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990], p. 287).
123. Deut. 20.5, 8, 9.
124. For a discussion of the relevant evidence, cf. below (4 Kgs 25.19; Isa.
36.22; Jer. 52.25).
125. Cf. n. 122.
prefix ypaunaio-. In third-century BCE Egypt the former word desig-

nated officials who were associated with Greek judges126 and to whom
letters about legal disputes were sent.127 The prefix is attested in several
other titles which in some way indicate that the occupation was associ-
ated with written things.128 Thus, by adding the prefix Ypotu.uaTO- to a
title they were familiar with from contemporary legal practice (eiaay-
oyyei!)<;), the translators created a new term which incorporated both the
function associated with the officials in the biblical text and the stan-
dard translation of this Hebrew term as ypauuxxTetx;.129 This implies
that the neologism ypauuatoeiaaYcoye'ui; cannot be used as evidence
for the view that the translators were familiar with scribes in the con-
text of the administration of justice.
To summarize, the stereotypic translation of "ICM0 as ypaunmetx; in
the Pentateuch suggests that this was considered the best Greek equi-
valent, especially in passages where the functions of the officials were
unknown. The translators of Deuteronomy introduced a distinction
between various officials, which suggests that scribes did not function
in association with judges in the translators' contemporary society.
They created a new term which incorporated a title familiar from Greek
legal practice as well as the standard translation of the term in the Sep-
tuagint in order to designate officials who were associated with the
administration of justice. However, the distinction in Deuteronomy
may also indicate that the translators were familiar with scribes as
officials in the Ptolemaic army.
126. As opposed to native Egyptian judges.

127. E.g. P. Teb. 29.1; P. Fay. 11, 12 (second century BCE). The majority of
commentators on this neologism refer to the evidence for officials with this title in
Athens and Greece (so S. Pearce, 'The Representation and Development of
Deuteronomic Law in Jewish Writings after Deuteronomy and before the Mishna'
[Oxford: unpublished DPhil thesis; Oxford University, 1995], p. 98, although she
includes a reference to P. Teb. 29; also J. Lust, E. Eynikel and K. Hauspie (eds.), A
Greek-English Lexicon of the Septuagint, I (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft,
1992), p. 93; G.B. Caird, 'Towards a Lexicon of the Septuagint I-IF, in R.A. Kraft
(ed.), Septuagintal Lexicography (SBLSCS, 1; Missoula, MT: SBL, 1972), p. 122;
all based on LSI). However, it seems crucial that it can be shown that this function
was actually attested in the geographical area where the translation is thought to
have originated, i.e. in Egypt.
128. E.g. YpannaTO<t>iJX.a^ (recorder), ypan.|j,aTO<|>6po? (letter-carrier) (cf. Pearce,
'Deuteronomic Law', p. 98).
129. Pearce, 'Deuteronomic Law', pp. 98-99.
2.3.1.2 Prophets and Writings

Joshua
All four references to D'HOtZJ in Joshua are translated as ypaujiciTeiq.130
As in the books of the Pentateuch these officials are generally associ-
ated with leadership positions. It has frequently been argued that the
first Greek version of the Pentateuch was subsequently used as an aid
for the translation of the other books of the Bible. It probably served as
a textbook to learn Hebrew and could be used like a dictionary for Heb-
rew and Greek words.131 It is therefore likely that for the translation of
the term D'HCDEJ in Joshua, the translator(s) simply relied on the standard
rendering of this term in the Pentateuch. The fact that the neologism
YpaiifiaToeiaaycoyeix; was not used in Joshua, even in cases where the
officials were associated with judges, was probably due to the arti-
ficiality of this term. It is likely that a distinction between various offi-
cials was not considered necessary by the translator(s) of Joshua.
1-4 Kings
In the Hebrew 1, 2 Samuel and 1, 2 Kings the term "1D10/1SJO occurs
eleven times. It is consistently translated as ypaujiaTe\)<; in the Greek
1-4 Kings.132 As with "ICDCJ, this must have been considered the best
Greek equivalent for ~B10/~!SO. Both titles, "IDIDDDD and ypauucttexx;,
designated scribes of some sort. ~1DD also had the meaning of 'book',
'letter', or 'written document', thus clearly expressing the association
with writing.
Therefore, with one exception, the passages referring to scribes in the
Greek Kings do not reveal any information about the translator's (or
translators') notion of scribes, apart from that the title ypaiu.iu.ate'uc; was
considered an adequate translation for "ISIOAlSO. Only 4 Kgs 25.19
shows a significant irregularity in the translation concerning this term
and will therefore be discussed in more detail below.
In the Hebrew 2 Kgs 24.20b-25.30 and its Greek translation, a scribe
is mentioned in the context of an account of Zedekiah's rebellion
against the Babylonian empire, the siege and destruction of Jerusalem
by Nebuchadnezzar, and the following deportations. The account con-
tains a list of leading men who are said to have been taken captive in
130. Josh. 1.10; 3.2; 9.2 (MT 8.33); 23.2 (MT 24.1).
131. Olofsson, The LXX Version, pp. 26-28.
132. 2 Kgs 8.17; 20.25; 3 Kgs 4.3 (cf. also 2.46h); 4 Kgs 12.11; 18.18, 37; 19.2;
22.3,8, 10; 25.19.
Jerusalem by the Babylonian king and to have been executed subse-

quently. This list includes references to the leading priests, the keepers
of the threshold, an official in charge of the men of war, the men of the
king's council, a number of people of the land, and a scribe.
LXx4Kgs25.19
KOI TOY ypaunatea tccO apxovToq TTJC; 5wd|j.e<B<; TOV eKTdaoovta TOY
Xaov TH; yfic;133
... and the scribe of the commander of the army who had mustered the
people of the land...
MT2Kgs25.19
... and the scribe, commander of the army who had mustered the people
of the land...
Although "ISO has been rendered ypau-umexx; in accordance with the

standard translation, there is a small but significant interpretation of the
Hebrew in the Greek. The ambiguous Siun 1(0 "BOH (scribe comman-
der of the army) has been turned into an explicit ypauumexx; toO
dpxovioi; life 8i)vau,eax; (scribe o/the commander of the army). It is
probable that the translator wanted to clarify the Hebrew text. The posi-
tion of the scribe is ambiguous in the Hebrew expression and the clari-
fication seems to have been done in accordance with the translator's
own understanding of the role of scribes in the army. The translation
suggests that he did not think of scribes as commanders of the army but
instead as officials in service of military commanders. It is likely that
this notion was derived from the translator's contemporaneous society
since what little is known about scribes in the Ptolemaic army suggests
that they were involved in the organization of the army and functioned
as professional writers rather than as commanding officers.134 This
receives some support from the fact that in 4 Kgs 25.19 it is explicitly
stated that the scribe has made a muster of the people, which indicates a
function involving both writing (at least on a limited scale) and the
organization of the army.
133. The Greek text has been taken from A. Rahlfs, Septuaginta, I (2 vols.; Stutt-
gart: PrivilegierteWiirttembergischeBibelanstalt, 1950).
134. E.g. P. Teb. 722; SB 8302 (= CIG III 4698) from Apollonopolis Magna; SB
8379 (= CIG III 4836) from Elephantine; P. Brit. I 23 (all second century BCE). For
a brief discussion, cf. P. Meyer, Das Heerwesen der Ptolemaer and Romer in Agyp-
ten (Leipzig: Teubner, 1900), pp. 65-66. Cf. also Jer. 52.25 and 2 Chron. 26.11.
Isaiah
The only scribe mentioned in Isaiah is Shebna, one of King Hezekiah's
highest officials. In two instances the Greek version consistently trans-
lates Shebna's title 1310 as Ypauucrreix;.135 These cases do not require
any further discussion since they agree with the standard translation of
the Hebrew title and the Greek reflects the Hebrew biblical notion.
However, in Isa. 36.22 Shebna's title "BIO has been rendered ypau-
u.atE'uq Tf)<; 5i)vduea><; (scribe of the army). This passage appears in the
context of King Hezekiah's confrontation with King Sennacherib of
Assyria. Hezekiah sends three of his officials, one who is over the
household, a scribe and a recorder, to negotiate with a high Assyrian
official. After the Assyrian officer finished speaking to the three
officials they returned to King Hezekiah with their clothes rent and
reported to him what they had been told. The Greek text specifies
Shebna's position as scribe of the army while in the Hebrew he is only
designated with the general title ~ID10.
Isa. 36.22
2k>|ivaq 6 ypanncneix; rnq 6uvd[xecoi;136
Somnas, the scribe of the army
Shebna, the scribe

The addition Tfjq Swcxueco^ to the title ypauuotTeiJi; in this passage
seems odd and we can only speculate about the reasons. Since the
specification of the title is not contained in all manuscripts, the evi-
dence can only be used with caution.137 The difference could be due to
the translator having had a different Hebrew Vorlage, or alternatively
he could have introduced the title to clarify the position of the scribe in
this context. The Greek Isaiah turns Shebna into a high military official,
a notion which may have been inspired by the fact that the text is open
to the interpretation that the Assyrian official occupied a high position
in the army.138 It is conceivable that the translator wanted to provide an
135. Isa. 36.3, 37.2. In some manuscripts the title is added in Isa. 36.11
(J. Ziegler, Isaias [Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, 14; Gottingen: Van-
denhoeck & Ruprecht, 2nd edn, 1967], pp. 250-51).
136. The Greek text is taken from Ziegler, Isaias.
137. For references, cf. Ziegler, Isaias, p. 253.
138. Isa. 36.2.
equivalent to this Assyrian military official among Hezekiah's officials.

It can be assumed that he was familiar with scribes in the army from
other biblical passages and probably also his contemporaneous
period.139 The title 6 ypan-uateuq Trie; 8wdu€co<; for Hezekiah's scribe
may have seemed the obvious choice.
Jeremiah
The Greek translation of Jeremiah and its relationship to the Hebrew
text has stimulated much scholarly discussion. The Greek text which
has been preserved in the Septuagint is much shorter than the Masoretic
text and several passages have been transposed. In addition, the Greek
text frequently shows different readings or interpretations. Although
several theories have been proposed to explain the differences, the
Hebrew fragments of Jeremiah which have been discovered at Qumran
strongly support the theory that the Greek text was translated from a
shorter Hebrew Vorlage.uo However, among the Qumran scrolls some
Hebrew fragments also attest the longer version of the Masoretic text. It
has recently been argued that two editions of Jeremiah existed.141 For
this investigation it will, therefore, be assumed as a working hypothesis
that the Septuagint version is a translation of an earlier shorter edition
of the Hebrew Jeremiah, while in the second Hebrew edition changes
were made and additional material incorporated. This has important
implications for our interpretation of the differences between the Heb-
rew Masoretic text and the Septuagint version. Instead of being able to
attribute all the differences to the Greek translator, many should prob-
ably be ascribed to the editor of the second Hebrew version.
The Hebrew text of Jeremiah contains the term "ISO in seven pas-
sages while the Greek has ypauumeajq in only five. The Hebrew and
Greek titles for scribe occur in association with the tools of professional
139. For evidence of scribes in Ptolemaic army, cf. discussion of 4 Kgs 25.19;
Jer. 52.25 in this section.
140. The fragments approximate the presumed Hebrew Vorlage of the Greek
translation preserved in the Septuagint (4QJerb). For the other main hypotheses, cf.
S. Soderlund, The Greek Text of Jeremiah: A Revised Hypothesis (JSOTSup, 47;
Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1985), pp. 11-13.
141. E. Tov, 'Some Aspects on the Textual and Literary History of the Book of
Jeremiah', in Bogaert (ed.), Le livre de Jeremie, le prophets et son milieu, les ora-
cles et leur transmission (BETL, 54; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1981),
pp. 145-49; P.-M. Bogaert, 'De Baruch a Jeremie: Les deux r6dactions conservees
du livre de Jeremie', in Bogaert (ed.), Le livre de Jeremie, pp. 168-73.
scribes, the pen and the knife, and in two further instances as the title of
Shaphan, an official of King Jehoiakim.142 These passages do not reveal
any information about the translator's notion of scribes and simply
represent the standard translation of the Hebrew term ISO in the Greek
biblical books. There are, however, two significant differences with
regard to scribes between the Hebrew and Greek Jeremiah. One
concerns Baruch and the other the men who were deported and exe-
cuted by Nebuchadnezzar after the fall of Jerusalem.
Baruch appears as the writer and reader of Jeremiah's prophecies as
well as the prophet's messenger to officials and the king. In LXX
Jeremiah 43 (MT 36) Baruch is said to have written a scroll by dictation
from Jeremiah and to have read it out aloud in the Temple and before
King Jehoiakim's officials. After the scroll was read to the king him-
self, he arrogantly destroyed it and commanded Jerahmeel and Seraiah
to arrest Baruch and Jeremiah.
LXX Jer. 43.26
ouXXafteiv TOY Bapovx Kcd TOV lepeuiav143
... to seize Baruch and Jeremiah...
MT Jer. 36.26
... to seize Baruch, the scribe, and Jeremiah, the prophet...
However, Jeremiah and Baruch were in hiding. After the burning of

the scroll by the king, Jeremiah is commanded by God to write another
scroll with the same content and an addition concerning King Jehoia-
kim. Baruch is said to have written the scroll again at the dictation of
the prophet.144
It seems somewhat strange that, in contrast to the Masoretic text,
Baruch is never designated as a scribe in the Greek version despite the
fact that his reading and writing is mentioned explicitly and is of cru-
cial importance to the 'publication' and spread of Jeremiah's prophe-
cies. Most likely, this lack of a title goes back to a Hebrew Vorlage
142. Pen: Jer. 8.8; knife: LXX Jer. 43.23 (MT 36.23); official of king: LXX Jer.
43.10, 12 (MT 36.10, 12).
143. Quotations from LXX Jeremiah are taken from J. Ziegler, Jeremias, Baruch,
Threni, Epistula Jeremiae (Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, 15; Gottin-
gen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2nd edn, 1976).
144. LXX Jer. 43.32.
which did not designate Baruch as a "ISO.145 In this case, the difference
with regard to the title can be assigned to the editorial level of the Heb-
rew which probably precedes the period under investigation and does
not need to be discussed here.146 Nevertheless, it can be stated that the
notion of Baruch as a scribe was not universal in Jewish tradition.147
Furthermore, it may be significant that the translator of Jeremiah did
not introduce the title ypauaOTeix; simply on account of the writing and
reading expertise which was explicitly associated with Baruch in this
book.
The second significant irregularity with regard to scribes can be
found in Jer. 52.25. This verse is part of the account of events of King
Zedekiah's reign, the attack by Nebuchadnezzar, the siege and the fall
of Jerusalem, and the deportation of the people. Jer. 52.24-25 contains a
list of leading and powerful men from the Temple and the city of Jeru-
salem who were captured by Nebuchadnezzar and subsequently put to
death. Besides referring to a military officer, men of the king's council,
men of the land, chief priests, and keepers of the threshold, this list also
mentions a scribe.
Jer. 52.25
...and the scribe of the army who had mustered (lit.: held office) the
people of the land...
and the scribe, commander of the army, who had mustered the people of
the land...
As in its parallel LXX 4 Kgs 25.19, this verse associates the scribe with
the function of mustering the people for the army. Also in common
145. Unfortunately, the fragments from Qumran (4QJerb) do not contain the rele-
vant sections.
146. For an interesting theory about this discrepancy, cf. J.A. Dearman, 'My
Servants the Scribes: Composition and Context in Jeremiah 36', JBL 109 (1990),
pp. 403-21. On account of the description and details of matters relating to the
kings' officials and the prominence of Baruch's family, Dearman suggests that
Baruch at one point was an official ("ISO) of the king. Cf. also Bogaert, 'De Baruch
a Jeremie', pp. 168-73. Further, the impression of a seal has been identified with the
Baruch mentioned in Jeremiah (N. Avigad, 'Baruch the Scribe and Jerahmeel the
King's Son', 7E/28 [1978], pp. 52-56).
147. Compare also the Greek and Syriac apocalypses of Baruch.
with this parallel, LXX Jer. 52.25 interprets the Hebrew which seems to
refer to the scribe as a commander of the army (N3J{n ")&? "ISO). In the
Greek version the scribe does no longer appear in the role of a com-
mander but is designated as a scribe of the army (ypaiiuaTetx; T(3v
5wau€cov). It is possible that the translator of Jeremiah based this ren-
dering of Jer. 52.25 on the Greek version of 4 Kgs 25.19. Alternatively,
if Jeremiah was translated independently, the same explanation applies
as suggested in the discussion of 4 Kgs 25.19 above, namely that the
translator may have wanted to clarify the Hebrew text according to his
own understanding of the role of scribes in the army.148 It is, however,
also possible that the change of role of the scribe in the Septuagint of
Jer. 52.25 is simply due to a mistake. The translator may have omitted a
translation of "1(0 by accident.
In short, the Greek version of Jeremiah provides evidence that in
Jewish tradition Baruch was not universally thought of as a professional
scribe despite his explicit reading and writing expertise. This may
imply that this particular expertise was not exclusively associated with
scribes. Furthermore, the translator was probably familiar with scribes
as officials in the army but not in the role of commanding officers. He
may have derived his notion of scribes from the Greek 4 Kings or his
contemporaneous society. Alternatively, the notion of scribes expressed
in LXX Jer. 52.25 may go back to a translation mistake.
1 and 2 Chronicles
The Greek version of 1 and 2 Chronicles is important for the study of
the translators' notion of scribes. The Hebrew books of Chronicles are
the only writings in the Bible which contain the terms "1S10 and "1D12J
side by side and both terms are usually translated with the same Greek
term Ypauuateii<;. The majority of passages contain only one of the two
terms and since the translations of both are in agreement with other
biblical books no information about the translator's notion of scribes is
revealed.149 In the two passages where both Hebrew terms appear side
by side, "BID is translated as ypanuaTexx; while "IQItO has been rendered
KpiTnt; (judge).150 The latter seems odd but, for lack of a better term,
148. Cf. discussion of 4 Kgs 25.19.

149. TSTO translated as •ypctmieravx;: 1 Chron. 2.55; 24.6; 27.32; 2 Chron. 26.11;
34.13, 15, 18, 20. -IB10 translated as ypa(i|iaTeuq: 1 Chron. 23.4; 26.29; 27.1;
2 Chron. 19.11.
150. 2 Chron. 26.11; 34.13.
the translation may have been based on the rendering of "iQltO as ypa|J.-
uaToeiactyeoyeiLK; in Deuteronomy. The association of D'"10HZ? with
judges and judicial functions in the latter may have inspired the use of
Kpiifiq in the translation of Chronicles. The artificial construct ypau-
uatoeiaaycflyexx; was apparently no longer used.151 In any case, there is
no information with regard to scribes since no irregularity occurs with
regard to the translation of the HE1D as ypauuateix;.
Conclusions
The title ypau|iaTet><; is the standard translation for both "IBttf and "ISO
in the Greek biblical writings. This creates some ambiguity with regard
to the Greek title since it describes officials in a variety of functions not
all of which were normally associated with the Greek term. Functions
which are associated with the ypauim'ceijq in the Greek translations
include the following: leadership positions with unspecified functions;
high royal officials with representative, administrative and financial
responsibilities, and with reading expertise; professional writing; advi-
sory and public functions as wise and educated men; an association
with the law; and in the Pentateuch only, the role of an army official.
In the Pentateuch, the term 1W was translated with the neologism
YpctuiKXToeiCTOtycoyeiJt; in passages where the officials are associated
with judicial functions. It has been argued that this indicates that in the
translators' own society ypctunmelq did not function as officials of
Greek judges in the context of the administration of justice. In later
translations of biblical books the term is no longer used, probably
because it was perceived as artificial.
It can further be derived from the Greek version of the Bible and
contemporary evidence from inscriptions and papyri that the translators
were probably familiar with scribes in the Ptolemaic army, however not
in positions of commanding officers.
2.3.2. Testament ofLevi and Aramaic Levi

The Testament of Levi has been transmitted as part of the Testament
of the Twelve Patriarchs and the issues of origin, date and context
of composition are much debated by scholars with no consensus
emerging.
151. Cf. the discussion of the translation of Deuteronomy (2.3.1.1) and Joshua
(2.3.1.2) above.
The oldest text of the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs is in Greek

but the book has also been preserved in several other languages, all of
which are translations from a Greek text.152
With regard to the date of the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs the
discussion centres on the question at what time the writing attained a
form similar to the one which has been preserved. Some scholars date
the book at the beginning of the first century BCE, suggesting that after
its individual testaments received a Jewish redaction it was extensively
reworked by Christians in the following centuries.153 Others regard the
Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs as a Christian composition which
incorporated earlier Jewish sources.154 In any case, it is likely that
T. Levi was originally composed by a Jewish author.
Several fragments of an Aramaic Levi document which contain
parallels to T. Levi have been discovered at Qumran.155 Milik dates the
manuscript of 4QLevia on palaeographical grounds in the second cen-
tury BCE but the date of composition of the book is usually assumed to
have been earlier.156 Fragments of an Aramaic Levi text have also been
preserved in the Cairo Geniza, in a Syriac manuscript, and in additions
to the Greek manuscript e of the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs
from Mount Athos.157
152. The Greek text is published in M. De Jonge, The Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs (SVTP, 1, pt. 2; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978); a translation and commentary
can be found in H.W. Hollander and M. De Jonge, The Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs (SVTP, 8; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1985).
153. So J.H. Charlesworth, The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research
(SBLSCS, 7; Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1981), p. 212.
154. So M.E. Stone, Selected Studies in Pseudepigrapha and Apocrypha: with
Special Reference to the Armenian Tradition (SVTP, 9; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1991),
p. 262. For further views and the relevant bibliographical references, cf. Charles-
worth, Modern Research, pp. 212-13.
155. The relevant fragments are: IQTestLevi (1Q21: J.T. Milik and D. Barthe"-
lemy, Qumran Cave 1 [DJD, 1; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955], pp. 87-91);
4QLevi (4Q213, 214: G. Brooke, J. Collins, T. Elgvin, et al [eds.], Qumran Cave
4, XVII [DJD, 22; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996]).
156. J.T. Milik and M. Black, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qum-
ran Cave 4 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), p. 5.
157. Kugler conveniently lists the publications of these fragments (R.A. Kugler,
From Patriarch to Priest: The Levi-Priestly Tradition from Aramaic Levi to Testa-
ment of Levi [Early Judaism and its Literature, 9; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996],
pp. 227-29). For a translation, cf. Hollander and De Jonge, Twelve Patriarchs
(1985), Appendix ffl.
The Aramaic fragments and the Greek Testament of the Twelve Patr-
iarchs indicate a complicated history of transmission of T. Levi.15* This
also suggests that a version of T. Levi existed in Aramaic but it is nev-
ertheless possible that this work was originally composed in Hebrew.159
Based on various internal and external evidence a date of composition
of a T. Lev//Aramaic Levi document in the third century BCE may be
assumed.160
T. Levi records the words of Levi to his sons after it had been
revealed to him that he would die.161 His testament includes biographi-
cal passages, exhortations and predictions about the future of his des-
cendants, all considered to be typical elements of testament literature.
In two visions it is revealed to Levi that the priesthood has been
given to his tribe. In the context of Levi's second vision we find a
description of his own investiture as priest and the declaration that Levi
and his descendants shall be priests for ever. This account is followed
by a specification of the privileges and functions of the descendants of
Levi.
T. LevJ8.17162
And from them there will be high priests and judges and scribes, because
the holy place will be guarded on their command.
This passage associates the descendants of Levi with positions as high

priests, judges and scribes. Similar divisions of functions can be found
frequently in biblical writings and in literature from the Second-Temple
period. However, such biblical passages as Jacob's (Gen. 49) and
Moses' (Deut. 33) testaments contain no references to the tribe of Levi
158. For different views on the relation between the Greek Testament of the
Twelve Patriarchs, Aramaic Levi and the relevant Qumran fragments, cf. Kugler,
Patriarch, pp. 4-6, 59; Hollander and De Jonge, Twelve Patriarchs, pp. 23-25; also
J. Becker, Die Testamente der zwolf Patriarchen (JSHRZ, III.l; Giitersloh: Gerd
Mohn, 1974), p. 23.
159. Cf. Hollander and De Jonge, Twelve Patriarchs, pp. 23-24.
160. For a brief discussion of the evidence, cf. Stone, Selected Studies, pp. 247-
48 n.2.
161. T.LevilA.
162. The Greek has been taken from De Jonge, Twelve Patriarchs and the trans-
lation from Hollander and De Jonge, Twelve Patriarchs.
which would suggest the functions of scribes.163 The genre of this text
as testament literature suggests that T. Levi 8.17 may not accurately
reflect the historical realities at the time of composition. It is more
likely that the author described the role and functions of some members
of the tribe of Levi in an idealized way.164 It is also possible that the
author wanted to support a claim that the positions of scribes, as well as
those of judges and priests, should be filled exclusively by members of
the tribe of Levi. In short, T. Levi 8.17 may partially reflect the reality
at the time of composition in that some but not all scribes belonged to
the tribe of Levi.
T. Levi 13.1-2 and its parallel AL 88-90165 provide additional infor-
mation on the notion of the tribe of Levi as a literate class. The Greek
and the Aramaic versions differ slightly but are both part of Levi's
exhortation to his descendants to observe God's law, to teach it, to
obtain wisdom and to do good deeds. According to T. Levi 13.1-2 Levi
commands his sons to teach letters (ypd|Li|j.aTa), that is, reading and
writing, in order to enable their descendants to gain knowledge of the
law. In AL 88-90 the sons of Levi are commanded to teach reading and
writing (~1DD)166 so that their sons would be able to gain wisdom.
Knowledge of the law and wisdom, which may be understood to mean
the same thing here, are thought to confer prestige and honour in soci-
ety. The Aramaic and the Greek passages are an elaboration of the bib-
lical verse Deut. 33.10 in which Moses commands the descendants of
Levi to 'teach Jacob your ordinances, and Israel your law'. Reading and
writing skills are considered essential to enable the descendants of Levi
to gain knowledge of the law and wisdom and thus also prestige. Since
T. Levi 13.2 and AL 88-90 are part of an exhortation, these passages
may not reflect historical realities with regard to the descendants of
Levi. However, they suggest that knowledge and wisdom on the one
hand, and the ability to read and write on the other hand, were closely
associated.
It is not stated in what way the reading and writing expertise of
T. Levi 13.1-2 is linked to the functions of the priests, judges and
163. The function of Levites as judges is, for example, mentioned in Deut. 17.8.
164. Note that in T. Levi Levites are not set in contrast to priests but the latter are
considered as Levites in the sense that they belonged to the tribe of Levi.
165. MS Cambridge e; cf. also 4Q213, frag. 1,11. 9-12.
166. For this translation, cf. J.C. Greenfield and M.E. Stone, 'Remarks on the
Aramaic Testament of Levi from the Geniza', RB 86 (1979), p. 226.
scribes mentioned in T. Levi 8.17 but it is possible that the author

regarded reading and writing skills as a prerequisite for these functions.
To summarize, T. Levi and AL ascribe importance to the teaching of
reading and writing skills to the descendants of Levi. These skills seem
to have been regarded as essential tools to gain expertise in the law and
wisdom and therefore also prestige in society. It seems that reading and
writing expertise and knowledge of the law/wisdom are indirectly asso-
ciated with scribes. It is improbable that in reality members of the tribe
of Levi filled the role of scribes exclusively but it is highly likely that at
least some scribes belonged to the tribe of Levi. This receives some
support from other sources which attest Levitical scribes and scribes
without any expressed affiliation.167 Levitical scribes are likely to have
derived their status and function from both their hereditary membership
in the tribe of Levi and from their education in this context.
2.3.3. Zenon Papyri (P. Cairo Zen. 59006; P. Lond. 7. 1930)

The archive of a certain Zenon contains several documents which relate
to his journey and business matters in Syria and Palestine in 259 BCE.
Zenon was one of the main agents of Apollonios, the finance minister
of Ptolemy Philadelphus.168
P. Cairo Zen. 59006, probably from 259 BCE, contains a long list of
people who received pickled fish from a store somewhere in Palestine,
probably near Gaza. Among those who received the fish there was a
scribe (ypaujiciTeuc;) as well as several other officials.169 From the
occurrence of such titles as governor of a citadel (otKpo^'uXa^), chief
minister (ap%i>7i;ripeTr|<;), and commandant of the watch ((|)/uX,aKdp%r|<;)
it has been inferred that several of the names mentioned in the list may
have belonged to a military garrison stationed in the area.170 This would
suggest that the scribe was a Ptolemaic official and, as a member of the
167. Scribes as Levites: Neh. 13.13 (2.2.2); 1 Chron. 24.6; 2 Chron. 34.13
(2.2.3).
168. For an edition of the papyri, cf. T.C. Skeat (ed.), Greek Papyri in the British
Museum, VII (London: British Museum, 1974); C.C. Edgar (ed.), Zenon Papyri (4
vols.; Catalogue General des Antiquites Egyptiennes Du Musee du Caire; Cairo:
L'Institut Frangais d'Archeologie Orientale, 1925). For information on Zenon, the
archive, and his journey in Palestine, cf. P.W. Pestman, A Guide to the Zenon
Archive (Papyrologica Lugduno-Batava, 21; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1981), p. 264;
V. Tcherikover, 'Palestine under the Ptolemies', Mizraim 4-5 (1937), pp. 9-90.
169. P. Cairo Zen. 59006,1. 51.
170. So Edgar, Zenon Papyri, I, p. 11.
garrison, is unlikely to have been a Jewish scribe. However, all that can
be derived with any certainty from the military titles in the list is that
military officials from a garrison were entertained by Zenon.171 It may,
therefore, be concluded that the military titles do not provide any
information with regard to the background of the scribe. In other words,
the scribe could either have been a military clerk or a non-military
official who was employed by the Ptolemaic administration.
P. Lond. 7. 1930, also dated in 259 BCE, contains a long account of
the dispensation of wine during the same journey. This papyrus men-
tions scribes and a few other occupations like, for example, a miller or
muleteer, among those who received wine.172 Again, it cannot be deter-
mined whether the scribes who occur in the list were Ptolemaic officials
working in Palestine or local (Jewish) scribes who were employed in
the Ptolemaic administration.
In short, both papyri attest the functioning of scribes in the Ptolemaic
administration of Palestine in the middle of the third century BCE but
the identity of these scribes remains unclear.173
2.3.4. Seleucid Charter (Josephus, Ant. 12.138-44)

In book twelve of his Jewish Antiquities Josephus records Jewish his-
tory under Seleucid rule. According to his account, the Jews sided with
Antiochus the Great against Ptolemy during the Seleucid struggle for
possession of Palestine. After his victory Antiochus the Great is said to
have sent several letters to his governors in which he announced the
gifts and privileges that he had decided to give to the Jews. In order to
ascertain the accuracy of his account Josephus quotes three of these let-
ters. Ant. 12.138-144 is supposed to be a copy of the letter which Anti-
ochus the Great sent to his governor Ptolemy, granting the Jews help
for the rebuilding of their city and temple, tax reduction for the inhabi-
tants of Jerusalem, an allowance for sacrifices, and various other privi-
leges. The historical accuracy of this letter, the so-called Seleucid
Charter, has been discussed extensively. With the qualification that
some corruption of the text may have occurred the authenticity of the
171. Tcherikover, 'Palestine', pp. 60-61.
172. P. Lond. 7. 1930,11. 164, 169. Even though there are some textual problems
with this particular section of the list involving scribes, it is clear that they were
among the recipients of wine (for a comment on the text, cf. Skeat, Greek Papyri,
VH, pp. 10-11).
173. For village scribes, cf. also the discussion of Josephus, War 1.479 and Ant.
16.203 in 2.4.5.
letter is now accepted by most scholars.174 Modern scholars frequently

refer to the contemporary inscription on a stele from Hefzibah in Israel
to support their view of the authenticity of the Seleucid Charter as
quoted by Josephus. However, the inscription which also includes a
copy of a letter from Antiochus III has a very different content.175 Like
other inscriptions containing copies of royal letters, the stele from Hef-
zibah records the royal response to a petition.176 This does not seem to
have been the case with regard to the Seleucid Charter and it is doubtful
that King Antiochus III (or his aides) were well-informed on the details
of the administration of the Jerusalem Temple and its cult. It is con-
ceivable that Josephus embellished the text of the original edict in order
to serve his literary purpose, his description of Judaism in the past in
general and the demonstration of the recognition of the Jews by a non-
Jewish ruler in particular.177 In any case, Antiochus Ill's edict can be
dated to the beginning of Seleucid rule over Palestine, around 200
BCE.178
The letter by Antiochus III granted the Jews the privileges to have a
government in accordance with their own laws and tax exemption for
the senate and the Temple personnel. The latter included the following
categories:
Ant. 12.142™
Kctl oi iepeli; KOI oi ypaujiateiq toC iepoO KOI oi lepoydXTOi
... and the priests and scribes of the temple and the temple-singers...
174. The letter agrees with Antiochus Ill's practice of honouring people who
supported him and granting them freedom to live according to their native laws and
customs and to keep their traditional institutions (cf. Grabbe, Judaism, I, pp. 246-
47). Cf. also D. Goodblatt, The Monarchic Principle: Studies in Jewish Self-
Govemment in Antiquity (TSAJ, 38; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1994), pp. 15-16.
175. For the text, its translation, and a discussion of the content, cf. T. Fischer,
'Zur Seleukideninschrift von Hefzibah', ZPE 33 (1979), pp. 131-38; Y.H. Landau,
'A Greek Inscription Found near Hefzibah', IE] 16 (1966), pp. 54-70.
176. For comparable epigraphical material, cf. C.B. Welles, Royal Correspon-
dence in the Hellenistic Period, a Study in Greek Epigraphy (Chicago: Ares Pub-
lishers, 1974).
177. E.g. with details about the gifts and sacrifices given to the Temple.
178. Cf. Goodblatt, Monarchic Principle, p. 15; for the dating of the Seleucid
takeover of Palestine, cf. T. Fischer, Seleukiden and Makkabder (Bochum: Brock-
meyer, 1980), pp. 1-3,213.
179. This and all subsequent quotes from Josephus's works and, unless otherwise
Priests, scribes of the Temple and singers are explicitly referred to as

the privileged groups of the Temple personnel which were relieved
from paying taxes. If historically accurate, this suggests that around the
beginning of the second century BCE a class of scribes existed in asso-
ciation with the Temple, or at least that Antiochus III thought that such
a class existed. There is some evidence from other sources from the
Persian period which indicates that scribes functioned in the Temple
and it is conceivable that by the beginning of the second century BCE
they had developed into a class. It is equally feasible, however, that
scribes fulfilled a variety of functions in the Temple without being rec-
ognized as a class but were referred to as such in the letter on account
of convenience of reference or ignorance on the side of the Seleucids.
Alternatively, Josephus may have introduced the reference to the
Temple scribes and singers on account of his knowledge of functionar-
ies in the Temple derived from other biblical and non-biblical books180
but this is unlikely since this detail does not serve to enhance his liter-
ary purpose.
It may be concluded that around 200 BCE scribes functioned in the
Temple but it can no longer be determined whether they were actually
recognized as a class. It is probable that these scribes of the Temple
derived at least some status and prestige from their position. There is no
indication about the actual functions of scribes in the Temple but we
may assume that they derived their title from functions which required
writing expertise. Temple scribes may have been responsible for the
writing of records of various kinds, for example about the tithe or
genealogical records. They may have copied sacred scrolls, song books,
tefillin and mezuzot. It is also conceivable that they provided locals
with important written documents, such as letters of divorce or mar-
riage contracts.
2.3.5.1 Enoch and the Book of Giants

The biblical figure of Enoch, who is mentioned only very briefly in
Gen. 4.21-24, inspired much speculation and literature in ancient
Judaism. He was regarded as a man of righteousness and the author of
several books which were in wide circulation. Several passages in
indicated, the translations are taken from L.H. Feldman, R. Marcus, H.St.J. Thack-
eray, etal. (eds.), Josephus (LCL; 9 vols.; London: Heinemann, 1926-65).
180. Cf. Ezra-Nehemiah (2.2.2) and Chronicles (2.2.3). Cf. also the Testament of
Levi and the Aramaic Levi document (2.3.2).
1 Enoch and the Book of Giants refer to Enoch as a scribe and/or to his
expertise in writing.
The entire book of 1 Enoch is extant only in Ethiopic but extensive
Greek and some Aramaic fragments have also been preserved.181 How-
ever, the book was probably originally composed in a Semitic lan-
guage, either Hebrew or Aramaic.182 While scholarly opinion on the
date and composition on this book diverges, there is agreement on the
composite nature of 1 Enoch. It is generally assumed that 1 Enoch
comprises five distinct books which previously existed separately, a
view confirmed by the finds from Qumran.183 The approximately 100
Aramaic fragments from Qumran cover all parts of the books of Enoch
apart from chs. 37-71 (Book of Parables) which suggests that this part
was added later. Therefore, only chs. 1-36 (Book of Watchers) and
chs. 72-106184 (Astronomical Book, Book of Dreams, Epistle of Enoch)
will be considered as a relevant source for my investigation. The
earliest fragments of the books of Enoch from Qumran can be dated in
the second century BCE.185 However, the writings themselves could be
considerably older and some have been dated as early as the third
century BCE.186
Other fragments of Enoch literature have also survived at Qumran.
They have been identified as belonging to the Book of Giants which
was previously known only from texts preserved in Persian, Coptic,
and various other languages. The Book of Giants is closely related to
the Book of Watchers (1 En. 1-36) and elaborates on the story of the
181. For an overview, cf. S. Uhlig, Das dthiopische Henochbuch (JSHRZ, V.6;
Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1984), pp. 472-83.
182. Cf. M. Black, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch (SVTP, 7; Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1985), p. 3; for various scholarly positions on the question whether the original
language was Hebrew or Aramaic or a mixture of both, cf. Uhlig, Henochbuch,
pp. 483-84.
183. Cf. E.J.C. Tigchelaar, Prophets of Old and the Day of the End (OTS, 35;
Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996), pp. 136-37; D. Diamant, 'The Biography of Enoch and
the Books of Enoch', VT 33 (1983), pp. 15-19. For a critique of the view that these
books formed an Enochic Pentateuch and relevant bibliographical references, cf.
Tigchelaar, Prophets, pp. 138-40.
184. There is no consensus on the final chapter of the Epistle of Enoch.
185. Tigchelaar, Prophets, pp. 140-41; Milik and Black, Enoch, pp. 48-49.
186. Stone, Selected Studies, p. 189; also Tigchelaar, Prophets, pp. 140-41;
Uhlig, Henochbuch, p. 494. For a discussion of other views, cf. Tigchelaar, Pro-
phets, pp. 142-44.
fallen angels.187 The two relevant Aramaic manuscripts which contain

references to Enoch, the scribe, can be dated in the first century BCE but
could of course have been composed much earlier.188
The relevant passages of 1 Enoch will be presented in a translation
from the Ethiopic text with variants from other versions where sig-
nificant.189 The text of the Book of Giants from Dead Sea Scroll frag-
ments will be presented in Aramaic.190 Unfortunately, the relevant
passages of the Book of Giants are very fragmentary and some readings
and supplements remain doubtful.
/ Enoch
Book of Watchers
The Book of Watchers contains an introduction to Enoch, an account of
his mission to announce condemnation to the fallen Watchers, his jour-
ney through the underworld, and of the revelation of its secrets.191
According to 1 En. 12.4, Enoch is said to have been blessing God when
he was called by the angels of heaven. They command him to go to the
'Watchers who have left the heaven' (fallen angels) and to announce
their punishment for the destruction which they have brought upon the
earth.
1 En. 12.3-4
(3) And I, Enoch, was standing blessing the Lord of majesty, and the
King of the ages, and behold! watchers of the great Holy One were call-
ing me and saying to me: (4) 'Enoch, scribe of righteousness,192 go,
declare to the watchers of heaven who have left the high heaven and the
holy, eternal Sanctuary and have defiled themselves with women; and
they themselves do as the children of earth do, and have taken to them-
selves wives: (say) 'You have wrought great destruction on the earth;
187. Milik and Black, Enoch, p. 298.

188. For the dates of the fragments, cf. Milik and Black, Enoch, pp. 178, 304.
189. Unless otherwise stated the translation of the Ethiopic version is taken from
Black, Enoch or 1 Enoch, while the Greek readings are taken from M. Black,
Apocalypsis Henochi Graece (PVTG, 3; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1970). For an evaluation
of various editions and translations, cf. Tigchelaar, Prophets, pp. 144-51.
190. The Aramaic text is taken from, and the translation based on, Milik and
Black, Enoch.
191. Black, Henochi, pp. 5-8.
192. ' Evc&x, 6 Ypau|iaT£\)q xfiq 8iKoaoawr|<;.
Enoch is told that the Watchers and the Giants will be destroyed and
that they will have no peace.193 Enoch then meets with Azazel and the
other Watchers and announces the judgment. The Watchers are seized
with fear and ask Enoch to write out a petition to God on their behalf to
ask for forgiveness.
1 En. 13.3-7
(3) Then I went and spoke to them all together, and they were afraid, and
fear and trembling seized them. (4) And they besought me to draw up for
them a memorial and petition194 that they might obtain forgiveness, and
that I should read their memorial and petition before the Lord of heaven.
(5) For they themselves were unable any longer to speak (to him) nor to
lift up their eyes to heaven for shame for the sins for which they were
condemned. (6) Then I wrote out their memorial and petition and their
requests, with reference to their spirits and the deeds of each one of
them, and with regard to their requests that they might obtain forgive-
ness and restoration. (7) And I went off and sat down by the waters of
Dan in the land of Dan, which is south-west of Hermon; and I was
reading the memorial of their requests until I fell asleep.
In a dream Enoch sees a vision of wrath and, after he wakes up,
returns to the Watchers to reprove them. He speaks to them 'words of
righteousness' which he had received in his vision. A detailed account
of Enoch's journey into the heavens follows. It is emphasized twice
that the petition which has been written by Enoch will not be granted
and that the Watchers will be condemned for eternity.195 During his
heavenly journey Enoch reaches the throne of God and trembling with
fear he prostrates himself. Then God himself calls Enoch with his name
and title and speaks to him about the sins of the Watchers and the ori-
gins of the Giants.
1 En. 15.1
And he spoke up and said to me: 'Fear not, Enoch, righteous man and
scribe of righteousness. Come hither and hearken to my voice.196
To summarize, Enoch is addressed with the title 'scribe' and 'scribe

of righteousness', both by the angels of heaven and God himself. His
193. While the Watchers are the fallen angels, the Giants are believed to have
originated from the union of the Watchers with women (e.g. 1 En. 7.1-2).
194. wiouvrm.aTO eponfiaecoi; (memorial of the petition).
195. 1 En. 14.4, 7.
196. 'O avQpamoc, 6 aKrfiivoc,, avSpcorax; Tfj<; ctXr|9eiaq, 6 ypauumetii;' KCU tr\q
<|>(ovfi<; ainov TIKOUCCC ur\ <(>o|}T|6T\<;, 'Eva>x> avQpatKoq aXT|6w6<; iced Ypaiiumexx;
rr\c, dA,T|9ei.a(;.
reading and writing expertise is referred to frequently in the Book of

Watchers. Enoch is not simply sent by the Watchers to plead on their
behalf. Instead, he is asked to write out a petition which he then reads
aloud, hoping that he would be heard by God. The written form of the
petition does not otherwise contribute anything to the story which sug-
gests that the author may have been influenced by the importance
assigned to written documents in his contemporaneous society. The
written petition makes Enoch's reading and writing expertise an essen-
tial requirement for his role as a messenger between the fallen
Watchers and God. This is further supported by references to Enoch's
reading expertise in other parts of 1 Enoch. For example, in the Astro-
nomical Book Enoch is asked to read the heavenly tablets to gain
knowledge of the history of the earth, God's righteousness and judg-
ment and after he read the tablets he is said to have understood every-
thing.197
It seems likely that Enoch was designated as a scribe on account of
his function as a writer, reading expertise being implied. The fact that
in addition to being designated as a scribe he is also called 'scribe of
righteousness' or 'scribe of uprightness' suggests that Enoch was not
regarded as a mere professional writer. The title could obviously be
varied and be used in conjunction with other attributes of the person.
Most likely, Enoch's expertise in reading and writing and his reputation
as a righteous man, that is his teaching and knowledge of righteousness
and God's righteous judgment, was combined in his composite title of
'scribe of righteousness'.198
Epistle of Enoch
Enoch is believed to have written down his wisdom teaching in the so-
called Epistle of Enoch (1 En. 91-105) so that it may be preserved for
future generations. The book is concerned with God's righteous judg-
ment, that is the reward of the righteous and the punishment of the
sinners.
] En. 92.1
[The Epistle of Enoch which] he wrote and gave to his son Methuselah.
Enoch skilled scribe and wisest of men, and the chosen of the sons of
197. 1 En. 81.1-2; 93.2; 103.2; 106.19.

198. Cf. also the reference to Enoch with this title in Testament of Abraham
(2.4.8).
men and judge of all the earth, to all my children and to later genera-
tions, to all dwellers on earth who observe uprightness and peace.199
Written by Enoch the scribe—this complete wisdom teaching, praised by
all men and a judge of the whole earth—for all my sons who dwell upon
the earth and for the last generations who will practice uprightness and
peace.200
The parallel Aramaic fragment from Qumran (4QEng ii, 22-24) is too
damaged to be useful here. It can only be stated that in the part which
has been preserved the title "ISO does not appear. 1 En. 92.1 is not
extant in the Greek version and in the Ethiopic translation the traditions
diverge.201 Nevertheless, both main Ethiopic traditions refer to Enoch
with the title 'scribe' and explicitly associate him with the writing of
the book or letter.202 The title 'most skilled scribe' in Ethiopic is an
equivalent to the Hebrew "TTtQ "ISO which appears in a reference to
Ezra in the biblical books.203 In much the same way as in Ezra 7.6, it
remains unclear from 1 En. 92.1 whether the attribute 'skilled scribe'
refers to Enoch's dexterity as scribe, his wisdom, or both.204
In short, the relevant passages from the Book of Watchers and Epistle
of Enoch reflect the notion of Enoch as a scribe who possessed exper-
tise in reading and writing. He is further associated with the authorship
of book(s), wisdom and knowledge in general, and concern for the laws
of God (righteous living).205
199. So the translation of group Eth I, representing an older recension (cf. Black,
Enoch or 1 Enoch, pp. 7, 84, 283). For a brief overview over the various Ethiopic
manuscript traditions and their characteristics, cf. Tigchelaar, Prophets, pp. 144-45;
Black, Enoch or 1 Enoch, pp. 2-3.
200. This translation represents the manuscripts from group Eth II, a later recen-
sion (translation taken from M.A. Knibb, 'I Enoch', in H.F.D. Sparks [ed.], The
Apocryphal Old Testament [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984], pp. 179, 294).
201. For further comments on the different versions of this passages, cf. Black,
Enoch or 1 Enoch, p. 283 and apparatus p. 371.
202. The same notion is reflected in 1 En. 108.8 but since no trace of this final
chapter can be found in either the Greek or the Aramaic versions it has been sug-
gested that this part of 1 Enoch is an independent composition and later addition
(cf. Black, Enoch or 1 Enoch, p. 323).
203. Black, Enoch or 1 Enoch, p. 283.
204. Cf. 2.2.2 (Ezra 7.6).
205. Compare this to the description of the ideal scribe in Ben Sira (2.3.6).
Book of Giants (4QEnGiants)

4QEnGiantsa 8 mentions a written document which is addressed to
Shemihazah, one of the chiefs of the fallen angels, and to all his com-
panions who include the Watchers and the Giants.206
4QEnGiantsa8.1-4
1
] vacat 2
3
4
1 boofkof...]
2 vacat[
3 copy of the second tablet of the E[pistle
4 written by the hand of Enoch, the distinguished scribe [
In 1.4 Enoch is clearly established as the actual writer of the letter to the
Watchers and the Giants. This explicit identification indicates Enoch's
writing expertise. His designation as NtZHS "ISO (distinguished scribe)
may or may not refer to Enoch's writing skills.207
4QEnGiantsb ii-iii contains a different part of the book. Ahya, son of
Semihazah, is said to have had a dream and the Giants could not
explain it. Therefore, they send Mahawai as their messenger to Enoch
to ask him for an interpretation of Ahya's dream. The Giants apparently
believed that Enoch was skilled in the interpretation of dreams. In this
context Enoch is again referred to as the distinguished scribe.
4QEnGiantsbii.l4-15
14
15
14 [the dream...to Enoch] the distinguished scribe, so that he may
interpret for us
15 the dream.
Malawi is sent to find Enoch and has with him a letter granting full
powers on behalf of the Giants and a tablet containing a description of
206. This fragment was written by the same scribe as 4QEnc. Both manuscripts
also show the same quality of skin and its preservation, arrangement of text, and
orthography which suggests that this Book of Giants (4QEnGiantsa) might have
been part of an Enoch Scroll (cf. Milik and Black, Enoch, p. 310).
207. Cf. the ambiguity of THQ "ISO discussed in association with Ezra 7.6
(2.2.2).
the dream.208 Writing and reading skills are not mentioned but Enoch's
ability to interpret dreams. It is not impossible, although this can only
be conjecture, that the author of the book actually associated this par-
ticular skill with scribes.209
To summarize, the author of the Book of Giants associated Enoch,
the scribe, with writing expertise and the skill of dream interpretation.
The latter may or may not have been associated with Enoch's title "ISO.
Summary
In both 1 Enoch and the Books of Giants Enoch is referred to as a
scribe. It is evident that Enoch's reading and writing expertise was of
importance to the author. It enables Enoch to fulfil his role as a mes-
senger and mediator between God, the Watchers and the Giants. His
reading expertise allows him to gain knowledge of the history of the
earth, God's righteousness, and future judgment by reading the heav-
enly tablets. Furthermore, his writing expertise enables Enoch to record
his astronomical and other knowledge and his wisdom in books so that
it may be preserved for future generations. In addition to reading and
writing expertise and wisdom, Enoch is believed to have been skilled in
the interpretation of dreams.
It is significant that the biblical books and other writings from the
Second-Temple period almost completely lack evidence for the notion
of Enoch as a scribe.210 It is therefore improbable that Enoch derived
his importance in Jewish tradition from the title itself. Rather, the tradi-
tions about Enoch as a scribe are likely to have developed in a period
when written documents and books were associated with much author-
ity. This receives support from the general emphasis on written books
and documents in 1 Enoch and the Book of Giants.211
It can be concluded that reading and writing expertise were associ-
ated with scribes at the time of composition of 1 Enoch and the Book of
Giants. Authorship of books, skills in dream interpretation, and general
wisdom and knowledge may also have been considered as character-
istics of scribes. This view is supported by the fact that the title is
208. Milik and Black, Enoch, p. 306.

209. Cf. also sacred scribes interpreting signs and omens according to Josephus,
War 6.291 (2.4.5).
210. The only exception is one recension of the Testament of Abraham (2.4.8).
211. E.g. books written by Enoch: / En. 92.1; 4QEnGiantsa 8, 3-4. Books of the
heretics: 1 En. 98.15. Books of the living: 1 En. 89.68-71; 90.14; 98.7-8; 104.7.
sometimes used with qualifications like, for example, 'scribe of

righteousness' which suggests that it could designate figures with more
than mere professional writing expertise. It is unlikely, however, that
the different kinds of expertise just mentioned were exclusively asso-
ciated with scribes because in other traditions Enoch is associated with
reading and writing expertise, authorship of books, and astronomical
knowledge but is not designated a scribe.212
2.3.6. Wisdom of Ben Sira

The book of the Wisdom of Ben Sira, also called Ecclesiasticus, has
been transmitted as part of the Septuagint. It occupies a central part of
the majority of studies of Jewish scribes during the Second-Temple
period since it is usually taken as evidence for the existence of a class
of scribes/Torah scholars and their influence in society.
Until the end of the nineteenth century Ben Sira was only known in
Greek and Syriac but both versions were thought to have been transla-
tions of an original Hebrew text. Since then extensive Hebrew frag-
ments have been discovered among the manuscripts from the Cairo
Geniza and in the Judaean Desert.213 The oldest fragments, which on
palaeographical grounds can be dated in the first century BCE, were
found at Qumran and Masada.214
The composition of the original Hebrew version may be dated to the
period between 195 BCE, the time of the death of Simon II, and 175
BCE, the date of the accession of Antiochus IV. This view is based
on the observation that the reference to Simon in Ben Sira implies that
he had already died and that events under Antiochus IV are not
212. Jub. 4.17; 2 £k 53.2.

213. For an overview over the complex manuscript tradition, cf. P.W. Skehan
and A. Di Leila, The Wisdom of Ben Sira: A New Translation with Notes (AB, 39;
New York: Doubleday, 1987), pp. 51-62. It is now no longer doubted that the Heb-
rew fragments from the Cairo Geniza are copies of the original although some texts
contain expansions which are retroversions from the Syriac (M. Gilbert, The Book
of Ben Sira' in S. Talmon [ed.], Jewish Civilization in the Hellenistic-Roman
Period [JSPSup, 10; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991], pp. 82-84; Skehan and Di Leila,
Ben Sira, p. 54).
214. Y. Yadin, The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration
Society, 1965); J.A. Sanders, The Psalms Scroll from Qumran Cave 11 (DJD, 4;
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965); M. Baillet and J.T. Milik, Les "Petites Grottes"
de Qumran (DJD, 3; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962).
mentioned.215 Most scholars attempt to date the composition of the

book more accurately by extrapolating from the author's grandson's
supposed time of arrival in Egypt and the grandson's age at the time
when he translated Ben Sira into Greek.216 It is, however, sufficient for
this study to date the book in the first quarter of the second century
BCE. The Greek translation was made some time after 132 BCE, the
probable year in which Ben Sira's grandson arrived in Egypt.217
The subscription to Ben Sira briefly describes the book's contents as
Ben Sira's proverbs and his wisdom teaching. It further defines its pur-
pose as a source of instruction in wisdom for those who want to
become wise. The prologue to the Greek translation describes the
author as a man dedicated to the study of the Torah, the Prophets and
other writings. Based on the information in the subscription and the
prologue and Ben Sira's own description of the scribe/sage, many
scholars have argued or simply assumed that the author himself was a
scribe.218 His teaching and literary activities and his search for wisdom
are thought to have been typical scribal qualities and the book is often
classified as scribal literature.219 Although it is possible that the author
of Ben Sira was a scribe, there is no explicit evidence to support this
view. In accordance with the exclusive approach adopted in this inves-
tigation, the figure of Ben Sira and the book as such will not be con-
215. D.S. Williams, 'The Date of Ecclesiasticus', VT44 (1994), pp. 563-64.
216. The book is commonly dated between 190-80 BCE (so e.g. M.D. Nelson,
The Syriac Version of the Wisdom of Ben Sira Compared to the Greek and Hebrew
Materials [SBLDS, 107; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988], pp. 1-2; Skehan and
Di Leila, Ben Sira, pp. 8-10; G. Sauer, Jesus Sirach [JSHRZ, III.5; Giitersloh: Gerd
Mohn, 1981], pp. 489-90) although Williams dates it closer to 170 BCE (Williams,
'Ecclesiasticus', pp. 563-66).
217. The date of his arrival in Egypt is calculated on the basis of the grandson's
statement that he came to Egypt in the 38th year of the reign of Euergetes, probably
Ptolemy VII Euergetes (170-117 BCE).
218. So e.g. M.E. Stone, 'Ideal Figures and Social Context: Priest and Sage in
the Early Second-Temple Age', in M.E. Stone (ed.), Selected Studies in Pseud-
epigrapha and Apocrypha: With Special Reference to the Armenian Tradition
(SVTP, 9; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1991), pp. 260, 265; Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira,
pp. 10, 46; H. Stadelmann, Ben Sira als Schriftgelehrter (WUNT, Reihe 2, 6;
Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1980), p. 12; Hengel, Judentum (1969), pp. 242-43.
219. A full discussion of the complex issues of the identity, functions and status
of wise men/sages (D^QDn) and the teaching of wisdom in general is beyond the
scope of this book. Individual points will be referred to if relevant to the discussion
of scribes.
sidered as evidence for scribes. This section will therefore only discuss
the actual references to scribes in Sir. 38.24 and in the Greek transla-
tion of Sir. 10.5.
As already mentioned above, Sir. 38.24-39.11 is considered to be
one of the most important passages for the study of scribes. It contains
an evaluation of the importance of artisans and labourers for the func-
tioning of any society and contrasts these occupations with the superi-
ority of the scribe/sage and his influence in society. The scribe is
actually only referred to in the first verse of this section but this refer-
ence should not interpreted in isolation from its larger context.
Sir. 38.24220
The wisdom of the scribe increases wisdom and who lacks business can
become wise.
Wisdom of the scribe is in opportunity of leisure and those who lack

business will become wise.
To set this verse in its wider context: the first subsection (Sir. 38.24-
34) of the whole unit (Sir. 38.24-39.11) suggests that only individuals
who did not have to earn a living could become wise and function as
public figures in councils and at royal courts, or as judges and teachers.
It is stated that craftsmen and labourers could not become wise due to
their lack of time for study and the drudgery of their professions. The
link to the second subsection (Sir. 39.1-11) which deals with sages is
provided in Sir. 38.34: 'Yet they [artisans and labourers] are expert in
the works of this world, and their concern is for the exercise of their
skill. How different the person who devotes himself to the fear of God
and to the study of the Law of the Most High!'221 The second subsec-
tion then describes the education, functions and lasting commemoration
of god-fearing wise men. The author claims that the study of the Torah,
ancient wisdom, the prophets, proverbs, parables, sayings and dis-
courses of famous men, together with such qualities as piety allowed an
220. The Hebrew text is taken from R. Smend, Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach,
hebraisch unddeutsch (Berlin: Reimer, 1906) and the Greek version from J. Zieg-
ler, Sapientia lesu Filii Sirach (Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, 12.2;
Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2nd edn, 1980).
221. This translation has been taken from Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, p. 446.
individual access to a career in public life in both his own and foreign
countries. It should be noted that this second section (Sir. 39.1-11) does
not contain any references to scribes at all.
The unit Sir. 38.24-39.11 poses two main problems which are rarely
discussed in detail. First, the relationship between sages and scribes is
unclear, and, secondly, it is difficult to determine to what extent this
description of the ideal scribe/sage reflects the historical situation of
scribes in Ben Sira's own days.
The majority of modern scholars believe that the references to the
education, positions and functions of the wise man in Sir. 38.32-39.11
should be linked to the wise scribe in Sir. 38.24. According to this
view, a class of either priestly or lay scribes existed who fulfilled public
functions as advisors at royal courts, as counsellors, judges and as
teachers of the Scriptures and wisdom.222 These scribes are usually
portrayed as wealthy and prestigious members of society who derived
their status from their knowledge of the Scriptures and wisdom. The
standard view presumes that the description of the scribe/sage in Sir.
38.24-39.11, although idealized, reflects the historical realities of
scribes in the author's contemporary society. A more qualified interpre-
tation of this passage seems, however, necessary with regard to scribes.
The lack of a distinction between a wise man/sage and a scribe has
been noted previously, but has not received enough attention. Most
scholars simply identify scribes with sages.223 The author's general
interest in wisdom is undisputed.224 This interest is also strongly visible
222. So J.G. Gammie, 'The Sage in Sirach', in J.G. Gammie and L.G. Perdue
(eds.), The Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East (Winona Lake, IN.: Eisen-
brauns, 1990), pp. 364-69; Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, pp. 10-12, 451-52;
Stadelmann, Ben Sira, pp. 283-84, 287; J. Marbock, 'Sir. 38,24-39,11: Der schrift-
gelehrte Weise', in M. Gilbert (ed.), La sagesse de I'Ancien Testament (BETL, 51;
Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1979), pp. 297-99, 314-15.
223. Note, that in this study the term DDD is not understood as a designation for a
well-defined class of teachers or professionals. The lack of evidence for the exis-
tence of such a class has, according to my view, been demonstrated convincingly
by Whybray (R.N. Whybray, The Intellectual Tradition in the Old Testament
[BZAW, 135; Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1974], pp. 33-54). Cf. also the comments by
L.L. Grabbe, 'Prophets, Priests, Diviners and Sages in Ancient Israel', in H.A.
McKay and D.J.A. Clines (eds.), Of Prophets' Visions and the Wisdom of Sages
(JSOTSup, 162; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993), pp. 43-62 [57].
224. For the general interest in wisdom and an explanation of the term, cf. A.Di
Leila, 'The Meaning of Wisdom in Ben Sira', in L.G. Perdue, B.B. Scott and W.J.
Wiseman (eds.), In Search of Wisdom: Essays in Memory of John G. Gammie
in Sir. 38.24-39.11 where the author illustrates the value of wisdom

and the positive consequences for those who are able to obtain it. While
Ben Sira refers to those who are wise in a longer section and in very
general terms, the scribe is only mentioned once in the beginning of the
whole passage. This suggests that the author focused on wise men in
general rather than on scribes in particular.
The lack of a clear distinction between scribes and sages suggests
that in Ben Sira's contemporary society some scribes may have been
perceived as wise men. The phenomenon of official scribes with
knowledge and expertise in a range of subjects is generally attested for
Near Eastern and Egyptian royal courts.225 It is likely that in Ben Sira's
society some scribes were wise men and some sages filled positions
like scribes. This overlap may have been partly due to the identification
of wisdom with Torah in Ben Sira's time. Scribes, who during their
training would have copied different texts, wisdom books, and the
sacred writings as the classical texts, would have gained some knowl-
edge of the contents of these books.226 Since the sacred books were also
generally considered as a source of wisdom, they were studied by edu-
cated and wise scholars who had the leisure and the interest to do so.
This notion is reflected in Sir. 39.1-11. It seems that for Ben Sira there
was no clear distinction between a wise scribe who filled an official
position on account of his scribal expertise and a wise and educated
individual who fulfilled public and official functions on account of his
learning. This, however, does not imply that all wise men were scribes
or vice versa.
A consideration of the author's appropriation of Egyptian wisdom
material may also further the understanding of Sir. 38.24-39.11 and the
role of scribes.227 The similarity of the passage under discussion to the
Egyptian Satire on the Trades has been noted frequently.228 This text is
(Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1993), pp. 133-48.

225. Cf. the various articles in J.G. Gammie and L.G. Perdue (eds.), The Sage in
Israel and the Ancient Near East (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990); also
factor 11.
226. This kind of training is attested for Egyptian scribes in numerous papyri and
ostraca (cf. R.J. Williams, 'Scribal Training in Ancient Egypt', JAOS 92 (1972),
pp. 216-18; cf. A. Erman, The Literature of the Ancient Egyptians (London:
Methuen, 1927), pp. 185-86).
227. For an extensive discussion of this topic, cf. Sanders, Ben Sira; also Skehan
and Di Leila, Ben Sira, pp. 46-50.
228. This text is also referred to as the Instruction ofDuauf. For a publication, cf.
usually thought to have been composed during the Twelfth Dynasty,

that is about 1500 years before Ben Sira, but it seems to have remained
popular for a long time afterwards. Extant copies of this text preserved
from antiquity indicate that it was much used in the context of writing
training for scribes.229 The text's elevation of the scribe over other
occupations has to be understood against the background of the highly
developed administrative system of the Egyptian empire at that time,
the need for large numbers of scribes, and the appreciation of the office
of scribe that came with it. Furthermore, it is documented that some
scribes rose to high status and functioned as advisors and counsellors at
the Egyptian royal courts, no doubt on account of their knowledge and
wisdom gained in addition to writing expertise.230 The close similarity
in many ways to Sir. 38.24-39.11 makes it highly probable that Ben
Sira was familiar with and used the Satire on the Trades. Several obser-
vations are of interest: although Ben Sira has removed the sting of
satire from the Egyptian text, he retained the emphasis on the superior-
ity of the scribe/sage; while the Egyptian text only refers to scribes but
not sages, Ben Sira has introduced the general notion of the superiority
of the wise educated man over artisans and labourers; at the time of
Ben Sira the small Judaean Temple state was by no means comparable
in the size and development to the Egyptian administrative system and
therefore also in aspects relating to the office of scribe. The province of
Yehud was a small entity under foreign rule and the lack of a royal
court with its patronage of arts and sciences suggests that scribes may
not have enjoyed quite the same prestige and opportunities as their
Egyptian counterparts a millennium and a half earlier. Influential and
powerful positions in the province, such as officials and advisors of the
high priest and governor, may have been filled more often by sages
with independent means rather than professional scribes. It is therefore
conceivable that because the status and prestige of the scribes in the
Satire on the Trades did not quite fit those of scribes in Ben Sira's own
society, the author may have adapted the Egyptian text to the realities
of his own time. Ben Sira refers to those who occupy powerful and
influential positions on account of their wisdom and knowledge in very
Erman, Egyptians, pp. 67-72. Cf. also a brief discussion with several references to
the text in Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, pp. 449-50.
229. Erman, Egyptians, pp. 67, 185-86.
230. H. Gressmann, Israels Spruchweisheit im Zusammenhang der Weltliteratur
(Kunst und Altertum, 6; Berlin: Curtius, 1925), pp. 47-48.
general terms, which seems to indicate that in his contemporary society

the functions and positions mentioned were filled by those with the rel-
evant knowledge and wisdom. This most probably included some
scribes but it is unlikely that they were the only ones with the relevant
expertise and knowledge. As in other empires, some scribes will have
made it to the higher level of the government and administration on
account of their learning and knowledge in addition to scribal exper-
tise.231 In short, the fuzziness with regard to the role and functions of
scribes and sages in Sir. 38.24-39.11 may at least partly be ascribed to
the realities of the roles and prestige of scribes and sages at the author's
time and to Ben Sira's combination of an Egyptian tradition with his
perception of his own society.
The only other reference to scribes in Ben Sira can be found in the
context of a section on wise and god-fearing governors, rulers or kings
(Sir. 9.17-10.5). The author emphasizes the importance of god-fearing
wisdom as a characteristic of leading individuals for the well-being of
the people. The passage also reflects the notion that ultimately all polit-
ical power and success comes from God.
Sir. 10.5
... in the hand of God is the success of man,

on the person of the scribe he will put his glory.
... in the hand of God is the rule of all men,

and before (the) commander he will set his majesty (or: splendor).
In the otherwise fairly literal translation of Sir. 10.5 the Hebrew term
ppno, which occurs only once in Ben Sira, has been rendered as Ypqa.-
uaTevi;. ppno is derived from the Hebrew pn, 'law', and ppn, which
can mean 'to inscribe', 'engrave', or 'to enact laws'. In the biblical
writings the term ppilQ occurs only a few times and it is usually under-
stood to mean 'commander', 'ruler', or 'prescriber of laws'.232 In the
231. Scribes as high officials and advisors are attested at the royal courts of Israel
and Judah during the monarchic period as well as at the Egyptian, Persian and
Hellenistic royal courts (cf. articles in Gammie and Perdue, Sage).
232. In some passages, usually in a poetic context, it has been interpreted as
'commander's staff (e.g. Gen. 49.10).
passages where it occurs in the Hebrew Bible, the Greek usually trans-
lates with terms meaning 'ruler', 'prince', 'king', or 'kingdom'.233 It is
probable that the translator of Ben Sira chose the term YpaujiaTetx; as
an equivalent for ppPID at least partly on the basis of the meaning of the
Hebrew root which refers to the function of writing or engraving.234
However, it cannot be excluded that he may have been familiar with
scribes in association with the enactment of laws, and/or leadership
positions, a notion which fits the description of scribes/sages in Sir.
38.24-39.il.235
Conclusion
At the time of Ben Sira there seems to have been an overlap between
the positions, functions and expertise of some scribes and those of wise
and educated men in general.236 Scribes probably had varying degrees
of knowledge and wisdom and as a consequence fulfilled positions and
functions on different levels. It can be argued that at the time of the
composition of Ben Sira, some scribes occupied influential and presti-
gious positions if they had gained the necessary knowledge and wis-
dom in addition to the basic expertise in reading and writing. Scribes
may have occupied the positions of high officials in the administration
and government, of advisors at foreign royal courts or in Jerusalem, or
those of counsellors and judges. The modern overemphasis on the sig-
nificance of the single reference to a scribe in the section Sir. 38.24—
39.11, while Ben Sira focused on the wise and educated in general,
seems to have led to a distortion of the functions and status of scribes in
the beginning of the second century BCE. The fact that Ben Sira omitted
a reference to Ezra, the priest and scribe, from his Hymn of the Fathers
suggests that he may not have had such a strong interest in scribes as is
usually assumed.237
233. E.g. Gen. 49.10; Num. 21.18; Deut. 33.21; dpxcov, TiYOuuevoq, paaOevq,
paaiXEia.
234. Cf. also G. Vermes, Scripture and Tradition in Judaism: Haggadic Studies
(SPB, 4; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2nd rev. edn, 1973), pp. 50-52.
235. Cf. also the translation of ppHQ as TSTOAriaO in the Targumim (2.4.14).
236. For a similar argument for the overlap of functions and interests of various
groups and professions as well as the observation that wisdom could refer to a wide
range of areas and skills, cf. Grabbe, 'Prophets', pp. 57-58.
237. It is known that variant traditions about the early-post exilic period existed,
e.g. the Nehemiah-tradition in 2 Mace. 1.18-2.13 (Grabbe, 'Josephus', pp. 234-35).
Ben Sira may simply have preferred a tradition which did not mention Ezra,
In general, it may be concluded that although the text remains fuzzy

with regard to scribes and wise men they should not be identified.
Instead, the fuzziness should be considered as significant evidence in
itself. The evidence from Ben Sira does not compel the view that a
well-defined class of scribes with expertise in the Scriptures and the
laws existed at that time. It is likely, however, that as part of their
training scribes copied and studied the classical texts of Israel, that is
the sacred writings.
2.3.7.1 Esdras and 2 Esdras

The Septuagint has preserved two books which contain different
versions of the restoration of the community in the early postexilic
period. The book designated in the Septuagint as 2 Esdras is a fairly
literal Greek translation of the Hebrew Ezra-Nehemiah. In contrast,
1 Esdras238 differs substantially from the canonical Ezra-Nehemiah and
2 Esdras. Although 1 Esdras and 2 Esdras contain much parallel
material, they differ with regard to content and style. 1 Esdras
rearranges and omits material from the biblical books but also includes
otherwise unknown material. It has a different focus from 2 Esdras,
narrating the events of the last days of the Temple, its destruction, and
its rebuilding after the Babylonian exile. It includes most of Ezra but
only a few verses from Nehemiah. The roles of Zerubbabel and Ezra
are emphasized while the figure of Nehemiah is neglected. 1 Esdras
further contains the unique story of a banquet supposedly given by
King Darius before his edict allowed the return of the exiled people and
the rebuilding of Jerusalem.
With regard to the dates, provenances and purposes of 1 and 2 Esdras
much depends on how the relationship between these two writings and
the Hebrew Ezra-Nehemiah is defined.239 Several theories about the
relationship between the texts have been advanced. The following two
however, this would only strengthen my argument. For a brief discussion of various
views on this omission of Ezra, cf. also C. Begg, 'Ben Sira's Non-mention of Ezra',
BN 42 (1988), pp. 14-18. Begg attributes the omission to the author's emphasis on
building programmes and the reconstruction of the city and the Temple.
238. Also called Esdras a or Greek Ezra.
239. Cf. R.J. Coggins and M.A. Knibb, The First and Second Books of Esdras
(Cambridge Bible Commentary; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979),
pp. 4-5.
hypotheses are most likely and may both be considered in the discus-
sion below: first, 1 Esdras is a Greek composition in its own right for
which the author used a source or sources which he shared with
the authors of the canonical Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles; second,
1 Esdras is the result of a rearrangement and revision of the canonical
books.240 In the case of the former it is difficult to make any judgment
about the original and, therefore, the changes of the author/revisor,
while in the second case the differences between the canonical books
and 1 Esdras may be traced to the author of the latter and may be used
as evidence for his notion of scribes.
It is impossible to determine which of 1 Esdras and 2 Esdras is older.
The terminus ad quern for the composition of 1 Esdras can be set in 90
CE, the date of the completion of Josephus's Jewish Antiquities for
which it was used as a source. Linguistic similarities, the vocabulary
and its possible use by the historian Eupolemus suggest a date for
1 Esdras in the second century BCE although no definite conclusion is
possible.241 2 Esdras is usually thought to have been part of the first
Greek translation of the biblical writings, which was available by the
middle of the second century BCE at the latest.242
The passages relevant to the study of scribes in both 1 and 2 Esdras
will be discussed together in order to point out the differences more
clearly. In both versions scribes occur in the context of opposition
against the rebuilding of the Temple in Jerusalem and in the Ezra story.
Shimshai, the Scribe

Both 1 and 2 Esdras contain an account of activities by the external
opposition against the rebuilding of the Temple. The commander
240. For a brief overview of the main theories and points of critique, cf. S. Jelli-
coe, The Septuagint and Modern Study (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), p. 291;
A.E. Gardner, 'The Purpose and Date of 1 Esdras', JJS 37 (1986), pp. 18-19.
241. Cf. J.M. Myers, / and II Esdras (AB; New York: Doubleday, 1974), pp. 8-
15. On account of the general message of the book and the similarities of the events
and persons with the Maccabean period in general and 2 Maccabees in particular,
1 Esdras has also been dated in the period of the Maccabean revolt (so Z. Talshir,
'The Milieu of 1 Esdras in the Light of its Vocabulary', in A. Pietersma and
C.E. Cox [eds.], De Septuaginta: Studies in Honor of John William Wevers on his
Sixty-Fifth Birthday [Mississauga, Ont.: Benben Publications, 1984], pp. 129-47).
242. Ben Sira, 'Prologue'. It is, however, impossible to prove that this first Greek
translation included 2 Esdras rather than 1 Esdras even though this view has little
support among scholars (cf. Gardner, '1 Esdras', p. 18 n. 5).
Raumos (Rehum) and the scribe Samsaios (Shimshai) are identified as

the leaders of the opposition in the area surrounding Judaea and
Jerusalem.243 The Greek versions differ in detail but agree with regard
to both the role ascribed to Shimshai as leader, writer of the letter to
King Artaxerxes, and his designation as ypauuaTetx;.244 Although
Samsaios was not a Jewish scribe, these passages provide evidence that
the translators/authors of 1 and 2 Esdras were familiar with the exis-
tence of scribes as high officials in the context of the Achaemenid
empire.
Ezra, the Scribe

2 Esdras translates Ezra's title "1D10 consistently as ypau|iaTei)<; and
therefore simply reflects the notion of the Hebrew Ezra-Nehemiah.245
1 Esdras, on the other hand, differs substantially from 2 Esdras with
regard to its use of the title ypau|iaTex)<;. 1 Esdras designates Ezra only
once as ypauuccTeix; (1 Esd. 8.3), while in all remaining passages this
title has been replaced.
First, we will turn to the introduction of the figure of Ezra. A brief
genealogical record which attests his priestly lineage is presented and
he is further described as a scribe of the law of Moses.
1 Esd. 8.3246
omoq "Eo5pa<; dvepri EK BapuAxovoq ax; ypaiaumeix; ex^-uf^ cov ev Tq>
Mwuaeax; vouxp TO> eK5e5onevq> \OTO tou 6eov TO\) 'Iapar|X
This Esdras came up from Babylonia, as a scribe who was skilled (or:
clever) in the law of Moses that was given by the God of Israel;
2 Esd. 7.6
amoq "Ea8pa<; dvepri eic BapvXrovoq, KOI awbc, ypa\L\iaie.vc, xaxx><; ev
voncp McovoTi, 6v e8eoKev Kvpioq 6 9eo<; 'Iopar|A,-
This Esdras came up from Babylonia, and he was a skilled scribe in the
law of Moses, which the Lord, the God of Israel had given;
243. Cf. also 2.2.2.

244. The relevant passages are 1 Esd. 2.15, 16, 19, 25 and 2 Esd. 4.8-9, 17, 23.
245. In addition to the passages discussed below, the translation also occurs in
2 Esd. 18.13 and 22.26.
246. The Greek quotations are taken from R. Hanhart, Esdrae liber I (Septua-
ginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, 8.1; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1991) and Esdrae liber II (Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, 8.2; G8t-
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993) while the translations are based on the
NRSV.
The title ypctuuxxTeiii; in both 1 and 2 Esdras translates the Hebrew

"1310. The adjectives e\><|>\)T|<; ('skilled', 'clever') and layy^ ('swift',
'quick') reflect the ambiguity of the expression TITO ~IS10 in the Heb-
rew text. The implications of the description of Ezra as a scribe who
was skilled in the law of Moses have been discussed elsewhere and do
not need to be repeated here.247 1 Esd. 8.3 provides clear proof that the
author knew of Ezra's designation as a scribe.248 This is significant
because in the remaining passages which refer to Ezra with titles, the
author chose to use an unusual title. For example, in 1 Esdras' intro-
duction to King Artaxerxes' commissioning letter and in the letter
itself, Ezra is designated as priest and reader or the law of God. The
letter is addressed to Ezra as follows:
1 Esd. 8.9
BamXeuq 'Apta!;ep41te 'Ea6pa tq> iepel Kai dvavvcooTT) toti VOUOD
Kuptov xcdpew.
King Artaxerxes to Ezra, the priest and reader of the law of the Lord,
peace.
The term ~130 has been rendered dvayvcooiTiq, a term which means
'reader' but can also designate a slave who is trained to read or a secre-
tary.249 In contrast to 1 Esd. 8.8-9, 2 Esd. 7.11-12 faithfully translates
the titles ~IDO and jitD as ypauiuxtevK; and iepevx;.250 The two combina-
tions of Ezra's titles, iepeijq and dvcryvcocrrn^ in 1 Esdras and tepexx;
and ypaujicfievs in 2 Esdras, appear consistently in the context of Arta-
xerxes' commissioning letter and Ezra's public reading of the law.251
It seems likely that the key for the understanding of Ezra, the priest
and reader, in 1 Esdras lies in the importance ascribed to the public
reading and interpretation of the law.252 The reading was requested by
247. Cf. 2.2.2. The translation and commentary in Coggins and Knibb may serve
as an example of how deep-rooted the modern concept of Ezra as a Torah scholar
is. Without any discussion they translate Ezra's title as 'scholar' and explain that
Ezra's title was a religious title which corresponds to the 'scribes' mentioned in the
Gospels (Coggins and Knibb, Esdras, pp. 56-57).
248. This is independent of whether the author used a common source with
Ezra-Nehemiah or revised Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles.
249. So LSI.
250. Interestingly, both Greek versions with different titles for Ezra claim to
quote an accurate copy of King Artaxerxes' letter.
251. 1 Esd. 8.8, 19; 2 Esd. 7.11,21.1 Esd. 9.39,42, 49; 2 Esd. 18.1,4,9.
252. Coggins and Knibb again refer the reader to the similarity between Ezra's
title and the New Testament writings (Lk. 2.46). However, this comparison is based
the people who had gathered in front of one of the Temple gates in
Jerusalem. After Ezra had finished the reading of the law, the governor
Nehemiah supposedly said to Ezra and to all the Levites that this day of
the reading should be celebrated as a sacred day.253 The author of
1 Esdras emphasizes one particular function of Ezra, his public reading
of the law, by designating Ezra dvayvcoatrii;TOUvonoi). The author
stressed what he obviously regarded as Ezra's most important function
in the postexilic community. It is probable that the author of 1 Esdras
chose the Greek term dvayvcoairii; because it can designate both a
reader and a secretary.254 In this way he was able to include in the title
both Ezra's position as a secretary and what he regarded as Ezra's most
important function. This increased emphasis on Ezra's function as a
reader of the law may be significant. It may be interpreted as evidence
that much importance was assigned to the reading of the law in the
author's own society and that it was associated with priests and scribes.
Furthermore, 1 Esdras provides evidence for the view that Ezra's title
"1210 was not universally regarded as important in Jewish tradition.255
The Appointment of Scribes and Judges

A further passage which is part of Artaxerxes' letter requires discus-
sion. This is the only instance where 2 Esdras is inconsistent with
regard to the use of the term ypauuctTEvx; in the translation of the Heb-
rew text. In the letter, Ezra is invested with the authority to appoint
officials in the province 'Beyond the River' to judge (Jews?) according
to Jewish law.
1 Esd. 8.23
KOI ou, "EaSpa, KOTO if|v ao<t>iav -rovi 6eoi) dvd8evf;ov Kpvtdq iced
Siicacrcdi;, OTCOK; 8iKd£axjiv ev 6Xrj Suplct Kat OoiviKrjrcdvTCK;TOXJS
eTtvcraxu.evotx; TOY v6(iov Tofi eeoO aoir KOITO\)<;U.TI eittcrra|xevo\)q 8e
8i8d!;ev<;.
on their inaccurate translation of dvayvoxmii; as 'doctor of the law' and on the use
of the same term in some English translations of the Gospels where the Greek reads
either 8i8dcKaXoi; or vouo8v8daKaXo<; (Coggins and Knibb, Esdras, p. 59).
253. 1 Esd. 9.39,49 and 2 Esd. 18.1, 9.
254. To my knowledge this observation was first made by Talshir (cf. Talshir,
'1 Esdras', p. 142).
255. This emphasis on reading and the omission of reference to the title 'scribe'
in association with Ezra can also be found in Josephus's writings, although this
probably goes back to the latter's use of 1 Esdras. For a lack of interest in Ezra, cf.
also the Hymn of the Fathers in Ben Sira (2.3.6).
And you, Ezra, according to the wisdom of God, shall appoint judges
and magistrates (judges) to judge in all Syria and Phoenicia all those
who know the law of your God and to instruct all those who do not
know it.
2 Esd. 7.25
And you, Ezra, according to the wisdom of your God which is in your
hand, appoint scribes and judges who may judge all the people beyond
the river, all such as know the laws of your God; and those who do not
know you shall teach.
MT Ezra 7.25
And you, Ezra, according to the wisdom of your God appoint judges and
magistrates (judges) and they shall judge all the people who are beyond
the river, all such as know the laws of your God and those who do not
know you shall teach.
The Hebrew text and 1 Esdras use two different terms for judges to
designate two groups of officials, tDD!D and |'"l and KpvtT|<; and
SiKacTTriq.256 2 Esdras, on the other hand, translates the Hebrew terms
as ypct|j.ucn:e!<; and Kpitai. We can only hazard a guess about the rea-
sons for the reference to scribes in this context in an otherwise fairly
literal translation. It is possible that the Hebrew text used by the trans-
lator of 2 Esdras actually read D'lQtDI D'£D32?257 orD'1Q271 DnSO.258
Both combinations occur in Chronicles where they were translated as
ypauiux-ceiq and KpiTai.259 Alternatively, the translator may have mis-
read the Hebrew ]'rn ]'USffii as jTII pEtO, a mistake which is easily
made and would also have resulted in the use of the terms ypctuumeiq
and KpiTai in the translation. In any of these cases, 2 Esd. 7.25 does
256. Note that this translation suggests that the author of 1 Esdras was familiar
with the Hebrew text, since he represents it more accurately.
257. Or ptDGfc ]'BSttf.
258. Or pBtf) pSO.
259. 1 Chron. 23.4; 2 Chron. 26.11; 34.13; cf. also Kpitdi; KOV ypau-
HaToeiCTaYCoyeii; in Deut. 16.18.
not provide any new information about the translator's notion of

scribes. Alternatively, the translator deliberately chose to render 'pCDBCD
]TTI as YpauuaTei.<; Koti Kpudq. This would suggest that he was famil-
iar with the notion of scribes in association with judges, either from
contemporary society or a common perception of the past.260 However,
this interpretation remains a very speculative guess.
Zadok, the Scribe

Finally, a reference to Zadok, the scribe, can be found in 2 Esd. 23.13
but not in 1 Esdras. In agreement with the Hebrew Neh. 13.13, Zadok
is said to have been appointed by Nehemiah as one of the treasurers of
the tithe. 2 Esdras translates Zadok's title "1D10 as ypauumeiiq and no
further information about the translator's notion of scribes can be
derived from this passage.
Conclusion
It can be concluded that both the translator of 2 Esdras and the author
of 1 Esdras were familiar with Ezra's designation as priest and scribe.
While no information can be derived from the consistent rendering of
the Hebrew "1310 as ypanuOTexx; in 2 Esdras, 1 Esdras allows for some
speculation about the importance assigned to the reading of the law in
the author's contemporary society. The author of 1 Esdras was obvi-
ously familiar with the existence of Jewish scribes in the role of influ-
ential and powerful officials in the Achaemenid empire (Shimshai,
Ezra). However, he showed no particular interest in Ezra's designation
as scribe. Instead, he emphasized Ezra's function as reader of the law
which he seems to have considered of crucial importance to the restora-
tion of the community. This may indicate that in the author's con-
temporary society much importance was assigned to the public reading
of the law. Furthermore, the evidence is open to the interpretation that
priests and scribes in the author's society were associated with the
reading of the law. It is possible that readers of the Scriptures were
designated with the title dvayvc6atr|<;.
Further, 2 Esd. 7.25 may be interpreted as evidence for the involve-
ment of scribes in the administration of justice and their association
with judges. However, it has been concluded that this view is based on
an unlikely interpretation of the evidence.
260. Compare, however, the translation of the term "IBBJ in the LXX Deuteronomy
(2.3.1).
2.3.8.1 Maccabees
The book 1 Maccabees covers events of the Maccabean period from the
building of the gymnasium in Jerusalem and the beginning of the Mac-
cabean uprising to the establishment of religious and political indepen-
dence and the murder of Simon in 135 BCE. This account is prefixed
with a short reference to King Alexander the Great's achievements and
the spread of Hellenistic culture. 1 Maccabees has been transmitted as
part of the Septuagint but it is generally believed to have been com-
posed in a Semitic language, possibly Aramaic but more likely Hebr-
ew.261 As we will see below in the discussion of the evidence for
scribes, this may be significant.
The author of the book remains anonymous. By modern scholars he
has been identifed as a Pharisee, Sadducee, or one of the Asidaioi but
there is no conclusive evidence in support of any of these views.262
There is, however, general agreement among scholars that he was a
supporter of the Hasmonaean dynasty.
1 Maccabees can be dated somewhere between the death of Simon in
135 BCE and the invasion of the Romans in 63 BCE. General consensus
places the composition of the book around 100 BCE.263 Recently, how-
ever, Schwartz has argued that a date around 130 BCE is more likely.
According to his view, the negative attitude to non-Jews and the por-
trayal of the Hasmonaeans in 1 Maccabees only fits the situation before
the expansion of the Hasmonaean state. The book's negative attitude to
non-Jews is inconceivable at a time after many non-Jewish territories
had been included into the Hasmonaean Kingdom and after their popu-
lations had been judaized.264
With regard to the historical reliability of the narrative it is generally
agreed that, with the exception of a few errors, the author was well
informed on both Jewish and Seleucid matters. The author's precise
261. Origen and Jerome supposedly still knew the original Semitic text
(W. Dommershausen, 1 Makkabder, 2 Makkabder [Neue Echter Bibel, 12; Wiirz-
burg: Echter Verlag, 1985], p. 6; J.A. Goldstein, / Maccabees [AB, 41; New York:
Doubleday, 1976], pp. 14-16).
262. For bibliographical reference, cf. J. Sievers, The Hasmoneans and their
Supporters: from Mattathias to the Death of John Hyrcanus I (South Florida Stud-
ies in the History of Judaism, 6; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990), pp. 2-3.
263. E.g. Sievers, Hasmoneans, p. 3; Dommershausen, Makkabder, p. 6; Schiirer
et al., History of the Jewish People, III. 1, p. 181.
264. S. Schwartz, 'Israel and the Nations Roundabout: 1 Maccabees and the Has-
monaen Expansion', JJS 42 (1991), pp. 16-38.
sources are unclear but most scholars accept the majority of the quoted
documents as genuine while allowing for some changes and misunder-
standings due to the translation. However, despite the factual historical
outlook of 1 Maccabees, it is necessary to discern the bias of the author
(Tendenz) and consider conflicting reports in 2 Maccabees.265 1 Mac-
cabees was clearly intended as a propaganda document for the
Hasmonaean dynasty, probably to justify its claim to both the high
priesthood and the throne. This naturally influenced the portrayal of the
individual Maccabean leaders and the selection and presentation of the
events. Stylistically and linguistically, it is significant that the author
used the historical books of the Bible as a model. He seems to have
intended his portrayal of the Maccabean leaders as a continuation of the
biblical narratives in Judges and Kings.266
Scribes are mentioned twice in 1 Maccabees. They appear first in the
context of the war between Judas Maccabaeus and his army on one side
and neighbouring gentile nations on the other. This war began after,
and was incited by, the purification of the Temple in Jerusalem and the
restoration of its cult. After several victories over the Idumeans, Baian-
ites and the Ammonites, Judas and Jonathan set out to defeat Timotheus
and his army at Gilead. For the second attack against his enemy, who
was encamped at the other side of a river, Judas had to lead his troops
through a river.
1 Mace. 5.42267
And as Judas approached the torrent of water, he posted scribes of the

9fi£
people by the torrent and commanded them saying...
265. Grabbe, Judaism, I, p. 223; Sievers, Hasmoneans, pp. 3-4; Dommershausen,

Makkabaer, p. 7; Goldstein, I Maccabees, p. 26.
266. For examples illustrating this observation, cf. Goldstein, / Maccabees,
pp. 6-10, 14; cf. also E. Bickerman, The God of the Maccabees: Studies on the
Meaning and Origin of the Maccabean Revolt (SJLA, 32; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979),
p. 17.
267. The Greek quotations are taken from W. Kappler, Maccabaeorum liber I
(Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, 9.1; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Rup-
recht, 3rd edn, 1990) and this translation is based on Goldstein, I Maccabees.
268. While Goldstein translates ypaujiaTeii; Toti Xaoti as 'officers of the army',
Dommershausen renders this expression more literally as 'Heeresschreiber*
Judas is said to have positioned scribes by the river with the order to
lead the soldiers through the water to the attack and not allow the army
to halt. This role suggests that the scribes were army officials of a
higher rank. There are two possible explanations for the reference to
scribes in this military context since the Greek 1 Maccabees is most
probably a translation of a (non-extant) Hebrew original and in other
Greek translations of biblical books ypctuumetx; translates both 1310
and ~ICD1$. Most probably the author referred to officers (d'HOC?) in
Judas's army. The translator would have rendered the term as scribes
(ypaia-umeic;) in agreement with its standard translation in other biblical
writings. This view receives some support from the fact that the author
of 1 Maccabees modelled his account in style and language on histori-
cal biblical writings. Furthermore, the identical expression ypaufiaTei<;
TO\) A,ao\) can be found in LXX Josh. 1.10.269 It translates D^n "HtDttf and
it is likely that this expression was also found in the original 1 Mace.
5.42.270 If the author of 1 Maccabees designated officers in Judas's
army as DHCDC? and the translation of this title as ypa|iumei<; depended
on its translation in other biblical books, 1 Mace. 5.42 does not provide
any information about scribes at the time of the composition of the
book.
There is, however, an alternative interpretation of 1 Mace. 5.42. It is
not inconceivable that the original Hebrew referred to D"HS10 in the
passage under consideration. This may have reflected either the actual
functioning of scribes in higher official positions within Judas's army
and/or the author's notion of scribes. Scribes are attested for the
Ptolemaic and Seleucid armies which supports either view.271 In the
(scribes of the army) (Goldstein, / Maccabees, p. 291; Dommershausen, Mak-

kabaer, p. 44).
269. Josh. 1.10 is the only occurrence of this expression in the Hebrew biblical
writings. ypa|jjicn:ei<; translating D'HCDtD in a military context can also be found in
Josh. 3.2-3 and Deut. 20.5, 8, 9. The parallels between 1 Mace. 5.42 and Josh. 1.10
include the reference to scribes as officials giving commands and the crossing of a
river to attack the enemy.
270. Independently, cf. J. Kampen, The Hasideans and the Origins of Pharisa-
ism: A Study in 1 and 2 Maccabees (Septuagint and Cognate Studies Series, 24;
Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988), p. 118.
271. For scribes in the Ptolemaic army, cf. the discussion of the Greek versions
of Deut. 20. 5-9, 4 Kgs 25.19, Isa. 36.22, and Jer. 52.25 (2.3.1). For a brief discus-
sion of the scarce evidence for the Seleucid army, cf. B. Bar-Kochva, The Seleucid
Army: Organization and Tactics in the Great Campaigns (Cambridge Classical
Ptolemaic and Seleucid military context, scribes are associated with the
mustering of the people and the organization of the army. It has been
observed that by the time the events recorded in 1 Mace. 5.42 took
place, the Maccabees' guerrilla warfare had turned into better organized
and more standard military tactics.272 Better organization and increased
manpower may explain the existence of scribes in Judas's army.273
The only other reference to scribes in 1 Mace. 7.12-13 is more prob-
lematic. In these passages they are portrayed as (part of) a group which
unsuccessfully attempted to make peace with the Seleucids without the
support of the Maccabeans. In the preceding section the author
describes the death of Antiochus IV and the resulting struggle for the
Seleucid throne to which Demetrius finally succeeds.274 The new king
appoints Alcimus, who is described by the author as the leader of 'all
the sinful and wicked men of Israel', to the high priesthood.275 Alcimus
is sent with one of the king's friends, Bacchides, to Judaea. It is
recorded that by sending Judas a false peace offer they attempted to
destroy him and his army. Judas, who was supposedly alarmed by the
size of the Seleucid army, did not accept their offer. Another group of
Israelites, however, is said to have trusted Alcimus and Bacchides' on
the grounds that a high priest would not deceive them.276
Studies; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp. 85-87. Cf. also the
role of scribes in the Roman army in R.W. Davies, Service in the Roman Army
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1989), pp. 21-23,43.
272. This is partly the result of changed political and territorial circumstances
(B. Bar-Kochva, Judas Maccabaeus: The Jewish Struggle against the Seleucids
[Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989], pp. 141-42).
273. Interestingly, 1 Mace. 3.55-56 contains a close parallel to Deut. 20.5-9. As
Judas organizes his army for battle, he appoints officers and addresses the people
according to the biblical command, allowing those who have built houses, had mar-
ried, planted a vineyard, or are timid to go home. However, while in Deut. 20.5
D"HCDEi/ypa|i|j,aTei<; address the people, 1 Mace. 3.55 mentions Tryoi)n.evoi TOV Axxov
in this context. This suggests that the author of 1 Maccabees used neither DHCDE? nor
DHSO in this context, rendering tentative support to the view that in the early stage
of guerilla warfare scribes did not function as officers in the army.
274. 1 Mace. 6.1-7.4.
275. 1 Mace. 7.5.
276. 1 Mace. 7.14.
1 Mace. 7.12-13
(12)
(13)
(12) A company of scribes277 was gathered together unto Alcimus and

Bacchides to 'seek justice', (13) the Asidaioi were the first among the
sons of Israel that sought peace of them.278
Alcimus is said to have arrested sixty of those who had attempted to

negotiate a peace deal and to have executed them all on one day as part
of his campaign to subject the country.
The interpretation of 1 Mace. 7.12-13 is problematic for a variety of
reasons. First, there are several possible translations of 1 Mace. 7.13;
secondly, much of the interpretation of the passage depends on how the
relationship between the scribes and the Asidaioi is perceived; and
thirdly, the identity of the Asidaioi themselves is problematic.279 Verse
13 allows for four different translations, but the exact meaning cannot
be established without the non-extant Semitic original.280 For my dis-
cussion of 1 Mace. 7.12-13 the translation quoted above will be used
since it provides the least difficulties with regard to the Greek text. It
leaves the relationship between the scribes in v.12 and the Asidaioi in
v.l3 open, which brings me to the second point. A partial or complete
identification of the scribes with the Asidaioi is suggested by the fact
that v.l3 seems to elaborate on v.12.281 Some support for the identifi-
cation is provided by the close similarity in expression between the
277. Dommershausen translates 'Schriftgelehrte' who, according to his interpre-

tation, were not identical with the Hasidim (Dommershausen, Makkabder, p. 54).
Similarly, Goldstein renders YpaujiaTeiq as 'men learned in the Torah' and states
that every group of pietists (Hasidim) had their scholars learned in the Torah
(Goldstein, I Maccabees, pp. 326, 331-32).
278. This translation is based on P.R. Davies, 'Hasidim in the Maccabean
Period', JJS 28 (1978), pp. 127-40 (136).
279. Interestingly, Josephus in his account of the same events (Ant. 12.395-96)
does not identify specific groups, he simply states that some citizens believed the
peace proposal (for Josephus's partial silence on scribes, cf. discussion in 2.5).
280. For possible translations and a brief discussion of their respective diffi-
culties, cf. Davies, 'Hasidim', pp. 136-37.
281. So Kampen who follows Keil (Kampen, Hasideans, p. 119; C.F. Keil, Com-
mentar fiber die Biicher der Makkabaer [Leipzig: Dorfling und Franke, 1875],
p. 128).
cruvaycoyfi 'Aai8aicov in 1 Mace. 2.42 and the cruvaycoyn YPal4iai;£cov

in 1 Mace. 7.12.282 If the partial or complete identification ofAsidaioi
and scribes is assumed, the question of the identity of the former arises.
This is a complex and difficult matter which is beyond the scope of this
study.283 Some considerations which relate to the study of scribes will,
however, be included in the following. In 1 Mace. 2.42 the Asidaioi are
described as mighty men devoted to the law who joined Mattathias in
his campaign against the persecution imposed by Antiochus IV. They
are said to have agreed with Mattathias's view that it was necessary to
break the Sabbath to fight in self-defence. The Asidaioi's designation as
'mighty men' (iaxDpoi 8wd|iei) suggests strength, authority and a
high rank, but it can also have military connotations.284 The Asidaiofs
devotion to the law is emphasized in 1 Mace. 2.42 and set in contrast to
the lawlessness of men who abandoned Jewish traditions. Their com-
mitment to the law is expressed in their observation of the command-
ments and guerrilla warfare as a response to the national suppression of
all Jewish traditions and the king's decree to enforce apostasy. Much
has been speculated about the reason why the scribes/Asidaioi accepted
Alcimus and trusted Baccides.285 However, we are not told about their
terms and aims, only that they seem to have considered it possible to
negotiate with a high priest (rather than a Seleucid official). To return
to the question of scribes, 1 Mace. 7.12-13 is open to the interpretation
that scribes were identical with or part of these Asidaioi. On this basis
the following characteristics of the latter may also be associated with
282. For more details, cf. Kampen, Hasideans, pp. 117-18.
283. For a detailed discussion of the evidence for the AsidaioilHasidim, cf.
Kampen, Hasideans. For a brief and critical assessment of the various theories
identifying the Asidaioi with other known Jewish groups, cf. also Sievers, Has-
moneans, pp. 38-40; for further bibliographical references, cf. Fischer, Seleukiden,
p. 102.
284. This notion would be paralleled in the probable Hebrew original 'TTI "1T2
(cf. Kampen, Hasideans, pp. 95-107).
285. Common theories are that the Hasidim were peace lovers and pacifists, that
they sought for alternative solutions to warfare in face of the large Seleucid army
that had come with Baccides (e.g. Kampen, Hasideans, pp. 121-22, 127-28), or that
because the cult had been restored and an acceptable high priest been appointed
there was no need for further military action (e.g. F.M. Abel, Les livres des Mac-
cabees [Paris: Gabalda, 1949], p. 132). Sievers, on the other hand, argues that
Alcimus and Baccides assembled scribes to restore the law and that the Asidaioi,
because of this demonstration of concern for the law, sought peace (Sievers, Has-
moneans, p. 38).
scribes: influence and power to act on a political level; zeal for the law
in the sense that they fought for religious freedom; and a connection
with Judas's army.
There are, however, several points which suggest that 1 Maccabees'
portrayal of the Asidaioi, and therefore also the scribes, may not be
historically reliable. It has been argued that the parallel account in
2 Maccabees must be considered in an evaluation of the historicity of
1 Mace. 7.12-13.286 2 Maccabees 14 paints a very different and much
fuller picture: Nicanor was sent to install Alcimus as high priest and
Judas is said to have made a peace agreement with Nicanor; the activi-
ties of the Maccabees are said to have ceased; Judas is reported to have
settled down and married. Furthermore, Judas is portrayed as the leader
of the Asidaioi, the term designating the whole of the resistance move-
ment. Apart from general considerations about 1 and 2 Maccabees,
there are three reasons why the description of these events in 2 Mac-
cabees may be considered more accurate than its parallel in 1 Mac-
cabees. First, it is easy to see why the author of 1 Maccabees may have
wanted to change the presentation of the events and the behaviour of
the Maccabees, since they did not fit into his general image of the
heroic Maccabees. He may have wanted to convey the notion that only
part of the resistance movement, not the Maccabean leaders, attempted
to negotiate a peace deal with the Seleucids. Secondly, 1 Mace. 7.12-13
is ambiguous. Thirdly, it makes perfect sense that, as reflected in
2 Maccabees, the whole movement was designated with the Hebrew
term D'TOF! or the Aramaic N^TOn. Although there is a wide range of
connotations associated with the term TOPI in the biblical writings, in
the Psalms it can refer to the righteous who are opposed to sinners. Fur-
thermore, it sometimes designates fidelity to the God of Israel and zeal-
ous activity on behalf of the cult.287 It is, therefore, possible that in the
Maccabean period the term D^TOn/K^TOn designated people who were
determined to preserve their laws and religion in the face of suppres-
sion and apostasy, that is, the whole resistance movement, even though
in the biblical sense this term did not necessarily involve a violent
struggle. However, despite the probability that 2 Maccabees 14 is more
reliable with regard to the events concerning Nicanor, Alcimus, Judas
and the portrayal of Judas as the leader of the Asidaioi as the resistance
286. Davies, 'Hasidim', p. 138. For a discussion of the historical value, cf.
Grabbe, Judaism, I, p. 224; cf. also 2.3.9.
287. Cf. Kampen, Hasideans, pp. 2-17, 216.
movement as a whole, it is highly likely that the account in 1 Mace.

7.12-13 contains some truth with regard to scribes. It would be difficult
to explain the reference to scribes in this context unless they were
somehow involved in the negotiation of a peace deal or could at least
convincingly be portrayed in this role on account of their position,
interests and influence.
In this case, the ambiguity of the relationship between scribes and
Asidaioi in 1 Mace. 7.12-13 most probably goes back to the author. In
order to blur the real involvement of the Maccabean leaders in the
peace negotiations for his own literary and propagandistic purposes he
may have deliberately misrepresented the realties and thus introduced
the ambiguity into the text. Other explanations for the ambiguity are
possible but, nevertheless, also suggest that scribes either had the
power and influence to be involved in peace negotiations or could at
least credibly be portrayed in this way.288
To conclude, this view accepts the portrayal of scribes with political
influence in 1 Mace. 7.12-13 as historically reliable while it does not
presume the partial or total identification of scribes with Asidaioi. It
may be assumed that scribes were involved in the resistance movement
which as a whole was probably designated with the term Q''TOn/te<'''TOn
on account of its fight against the oppression of the traditional laws.
Therefore, as members of the movement, scribes may be characterized
as zealous for the law in the sense that they were fighting against the
suppression of Jewish laws and traditions. Scribes may have been
involved together with the Maccabean leaders in the negotiations, for
example as high military officials or influential social figures. The for-
mer view receives some support from the reference to scribes as high
military officials in 1 Mace. 5.42289 while the latter seems to be sup-
ported by the tradition about Eleazar in 2 Maccabees.290 In fact, it is
conceivable that scribes of both types of positions were involved in the
resistance.
288. The author may have misunderstood the term D'TDn/KMTOn in his sources
as a group within the movement and therefore may have identified them with the
scribes on account of his ignorance. Alternatively, the ambiguity may go back to
the translator's misunderstanding of the term D'TOn/K^TOn in the original text as
a reference to a group within the movement. In this case the author of the original
may have stated that the scribes were the first of the Asidaioi (whole movement) to
seek peace.
289. This presumes that the Greek Ypauumel^ translates DH530 in the original.
290. Cf. 2.3.9.
Conclusion
Several interpretations of the references to scribes in 1 Maccabees are
possible but they all lead us to conclude that scribes were involved in
the Maccabean resistance and probably had some political influence or
could feasibly be portrayed in such a role. They were remembered for
their zeal for the Jewish law and customs which led them to fight
against oppression and apostasy. This zeal for Jewish law should be
understood in the context of persecution, that is, the Seleucid measures
to eradicate Jewish religion and customs.
Scribes may also have functioned as high officials in Judas's army,
although this cannot be determined with any certainty since these
officials may not have been designated as scribes in the original of
1 Mace. 5.42. With regard to the Asidaioi it remains unclear whether
the term designated the whole of the resistance movement of which
scribes should be considered a part or whether the Asidaioi were a dis-
tinctive part of the movement with which scribes may be totally or
partially identified.
2.3.9. 2 Maccabees (Eleazar)

2 Maccabees covers a much shorter period of Jewish history than
1 Maccabees and differs in both style and purpose. The author's source
and his purpose are set out clearly in 2 Mace. 2.23-25. The book claims
to be an abridgement of the non-extant five volume work of a certain
Jason of Cyrene and narrates events in the period from 175-161 BCE. It
spans the history from Heliodorus's (sent by Seleucus IV) unsuccessful
attack on the Temple treasury and the religious persecution to Judas's
decisive victory over Nicanor. Prefixed to this epitome are two letters
supposedly written by the Jews of Jerusalem and Judaea. The letters
call on the addressees, the Jews in Egypt, to observe the festival of the
purification of the Temple in Jerusalem. The epitome itself was inten-
ded for entertainment as well as a source of wisdom and edification.291
It explains the origins of the two festivals 'Hanukkah' and 'Day of
Nicanor' as well as confirming the holiness of the Jerusalem Temple.
The epitome's main part is formed by three stories of attacks on the
Temple and its defence.292 Two accounts of martyrdom, including that
291. 2 Mace. 2.25.

292. R. Doran, Temple Propaganda: The Purpose and Character of 2 Mac-
cabees (CBQMS, 12; Washington, DC: Catholic Biblical Association of America,
1981), p. 75.
of Eleazar, the scribe, can also be found in 2 Maccabees. While 1 Mac-

cabees can be described as propaganda for the Hasmonaean dynasty,
2 Maccabees seems to be propaganda for the Temple in Jerusalem,
possibly against the Temple in Leontopolis.293
Suggestions for the date of 2 Maccabees range from the second cen-
tury BCE to the first century CE.294 It is necessary to distinguish
between the date for the epitome and the addition of the letters, but due
to the lack of conclusive evidence neither can be determined with cer-
tainty. On account of the book's threat against the adoption of foreign
ways, the desire, to show that Jews only fight when attacked, and the
portrayal of Simon as incompetent, it has been suggested that it was
written during the early years of the reign of John Hyrcanus. With its
message, 2 Maccabees seems opposed to Hyrcanus's territorial expan-
sion, forced judaization of Gentiles, and his use of mercenaries. If this
is correct, the book may be dated in the last third of the second century
BCE.295
The author of 2 Maccabees remains anonymous.296 His book has
been preserved as part of the Septuagint but in contrast to 1 Maccabees,
it seems to have been written originally in good literary Greek.297 On
account of references to divine intervention and miracles in 2 Mac-
cabees, it has frequently been argued that this book belongs to the genre
of 'tragic history' or 'pathetic history'. Recently, however, it has been
pointed out that no such category existed in Hellenistic historiography.
This is not to deny that 2 Maccabees narrates the events dramatically,
but this should be ascribed to the author's rhetorical skills employed to
heighten the tension of the account.298 This brings us to the next point:
to what extent are the accounts in 2 Maccabees historically reliable?
Until recently the more matter-of-fact 1 Maccabees has been preferred
over 2 Maccabees but the latter's importance as a historical source
seems to become increasingly accepted. Even though its chronology is
more confused, 2 Maccabees seems to provide more detailed and
293. J.J. Collins, Daniel, First Maccabees, Second Maccabees (Old Testament
Message, 15; Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1981), p. 264.
294. Cf. Doran, Temple, p. 111.
295. For a brief discussion of this issue, cf. Doran, Temple, pp. 111-13.
296. The attempts to identify the author with any of the known groups, e.g.
Pharisees, are futile and unconvincing. For a brief discussion of the issue, cf.
Sievers, Hasmoneans, pp. 7-8.
297. Doran, Temple, pp. 45-46.
298. Doran, Temple, pp. 84-97.
accurate information on other aspects.299 For example, the authenticity

of the documents which are quoted is widely accepted and 2 Mac-
cabees' account of the events leading up to the suppression of Jewish
religion and traditions is now widely judged to be more accurate.300
2 Maccabees contains the earliest surviving elaborate accounts of
martyrdom by Jews for their laws. King Antiochus Epiphanes is said to
have ordered that Eleazar, a man of high status and prestige, should be
forced to eat the meat of pagan sacrifices, in this case pork, which was
forbidden to Eleazar by Jewish law. Eleazar is described as follows:
2 Mace. 6.18301
EXed£apo<; TIC; TWV TcpcorevovTcov ypa|ip.aTecov, ctvfip r|8r| TtpopejJriKax;
TTIV TiXiKiav Kai ti\v rcpoaoxi/iv TOI> rcpoacoTtoi) KaXXiaToq, dva%av(bv
TivayKaêTO (jjayeiv veiov Kpeaq.
Eleazar, one of the foremost scribes, a man now advanced in age and of
noble presence, was being forced to open his mouth to eat swine's flesh.
By the people in charge Eleazar was offered a chance to only pretend to

eat the meat from the pagan sacrifices. He, however, refuses this offer
outright, saying that he would not compromise the law of God but
would rather die for the law and in this way set an example for young
people.302 The author ascribes Eleazar's decision for martyrdom to his
nobility, reverence for the holy laws, and the wisdom of his age. His
choice is described as worthy of the superiority of his rank.303 Eleazar
seems to have been highly respected but 2 Maccabees does not indicate
from which expertise or qualities he derived his title ypci|j,|iaTet)<; and
his social standing. It is conceivable that Eleazar occupied a high offi-
cial position as a scribe but there is no evidence to substantiate this
view. All that can be derived from this passage with certainty is that the
author associated a scribe with a prestigious position and such qualities
as wisdom, nobility, and reverence for the laws.304 With these kinds of
299. Cf. Bar-Kochva, Judas Maccabaeus, p. 171.

300. Grabbe, Judaism, I, p. 224; Sievers, Hasmoneans, p. 10; Collins, Mac-
cabees, pp. 259, 263.
301. The text is taken from W. Kappler and R. Hanhart (eds.), Maccabaeorum
liber II (Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, 9.2; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 2nd edn, 1976) and the translation based on the NRSV.
302. 2 Mace. 6.21-28.
303. 2 Mace. 6.23, 28.
304. Cf. also Sir. 38.24-39.11 (2.3.6). It is interesting to note that in a later
tradition, preserved in 4 Maccabees, Eleazar is referred to as a priest and vojiiKoq.
characteristics Eleazar may represent the type of scribes who seem to

have been involved in the resistance movement as referred to in
IMacc. 7.12.305
2.4. Evidence for Scribes in the Roman Period

(63 BCE-Second Century CE)
2A.I. Psalms Scroll (David)
The only possible reference to a scribe in the sectarian texts among the
Dead Sea Scrolls can be found in the Psalms Scroll HQPs3.306 This
incomplete scroll contains several non-canonical psalms in addition to
biblical ones. On palaeographical grounds the Psalms Scroll has been
dated to the first century CE.307 The content of the scroll may of course
be much older but cannot be dated with any certainty.
In column 27 King David is praised for his wisdom, knowledge and
literary activity. A total of 3600 psalms and 4050 songs are ascribed to
him, a number which challenges even Solomon's reputation as a com-
poser.308
HQPsa27.2-5309
2
3
4
5
2 And David, the son of Jesse, was wise (or: a wise man), and a light
like the light of the sun, a scribe,
3 intelligent and perfect in all his ways before God and men
4 and the Lord gave him a discerning and enlightened spirit and he
wrote
5 3600 psalms and songs to sing before the altar...
The use of this title, which in Roman times became to designate a legal expert,
suggests that the (author thought that the) audience of 4 Maccabees understood
vo|iiK6<; better in the context of the story than the title ypamiacevq.
305. Cf. 2.3.8.
306. Although the term "ISO appears more frequently, it usually refers to books
or means 'written' (e.g. 4QCatenaa (4Q177); 1QH 11.24). For references, cf. J.H.
Charlesworth, Graphic Concordance to the Dead Sea Scrolls (Princeton Theologi-
cal Seminary Dead Sea Scrolls Project; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1991), p. 432.
307. Sanders, Psalms Scroll, p. 5.
308. 1IQPs3 27.4-10; 1 Kgs 5.12 (cf. Sanders, Psalms Scroll, p. 92).
309. The Hebrew text is taken from and the translation based on Sanders, Psalms
Scroll.
In HQPsa 27.2 David is described with the terms DDR and "1D10. There
is no other evidence from the period under consideration for a tradition
which designated King David as a scribe. There is, however, nothing
unique about the association of the title ~1D1D with David as other great
figures of the past, such as Moses, were also occasionally designated as
scribes.310 HQPsa 27.2-11 as a whole suggests that the author thought
of a "IS10 as more than a mere professional writer, copyist or secretary
although the title was probably connected to David's writing and/or
authorship of psalms and songs. The passage further reflects the notion
that David's intelligence, wisdom, piety and his inspiration by God
were the source of his literary activity and are closely linked. In fact,
David's characteristics as portrayed in 1 lQPsa 27.2-11 are paralleled in
Ben Sira's description of the ideal scribe/wise man.311 This includes the
combination of "1D1D and DDF1, the association of these terms with wis-
dom, inspiration by God and piety. These parallels suggest that the
author of 1lQPsa 27 may have had a similar notion of a scribe as Ben
Sira. To go a step further, it is not inconceivable that the title "1210
could also be associated with the writing and/or authorship of the
sacred scriptures in general. This view may be derived from the fact
that David, the scribe, is portrayed as composing and writing psalms
which were reckoned among the sacred writings. This theory can, how-
ever, be no more than speculation.
2.4.2. Philo
The extensive corpus of Philo's preserved works has been studied in
association with many aspects of Alexandrian Jewish society. The
scarcity of information about scribes and their functions stands in
marked contrast to the wealth of information he gives on other top-
ics.312 Philo, who lived in Alexandria, was probably born between 20
and 10 BCE which implies that his writings may be ascribed to the first
half of the first century CE.313
Philo refers only twice to scribes, once to Jewish and once to Egyp-
tian scribes. The latter appear in the context of an account of events
leading up to the riots in Alexandria and the persecution of the
310. Cf. Targ. Neofiti i to Num. 21.18 and to Deut. 33.21 (2.4.14).
311. Cf. 2.3.6.
312. Cf. the discussion of the possible significance of Philo's lack of references
to Jewish scribes in section 2.5.
313. Schurer et al., History of the Jewish People, III.2, p. 816.
Alexandrian Jews in 38.CE. In Flaccum mentions the ypaujiciTeic; of the

Roman prefect of Egypt.314 The scribes appear to have been the prefect
Flaccus's instructors or advisors on Egyptian affairs. Although this pas-
sage does not contain any information on Jewish scribes, it provides
evidence that Philo was familiar with scribes in high official positions
outside the Jewish community.
The second passage which refers to scribes can be found in Philo's
treatise De agricultura. In his allegorical exegesis of Gen. 9.20-21,315
Philo develops an argument about the necessity of man to develop his
ability to distinguish between good and evil and the perfection of his
character. He argues that it is necessary to engage in 'warfare' against
the sophists, whom he accuses of adulteration of the truth.316 In this
context Philo quotes the law of exemption from Deut. 20.5-8. As in the
biblical text, Philo's quote refers to the scribes who addressed the
assembled people and offered those who have recently built a house,
planted a vineyard, got engaged, or are timid to be exempt from mili-
tary service.
Agr. 148317
The command is given through the scribes of the army, when war is near
and already at the very doors. What they are to say is this: 'Who is the
man that has built a new house and has not hanselled it? Let him go and
turn back to his house, lest he be killed in the war and another man
hansel it...'
Philo continues by pointing out why this law was not meant to be
understood literally.318 Although it is necessary to understand the con-
text of the biblical quote in Philo's argument, his allegorical inter-
pretation does not refer to the scribes at all. The difference between the
314. Place. 3.
315. Agr 1.
316. Agr. 157-81.
317. The Greek text and the translation is taken from F.H. Colson and G.H.
Whitaker (eds.), Philo, III (LCL; 12 vols.; London: Heinemann, 1954).
318. Agr. 149-56.
biblical text and Philo's quote, however, may be significant: the Septu-
agint refers to the officials who addressed the people as ypauuorceic;,
while Philo has ypa.wi.melc, -rife 0Tptraa<;. It is highly probable that
Philo used a Greek rather than a Hebrew version of the sacred scrip-
tures but it cannot be determined whether his text was identical with the
one that has been preserved.319 It is likely that the difference between
Philo's quote and the preserved Greek text should be ascribed to Philo
since Greek manuscripts have not preserved variants with regard to
scribes in Deut. 20.5. This means that the specification of the scribes as
scribes of the army should be ascribed to Philo. Most likely he did so
without noticing. He probably quoted the relevant passage, which
clearly associates the scribes with a military context, from memory.
Furthermore, Philo must have been familiar with scribes as military
officials from other biblical books. In this case, Philo's specification of
the scribes as military officials does not provide any information about
his notion of scribes other than that he was familiar with the biblical
one.
There is, however, the possibility that Philo's change of the biblical
text with regard to scribes was informed by the role of scribes in con-
temporary society. He may have wanted to clarify the text for his audi-
ence, stating explicitly that these scribes were military officials. This
view receives support from the evidence for scribes in the Ptolemaic
and Roman armies.320
In short, Philo's specification of scribes as scribes of the army in Agr.
148 may have been influenced either by the context of Deuteronomy
and the biblical writings in general, by the contemporary employment
of scribes in the army, or both.
2.4.3. Kaige-Theodotion Translation

Soon after the first Greek translation of the biblical writings was made
there was a movement towards its revision for a better representation of
319. For a discussion of differences between the LXX and biblical quotations in
Philo's text, cf. P. Katz, Philo's Bible (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1950). He does, however, not comment on the discrepancy between Agr. 148 and
the biblical text.
320. For evidence of scribes in the Ptolemaic army, cf. the discussion of the
Greek translations of Deut. 20.5-9, 4 Kgs 25.19, Isa. 36.22, and Jer. 52.25 (2.3.1);
for scribes in the Roman army, cf. Davies, Roman Army, pp. 21-23, 43; for scribes
in the Roman army in Egypt, R. Alston, Soldier and Society in Roman Egypt
(London: Routledge, 1995), p. 97.
the Hebrew original.321 The earliest known revision is the so-called

Kaige-Theodotion, for which the terminus ad quern has been deter-
mined at approximately 50 CE, although it is likely that it was made
earlier.322 Its translation technique can be described as midway between
the two extremes of a very literal and a highly interpretative translation.
It has already been stated above in the introduction to the sources
that unfortunately very little has been preserved of this translation.323
Only one relevant passage containing a translation of the Hebrew word
"ISO has been preserved.324
In the translation of Ezek. 9.2 a reference to the writing case of a
scribe ("ISO DOp) has been rendered as KOEOTU Ypaujiateox;. While DOp
has been transliterated as Kaon), "ISO has been translated as ypau-
umetx; in agreement with the standard translation of the Septuagint.
The transliteration suggests that the translator may not have known
what exactly the DOp was. Nevertheless, the translation of Ezek. 9.2
seems to indicate the notion of scribes as writers.
It is further interesting to note that in Prov. 6.7 the Kaige-Theodotion
translates the Hebrew term "102?, which in the Septuagint is also usually
rendered ypauiicrueuq, as eKpicccmiq ('executor', 'oppressor'). The
evidence is too scarce to support conclusions with regard to the transla-
tor's notion of scribes but this translation of "ICD2J is open to the interpre-
tation that the translator distinguished between scribes as professional
writers and other officials who were not associated with writing.325
321. S.P. Brock, 'To Revise or not to Revise', in G.J. Brooke and B. Lindars
(eds.), Septuagint, Scrolls and Cognate Writings (Septuagint and Cognate Studies,
33; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992), pp. 303-38. On revisions and new translations,
cf. also L.L. Grabbe, The Translation Technique of the Greek Minor Versions:
Translations or Revisions?', in Brooke and Lindars (eds.), Septuagint, Scrolls,
pp. 505-56 (505-10, 516-17).
322. This view is based on the close similarity between the translations ascribed
to Theodotion in the Hexapla and the Greek Minor Prophet Scroll from Nahal
Hever which on palaeographical grounds can be dated around 50 CE (Tov,
'Septuagint', pp. 182-83).
323. Cf.2.1.
324. No other passages with Greek terms designating scribes are extant. As a
source for the Kaige-Theodotion translation Field's edition of the Hexapla has been
used (F. Field, Origenis Hexaplorum Quae Supersunt: Sive Veterum Interpretum
Graecorum in Totum Vetus Testamentum Fragementa [2 vols.; Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1875]).
325. Cf. also Aquila's and Symmachus's translations (2.4.10).
2.4.4. Josephus on Biblical History

The first twelve books of Josephus's Jewish Antiquities recount the
events of the biblical period up to the end of the Maccabean revolt. As
a source for these books Josephus used almost exclusively biblical writ-
ings. Although he was probably familiar with the Hebrew and Aramaic
biblical texts, he seems to have mainly used a Greek translation of the
Bible.
Josephus completed the Jewish Antiquities in Rome in 93 or 94
CE 326 ji^g twenty-volume work was mainly intended for a Greek and
Roman audience and was written with the aim to extol the Jewish
people, culture and heritage and to show the antiquity of the Jews.327
Generally, the books of the Jewish Antiquities which run parallel to
the biblical books differ in many aspects from the text of the Greek
Bible despite Josephus's claim to accuracy.328 This section will inves-
tigate what kind of changes he made to his biblical text with regard to
scribes.329 In the vast majority of cases the portrait of scribes in the bib-
lical period is not affected by Josephus's changes to the biblical texts
and Jewish Antiquities simply reflects the biblical notion of scribes.330
These passages do not require any further discussion. However, in three
instances which will be discussed below, Josephus's changes are
potential indicators of his own notion of the role of scribes in the past
or their role and function in his contemporaneous society. Although
Josephus's Greek text may have differed from the one that has been
preserved in the Septuagint, it will be apparent that the discrepancies
326. Schurer et al., History of the Jewish People, I, p. 48.

327. S. Mason, Josephus and the New Testament (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson
Publishers, 1992), pp. 64-71; Kasher, Hellenistic Cities, pp. 9-10; P. Bilde, Flavius
Josephus between Jerusalem and Rome: His Life, his Works and their Importance
(JSPSup, 2; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1988), pp. 93-94; Schurer et al, History of the
Jewish People, I, p. 48. For more information on Josephus's background and
biases, cf. introduction to 2.4.5.
328. Ant. 2.347. Josephus introduces new material and differs in phraseology and
sequence but to a high degree follows the contents of the biblical books accurately
(Bilde, Josephus, pp. 80-81).
329. Passages referring to scribes in the post-biblical period are discussed sepa-
rately (2.3.4; 2.4.5).
330. For references, cf. K.H. Rengstorf, A Complete Concordance to Flavius
Josephus (Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1973-83).
with regard to scribes should be ascribed to Josephus himself rather

than a different Vorlage.331
Ant. 6.120 is part of Josephus's account of King Saul's military cam-
paign against the Philistines. After the plundering of the enemy camp,
Saul's soldiers are said to have slaughtered cattle and to have eaten the
meat containing blood. According to Josephus, this transgression of
God's law was reported to the king by scribes.
Ant. 6.120
ctTcayYeXXeToa 8e tq> paaiXel vrco TCOV ypanumeoov cm TO 7tA/ii0o<; eiq
TOV 6eov eâ|iapT(xvei Gvaav KOI rcplv r\ to al(ia KaA,wg arcoTtX-uvat
KOI tdq acxpKOtq TKnfjom KaGapdq ea9iov.
Thereupon it was reported to the king by the scribes, that the host were
sinning against God in that having sacrificed, they were now eating,
before they had duly washed away the blood and made the flesh clean.
The contents of Ant. 6.120-21 and its parallel biblical account LXX
1 Kgs 14.31-35 are basically the same but the two stories differ in
detail.332 Significant to this study is Josephus's introduction of scribes
into a biblical story which does not refer to them at all. Josephus identi-
fies those who report the soldiers' transgression to the king as ypajj,-
umeic;. In his account these scribes appear as some sort of officers in
Saul's army but their exact function remains unclear. There is no appa-
rent reason for this identification but it is likely that it stems from an
interest in a clarification of the biblical account which at this point is
rather vague.333 Josephus may have identified those who report the sol-
diers as ypau|iaTei<; on account of the general biblical notion of scribes
as officials in association with kings and the army.334 In this case, the
331. Today most scholars agree that in the first century of the common era
variants of the biblical texts were in use (cf. L.H. Feldman, 'Introduction', in
L.H. Feldman and G. Hata [eds.], Josephus, the Bible and History [Detroit: Wayne
University Press, 1989], pp. 21-22).
332. E.g. the direct speech of the biblical account has been replaced by Josephus
with indirect speech.
333. This tendency to explain and clarify is attested in much of Josephus's
rewritten biblical history.
334. Some references are provided in 2.3.1. Compare, for example, with Jose-
phus's inter-biblical interpretation of laws (so S. Pearce, 'Josephus as Interpreter of
Biblical Law: The Reinterpretation of the High Court of Deut. 17:8-12 according to
Jewish Antiquities 4.218', 7/5" 46 [1995], pp. 30-42, esp. 32) and his systematiza-
tion of biblical material (so Bilde, Josephus, pp. 94-95).
addition of scribes in Ant. 6.120 would reflect Josephus's familiarity

with the role and functions of scribes during the monarchic period. It is
not inconceivable, however, that Josephus's desire to clarify the text
was influenced by a contemporary notion of scribes.335 Josephus most
probably knew of scribes who functioned as army officials in the
Roman army.336 He may also have been familiar with scribes who
functioned as army officials in the context of the Jewish revolt against
Rome.337
A similar addition of scribes to a biblical account can be found in
Ant. 7.318-20. This passage describes King David's command to take a
census of the people, Joab's objections to this order, and the actual
numbering of the people. According to Josephus, Joab is said to have
taken the chiefs of the tribes and scribes with him in order to take the
census of the people living in Israel.
Ant. 7.319
Joab, therefore, taking along the chiefs of the tribes and scribes, went
through the country to note down the extent of the population; then after
nine months and twenty days, he returned to the king at Jerusalem and
reported to him the number of the people, excepting the tribe of Ben-
jamin and the tribe of the Levites...
The biblical parallels LXX 2 Kgs 24.4 and LXX 1 Chron. 21.4 are
much shorter and refer to fewer individuals who were involved in the
census. Josephus added several details to the biblical accounts: for
example, the exact time Joab needed to number the people, the tribes
which were not counted, and, most importantly, the scribes who helped
Joab to take the census. According to LXX 2 Kgs 24.4, Joab and the
commanders of the army (apôviei; TTJC; 8\)vaueax;) took the census.
LXX 1 Chron. 21.4 only mentions Joab although the commanders are
mentioned earlier (1 Chron. 21.2). In contrast, according to Josephus,
335. Cf. also Philo's change of the biblical text with regard to scribes (2.4.2).
336. Cf. 2.4.2.
337. Cf. the discussion of the reference to the scribe of the strategos Eleazar in
Ant. 20.208-209 (2.4.5).
Joab takes the chiefs of the tribes (dpxovieq TCOV (jwXcov) and scribes
(ypajj.n.a'ueiq). The introduction of scribes in Ant. 7.319 may be
explained in various ways. Josephus may simply have added scribes to
Ant. 7.319 because of their writing expertise, a skill which he may have
considered essential for the taking of a census. Alternatively, Jose-
phus's association of scribes with Joab, the commander of the army,
may suggest that he thought of scribes as military officials. He may
have derived this notion from the biblical association of scribes with
kings and the army338 or could have been influenced by the functions of
scribes in association with the army in his contemporary society.339
Josephus may have made these changes consciously or unconsciously.
On account of his sloppy use of the biblical texts the general biblical or
a contemporary notion of scribes could easily have influenced his
description of events. In any case, Ant. 7.319 indicates that scribes were
associated with the recording of information about the people and
probably also with writing expertise.
The third relevant passage describes events at the Persian court
which have their biblical parallels in the book of Esther. Ant. 11.244-68
contains an account of Raman's plot against the Jews and its failure.
Josephus describes how in a sleepless night King Artaxerxes ordered
books containing the records of the kings to be brought and read to him
and how he discovered that Mordechai had not yet received any reward
for his loyalty. According to Josephus's account, the king ordered a
scribe to read from the records.
Ant. 11.248340
For that night he (God) deprived the king of sleep, and as he did not
wish to waste his wakeful hours in idleness but to use them for some-
thing of importance to his kingdom, he commanded his scribe to bring
him both the records of the kings who were before him and those of his
own deeds, and read them to him.
338. Cf. discussion of Ant. 6.120 above; for an explicit biblical association of a
royal scribe with a census, cf. 2 Chron. 26.11.
339. The story indicates a military purpose behind David's order for a census
(2 Kgs 24.9; Ant. 7.320).
340. AlsoAnf. 11.250.
It can again be observed that Josephus changed the style of the bibli-
cal text in various ways, for example by substituting indirect for direct
speech and clarifying details of the story. Most importantly, Josephus
introduced a scribe as the reader of the records. The biblical text only
states that the books were read, but not by whom. Josephus's addition
of a Ypccfiumexx; in the position of a high royal official suggests that he
was familiar with scribes in this role. Scribes as court officials would
have been the obvious candidates for the identification of an unknown
reader of the records. Several other passages support the view that
Josephus was aware of the role of scribes as readers to kings during the
monarchic period.341 Josephus may have derived this knowledge from
both the biblical writings and general knowledge about royal courts. It
can be concluded that the introduction of a scribe in Ant. 11.248 and
250 reflects Josephus's knowledge of the role of scribes as royal
officials and their association with reading expertise.
Summary
It may be concluded that the changes with regard to scribes may have
been introduced by Josephus on account of his familiarity with scribes
as military officials and as officials at the royal court, both in the past
and present. Knowledge of the role of scribes in the past was probably
derived from his general knowledge of the biblical books. He may have
introduced scribes into the stories discussed above in order to clarify
the vague biblical text or simply because he did not remember the
original accurately. Alternatively, it is possible that the addition of
scribes in a military context was influenced by Josephus's knowledge
of the employment of scribes in the army in his contemporary society.
Josephus is likely to have been familiar with scribes in the Roman army
but it cannot be excluded that he also knew of Jewish scribes in asso-
ciation with the First Revolt.
In any case, Josephus's changes to the biblical text with regard to
scribes suggests that he associated them with reading and writing skills.
2.4.5. Josephus on Jewish History in the Roman Period

This section will present the evidence for the role and function of
scribes as reflected in Josephus's Jewish War and those books of his
Jewish Antiquities which cover the Roman period.
The Jewish War was completed by Josephus in Rome in the late
341. Ant. 10.58-59 and Ant. 10.94-95.

seventies. It was apparently first written in Aramaic before it was later

translated into Greek.342 Josephus wrote and published the Jewish War
with Roman imperial assistance and approval. The work was intended
for a mainly Graeco-Roman readership.343 The Jewish War and the
Jewish Antiquities display a pro-Roman and anti-Jewish zealot view-
point. The Jewish War aims to portray the Jews and the Roman
emperors in a positive light while blaming the First Revolt on revolu-
tionaries and brigands and trying to absolve Josephus's own class, the
priestly aristocracy, from responsibility. Josephus further explains his
own participation in the war and his desertion to the Romans.344 His
own person and his class are generally portrayed in a favourable light.
With regard to Josephus's background it is generally acknowledged
that he belonged to the nobility and the priestly class but what is usu-
ally interpreted as Josephus's claim to be a Pharisee has recently been
questioned.345 The date and intention of Jewish Antiquities has already
been introduced briefly in the previous section.346
References to professional scribes in the relevant books of the Jewish
Antiquities (13-20) and the whole of the Jewish War are scarce.347 Only
two general references to scribes and three references to individual
scribes can be found in the context of the Jewish history of the Roman
period.
The first reference to professional scribes occurs in War 1.479 and its
parallel in Ant. 16.203348 in the context of the continuous trouble
342. War 1.3 (Schiirer et al, History of the Jewish People, I, p. 47). Mason
argues that in the process of the translation from the Aramaic it was practically re-
written (S. Mason, Flavius Josephus on the Pharisees [SPB, 39; Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1991], pp. 60-62).
343. Bilde, Josephus, pp. 76-78.
344. Mason, Josephus, p. 67; S.J.D. Cohen, Josephus in Galilee and Rome
(Columbia Studies in Classical Tradition, 8; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979), pp. 97-98;
Kasher, Hellenistic Cities, pp. 8-9; Bilde, Josephus, pp. 74-76.
345. Cf. G. Stemberger, Jewish Contemporaries of Jesus: Pharisees, Sadducees,
Essenes (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995), pp. 6-7; Mason, Flavius Josephus,
pp. 339-40, 355-56; and S. Mason, 'Was Josephus a Pharisee?', JJS 40 (1989),
pp. 31-45. For bibliographical references to scholars who argue for Josephus's
association with the Pharisees, cf. Mason, Flavius Josephus, p. 355. This issue will
receive some more attention in the discussion of Josephus's silence with regard to
scribes as a group of legal experts and teachers of the people (2.5).
346. Cf. 2.4.4.
347. Cf. also 2.5.
348. Although Ant. 16.203 presents the story in a slightly different way, this
between Herod and his sons Alexander and Aristobulus. The two sons
are accused of arrogant behaviour and of having threatened and
offended their brothers and Herod's wives.
War 1.479
The daughter reported this with tears to Salome; and she added that
those around Alexander had threatened the mothers of their other broth-
ers, when they succeed to the kingdom, to make the women workers at
the loom together with the slave girls and to make the brothers into vil-
lage scribes, laughing at them since they had been carefully educated.349
This passage provides evidence for the existence of village scribes in

Herod's kingdom. It furthermore suggests that members of the royal
household considered village scribes (Ktoux&v jpaâxelq) to be of a
very low social status.
Village scribes may have been private individuals whose profession
it was to write documents and maybe also to copy texts. It is, however,
more likely that village scribes were officials who were employed in
the administration of Herod's kingdom. Josephus provides very little
information about Herod's administration but it may be assumed that
Herod had left the bureaucratic system, which in many aspects dated
back to the Ptolemaic occupation, relatively unchanged.350 It is there-
fore legitimate to derive some information about village scribes in
Herod's kingdom from the functions attested for the KoouoYpa|j.|u.a'tet><;
in Egypt. Numerous papyri from Egypt refer to the Kcouoypaiauaietx;
as the administrator of the smallest unit, the village. His functions
included the registration of information related to tax matters, the writ-
ing of records and documents for villagers and their registration in
does not affect the information concerning scribes.

349. This translation is based on that provided by H.St.J. Thackeray, Josephus,
II. The Jewish War, Books /-/// (10 vols.; LCL; London: Heinemann, 1961).
350. So e.g. A.H.M. Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Empire (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1971), pp. 272-73; A. Schalit, Ko'nig Herodes (S3, 4; Berlin:
W. de Gruyter, 1969), pp. 183-223, esp. 216-17; M. Stern, 'The Reign of Herod
and the Herodian Dynasty', in S. Safrai and M. Stern (eds.), The Jewish People in
the First Century (CRINT, I.I; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1974), p. 250.
archives, and the dealing with other or higher authorities on behalf of

the villagers.351 If these or similar functions were fulfilled by village
scribes in Herod's kingdom these scribes may have been considered of
a low social status by the ruling class but would have possessed some
power and influence in their immediate environment, the village. It is
likely that scribes derived prestige from their scribal expertise in the
context of a rural society where the majority of people were illiterate
and depended on their services with regard to written documents.
Power would have been derived from a scribe's position as an official
representative of the royal administration. Writing expertise and
knowledge of the formulae of official documents are likely to have
been required for the position of a village scribe but they may not
always have been well-educated.352 This may be implied by Josephus's
comment that making the princes village scribes would be scoffing at
their careful education.
The second reference to a scribe occurs in the context of further
trouble between Herod and his sons. A letter had been discovered
which contained proof that Alexander and Aristobulus had planned to
murder their father Herod. The princes defended themselves by accus-
ing Herod's scribe Diophantus of having forged the letter as part of an
intrigue against them.
Warl.529353
This letter Alexander declared to be the handiwork of Diophantus, Dio-

phantus being the scribe of the king, an audacious fellow who had a
351. E.g. P. Cair. Zen 59275 (251 BCE); P. Teb. 44-51 (end second century BCE);
CPJ IE 478(112 CE).
352. There is evidence from Egypt that an illiterate individual could also become
a village scribe in which case 'literacy' could be obtained in the form of a literate
slave. Petaus was such an illiterate village scribe who was unable to write more
than his signature (cf. H.C. Youtie, 'AFPAMMATOZ: An Aspect of Greek Society
in Egypt', in H.C. Youtie [ed.], Scriptiunculae II [Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1973], pp.
612-13). However, since in Egypt by this time the position of the Ka>ux>ypau|iaTeiL)<;
was part of the liturgy system which required individuals to fulfil a certain function
for a limited period of time, no generalizations about the literacy of scribes should
be made from this example.
353. AlsoAnr. 16.319.
clever knack of imitating any handwriting, and who, after numerous

forgeries, was eventually put to death for a crime of that nature.
Whether Diophantus was Jewish or not cannot be determined. In any

case, he obviously occupied a very high official position at Herod's
court as the king's secretary and seems to have had much influence and
power on account of his position and writing skills. As a scribe of the
king his responsibilities are likely to have included dealing with corres-
pondence and other reading and writing required by the king.
A further individual scribe is mentioned in Josephus's account of the
first Jewish rebellion against Rome. A group of sicarii supposedly kid-
napped the scribe of the strategos Eleazar in order to force the release
of ten other sicarii who had been taken prisoners by the procurator
Albinus.
Ant. 20.208-209
Once more the sicarii at the festival, for it was now going on, entered the
city by night and kidnapped the scribe of the strategos Eleazar—he was
the son of Ananias the high priest—and led him off in bonds. They then
sent to Ananias saying that they would release the scribe to him if he
would induce Albinus to release ten of their number who had been taken
prisoner.354
It is generally understood that the strategos Eleazar, the son of the

high priest, is identical with the strategos Eleazar mentioned in War
2.409 where much influence over the Temple personnel is ascribed to
him. In any case, no information about the functions of the scribe of
Eleazar is provided and again we can only speculate. He may have been
the private secretary of Eleazar with possible responsibilities like the
writing of correspondence, documents and maybe lists and records. The
blackmailing by the sicarii suggests the scribe was of some influence or
importance himself, indicating that he may have been more than a mere
professional writer. It is not implausible that as the scribe of a strategos
in the context of the war against Rome, he may have been a military
354. This translation is based on that provided in L.H. Feldman, Josephus. IX.
Jewish Antiquities, Books XVIII-XX(\Q vols.; LCL; London: Heinemann, 1965).
official. Eleazar's title strategos is, however, insufficient evidence to

support this view and since we have no information about the functions
of Eleazar himself, the view that the scribe functioned as a military
official cannot be substantiated.
The fourth reference to a scribe, a named individual, appears in an
account of the final stages of the first revolt. When Simon, a revolu-
tionary who had become master of Jerusalem in 70 CE slaughtered his
former ally Matthias and other eminent men, the scribe Aristeus was
one of the victims.
War 5.532
After these a priest named Ananias, son of Masbalus, a person of dis-

tinction, and Aristeus, the scribe of the council, a native of Emmaus, and
along with them fifteen eminent men from among the people were exe-
cuted.355
Josephus uses the definite article when referring to Aristeus, the

scribe of the council (6 ypajiiiaTeix; IT\C, po\)Xf|<;). This implies that
Aristeus fulfilled the function of a scribe in the council of Jerusalem
rather than being a member of the council who also happened to be a
scribe. Assumptions about possible functions of this scribe of the coun-
cil largely depend on how we determine the actual function of the
council itself. This is a matter of much complexity which is beyond the
limits of this dissertation.356 According to my view, the arguments in
favour of the description of the council of Jerusalem as an aristocratic
city council, convened by the high priest or the king on an irregular
basis, are the most convincing. This view suggests that in addition to an
advisory function, this council was probably also responsible for the
collection of taxes on behalf of the Romans and might have had some
355. This translation is based on S.Th.J. Thackeray, Josephus. III. The Jewish
War, Books IV-VII (10 vols.; LCL; London: Heinemann, 1961).
356. The problem is caused by the contradictions and inconsistencies between
Josephus's references to the council of Jerusalem, the sanhedrin of the rabbinic
sources, and the synedrion in the New Testament writings (cf. H. Mantel, Studies in
the History of the Sanhedrin [Harvard Semitic Series, 17; Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1961], pp. 54). For a discussion of scholars' attempts to solve the
problem, cf. Mantel, Sanhedrin, pp. 55-101.
limited judicial functions.357 The fact that Aristeus was executed

together with other eminent men by their political enemy indicates that
he was more than a simple clerk. Aristeus seems to have been quite an
influential and important figure, but it remains unclear whether his
status and influence was derived from his official position as a scribe of
the council, his expertise, or from his social background. Most likely,
his status and influence was derived from all three factors. With regard
to the actual functions of the scribe of the council we can only specu-
late. Since it is improbable that the council of Jerusalem was the city
council of a Greek polis, the position of Aristeus cannot be interpreted
by reference to the scribes of the Greek po\)A,r|.358 It may, however, be
assumed that he was responsible for the writing of records and corres-
pondence and possibly possessed some legal expertise on account of
his training and education.359
It is evident that the four references to scribes just discussed reflect
the common Graeco-Roman notion of a scribe: a secretary, clerk or
official whose functions, it can be assumed, involved writing and who
could be found on various levels of the administration and the govern-
ment. Even if the functions of, for example, the Jewish village scribes
or the scribe of the council differed from those of their non-Jewish
Graeco-Roman counterparts, Josephus's audience would have been
able to make sense of the titles in their respective context. In this sense
357. So Goodman, Ruling Class, pp. 112-16; Sanders, Judaism, p. 472; for an
extensive discussion of all the relevant sources for a council during the Second-
Temple period, cf. Goodblatt, Monarchic Principle, pp. 77-130; cf. also the dis-
cussion concerning Sank. 4.3 below (2.4.11).
358. The characteristics of a Greek city state council are missing (V.A. Tcheri-
kover, 'Was Jerusalem a 'Polis'?', IEJ 14 [1964], pp. 66-72). The scribes of a
povXii were state officers who were elected by lot and responsible for the drawing
up of public records and decrees.
359. An example from mediaeval Swiss cities demonstrates how the title desig-
nating a scribe (Stadtschreiber) came to be associated with more authority and
prestige than was usually associated with it. In cities, the Stadtschreiber gained
knowledge of and expertise in the law on account of their writing activities in the
court. Since at that time all judges were laymen, untrained in the law, the scribes
were the only experts in the law present in the courts. Despite their reputation for
expertise in the law, however, the scribes retained their title as Stadtschreiber and
were not designated as judges (cf. F. Elsener, Notare und Stadtschreiber [Cologne:
Westdeutscher Verlag, 1962], pp. 15-24, 58-59). I am very grateful to K.H. Bur-
meister for drawing my attention to this parallel.
his portrait of Jewish scribes was in accordance with the notion of

scribes of his Graeco-Roman audience.360
There is, however, one more passage which is crucial for our under-
standing of Josephus's notion of scribes which has so far not received
much attention. In an account of events that took place towards the end
of the first revolt in 70 CE Josephus interpolates a list of omens and
signs that had supposedly occurred before the outbreak of the war and
which he believes to have predicted the downfall of Jerusalem.361 He
stresses that these signs were interpreted in very different ways by the
ordinary people and the experts. The following statement concerns the
interpretation of a bright light that was supposedly seen in the Temple.
War 6.291
By the inexperienced this was regarded as a good omen, but by the

sacred scribes it was at once interpreted in accordance with after events.
No additional information is provided by Josephus about the identity,

background, or the general status and functions of these sacred scribes
(iepOYpau|Laxei<;). All we know is that Josephus thinks of them as
learned and experienced interpreters of signs and therefore able to pre-
dict the future.362 With this particular kind of expertise the sacred
scribes differed from the common Graeco-Roman notion of a scribe as
a clerk, professional writer or secretary. The question arises why Jose-
phus used the term tepoypauuaTeic; in War 6.291. The easiest explana-
tion would be that in first century Palestinian society a group of people
existed who were designated as iepoypauumeii; and who, maybe
among other skills, were known for expertise in the prediction of the
future and the interpretation of signs and omens. This view presumes
that Josephus's reference is historically accurate with regard to both the
title and the associated expertise, which is perfectly plausible. How-
ever, it is probable that things were more complicated since such a
group or designation for individuals is not attested for Jews anywhere
360. Saldarini has argued along similar lines in Pharisees, pp. 261-64.
361. War 6.288-311.
362. Later with regard to another sign—the opening of the gates of the Temple—
Josephus repeats that, to the uninitiated this seemed like a good omen but that the
learned (oi Xoyioi) understood that it predicted the coming desolation of the
Temple (War 6.295).
else in Jewish literature, secular documents or contemporaneous

inscriptions.
For a better understanding of Josephus's notion of iepoypauumeii;
and an explanation why he may have used the term to designate some
of his contemporaries, we have to turn to the other two passages in his
writings which mention sacred scribes. They appear in Josephus's own
version of the exodus of the Jews from Egypt and also in his quote
from the Egyptian writer Chaeremon which concerns the same
events.363 In both instances, the term iepoypctuuateiq designates
Egyptian and Hebrew sacred scribes, including Moses and Joseph.364 In
both accounts the Egyptian sacred scribes are said to have been skilled
in the interpretation of signs and dreams and the prediction of the
future. In the hierarchy of the Egyptian temples sacred scribes formed
the 'scholarly class of priests' whose functions included, among others,
'the interpretation of dreams, foretelling the future, and especially cul-
tivating the knowledge of the ancient Egyptian scripts.'365 Unfortu-
nately, we cannot determine with any degree of certainty how many
functions of Egyptian sacred scribes were known to Josephus but I
would like to suggest that a clue for the understanding of his reference
to Jewish sacred scribes might lie here. In War 6.291 Josephus used the
term iepoypauumeiq to designate a group—not necessarily a well-
defined group—that was associated with the interpretation of signs and
the prediction of the future. It is plausible that at least one other skill
known to have been associated with Egyptian sacred scribes was also
responsible for Josephus's choice of title: knowledge and expertise of
the sacred texts. This view is based on the following observations.
First, Josephus does not associate exclusively one specific class or
group (using the term 'class' in a loose sense) with the interpretation of
the sacred scriptures and the law. Priests, Pharisees, Essenes and
sophistai are among those explicitly associated with expertise in the
363. Chaeremon is said to have been a sacred scribe himself, a fact that may or
may not have been known to Josephus (cf. P.W. van der Horst, Chaeremon, Egypt-
ian Priest and Stoic Philosopher [Etudes Preliminaires aux Religions Orientales
dans TEmpire Remain, 101; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1984]).
364. Apion 1.289-92; Ant. 2.205, 209, 234, 243, 255.
365. Van der Horst, Chaeremon, p. x; cf. also the inscription on the Rosetta stone
in S. Quirke and C. Andrews, The Rosetta Stone (London: British Museum Publi-
cations, 1988), p. 16; A.K. Bowman, Egypt after the Pharaohs: 332 BC-AD 642:
From Alexander to the Arab Conquest (London: British Museum Publications,
1986), p. 180.
Scriptures.366 Neither is the interpretation of signs and the prediction of

the future associated with one specific class or group.367 Essenes, sacred
scribes and others who claimed to be prophets and messiahs are
reported to have used this skill.368 Finally, and most importantly, Jose-
phus explicitly relates skill in the prediction of the future and inter-
pretation of signs and omens to knowledge and expertise in the sacred
writings. In his books, this combination of expertise is associated with
the Essenes and Josephus himself.369 Admittedly, Josephus makes an
explicit connection between these two types of expertise only twice, but
it is conceivable that he simply took it for granted that the accuracy of
an interpretation of a sign or dream or the prediction of future events
would necessarily depend on knowledge of and expertise in the Scrip-
tures. Considered individually, none of the three points just discussed
prove very much but they have some cumulative strength to suggest
that the Jewish sacred scribes mentioned in War 6.291 may also have
derived their accuracy as interpreters of signs and foretellers of the
future from expertise in the Scriptures. On this basis it is plausible to
argue that the term iepoypauucxTeit; in Josephus may have designated
the same type of individuals as the term Ypa|iuaTei<; in some other
sources since the name and expertise of both are very similar. It seems
366. Priests: War 3.252; Apion 2.187, 194; Pharisees: War 2.162; the two
sophistai Judas and Matthias: Ant. 17.149-67; War 1.648-55, esp. 648-49.
367. It may be added that there does not seem to be a clear distinction between
prediction of the future, interpretation of signs, visions and dreams, and prophetic
speech (cf. also R. Gray, Prophetic Figures in Late Second Temple Jewish Pales-
tine [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993], p. 31).
368. E.g., Judas, the Essene: War 1.78-80, Ant. 13.311-13; Menaemus, the
Essene: Ant. 15.373-79; Simon, the Essene: Ant. 17.345-48; a prophet in the
Temple: War 6.285; Theudas: Ant. 20.97-99; the Egyptian: Ant. 20.169, War 2.261-
63; a multitude of prophets: War 2.259; prophets at end of war: War 6.286. It is of
no importance to the argument here that Josephus criticizes some so-called
prophets and unskilled interpreters for misleading the people. This only reflects
Josephus's judgment and shows that prophetic action, prediction of the future and
interpretation of signs were practised widely.
369. Josephus's interpretation of his dreams is inspired by knowledge of the
sacred writings: War 3.340-91, esp. War 3.352-53.1 owe this observation to Gray's
critique of Loeb's translation of the relevant passage and her strong argument in
favour of the connection between Josephus's claim to knowledge of the biblical
prophecies and the interpretation of his dreams (Gray, Prophetic Figures, pp. 52-
53). Essenes are qualified interpreters of dreams and visions and predicted the
future accurately because they are knowledgeable in the holy books: War 2.159.
likely that on account of his non-Jewish audience Josephus may have

wanted to distinguish scribes with, in a Graeco-Roman perception,
unusual skills like the prediction of the future, the interpretation of
signs and possibly expertise in the Scriptures, from scribes as officials
and professional writers. The title tepoypauumeic; must have seemed
an ideal choice. Jewish scribes, who had other than professional writing
expertise, could be distinguished and their association with sacred
things, such as divine signs, dreams and the sacred writings, could be
made explicit.
Summary
Josephus's notion of scribes in his society seems to agree with the gen-
eral Graeco-Roman notion of scribes as officials in various positions of
the government and administration. There is no reason to doubt that
scribes fulfilled these positions in first-century Jewish society although
they may also have had additional functions not generally associated
with scribes in Graeco-Roman society. Especially the scribe of the
council of Jerusalem may have had expertise and prestige not generally
ascribed to the scribes of city councils. Josephus may not have wanted
to mention these skills or functions on account of his Graeco-Roman
audience's perception of scribes. Furthermore, Josephus's use of the
term lEpOYpauumeif; for some of his contemporaries suggests that he
may have wanted to distinguish these scribes with other than writing
expertise, including the interpretation of signs, the prediction of the
future, and possibly expertise in the Scriptures, from scribes as profes-
sional writers and officials.
2.4.6. New Testament

The books of the New Testament are exceedingly important for the
study of Judaism in the Second-Temple period despite the fact that their
use as a source for the writing of the social and political history of
Judaism is highly problematic. Scribes are frequently mentioned in the
Synoptics and Acts but do not occur in the Gospel of John370 or, with
370. It is nowadays generally agreed that the story of the adulterous woman
(Jn 7.53-8.11) has been inserted into the text at a later stage and was not part of the
original Gospel. The passage is missing in the best and earliest manuscripts (cf.
B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament [Stuttgart:
Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1994], pp. 187-89; B. Aland and K. Aland, The Text of
the New Testament: An Introduction to the Critical Editions and to the Theory and
one exception, in the various letters which have been preserved as part
of the New Testament. Before we move on to discuss the evidence for
scribes in more detail, some general remarks on the question of the his-
toricity of the Gospels and their literary dependency will be made.
The Gospels and Acts reflect a later Christian perspective on events
which took place at least a few decades before their date of composi-
tion. Furthermore, these writings exhibit anti-Jewish tendencies to
varying degrees. Both aspects have the potential to distort the accuracy
of the portrayal of the role and functions of scribes in Jewish society.
Moreover, the lack of conclusive evidence does not allow us to deter-
mine the authors, their background and intentions, the dates and places
of origin of these writings with any certainty. This severely hampers
any attempt to determine the historicity of the Gospels and Acts.371 It
may be added that for our purposes the question of historicity is not so
much a question of how true these writings really are with regard to the
events they relate, but how accurately they reflect the realities of Jewish
society in pre-70 Palestine.372
With regard to the literary relationship of the Gospels, it is undis-
puted that the similarity in material and order can only be explained by
assuming literary dependency. However, the issue is hotly disputed by
scholars and many different theories of dependency between the
Gospels have been developed to explain the phenomenon.373 Although
for a long time the priority of Mark in conjunction with the Two-
Source hypothesis has been treated like an axiom in New Testament
scholarship, recently other views have become increasingly popular and
challenged this so-called consensus.
Practice of Modern Textual Criticism [Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1987],

pp. 227, 302; E. Haenchen, John: A Commentary on the Gospel of John 2 [Her-
meneia; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984], p. 22). The significance of the lack of
references to scribes in the Gospel of John will be discussed in section 2.5.
371. These problems are complex and due to the limitations of this study cannot
be discussed here in detail. Working hypotheses will therefore be outlined in the
introduction to each of the New Testament books discussed below.
372. For this purpose the writings of Josephus are of immense importance as
they describe the same world as the New Testament writings (cf. F. Millar, The
Trial of Jesus', in P.R. Davies and R.T. White [eds.], A Tribute to Geza Vermes:
Essays on Jewish and Christian Literature and History [JSOTSup, 100; Sheffield,
JSOT Press, 1990], pp. 355-56).
373. For a good overview, cf. D. Guthrie, New Testament Introduction (Leices-
ter: Apollos, 4th edn, 1990), pp. 138-49.
The Two-Source hypothesis postulates that Mark, as the earliest

written Gospel, was used independently by the authors of Matthew and
Luke, while the latter two also had access to another source, frequently
called Q.374 Q is usually presumed to have comprised the non-Markan
sections in Luke and Matthew and some passages which overlap with
Mark. There is, however, little scholarly agreement with regard to its
precise content. Over the last few decades this view has received strong
criticism from supporters of a revised form of the Griesbach hypothesis
which suggests that Matthew was the earliest Gospel and that the
author of Mark used both Matthew and Luke to produce his own
Gospel.375 With regard to the relationship between Luke and Matthew,
a matter not discussed by Griesbach, different theories have been pro-
posed. They range from limited to extensive use of Matthew by Luke.
The exponents of the revived Griesbach hypothesis point out that there
are serious problems with the Two-Source hypothesis which cannot be
ignored and that a qualified Griesbach hypothesis provides a simpler
explanation for the evidence without assuming the existence of hypo-
thetical sources.
A further proposed solution to the synoptic problem retains the pri-
ority of Mark but proposes that the author of Luke knew and used both
Mark and Matthew.376 This view argues against the assumption of the
Two-Source hypothesis that Matthew and Luke worked completely
374. This theory goes back to C.H. Weisse and was presented in a revised ver-
sion in Die Evangelienfrage in ihrem gegenwartigen Stadium (Leipzig: Breitkopf
und Ha'rtel, 1856). Streeter developed this theory further into the Four-Source
hypothesis which has since been widely accepted and is used as a basis for synoptic
studies. He proposes that in addition to the hypothetical source Q, both Luke and
Matthew each had access to a source not known to the other authors, called Proto-
Luke (including Q and L) and M respectively (cf. B.H. Streeter, The Four Gospels;
A Study of Origins [London: Macmillan, 1956 (1924)], p. 150).
375. E.g. B. Orchard and H. Riley, The Order of the Synoptics: Why Three
Synoptic Gospels? (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1987), pp. 229-33; W.R.
Farmer, 'Modern Developments of Griesbach's Hypothesis', NTS 23 (1977),
pp. 275-95 and The Synoptic Problem: A Critical Analysis (New York: Macmillan,
1964); H.-H. Stoldt, History and Criticism of the Marcan Hypothesis (Macon, GA:
Mercer University Press, 1980 [1977]); D.L. Dungan, 'Mark—The Abridgement of
Matthew and Luke', in D.G. Miller and D.Y. Hadidian (eds.), Jesus and Man's
Hope (Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, 1970), pp. 51-97.
376. M.D. Goulder, Luke: A New Paradigm (JSNTSup, 20; Sheffield: JSOT
Press, 1989).
independently and dispenses with the necessity to postulate the exis-

tence of hypothetical sources.
On account of the difficulties arising from the use of New Testament
writings, the discussion of the evidence will be structured in the follow-
ing manner. First, the portrayal of scribes in each Gospel will be inves-
tigated.377 With regard to the Gospel of Mark it will not be attempted to
recover the portrayal of scribes in the author's sources, since their
reconstruction can only be hypothetical and frequently rests on circular
arguments. The text will be treated as a unity, keeping in mind that the
author used written and/or oral sources. Concerning the Gospels of
Matthew and Luke, the Two-Source theory will be adopted as a work-
ing hypothesis to explain the similarities between Matthew, Luke and
Mark, as well as Matthew's and Luke's agreement against Mark.378
Since the contents of the presumed source Q is highly controversial and
in any case extremely conjectural, the material which is common to
Matthew and Luke but cannot be found in Mark (or in a different form
in Mark) will be referred to in a general way as Matthew's and Luke's
'common source'. Suggestions will be made about the contents of this
source with regard to scribes but it will be acknowledged that this evi-
dence is of a speculative nature. This working hypothesis will allow us
to investigate Matthew's and Luke's use of their sources with regard to
their treatment of scribes. The comparison of Luke and Matthew with
their source Mark, and to a limited extent their common source, will be
followed by an evaluation of how their understanding of scribes was
determined by their sources. It will be discussed whether the authors of
Luke and Matthew possessed independent knowledge of Jewish society
at the time of Jesus.379
Secondly, it will be discussed to what extent the information pro-
vided by the Synoptics is likely to reflect social and political realities at
377. See 2.4.6.1; 2.4.6.2; 2.4.6.3.

378. Although the evidence is inconclusive, theories which postulate the priority
of Mark seem to solve a greater number of the difficulties posed by the Synoptics.
For details of the argument which supports the priority of Mark, cf. Guthrie, New
Testament, pp. 150-53.
379. A comparison of the portrayal of Jewish leaders in the Synoptics has been
attempted by Klijn. He concludes that in the tradition the significance of the indi-
vidual Jewish groups was lost. However, his article lacks attention to detail result-
ing in broad sweeping statements (A.F.J. Klijn, 'Scribes Pharisees High Priests and
Elders in the New Testament', NovT3 [1959], pp. 259-67).
the time of Jesus. Most studies attempt to determine the historical reli-
ability of the Gospels and Acts on the basis of an author's display of his
knowledge of political, historical and geographical realities. However,
an author's familiarity with the social realities of Jewish Palestine can-
not necessarily be inferred from his display of knowledge of historical
events, geographical boundaries or details of politics. It is essential to
differentiate between, on the one hand, day-to-day social realities
which would have been familiar to the majority of common Jews like,
for example, events in the synagogues or the market place and, on the
other hand, the more complex political situation, geography or the
details of historical events of which most people would only have had a
vague understanding.
In a third step the discussion of the evidence in the Synoptics and
Acts will be followed by a brief consideration of the revived Griesbach
hypothesis in relation to the evidence for scribes in the gospels.380 It
will be explored whether this theory can provide a different plausible
explanation for the information about scribes in the individual Gospels
and their literary dependency.
Finally, the evidence of scribes in 1 Corinthians, the only letter in the
New Testament to refer to scribes, will be discussed.381
The relevant passages in the Synoptics will be presented and dis-
cussed according to categories in order to avoid repetition. Only one or
two representative passages will be quoted while others which provide
the same information will only be referred to in the discussion. Due to
the limited scope of this investigation, individual references to scribes
cannot be discussed in the same detail as other evidence in this chapter.
2.4.6.1. Gospel of Mark

The so-called Gospel of Mark is, like all others, an anonymous work,
but already in the early church it was associated with Mark, a disciple
of Peter. The earliest reference to this Gospel goes back to Papias,
Bishop of Hierapolis (ca. 130 CE). According to his statement, pre-
served by Eusebius, Papias received a tradition from 'the Elder' that
Mark was the interpreter (or translator) of Peter and wrote down accu-
rately, but not in order, all that he remembered of the Lord's saying and
doings. Papias then continues in a rather defensive way that Mark 'had
not heard the Lord, nor been a follower of his, but later (as I said) of
380. 2.4.6.4.
381. 2.4.6.5.
Peter; who used to adapt his reading to the needs [of the situation], but
not so as to make an orderly account of the Lord's sayings. So Mark
did no wrong in writing down some things just as he recalled them. For
he had one purpose only—to omit nothing of what he had heard, and to
state nothing falsely.'382 It seems that at the time of Papias the Gospel
of Mark was already less respected than the others and was obviously
regarded by some to be inaccurate.
The Gospel seems to have been written for a (mostly) Gentile Chris-
tian audience which is evident from the author's explanation of some
Jewish customs.383 The early church tradition claims that the Gospel
was written in Rome, but this may have been derived from the author's
association with Peter.384 The many Greek loan words from the Latin
found in the text do not allow us to locate the origin of the Gospel any
more precisely than to somewhere within the Roman Empire. In addi-
tion to Rome, Egypt, Antioch and Galilee have also been suggested, but
there is no evidence to support any of these theories. In any case,
Galilee as a place of origin is highly improbable due to the vagueness
and inaccuracies of the account.
The date of the Gospel of Mark and its relationship to the Gospels of
Matthew and Luke have been much disputed. According to the early
church tradition the Gospel of Mark was written after Peter's death
which suggests a date after 65 CE. Much depends on the interpretation
of Jesus' prophecies about Jerusalem and the Temple in ch. 13. The
evidence is not conclusive but has frequently been thought to reflect
knowledge of the First Revolt and the destruction of Jerusalem and the
Temple.385 Whatever the exact date of composition, the Two-Source
382. Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. 3.39.15 (quote from J.E.L. Oulton, H.J. Lawlor, and
K. Lake, Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, I [LCL; London: Heinemann, 1959]).
This tradition is also attested by Justin Martyr, in the Anti-Marcionite Prologue,
and Irenaeus, although these sources probably all depend on Papias (M. Hooker, A
Commentary on the Gospel According to St Mark [BNTC; London: Black, 1991],
pp. 5-7). Hengel argues strongly in favour of the historicity of this tradition
(M. Hengel, Studies in the Gospel of Mark [London: SCM Press, 1985], pp. 47-50).
383. E.g. Mk 7.3-4.
384. The tradition is first attested in the writings of Clement of Alexandria and
receives support by statements in the Anti-Marcionite Prologue and Irenaeus (cf.
Hooker, Mark, p. 7; Hengel, Mark, pp. 2-6).
385. For a brief discussion, cf. Hooker, Mark, p. 8. Against a post-70 date, cf.
e.g. Hengel who dates the Gospel between 68-70 CE, arguing that the destruction of
the Temple is not yet presupposed (Hengel, Mark, pp. 14-28, esp. 28); similarly,
hypothesis requires an early date for the Gospel of Mark since some
time must be allowed for it to spread before the composition of the
Gospels of Matthew and Luke. Therefore the Gospel of Mark is gener-
ally dated in the late sixties or seventies.386 In the context of the revived
Griesbach hypothesis a similar date as well as dates in the eighties or
nineties have been postulated.387
Evidence
In several passages scribes are directly or indirectly associated with
teaching and portrayed as teachers of the people. The first such refer-
ence occurs in the context of Jesus' teaching in the synagogue of
Capernaum.388 Jesus' teaching was accompanied by the casting out of a
demon and the passage ends with the following statement:
Mk 1.22389
iced eêrcAriaaovTO ETU TTJ 8i8axt\ omioir f)v yap 8i8daKO)v crutoix; oix;
eôvaiav e%cov KCCI o\)% ax; oi Ypauuateiq.
They (the people) were astonished at his teaching, for he taught them as
one having authority, and not as the scribes.
Jesus' teaching authority is compared to that of the scribes. It is implied

that scribes were teachers and that they were teaching in synagogues,
although not necessarily exclusively. Jesus' teaching authority is asso-
ciated with his power over demons.390
C.E.B. Cranfield, The Gospel According to Saint Mark (CGTC; Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1959), p. 8.
386. Hooker, Mark, p. 8; Hengel, Mark, p. 28; J. Gnilka, Das Evangelium nach
Markus (EKKNT, 2; 2 vols.; Zurich: Benziger, 1978), I, pp. 34-35.
387. Orchard and Riley, Synoptics, p. 232.
388. Mk 1.21-27.
389. The quotations of the Greek text are taken from B. Aland, K. Aland, J. Kar-
avidopouos, C.M. Martini and B.M. Metzger, The Greek New Testament (Stuttgart:
Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 27th rev. edn, 1994) and, unless otherwise indicated,
the translations are taken from the NRSV.
390. Although the vast majority of commentaries take scribes to be Torah
Qxperts/Schriftgelehrte, the contrast between Jesus' authority and the scribes is
explained in different ways. Daube's explanation of the passage, also referred to by
Hooker, is both artificial and anachronistic. He argues that the controversies
between Jesus and the Jewish authorities were based on Jesus' claim to the status of
an ordained rabbi without having received official ordination. Jesus' teaching is
understood as of a similar kind and authority to that of an ordained rabbi which
contrasts with that of teachers with no authority to develop novel doctrines.
The same notion of scribes as teachers of the people is reflected in

Mk 9.11, 12.35, and possibly also 12.28-33. Mk 12.35 provides evi-
dence that the scribes' teaching was based on the interpretation of the
scriptures while Mk 12.28-33 indicates their association with expertise
in the laws.391
Scribes are also depicted in several stories as questioning Jesus' and
his disciples' authority and power. This is most explicit in Mk 11.27-28
where the scribes, chief priests and elders are said to have asked Jesus
about the source of his authority.
M k l 1.27-28
27
28
(27) Again they came to Jerusalem. As he was walking in the temple, the
chief priests, the scribes, and the elders came to him (28) and said, 'By
what authority are you doing these things? Who gave you this authority
to do them?'
The context suggests that Jesus was questioned about his right to dis-
turb business in the Temple, although it is not inconceivable that
scribes and chief priests challenged his teaching. This episode pre-
sumes that scribes were in a position in society which allowed them
to question another teacher about the legitimacy of his actions and
According to Daube's view, the term ypamictTEiQ in Mk 1.22 designates ordinary

teachers, inferior in authority to ordained rabbis (D. Daube, The New Testament
and Rabbinic Judaism [London: Athlone Press, 1956], pp. 205-16; Hooker, Mark,
p. 63). Others criticize Daube's interpretation, arguing that ypaiiuateiq designated
ordained teachers or theologians. According to this view Jesus' authority is under-
stood as similar to that of the prophets and contrasted with teachers who derived the
authority of their teachings from tradition (Gnilka, Markus, I, p. 79-80; W.L. Lane,
The Gospel According to Mark [New London Commentary on the New Testament;
London: Marshall, Morgan and Scott, 1974], p. 72; Cranfield, Mark, pp. 73-74).
391. Luhrmann ascribes Mk 1.22, 9.11, and 12.35-37 to the redactor of the
Gospel of Mark and argues that these passages reflect contemporary conflicts of the
Markan community with Jewish authorities over dogmatic matters (D. Luhrmann,
Das Markusevangelium [HNT, 3; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1987], pp. 50-51, 157,
208-209); for a similar interpretation with regard to Mk 9.11 and 12.35, cf. Gnilka,
Markus, II, pp. 40, 169. Hooker understands Mk 12.35 to be historically accurate,
indicating that scribes were teachers of the law (Hooker, Mark, p. 293; Cranfield,
Mark, p. 380-81).
possibly also his teaching, in other words the source of his authority.
This notion is also reflected in Mk 2.6-7, 3.22, and 9.14. In these
passages scribes are portrayed as part of the Jewish leadership and are
concerned with the issue of power over demons and power to forgive
sins. It should be noted that in Mk 3.22 scribes are said to have come
from Jerusalem to Galilee.392 This suggests that scribes in Jerusalem
took an interest in what was happening in Galilee, which was part of
Herod Antipas's territory, and considered it within their authority to
question Jesus about his attitude to the laws. This may further indicate
that scribes from Jerusalem had greater influence and authority than
local scribes from Galilee, or that scribes did not function in the same
role in Galilee.393
Several passages provide evidence for the concern of scribes over
issues related to social contact and matters of the law. In three out of
the four accounts which fall into this category, the scribes appear in
opposition to Jesus, together with or as part of the Pharisees.
In the story of the calling of Levi, the tax collector (Mk 2.13-17),
scribes are said to have inquired why Jesus was staying at Levi's house
and was eating with sinners and tax collectors.
Mk2.16
394
When the scribes of the Pharisees395 saw that he was eating with sinners
and tax collectors, they said to his disciples, 'Why does he eat with tax
collectors and sinners?'
392. Cf. Mk7.1.

393. On the basis of Mk 3.22, together with Mk 7.1, some scholars have argued
that the centre of scholarly authority in the interpretation of the scriptures was
Jerusalem and that the authority of the Jerusalem scribes was well known (Gnilka,
Markus, I, pp. 79, 279; E. Klostermann, Das Markusevangelium [HNT, 3; Tubin-
gen: J.C.B. Mohr, 4th edn, 1950], p. 67). Others interpret Mk 3.22 by stating that
the sanhedrin in Jerusalem sent out official envoys to gather evidence against Jesus
(Lane, Mark, p. 330). There is no basis, however, on which the evidence for scribes
in Mk 3.22 and 7.1 should be conflated with evidence for the Sanhedrin in
Jerusalem and its influence.
394. Some manuscripts read iced oi ypauumeic; Kai oi Oapiaaioi or similar
versions (cf. apparatus in Aland and Aland, New Testament).
395. Cf. n. 394.
Scribes are shown to have been concerned by the fact that Jesus was
socializing with people they considered to be sinners. This implies that
scribes themselves obviously avoided such contact. It is not stated why,
whether on account of reasons of purity, social status, or others. With
regard to the relationship between the scribes and the Pharisees, the
manuscript traditions disagree. Some take the scribes to belong to the
Pharisees; others consider the scribes and the Pharisees to be two sepa-
rate groups. Mk 2.16 is the only instance in Mark where some, but not
all, manuscripts refer to scribes as belonging to the Pharisees. Some
copyists may have adapted this passage to the general portrayal of
scribes and Pharisees as two separate groups in the rest of the Gospel,
while other copyists would have continued to copy the original, more
difficult, reading. Alternatively, the notion that scribes belonged to the
Pharisees in Mk 2.16 may have been the result of a copy error in the
first place. Variants in ancient texts can also be caused by different edi-
tions of the same text. Once a text had left the hand of an author he no
longer had any authority over it and thus a different or corrected ver-
sion could end up being spread and copied parallel with an earlier edi-
tion.396 It can therefore be concluded that the rendering oi Ypauumeii;
TCGV Oapiaaioov was a result of either the carelessness of one or several
copyists, a deliberate change, or the author and/or his source(s) per-
ceived at least some scribes to have belonged to the Pharisees.397
Furthermore, scribes together with the Pharisees are said to have
been involved in a confrontation with Jesus over the issue of defilement
and the interpretation of the laws.398 According to Mark's account, the
conflict arose because some Pharisees and scribes had seen that Jesus'
disciples did not wash their hands before they were eating.
396. For an excellent description of ancient 'publishing' methods, cf. H.Y.

Gamble, Books and Readers in the Early Church (London: Yale University Press,
1995), pp. 83-85.
397. For the large majority of commentators this passage does not create any
difficulties, since they presume that most scribes belonged to the Pharisees (e.g.
Hooker, Mark, pp. 95-96; Lane, Mark, pp. 103-104; V. Taylor, The Gospel Accord-
ing to St Mark: The Greek Text [London: Macmillan, 2nd edn, 1966], p. 206;
Klostermann, Markusevangelium, p. 25). Others ascribe this expression to the
redactor of Mark and understand it as a link between the previous controversy
which referred to scribes and the following one which involves Pharisees
(Liihrmann, Markusevangelium, pp. 56, 59).
398. Mk 7.1-23.
Mk7.1-2
1
(1) Now when the Pharisees and some of the scribes who had come from
Jerusalem gathered around him, (2) they noticed that some of his disci-
ples were eating bread with defiled hands, that is unwashed.399
In the following verses the author of the Gospel explains that certain
rituals of purification were ancient Jewish traditions and that Pharisees
and all Jews always wash their hands before they eat and when they
come back from the market place.400 It is interesting to note that the
author's explanation does not mention scribes as part of the group of
Jews who observe the traditions of the elders. The author only refers to
the Pharisees, together with 'all Jews'. This suggests that he either
considered scribes to belong to the Pharisees or that his explanation is a
generalization.401 The purifying of cups and pots and other vessels is
also mentioned. Jesus is then questioned about the behaviour of his
disciples. Together with the Pharisees, some of the scribes accused
Jesus of a lax attitude to purity regulations because he was not con-
cerned about his disciples' breach of certain laws. Jesus' reply to the
Pharisees and scribes implies that they observed the traditions of the
elders, including purity rules and such practices as Korban. Jesus
accused the Pharisees and scribes of negating basic Mosaic laws by
observing their own traditions.402 Commentators usually identify the
'traditions of the elders' as either the oral Torah of the Pharisees or
rabbis or, alternatively, as scribal traditions.403 However, it is not stated
399. Based on NRSV.

400. Mk 7.3-4.
401. Commentators frequently understand this inaccuracy as evidence for the
author's vague grasp of the realities of Jewish Palestine at the time of Jesus and his
distance from the Jewish community (e.g. Hooker, Mark, pp. 174-75). Against this
view it has been argued that generalizations are standard practice in ancient litera-
ture (R.A. Guelich, Mark 1-8.26 [WBC, 34A; Dallas, TX: Word Books, 1989],
p. 364; Lane, Mark, p. 245).
402. Mk7.6-13.
403. Identified as oral Torah of the Pharisees: Guelich, Mark, p. 365; as scribal
traditions: Gnilka, Markus, I, p. 281; Lane, Mark, p. 245. Based on Schiirer and
Jeremias it is frequently assumed that the scribes as the theologians developed the
law while the Pharisees were a group which lived according to these laws. Hooker
that these traditions were transmitted orally or had originated with the
Pharisees or rabbis. All that can be derived from this passage with
regard to these laws is that they supposedly complemented the biblical
laws and that they were ascribed to 'the elders'.404 To return to the
scribes and Pharisees, their concern about other people's disregard of
the extra-biblical laws implies that they regarded them as universally
binding. It is further noteworthy that the scribes who were involved in
this controversy are again said to have come from Jerusalem to
Galilee.405
A further account in Mark features a scribe in association with mat-
ters of the law. While various groups challenged Jesus with tricky
questions about the law, first the Pharisees and Herodians, and then the
Sadducees, an individual scribe is said to have heard them disputing.406
As he noted that Jesus answered them well, he addressed a question to
him about the most important law of all. Jesus is said to have replied
with the so-called 'golden rule': love God with all your heart, soul,
mind and strength and love your neighbour as yourself. The scribe sup-
posedly agreed with Jesus who then responded by telling him that he is
not far away from the kingdom of God and that he has spoken wisely.
In this gospel, Mk 12.28-34 is unique with regard to the positive
portrayal of an encounter between Jesus and a scribe. While the Phar-
isees appear in opposition together with the Herodians, the individual
scribe and Jesus are portrayed as two men learned in the law who were
involved in a discussion on a matter of the law. This passage clearly
reflects the notion that at least some scribes were knowledgeable in the
laws although they were not perceived to be the only ones with this
expertise.407
is even more specific in her identification of the traditions by arguing that the
author of Mark may have wrongly associated laws of the Haberim with the scribes
and Pharisees (Hooker, Mark, pp. 174-75).
404. Note also that Josephus does not refer to the oral Torah of the Pharisees but
states that the Pharisees had passed to the people traditions (7uapd8oai<;) which had
been handed down by former generations (Ant. 13.297).
405. Cf.Mk3.22.
406. Mk 12.28.
407. Some scholars emphasize that the reference to the scribe in this passage is
redactional (so Gnilka, Markus, II, p. 164) and that the episode reflects the agree-
ment between scribes and the Markan community with regard to the insignificance
of sacrifices and the importance of the double commandment (so Liihrmann,
Markusevangelium, p. 207).
Some important information about the status of scribes in society can

be derived from Mk 12.38-40 which is part of an account of Jesus'
teaching in the Temple. This passage follows the friendly discussion
with the individual scribe and Jesus' refutation of the scribes' teaching
about the messiah. It contains a strong warning about the scribes which
Jesus is said to have addressed to the people.
Mk 12.38-40
38
39
40
(38) And in his teaching he said, 'Beware of the scribes, who like to
walk around in long robes, and to be greeted in the market places
(39) and the best seats in the synagogues and the places of honour at
feasts. (40) They devour widows' houses and for a pretence make long
prayers. They will receive the greater condemnation.'408
Despite its negative tone and complexity, information about the status
and prestige of scribes can be derived from its implications. The author
portrays scribes as wanting the best seats in synagogues and at feasts
and wanting to be greeted in the market place. It is implied that the
scribes could, on account of their status, expect the best seats in the
synagogues and at feasts and could expect to be greeted by other
people. Scribes appear to have differed from their fellow Jews in their
clothing as well as their prestige. It is not mentioned from which factors
this status was inferred, whether it was their wealth, a distinguished
family, profession, expertise or a combination of these factors.409
With regard to the 'robes' (crcoXctt) of the scribes, there is much
disagreement among scholars whether this term designates a special

409. Commentators generally assume that scribes had status and prestige in the
community on account of their expertise in the interpretation of the Scriptures,
legal expertise, and/or their function as religious leaders of the people (e.g. Hooker,
Mark, p. 295; Lane, Mark, p. 440). Some scholars argue that the warning was
originally addressed to Pharisees rather than scribes (so H.T. Fleddermann, Mark
and Q: A Study of the Overlap Texts [BETL, 122; Leuven: Leuven University
Press, 1995], pp. 187-88; Luhrmann, Markusevangelium, p. 210; Gnilka, Markus,
II, p. 173), however, the evidence is not convincing.
garment of the learned or whether it should be understood as a more

general term which designated distinguished clothes in a variety of con-
texts.410 The general use of the word <ycoA/r| in Jewish and non-Jewish
texts does not allow for the interpretation that the garment mentioned in
Mk 12.38 was a specific kind or cut for scribes or the learned. The term
can designate any luxury garments, the garments of soldiers, Levites,
priests, or kings, but also garments of women. The fact that Mark does
not provide an explanation for his readers supports the view that the
general Greek contemporary meaning of the term was envisaged,
denoting a magnificent garment or robe. The reference to the 'robes of
scribes' should therefore be understood as distinguished garments of
men of eminence and standing and/or of wealth, rather than a speci-
fically scribal robe.
The meaning of the accusation 'devouring widows' houses' in Mk
12.40 is more obscure. Several explanations have been suggested: the
phrase refers to a disregard for the rights of widows, a charge echoed
from the prophets;411 refers to abuse of hospitality or generosity;412 to
asking for money for praying;413 or the acting as trustees abusing their
position and possibly legal expertise to take more than their share.414
The exploitation of widows seems to make most sense if the scribes are
410. The tallit of the learned: Cranfield, Mark, p. 384; Klostermann, Markus-
evangelium, p. 129; H.L. Strack and P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testa-
ment aus Talmud undMidrasch (4 vols.; Munich: Beck, 1924), II, pp. 31-33. Tallit
worn when engaged in religious activity: Hooker, Mark, p. 295; also Gnilka,
Markus, II, p. 174. Luxury clothes: Luhrmann, Markusevangelium, p. 210; H.T.
Fleddermann, 'A Warning about the Scribes (Mark 12:37b-40)', CBQ 44 (1982),
pp. 56-57; white linen robes according to Lane, Mark, pp. 439-40. Special Sabbath
clothes: K.H. Rengstorf, 'Die XTOAAI der Schriftgelehrten', in O. Betz, M. Hen-
gel, and P. Schmidt (eds.), Abraham unser Vater, Festschrift fiir Otto Michel zum
60. Geburtstag (Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Spatjudentums und Urchristentums, 5;
Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1963), pp. 395-403.
411. Cf. Isa. 10.2 (so Luhrmann, Markusevangelium, p. 210).
412. Cranfield, Mark, p. 385; Taylor, Mark, p. 495; both support their view with
a reference to Josephus, Ant. 17.41-43 which contains evidence for the influence of
Pharisees over the women at Herod's court. Cf. also Strack and Billerbeck who
refer to Ant. 18.81-82 which recounts how women in Rome were tricked into giv-
ing money to fraudsters who pretended to be learned interpreters of the Mosaic
laws (Strack and Billerbeck, Kommentar, II, p. 33). While the former proof-text
does not refer to widows, the latter does not refer to Pharisees.
413. Klostermann, Markusevangelium, p. 130.
414. Hooker, Mark, p. 295; Gnilka, Markus, H, p. 175.
seen in some way involved in legal matters relating to widows' pro-

perty. Considering the general association of scribes with the law, it is
not inconceivable that they were associated with the interpretation and/
or application of laws regulating financial issues of widows after their
husband's death. That a widow's property matters were sometimes far
from clear is well illustrated by Babatha's papyri which date from
about a century after the time of Jesus.415
Finally, Mk 12.40 implies that scribes made long prayers. Although
they were accused of hypocrisy with regard to praying it is not denied
that they made long prayers which implies that they were seen, or
wanted to be seen, as pious men.
The question of the historical value of Mk 12.38-40 will receive fur-
ther discussion in the general evaluation of the evidence of the gospel
below.
A large number of references to scribes can be found in accounts
which are in some way related to the trial and crucifixion of Jesus.
Scribes are depicted as part of the Jewish leadership which is held res-
ponsible for Jesus' death. They are mentioned in the predictions of the
crucifixion and supposedly took part in the planning of Jesus' death,
condemnation and his handing over to the Roman prefect.
As an example, Mk 11.18 may be quoted. This passage describes the
reaction of the Jewish opposition after Jesus' second cleansing of the
Temple and his public teaching in the Temple.
Mkll.18
And when the chief priests and scribes heard it they kept looking for a
way to kill him; for they were afraid of him, because the whole crowd
was astonished at his teaching.416
Scribes, together with the chief priests, are identified as those who
wanted to destroy Jesus on account of his disturbance in the Temple
and his provocative teaching. It is stated that the chief priests and
scribes feared Jesus' influence over the people but official political
power is not explicitly associated with them.
415. Cf. M.D. Goodman, 'Babatha's story', JRS 81 (1991), p. 174.

Similarly, Jesus' first predictions of his own death refers to the rejec-
tion of the son of man by the elders, chief priests and scribes (Mk
8.31). The second prediction (Mk 10.33), during the journey to Jeru-
salem, is more precise: chief priests and scribes are portrayed with the
political responsibility for Jesus' death while the actual execution is
ascribed to Gentiles. This prediction is mirrored in Mark's passion
narrative. In the latter scribes appear together with the chief priests, and
sometimes also with the elders, as part of the Jewish leadership which
was responsible for Jesus' death. They seem to be sharing in the power
to arrest Jesus and to decide over his sentence (Mk 14.1, 43; 15.1). The
narrative further suggests that the combined authority and political
power of the scribes, chief priests and elders did not permit them to
execute the death sentence themselves.417 Finally, scribes appear as part
of the group which was mocking Jesus at the cross (Mk 15.31).
To summarize, in the Gospel of Mark scribes appear as teachers of
the people and as religious authorities. They seem to have been con-
cerned with the observation of the laws for themselves and others.
Their interest in matters of social contact and purity is emphasized.
Scribes are also portrayed as prestigious and possibly wealthy members
of society with some political power in association with the Jewish
leadership. In the following it will be assessed to what extent this
information is likely to be historically accurate.
Historical Reliability
The early church tradition that the author of the Gospel was not himself
an eye-witness of the events which he recorded, receives support from
the Gospel itself. Various passages suggest that his perception of the
geography of the land was rather vague. For example, the route taken
by Jesus from Galilee to Jerusalem is obscure.418 Furthermore, the
417. A view to which most commentators on the Gospel of Mark would sub-
scribe if they comment on the scribes in the context of the passion narrative at all.
The majority of commentaries refer to scribes as one of the three factions of the
sanhedrin in Jerusalem which is perceived as the highest religious and judicial
authority in Jewish Palestine at the time of Jesus (e.g. Liihrmann, Markus-
evangelium, pp. 248-49; Gnilka, Markus, II, pp. 138, 268; Lane, Mark, p. 547).
This view is fraught with difficulties on account of the complex issue of the role
and membership of the sanhedrin. For a detailed discussion, cf. J.S. McLaren,
Power and Politics in Palestine (JSNTSup, 63; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991).
418. Mk 10.1, 46; 11.1. If Jews tried to avoid Samaria on this journey they would
cross over into Peraea but the author of Mark reversed this natural order. It has to
'other side of the lake' is identified as the district of the Gerasenes

although Gerasa is about 30 miles away and the area adjacent to the
lake is unlikely to have been called after this town. Similarly, in
another context the locations referred to are vague and the crowds are
able to get to a certain place faster on foot than Jesus by taking a
boat.419 In the political sphere the author did not seem to have had a
clear understanding of the political status of Herod Antipas and the,
admittedly rather complex, family history of the Herodians. He
assigned the wrong title to Herod Antipas who was Tetrarch of Galilee
and Peraea, not king, and was obviously confused by the various
Herods.420 With regard to the crime for which Jesus was executed the
author does not show any awareness that this may have been a political
issue. Furthermore, the behaviour ascribed to Pilate in the trial narrative
is hardly credible as he was otherwise known to have been merciless
and obstinate.421 However, the positive portrayal of a Roman prefect
could have been due to tactical or literary reasons rather than igno-
rance. The tradition seems to have deliberately shifted the focus away
from Pilate's involvement to the guilt of the Jewish leadership for
Jesus' death. It may have seemed unwise to publish a negative view of
a Roman prefect in a text which was intended for public use in the
Roman empire.
In the sphere of Jewish customs, the author of the Gospel explained
some traditions but not others. When he chose to add an explanation he
be noted, however, that there is no uniform manuscript tradition, which indicates

that the early copyists were obviously puzzled; it almost seems that Samaria was
not part of the author's perception of the land. Furthermore, the author was obvi-
ously not aware that Bethphage was closer to Jerusalem than Bethany (Hooker,
Mark, pp. 257-58; Gnilka, Markus, II, pp. 71, 115-16).
419. Mk 5.1; Mk 6.32-33; further examples: Mk 6.53 refers to a town called
Gennesareth (revvt|aapr|T); while no town by such name is known, the plain on the
North-Eastern shore of the lake is called Genesareth; Dalmanuta (AaXiiavovGa)
(Mk 8.10) is an unidentifiable town/location (cf. Hooker, Mark, pp. 165, 171, 190,
235, 257-58; Gnilka, Markus, I, pp. 201, 272, 306).
420. Mk 6.14, 22, 25, 26, 27; according to Josephus, Herod Antipas's desire to
become king led to his downfall (Ant. 18.240-56). Although the Gospel is accurate
in that Herod Antipas had married Herodias, the wife of his half-brother Herod, the
latter was not Herod Philip, as is stated in the Gospel, but Herod II. Herod Philip
was married to Salome, the daughter of Herodias (cf. Hooker, Mark, p. 160;
Liihrmann, Markusevangelium, p. 114).
421. Cf. descriptions of Pilate can be found in Philo's Leg. Gai. 301 and Jose-
phus's Ant. 18.60-62 and War 2.175-77 (Hooker, Mark, pp. 366, 369).
did not always get it right. For example, he stated that all Jews wash
their hands before they eat and also keep certain other purity laws. It is,
however, very unlikely that all Jews observed these laws at the time of
Jesus since this view receives no support from other writings which
originated during the Second-Temple period.422 While some scholars
have taken this as an indication that Mark did not possess accurate
knowledge of Palestinian Judaism at the time of Jesus others have
argued that generalizations are frequently found in ancient literature.423
It may be concluded that the author of Mark did not have a clear
grasp of the geography and the political realities of Palestine at the time
of Jesus but one has to bear in mind that without news broadcasts on
political issues, topographical maps and family trees of the Herodians,
it is easy to make some of the mistakes mentioned above. As already
stated in the introduction to the New Testament writings, these mistakes
do not necessarily exclude the possibility that the Gospel of Mark
preserved historically accurate traditions.424 The author or his sources
may have been fairly well informed on day-to-day social realities of the
common people. Historically accurate information can also be derived
from social assumptions behind a story if these are unlikely to have
been changed to serve any literary or theological purpose. As outlined
below, assumptions in the Gospel of Mark about the prestige of scribes
but also their association with teaching, their concern with laws and
their expertise in it may be taken as reliable evidence for the status and
functions of scribes.
The strong negative bias of Mk 12.30-40, which contains a warning
against the public behaviour of scribes, does not detract from the value
of this passage for our investigation. It has been argued above that
scribes expected the seats of honour in synagogues and at feasts and
also to be greeted in public, which presumes a fairly high social status
and prestige. The latter is confirmed by the indication that scribes were
able to wear distinguished clothing, suggesting high social status and
422. Cf. also Mt. 23.25-26.
423. Cf. introduction to this section above.
424. Hengel specifically states that with regard to the Jewish groups the Gospel
should be considered historically reliable (Hengel, Mark, pp. 9-10). Similarly,
Cranfield calls the author of the Gospel an 'extremely honest and conscientious
compiler' of his source, assuming that the sources preserved the realities accurately
(Cranfield, Mark, p. 16). Liihrmann suggests that the author was well informed
where his sources were but displays only a vague knowledge in the redactional
parts and the explanations he adds (Luhrmann, Markusevangelium, p. 6).
most likely also wealth.425 The evaluation of the accusation that scribes
were 'devouring widows' houses' has proved to be more problematic.
It may refer to the involvement of scribes in the regulation of financial
and property matters of widows, suggesting one or more of the follow-
ing functions: the application of laws to a specific situation on account
of legal expertise; the writing of documents and knowledge of the legal
requirements; and functioning as trustees or local officials.
The accusation that scribes make long prayers for a pretence is open
to the interpretation that they were perceived by the people, or at least
wanted to be perceived, as some sort of holy men devoted to God.
With regard to the association of scribes with teaching and their por-
trayal as teachers of the people we can draw similar conclusions. Even
if the controversies and meetings between scribes and Jesus never took
place, it is probable that tradition would set Jesus and his teaching in
contrast with those who were his contemporary teachers in Jewish soci-
ety. That at least some scribes were learned in the laws receives sup-
port, for example, from the episode about the positive encounter
between Jesus and an individual scribe. However, the context also indi-
cates that some Pharisees, Herodians and Sadducees were able to argue
over matters of the law.
Furthermore, scribes are portrayed to have been concerned about the
law, purity and social contact. In two out of the three recorded
instances they appear together with or as belonging to the Pharisees and
they share the same concerns over Jesus' source of authority, his beha-
viour as a teacher, and legal issues in general. This means that either
the tradition accurately preserved that some or all scribes were closely
associated with Pharisees, or Mark's or his source(s)' lack of under-
standing of the realities would have led him/them to an association of
scribes with Pharisees because of their similar concerns. The incon-
sistency with regard to the scribes and Pharisees in the account of a
controversy over the washing of hands and other matters of the law and
the single reference to the scribes of the Pharisees may be explained by
either view.
The historical value of the social and political influence ascribed to
scribes in the passion narrative is difficult to evaluate. Symptomatically
425. The fact that priests and Levites, most of whom might not have been
wealthy, also wore special garments does not contradict this interpretation. Their
garments were worn for the duties in the Temple and associated with their
functions.
for the modern perception of the role of Jewish scribes in ancient soci-
ety, the historicity of the portrayal of scribes in the Gospel of Mark is
not usually questioned.426 Generally, it has to be argued that the Jewish
ruling class was responsible to the local representative of the Roman
empire for keeping peace and order, an especially difficult task during
the great pilgrim festivals.427 To what extent the Gospel is historically
accurate in portraying scribes as part of this leadership with some lim-
ited political power in Jerusalem is uncertain. In favour of the historic-
ity we may refer to the geographical location of scribes in the Gospel of
Mark: either they appear in a Jerusalem context or, if not, it is speci-
fically stated in several instances that the scribes had travelled from
Jerusalem to Galilee.428 This detail which is not provided by Matthew
or Luke renders some support to the view that at least some scribes in
Jerusalem were highly influential. Furthermore, it has been argued
above that scribes possessed some prestige in society and possibly also
wealth, both essential prerequisites for political power. Moreover, legal
expertise and authority as teachers may also have contributed to the
social standing and therefore political power. Significantly, writing
expertise is not mentioned in association with the scribes in the Gospel
of Mark, or in any of the other Gospels for that matter.
2.4.6.2. Gospel of Luke and Acts

The Gospel of Luke and the book of Acts are both addressed to a cer-
tain Theophilus.429 This was a literary convention and the fact that both
426. A notable exception is M.J. Cook, Mark's Treatment of the Jewish Leaders
(NovTSup, 51; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978), especially p. 28.
427. This has been argued by Goodman, Ruling Class, pp. 112-16 and Sanders,
Judaism, pp. 472-88. The tensions in Jerusalem would be heightened by the large
numbers of people in the overcrowded city.
428. Against Cook, who argues that the geographic distribution of the scribes
and other groups in the Jewish opposition to Jesus goes back to Mark's sources and
that the Pharisees and scribes were identical but appeared separately with different
names in different sources. Cook thinks that the author of Mark made a mistake by
not recognizing the two as the same group which resulted in the geographical loca-
tion of the Pharisees in Galilee and the scribes in Jerusalem (Cook, Jewish Leaders,
pp. 89-90). The Pharisees and scribes should not, however, be identified as the
same group simply on account of the fact that in the Gospels they appear to have
had some similar concerns.
429. Although it has previously been suggested that Theophilus was a high
official, it is impossible to deduce his standing with certainty from his title
KpaiioTOi; which was used as a polite form of address to a person of high standing
books were addressed to one individual does not necessarily imply that
they were only read by a small number of people.430 It can be assumed
that Luke and Acts were intended for a wider audience. On the basis of
internal evidence it can be argued that the audience consisted mainly of
Gentile Christians.431
In the past it has frequently been disputed whether the Gospel of
Luke and Acts actually belonged together. It is, however, now almost
unanimously agreed that Acts was intended as a sequel to the Gospel of
Luke.432 Acts continues the historical narrative of the spread of the
gospel which portrays the Christian movement, especially Gentile
Christianity, as the legitimate and logical continuation of Judaism.433
The ancient tradition attributes the anonymous gospel to Luke, a
physician and a companion of Paul.434 Since details in the tradition
about his life vary greatly and are most likely to be of a speculative
nature, the matter will not be dealt with in detail.435 According to the
Gospel of Luke and Acts the author was not an eyewitness of the events
during the lifetime of Jesus. Nevertheless, it has frequently been argued
that he gained some first-hand information about some of the events
recorded in Acts as a travelling companion of Paul. This view is based
on the so-called 'we-sections' in Acts.436 Recently, however, attention
(cf. I.H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke: A Commentary on the Greek Text [NIGTC;
Exeter: Paternoster Press, 1978], p. 43).
430. Cf. Gamble, Books, p. 84.
431. E.g. the emphasis on salvation of non-Jews, the focus on Paul and his mis-
sion to the Gentiles in Acts, and general anti-Jewish tendencies.
432. Acts 1.1-2 (e.g. J.A. Fitzmyer, The Gospel According to Luke I-IX [AB;
New York: Doubleday, 1981], p. 9).
433. E.g. Acts 3.13, 15; cf. also the references to Scripture for the interpretation
of important events and the notion that the mission to the Gentiles fulfils God's
promise to Israel (cf. Fitzmyer, Luke, pp. 9-10).
434. In P. Bodmer XIV, a codex which dates from 175-225 CE, the ancient
Greek title which ascribes the book to Luke has been preserved. The ancient tradi-
tion regards this Luke as identical with the Luke mentioned in Phlm. 24, Col. 4.14,
and 2 Tim. 4.11. The tradition is attested in the Muratorian Canon which is usually
dated at the end of the second century CE, Irenaeus, and the Ancient Prologue to the
Gospel. Later evidence is provided by Tertullian and Origen. For the references, cf.
Fitzmyer, Luke, pp. 35-41.
435. Cf. W. Wiefel, Das Evangelium nach Lukas (THKNT 3; Berlin: Evangelis-
che Verlagsanstalt, 1988), pp. 2-3.
436. Lk. 1.1-4; Acts 16.10-17; 20.5-15; 21.1-18; 27.1; 28.16. For an extensive
discussion of the authenticity, cf. C.H. Hemer, The Book of Acts in the Setting of
has been drawn to the close parallel in contemporaneous accounts of

sea voyages which employ the use of 'we' as a stylistic tool. On this
basis it may be aruged that the author of Acts did not actually take part
in the journeys which are covered by the 'we-sections'.437
According to the early tradition, Luke was from Antioch in Syria.
This receives support from the fact that Acts displays good knowledge
of the events in the early church in Antioch. On account of the good
Greek of the Gospel and Acts, many have argued that the author was a
Greek from Antioch. But evidence from the early church suggests that
it was more likely that he was a native Syrian from Antioch.438 Scholars
also disagree on the issue of his background, in particular whether he
was a convert from paganism or from Judaism. The evidence from the
New Testament itself, however, favours a Gentile Christian author.439
With regard to the dates of the books, little in the way of consensus
has emerged. Some scholars have argued for a date in the early sixties,
after Paul's arrest and prior to his death, a view which is based on the
abrupt ending of Acts.440 But it is equally conceivable that the author
deliberately ended the book before Paul's death. Several passages in the
Gospel which read like a description of the siege and fall of Jerusalem
suggest a date after 70 CE.441 Furthermore, if we assume that Luke used
the Gospel of Mark as one of his sources, some time must be allowed
for the latter to spread.
Hellenistic History (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1989), pp. 312-34; also
D.L. Bock, Luke (Intervarsity Press New Testament Commentary; Leicester:
Intervarsity Press, 1994). p. 17; M. Hengel, Earliest Christianity (London: SCM
Press, 1986), p. 66.
437. V.K. Robbins, 'By Land and by Sea: The We-Passages and Ancient Sea
Voyages', in C.H. Talbert (ed.), Perspectives on Luke-Acts (Perspectives in Reli-
gious Studies, Special Studies Series, 5; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1978), pp. 215-
42.
438. Cf. the reference to Luke in the Ancient Greek prologue; this tradition is
also known to Eusebius and Jerome (cf. Fitzmyer, Luke, pp. 45-46).
439. Col. 4.10-14 implies that Luke was not a convert from Judaism (so most
scholars, e.g. Fitzmyer, Luke, pp. 41-47; Bock, Luke, pp. 17-18; J. Ernst, Das
Evangelium nach Lukas [RNT; Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1977], p. 32). There
is, however, no agreement whether he was of Greek or Semitic origins.
440. This view receives some further support from the fact that the Gospel does
not mention the fulfilment of Jesus' prediction of the destruction of Jerusalem.
441. Lk. 13.35; 19.43-44; 21.20. For a brief discussion of the evidence, cf. Bock,
Luke, p. 18-19 and Fitzmyer, Luke, pp. 53-57.
According to the Griesbach-hypothesis both an early date before 61

CE and later dates in the eighties and nineties have been suggested.442
Due to the lack of conclusive evidence a precise dating of the Gospel
of Luke and Acts is impossible, but it seems reasonable to assume that
the books were written during the last third of the first century of the
common era.
Evidence of Scribes in Luke

The numerous passages referring to scribes in the Gospel of Luke will
be discussed according to the following categories: cases in which the
author did not change his sources with regard to scribes; instances
where he may have changed the accounts taken from his sources; mate-
rial which is unique to Luke. It will be attempted to explain why in
some cases the author made changes to his sources with regard to
scribes.
In a number of passages referring to scribes, the author of Luke used
Mark but did not change the accounts he found in his source substan-
tially. One example is Lk. 5.27-32, an account of the tax collector
Levi's feast for Jesus and his disciples. Luke's version is on the whole
very similar to Mark's and, in the same way as the latter, Luke portrays
scribes as belonging to the Pharisees.443 It is highly probable that Luke
copied the reference to the scribes of the Pharisees from his copy of
Mark.444 In agreement with Mark, the story in Luke attributes concern
over inappropriate social contact to scribes. The same kind of resent-
ment against Jesus' socializing with sinners and tax collectors is also
ascribed to Pharisees and scribes in a story unique to Luke (Lk. 15.1-2).
Further agreement between Mark and Luke with regard to scribes
can be found in Lk. 20.1-2. Luke agrees with Mark that scribes in asso-
ciation with other groups had the authority, or at least thought of them-
selves as having the authority, to challenge another teacher about his
legitimization to teach.445
Moreover, the author of Luke included Mark's account of Jesus'
warning against the hypocrisy of the scribes with only insignificant
changes. Lk. 20.45-47 associates scribes with distinctive clothes, love
of acknowledgement of their status in public, unfair deals with regard
442. Orchard and Riley, Synoptics, p. 232.

443. Lk. 5.30: oi 3>apiatiioi KCCI oi ypa|iM.aTei<; amwv.
444. Mk2.16.
445. Cf.Mkl 1.27-28.
to widows' houses and long prayers.446 Luke had earlier attributed

some of the same characteristics to the Pharisees, an indication that he
did not clearly distinguish between Pharisees and scribes.447
A further four passages in Luke concerning scribes occur in accounts
which have been taken from Mark relatively unchanged. In all cases,
scribes are linked to the arrest and crucifixion of Jesus: the first predic-
tion of Jesus' suffering and death (Lk. 9.22); the plotting of Jesus'
death after his cleansing of the Temple (Lk. 19.47-48); and as members
of the council which interrogated Jesus (Lk. 22.66). Scribes are por-
trayed as part of the Jewish leadership who, together with elders and
chief priests, had some influence and authority. In contrast to Mark,
Luke sometimes substitutes the elders with rulers (ccpôvtei;).
We will now turn to two passages where Luke's changes of his
source Mark are significant for the understanding of Luke's notion of
scribes. According to Lk. 6.6-11, Jesus deliberately provoked scribes
and Pharisees by healing on a Sabbath. He had been teaching in a syna-
gogue and the scribes and Pharisees are said to have been waiting to see
whether he would, according to their view, break the law.
Lk. 6.7
And the scribes and the Pharisees watched him, to see whether he would
cure on the sabbath, so that they might find an accusation against him.
Jesus healed the man with a withered hand and, by doing so, infuri-
ated the scribes and Pharisees. It is recorded that they subsequently dis-
cussed how to deal with Jesus and to have made plans to destroy
him.448
Although all three Synoptics contain a version of this event they do
not agree with regard to the composition of the opposition to Jesus.
Both Mark and Matthew remain very vague at the beginning of the
story and do not specify Jesus' opponents. Mark later identifies those
who wanted to kill Jesus as Pharisees and Herodians while Matthew
only mentions Pharisees.449 Luke, on the other hand, is more specific at
the beginning of the story, referring to those who were trying to catch
446. Cf. Mk 12.38-40.

447. Lk. 11.43.
448. Lk. 6.11.
449. Mk3.1-6;Mt. 12.9-14.
Jesus breaking the law as scribes and Pharisees. It is likely that Luke
simply attempted to harmonize or clarify the account he found in Mark.
It is also conceivable, however, that on account of Luke's notion of
scribes, they were introduced here in the context of a controversy over
the interpretation of the law.450 This view will receive support from the
investigation of Luke's omissions of references to scribes below. In any
case, Lk. 6.6-11 portrays scribes and Pharisees as having authority in
matters of the law. It is implied that they themselves observed strict
regulations concerning the Sabbath.
Scribes are also associated with expertise in the law in Lk. 20.39.
This verse contains an extremely reduced version of the acknowledg-
ment of Jesus' response to a Sadducee's legal challenge over the issue
of levirate marriage. The author of Luke seems to have shortened
Mark's version to the bare minimum, completely omitting the discus-
sion on the most important of the commandments, which follows in
both Mark and Matthew.451 With regard to the reasons for this abridge-
ment we can only speculate. It is plausible that the author was not inter-
ested in presenting scribes in a positive light but nevertheless included
the short reference to this episode because it shows that scribes were
concerned with matters of the law.
It seems that Luke's omissions of references to scribes and material
that is unique to Luke or stems from his common source with Matthew,
hold the key to the understanding of Luke's notion of scribes.452 It will
become apparent that Luke's notion of scribes is more restricted than
that of Mark and Matthew.
The five instances where the author of Luke includes a story which
he found in Mark but where he omits the latter's reference to scribes, at
first sight appear insignificant. However, a pattern emerges.
Two omissions of references to scribes occur in the context of the
arrest of Jesus and his presentation to Pilate (Lk. 22.52; 23.1-2). The
case of Lk. 23.1-2 is insignificant since the presence of scribes is
implied in the text. In Lk. 22.52, on the other hand, scribes were simply
omitted from the account of Jesus' arrest. Although Luke refers to
450. Independently, Marshall, Luke, p. 235. Most other commentaries fail to

attempt to provide an explanation for the differences between the Synoptics with
regard to scribes.
451. Mk 12.28; Mt. 22.35.
452. This issue is not usually mentioned in commentaries on the Gospel of Luke,
probably because Luke's notion of scribes is never scrutinized.
scribes as part of the Jewish opposition which was plotting to kill Jesus,
scribes never appear in association with the actual arrangements for the
arrest and the arrest itself. It is conceivable that the author did not want
to portray scribes as part of the group which arranged and executed the
arrest. In fact, scribes only appear in the trial narrative where the con-
text suggests that lawyers may have a role to play; during the interro-
gation of Jesus and his accusation before Pilate and before Herod
(Lk. 22.66; 23.1-2; 23.9-10). This suggests that Luke may have omitted
scribes from a context in which, according to his view, legal experts
were not required.
The view that Luke may have adapted his sources according to a
restricted notion of scribes, receives support from three further pas-
sages. Lk. 4.31-37 contains an account of an early miracle by Jesus in
the synagogue of Capernaum. After the healing of a man from an
unclean spirit the people are said to have been amazed and to have
wondered about the source of his authority. Luke's version of the
events is very close to Mark's, but he turns Mark's comparison of
Jesus' teaching authority with the scribes' lack of authority into a more
general statement.453 According to Luke the people were simply aston-
ished at Jesus' teaching and his authority, but no comparison to other
Jewish teachers (in Mk: scribes) is made.454
Similarly, Luke omits Mark's information that scribes were con-
cerned about events involving Jesus' authority over demons and power
to heal in Lk. 20.41-44. Mark's scribes are turned into a generalizing
'some of the crowd'.455
Furthermore, Luke dissociates a particular teaching about the mes-
siah, which Mark attributes to scribes, from the scribes (Lk. 20.41).
To summarize, in episodes where, according to Mark, scribes are
associated with teaching or are involved in controversies over Jesus'
source of authority, healing power and teaching (issues related to each
other in Mark), the author of Luke generalizes the text and turns scribes
453. Mk 1.21-28.
454. If mentioned at all in a commentary the omission of the comparison with
scribes is usually explained with a reference to the Hellenistic readership of the
Gospel of Luke to whom, it is assumed, this comparison would not have made
much sense (e.g. Wiefel, Lukas, p. 110). However, this kind of comment does not
provide an explanation for the omission of scribes in other passages.
455. Note that Matthew also specifies who accused Jesus of being in league with
Satan, but he has Pharisees instead of scribes.
into an unspecified 'some' or 'they'. In addition, he seems to have

omitted scribes from the context of political action, except in cases
where the circumstances may have required the expertise of lawyers.
The impression that Luke's generalizations and omissions of refer-
ences to scribes follow a restricted notion of scribes is confirmed by
Luke's use of other titles as equivalents for ypccuuxxTeiq, such as teach-
ers of the law (vojioSiSdoKaXoi) and lawyers (vouoicoi).
First, in the account of the healing of a paralysed man, the context
indicates that vo|ioSi8daKaA,oi in Lk. 5.17 and ypaujiaTeiq in Lk. 5.21
refer to the same group of people in opposition to Jesus. Luke's source
Mark only mentions scribes in this particular story.456 It is likely that
Luke introduced voux)Si8do"KaA,oi as another title for scribes in accor-
dance with his own understanding of their functions and as an expla-
nation for his audience.457 The use of the term vo|io8i8daicaA,o<; is
peculiar and it cannot be found in any other Gospel nor in Josephus's
writings, which suggests that it goes back to the author of the Gospel of
Luke.458
Secondly, the undistinguished use of the titles vo|iiKoi and ypa^-
umeiq in the context of the woes against the Pharisees and scribes/
lawyers in Lk. 11.37-54 indicates that the author thought of scribes as
legal experts.459 Jesus was invited to dine at a Pharisee's house but did
not wash before dinner. Jesus is said to have responded to his host's
astonishment by accusing the Pharisees and lawyers of hypocrisy
which he illustrated with various examples of their behaviour. Jesus
456. MR2.6.
457. This view is in agreement with the majority of scholars who attribute this
term to the author of Luke (e.g. Evans, Luke, p. 300; F. Bovon, Das Evangelium
nach Lukas (EKKNT, 3; 2 vols.; Zurich: Benziger, 1989), p. 243; Fitzmyer, Luke,
p. 581). It has also been argued that this term was a Christian coinage to mark off
Christian teachers from Jewish teachers of the law (so Marshall, Luke, p. 212). Sal-
darini argues that this title indicates a level of learning rather than a social role and
can refer to any learned or educated teacher (Saldarini, Pharisees, p. 184), implying
that the title was in use in first-century society and should not be ascribed to Luke
himself.
458. The only other reference in the New Testament occurs in Acts 5.34 where
the title is applied to the Pharisee Gamaliel.
459. Most commentators identify the lawyers with the scribss/Schrifigelehrte and
consider them to have been part of the Pharisees (e.g. H. Schurmann, Das Lukas-
evangelium [HTKNT, 3; 2 vols.; Freiburg: Herder, 4th edn, 1994), II, p. 318;
Wiefel, Lukas, p. 229).
explicitly accused the lawyers of burdening the people (Lk. 11.46), of

consenting with the killings of the prophets by their fathers (Lk. 11.47-
48), and of 'having taken away the key of knowledge' and not entering
and hindering others to enter (Lk. 11.52). It is not entirely clear what is
meant by these statements. The first seems to refer to the enactment of
laws and regulations and authority in this function.460 The second is an
accusation that the lawyers do not condemn their forefathers' killing of
the prophets. The association of the lawyers with the killing of Jesus, as
another of God's messengers, is implied. Thirdly, the accusation that
they have taken away the key of knowledge most likely refers to the
lawyers' authority and expertise in the interpretation of the Scriptures
since the sacred writings were regarded as a source for the knowledge
of God. It is not stated in Luke what the lawyers are refusing to enter
themselves and hinder others to go into. The best interpretation seems
to be provided by the parallel reference to the kingdom of heaven in
Matthew, which would imply that the lawyers as expert interpreters of
the Scriptures fail to understand and explain to others the Scriptures in
association with the messiah.
The fact that the lawyers and Pharisees were guests at the meal and
addressees of some of Jesus' woes, together with the concluding state-
ment that scribes and Pharisees tried to find a reason to accuse Jesus,
provides clear evidence that the author identified scribes and lawyers.461
He associated them with expertise and authority in legal matters as well
as knowledge of the Scriptures and authority as leaders of the people.
The origin of this episode is unclear since it cannot be found as such
in either Mark or Matthew. However, the latter preserves much of the
same material in his woes against scribes and Pharisees (Mt. 23) which
suggests that Luke and Matthew probably took the material from a
common source other than Mark.462 The question arises who modified
the material: Matthew, Luke or both. It is significant for our investiga-
tion to decide whether one of the Gospels contains the original addres-
sees of the woes. Most scholars would agree that it is probable that
Luke rather than Matthew preserved the woes in their more original
460. Cf. also Bovon, Lukas, p. 232; Wiefel, Lukas, p. 229; Ernst, Lukas, p. 387.
461. Jesus' accusations against the Pharisees in Lk. 11.43 are repeated later as a
warning against scribes (Lk. 20.46), indicating that the author did not retain dis-
tinctions between the Pharisees, scribes and lawyers.
462. This view represents the consensus, e.g. Schiirmann, Lukasevangelium, II,
p. 318; with some hesitation also Fitzmyer, Luke, pp. 942-43.
form, especially with regard to the addressees.463 However, the question

still remains whether the use of the term vouiicoq goes back to Luke's
source or whether the author may have replaced the source's
Ypauumeiq with vouiKoi. Although the reference to a VOUIKO<; in Mt.
22.35 tentatively supports the view that Luke's and Matthew's common
source may have contained references to lawyers,464 the textual diffi-
culties of Mt. 22.35 make this view unlikely.465 The consensus holds
that in Luke's source some of Jesus' woes were addressed to Pharisees
and others to scribes.466 It is assumed that Luke renamed the scribes as
lawyers in order to express his understanding of their function in Jewish
society to his audience.467
In any case, the use of the terms vouo8i5dcjKaA,o<; and vouiKoq in
Lk. 5.17-26 and 11.37-53 displays Luke's notion that scribes were
lawyers, that is, experts in legal matters, with authority and influ-
ence.468 He may have derived this notion of scribes as legal experts
from Mark and possibly his other sources or, alternatively, from
463. This view is based on the schematic presentation of Pharisees and scribes in
Matthew and the fact that Luke retains a distinction between Pharisees and lawyers
with regard to the accusations (e.g. Schiirmann, Lukasevangelium, II, p. 318;
F. Mussner, 'Die Stellung zum Judentum in der "Redequelle" und in ihrer Ver-
arbeitung bei Matthaus', in L. Schenke [ed.j, Studien zum Matthausevangelium:
Festschrift fiir Wilhelm Pesch [Stuttgarter Bibelstudien; Stuttgart: Katholisch.es
Bibelwerk, 1988], p. 213).
464. G.D. Kilpatrick, 'Scribes, Lawyers and Lucan Origins', JTS 1 (1950),
pp. 56-60. The possibility is also postulated by Saldarini even though he has pre-
viously stated the opposite (Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 176, 183).
465. Cf. discussion of Lk. 10.25 below.
466. E.g. Bovon, Lukas, p. 222; Schiirmann, Lukasevangelium, II, p. 318;
R. Leaney, 'NOMIKOZ in St. Luke's Gospel', JTS 2 (1950-51), pp. 166-67 (167).
Goulder's suggestion that Luke bisects Matthew's woes into three against the
Pharisees and three against lawyers is unconvincing (Goulder, New Paradigm,
pp. 519-20).
467. Saldarini argues that Luke derived the title vouiKoq from his contemporary
society where lawyers functioned as authoritative experts in laws and customs and
as officials and guardians of community norms (Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 176, 183-
84). However, it is unclear on what evidence other than the Gospel of Luke he
based his view.
468. This view is very common in commentaries on the Gospel of Luke. Unfor-
tunately, based on Luke's use of the titles, scholars have also frequently used all
three titles as equivalents (e.g. Bovon, Lukas, p. 232; Wiefel, Lukas, p. 226).
independent knowledge of past or contemporary Jewish society.469

Lk. 10.25-30 contains a further story which features a lawyer
(vojO-iKoq). The latter is said to have wanted to test Jesus by asking him
how to gain eternal life, a matter related to the interpretation of the law.
The synoptic parallels to this episode are complex and the content of
Luke's source with regard to this story can be no more than a guess.470
The partial agreement between Lk. 10.25 and Mt. 22.35 suggests that
their common source contained a tradition about a lawyer asking a
question and answering Jesus' return question with a reference to the
law to love God and one's neighbour. However, the textual evidence
for this single occurrence of the term vouiKoq in the Gospel of Matthew
is not unanimous and despite relatively strong textual evidence favour-
ing its retention it is usually perceived to have been introduced later
from its Lukan parallel.471 This suggests that Luke's source referred to
a scribe in this context and that Luke introduced the lawyer (VOUIKOI;)
into this particular episode. This view renders some support to the view
that the designation of scribes as lawyers should be ascribed to Luke,
expressing his understanding that scribes possessed expertise in the law
and functioned as lawyers in Jewish society.
To summarize, the author of Luke clearly perceived scribes to have
been legal experts and teachers of the law but seems to have avoided
the image of scribes as teachers of the people and authorities in general.
He focused on their association with the law. This is evident from the
adapted episodes and the omission of references to scribes in contexts
which did not fit the author's notion of scribes. Furthermore, the use of
the titles VOUIKOC; and voux)8t8daKaA,o<; as equivalents for ypauuxxtexx;
points into the same direction.
469. Cf. 2.4.11,2.4.12,2.4.14.

470. Story of the rich young man: Mk 10.17; Mt. 19.16; Lk. 18.18. Account of
another legal discussion: Mk 12.28; Mt. 22.35.
471. So e.g. Metzger, Textual Commentary, pp. 48-49; J. Gnilka, Das Matthaus-
evangelium [HTKNT, 1; 2 vols.; Freiburg: Herder, 1988], II, p. 258; F.W. Beare,
The Gospel According to Matthew: A Commentary (Oxford: Basil Blackwell,
1981), p. 442; Lohmeyer is among the very few who assume that VOÎIKO^ was
found in the original Matthean text (E. Lohmeyer, Das Evangelium des Matthaus
[Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar iiber das Neue Testament; Gottingen: Vanden-
hoeck & Ruprecht, 1956], p. 328).
Evidence of Scribes in Acts

In the book of Acts Jewish scribes are mentioned three times.472 In the
context of incidents relating to the activities of several apostles and
Paul, scribes appear as members of the council of Jerusalem in associa-
tion with the rulers, elders and the high priestly family (Acts 4.5-6;
6.12-13; 23.9),473 In agreement with the Gospel of Luke, the council is
portrayed with the power to arrest individuals and to question them
about their teaching and activity in the Temple. The functions and
status of the scribes and the other groups are not specified.
The account of Paul's trial explicitly states that the council consisted
of Pharisees and Sadducees who were divided by Paul's claim to be a
Pharisee and his appeal to the former's belief in the resurrection of the
dead.474 As dissent arose in the council, some scribes of the party of the
Pharisees (Tive<; TCOV ypau|iaT£CGV TOV jiepoix; TCGV Oapiaaicov) are
said to have been on Paul's side (Acts 23.9).475 Paul's trial reflects the
standard synoptic view of the limited judicial role of the council but
Acts differs from the the Gospel of Luke and the other Synoptics with
regard to the description of the council's membership.476 This discrep-
ancy raises many questions, such as whether the author of Acts had
access to accurate traditions, possibly through his connection with Paul,
or whether this portrayal of the Jewish leaders in Acts reflects Luke's
theological and political bias rather than the historical realities. Due to
472. The reference to the scribe of Ephesus in Acts 19.35 does not need to be
discussed here since it cannot serve as evidence for the functions of Jewish scribes.
Nevertheless, it indicates that the author was familiar with scribes as powerful
officials in the Roman empire.
473. Commentaries on Acts provide more or less the same explanations of
scribes as can be found in relation to the Gospels: scribes as legal experts, repre-
senting the Pharisees, were one of the three elements in the sanhedrin, the supreme
Jewish court (e.g. F.F. Bruce, The Acts of the Apostles: The Greek Text and Intro-
duction with Commentary [Leicester: Apollos, 1990], p. 149; I.H. Marshall, The
Acts of the Apostles: An Introduction and Commentary [TNTC; Leicester: Inter-
Varsity Press, 1980], p. 99; E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary
[Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1971], p. 215).
474. Acts 23.1-10.
475. Cf. also Lk. 5.30.
476. While the Synoptics refer to the high priest, chief priests, elders and scribes
in various combinations, Acts specifies Pharisees and Sadducees as members of the
council. The account in Acts of Paul's trial is the main pillar for the common view
that the Jerusalem sanhedrin included Pharisees and Sadducees and that both par-
ties had their own scribes.
the limitations of this study it cannot be attempted here to solve these

complex issues. It is, however, sufficient for this investigation to state
that in agreement with the Gospel of Luke the account of Paul's trial
reflects the notion that at least some scribes were Pharisees, that they
were associated with the ruling class, and that they were present at
council meetings.
Historicity
Before moving on to discuss the problem of the historicity of Luke's
notion of scribes, some time will have to be spent on the question of the
general historical reliability of the Gospel and Acts, a matter of polar-
ized opinions.477 While the majority of scholars would argue that the
accounts in Luke-Acts are not historically reliable at all, more recently
it has been proposed that the Gospel of Luke and Acts are essentially
reliable.478 This strong disagreement derives from the fact that scholars
from each camp are obviously able to find sufficient evidence to sup-
port their view. This suggests that it is necessary to be more specific
about the areas on which the author of Luke-Acts was well informed
and of what kind of issues he may only have had a vague grasp. It is
not legitimate to derive unqualified conclusions about the Gospel's
historical reliability from the author's display of knowledge in Acts.
The author of the Gospel of Luke makes it very clear in his introduc-
tory verses that he intended to write an accurate and orderly historical
account.479 This intention is affirmed by the provision of many precise
chronological and historical references and other details which fall into
the broad category of Roman affairs in both the Gospel and Acts. The
author provides dates for the birth of Jesus and the beginning of John
the Baptist's ministry in reference to the Roman emperors, the gover-
nors of Judaea and Syria, the Herodian kings, and the high priests. In
addition, references to the proconsul of Achaia, Gallic, and to the
477. For an overview of the scholarship on the historicity of Acts, cf. Hemer,
Acts, pp. 3-14.
478. Against reliability: e.g. E. Haenchen, Die Apostelgeschichte (Kritisch-exe-
getischer Kommentar iiber das Neue Testament, 3; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 13th rev. edn, 1961), pp. 93-103. In favour of reliability: e.g. Hemer,
Acts; H.W. Tajra, The Trial of St. Paul: A Juridical Exegesis of the Second Half of
the Acts of the Apostles (WUNT, Reihe 2, 35; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1989); Hen-
gel, Christianity, pp. 60-62, 67-68; Marshall, Luke and Marshall, Acts; R.J. Cas-
sidy, Jesus, Politics, and Society (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1978), pp. 9-19.
479. Lk. 1.1-4.
Roman procurators Felix and Festus can be found in Acts.480 Further,

he includes the names and title of local rulers, administrative and judi-
cial procedures, and certain dates of events. The majority can be con-
firmed by archaeological and literary evidence.481 It is on the basis of
details like these that Roman historians and more recently also some
New Testament scholars have strongly argued in favour of Luke's reli-
ability as a historian.482 These scholars will allow for some genuine
historical errors, such as the location and procedure of the census of
Quirinius or the chronological order of two Jewish pseudo-prophets,
but suggest that accurate details far outnumber those which are
wrong.483
This view seems convincing with regard to the author's knowledge
of Roman administrative and judicial matter as well as the geography
480. E.g. Lk. 2.2; 3.1-2 (it is interesting to note that Luke is the only Synoptic
gospel which provides the information that Pontius Pilate was the Roman governor
of Judaea); Acts 18.12; 24.27.
481. E.g. the 'town-scribe' at Ephesus, the 'politarchs' at Thessalonica, the 'first
man' of Malta, the association of Zeus with Hermes at Lystra, the Gallio-inscrip-
tion, and the expulsion of Jews from Italy (for these and further details, cf. Hemer,
Acts, pp. I l l , 115, 119, 153). For a discussion of the accuracy of the legal proce-
dures in Acts, cf. Tajra, Trial.
482. For a Roman historian on this subject, cf. A.N. Sherwin-White, Roman
Society and Roman Law in the New Testament (Sarum Lectures, 1960-61; Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1963), esp. p. 189. In general, it seems that Roman historians are
more likely to support the historical reliability of Luke's writings while New Tes-
tament scholars, with a few exceptions, tend to take a more negative stance and by
way of over-emphasizing the importance of details which can be proven to be
wrong come to the conclusion that Luke's writings are historically unreliable.
483. Although Quirinius was governor of Syria at a later stage the information
provided by Josephus and Tacitus proposes that he did not occupy this position dur-
ing the lifetime of Herod the Great (cf. Lk. 1.5; 2.1-2; Acts 5.37). In addition,
Galilee was never during the lifetime of Jesus under Roman rule and therefore not
subject to a Roman census. Furthermore, it is also very unlikely that people had to
register in their town of birth, instead they probably had to return to their place of
residence and work (for a more detailed discussion of the evidence, cf. R.J. Cas-
sidy, Society and Politics in the Acts of the Apostles [Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books,
1987], pp. 16-17; Millar, 'Trial', p. 359). Further, according to Acts 5.36-37
Gamaliel in his speech to the council states that Theudas arose first and after him
Judas, in the days of the census. The only other record we have of these uprisings
can be found in Josephus who dated Judas's movement to the year 6-7 CE and
Theudas's during the term of the procurator Fadus who was in power during the
period 44-46 CE (War 2.39-79; Ant. 17.271-98; 20.97-99).
of certain areas in the Roman empire. However, there are indications in

the Gospel that he was less well informed on the realities of Jewish
Palestine. He did not seem to have had first-hand experience of the
country and the functioning of its society. This is, for example, evident
from the account which proposes the presence of the cohort Italica at
Caesarea Maritima during Herod Agrippa's reign.484 Furthermore, the
author's knowledge of the geography of Palestine seems vague. Several
passages in the Gospel imply that Luke thought of Galilee as a part of
Judaea while others indicate that the author thought one could go to
Jerusalem by travelling between Galilee and Samaria.485 Some scholars
have referred to the descriptions of Judaea by Pliny and Tacitus which
seem to reflect the same notion. However, Josephus who, no doubt, was
more familiar with the geography of Palestine than either Pliny or Taci-
tus clearly distinguishes between Judaea and Galilee.486 Luke's notion
seems to reflect an outside perspective and a lack of first-hand experi-
ence of the country.
The author's grasp of the structure of Palestinian Jewish society
seems at first sight better informed than Mark's. The author of Luke
mentions more groups of Jewish society than any of the other Gospels.
Apart from the chief priests, Pharisees, scribes, Sadducees and elders,
he also refers to lawyers (vo|o,iKot), rulers (ap%ovTe<;), leading men of
the people (jiponoi TOU A.aou), and officers of the Temple (atpaTtiYoi
tot) iepoi)).487 Since all these designations, with the exception of the
lawyers, can also be found in Josephus it could be argued that Luke
knew more about the various groups and the ruling class and that his
accounts contain a more accurate representation of this society than the
484. Acts 10.1 (Fitzmyer, Luke, p. 15). Cf. also Millar, 'Trial', pp. 355, 358-59.
It is also usually suggested that the reference to a centurion in Galilee (Lk. 7.1) is
unlikely to be historically correct since at the time Galilee was ruled by Herod
Antipas who probably did not have Roman troops stationed in his territory. How-
ever, Herod Antipas is likely to have had his own troops and since it is not stated
that the centurion was a Roman commander he may have been an officer in Herod
Antipas's army.
485. Lk. 4.44; 17.11; 23.5 (cf. Fitzmyer, Luke, p. 15).
486. Galilee is described as separate from Judaea: e.g. Josephus, War 2.43; 3.35-
40,48.
487. apxovTeq: Lk. 12.58; 18.18; 23.13, 35; 24.20; Matthew and Mark also use
the term dpxcov but in a different context. Ttpdran toti XaoiJ: Lk. 19.47; but also
jtpdhov TTJS FaXiXaiaq in Mk 6.21. crrpaTnyoi toiJ iepou: Lk. 22.52 and in the sin-
gular also in Acts 4.1; 5.24, 26.
other Synoptics. However, this does not necessarily follow. The addi-
tional designations are very general titles. Luke may have introduced
titles such as dp%ovTe<; and TtpoJTOi TO\) X,ao\) in order to present Jewish
society in a more intelligible way to his non-Jewish audience.488
On the whole, Luke does not seem to have adjusted accounts taken
from his sources according to better knowledge of the political and
social realities of Palestinian Jewish society. He seems to have had only
very limited additional information on Palestinian Jewish society.
There is no indication that he knew more than the authors of Mark and
Matthew with regard to the various groups of Palestinian Jewish soci-
ety at the time of Jesus.
To return to the question of the author's notion of scribes. In agree-
ment with the other Gospels, Luke-Acts attributes some influence and
authority to scribes in association with the ruling class and the council
of Jerusalem, a notion most probably derived from his sources. How-
ever, in contrast to Mark and Matthew, Luke-Acts displays a more
limited notion of scribes, restricting their functions to those of legal
experts only. They are portrayed as lawyers and teachers of the law
with authority in all matters of the law. The author seems to have
avoided the image of scribes as teachers of the people in general and as
authorities with some political power. Since there is no positive evi-
dence that the author of Luke corrected any misconceptions about
Jewish society found in his source Mark, it is improbable that the
author's limited notion of the role of scribes was based on better
knowledge of the role of scribes at the time of Jesus. It is more likely
that the author emphasized one function, namely legal expertise, which
was associated with scribes in his sources and/or it is plausible that
Luke derived this restricted image of scribes from his knowledge of
contemporary Judaism or from contemporary Jewish conceptions of the
past.489
2.4.6.3. Gospel of Matthew

The ancient tradition ascribes the Gospel of Matthew to the apostle
Matthew. However, the early evidence is like in the case of the other
Gospels problematic. Papias was convinced that the author of the
488. Cf. also the suggestion that Josephus might have used titles and designa-
tions with which his audience would have been familiar (2.4.5).
489. Cf. also the rabbinic notion of the role and authority of scribes in the past
(2.4.11; 2.4.12; 2.4.14).
Gospel was the apostle Matthew, but, if this was the case, how can it be
explained that the eyewitness Matthew most probably used the Gospel
of Mark as a source even though the latter seems to have been the
account of a non-eyewitness?490 Unfortunately, no satisfactory answer
can be provided.491 Concerning the background of the author it has
been argued or, in most cases it is simply stated without provision of
adequate evidence, that the author of Matthew was a Jewish scribe
and/or that the Gospel originated in scribal circles.492 These views are
generally based on the assumption that Jewish scribes were Torah
scholars and that the use of quotations from the Scriptures and concern
over Jewish law reflect the expertise and influence of scribes. Further-
more, two references to scribes which could be interpreted as referring
to Christian scribes are cited in support of this view. However, since
there is no conclusive evidence with regard to the author but positive
evidence that scribes were not the only experts in the Scriptures and the
laws, the view that the author of Matthew was a converted Jewish
scribe remains unconvincing.
With regard to the date of the Gospel, the evidence is no more con-
clusive. On the basis of the Two-Source hypothesis the Gospel of Mark
must have already been in existence and widely known by the time of
the composition of the Gospel of Matthew. The circulation of the
Gospel of Matthew itself is attested from the end of the first century CE
or the early second century CE.493 A date of composition in the last
490. Papias in Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. 3.39.16 (cf. U. Luz, Das Evangelium nach
Matthaus [3 vols.; EKKNT, 1; Zurich: Benziger, 1985], I, p. 77).
491. At least not by the Two-Source hypothesis which has been adopted as a
working hypothesis for this section.
492. E.g. A. Clark-Wire, 'Gender Roles in a Scribal Community', in D.L. Balch
(ed.), Social History of the Matthean Community (Minneapolis: Fortress Press,
1991), pp. 98-108; Luz, Matthaus, I, pp. 60-61; R.E. Brown and J.P. Meier, Antioch
and Rome: New Testament Cradles of Catholic Christianity (London: Chapman,
1983), p. 23; Beare, Matthew, pp. 9-10; M.D. Goulder, Midrash and Lection in
Matthew (London: SPCK, 1974), pp. 3-27; K. Stendahl, The School of Matthew
and its Use of the Old Testament (ASNU, 20; Lund: C.W.K. Gleerup, 1954),
pp. 30-35; E. von Dobschiitz, 'Matthew as Rabbi and Catechist', in G. Stanton
(ed.), The Interpretation of Matthew (Issues in Religion and Theology, 3; Phila-
delphia: Fortress Press, 1983 [1928]), p. 24.
493. The Didache presumes the existence of the Gospel of Matthew and Poly-
carp and possibly Ignatius knew it also (for references, cf. Luz, Matthaus, I, pp. 75-
76).
third of the first century CE can therefore be assumed, probably in the

seventies or early eighties.494 Scholars who argue that the Griesbach
hypothesis provides a better explanation for the synoptic problem sug-
gest either a very early date for Matthew, before 45 CE, or also place it
in the seventies or eighties.495
Evidence for the place of origin of the Gospel is too sketchy to allow
us to reach any conclusion with confidence.496 The fast spread of the
Gospel indicates that it probably originated in a larger city with good
traffic routes. General consensus places the Gospel of Matthew in the
Syrian area.497
It is usually assumed that the Gospel of Matthew was written by a
Jewish Christian for a predominately Jewish-Christian audience. This
view is based on the observation that the Gospel has been influenced by
Jewish literature, the similarity of the language of the Gospel to that of
the Greek Bible, frequent appeals to the Scriptures, and its affirmation
of Jewish law. In addition it is known that the Gospel of Matthew had
an interesting history in Jewish-Christian circles. On the other hand it
has also been argued that the Gospel was written for a mainly Gentile-
Christian community on the grounds that the Gospel strongly affirms
the mission to the Gentiles and shows strong anti-Jewish tendencies.
However, the latter arguments do not exclude a Jewish-Christian back-
ground and, therefore, it seems more likely that the Gospel of Matthew
was written predominately for converts from Judaism and that the
author was a Jewish Christian himself.498
494. So the majority of scholars. Robinson, who dates most of the books of the
New Testament prior to the destruction of the Temple in 70 CE, is one of the few
who proposes an early date (A.T. Robinson, Redating the New Testament [London:
SCM Press, 1976), pp. 40-60, 116-17, 311).
495. For more information on the different dates, cf. Orchard and Riley, Synop-
tics, p. 232.
496. Antioch, Phoenicia, Caesarea Maritima, Caesarea Philippi, East Jordan,
East Syria (Edessa) have been proposed as possible places of origin but attempts to
locate the Gospel's origin have to remain hypothetical. For bibliographical details
of the individual theories, cf. Luz, Matthaus, I, pp. 73-75; Brown and Meier, Anti-
och, pp. 18-27.
497. This view is based on the following facts: the Greek term Nct£copato<;
(Mt. 2.23) was used in Syria as a designation for Christians; Syria is mentioned in
Mt 4.24; and the Gospel of Matthew had much influence on Syrian Jewish Chris-
tianity which is evident from other Jewish Christian writings (cf. Luz, Matthaus, I,
pp. 64, 73-75).
498. Luz, Matthaus. I, pp. 62-65.
The structure and composition of the Gospel has received much

attention from scholars. The author obviously rearranged the material
available to him for his own purposes. It has frequently been empha-
sized that the Gospel contains five sections, each consisting of a narra-
tive part and a discourse. Some scholars have claimed to recognize in
this structure the author's intention to contrast the Gospel to the five
books of the Pentateuch and to write a 'new Torah'.499 However, it is
equally feasible to emphasize the narrative structure of Matthew which
on the whole follows the Gospel of Mark.500 The disagreement over the
structure of the book suggests that none of the theories is compelling.501
The comparison with Mark and Luke shows that the author of
Matthew partly re-organized and changed material which he found in
his source Mark and his common source with Luke. He further used
either one or more additional sources or his own imagination. It is cru-
cial to our study of scribes to determine whether the author of Matthew
was better informed than Mark on the realities of Jewish Palestine at
the time of Jesus and whether differences reflect a more accurate know-
ledge of this situation.
Evidence
The Gospel of Matthew mentions scribes more often than any other
Gospel, twenty-four times in total. The relevant material will again be
presented according to certain categories in order to evaluate the
dependency of the author's notion of scribes on his sources. With the
exception of material from Matthew, the determination of the author's
use of sources will necessarily remain tentative.
First, there are several passages where it is highly likely that the
499. This was first advocated by Bacon who argued that the Gospel of Matthew
contains the 'new Torah' and portrays Jesus as the new Moses (B.W. Bacon, Stud-
ies in Matthew [London: Constable, 1930], pp. 81-82; this interpretation of the
Gospel is also evident from the structure of Bacon's book itself). This view can be
found in a less extreme form in W.D. Davies, The Setting of the Sermon on the
Mount [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964], p. 25 and Orton, Scribe,
p. 138 n. 4.
500. E.g. J.D. Kingsbury, Matthew as Story (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986),
p. 2; R.H. Gundry, Matthew: A Commentary on his Literary and Theological Art
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982), pp. 10-11.
501. For a brief description of various models of the structure of the Gospel, cf.
Luz, Matthaus, I, pp. 17-19.
author of Matthew did not change material from his sources signifi-
cantly or where these changes reveal no additional information with
regard to scribes. In agreement with Mark, Matthew refers to scribes in
the role of teachers of the people (Mt. 7.28-29; 17.10) and of religious
authorities who were concerned about Jesus' power to heal and about
possible blasphemy (Mt. 9.3).502 Furthermore, Matthew retains Mark's
portrayal of scribes as observing laws and the traditions of the elders,
including purity laws (Mt. 15.1-2).503 Moreover, in common with
Mark, Matthew ascribes some shared political power to scribes in con-
nection with the predictions of Jesus' suffering and death (Mt. 16.21-
23;20.17-19).504
In a few more instances it is likely that Matthew preserves the more
original version of material from his and Luke's common source,
although we are of course in no position to determine the latter's exact
contents with certainty. According to Mt. 12.38 some of the scribes and
Pharisees asked Jesus for a sign, not understanding the implications of
his teaching and his miracles. Jesus refused and stated that no other
signs than those of Jonah and of the Queen of the South will be given
to this generation. Even though all three Synoptics contain accounts
which involve some Jewish leaders asking for a sign, the parallels are
complex.505 A comparison of the parallels suggests that both Matthew
and Luke used the same source and that Luke, rather than Matthew,
changed it by turning the story into a more generalized account.506 This
is based on the observation that Luke generally seems to have avoided
any association of scribes with concerns other than legal matters.507
On similar grounds it can be argued that Mt. 8.19 preserves the more
original version of the story about a scribe who wanted to follow
Jesus.508 Luke simply refers to a man and, again, this generalization is
502. Mk 1.22; 9.11; 2.6.

503. MR7.1-3.
504. Mk 8.31-33; 10.32-34.
505. Mt. 12.38-42; Mk 8.11-21; Lk. 11.29-32.
506. Against Luz, who argues that the author of Matthew derived the story of the
demand for a sign from Q but that the reference to the scribes and Pharisees goes
back to Matthew himself (Luz, Matthaus, II, p. 273).
507. Cf. 2.4.6.2. For the association of scribes with the interpretation of signs, cf.
also Mt. 2.3-4.
508. For many different interpretations of the meaning of the scribe in this con-
text, cf. J. Kilunen, 'Der nachfolgewillige Schriftgelehrte', NTS 37 (1991), pp. 268-
79.
in agreement with his known agenda concerning the portrayal of

scribes.509
In short, it is probable that from the source he has in common with
Luke, Matthew has retained a reference to scribes in an episode which
portrays them as interested in signs and that he included a tradition
about a positive response of a scribe to Jesus.
A number of other passages in the Gospel of Matthew indicate that
the author did not clearly distinguish between the various Jewish
groups, especially scribes and Pharisees.
All three Synoptics contain a version of the parable of the wicked
tenants of the vineyard.510 However, they refer to different Jewish
groups wanting to arrest Jesus as they understood that he had told the
parable against them. Both Luke and Matthew seem to have used Mark
as a source; Mark does not identify the Jewish opposition but it is
implied from the previous passage that it consisted of chief priests,
scribes and elders.511 According to Matthew, chief priests and Pharisees
(Mt 21.23) comprise the opposition even though in the preceding sec-
tion, in the same larger context of Jesus' teaching in the Temple, the
opposition consists of chief priests and elders.512 This passage indicates
that the author of Matthew did not portray the Jewish opposition con-
sistently and lacked interest in maintaining the distinctions between the
Jewish groups.
This impression is supported by the episode of the controversy over a
specific teaching about the messiah (Mt. 22.41-46). The synoptic paral-
lels ascribe the same teaching to different Jewish groups.513 The author
of Matthew turns Mark's account of Jesus' reference to a teaching of
scribes about the messiah into an active discussion between Jesus and
the Pharisees about the same issue.514 In a further passage, unique to
Matthew, a similar teaching about the messiah is also mentioned. It
509. This view is of independent agreement with Luz but against Gundry who
considers the scribe in Mt. 8.19 to be a 'Mattheanism' (Luz, Matthew, II, p. 21;
Gundry, Matthew, p. 151).
510. Mt. 21.33-46; Mk 12.1-12; Lk. 20.9-20.
511. Mk 11.27.
512. In contrast, Luke has chief priests and scribes wanting to arrest Jesus after
the parable, while in the previous passage the opposition consists of chief priests,
scribes and elders (Lk. 20.1, 19).
513. Mk 12.35-37; Lk. 20.41-44.
514. Luke on the other hand shortens and generalizes the account and does not
identify from which group the teaching originated (Lk. 20.41).
seems to be at the heart of the provocation of the chief priests and

scribes in the Temple (Mt. 21.12-17).515
Two further passages may also be interpreted as evidence in support
of the view that Matthew was not interested in the differentiation
between Jewish groups, although with less certainty. In the controversy
over Jesus' source of authority over demons (Mt. 12.22-32) the Phari-
sees accuse Jesus of deriving his power from Beelzebul (Mt. 12.24).
The Synoptic parallels are again complex. Matthew agrees with Luke in
placing this challenge after Jesus had cast out a demon, while according
to Mark the Beelzebul accusation is preceded by Jesus' family's judg-
ment that he is beside himself.516 Since Luke does not identify those
who accused Jesus of being in league with Satan and according to Mark
they were scribes who had come down from Jerusalem, it cannot be
determined whether Matthew or Luke or both changed their common
source. However, since Luke tends to generalize accounts which
involve scribes in association with issues other than legal matters it is
likely that Luke's version does not represent the original opposition
found in the common source. It is therefore possible, although specul-
ative, that the author of Matthew replaced the reference to scribes
found in his common source with Pharisees.
Matthew's version of the calling of the tax collector Matthew (Mt.
9.9-13) is a further uncertain piece of evidence. Although shortened,
Matthew's version of the calling of the tax collector Levi is essentially
the same as Mark's, except that he omitted the scribes.517 While accord-
ing to Mark (as well as Luke), scribes and Pharisees, or in some manu-
scripts scribes of the Pharisees, complained about Jesus' social contact,
Matthew only mentions Pharisees. The best explanation for Matthew's
omission of scribes seems to be his lack of interest in the composition
of the Jewish opposition.518
To conclude, the omission of references to scribes and the changes of
the opposition in several passages do not follow a pattern. This sug-
gests that the author of Matthew was not too concerned about the actual
distinctions between different Jewish groups and the composition of the
515. Mk 11.15-18; Lk. 19.45-48.

516. Mk 3.20-27; Lk. 11.14-23.
517. Mk 2.13-17.
518. Although it is not inconceivable that Matthew was puzzled by a reference to
the scribes of the Pharisees and therefore omitted the reference to scribes.
opposition.519 This view which will receive further support from the
following study of the trial and condemnation narrative below.
A general overview over the trial narrative in the Gospel of Matthew
suggests that the author frequently changed the composition of the
Jewish opposition which he found in his sources. For example, accord-
ing to Mt. 26.3 the elders and chief priests gathered at the high priest's
house a few days before the beginning of the Passover to plan the arrest
of Jesus. In contrast, Mark and Luke refer to scribes and the chief
priests in this context.520 Scribes are again omitted in Matthew's ver-
sion of the arrest of Jesus. Judas is said to have been accompanied by
an armed crowd sent by the chief priests and elders (Mt. 26.47). This
contrasts Mark's reference to the crowd from the chief priests, scribes
and elders as well as Luke's chief priests, officers of the Temple and
elders.521 Matthew's composition of the Jewish opposition changes in
Mt. 26.57: scribes and elders are said to have gathered at Caiaphas's
house after the arrest while the chief priests are not mentioned in this
verse. The chief priests then reappear two verses later (Mt. 26.59)
where it is stated that together with the whole council the chief priests
sought false testimony against Jesus so that they might put him to
death.522 According to Matthew, it is also the chief priests and elders
who took counsel against Jesus, accused him before Pilate, and per-
suaded the people to ask for the release of Barnabas (Mt. 27.1, 11, 20).
The parallels in Mark refer to chief priests, elders, scribes and the
whole council.523 Finally, in Matthew's account of the crucifixion of
Jesus, scribes, chief priests and elders are said to have mocked Jesus
(Mt. 27.41), while according to Mark chief priests and scribes scoffed
at Jesus and Luke only refers to the rulers in this context.524
519. With regard to the scribes and Pharisees this has been argued independently
by Garland, based on Jeremias (D.E. Garland, The Intention of Matthew 23
[NovTSup, 52; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979], pp. 41-43). As a general tendency in
Matthew this lack of differentiation between Jewish groups has been recognized
most clearly by S. van Tilborg, The Jewish Leaders in Matthew (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1972), pp. 1-6; cf. also H.-F. Weiss, '<t>apioaio<;; B. The Pharisees in the New Tes-
tament', TDNT, IX, p. 39; R. Walker, Die Heilsgeschichte im Ersten Evangelium
(FRLANT, 91; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967), pp. 18-21.
520. Mkl4.1;Lk. 22.2.
521. Mt. 26.47; Mk 14.43; Lk. 22.52.
522. Mk 14.55 also refers to chief priests and the whole council.
523. Mk 15.1-5.
524. Mk 15.3l;Lk. 23.35.
Matthew's trial narrative seems to be largely dependent on Mark's

account but, significantly for this investigation, he changed individual
references to Jewish groups involved in the arrest, trial and condemna-
tion of Jesus. No pattern can be recognized according to which the
author would have introduced one group and omitted another, except
that he seems to have favoured pairs.525 It has frequently been argued
that the author of Matthew attempted to portray scribes in a positive
light and therefore would have wanted to excuse them from sharing the
responsibility of chief priests and elders for the death of Jesus.526 How-
ever, this is clearly not the case since scribes are explicitly mentioned
to have been present at the high priest's house and it is implied that
they were part of the council which tried Jesus.527 In other words, the
author portrays scribes as being involved in the arrest and trial together
with the high priest, chief priests and elders, but he generally does not
seem to have been concerned with the actual composition of the Jewish
opposition to Jesus at the different stages of the narrative. It seems
likely that he changed the Jewish groups involved on account of his
general preference for pairs of groups rather than an opposition consist-
ing of three.
The much discussed 'woes' against scribes and Pharisees in Matthew
23 are also significant for our study of Matthew's notion of scribes. The
woes are unique to Matthew in this form although much of the material
has close parallels in Luke. While Luke places the woes in various
narrative contexts, Matthew places all woes together in one of Jesus'
speeches. It has already been mentioned that Luke probably retained a
more original version of the majority of the individual woes, at least
with regard to the addressees.528 This view is partly based on the fact
525. Cf. also Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, I, p. 38.

526. Saldarini, for example, argues that Matthew did not present scribes as a
major force in events leading up to Jesus' death at least partly because he had a
fundamentally positive view of scribalism. However, it seems that he interprets the
lack of reference to scribes in this context also as an indication of their social posi-
tion and limited political influence. This view presumes that the author's changes
were deliberate reflecting better knowledge of the historical realities than his source
Mark (Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 161-64).
527. The woes against the scribes and Pharisees provide further strong evidence
that the author did not change his source with regard to scribes in order to portray
them in a more positive light.
528. E.g. Schurmann, Lukasevangelium, p. 305; Mussner, 'Redequelle', p. 213;
Garland, Matthew 23, p. 17; D.R.A. Hare, The Theme of Jewish Persecution of
that Luke has separate woes addressed to Pharisees and to lawyers,

while according to Matthew Jesus addressed all woes to both scribes
and Pharisees. A comparison of the woes in Matthew and Luke sug-
gests that the author of Matthew probably worked different sayings
together into one speech and harmonized the different addressees of the
various woes into the pair of scribes and Pharisees, where Luke gener-
ally refers to either Pharisees or lawyers.529 This is significant for the
understanding of Matthew's notion of scribes since, if our assumptions
about Matthew's and Luke's common source is correct, Matthew 23
constitutes an essential piece of evidence in support of the view that the
author did not clearly distinguish between different Jewish groups or
did not think it necessary to retain this differentiation in his gospel.
In line with the general structure of the discussion of the evidence
from the Synoptics, the following will focus on Matthew's notion of
scribes while the historical reliability of the information will be dis-
cussed separately.
In the first woe, according to Mt. 23.2-7, Jesus criticizes the public
behaviour of scribes and Pharisees. Part of this passage has close paral-
lels in Mark and/or Luke, but some new features are introduced by
Matthew.530 All Synoptics agree on the accusation that scribes like to
display their social status, expect to be treated accordingly at feasts and
in the synagogue, and like to be greeted in public. This portrayal of
scribes has already been discussed in association with Mk 12.38-39 and
need not be repeated here.531 The agreement between the Synoptics
with regard to the prestige of scribes should by no means be regarded
as evidence in support of the view that the tradition is historically reli-
able since it seems to be the result of the use of Mark by both Matthew
and Luke.
Christians in the Gospel According to Matthew (SNTSMS, 6; Cambridge: Cam-

bridge University Press, 1967), p. 81; R. Hummel, Die Auseinandersetzung
zwischen Kirche und Judentum im Matthausevangelium (BEvT, Theologische
Abhandlungen, 33; Munich: Kaiser, 1963), p. 87; J. Jeremias, 'ypau.u.a-ce'uq', TDNT
I, pp. 740-43; cf. also 2.4.6.2.
529. Mt. 23.4; Lk. 11.46; Mt. 23.13; Lk. 11.52; Mt. 23.23; Lk. 11.42; Mt. 23.25-
26; Lk. 11.39-41; Mt. 23.29-30; Lk. 11.45-48. There is only one reference to
scribes in the context of woe-sayings in Luke (Lk. 20.46-47) which was probably
taken from Mark and should therefore be considered separately from those sayings
derived from Matthew's and Luke's common source.
530. Mk 12.38-40; Lk. 20.45-47, 11.46.
531. Cf. 2.4.6.1.
A parallel in Luke but not in Mark can be found for the statement
that scribes and Pharisees lay heavy burdens on men's shoulders but do
not observe their own rules.532 Although it is not entirely clear what is
actually meant by this accusation, the context suggests that the heavy
burdens refer to strict and/or numerous regulations and laws enacted by
scribes and Pharisees.
Matthew's unique features, apart from the addition of Pharisees in
this context, include Jesus' apparent confirmation of the authority of
scribes and Pharisees, the accusation that they do deeds to be seen by
men, the reference to their wearing of phylacteries and fringes, and
their desire to be called 'rabbi'.
Mt. 23.2-3 clearly confirms the authority of the scribes and Pharisees,
which is striking in the context of the strong polemics against these
leaders and seems to plainly contradict other sayings attributed to Jesus
in the same gospel.533 Whatever the exact meaning of the expression
that scribes were sitting on Moses' seat ('Em Tfjt; Mcotioeocx; Ka0e5pce<;
eKCxGiaav oi ypajifiaTeit; mi oi Oapiaaioi) may be, the fact that
scribes and Pharisees are said to be preaching but not practising sug-
gests that they were teachers and authorities in matters of the law.
Some scholars have identified the Ka6e8pa as a special seat and have
argued that it was a familiar object in synagogues.534 However the
archaeological evidence is slim and late and it is more likely that
Mt. 23.2 uses the phrase 'sitting on Moses' seat' as a metaphor for
authority in matters of Moses' Torah.535 This probably included both
the interpretation and teaching of the Scriptures and laws, a view which
receives further support from the statement that scribes and Pharisees
liked to be addressed with the title 'rabbi' (Mt. 23.7). Mt. 23.5 refers to
the alleged hypocrisy of scribes and Pharisees: doing deeds to be seen
by others, including the display of items associated with prayer. It is
noteworthy that the author of Matthew does not mention the garments
(atonal) of the scribes but instead refers to phylacteries and fringes
(<tn)A,aKTr|pia, Kpda7ce5a). It seems that he turned the reference to gar-
ments, which could have referred to any kind of distinctive clothes, into
532. Lk. 11.46, where the accusation is directed against lawyers.

533. Mt. 16.5-12.
534. E.g. Gnilka, Matthdusevangelium, II, p. 273.
535. So D.J. Harrington, The Gospel of Matthew (Sacra Pagina Series, 1; Col-
legeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1991), p. 320. For a brief discussion, cf. also Gar-
land, Matthew 23, pp. 42-43 n. 27.
some specifically Jewish items which were also worn. The phylacteries
and fringes were part of religious practice and seem to fit the context of
hypocrisy and long prayers for pretence much better.536
The author of Matthew does not mention the accusation that scribes
were devouring widows' houses although he most likely knew the tra-
dition. We can only speculate about his reasons. The author may not
have understood the meaning of this statement or, alternatively, he may
have decided that it did not fit the context of hypocrisy with regard to
religious behaviour and practice and therefore chose to omit the
reference.
In Mt 23.13 scribes and Pharisees are again explicitly accused of
hypocrisy because they shut the kingdom of heaven and hinder others
to enter it. This woe cannot be found in Mark, but most of the material
is present in Luke in a slightly different form.537 The meaning of this
accusation can only be derived from the context of the woes and the
Gospel in general. It seems to imply that scribes and Pharisees had
authority and influence over the people, probably on account of their
acknowledged expertise in the interpretation of the Scriptures. As
'blind guides' they do not recognize Jesus as the messiah and because
of their position and influence they also hinder others from believing in
him.538
Mt. 23.15 contains the unique and controversial woe which accuses
scribes and Pharisees of being zealous to make converts.
Mt. 23.15
Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you cross sea and
land to make a single convert, and you make the new convert twice as
much a child of hell as yourselves.
This passage has received much attention and has frequently served as
the starting point for the argument that scribes and Pharisees were
536. Against Rengstorf who argues that the atoXai in Mark designated the
specific Sabbath clothes of scribes while according to Matthew the accusation is
directed against specific scribal and Pharisaic practice, both referring to a demon-
strative emphasis on pious practice (Rengstorf, 'ZTOAAI', pp. 396-404).
537. Lk. 11.52 (against lawyers).
538. Blind guides: Mt. 15.14; 23.16, 24. For a similar interpretation, cf. Garland,
Matthew 23, pp. 126-27.
strongly involved in missionary activity. Most scholars have under-

stood this verse as a reference to Pharisaic in competition with
Christian missionary activity.539 However, since there is no good evi-
dence for this kind of missionary activity, it has recently been argued
that Mt. 23.15 reflects late first-century Pharisaic activity to convert
other Jews to follow their Halakhah or to urge god-fearers to become
full proselytes undergoing circumcision.540 In either case, this passage
implies that the scribes and Pharisees would have been teaching new
converts introducing them to their system of laws and regulations.541
There is no parallel to this verse in the other Synoptics, hence it is
impossible to determine the original addressees of this woe in
Matthew's source. Since it is generally believed that the author of
Matthew harmonized the addressees of woes into the pair of Pharisees
and scribes it is by no means certain that the original woe included
scribes.
Scribes and Pharisees are again accused of being blind guides of the
people in Mt. 23.16-22, a characterization which is illustrated by
examples of their regulations such as the validity of oaths. This passage
is unique to the Gospel of Matthew and suggests that the author per-
ceived scribes and Pharisees to have been concerned with a casuistic
interpretation of the law.542 Their designation as blind guides implies
influence and authority of scribes and Pharisees in legal matters and
their function as teachers.
In Mt. 23.23 the scribes and Pharisees are attacked for their
hypocrisy in their observation of the law. They are described as con-
cerned with details of the laws but failing to observe general com-
mandments such as justice and mercy. They are accused of confusing
less important matters of the law with more important ones. A parallel
539. For a brief discussion of the matter, cf. Garland, Matthew 23, pp. 129-30;
S. McKnight, A Light among the Gentiles: Jewish Missionary Activity in the
Second Temple Period (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991), pp. 106-107.
540. Activity towards fellow Jews: M.D. Goodman, Mission and Conversion;
Proselytizing in the Religious History of the Roman Empire (Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1994), pp. 69-72; full conversion of god-fearers: McKnight, Light, p. 107.
541. Garland suggests that this included the dependency on ritual and legal val-
ues for salvation (Garland, Matthew 23, pp. 129-31).
542. Against Garland who argues that this woe should not be understood as
attacking the casuistry to evade the obligations of oaths but rather the concern of
Jewish leaders with the proper formulation of oaths while Jesus rejected them alto-
gether (Garland, Matthew 23, pp. 133-35).
of this woe can be found in Luke, but Lk. 11.42 only refers to Phari-
sees.543 In Mt. 23.24 Jesus is again said to have attacked scribes and
Pharisees as 'blind guides', the context implying authority in legal
matters.
A further attack on the hypocrisy and casuistry of the scribes and
Pharisees uses the metaphors of a cup and plate to illustrate the rela-
tionship between the observance of purity rules and other good deeds
(Mt. 23.25).544 Strikingly, this is followed by a command to a(!) Phari-
see to cleanse the inside of the cup and the plate first so that the outside
might be clean too (Mt. 23.26).545 The fact that a single Pharisee is
addressed in what is clearly a continuation of the previous woe against
scribes and Pharisees renders additional support to the view that Mat-
thew did not differentiate between scribes and Pharisees with regard to
their functions or concerns. Moreover, it indicates that Matthew's
source probably did not refer to scribes and Pharisees as a pair in the
same way as Matthew.
This is followed by a further attack on the scribes and Pharisees and
their regulations concerning impurity (Mt. 23.27-28).546 They are por-
trayed as concerned with the detailed interpretation of specific laws
regulating which graves and monuments built over tombs convey
impurity and which do not.547 They are accused of being concerned
with details but failing to understand the real implications of the law.
To summarize, in the woes scribes are closely associated with the
Pharisees and show the same concerns. Scribes, together with the Phari-
sees, are portrayed as successors of Moses in their role as interpreters
of the law and teachers of the people. They are described as concerned
with a detailed and casuistic interpretation of the laws and with the
543. Lk. 11.42.

544. Mt. 23.25 is paralleled in Lk. 11.39 but the Gospels draw different conclu-
sions. Luke is not interested in the actual purity laws while Matthew acknowledges
them but stresses that purity laws alone are not enough. It has been suggested that
neither the author of Luke nor Matthew grasped the point of the original saying and
clumsily tried to make sense of it (cf. Garland, Matthew 23, pp. 141-42).
545. For an extensive discussion and explanation of the legal back background,
cf. Garland, Matthew 23, pp. 143-50.
546. A possible parallel of this woe can be found in Lk. 11.44, however, it is
unclear whether both passages are based on the same tradition (E. Haenchen,
'Matthaus 23', ZTK48 [1951], p. 50).
547. Monuments built over closed tombs seem to have been considered clean
unless whitewashed (Garland, Matthew 23, pp. 154-56).
power to enact new laws and regulations. Their role as legal authorities
was most likely association with expertise in the Scriptures even
though this is never explicitly mentioned. The comparison of the woes
with synoptic parallels suggests that the close association of scribes and
Pharisees reflects the author's lack of differentiation between different
Jewish groups rather than their portrayal in his sources.
A further passage which is part of the conclusion of Jesus speech
against the scribes and Pharisees (Mt. 23) will be discussed separately
on account of its significance as well as the problems arising from it. A
vast amount of literature has been produced on Mt. 23.34-36 but, due to
the scope of this investigation, it is necessary to concentrate on its evi-
dence concerning scribes.
After the woes and an announcement of judgment and condemnation
of the scribes and Pharisees, Jesus apparently predicted the persecution
of prophets, wise men and scribes.
Mt. 23.34
Therefore I send you prophets, sages and scribes, some of whom you
will kill and crucify, and some you will flog in your synagogues and pur-
sue from town to town.
Jesus continues that judgment will come upon this generation on

account of the killing of the righteous people from the time of the
prophets until their own time.548
The passage Mt. 23.34-36 has a close parallel in Luke although there
are many disagreements.549 Significant for our investigation is the fact
that Luke's version refers to the persecution of prophets and apostles,
while Matthew has prophets, wise men and scribes. Further, according
to Matthew, Jesus is the sender of those who will be persecuted while
according to Luke they are sent by the wisdom (ox>(|)ta) of God. If
Luke's version of this saying is taken to preserve the more original tra-
dition, as most scholars assume, then Matthew would have deliberately
changed both the sender and those sent to Israel. On this basis it has
frequently been argued that when Matthew referred to the prophets,
548. Mt. 23.35-36

549. Lk. 11.49-51.
wise men and scribes, he had distinctive offices in the Christian com-
munities in mind. More specifically, it has been argued that Mt. 23.34
reflects the existence of scribes in the author's own community. Other
scholars have understood the prophets, wise men and scribes more
loosely as a reference to the disciples. In any case, this saying is gen-
erally interpreted as reflecting the persecution experienced by the
church.550 These views presume the existence of Christian scribes in the
early church who in this context are usually understood to have been
scholars/theologians and/or teachers.551 If the author of Matthew
adapted a saying according to his own experience, this passage would
indicate that he was familiar with either converted Jewish scribes or
with Christians who adopted the title ypauucrrexx; on account of the
status and functions associated with it in the Jewish community. In any
case, the title would have designated functions and positions in the
church similar to those of scribes in the Jewish communities.552 If this
interpretation is correct, Mt. 23.34 does not provide any additional
information on Jewish scribes except that it would have had to be a
prestigious position since otherwise converted Jewish scribes would not
have kept their title or Christians would not have adopted it as their
own.
However, a few scholars have resisted this general trend to under-
stand Mt. 23.34 as a reference to offices in the Christian communities
550. E.g. M. Davies, Matthew (Readings: a New Biblical Commentary;

Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993), pp. 157, 162; Saldarini, Pharisees, p. 160; Beare,
Matthew, p. 458; Hare, Theme, pp. 95-96; A. von Schlatter, Der Evangelist
Matthaus (Stuttgart: Calwer Vereinsbuchhandlung, 1929), pp. 686-87. Gnilka who
also assumes that the three titles in Mt. 23.34 refer to Christian missionaries makes
an interesting point about the side by side reference to scribes and wise men. He
argues that the author looks back on a period where both titles were still used in the
Jewish community, i.e. the time before 70, since later the title scribe ("ISO) had
come to be reserved for authorities of the past while contemporary experts in the
Scriptures were designated with the title wise man (DDfi) (Gnilka, Matthaus-
evangelium, II, p. 300).
551. It is interesting to note that in the context of the scholarly discussion on the
writing and transmission of the New Testament texts scribes also feature strongly
but these two possible functions and positions are rarely considered together.
552. This view is usually supported by a similar interpretation of Mt. 13.52.
Additional support is provided by the fact in Mt. 23.8-12 Matthew also seems to be
referring to the situation in his own time, warning the leaders in the church not to
behave like the scribes and Pharisees.
and have argued that the saying simply refers to the disciples in thor-
oughly Jewish terms.553 In this sense the author of Matthew could have
used the title ypauiiaTetx; as a reference to functions associated with
scribes in Jewish society. In the role of scribes the followers of Jesus
could be understood as those who interpret the fulfilment of the Scrip-
tures and the prophecies correctly.554
I will now move on to discuss three passages which are unique to
Matthew, beginning with the appearance of scribes in the infancy nar-
rative. Herod is said to have been worried by the message that another
King of the Jews had been born. According to Matthew, Herod
inquired from the chief priests and scribes about the birth place of this
new king. By means of interpreting the Scriptures (Mic. 5.1) the chief
priests and scribes concluded that the messiah had been born in Bethle-
hem.
Even though the historicity of the account of Jesus' birth and the
accompanying events in the Gospel of Matthew is usually questioned,
this passage is highly interesting. The scribes and the chief priests are
portrayed as experts in the Scriptures and, in this function, as advisors
to Herod. This notion of scribes is consistent with other passages in the
Gospel. Their expertise and authority in the interpretation of the Scrip-
tures and their presence in Jerusalem in association with the chief
priests is attested frequently. Usually neglected, but possibly significant
is the fact that the incident recorded in Mt. 2.1-12 is linked to the
appearance of a star in the sky, a sign which required interpretation. A
close parallel to these functions of the scribes can be found in the
Moses legend recorded by Josephus. One of the Egyptian sacred scribes
who, according to Josephus, had considerable skill in predicting the
future, announced to the king the birth of Moses and his role as the new
ruler of the Israelites.555
In a further unique passage, scribes are referred to in the context of
553. So Orton who states that there is no reason to assumes that the three cate-
gories of prophet, wise man and scribe reflect Christian offices (Orton, Scribe,
pp. 155-56) but rather portray the disciples of Jesus in opposition to the Jewish
leadership. Cf. also Gundry, Matthew, pp. 469-70.
554. In contrast to the Jewish leaders who, on account of their role and expertise,
should be able to understand the Scriptures and Jesus' message correctly but do not
understand.
555. Josephus, Ant. 2.205. On the parallel, cf. also Gnilka, Matthausevangelium,
I, pp. 34-35; Schlatter, Matthdus, p. 32. For the association of Jewish scribes with
the interpretation of signs: Mt. 12.38 and Josephus, War 6.291 (2.4.5).
the Sermon on the Mount. Jesus' strong affirmation of the validity of

the law and the prophets and the necessity to teach biblical laws
(Mt. 5.17-19), is followed by a warning to his audience:
Mt. 5.20
For I tell you, unless your righteousness exceeds that of the scribes and
Pharisees, you will never enter the kingdom of heaven.
This passage implies that scribes (and Pharisees) showed great concern
for the observation of rules and regulations of the law and probably
also their teaching.556 It is possible, although not compelling to inter-
pret this passage as a reference to the authority and influence of scribes
and Pharisees with regard to the interpretation of the law and its appli-
cations.
A third passage is unique to Matthew: Mt. 13.52. To say that many
varied interpretations of this passage exist is understating the matter.
This passage can be found at the end of a discourse which contains
several kingdom parables and their explanations.
Mt. 13.52
And he said to them, 'Therefore every scribe who has been trained for
the kingdom of heaven is like the master of a household who brings out
of his treasure what is new and what is old.'
This saying seems awkward at the end of Jesus' discourse and the
question arises in what way it was related to Jesus' teaching. It is
important that the interpretation of Mt. 13.52 is not attempted in isola-
tion from its context. The parable of the scribe is also a kingdom par-
able and as such follows several other kingdom parables. It is possible
that the author found this parable in his sources, or that he adapted a
saying about a scribe to this context, or that the parable stems from his
own creativity. In any case, the scribe is portrayed as an expert in the
Scriptures who, because he has understood Jesus' message, is able to
interpret the Scriptures accordingly.
The prevailing scholarly understanding of this verse is that it reflects
556. Davies, Ater/iew, pp. 51-52.

the presence of scribes in Matthew's community and/or is a reference

to the author himself.557 The latter view is based on the observation that
the author was trained in Jewish exegesis and writing and the assump-
tion that this is 'the most tangible aspect of the traditional art of the
scribe'.558 If taken as a general reference to scribes in Christian com-
munities it is either proposed that converted Jewish scribes kept their
title or that Christians had assumed the Jewish title as a designation for
their functions in the church.559
Another interpretation of Mt. 13.52 is, however, equally plausible.
Matthew might have associated the scribe with the disciples addressed
in the previous verse. For the author the understanding of Jesus' mes-
sage is of much importance and the understanding scribe is set in con-
trast with the Pharisees and scribes who do not understand.560 Consid-
ering that the author of Matthew generally uses titles and designations
of Jewish groups without much differentiation it is conceivable that he
may have used this saying to illustrate the fact that the disciples have
come to understand the parables and the message about the kingdom of
heaven. In this sense they have been trained in the kingdom of heaven.
This view receives support from Ben Sira, a book with which, it can
reasonably be assumed, the author of Matthew was familiar. According
to Ben Sira one of the areas of expertise of a scribe was the interpreta-
tion of parables.561
In short, the passage is open to the interpretation that the author of
the Gospel associated the title ypauuaTetx; with the interpretation of
parables or that he was familiar with converted Jewish scribes or
557. E.g. Luz, Matthdus, II, pp. 363-66; Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 159-60; Gnilka,
Matthdusevangelium, I, pp. 510-11; Beare, Matthew, pp. 317-18; Garland, Matthew
23, pp. 160-61; O.L. Cope, Matthew: A Scribe Trained for the Kingdom of Heaven
(CBQMS, 5; Washington, DC: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1976),
p. 25; O. Betz, 'Neues und Altes im Geschichtshandeln Gottes: Bemerkungen zu
Mattaus 13.51f.', in H. Feld and J. Nolte (eds.), Wort Gottes in der Zeit (Dussel-
dorf: Patmos Verlag, 1973), pp. 81-83; J.D. Kingsbury, The Parables of Jesus in
Matthew 13: A Study in Redaction-Criticism (London: SPCK, 1969), p. 126.
558. So Orton, Scribe, p. 165; cf. also the bibliographical references provided by
him.
559. This interpretation of Mt. 13.52 is usually linked to and supported by
Mt. 23.34.
560. So Orton, Scribe, p. 165; Gundry, Matthew, pp. 281-82; Schlatter,
Matthdus, pp. 449-51.
561. Sir. 38.33-39.3; also Orton, Scribe, p. 142.
Christians using this title as a designation for a specific position and/or

functions.562
Historicity
Before discussing the question of the historical reliability of Matthew's
portrayal of scribes, some general remarks on the Gospel will have to
be made.
With regard to chronological details the author remains vague. He
refers to King Herod the Great, his sons Archelaus and Antipas, to the
Roman prefect Pilate and to the high priest Caiaphas, but mentions no
dates.563 Similarly, the Gospel displays only a vague knowledge of the
location of events and several mistakes reflect the author's ignorance
with regard to geography and political realities in Palestine. It is stated
that, after John the Baptist had been arrested by Herod Antipas, Jesus
withdrew to Galilee in order to ensure the safety of his followers. This
is inaccurate in two aspects: first, John's ministry is set in Judaea which
means that he stayed in territory ruled by Archelaus and, secondly,
Herod Antipas ruled Galilee and Peraea which means that Jesus' move
to Galilee did not ensure the safety of his followers.564 Furthermore,
although the author of Matthew knew that Herod Antipas's correct title
was tetrarch and not king, he did not find it necessary to distinguish
between the two titles.565 Moreover, a reference to the region across the
Jordan as Judaea may indicate a vague grasp of the geographical reali-
ties of Palestine.566 From a Palestinian perspective this area would have
been Peraea although both regions were part of the territory of Herod
Antipas. It has been argued that this notion reflects the author's
perspective from outside Palestine in the East but it is more likely that
the relevant statement reflects a misinterpretation of the source Mark.567
Similarly, the positive portrait of the Roman prefect Pilate is likely to
have been derived from Mark.568
562. Cf. also Mt. 23.34.

563. Mt. 2.1, 22; 14.1; 26.57; 27.2.
564. Mt. 3.1; 4.12; 14.1-12.
565. Mt. 14.1, 9; cf. Mk 6.26. Since Matthew's reference to the title tetrarch has
a parallel in Luke it seems that both Matthew and Luke derived this information
from their common source (Lk. 9.7).
566. Mt. 19.1.
567. Mk 10.1 refers to Jesus leaving Galilee and going to the region of Judaea
and beyond the Jordan.
568. Mt. 27.11-26; Mk 15.1-15.
The vagueness and inaccuracies which can be found in the Gospel of

Matthew seem to have been derived from the author's source Mark and
probably also his common source with Luke. There is no reliable indi-
cation that the author of Matthew possessed independent, more accu-
rate knowledge of the social, political and geographical realities of
Palestine at the time of Jesus than his sources. This makes it unlikely
that the changes made by the author of Matthew to the accounts taken
from his sources with regard to scribes reflect their role, functions and
concerns in pre-70 society more accurately.569 It is evident that the
author did not retain distinctions between the different groups and fre-
quently substituted one group for another, sometimes omitting, and
sometimes introducing references to groups. Generally, these changes
seem to have been guided by the author's preference for pairs in oppo-
sition to Jesus rather than an opposition consisting of one or three
groups. In other words, it may be concluded that Matthew is less accu-
rate than Mark (and Luke) with regard to the individual groups.570
The material which is unique to Matthew more or less reflects the
same notion of scribes as the remaining part of Matthew and the Gospel
of Mark. Unique passages include the reference to scribes who func-
tioned as advisors to King Herod and who informed him about the birth
place of the messiah on the basis of their interpretation of the Scrip-
tures. It is unique to Matthew that scribes could be found at Herod's
court. Some scholars have argued that this scenario is historically
improbable on the basis of Josephus's evidence that Herod did not have
569. Against Saldarini who assumes that the Gospel of Matthew is basically reli-
able with regard to the information on social structure and political influence. Even
though he differentiates between the plane of the author's own understanding and
the historical reliability of the tradition, Saldarini does not consistently apply this
distinction to his survey of the material and his conclusions. This is especially true
with regard to Saldarini's view that the almost consistent omission of scribes from
the arrest and trial narrative in Matthew indicates that scribes had less political
power and, as retainers, were dependent on the 'real' ruling class consisting of the
chief priests and elders (Saldarini, Pharisees, p. 161).
570. Cf. also van Tilborg, Jewish Leaders, pp. 1-6; but against H.-J. Becker, Auf
der Kathedra des Moses: Rabbinisch-theologisches Denken und anti-rabbinische
Polemik in Matthdus 23.1-12 (Arbeiten zur neutestamentlichen Theologie und Zeit-
geschichte, 4; Berlin: Institut fur Kirche und Judentum, 1990), pp. 17-19; also
against Orton, who argues that the author of Matthew had a firm perception of the
scribe and that changes were made in the service of a consistently positive presen-
tation (Orton, Scribe, p. 137).
much support from influential Jews,571 However, on account of the

general importance assigned to the interpretation of the Scriptures in
Jewish society at that time, Herod may well have had his own expert
interpreters at his court.
With regard to the two passages which could be interpreted as a ref-
erence to Jewish scribes, converted Jewish scribes, or pagan Christian
scribes, they do not advance our understanding of the status and func-
tions of Jewish scribes beyond the data provided by the other relevant
passages.
The historical reliability of Matthew's unique accusation which
implies that scribes and Pharisees were active travelling missionaries
remains doubtful on account of Matthew's harmonization of the Jewish
opposition in the woes and his general tendency to blur the distinction
between Jewish groups.
It has frequently been argued that Matthew's emphasis on Pharisees
is anachronistic and reflects the situation after 70 when the Christian
communities were in conflict with the Pharisees in Jabne.572 Generally,
these discussions either ignore scribes, despite their frequent alliance
with the Pharisees in the Gospel, or simply include them with the
Pharisees on account of the widespread assumption that after 70 all
scribes were Pharisees. However, the equation of the Rabbinic sages
with Pharisees is problematic since the rabbis never used that name of
themselves, and there is nothing in the Gospel of Matthew which
makes the view compelling that the portrait of Pharisees and scribes
reflects post-70 conflicts between Christians, on the one hand, and
Pharisees and scribes, on the other hand.573
571. E.g. Josephus, War 1.311-13; 1.651-55; Ant. 17.149-67. Luz, for example,
states that the harmony is 'historisch unwahrscheinlich' (historically improbable)
(Luz, Matthaus, I, p. 119):
572. So, for example, J.J. Kilgallen, A Brief Commentary on the Gospel of
Matthew (Lewiston, NY: Mellen Biblical Press, 1992), p. 188; Becker, Kathedra,
pp. 18-22; Hummel, Auseinandersetzung, p. 87; Riddle, Jesus, p. 144. In contrast,
Gundry suggests that the conflict reflects controversies between Christian 'loophole
lawyers' with great influence in the church who had come from a Pharisaic sect
(Gundry, Matthew, p. 453). For additional bibliographical references, cf. Garland,
Matthew 23, pp. 43-44.
573. Cf. Luz, Matthaus, I, pp. 70-71.
2.4.6.4. The Scribes in the Synoptics and the Griesbach Hypothesis

This section will briefly discuss whether the Griesbach hypothesis can
provide a plausible explanation for the Synoptic material with regard to
scribes. As already stated in the introduction to the New Testament
writings, this hypothesis argues that Matthew wrote first and Mark last,
using both Matthew and Luke.574 It furthermore discards hypothetical
sources.
A comparison between the relevant passages in the Synoptics reveals
no patterns of the changes which would have to have been made by the
author of Luke and Mark to their source Matthew with regard to
scribes. According to the order suggested by the Griesbach hypothesis,
Luke would sometimes have added Pharisees to Matthew's accounts,
sometimes omitted Pharisees or Pharisees and scribes, sometimes he
would have added scribes, or substituted Pharisees or elders with
scribes.575 Even though the Gospel of Mark agrees with either Matthew
or Luke in the majority of parallels concerning scribes there are quite a
large number of passages where it agrees with neither.576 The changes
supposedly made by Mark and Luke are difficult to explain on the basis
of the model of literary dependency as outlined by the Griesbach
hypothesis. No satisfactory answer can be provided to the questions
why and on what basis the authors of Luke and Mark would have
changed the composition of the Jewish opposition as found in their
source Matthew, especially if they did not have access to other inde-
pendent sources. Since the arguments concerning the general vagueness
and inaccuracies of the Gospels with regard to political, geographical
and religious matters are the same as presented above it seems unlikely
that either Luke or Mark had access to much independent and accurate
knowledge of first century Palestinian Jewish society according to
which they could have corrected the stereotype classification of the
Jewish opposition in their source Matthew.
In short, it seems that the Griesbach hypothesis is a less suitable
model to explain the differences between the Synoptic gospels with
regard to scribes than the Two-Source hypothesis.
574. Cf. introduction to section 2.4.6 above.

575. Examples: Lk. 5.30 and Mt. 9.12; Lk. 11.29 and Mt. 12.38; Lk. 20.1 and
Mt. 21.23; Lk. 20.19 and Mt. 21.45; Lk. 22.2 and Mt. 26.3.
576. Mk 3.22; 9.14; 12.12; 12.35; 14.43; 15.1.
2.4.6.5. 1 Corinthians
1 Corinthians is almost universally recognized as an authentic Pauline
letter. With the help of chronological details about Paul's missionary
activities, Paul's correspondence with the Corinthian church can be
dated to his long stay in Ephesus in the early fifties.577 The letter was
known to Clement of Rome at the end of the first century CE and men-
tioned with other Pauline letters in the Muratorian Canon.578
Paul wrote 1 Corinthians in response to a letter addressed to him by
the Corinthian church and reports from some of its members.579 Corinth
was a prosperous city with a considerable Jewish community. There is
no clear evidence about the composition of the Christian congregation
but the account of Paul's activities in Corinth in Acts and the fact that
Jews do not figure much in 1 Corinthians suggests that the church in
Corinth consisted mainly of converts from paganism rather than
Judaism.580
Paul's letter to the Corinthians contains one reference to scribes in
the context of a paragraph on God's wisdom.581 In 1 Cor. 1.18 Paul
states that the message of salvation through Jesus' death on the cross
can only be understood by those who are saved. The wisdom of the
cross contradicts worldly wisdom and seems foolish. Paul continues by
quoting a verse from the prophet Isaiah (Isa. 29.14) which expresses
God's wisdom and his rejection of human wisdom.
ICor. 1.19-20
19
20
(19) For it is written, 'I will destroy the wisdom of the wise, and the
cleverness of the clever I will thwart.' (20) Where is the wise man?
577. Acts 18.1-18; 19.1-10; 1 Cor. 3.10. For discussions of the evidence used to
substantiate this date, cf. W. Schrage, Der erste Brief an die Korinther (EKKNT, 7;
Zurich: Benziger, 1991), pp. 36-38; F.F. Bruce, 1 and 2 Corinthians (New Century
Bible Commentary; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1980), pp. 19-20, 23-25.
578. 1 Clem. 47.1 (cf. H. Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians: A Commentary on the
First Epistle to the Corinthians [Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1975],
pp. 2-4).
579. ICor. 1.11-12; 7.1.
580. Acts 18.1-11; 1 Cor. 8.7.
581. 1 Cor. 1.18-31.
Where is the scribe? Where is the debater of this age? Has not God made
foolish the wisdom of the world?582
1 Cor. 1.20 clearly refers to common representatives of worldly wis-

dom who stand in contrast to God and his wisdom. No consensus has
been reached with regard to the origin of this verse. It has been argued
that Paul was quoting either from a florilegium, a more or less contem-
porary saying, or this verse was his own formulation. Others take it to
be an allusion to Isa. 33.18. Any of the theories is possible but none is
compelling.
The 'wise', 'scribe' and 'debater' have frequently been identified by
scholars as specific references to Jews and Gentiles. Either the ao(|>6<; is
taken to mean a Greek, the ypauume'U<; a Jew, and the ov^nTnTlte to
refer to both, or the ao<|)6<; is understood as a general reference to a wise
man, the Ypaji|iaie'6<; as a Jew, and the au£T|Tr|Tr|<; as a Greek.583 How-
ever, it is more likely that all three categories should be understood as
more or less equivalents of representatives of the wisdom of the world,
including both Jews and Greeks. In any case it may be concluded that 1
Cor. 1.20 reflects the notion that scribes were associated with knowl-
edge and wisdom, representing the understanding of Paul who was
familiar with both Greek and Jewish culture.
2.4.7. 4 Ezra
The book 4 Ezra has been preserved and transmitted in various Chris-
tian churches. It has survived in Latin, Syriac, Ethiopic, Arabic, Arme-
nian, Georgian and Coptic but the language in which it was originally
composed is usually assumed to have been Hebrew or Aramaic.584 The

583. It is on the basis of the evidence for scribes in the Synoptics and Acts that
commentators usually understand the ypaunate-uq to be a Jewish category (e.g.
J. Theis, Paulus als Weisheitslehrer: der Gekreuzigte und die Weisheit Gottes in
1 Kor 1-4 [Biblische Untersuchungen, 22; Regensburg: Pustet, 1991], pp. 169-73;
Theis also identifies Paul as a scribe ["IDIO/ypamiatexx;], an ordained theologian
[p. 171]).
584. Stone argues that the oldest extant versions can all be shown to stem from a
Greek translation made of the original Hebrew text (M.E. Stone, Fourth Ezra: A
Commentary on the Book of Fourth Ezra [Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press,
1990], pp. 1-2, 36); cf. also J. Bloch, The Ezra-Apocalypse: Was it Written in
Hebrew, Greek or Aramaic?', JQR 47^8 (1957-58), pp. 279-81; for the different
versions, cf. J. Schreiner, Das 4. Buch Esra (JSHRZ, V.4; Giitersloh: Gerd Mohn,
1981), pp. 294-95.
fact that only secondary or tertiary versions have been preserved poses
problems for our investigation since it makes it impossible to determine
the original wording with any certainty.
The date for the composition of 4 Ezra is usually placed towards the
end of the first century CE. Even though the earliest external evidence,
provided by quotations in later writings, is as late as the end of the sec-
ond century CE, on internal grounds a date in the eighties or nineties
seems fairly certain.585 It is generally accepted that the heads and wings
mentioned in the fifth vision of 4 Ezra can be identified with Roman
emperors, suggesting a date during the reign of Domitian (81-96
CE).586
There seems to be no doubt that the authorship of the book was
ascribed to Ezra, the priest and scribe of the biblical books even though
the Ezra-Salathiel of 4 Ezra and the biblical Ezra have sometimes been
regarded as different figures.587 With regard to the actual author of the
book there are no indications at all.588
Ezra records seven 'visions' which he had while living in Babylon,
trying to understand the destruction of Jerusalem and the prosperity of
the Gentiles. Although the actual text refers to the destruction of the
first Temple, it obviously reflects attempts of coming to terms with the
destruction of the second Temple in 70 CE.
In the fourth vision (4 Ezra 14.1-50) Ezra asks God to be given the
Torah for the following generations. This had become necessary
because the law/Scriptures had been burnt in the destruction of Jeru-
salem.589 According to 4 Ezra, Ezra received knowledge of the contents
of the Torah through divine revelation while five men whom he had
585. The oldest indisputable quotation can be found in Clement of Alexandria's

Strom. 3.16 (Stone, Ezra, p. 9).
586. For details, cf. Schiirer et al., History of the Jewish People, III.l, pp. 299-
300; Stone, Ezra, pp. 9-10.
587. For details, cf. M.E. Stone, 'The Metamorphosis of Ezra: Jewish Apoca-
lypse and Medieval Vision', JTS 33 (1982), pp. 1-18 (2-3). The similarities
between the two figures seem to indicate, however, that the author of 4 Ezra
identified the central figure with the biblical Ezra of the postexilic period.
588. On the basis of a comparison of 4 Ezra with rabbinic material Rosenthal
argued that the author belonged to the party of scribes/Torah scholars (Partei der
Schriftgelehrteri) (F. Rosenthal, Vier apokryphische Biicher aus der Zeit und Schule
R. Akiba's [Leipzig: Schulze, 1885], pp. 40-41, 70-71). On account of both method
and the lack of supporting evidence this theory is, however, unconvincing.
589. 4 Ezra 14.21.
taken with him wrote at his dictation in characters they did not
understand.590 In 40 days the 24 books of the Bible and an additional 70
books, which are only to be given to the wise men, were written. In
most versions the book ends as follows:
4 Ezra 14.37-50591
(37) So I took the five men, as he commanded me, and we proceeded to
the field, and remained there. (38) And it came to pass, on the next day,
behold, a voice called me, saying, Ezra, open your mouth and drink what
I give you to drink. (39) Then I opened my mouth, and behold, a full cup
was offered to me; it was full of something like water, but its colour was
like fire. (40) And I took and drank; and when I had drunk it, my heart
poured forth understanding, and wisdom increased in my breast, and my
spirit retained its memory; (41) and my mouth was opened, and was no
longer closed. (42) And the Most High gave understanding to those five
men, and by turns they wrote what was dictated, in characters they did
not know. They sat forty days, and wrote during the daytime, and ate
their bread at night. (43) As for me, I spoke in the daytime and was not
silent at night.592 (44) So during the forty days ninety-four books were
written. (45) And when the forty days were ended, the Most High spoke
to me, saying 'Make public the twenty-four books that you wrote first
and let the worthy and the unworthy read them; (46) but keep the sev-
enty that were written last, in order to give them to the wise among the
people. (47) For in them are springs of understanding, the fountains of
wisdom and the river of knowledge.' (48) And I did so.593 (49) In the
seventh year of the sixth week, five thousand years and three months and
twenty-two days after creation. (50) At that time Ezra was caught up,
and taken to the place of those who are like him,594 after he had written
all these things. And he was called the Scribe of the knowledge of the
Most High forever.595
The fact that different versions have preserved varying ends of the book
makes it impossible to determine its original ending with any certainty.
590. 4 Ezra 14.37-47.

591. The translation is taken from Stone, Ezra, p. 438.
592. After adding 'And they wrote what I dictated' the text of the Arabic 2 ver-
sion ends (Stone, Ezra, p. 437).
593. The Latin text ends here. According to Stone the Ethiopic and Georgian
versions derive from a different Vorlagen in 14.48-50 (Stone, Ezra, p. 437).
594. The Georgian version finishes here (Stone, Ezra, p. 438).
595. The Syriac text adds The first discourse of Ezra is ended'; the Armenian W
text adds 'this book of Ezra is ended'; the Arabic 1 adds 'end of the first writing of
the books of Ezra, scribe of the Laws; and the second follows it' (selected notes
taken from Stone, Ezra, pp. 437-38).
However, since several translations have preserved the final verse it

will be assumed here that it was also contained in the original.
In 4 Ezra 14.50 Ezra is designated 'scribe of the knowledge of the
Most High', a title which is reminiscent of Ezra's titles in the biblical
books, such as 'scribe of the law of the God of Heaven.'596 The author
of 4 Ezra seems to have adapted the biblical title to his own story
which portrays Ezra as having received divine understanding and
knowledge through revelation.597 The book contains the novel idea that
Ezra received the Scriptures directly from God, thus repeating Moses'
reception of the Torah on Sinai.598 Ezra is put on a par with Moses
through the divine revelation of the Torah to him but also on account of
such parallels as the calling of Ezra by God and the duration of the
revelation for forty days.599
It is significant that the author of 4 Ezra thought it important to
include a description of the actual process of the writing of the Scrip-
tures and the other books. The act of writing down the revelation into
books is not just assumed to have happened, but rather constitutes an
important part of 4 Ezra 14. It is, therefore, possible that Ezra was
designated as a scribe on account of both the biblical tradition and his
association with the writing of books.600 However, since the actual
writing was done by five men who were accustomed to fast writing and
wrote at Ezra's dictation Ezra could only in a loose sense have been
thought of as the 'writer' of the books. The author of 4 Ezra may have
used the title for Ezra as an honorary title and/or in his contemporane-
ous society scribes were associated with more than mere writing exper-
tise.601 Knowledge of the law, esoteric knowledge, authorship of books,
596. Ezra 7.12. Note also the change in 4 Ezra 14.50 from first to third person.
597. So Stone, Ezra, p. 442.
598. This idea is new but not unique to 4 Ezra (cf. e.g. Stone, Ezra, p. 37;
R.A. Kraft, '"Ezra" Materials in Judaism and Christianity', in W. Haase and
H. Temporini [eds.], Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt II 19.1 [Berlin:
W. de Gruyter, 1979], p. 126).
599. Cf. 4 Ezra 14.1, 23. Compare Targ. Neofitito Num. 21.18 and Targ. Onqe-
los and Targ. Neofiti to Deut. 33.21 where Moses is associated with the first writing
of the Torah and is also designated as a scribe (2.4.14).
600. It is usually overlooked by modern scholars that generally not much seems
to have been made of Ezra's title 'scribe' in Jewish writings from the Second-
Temple period. This is evident, for example, from such writings as 1 Esdras and
Josephus's works.
601. It may be assumed that there was not always a clear distinction between the
and/or the reception of divine revelation may also have been associated
with scribes.
To summarize, 4 Ezra indicates that at the end of the first century CE
the figure of Ezra was highly revered in at least some circles.602 The use
of the title 'scribe' in 4 Ezra may reflect a combination of knowledge
of the biblical tradition and the functions of scribes in the author's own
society. Alternatively, the title may have been used as an honorary
designation. In either case scribes may have been associated with writ-
ing expertise and one or more of the following functions and character-
istics: knowledge of the law; esoteric knowledge; authorship of books;
and being recipients of divine revelation.
2.4.8. Testament of Abraham

The Testament of Abraham contains a legend about the death of Abra-
ham, the patriarch. The book recounts how Abraham refuses to die and
is taken on a heavenly journey where he sees the sins committed on
earth and the judgment of the souls in heaven. On his return from the
journey Abraham is finally tricked by death. Despite the story's typical
testamentary setting and the explicit command to Abraham to make a
testament, the writing lacks crucial features of the testament genre. For
example, Abraham does not actually make his testament or gives any
ethical commands.603
The work survives in two Greek recensions and in several versions in
other languages translated from the Greek. The relationship between
the two Greek recensions, which differ quite substantially from each
other, is complicated and a matter of much scholarly discussion.604 On
the one hand, there are differences with regard to the order, the length
writing, dictation or authorship of a book or document. This may be compared to

the situation today where the author of a book can be designated as its writer which
does not necessarily imply that he physically wrote the book.
602. It is noteworthy that compared to other biblical figures only relatively few
pseudepigraphical writings have been ascribed to Ezra in the period under consid-
eration (cf. Stone, 'Metamorphosis', p. 1).
603. G.W.E. Nickelsburg, 'Review of the Literature', in G.W.E. Nickelsburg
(ed.), Studies on the Testament of Abraham (Septuagint and Cognate Studies, 6;
Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1976), p. 13.
604. For a review of the main theories and a discussion of the main problems, cf.
R.A. Kraft, 'Reassessing the "Recensional Problem" in Testament of Abraham', in
G.W.E. Nickelsburg (ed.), Studies on the Testament of Abraham (Septaguant and
Cognate Studies, 6; Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1976), pp. 123-31.
of certain elements and the vocabulary. On the other hand, the stories of
both recensions are very similar and there is a high degree of verbatim
agreement.605 It seems that the longer recension (T. Abr. A) and the
shorter recension (T. Abr. B) are not directly dependent on each other.
T. Abr. A is not simply an extension of the shorter T. Abr. B, and
T. Abr. B does not seem to be an abridgment of T. Abr. A.
With regard to the original language of Testament of Abraham a con-
sensus has emerged and it is now generally agreed that both recensions
were originally composed in Greek rather than having been translated
into Greek.606
The place of origin, background of the author and the date of com-
position of Testament of Abraham are widely debated and theories
diverge since there is no conclusive evidence.
Based on parallel motives in Egyptian religion and the vocabulary of
Testament of Abraham, an Egyptian origin has frequently been
assumed.607 However, the work may have originated in any of the big-
ger Jewish centres in the Greek speaking Diaspora since parallels may
also be found in Jewish and Greek literature.608
There is further debate on the background of the author and extent of
Christian revisions but in recent decades the scholarly consensus has
moved towards accepting Testament of Abraham as a basically Jewish
work containing Christian interpolations.609 It is suggested that the
longer recension displays a stronger influence of New Testament
vocabulary and Christian interpolations than the shorter one.610
605. E.P. Sanders, 'Testament of Abraham', in OTP, I, p. 872.

606. For references to scholars arguing for a Semitic original, cf. Sanders,
'Abraham', p. 873-74.
607. The weighing of the souls and the three levels of judgment (Sanders,
'Abraham', p. 875; Schurer et al, History of the Jewish People, III.2, p. 763).
608. Schurer et al, History of the Jewish People, III.2, p. 763.
609. Sanders, 'Abraham', pp. 872-73, esp. n. 10; E. Janssen, Testament Abra-
hams (JSHRZ, III.2; Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1975), p. 199; M. Delcor, Le Testa-
ment d'Abraham (SUTP, 2; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1973), pp. 63-73; A.-M. Denis,
Introduction aux pseudepigraphes grecs d'Ancient Testament (SUTP, 1; Leiden:
E.J. Brill, 1970), pp. 35-36.
610. Sanders, 'Abraham', pp. 875-76. Schmidt's view that Testament of Abra-
ham originated in Essene circles and Delcor's theory that the work should be
ascribed to Therapeutae are problematic since there is no sufficient ground to argue
for a sectarian origin (Schurer et al., History of the Jewish People, III.2, p. 764;
Nickelsburg, 'Review', pp. 16, 20).
Estimates for the date of composition of Testament of Abraham

range from the second century BCE to the second century CE since the
book contains no references to historical events and its doctrines cannot
be dated to a narrow period.611 While references and allusions to the
work in other sources support a date before the fourth century,612
cumulative internal evidence points towards an earlier date.613 Fur-
thermore, it is unlikely that the Christian church would have accepted
and transmitted this book much later than the second century.614 As a
working hypothesis it will therefore be assumed that Testament of
Abraham originated towards the end of the first or the beginning of the
second century CE.
Only the short recension T. Abr. B refers to Enoch, the scribe, and is
therefore relevant for this study. Although T. Abr. A refers to Enoch in
the same context, it does not designate him as a scribe. No other refer-
ences to scribes occur in either of the recensions.
In the context of his heavenly journey Abraham requests to see the
judgment of the souls. He is told that Abel is the judge and that Enoch
is the scribe of righteousness.
T.Abr. B 11.3615
And the one who produces (the evidence) is Enoch, your father. He is
the teacher of heaven and the scribe of righteousness/justice.
In the following verses it is explained that Enoch functions as the scribe
who records the righteous deeds and the sins of men. It is explicitly
stated that Enoch requested not to be a judge and therefore was
assigned the function of writing. It is also his role to read from the book
of the deeds of men if the judge requires him to do so.
The portrayal of Enoch as the heavenly writer of the records of the
deeds of men is not unique to Testament of Abraham. According to
611. Sanders, 'Abraham', p. 874.

612. The vocabulary of the long recension T. Abr. A has been dated as late as the
fifth or sixth century while that of T. Abr. B may be dated in the third century
(Denis, Pseudepigraphes, pp. 36-37).
613. Janssen, Testament, p. 198.
614. Denis, 'Pseudepigraphes', p. 36.
615. The Greek text has been taken from F. Schmidt, Le Testament Grec
d'Abraham (TSAJ, 11; Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1986) and the translation is based
on that provided in Sanders, 'Abraham'.
Jubilees, Enoch records the deeds of men and judgment of the world
and a similar tradition is contained in 2 Enoch.616 However, in these
books Enoch is not explicitly designated as a scribe. Other writings,
1 Enoch and 4QEnGiants, refer to Enoch as a scribe but do not portray
him in the role of heavenly writer of records.617 It is probable that the
author knew at least some of the Enoch-traditions contained in Jubilees,
1 and 2 Enoch, and 4QEnGiants but the combination of traditions of
Enoch the scribe and Enoch the heavenly writer of records of the deeds
of men and their judgment is unique to T. Abr. B. It cannot be deter-
mined with certainty whether the author intentionally connected
Enoch's role as reader and writer with his title ypauumexx; or whether
this association simply resulted from the combination of different tra-
ditions. In any case, it is important to note that the author explicitly
emphasized Enoch's function of reading and writing the heavenly
records and also that Enoch did not function as a judge. The evidence
suggests that the author associated scribes with the function of reading
and writing and it is likely that, despite the fact that Enoch appears in
the context of a heavenly vision, this notion reflects the realities of the
author's contemporaneous society. The title 'scribe of righteousness'
(ypauumetx; ir\c, 5iKaioawr|<;) should be understood in the context of
the genre. It expresses Enoch's role as heavenly writer of deeds and
judgment and probably also reflects his reputation as a righteous man.
It may therefore be concluded that it is very likely that the author
derived this extended title from an older Enoch-tradition known to him,
probably from 1 Enoch.618 This further suggests that the title was not
used in this form to designate scribes in the author's contemporaneous
society.
It may be added that Enoch is also designated as the 'teacher of
heaven' (6 8i8daKaA,o<; TOV o\)pavo\)). The author may or may not
have associated the role of a teacher with that of a scribe.
As already mentioned in the introduction, some Christian influence
on Testament of Abraham has occurred. Since, generally, there are
fewer signs of Christian influence on recension B, there is no reason
why the portrayal of Enoch, which is unique to T. Abr. B, should not
be ascribed to a Jewish author. If anything, the lack of a reference
to Enoch's title ypajijiaTeiJi; in the longer recension T. Abr. A may
616. Jub. 4.23-24; 2 En. 53.2.

617. Cf. 2.3.5.
618. E.g. 1 En. 12.4 (2.3.5).
indicate Christian influence. It is conceivable that in the longer

recension the title was not used on the grounds that in this work Enoch
is portrayed in a positive way while by the second century the desig-
nation 'scribe' had already acquired a very negative connotation in
Christian circles on account of the gospels.
2.4.9. Papyri and other Documentary Sources

A large number of Jewish papyri and other documentary material writ-
ten on leather, ostraca and wood have been discovered in Egypt and the
Judaean desert. They were written in Greek, Hebrew, Aramaic or
Nabatean but sometimes also contained more than one language. Fre-
quently, one language was employed for the main text of a document
and a different one for its attestations, subscriptions or signatures.
Attempts to analyse the extant documentary material for information
about scribes are hampered by the following two factors: several impor-
tant documents are still unpublished; and a large number of extant
documents are fragmentary. It is especially the fragmentary nature of
the bottom part of many documents which has the potential to distort
the conclusions since this is the part of a document where scribes iden-
tified themselves, if at all.
Despite the fact that the majority of written documents were
probably written by professional writers, only those containing explicit
identification of the writer as a professional scribe will be discussed in
detail. Some comments on non-professional writers will, however, also
be included. An extensive study of professional and non-professional
hands as well as the orthography of all the extant documents would be
desirable in this context but is unfortunately beyond the scope of this
investigation.
Babatha 's Archive
In 1961 the remains of a personal archive were found in the Cave of
Letters in the Judaean Desert.619 The documents belonged to Babatha, a
(probably) Jewish lady who had lived in Maoza. Prior to the Roman
invasion this village was part of the Nabatean kingdom and after 106
CE it became part of the Roman province of Arabia. During the second
619. So far only the Greek documents and the Aramaic and Nabatean subscrip-
tions have been published in full, cf. N. Lewis, Y. Yadin and J.C. Greenfield (eds.),
The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters: Greek Papyri,
Aramaic and Nabatean Signatures and Subscriptions (Judean Desert Studies;
Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Shrine of the Book, 1989).
Jewish revolt, Babatha seems to have taken refuge in a cave in the

Judaean desert, where her documents were found. The fact that she
took great care with the documents and brought the archive with her to
the cave indicates that she considered the documents to be of some
value despite her illiteracy.620
Her archive contains mostly individually wrapped Greek, Aramaic
and Nabatean documents. It includes a variety of different documents,
such as a marriage contract, various deeds and contracts, summons and
counter summons, the registration of land and a petition. Unfortunately,
with a few exceptions, the Nabatean, Aramaic and Hebrew documents
cannot be used in this study since they still await publication.621
The dates of the documents range from 93/94 CE to 132 CE.
Babatha's archive contains an unusually high number of subscriptions
by individual scribes. Of the total 35 documents622 found in her archive
four had been written by the scribe Theenas, son of Simon, and eight
by the scribe Germanos, son of Judah.
The scribe Theenas (Oeevac;) wrote the double documents P. Yad. 14
(summons), P. Yad. 15 (deposition), P. Yad. 17 (deposit), and P. Yad.
18 (Shelmazion's marriage contract) between the years 125 and 128
CE.
P. Yad. 15 (125 CE) records Babatha's complaint against the
guardians of her son. The main text of the document is written in Greek
with attestations in Aramaic, Greek and Nabatean which are followed
by the subscription of the scribe Theenas.
P. Yad. 15623
6 8e Ypotyai; tomo 0eeva<; Zt^covcx; Xt|3Xdpio<;
The writer of this [is] Theenas son of Simon, librarius.
620. Cf. P. Yad. 15.

621. Fragments and extracts of P. Yad. *1, *2, and *7 have been published but
these contain no information relevant to this investigation (cf. Y. Yadin,
'Expedition D', IEJ 12 [1962], pp. 239-44). However, Babatha's marriage contract
(P. Yad. 10) has been published in the meanwhile (Y. Yadin, J.C. Greenfield and
A. Yardeni, 'Babatha's Ketubba', IEJ 44 [1994], pp. 75-101).
622. On account of unplaceable fragements it is now suggested that there were
originally one or two more Greek documents in the archive (Lewis et al., Docu-
ments, p. 4).
623. The quotations and translations of the Greek documents and their subscrip-
tions are taken from Lewis et al., Documents. The sources of references to
Babatha's Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean documents will be indicated at the rele-
vant place.
P. Yad. 17 and P. Yad. 18 (128 CE) contain an almost identical sub-

scription by the same scribe while no subscription has been preserved
in P. Yad. 14. Theenas styled himself as a AipXdpioq.
Similarly, the documents P. Yad. 20 (concession of rights), P. Yad.
21 and 22 (purchase and sale of a date crop), P. Yad. 23 (summons),
P. Yad. 24 (deposition), P. Yad. 25 and 26 (summons, counter sum-
mons, and reply), and P. Yad. 27 (receipt) contain an attestation in
Greek by the scribe Germanos (Tepuxxvo*;). In three of the earlier docu-
ments he styled himself as XifiXdpioc; (P. Yad. 20, 21, 22) but stopped
using this title in 130 CE. He continued to identify himself as
Germanos, son of Judah.
P. Yad. 22
It was written by Germanos, librarius.

P. Yad. 26
It was written by Germanos son of Judah
It may be assumed that the titlefo,pA,dpio<;,used by both Theenas and

Germanos, was the Greek transcription of the Latin title librarius which
designated a clerk, or more specifically a military clerk.624 It is probable
that Theenas and Germanos were employed by the local unit of the
Roman army in the newly created province of Arabia. Employment as
scribes by the Roman army presupposes that they already possessed
professional writing skills.625 It seems likely that they were employed
as bi- or multilingual scribes due to fluency in Nabatean and/or Ara-
maic even though the documents display a limited mastery of Greek.626
As clerks for the Roman army their functions would have involved the
writing of documents and records for the army. In addition, they wrote
documents for local civilians, as is well illustrated by Babatha's
documents.
624. This view is based on the in Koine-Greek otherwise frequently attested

exchange of -X and -p (so Lewis et al., Documents, p. 64). Bowersock disagrees
and claims that the title was derived from libellarius, meaning notary (G.W.
Bowersock, 'The Babatha Papyri, Masada, and Rome', Journal of Roman Archae-
ology 4 [1991], pp. 336-44 [339]). For librarii in the Roman army in Egypt, cf.
Alston, Soldier, p. 97.
625. Lewis et al., Documents, p. 88.
626. Goodman, 'Babatha's story', p. 170.
Theenas and Germanos both seem to have been very keen on

displaying their official status. On all of Babatha's documents written
by these two scribes before 130 CE, their subscriptions contained both
their name and their title. Germanos, however, stopped using his title in
130 CE, which suggests that his employment by the local unit of the
Roman army may have been terminated. In any case, the fact that
Theenas and Germanos identified themselves with their title at the end
of a document suggests that the position of a XipXdpioq was prestigious
and that the title could be used to enhance one's status. This view
receives support from the fact that in the period under consideration the
subscriptions of professional scribes, especially with reference to their
title, were uncommon.627
In short, before the arrival of the Roman army in the Nabatean king-
dom, Theenas and Germanos had probably been professional scribes. It
can be assumed that they were employed by the Roman army on
account of their writing expertise and probably also some language
skills. They seem to have derived status and prestige in their local
environment from their official position.
It is improbable that Simon (Zijicovoq), the writer of P. Yad. 19 (deed
of gift) in 128 CE, occupied the same position as Theenas and Ger-
manos. He identifies himself as the writer at the end of the document
but does not refer to a title.
It is interesting to note that Babatha's second husband Judah, son of
Eleazar Khthousion, and his son in law were sufficiently literate to
write fairly long Aramaic attestations on otherwise Greek documents
drawn up by professional scribes (P. Yad. 17, 18). Judah has also been
identified as the writer of his and Babatha's Aramaic marriage contract
(P. Yad. 10). His hand is described as practised and experienced but the
mistakes and repetitions in the ketubba indicate that he was not a pro-
fessional scribe.628 The fact that other documents which involved
Babatha's husband Judah were drawn up by professional scribes
627. This impression was gained from a cursory investigation of many docu-
ments and letters from the first and second century CE, including many of the Oxy-
rhynchus Papyri, the Tebuntis Papyri and those published in Agyptische Urkunden
aus den staatlichen Museen zu Berlin. In contrast to the lack of identifications of
scribes as writers, references to village scribes (KCG|aoypajj.|j.o:Te'6<;) can be found in
many documents, but always in their capacity as administrators or officials (e.g.
CPJ 487; P. Teb. I, 44-53; P. Oxy. 3907).
628. Yadin et ai, 'Babatha's Ketubba', p. 77.
suggests that, generally, even literates preferred to employ scribes for

this task. In the case of Judah this was probably at least partly due to
the fact that he was not literate in the (preferred) administrative lan-
guage, that is, Greek. In any case, scribes were apparently considered
as the experts for the writing of valid documents.
Salome Komaise 's Archive

A further archive which has been preserved belonged to Salome
Komaise and her family. Salome, like Babatha, was a Jewish woman
from Maoza who probably came to Nahal Hever in the Judaean desert
during the Bar Kokhba war. Her six documents, dated between 125 CE
and 131 CE, share the multi-lingual aspect of Babatha's archive, con-
taining documents in Greek, Aramaic and Nabatean. Of these docu-
ments, two contain an identification of the writer. However, while in
one case the title is problematic, in the other the subscription is very
fragmentary.
The scribe of a land declaration which was made for a census (127
CE) identifies himself as follows:
no. II = XHev/Se Or. 5629
Written by the scribe Onainos son of Sa'adallos.
According to Cotton, the term %eipo%pf|OTOU does not occur in Greek

prior to the fourth century CE. However, even those occurrences do not
make sense in the context of this document.630 Cotton argues that the
Byzantine meaning of this term from the sixth and seventh century
onwards fits the context of the document admirably and therefore con-
cludes that %eipoxpf|OTO"u should be translated as 'scribe' in this par-
ticular document despite its date in the early second century.631 If
Cotton's interpretation is accepted, this declaration of property can be
considered as additional evidence that some scribes subscribed with
their titles to the documents they wrote. In the case of no. II = XHev/Se
629. The quotes and translations are taken from H.M. Cotton, 'The Archive of
Salome Komaise Daughter of Levi: Another Archive from the "Cave of Letters"',
ZPE 105 (1995), pp. 171-208.
630. The term refers to some kind of trustee or as Xoycov xevpoxpr|<yccov desig-
nates handbooks or manuals (H.M. Cotton, 'Another Fragment of the Declaration
of Landed Property from the Province of Arabia1, ZPE 99 [1993], p. 118).
631. Cotton, 'Another Fragment', pp. 118-19.
Gr. 5, the scribe Onainos's self-identification with name and title is

unlikely to go back to local practice or a specific type of document
since in this particular case we have a directly comparable control.
Babatha's land declaration which contains no subscription of the scribe
(P. Yad. 16) was made for the same census and subscribed by the same
prefect while both women lived in Maoza. This suggests that it most
probably depended on a scribe's individual practice whether or not he
provided his name and title at the end of a document. If he did, this
practice may have been derived from an intention to enhance his
prestige.
One further document from the archive of Salome Komaise will be
considered briefly: the receipt for tax on dates (no. I = XHev/Se Gr. 5),
written in 125 CE. This document concludes with the words rnrD n2T~l
(Reisha wrote [this]). The fact that the rest of the document is written in
Greek suggests that Reisha signed rather than wrote the document.
However, the expression also indicates that even though the document
was written on Reisha's behalf, in some sense it was considered to have
been 'written' by him. The receipt was his confirmation that he had
received the tax. The name of the scribe is not mentioned.
Bar Kokhba Letters

Several letters can be attributed to Simon Bar Kokhba or his aides and
administrators. Again, the study of these documents is hampered by the
fact that many documents have so far only been published in extracts
and that crucial information concerning the description of the docu-
ments is lacking.632
The so-called Bar Kokhba letters were written by different individu-
als. Some letters were written by professional hands while others dis-
play rather crude and irregular scripts.633 None of the documents can
actually be identified as having been written by Bar Kokhba himself.634
632. Cf. DID II numbers in P. Benoit, J.T. Milik and R. de Vaux, Les Grottes de
Murabba'at (DID, II; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961); P. Yad. numbers in
Y. Yadin, 'Expedition D', IEJ 11 (1961), pp. 35-52, and 'Expedition D', IE] 12
(1962), pp. 227-57; cf. also K. Beyer, Die aramaischen Texte vom Toten Meer, I
(2 vols.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1984).
633. Examples of letters which seem to have been written by professional
scribes: DID II no. 44, 46, and 48; P. Yad. *59. Examples of non-professional
writing: DID II no. 43; P. Yad. *52.
634. Despite the very fragmented final part of a letter, Milik has argued that DID
II no. 43 was written and signed by Simon Bar Kokhba himself (Benoit et al.,
Although no obvious self-identifications of scribes have been preserved

among the Bar Kokhba documents, several letters contain what may
have been a reference to the actual writer of the document. However,
none of these seem to have been professional scribes.
The Hebrew letter from administrators of Beth Masiko (DID II no.
42) which confirms the ownership of a cow was signed by the admini-
strators, several witnesses and possibly the writer of the document,
Jacob bar Joseph.635 The document was written in an inexperienced
hand. It is likely that due to the lack of availability of a professional
scribe, a literate individual, possibly the brother of one of the admini-
strators and/or witnesses, was required to write the document con-
firming the ownership.
One of the letters was sent, but not written, by Bar Kokhba to Yeshua
ben Galgula (DJD II no. 43). It was also written by a non-professional
hand which can be identified with that of a certain Simon who sub-
scribed to the letter. However, no title has been preserved.
Others
Among other Jewish documents from the period under consideration, a
few contain signatures of writers of documents as witnesses. In all pub-
lished extant cases, this association can only be derived from the agree-
ment in handwriting between the documents and the signatures, since
the writers did not identify themselves with a title. The writers may
have included professional scribes and non-professional literates.636
Summary
It seems that in most cases Jewish scribes did not identify themselves
with either their name or name and title in the documents written by
them. This lack of self-identification appears to be in agreement with
the general practice of non-Jewish scribes, documented by numerous
contemporaneous papyri found in Egypt. The subscriptions by the
scribes Theenas and Germanos who wrote many of Babatha's docu-
ments stand out. The evidence suggests that their positions were
Murabba'at, pp. 159-61). However, this has subsequently been challenged on
account of the find of a further document (P. Yad. *50) signed by Shimon bar
Yehuda (Yadin, 'Expedition D' [1961], pp. 44-45).
635. Milik translates the last signature in this document as 'Ya'qob fils de
Yoseph, greffier' (Benoit et al., Murabba'at, p. 157).
636. E.g. DJD II no. 18, 19, 30, of which the former two were probably not writ-
ten by professional scribes while the latter may have been.
associated with prestige and that they wanted to enhance their standing
in society by referring to their names and title in subscriptions to the
documents they wrote. This view receives support from the subscrip-
tion Onainos, son of Sa'adallos, in one of Salome Komaise's docu-
ments if the term in question did indeed designate a professional writer.
Occasionally, non-professional writers of documents or letters pro-
vided their name at the end of a document, but this does not seem to
have been general scribal practice.
2.4.10. Aquila's and Symmachus's Greek Translations

It has already been mentioned in association with the Kaige-Theodotion
translation of the Bible that revisions of the Greek translations and new
translations of the Hebrew text were made from as early as the first
century BCE onwards.637 In contrast to the Kaige-Theodotion, the
translation ascribed to Aquila, usually dated around 130 CE, was made
in a highly literal style. The translator seems to have been guided by the
notion that every letter in the Hebrew text was meaningful and conse-
quently his translation gives the impression of following the Hebrew
slavishly. Symmachus's translation on the other hand, made around
200 CE, is much more elegant even though it is also aimed at a very
precise representation of the Hebrew text.638
Aquila's Translation
From what has been preserved of his translation it seems that Aquila
consistently rendered the Hebrew ~1DD as ypauumEtx;.639 In three of the
four instances, Jer. 8.8, Ezek. 9.2, and Ps. 44.2 (MT 45.2) the associa-
tion of the scribe with writing is explicit. These passages either refer to
the pen of a scribe or a writing case. In the fourth passage, Isa. 33.18,
the context does not provide any information with regard to the
637. For the argument that there is no clearly defined line between translations
and revisions but that Aquila's and Symmachus's versions are new translations
rather than revisions of existing ones, cf. Grabbe, Translation Technique', pp. SOS-
IT.
638. Symmachus frequently translates ad sensum rather than rendering the Heb-
rew words in a stereotype way (cf. Tov, 'Septuagint', pp. 182-84).
639. The translations of Aquila and Symmachus are taken from Field, Hexa-
plorum; for the references, also J. Reider and N. Turner, An Index to Aquila: Greek-
Hebrew, Hebrew-Greek, Latin-Hebrew, with the Syriac and Armenian Evidence
(VTSup, 12; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1966).
functions of the scribe, but it does not exclude the notion of a pro-
fessional writer.640
In common with the Kaige-Theodotion, Aquila did not translate the
Hebrew "ICDCJ as ypauumetx;.641 This could mean that the translator
wanted to distinguish between scribes and other officials. More likely,
however, the distinction may have been the consequence of Aquila's
extremely literal approach which resulted in a stereotypical representa-
tion of Hebrew words in his Greek translation.
Symmachus
Symmachus's translation stands in contrast to Aquila's in that it shows
more variety in the use of Greek terms for scribes.642 Of the two
instances in which Symmachus chose to use the term ypauuatexx;, it
once translates "1CDCJ (Prov. 6.7) and once "ISO (Isa. 33.18). The context
of the latter does not give any indication of the functions and positions
of the scribe. In contrast, the scribe appears as someone who is set over
others, a superior of some sort, in Prov. 6.7. Symmachus's reason for
choosing ypau^ccTexx; in this passage is difficult to assess. Although
this is the standard rendering of ~l£D$ in the Septuagint, Symmachus has
otherwise translated this term with a variety of Greek words.643 It is
conceivable that the translator associated scribes with some sort of
leading positions. This receives indirect support from the fact that in
passages where references to scribes in the biblical text are explicitly
associated with writing, Symmachus used the term ypocêxx;, a common
title for a professional writer or clerk. Ezek. 9.2 refers to the writing
case of a scribe and Ps. 44.2 (MT 45.2) to a scribe's pen.644This sug-
gests that Symmachus distinguished between a ypaufiatetx; and a
ypa<j>e-u<;. He clearly associated the latter with professional writing
expertise while it remains unclear what functions Symmachus ascribed
640. The Hebrew is ambiguous as to whether the term "ISO should be understood
as 'scribe' or 'someone who counts'.
641. Deut. 16.18 and Josh. 1.10: eKfJipaairiq ('one who executes a sentence');
Prov. 6.7: eK|}iaatf|<; ('executor', 'oppressor'); in contrast, cf. the Septuagint trans-
lations (2.3.1).
642. Cf. also the translation of "II22J with different terms, depending on the
context. Deut. 16.18, 1 Chron. 26.29; 2 Chron. 19.11: 7tai8e\mi<; ('teacher',
'instructor', 'corrector'); Josh. 1.10: ematdTrn; ('chief, 'commander'); Prov. 6.7:
ypauumexx;.
643. Cf.n.642.
644. Ezek. 9.2: rcivaJ; ypaêax;; Ps. 44.2 (MT 45.2): ypa<t>eiov ypaêax;.
to the former. Although it is plausible that he considered a Ypau,ume\)<;

to occupy positions of power and influence over others, this conclusion
is based on too little evidence, just two passages, to be reliable. Never-
theless, his distinction between the two titles, which in the Graeco-
Roman world both designated professional writers, may be significant.
It is conceivable that it reflects a particularly Jewish notion of scribes
which associated some scribes who were designated with the title
ypaujiaTexK; with more than mere professional writing expertise.
2A.\\. Mishna
The Mishna, which was compiled around 200 CE, contains numerous
references to scribes.645 Two different terms are used to designate pro-
fessional writers of secular documents: "IS10 and "l^D1?, the latter being
a Hebrew transcription of the Latin librarius which designated a clerk.
Both titles are also used to refer to authorities in the law.
The evidence will be discussed according to the functions associated
with the scribes in the relevant passages. In order to avoid repetition
only one of those passages which provide similar information will be
quoted, while references for similar passages will be provided in the
text or footnotes.
Authorities in the Law

Several passages reflect the notion of the rabbis that in the past scribes
were authorities in legal matters and were associated with wisdom and
expertise in the Torah. According to Ab. 6.9, Rabbi Jose ben Kisma
was asked by a stranger on a journey where he came from. He does not
mention the name of the town but answers by describing the city's
reputation. He refers to it as 'a great city of sages and scribes' (T#Q
C3K DnaiO ^til D'ODn ^ rrVn:). The rabbi is then offered gold,
precious stones and pearls to come and live in the town of the stranger.
He refuses on the grounds that he would not want to live anywhere else
but in a place of the law. According to the tradition preserved in
Ab. 6.9, Rabbi Jose ben Kisma's town was known for its scholarship,
associated with both D"HS10 and D^QDil. This rabbi supposedly belonged
to the second generation of tannaim (about 90-130 CE) which suggests
that either scribes were still associated with the law in the period after
the destruction of the Temple, or that a former association of scribes
645. For an introduction to various views on the origins and compilation of the
Mishna, cf. Stemberger, Introduction, pp. 124-39.
with the city was remembered.646 In any case, Ab. 6.9 indicates that
D"HS1D and D^QDil were associated with the law.
Similarly, Sot. 9.15 indicates that sages and scribes were associated
with wisdom and learning. This notion is found twice in two separate
Haggadic traditions about the decline of the times, destruction of the
Temple, and the loss of many blessings of the people of Israel. How-
ever, this passage does not seem to have been part of the original text of
the Mishna and will thus not be discussed here in detail.647
Pe'ah 2.6 contains a tradition which explicitly ascribed expertise and
authority in the laws to an individual scribe. Nahum, designated as a
"iW?,648 is said to have lived towards the end of the Second-Temple
period, in the time of Rabbi Simon of Mizpah and Rabban Gamaliel.649
It is recorded that the two rabbis went up to the 'Hall of the Hewn
Stone', which is located in the Temple court, to inquire about the
amount which had to be set aside from the harvest of a field. Nahum,
the ~i7lb, is said to have answered them by referring to a law which he
traces back to Moses.
Pe'ah2.6650
Nahum the scribe said: I have received it from Rabbi Miasha who
received it from his father who received it from the Pairs who received it
from the Prophets as the law of Moses from Sinai...
This passage clearly reflects a rabbinic view that during the Second-
Temple period at least some scribes were authorities and experts of the
law. The supposed date is evident from the location of the event in the
Temple of Jerusalem while Nahum's expertise in the law is implied in
his method of tracing the law about the peak back through the 'pairs'
and the prophets to Moses. Furthermore, Nahum is associated with the
'Hall of the Hewn Stones' which, according to rabbinic literature, was
646. For the date, Stemberger, Introduction, p. 74.

647. Schiirer et al., History of the Jewish People, II, p. 325 n. 9.
648. Some editions have ^DDH (the Babylonian) instead of "l1?^ (cf. P. Black-
man, Mishnayoth [7 vols; London: Mishna Press, 1951], I, p. 90 n. 9).
649. Gamaliel is also referred to in Acts 5.34-39 and 22.3.
650. All quotes of the Hebrew text are taken from Blackman, Mishnayoth, I-VI
and, unless otherwise indicated, the translations are based on the same edition.
the seat of the 'Great Sanhedrin' whose members were allegedly all
scholars.651
Nahum is the only individual professional scribe who is explicitly
associated with authority and expertise in the laws. All other references
to scribes as legal experts refer to them in the plural as D'HDIO and lack
information about the time when they lived or their social background.
It is, therefore, possible that Pe'ah 2.6 accurately preserves a tradition
about an individual professional writer who had a reputation for exper-
tise in the laws. It cannot be derived from the text whether Nahum's
profession as a "IÎl1? was the reason for his expertise and authority in
the laws or whether this combination was incidental.
Nahum may have earned his living by practising his profession as a
writer, possibly writing secular documents and/or copying books,
including or exclusively copying sacred scrolls. It is plausible that he
may have derived at least some knowledge of the Scriptures from the
actual process of copying the books which in turn may have helped him
to gain prestige in matters of the law.
The evidence that scribes were associated with knowledge of and
authority in the laws is supported by references to laws enacted by
scribes. Quite a number of laws and sets of regulations are ascribed to
them. In the majority of cases the laws are presumed as binding and
have been integrated into the rabbinic legal system. For example, in the
context of discussions on the prohibitions of levirate marriage and chal-
iza, a particular law of scribes is referred to twice.
Yeb. 9.3652
the secondary degrees (of kinship) according to words of scribes
Nowhere in the Mishna is it actually explained which relationships are

included in the secondary degrees of kinship as enacted by scribes. It is
likely, however, that the scribes simply extended the biblical law
against incest in Lev. 18.6-18, which defines the first level, by including
the next level of kinship into the prohibition. This receives support
651. E.g. Sank. 4.4. Cf. also Sank. 11.2 which states that the law for all Israel
came from the Hall of the Hewn Stone. The fact that the rabbinic tradition about the
Great Sanhedrin can be shown to be historically inaccurate does not need to con-
cern us here as I am trying to establish the rabbinic notion of a scribe from this
passage.
652. Cf. also Yeb. 2.4.
from t. Yeb. 3.1 which explains the relationships that are counted as
secondary degree. In any case, the fact that a law prohibiting levirate
marriage in certain cases is assigned to scribes implies that they were
(considered to be) authorities in such matters.
Similarly to the previous passage, references to laws which are
believed to have been enacted by scribes can be found in the tractates
'Orlah, Parah and Yadaim. 'Or. 3.9 deals with the prohibition to use
fruit from young trees in and outside Palestine and the prohibition, in
Palestine only, to sell vegetables grown in a vineyard, on account of it
constituting a diverse kind (D^D). The former prohibition is said to
have been a prohibition by the law (rmnn~]Q), that is, Halakha (rD^n),
and the latter described as a law enacted by scribes (dHDIO "HinQ).
This classification seems strange since both the law regulating fruit of
young trees and the law of diverse kinds are derived from biblical laws
in Leviticus.653 Moreover, in the tractate Kilaim, which discusses mixed
kinds in detail, laws of scribes are not mentioned at all. However, it is
possible that the reference to the law of scribes in 'Or. 3.9 only refers
to the rule that one may use vegetables grown in a vineyard outside
Palestine. In this case the law of the scribes would be an interpretation
and extension of a biblical law which only legislates for the land of
Israel itself.
Similarly, the passages Par. 11.5 and 11.6 contrast laws derived from
the Torah and laws enacted by scribes. Again it is not explained what
the rules of the scribes concerning uncleanness comprised, indicating
that this designation referred to a whole set of conditions in a particular
context and provided sufficient information for those learned in the
law.654 It also shows clearly that the origins of some of the laws were
transmitted with the laws themselves, a point also supported by Yad.
3.2.
Yad. 3.2 records a discussion between the sages and Rabbi Joshua
about the contraction of secondary degree uncleanness. In order to jus-
tify his rule that one hand can convey second-grade uncleanness to the
other, Rabbi Joshua refers to the law that sacred scriptures which are of
second-grade uncleanness render the hands unclean. The sages reply
with the following rule:
653. Lev. 19.19, 23-24; Deut. 22.9-11.

654. The expression DHD10 Hm also seems to have been used to refer to a set
of rules defining uncleanness in the following: Yeb. 2.4; 9.3; Toh. 4.7; 4.11.
Yad. 3.2
He (Rabbi Joshua) said to them 'do not the sacred scriptures which are
of secondary uncleanness render the hands unclean? They replied to
him,
no laws of words of torah are deduced from words of scribes,
and no words of scribes are deduced from words of torah,
and no words of scribes are deduced from words of scribes.
The sages did not object to the rule that the sacred scriptures are of
second-grade uncleanness or convey this type of uncleanness to hands.
Instead, they oppose Rabbi Joshua for trying to prove his first point
(one hand can convey second-degree uncleanness to the other) by
referring to this particular law. They argue that the validity of one law
cannot be decided by or justified by referring to another law derived
from the biblical texts or by referring to a law enacted by scribes. This
seems to be directed specifically against Rabbi Joshua's statement who,
according to their view, violates a hermeneutical principle by proving
one law by referring to another.655 Since none of the rules concerning
the conveying of second-grade uncleanness mentioned in this passage
are laws derived from biblical laws it may be concluded that they
should be ascribed to scribes. Keeping in mind that this might be an
over-interpretation of Yad. 3.2,656 it may be concluded that the law that
sacred scriptures defile the hands may have originated with scribes,
even though this is not explicitly stated.657 Interestingly, according to
Yad. 4.6, the Pharisees are said to have adhered to this strange rule
while it is not ascribed to them.658 In any case, Yad. 3.2 may also
655. According to later rabbinic literature this rule was not accepted by all rabbis
(for references, cf. G. Lisowsky, Die Mischna, VI. Seder Toharot, 11. Traktat
Jadajim [Berlin: Topelmann, 1956], p. 48). Cf. also t. Teb. Y. 1.10 (2.4.12).
656. In the light of t. Teb. Y. 1.10 it is very possible that the hermeneutical rule
should be understood in a more general way.
657. Could this be a law which originated on account of a practical concern
associated with the writing of the sacred scrolls which was later forgotten?
658. If this association is correct it would allow us to date the existence of this
particular law in the Second-Temple period. Cf. also the association of Pharisees
provide evidence that not all laws which originated with scribes con-
tinued to be designated as such.
The integration and acceptance of the scribal laws into the rabbinic
system was not unanimous. There are several indications that the rul-
ings by scribes were sometimes opposed or not considered as legally
binding. According to Sank. 11.3, it was considered a more serious
offence to disregard the laws enacted by scribes than to disobey a bibli-
cal law. This was doubtless a deliberate exaggeration to the make the
point.
Sank. 11.3
greater importance is in the words of scribes than in words of the torah
An example about the wearing of tefillin and the number of compart-

ments is added.659 The passage suggests that even though many rabbis
assigned great authority and importance to the rulings of scribes, others
did not. It seems probable that exactly because some rabbis and com-
mon people did not attribute the same binding authority to scribal laws,
it was considered necessary to emphasize their importance by not only
putting them on a par with laws derived from the biblical writings but
even above them. This view receives support from Kel. 13.7 which
indicates that at least some rabbis did not like new rulings introduced
by scribes. In this passage it is stated that a certain rabbi expressed his
dislike of the new law but was unable to refute it. The law of scribes in
Kel. 13.7 is described as a novelty but seems to be a combination of
two already existing laws concerning the susceptibility of wooden and
metal utensils to uncleanness. The scribal law reflects a move towards a
more precise definition of the already existing legal code.
To conclude, in the Mishna scribes are associated with knowledge of
the Scriptures and legal expertise and authority. The references to laws
with scribes in the Synoptics and Acts (2.4.6) and the discussion of Josephus's
notion of scribes (2.5). For an interesting explanation of the notion that the sacred
criptures defile hands, cf. Goodman's argument that it is a possibility that the Phar-
isees simply provided an explanation for a certain attitude towards the scrolls which
had naturally arisen among the people (M.D. Goodman, 'Sacred Scripture and
"Defiling the Hands"', JTS 41 [1990], pp. 99-107).
659. The passage implies that scribes prescribed four compartments for the texts
in the tefillin. This compares to the tefillin which have been discovered at Qumran
which have the same number of compartments (cf. Y. Yadin, Tefillin from Qumran
[Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and Shrine of the Book, 1969], p. 8).
enacted by scribes place the latter in the past. Generally, the laws
ascribed by the rabbis to scribes seem to have been accepted and inte-
grated into the rabbinic legal system, although there is evidence that
scribal laws were not always considered to be of the same importance
as other laws. It may be observed that scribal laws sometimes contain
more precise applications of already existing laws. The scribal laws
touch on a variety of areas of life, including agriculture and family life,
and in the cultic sphere on matters of cleanness and uncleanness as well
as sacred scrolls and phylacteries. The association of the origins of
these laws with scribes is probably correct since there is no real reason
why some should be assigned to scribes but not others. The conclusion
that, at least in the past, scribes provided expert advice in the law and
may have been involved in its development is strongly supported by the
tradition concerning Nahum, the "fo1?. With regard to the post-70
period, the evidence from the Mishna is scarce and vague. Scribes are
associated with prestige and wisdom in a very general way but no
involvement in the development of the law is attested.
Writers of Documents
References to scribes as professional writers in the Mishna are numer-
ous. The passages Sab. 1.3 and Git. 3.1 support the view mentioned
above, that the Hebrew transliteration ~\^<7 designates a professional
writer in the same way as the Latin term librarius from which it was
derived. According to Sab. 1.3 a tailor and a scribe should not go out
on a Friday evening with their work tools, respectively the needle and
the pen.660 Git. 3.1, on the other hand, deals with laws regulating
several aspects of the writing of a letter of divorce. In both cases the
context clearly indicates that the "ta1? was a professional writer.
The more common term to designate professional scribes is the
Hebrew "1S10.661
Several passages in the tractate Gittin refer to the "©10 as the writer
of a letter of divorce. Git. 3.1 contains various examples of cases when
a letter of divorce is invalid because it was not, as required, drawn up
660. This rule seeks to prevent both professionals from carrying 'burdens'
(needle or pen) on a Sabbath from one domain into another, e.g. from a private
house to a public street (H. Danby, The Mishnah [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933],
p. 100 n.2)
661. B. Mes. 5.11; Git 3.1, 7.2, 8.8, 9.8; Ned. 9.2; Sanh. 4.3, 5.5.
for one particular woman.662 Git. 3.1 provides valuable information on

the working environment of some scribes.
Git. 3.1
If one were passing through the market-place and heard the voice of
scribes reading (or: reciting):...
Scribes are said to have been reading or citing a letter of divorce in the
market place. On account of its ambiguity, this statement has been
interpreted in different ways by modern scholars. It is not actually
stated why the formula of a letter of divorce was read or cited. Some
scholars interpret the phrase "["HpO D'HSIO as scribes dictating the pre-
scribed formula of a letter of divorce to their pupils and in this way
teaching them.663 This seems unlikely, although not impossible, as a
market place would not necessarily be a good place to teach one's
pupils how to write important documents. Others have argued that
scribes were offering their services in the market place and selling pre-
fabricated written documents, such as letters of divorce, containing the
required formula with blanks for the respective names. It may have
been common practice among scribes serving the needs of the common
people to have deeds of sale, acknowledgments of debts, marriage con-
tracts, letters of divorce and similar documents for sale where only the
particulars had to be filled in. However, time was not such a scarce
commodity in antiquity and it is more likely that scribes wrote particu-
lar documents on demand. Git. 3.1 makes most sense if it is understood
as a reference to scribes reading aloud letters of divorce (which contain
the name of the divorced woman) they had just written for approval by
the (illiterate?) customer. Whether the rabbinic law in Git. 3.1 describes
common Jewish practice accurately cannot be established but it is
probable that the social assumption behind the rule, namely the pres-
ence of scribes in the market place, is historically reliable.
Furthermore, according to Git. 9.8 the rabbis approved of scribes
signing as one of the witnesses on letters of divorce. On account of the
high illiteracy of ordinary people, this passage probably describes what
was common practice.
Some information on the importance and status of scribes can be
derived from Ned. 9.2. Rabbi Eliezer disagrees with the sages concern-
662. References to scribes in Git 3.1, 7.2, 8.8, and 9.8.

663. Blackman, Mishnayoth, III, pp. 403-404 n. 3; Danby, Mishnah, p. 309 n. 3.
ing the cancellation of vows. He allows their cancellation if circum-

stances outside the control of the person who made the vow occurred.
Several examples of a vow are referred to: not to benefit from a man
who became a scribe or gave his son into marriage; or not to benefit
from a house which was then made into a synagogue. Rabbi Eliezer
allows for the cancellation of the vow if the vower says: 'if I had
known that he would become a scribe (1S10 ntflH Nintf in? TPTI r>K)
I would not have made a vow.'664
While the disagreement between the sages and Rabbi Eliezer does
not need to concern us here, the possible implications about the role
and status of scribes in this passage require further discussion. It is
unknown to what extent these kinds of vows were made by common
people but, in any case, Ned. 9.2 reflects certain assumptions about the
scribe in society. This passage and other regulations in the tractate
Nedarim, suggest that according to some rabbis, individuals should be
released from their vows if social or religious laws, duties, or custom
require them to interact with the person or item against which they have
made the vow. Ned. 9.2 indicates that the vower may have required the
professional services of the scribe. Most likely this referred to the writ-
ing expertise of the scribe, but other functions cannot be excluded. The
passage further suggests that in many areas—apart from in bigger
towns and cities—one would rarely have had a choice between two or
more professional scribes.
Scribes also occur twice in the context of laws concerning the san-
hedrin. According to Sank. 4.3 and 5.5, several scribes were present in
courts in order to record everything that was said.
Sank. 4.3
And two scribe of the judges stand before them,

one on the right and one on the left, and they write down the words of
those for the defence and the words of those for the prosecution.
The rabbis do not agree on the number of scribes present in the court,
whether two are sufficient or three required to exclude any mistakes. In
any case, the rule is that some scribes supposedly wrote down every-
thing that was said by the prosecution and the defence, as well as the
664. Ned. 9.2.

verdict of the judges. This implies that written records were considered
important proof in the judicial context and that the scribes were thought
to be present because of their writing expertise.
With regard to the Mishna many scholars now argue that it does not
contain a historically accurate description of the legal system of Roman
Palestine but rather an idealized portrayal. In particular, it has been
shown that the functions, membership and influence of the (Great) San-
hedrin of Jerusalem, as described in the rabbinic sources, are highly
improbable.665 With regard to smaller courts it may be assumed that
they operated throughout the country. It is, however, more likely that in
villages and towns a council of elders, not rabbis, constituted a court.666
To return to Sank. 4.3, it remains unclear whether this passage refers
to the Great Sanhedrin of Jerusalem, to smaller courts, or both. The
nature of the rabbinic sources raises the question whether scribes were
actually present in courts to record everything that was said. The rule
that two or three scribes should be present seems to be based on theo-
retical considerations of how to exclude mistakes in a courtcase. The
rabbinic discussion may, however, reflect the practice that at least one
scribe was present at trials, where available. The importance ascribed to
written documents in Jewish society and the Graeco-Roman world gen-
erally renders some support to this view.667 It is conceivable that scribes
who regularly wrote records in courts gained some legal expertise,
although this is not mentioned in Sank. 4.3.668
To conclude, the Mishna provides evidence that scribes wrote vari-
ous kinds of documents for ordinary people. At least some professional
writers seem to have offered their services in markets, either writing on
demand, completing pre-produced formulaic documents, or both. It is
665. For a discussion of the rabbinic sources, cf. McLaren, Power and Politics,
pp. 46-51, 218; also Goodblatt, Monarchic Principle, pp. 103-108, 129-30. For a
more general discussion of the evidence for the sanhedrin, cf. Sanders, Judaism,
pp. 472-88; Goodman, Ruling Class, pp. 113-16.
666. Goodman, Ruling Class, pp. 70-71, 112-16; Goodman, State and Society,
pp. 101, 157-58.
667. Cf. factors 16, 20, 25 described in Chapter 3.
668. Cf. scribes with authority in the law: e.g. Nahum, the scribe, who is associ-
ated with expertise in the laws and said to have been in the Hall of the Hewn Stone
(Pe'ah 2.6), which according to rabbinic tradition was the location of the Great
Sanhedrin; cf. also scribes in Testament ofLevi (2.3.2), in Ben Sira's description of
the scribe/sage (2.3.6), in the Synoptics (2.4.6), and the Tosefta (2.4.12); possibly
also the scribe Aristeus (2.4.5).
likely that in a semi-literate society which ascribes much importance to

written documents but where a large proportion of the people was illi-
terate or semi-literate, scribes derived some prestige from their writing
expertise. The services of a scribe were indispensable to most people. It
is evident from extant documents from the period under consideration
that even semi- or fully literate people preferred documents to be writ-
ten by a professional.669 It is conceivable that in villages or small towns
the dependency of the common people on a scribe's expertise in pro-
ducing valid written documents may have guaranteed him not only
prestige but also quite a powerful position. The Mishna further suggests
that scribes were present in courts to record the proceedings but it
remains unclear to what extent this reflects the realities of Jewish soci-
ety during the Second-Temple period. If scribes functioned in courts, it
is possible that they possessed at least some legal expertise.
Other References to Scribes

In Qid. 4.13 we find a rather strange passage about scribes which is
unparalleled in the rest of the Mishna. In the context of a discussion
about certain situations in which men and women are prohibited to be
together alone, the following three rules are quoted:
Qid. 4.13670
An unmarried man may not teach scribes.

Nor may a woman teach scribes.
Rabbi Eliezer says, 'Also, he who has no wife may not teach scribes.'671
These rules prohibit unmarried men, women and men who do not live
with their wives to teach scribes.672 Other, similar laws indicate that the
rules mentioned in Qid. 4.13 may have been enacted in order to prevent
situations where a teacher, male or female, may have taken advantage
669. Cf. 2.4.9.

670. Cf. also Qid. 4.12.
671. Translation from J. Neusner, A History of the Mishnaic Law of Women. IV.
Sotah, Gittin, Qiddushin (SJLA, 33; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1980).
672. Without any explanation Danby and Blackman translate the term DÎSIO as
'children' instead of 'scribes' (Blackman, Mishnayoth, III, p. 481; Danby, Mishnah,
p. 329).
of a student on a sexual level. There is no obvious reason why this rule

should refer to the teaching of scribes only. It is conceivable, however,
that the teaching of scribes took place on a one-to-one basis and/or that
the teacher had much influence over the student's life.673 Concerning
the actual training of scribes, the passage contains no information at all.
In Pes. 3.1 we find a list of several items which had to be removed
before Passover. It specifies Babylonian sauce, Median beer, Edomite
vinegar, Egyptian beer, dyers' pulp, butcher's loaf, and the paste of
scribes.
Pes. 3.1
and the paste of scribes
No explanation is provided why the paste was called the 'paste of the
scribes'. The comments recorded in the Babylonian Talmudim show
that rabbis had difficulties explaining what the DHDIO *?$ ]^lp was.674
It is implied that the paste contained flour, an ingredient required to be
removed before Passover. Most likely, the paste of scribes was some
sort of glue which was used in the production of papyrus scrolls to glue
together individual sheets.675 Although the name of the paste does not
provide sufficient proof to argue that at some stage scribes had been
involved in the production of scrolls, the passage is certainly open to
this interpretation.676 It is conceivable that scribes bought individual
sheets and stuck them together depending on the length of the required
document or book.
The Mishna contains one further problematic passages concerning
scribes: Sab. 12.5. It contains definitions of what constitutes writing
which is prohibited on the Sabbath. Several writing materials and sur-
faces are mentioned, the writing on which was not considered to breach
the Sabbath because they were not durable materials. This category
includes the following:
673. Cf.j2iVi4.14.
674. b. Pes. 42b.
675. The term j'np is also used to refer to leatherworkers' or shoemakers' paste
(b. Pes. 42b: pip pIETl ^ti); cf. also KoUa, meaning 'glue', 'paste' (LSI).
676. It is important to note that there is no evidence from Egypt to support the
view that scribes were involved in the production of scrolls.
Sab. 12.5
board/slab (or: dust/sand) of scribes
The exact meaning of this expression is unclear. The term p3K can
mean 'dust', 'powder', or 'sand' but it may also have been derived
from the Greek term d(3a^. The latter was a 'slab' or 'board' and could
designate a reckoning board or a board sprinkled with sand/dust for
drawing geometrical figures.677 This suggests that the D'~E10n putt may
have been a sand/dust-covered board, used by scribes, on which one
could write or calculate.
2.4.12. Tosefta
The Tosefta is a post-Mishnaic work which probably received its final
redaction in Palestine in the late third or early fourth century.678 It is
very similar to the Mishna in many aspects and the connections
between the two works can be summarized as follows: there is verbatim
agreement; the Tosefta augments the Mishna, for example, by offering
names for anonymous teachings; the Tosefta frequently functions as a
commentary on the Mishna; sometimes the Tosefta contradicts the
Mishna; the structure corresponds and there is a parallel arrangement of
material although it can also differ; and the style of the Tosefta is not as
polished as that of the Mishna.679 The Tosefta may have existed as a
collection of halakhic material independent of the Mishna. With the
canonization of the latter it may have come to be regarded as a supple-
ment. Alternatively, the material in the Tosefta may have originally
been a commentary on the Mishna or may have been redacted as a col-
lection of teaching material supplementing the Mishna. However, these
theories can only be speculation and the original purpose and history of
composition of the Tosefta remain obscure.680
677. So M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and

Yerushalmi and the Midrashic Literature (2 vols.; New York: Pardes Publishing
House, 1950) and LSJ.
678. The view that the Tosefta was redacted in Palestine is suggested by its lan-
guage and closeness to the Palestinian Talmud (cf. Stemberger, Introduction,
p. 157).
679. Stemberger, Introduction, p. 152.
680. Stemberger, Introduction, p. 158, and for a description of a variety of views
on these issues, pp. 153-55.
The information on scribes provided by the Tosefta has been exam-

ined separately from the evidence in the Mishna but it can be concluded
that the same notion of scribes is reflected in both compilations. In
order to avoid repetition, this section of Chapter 2 will provide all the
relevant references to scribes but discuss only those passages from the
Tosefta in detail which add some new information to what has already
been stated in the previous section.681
Authorities in the Law

It is evident that the origins of individual laws and sets of regulations
are associated with scribes as legal authorities of the past. Laws derived
from biblical writings are frequently contrasted with laws of scribes,
but it is emphasized in several passages that both types of laws should
be considered as equally binding.682 Although generally the scribal laws
are integrated into the legal system of the rabbis it seems that there was
sometimes opposition to novel laws.683
In t. Teb. Y. 1.10 laws enacted by scribes are again set in contrast to
those derived from the Torah. This passage can be found at the end of a
long discussion on whether the outside of an unclean vessel renders the
heave offering and liquids unclean. Rabbi Jose refers to the way the
'first fathers' dealt with the problem:
t. Teb. yy. 1.10',684
Look, this halakha! How were the early/first fathers divided about it and
concluded about it that words of torah [be derived] from words of
scribes and words of scribes from words of torah?
The exact meaning of the Hebrew is not clear but it seems that Rabbi
Jose is asking a rhetorical question which implies that the fathers did
681. The sources of the quotes and translations from the Tosefta are indicated at
the relevant passages.
682. T. Qid. 5.21; t. Yeb. 2.4, 3.1; t. Teb. Y. 1.10; t. Dem. 2.5; t. Par. 11.5; t. Miq.
5.4; t. 'Ed. 1.1, 1.5; t. Ta'an. 2.6; t. Kel. B. Mes. 3.14; t. Kel B. Bat. 7.7; t. Nid.
9.14.
683. T. Kel. B. Mes. 3.14.
684. This quote is taken from and its translation based on G. Lisowsky,
G. Mayer, K.H. Rengstorf, et al. (eds.), Die Tosefta, Seder. VI. Toharot 3: Toharot-
Uksin (Rabbinische Texte; Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1967).
not allow the deduction of Halakha from laws enacted by scribes and
laws of scribes from laws of Torah.
The central point of the discussion in t. Teb. Y. 1.8-10 concerns the
issue whether something of second-grade uncleanness, in this case the
outside of a vessel defiled by liquids, can convey uncleanness to one
thing but not another, and how the issue is to be decided. Two rabbis
decide the issue by referring to a rule concerning the special status of
the tebul yom,6*5 but they justify different positions with it.686 It may be
implied by Rabbi Jose's reaction that the law concerning the special
status of the tebul yom was a law enacted by scribes.687 Alternatively, it
is possible that the rule simply means that any one type of law should
not be derived from or justified by another type of law. The hermeneu-
tical rule ascribed to the fathers by Rabi Jose in t. Teb. Y. 1.10 agrees
with that ascribed to the sages in the Mishna in Yad. 3.2.688
In addition to the references to scribes as legal authorities of the past,
the Tosefta also mentions the laws of scribes in the context of the
future. This reference can be found in t. 'Ed. 1.1 which is an interpreta-
tion of a quotation from Amos. According to this tradition, sages who
met at Jabne, interpreted this quote by referring to a time in the future
in which laws, both those derived from the biblical laws and those
enacted by scribes, will be hidden or have disappeared.
Writers of Documents
With one exception, the Tosefta does not add any information about
scribes as professional writers to the discussion of the evidence from
the Mishna.689 An interesting tradition about a scribe has been pre-
served in the Tosefta which has no parallel in the Mishna. According to
t. Sanh. 2.6, Yohanan the scribe was dictated three letters by Rabban
Gamaliel. The letters contained legal decisions of certain rabbis in
Jerusalem about the tithe and the intercalation of a thirteenth month.
685. I.e., somebody who has immersed himself in a ritual bath but has to wait
until sunset to be declared clean.
686. T. Teb. Y. 1.8-9.
687. This rule states that the tebul yom who is of second-grade uncleanness ren-
ders the heave offering unclean but does not defile profane liquids. In contrast the
general rabbinic ruling is that everything that renders heave offerings unclean also
renders liquids unclean (Lisowksy etal., Tosefta, VI.3, p. 280).
688. Cf. 2.4.11.
689. References to scribes as professional writers can be found in t. Git. 2.7, 8;
6.8 (in some editions 8.8); t. B. Qam. 7.4; t. B. Mes. 6.16, 17; t. Sanh. 2.6; 9.1.
The letters were intended to communicate legal decisions to the Jews in

Galilee, the South and the Diaspora.
t. Sank. 2.6690
The story is told that Rabban Gamaliel and elders were sitting on the
steps of the Temple mount and Yohanan the scribe was before them. He
said to him: 'Write:...
The passage continues by quoting the three letters. There is little sup-
port for the view that during the Second-Temple period a central Jewish
authority decided on all matters of Jewish law and tried to impose their
decisions on fellow-Jews in Palestine and the Diaspora. However, with
regard to the calendar, the situation may have been different. The cal-
endar was important to all Jews and authoritative decisions were
required frequently and may therefore have been accepted in a wider
geographical area.691 It is therefore not impossible that decisions about
the calendar were made in Jerusalem and communicated through letters
to the Jewish communities in different parts of the Roman empire.
According to t. Sank. 2.6, the scribe Yohanan functioned as a writer of
letters dictated to him. However, it is not impossible that he also pos-
sessed some legal expertise, similar to Nahum, the scribe, who suppos-
edly lived around the same time.692
Other References to Scribes

As with the Mishna, two references to scribes cannot be put in either of
the above categories. They refer to scribes in the context of a school
and the teaching of scribes.
T. Qid. 5.10 agrees with Qid. 4.13 concerning the rule that men who
do not live with their wives should not teach scribes.693
690. For the Hebrew text, cf. M.S. Zuckermandel, Tosephta (Jerusalem: Bam-
berger & Wahrmann, 1937). The translation is based on B. Salomonsen, Die
Tosefta, Seder. IV. Nezikin, 3: Sanhedrin-Makkot (Rabbinische Texte; Stuttgart:
Kohlhammer, 1976);
691. For a discussion, cf. Goodman, State and Society, pp. 107-108. He suggests
that the rabbis did not have much control in first- and second-century Jewish soci-
ety, with the calendar being the only probable exception.
692. Pe'a/i 2.6 (2.4.11).
693. 2.4.11.
T. Suk. 2.6 implies that scribes taught in schools. This passages con-
tains various interpretations of sun and moon eclipses, by some inter-
preted as good, by others as bad omens. Rabbi Meir who interprets the
eclipse as a bad omen compares it to the following:
t. Suk. 2.6
It is to be compared to a scribe who came into the school house and said,
'Bring me a strap'. Now who gets worried? The one who is used to
being strapped!694
This passage indicates that rabbis were familiar with the notion of
scribes as teachers. It is not stated whether this was regarded as their
main function and what and who exactly they were teaching, t. Suk. 2.6
is open to the interpretation that scribes were teaching scribes, common
people or children. Rabbi Meir, to whom this saying is ascribed, sup-
posedly lived during the second century and it remains unclear to what
extent this passage reflects the realities of the Second-Temple period.695
It is, however, possible that during that period scribes were teaching in
the ISOn rP^ but not, as has sometimes been suggested, as part of an
organized general education for children.696 Taking into account other
evidence for the Second-Temple period, it is most probable that scribes
were teaching the law.697
2.4.13. Jewish Inscriptions

With a few exceptions, all inscriptions which provide evidence for
Jewish scribes in antiquity were found in Roman catacombs. These cat-
acombs were used by the Jewish communities of Rome. Only two other
Jewish inscriptions, one from Jerusalem and one from Bithynia, also
refer to scribes. The Roman evidence is now dated no earlier than the
third (or late second) to the fifth centuries CE and therefore significantly
later than the period under consideration.698 However, since the
694. The translation is based on J. Neusner, Tosefta, II (6 vols.; New York: Ktav,
1981); the Hebrew is taken from S. Lieberman, Tosefta, II (4 vols.; New York:
Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1962).
695. Rabbi Meir supposedly belonged to the third generation of tannaim (about
130-160 CE) (cf. Stemberger, Introduction, p. 76).
696. Cf. discussion of factor 31.
697. Cf. 2.3.6; 2.4.6; 2.4.7; 2.4.14.
698. Rutgers discusses the available evidence and refutes the still widely
evidence with regard to scribes in the Jewish Roman inscriptions is

unique and may help the understanding of earlier evidence, a brief dis-
cussion will be included below.
It cannot be determined whether the inscriptions from Jerusalem and
Bithynia belong to the Second-Temple period since no date is provided.
For completeness they will nevertheless be included here.
Jewish Inscriptions from the Roman Catacombs

The inscriptions contain 27 references to scribes and their titles are sec-
ond in number only to the title archon.699 However, while the latter is
also attested in numerous inscriptions from other places, references to
scribes in inscriptions occur almost exclusively in Rome. The inscrip-
tions from the catacombs provide no information about the functions of
the scribes but contain some data about names, ages, family relations
and association of scribes with synagogues.
Several inscriptions indicate that at least a number of scribes in
Rome were closely associated with specific congregations.
114(C//318)700
vac
ACOVQTOC; I Ypajiiiaie'uq I CTwycayfj -1 BepvctKXcopco701
Donates, scribe of the synagogue/congregation of the Vernaculi
This association of a scribe with a specific synagogue/congregation is

comparable to the way the title dpxcov and other titles are associated
with individual synagogues/congregations.702 This suggests that the
accepted theory by Frey and Leon, that parts of the catacombs should be dated as
early as the end of the first century BCE (cf. L.V. Rutgers, The Jews in Late Ancient
Rome: Evidence of Cultural Interaction in the Roman Diaspora [Religions in the
Graeco-Roman World, 126; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995], pp. xvii-xviii and L.V. Rut-
gers, 'Uberlegungen zu den jiidischen Katakomben Roms', JAC 33 [1990],
pp. 140-57; cf. also Noy, Jewish Inscriptions, II, pp. 3-5, 177-78, 332, 338, 343-44.
699. For the references, cf. van der Horst, Epitaphs, pp. 91-92. The numbers are
taken from Noy, Jewish Inscriptions, II and the still widely used C//-numbers will
be provided in brackets.
700. Also Jewish Inscriptions, II 428 (CII 18); Jewish Inscriptions, II 436 (CII
7); Jewish Inscriptions, II 547 (C//284). The quotations and translations are taken
from Noy, Jewish Inscriptions, II.
701. The text of the inscription is partly Latin in Greek transliteration which
explains the Greek genitive endings -r| and -copco (Noy, Jewish Inscriptions, II,
p. 97).
702. E.g. Jewish Inscriptions, II 170 (C//365), Jewish Inscriptions, II 189 (CII
position of scribes in the synagogues/congregations was well-estab-

lished. The title most likely designated a function within the congrega-
tion rather than a profession. This view receives support from the fact
that the Greek title Ypot|i(|J.)aTe'6(; was transliterated rather than trans-
lated into Latin (gram(m)ateus).103 3 Furthermore, it has been observed
that occupations and professions of individuals are only rarely men-
tioned in the Roman Jewish inscriptions, while positions related to the
Jewish communities are much more frequent.704 The functions of
scribes in the communities may have been linked to reading and writ-
ing expertise but there is no evidence to support this view. In any case,
it is apparent that prestige was associated with this position.
Evidence about the family background of several scribes indicates
that at least some scribes came from distinguished families. In one case,
several members from different generations occupied the positions of
scribe and archon. For example, Honoratus the ypafi|i(aiE/uq), is
remembered by his son Rufus, the dpx(cov) whose son, also called
Honoratus, was a scribe who died at the age of six.705 Rufus was prob-
ably the brother of Petronius who was also a scribe.706 This evidence
suggests that important positions and/or functions in the Jewish com-
munities could be concentrated in the hands of certain families and be
handed down within these families. This view receives support from
the fact that some of the scribes commemorated on the epitaphs were
children as young as six and seven years of age.707 These child-scribes
are unlikely to actually have fulfilled the functions of a scribe. Instead,
the title may have been conferred as an honorary title to the child of a
distinguished family and/or this child was expected to fulfil the role of
a scribe at a later time. The issue is complicated by the existence of the
title (leÔYpaujicxTe'uc;, usually thought to have designated a scribe-to-
368), Jewish Inscriptions, H 542 (C//496), Jewish Inscriptions, II 547 (284); Jew-
ish Inscriptions, II 549 (CII 503), Jewish Inscriptions, II 560 (CII 319), Jewish
Inscriptions, II 577 (CII 523).
703. Jewish Inscriptions, II 85 (C//456); Jewish Inscriptions, II 249 (CII 225);
Jewish Inscriptions, II266 (CII 221); Jewish Inscriptions, II547 (CII 284).
704. Rutgers, Jews, p. 199.
705. Jewish Inscriptions, II 256 (CII 146); Jewish Inscriptions, II 257 (CII
145+186).
706. Jewish Inscriptions, II 223 (CII 149); cf. also Jewish Inscriptions, II 344
(CII 125).
707. Jewish Inscriptions, II 255 (CII 99+180); Jewish Inscriptions, II 256 (CII
146); Jewish Inscriptions, II 262 (C77 122); Jewish Inscriptions, II 547 (CII 284).
be. Age, however, does not seem to have been the determining factor.
Apparently, children as well as mature adults were designated with this
title.708
It should also be noted that one epitaph of a scribe was decorated
with an open Torah shrine containing several scrolls.709 Two further
decorations on epitaphs of scribes may possibly be interpreted as
scrolls.710 However, scrolls and Torah shrines are also found on several
other epitaphs and were not exclusively associated with scribes. It is
therefore more likely that they were used as a Jewish symbol, like the
menorah or the lulab.711 This implies that the illustration or symbol of a
scroll cannot be used as evidence for the functions of the scribes in the
Roman communities.
To conclude, by the late second or early third century the titles
Ypci|j,(|i)cn;e\x; and gram(m)ateus designated a prestigious position. It is
likely that the position and the functions of the Jewish scribes in Rome
had developed in association with the Roman Jewish congregations/
synagogues. Their functions are likely to have required reading and
writing expertise. It is plausible that these scribes were associated with
the writing and/or reading of sacred scrolls and possibly the writing of
tefillin, mezuzot. They may also have written other documents and
records.712 It must be emphasized, however, that there is no evidence to
support any theory about the functions of scribes in the Roman
708. Jewish Inscriptions, II 231 (C11121); Jewish Inscriptions, II 547 (C//284).

Cf. the comparable use of the title (êXXdpxcov: Jewish Inscriptions, II 100 (CII
402), Jewish Inscriptions, II 179 (CII 457).
709. Jewish Inscriptions, II 502 (not published in CII).
710. Jewish Inscriptions, II 249 (CII 225); Jewish Inscriptions, II 266 (CII 221).
711. Jewish Inscriptions, II 270 (CII 193); Jewish Inscriptions, II 11 (CII 315);
Jewish Inscriptions, II 102 (CII 361); Jewish Inscriptions, II 87 (C//478).
712. Van der Horst holds the view that the title designated subordinate officials
who were present in each congregation, functioning as professional writers, and
should therefore be considered as 'secretaries'. According to his view they kept
membership lists up to date, were in charge of the archives and wrote marriage
contracts. He argues against Leon and Saldarini, who consider the scribes of the
Roman communities to have been something like the learned scribes (1S10) men-
tioned in rabbinic literature and the New Testament. Van der Horst and Leon
explain the designation of children as scribes with the assumption that the title was
given to a child as a tribute to certain families (cf. van der Horst, Epitaphs, pp. 91-
92; Saldarini, Pharisees, pp. 272-73; H.J. Leon, The Jews of Ancient Rome
[Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, updated edn, 1995; originally published Philadelphia:
Jewish Publication Society of America, 1960], pp. 184-85).
communities. In any case, evidence for the concentration of the posi-

tions of scribes in distinguished families indicates that the social back-
ground may have been an important factor in a scribe's achievement of
his position.
Inscription from Jerusalem

The only relevant inscription from Jerusalem, indeed Palestine, consists
of two incisions found on a tomb. One refers to "ISOi"! rmiT (Jehudah,
the scribe) while the other adds that Jehudah was the son of Eleazar.
CII 1308b713
714
Jehudah, son of Eleazar, the scribe.
The inscription probably indicates Jehudah's profession but no infor-
mation about the position or functions of this scribe can be derived
from the inscription.
Inscription from Bithynia

The only other relevant inscription stems from Bithynia. It is an epitaph
which commemorates Sanbatis who occupied the position of elder,
scribe and president of the elders.
CII 800
'Ev0d8e KaTaK(ei)T(ca) Zav[km<; t)(i)6<; rep(o)vc(i)o\) TtpCeafhnepo'u)
ypa|i[|j,]aTe'uq K(ai) (e)7uaT(XT(r|)c; T(<B)V 7taA,(ca)a>v. (Ei)p(r|)vr|.
Here lies Sanbatis, son of Gerontios, elder, scribe and president of the
elders. Peace.
This epitaph attests a combination of positions or functions held by one
individual, something that can also be found in the inscriptions from
the Roman catacombs.715 The combination of positions in CII 800 sug-
gests that the scribe occupied an important role in the community and
that prestige was associated with the position of the scribe. Again, how-
ever, no information about the functions of the scribe can be derived
from this inscription.
713. The text for these and the following inscription is taken from and the trans-
lation based on J.-B. Frey, Corpus inscriptionum iudaicarum. II. Asie-Afrique
(Sussidi allo Studio delle Antichita Cristiane, 2; Vatican City: Pontificio Istituto di
Archeologia Cristiana, 1952).
714. It is possible that in the second incision the title "120 should refer to Jehu-
dah's father.
715. E.g. II 547 (CII284).
2.4.14. Targumim
The Aramaic translations of the biblical books are a valuable source of
information about the translators' notion of scribes. However, the date
of composition, the extent to which the Targumim preserve earlier tra-
ditions and their origins, are all hotly disputed among scholars with
little consensus emerging.716 Since it is beyond the scope of this inves-
tigation to discuss these issues in detail, the chronological outline pro-
posed by Flesher will be adopted as a working hypothesis.717 Flesher
suggests that Targum Neofiti i and the Cairo Geniza Targum fragments
originated in Galilee in the second (possibly late first) and third cen-
turies CE.718 Targum Onqelos and Jonathan are associated with Baby-
lonia in the late second to fourth centuries CE. However, to account for
both their Western and Eastern features, it is suggested that Targum
Onqelos and Jonathan originated in second- and third-century Palestine
but received a thorough revision in Babylonia in the following cen-
turies.719 Pseudo-Jonathan and the Fragment Targums are assigned to
the area of Greater Syria in the period from the fourth century onwards.
In this region, Targum Onqelos and Jonathan established themselves as
the authoritative Targumim and ultimately supplanted the Palestinian
tradition.720 It is stated that the different stages are linked since a Tar-
gum composed in an earlier period often provided the basis for those
written in later periods.721
This section will discuss the evidence for scribes in the Targumim to
the Pentateuch and the Prophets, according to Babylonian and Pales-
tinian traditions. The translations of Targum Pseudo-Jonathan will
716. P.V.M. Flesher, The Targumim', in J. Neusner (ed.), Judaism in Late Anti-
quity. I. The Literary and Archaeological Sources (Handbuch der Orientalistik, 1.
Der Nahe Osten und der Mittlere Osten, 16; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995), pp. 42, 60-
62; E. Levine, The Aramaic Version of the Bible (BZAW, 178; Berlin: W. de Gruy-
ter, 1988), pp. 20-21,29.
717. Flesher, 'Targumim', pp. 42-51; cf. also Levine, Aramaic Version, pp. 22-
26, 29.
718. Flesher, 'Targumim', pp. 42-45.
719. Flesher, 'Targumim'', pp. 42, 45-47.
720. Flesher, 'Targumim', pp. 42, 47-51. The difference in status explains why
the Babylonian Targum tradition survived in a highly uniform manuscript tradition
while the Palestinian tradition has been preserved with many variant readings in
only a few manuscripts.
721. Flesher, 'Targumim', p. 42; also W.F. Smelik, The Targum of Judges (OTS,
36; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995), p. 71.
only be referred to briefly in footnotes since its assumed date of com-

position puts it beyond the scope of this study. The few early fragments
of Targumim which have been discovered at Qumran are not relevant
for this investigation since they do not contain any reference to
scribes.722
Despite the difficulty in dating individual traditions in the Targumim
it will be attempted to establish whether traditions about scribes can be
traced back to the Second-Temple period or should be ascribed to the
post-70 period.
Targumim to the Pentateuch

Scribes are not mentioned in the Hebrew text of the Pentateuch but,
nevertheless, several references to scribes can be found in the Aramaic
translations. In the three relevant passages the Aramaic N~)SO translates
the Hebrew ppfTQ, the latter being a rare term which is usually under-
stood to mean 'prescriber of laws', 'commander', or 'commander's
staff.723
The first reference to scribes occurs in the context of Jacob's blessing
of his sons in Gen. 49. According to the Hebrew text Jacob predicts, as
part of the blessing of Judah, that 'the sceptre (CQCJ) shall not depart
from Judah, nor the ruler's staff from between his feet (]T1Q ppFIQl
Vl?:n) until he comes to whom it belongs.'724 Onqelos and Neofiti both
expand and interpret this rather vague promise.
Targ. Onq. Gen. 49.10725
The ruler shall never depart from the House of Judah, nor the scribe
from his children's children for evermore, until the Messiah comes, to
whom belongs the kingdom, and him shall nations obey.726
722. 4QTgJob; HQTgJob; possibly 4QTgLev.

723. Cf. the brief discussion of the translation of the term ppHD in Sir. 10.5
(2.3.6).
724. Gen. 49.10.
725. The Aramaic quotes of Tar gum Onqelos are taken from A. Sperber, The
Bible in Aramaic (3 vols.; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1959); the sources of the individual
translations are indicated at the relevant section.
726. B. Grossfeld, The Targum Onqelos to Genesis (Aramaic Bible, 6; Edin-
burgh: T. & T. Clark, 1988).
Targ. Neof.121
Kings shall not cease from among those of the House of Judah and nei-
ther (shall) scribes teaching the Law from his sons' sons until the time
King Messiah shall come, to whom the kingship belongs; to him shall all
the kingdoms be subject.728
Both traditions interpret the sceptre (13327) in Gen. 49.10 as a reference

to kings and/or rulers while the ppPIQ is understood as a reference to
scribes. As already mentioned above, ppPIQ can mean 'commander' or
'prescriber of laws'. While Neofiti explicitly ascribes the function of
teaching of the law to scribes729, it cannot be determined for Onqelos
whether the translation of ppPIQ as K~l£0 implied the association of
scribes with leadership and/or the prescription of laws.
The Targumic translations of Num. 21.18 provide additional infor-
mation about the translators' notion of scribes. The Hebrew text con-
tains a song about a well through which God gave water to the
Israelites in the desert. This well is said to have been dug by the princes
and nobles of the people who measured it with their sceptres and staffs
Targ. Onq. Num. 21.18
The well which the princes dug, the leaders of the people dug, the
scribes with their staffs, and it was given to them, since wilderness
<times>.730
727. The quotes of Targum Neofiti are taken from A.D. Macho, M. McNamara,
and M. Maher, Neophyti 1: Targum Palestinense ms. de la Biblioteca Vaticana
(Textos y Estudios, 7-11; 5 vols.; Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones
Cientificas, 1968-78); the sources of the individual translations are indicated at the
relevant section.
728. M. McNamara, Targum Neofiti 1: Genesis (Aramaic Bible, 1 A; Edinburgh:
T.& T.Clark, 1992).
729. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan has a very similar expansion (for a translation, cf.
M. Maher, Targum Pseudo-Jonathan: Genesis [Aramaic Bible, IB; Edinburgh:
T. & T.Clark, 1992]).
730. B. Grossfeld, The Targum Onqelos to Leviticus and the Targum Onqelos to
Numbers (Aramaic Bible, 8; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1988).
Targ. Neof.
It is the well which the princes of the world, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob,
dug from the beginning; the intelligent ones of the people perfected it,
the seventy sages who had been separated; the scribes of Israel, Moses
and Aaron, measured it with their rods. And from the wilderness it was
given to them (as) a gift.731
Again the Babylonian and the Palestinian tradition translate ppnQ as

scribes. Onqelos remains close to the Hebrew text and only introduces
the scribes in association with the princes and the nobles. Neofiti, on the
other hand, expands the Hebrew text much more: Abraham, Isaac and
Jacob are identified as the princes, and the scribes Moses and Aaron are
said to have measured the well with their rods.732 The tradition about
the well which, given to the people by God in the desert appears fre-
quently in the Palestinian Targumim. In Neofiti, however, these refer-
ences do not imply more than the provision of water.733 On account of
the meaning of the term ppPIQ, its translation as KHSO in both Targu-
mim suggests that the translators thought of scribes as leading figures
of the past and/or associated them with the law. In Neofiti both of these
associations are also expressed through Moses' designation as a scribe.
The figure of Moses according to the biblical tradition fits the Hebrew
meaning of ppniS perfectly: he was both a ruler/leader of the people
and a prescriber of laws, having engraved the laws given by God on the
stone tablets.734
Translations similar to those of Num. 21.18 involving the Hebrew
731. Macho et al., Neophyti, IV.

732. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan contains the same tradition concerning Moses
and Aaron as scribes. For a translation, cf. E.G. Clarke and M. McNamara, Targum
Neofiti 1: Numbers; Targum Pseudo-Jonathan: Numbers (Aramaic Bible, 4; Edin-
733. In contrast, Pseudo-Jonathan makes a clear connection between the well and
the law (Targ. Ps.-J. to Num. 24.6; 33.14, 45).
734. Note that the root ppQ can also mean to engrave (cf. discussion of the term
in 2.3.6). Why Aaron was designated as a scribe remains unclear, possibly on
account of his association with Moses according to the biblical tradition. Alterna-
tively, he may have been designated as a scribe on account of the priests' involve-
ment with the law.
ppflQ can also be found in Onqelos and Neofiti to Deut. 33.21. In the
context of Moses' blessing of the twelve tribes of Israel before his
death, he himself is also designated as the scribe of Israel.735
To conclude, the Targumim to the Pentateuch reflect the notion of
scribes as leading and influential people of Israel. In addition, the
Palestinian Targumim provide explicit evidence for the association of
scribes with the law generally but also with the role of teachers of the
law in particular. It is further significant that Moses was designated as a
scribe of Israel since, according to the biblical tradition, he engraved
(ppn) the laws on stone tablets. In this sense he was the lawgiver. This
suggests that in addition to the notion of scribes as leaders and teachers
of the law they may also have been associated with the prescription of
laws. This portrayal of scribes in the Palestinian Targumim may be
ascribed to the influence of the roles of scribes in the translators' own
society or, alternatively, it reflects the translators' notion of the past.
The statement in Neofiti i that scribes would not cease to function as
teachers of the law until the arrival of the messiah supports the former.
The latter view, however, receives some support from the rabbinic evi-
dence from the Mishna and Tosefta which assigns the role of scribes as
authorities in the law to the past.736 In this case, the notion of scribes as
leaders, teachers and possibly as prescribers of laws should be ascribed
to a post-70 rabbinic perception of the past.
With regard to the Babylonian Tar gum Onqelos, the association of
scribes with the law may be implied in the translation of ppflQ as N'HSO
and in the single designation of Moses as a scribe, but this is not made
explicit. In the same way as in Neofiti, scribes are portrayed in the role
of leadership until the coming of the messiah. This may or may not be
interpreted as evidence that scribes functioned in this role in the
translators' contemporaneous society.
Targum to the Prophets

As already mentioned in the introduction to this section, the Baby-
lonian Targum tradition to the Prophets has supplanted the Palestinian
tradition and only the former has been preserved. It will, however, be
considered whether the passages discussed may contain earlier Pales-
tinian traditions.
In common with the Targumim to the Pentateuch, a passage in
735. Cf. also Targum Pseudo-Jonathan.

736. Cf. 2.4.11; 2.4.12.
Targum Jonathan translates ppPIQ as N'HDO. According to the biblical

Judg. 5.9, Deborah praises the commanders of Israel (^nET "ppTI) in
her song after the destruction of the Canaaites. Targum Jonathan inter-
prets this as follows:
Targ. Jonathan Judg. 5.9737
Deborah said in prophecy: 'I am sent to praise the scribes of Israel who,
when this distress occurred, did not cease to expound the law and who,
when it was proper for them, sat down openly in the synagogues and
taught the people the words of the law and blessed and gave thanks
before the Lord.
In the following verse (Judg. 5.10) Deborah's call that everybody trav-
elling or at home should tell of the Lord's victory, has been interpreted
in the Targum as scribes who suspended their occupations and travelled
through the whole of the country to dispense judgment. This interpreta-
tive translation explicitly ascribes the role of interpreters and teachers
of the law to scribes. The teaching of the people is located in the syna-
gogues. Linked to their expertise in the law is their function as judges.
This tradition seems to be connected to a particular historical time of
distress, probably the First or Second Revolt against Rome. It may be
ascribed to a period soon after either of the revolts or possibly reflects a
later perception of events during that time.738 The evidence in the Syn-
optics renders some support to the view that the Targum tradition to
Judg. 5.9-10 at least partially reflects the realities of the first and/or
early second century of the common era accurately with regard to
scribes.739 On account of the content of the tradition as well as its paral-
lels in the New Testament evidence, a Palestinian origin is most likely.
The majority of the remaining passages in Targum Jonathan which
refer to scribes do not reveal any relevant information since they simply
reflect the biblical notion of scribes. However, in some instances N~!SO/
737. For the Aramaic text, the translation, and a commentary, cf. Smelik, Tar-
gum of Judges, pp. 442-46.
738. Smelik tentatively suggests that this particular tradition about the scribes
may have originated in the period between the two revolts but was re-interpreted
after the second revolt (Smelik, Targum of Judges, pp. 443-44).
739. Cf. 2.4.6.1; 2.4.6.2; 2.4.6.3.
"ISO translates N'Q]. The portrayal of scribes in a prophetic role is

exclusive to Targum Jonathan to the Prophets and may be potentially
significant.
The prophets are first rendered as scribes in the translation of 1 Sam.
10.5-12. The biblical passage refers to Saul's meeting with a group of
prophets after his anointment for his kingship by Samuel. Saul prophe-
sies together with the prophets. According to the Targum, he meets
scribes who are prophesying and singing praise and he joins in with
them.
Targ. Jonathan 1 Sam. 10.10740
And they came there to the hill, and behold a band of scribes met him,
and the spirit of prophecy from before the Lord resided upon him, and he
sang praise in their midst.741
According to the Aramaic version scribes were under the spirit of

prophecy but instead of prophesying like the prophets in the Hebrew
text, Saul and the scribes are said to have been singing praise.
The same behaviour is also ascribed to scribes in Targum Jonathan
1 Sam. 19.20-24. It may further be significant that through the inter-
pretation of a rather obscure Hebrew reference Targum 1 Sam. 19.22-
23 associates scribes with the house of study (KSD'PN fPH'?) at Ramah.
This suggests that scribes were thought of as teachers or students
although their subject is not specified.
A further two passages indicate the association of scribes with tradi-
tionally prophetic functions. Targum Jonathan 1 Sam. 28.6 and 28.15
counts scribes among three sources of divine guidance of King Saul
together with the traditional sources of dreams and Urim. The scribes
again replace the prophets (D^D]) of the Hebrew text.
Targ. Jonathan 1 Sam. 28.6
And Saul inquired of the Memra of the Lord, and the Lord did not accept
his prayer both in dreams and in Urim and by scribes.
740. Cf. also Targ. Jonathan 1 Sam. 10.5, 11, 12.

741. Unless otherwise indicated, the translations of the Targum to the Former
Prophets are based on D.J. Harrington and A. Saldarini, Targum Jonathan of the
Former Prophets (Aramaic Bible, 10; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1987).
Scribes are thus depicted in the typical prophetic role of providing

divine guidance.
In a similar way, Targum Jonathan to 2 Kgs 17.13 associates scribes
with traditional prophetic role of being messengers of God to the
people by rendering N'O] in the Hebrew text as ~1DD in the Aramaic
version. According to this Targum interpretation, scribes are said to
have warned the people of Israel of God's coming judgment and to
have called them to repent from their sinful ways. Within the same
verse, a further reference to prophets has been rendered with the Ara-
maic equivalent (K"!}]), the prophets being the medium through which
God's law had been sent to the people. This differentiation indicates
that the translator distinguished between prophets with different func-
tions in accordance with his notion of scribes. It may be concluded that
the translator perceived scribes to act in the role of messenger of God
but did not associate scribes generally with the original giving of the
law to the people.742
A further translation of prophets as scribes can be found in Targum
Jonathan to 2 Kgs 23.2. This passage is part of the account of the
finding of the book of the law in the Temple during the reign of King
Josiah. According to the Hebrew, Josiah is said to have read the law in
the Temple to the priests, prophets (D''K'Qn), and the assembled people.
The Targum translates those who are assembled as follows:
Targ. Jonathan 2 Kgs 23.2
And the king went to the house of the sanctuary of the Lord, and all the
men of Judah and all the inhabitants of Jerusalem with him, and the
priests and the scribes and all the people from small and unto great.743
The Aramaic version suggests that the translators wanted to convey the
image that, together with the priests, scribes were influential leaders of
the people in the past.744
742. Cf., however, the designation of Moses as a scribe in Targum Neofiti to

Num. 21.18 and Onqelo-s and Neofiti to Deut. 33.21.
743. The translation is taken from Harrington and Saldarini, Former Prophets.
744. In agreement with other references to scribes in the Hebrew text, the Tar-
gum does not change the references to Shaphan, the scribe of King Josiah (2 Kgs
22.8, 10).
The same evidence is provided by the Targum to Jer. 26.7, 8, 11, and
16 where priests and scribes appear as influential groups who tried to
convince the princes and the people that the prophet Jeremiah should be
killed.
In the Targumim to the Latter Prophets, a selective substitution of the
prophets of the Hebrew text by scribes in the Aramaic version occurs
even more frequently. This interpretative translation is mainly attested
for Targum Jonathan to Isaiah and to Jeremiah, but can also be found
in the Targum to Ezekiel, Hosea and Zechariah. It is noteworthy that
none of the individual prophets, such as Isaiah and Jeremiah, are ever
designated as scribes. Only general references to a prophet or prophets
are sometimes substituted by references to a scribe or scribes.
Jer. 8.10 is part of Jeremiah's great Temple sermon in which the
prophet contemplates how the people can so stubbornly refuse to repent
and he announces God's punishment. According to the Hebrew Jer.
8.9-10, wise men, prophets and priests are singled out from the people
for their rejection of the laws and their false dealings.745 The Targum
interprets this as follows:
Targ. Jonathan Jer. 8.10
Therefore I will give their wives to others, their fields to conquerors; for
both small and great, all of them, are robbers of money; both scribe and
priest, all of them, are workers of falsehood.746
According to the Targum, the scribes and priests stand accused of con-
veying the wrong message by saying 'Peace! Peace!', thus preventing
the people from repenting and returning to the laws of God.747 The
Targum describes their message as words of falsehood (pmptO ^Q)
which creates the link to the works of falsehood.
The notion that scribes were supposed to provide guidance through
instruction of the law is suggested by the Targum to Jer. 8.8. In this
verse both the Hebrew and the Aramaic version explicitly associate
745. The two accusations should be understood as a parallelism, expressing the

rejection of the laws in a general and a practical way.
746. The translation is taken from R. Hay ward, The Targum of Jeremiah (Ara-
maic Bible, 12; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1987).
747. Targ. Jonathan Jer. 8.11.
scribes with the law. The 'false pen of scribes' ("Ip&n OQ^lp "ISO)748 is
said to have turned the law into a lie. This passage indicates that scribes
were associated with writing the law but it is not inconceivable that this
metaphorically referred to the scribes' interpretation of the law. In any
case, together with the priests, scribes appear as leaders of the people
and stand accused for their failure to fulfil this role in accordance with
the laws of God.
In a similar context, scribes and priests are also accused of their
falsehood and failure in leadership in the Targum to Jer. 6.13.
Further passages in Targum Jonathan provide evidence for slightly
different aspects of the same role of scribes. According to Targum Jer.
14.18, priests and scribes are accused because they devoted themselves
to trade with those in the land and for failing to make an inquiry (N1?!
1~lpD). Whatever this obscure passage means, it is clear that the trans-
lator portrays scribes, together with priests, as responsible for the
disasters which are to befall Judah in accordance with the prophecies of
Jeremiah. It is significant that out of the many references to prophets in
Jeremiah 14 the Targum has only once rendered t^H] as "ISO, in Jer.
14.18. In the Hebrew text this is the only reference to prophets where
they appear in conjunction with the priests and are not explicitly asso-
ciated with the function of prophesying.749 This indicates that the
translator considered the scribes' joint appearance with the priests as
significant and it seems that he did not want to associate the function of
prophesying with scribes.750
The Targum translations of both Jer. 23.11 and 23.33-34 provide the
same evidence for the notion of scribes who have failed in their func-
tion as leaders of the people and messengers of God. They are accused
for their wickedness and ignorance of the laws of God. Similarly, Tar-
gum Jonathan Isa. 9.14 portrays scribes, together with priests, as
teachers of the people who stand accused in this role for their teaching
of lies and their responsibility for the destruction brought on Israel. In
addition, Isa. 3.2 announces the punishment of the influential elite of
Judah and Jerusalem, which in the Aramaic version includes scribes.
In short, in the Targumim to Isaiah and Jeremiah scribes appear as
part of the leadership of Israel and hence they are portrayed as being
748. Note the loanword from the Greek Kokaîoc,.

749. False prophets prophesying: e.g. Jer. 14.13-16.
750. For a change of actions from prophesying to singing praise, cf. also Targ.
Jonathan 1 Sam. 10. 5, 10, 11; 19.20, 23, 24.
partly responsible for its destruction. It seems that the position of

scribes as teachers and their influence and responsibility as leaders
were linked. However, it remains unclear whether in the translators'
perception the influence and importance of scribes in society was
derived from their expertise as teachers. In any case, they are portrayed
as having neglected their duties and are considered to have been part of
the reason why God threatened through Isaiah and Jeremiah to punish
Israel.
There are several other passages where the scribes appear in the role
of teachers of the people. In Targum Jonathan to Jer. 18.18 and Ezek.
7.26 this association occurs in an interpretative translation which
includes the rendering of N*O3 as "ISO in the Aramaic version. In Tar-
gum Jonathan to Hos. 4.4-6 scribes are introduced in a liberal transla-
tion of an obscure Hebrew verse. In all three instances scribes appear
together with priests and are referred to as teachers. However, even
though the context is negative, scribes are not accused of failure in their
role as teachers. Instead, it is stated that instruction from the scribe will
cease in the time when God will punish Israel.
In a further instance of the translation of KT1] as "ISO, in Targum
Jonathan to Jer. 29.1, scribes appear as part of the exiled elite in Baby-
lon. They are referred to in the beginning of a letter sent by Jeremiah to
the exiles.
A slightly different aspect of the role of scribes is provided by Tar-
gum Jonathan to Isa. 28.7-8. While the Hebrew version jointly associ-
ates priests and prophets with failing in their interpretation of visions
and their judgments, the Aramaic translation accuses priests and scribes
for their failure as judges.
Targ. Jonathan Isa. 28.7
These also are drunk with wine and annihilated with old wine: priest and
scribe are drunk from old wine. They are annihilated from wine, they
stagger from old wine; her judges have turned after sweet food, they
have gone astray.751
751. B. Chilton, The Isaiah Targum (Aramaic Bible, 11; Edinburgh: T. & T.
Clark, 1987).
This passage reflects the notion that scribes possessed much power in
their role as judges to the extent that they were able to oppress the
people.
Conclusion
The Palestinian Targumim to the Pentateuch explicitly reflect the
notion of scribes as teachers of the law and leaders of the people. The
translations in Targum Onqelos may imply the same notion but this is
not made explicit. Both traditions refer to Moses as a scribe and gener-
ally convey a positive image of scribes.
It has been argued that the portrayal of scribes in the Palestinian Tar-
gum may reflect either the translators' perception of the past, that is, the
pre-70 period, or functions of scribes in their contemporary society,
that is, late first or second to third centuries.
With regard to the Targumim to the Prophets the results are more
complex. The traditions concerning scribes seem a continuation of the
Palestinian tradition in Targum Neofiti (and Pseudo-Jonathan for that
matter). Scribes frequently appear in traditional prophetic roles, such as
messengers of God and instructors of the people, but they are never
associated with the function of prophecy. The instruction provided by
scribes is sometimes specified as the teaching of the law. In two cases,
scribes appear as judges. Furthermore, together with the priests, scribes
are portrayed as leaders of the people. Frequently, the scribes are
accused for their failure in their leadership role and the mis-guidance of
the people. They are held responsible for the disasters brought about by
God as a punishment. Although the disasters and punishment in the
biblical texts refer to the destruction of the first Temple, the Targumic
interpretation of the relevant passages fits the aftermath of the destruc-
tion of the second Temple or even the period after the Second Revolt.
Although these traditions concerning scribes are contained in later doc-
uments, it seems likely that they crystallized in the aftermath of the
destruction of the Temple and either of the revolts. This view is based
on several observations. First, in the relevant passages, scribes always
appear together with priests, which suggests that the translations refer
to a time when the Temple was still standing. Secondly, in the period
after the destruction of the Temple, the interest in assigning blame for
the disaster to certain groups would have been strongest. In the Tar-
gumim the destruction of Israel has been blamed largely on the scribes
and priests. Thirdly, other sources only attest the role of scribes as
teachers of the people and experts in the law for the pre-70 period. It
may therefore be concluded that the traditions concerning scribes in
Targum Jonathan probably reflect a post-70 or possibly a post-135 per-
ception of the past which associates scribes with influence and author-
ity as teachers of the people and expertise in the law during the Second-
Temple period.752
2.5. Silence Requiring Explanation

The previous sections of Chapter 2 have been concerned with the evi-
dence for scribes which has been preserved in the ancient sources. This
section will complement the extant evidence with a discussion of
sources where one would expect references to scribes but which, for
whatever reason, do not mention them. No doubt, an argument from
silence is in most cases rather hypothetical since it is possible to inter-
pret a silence in many different ways. Furthermore, it is almost impos-
sible to refute such an argument. Nevertheless, it has to be explained
why, for example, neither Josephus nor Philo refer to scribes as an
important, influential or powerful group in their contemporary society.
Further, the almost complete lack of references to scribes in the sectar-
ian texts from Qumran is striking considering the scrolls were valued so
highly. In addition, scribes do not feature in the Gospel of John, which
is odd considering the importance and influence assigned to them in the
Synoptics. Neither are scribes mentioned in the Letter ofAristeas or the
752. This interpretation stands in contrast to the more commonly accepted view
that the portrayal of scribes in Targum Jonathan reflects traditions which stem from
the Second-Temple period on contemporaneous scribes (e.g. R. Hayward, 'Some
Notes on Scribes and Priests in the Targum of the Prophets', JJS 36 [1985],
pp. 210-21). Saldarini argues against Hayward that the Targumic interpretation
with regard to scribes reflects a Talmudic perspective and was made to conform the
biblical text to the scholarly and religious activities of later Jewish leaders (A.J.
Saldarini, ' "Is Saul Also Among the Scribes?" Scribes and Prophets in Targum
Jonathan', in H.J. Blumberg, B. Braude, B.H. Mehlman, et al. [eds.], "Open Thou
Mine Eyes..." Essays on Aggadah and Judaica Presented to Rabbi William G.
Braude on His Eightieth Birthday and Dedicated to His Memory [Hoboken, NJ:
Ktav, 1992], pp. 239-53 [250-53]). Smelik places the Targumic tradition of scribes
as teachers of the people and experts in the law in the Targum to Judges in the tran-
sitory period between the great revolts (Smelik, Targum of Judges, p. 443). None of
these scholars, however, refer to the connection of the scribes with responsibility
for God's punishment and the destruction of the Temple.
fragments of other Hellenistic Jewish writings. Furthermore, pagan

writers who comment on Jews and Judaism fail to mention Jewish
scribes. Finally, there is an apparent lack of references to scribes in
Jewish inscriptions from outside Rome.
Josephus's Writings
Josephus's reliability as a historian is frequently questioned but our
knowledge of the history, society and politics of the last two centuries
of the Second-Temple period depends substantially on his writings.753
The fact that Josephus does not mention scribes as an important and
influential group in his contemporaneous society is puzzling and raises
many questions on the status and functions of scribes at that time. Why
is there such a discrepancy between Josephus and our other main
source for pre-70 Jewish society, the New Testament? Considering
Josephus's biases and intentions as a historian, is it possible that he
deliberately omitted references to scribes in certain functions or posi-
tions?754 Or does he not mention them because they were of no particu-
lar importance in his contemporaneous society? Several possible
explanations may be considered.
First, it is a possibility that Josephus's writings reflect the realities of
his own society accurately with regard to scribes. Scribes are not men-
tioned as one of the main groups of Judaism, such as the Pharisees,
Sadducees, Essenes and Zealots but, more significantly, neither do they
appear as individuals with the authority and expertise ascribed to them
in the Synoptic tradition. Although a few individual scribes are men-
tioned, their positions and functions as officials on various levels of the
government and administration are in agreement with those of their
non-Jewish counterparts.755 It is easy to see that, although essential for
the running of public and private affairs, the vast majority of this type
of scribe would not be mentioned in a historical account. Only a few
753. For an overview of recent research cf. Bilde, Josephus, pp. 123-71. For his
reliability but also sloppiness as a historian cf. M. Broshi, 'The Credibility of
Flavius Josephus', JJS 33 (1982), pp. 379-84. For an extensive annotated biblio-
graphy on Josephus as a historian, cf. L.H. Feldman, Josephus and Modem Schol-
arship, 1937-1980 (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1984), pp. 192-277.
754. E.g. Josephus's pro-priestly bias, the favourable presentation of his own
(and that of his class) involvement in the revolt against Roman occupation, or his
blame for the beginning of the revolt on the zealots and for its continuation on brig-
ands and bandits (cf. the introduction to section 2.4.5).
755. Cf. 2.4.5.
scribes would be in positions powerful enough to influence social or

political events and hence surface in historical writings. According to
this interpretation of Josephus's lack of references to scribes as a pow-
erful group, scribes were of no great importance in first-century Jewish
society.
Some scholars have suggested that Josephus simply chose to use a
different term to designate scribes, usually referring to the term
ao<|a<Trr|<;.756 This view is based on the widespread assumption that the
latter designated teachers of the law and that this particular expertise
was one of the main characteristics of Jewish scribes during the Sec-
ond-Temple period. Although it is highly likely that Josephus used the
term ao§iavf\c, because he thought it made sense to his Graeco-Roman
audience, it was not used as a synonym for the term ypajo.uaTE'ui;. A
survey of the four instances where the term GO$imr\$ occurs in Jose-
phus's writings indicates that he did not use it as a designation for a
group or class of experts of the law and teachers of the people. Jose-
phus applied the title to four individuals, all of whom were associated
with rebellious actions, either against King Herod or the Roman occu-
pation.757 Three of the four individuals designated with the title
ao<j>iaTT|<; are portrayed by Josephus as having used their popularity and
influence to lead people into rebellion. Only Judas and Matthias are
said to have justified their actions with their (wrong) interpretations of
the Scriptures. Clearly, the connotations of the term ao<j>iatr|i; in Jose-
phus's writings are very negative, which makes perfect sense consider-
ing its meaning at the time. While from the late fifth century BCE the
term aotyiai^c, designated professional teachers who gave lessons in
grammar, rhetoric, politics and mathematics for money, since Plato the
756. E.g. Orton, Scribe, pp. 60-61; Saldarini, Pharisees, p. 265; Schurer et al.,
History of the Jewish People, II, p. 324.
757. Matthias and Judas: Josephus, War 1.648-511; Ant. 17. 152, 155. Judas the
Galilean/Gaulanite: War 2.118 (2.433); Ant. 18.4-11, 23-25; Menahem: War 2.445.
Judas and Matthias, who incited some young Jews to pull down the eagle from the
temple gate towards the end of Herod's reign, are the only two 0o<t>icrcat who are
explicitly associated with expertise in the Scriptures and the teaching of the people.
Judas, the Galilean, is said to have been the founder of the fourth philosophy. The
relationship between the Sicarii and the Zealots and their connection to Judas's
fourth philosophy is problematic and cannot be considered here (for more details,
cf. Schurer et al., History of the Jewish People, II, pp. 598-606). For our purposes it
is sufficient to state that they should not necessarily be identified. Menahem, the
son of Judas, becomes a brutal tyrant in Jerusalem at a late stage of the revolt.
term had acquired very negative connotations. It had come to designate

a quibbler, cheat or popular teacher who used his eloquence to attract
an audience and was able to argue any point irrespective of the truth.758
For three of the four cocjaatcet in Josephus's writings it is explicit that
they misled the people with their 'wrong' teachings. The fact that the
two teachers Judas and Matthias, involved in the eagle incident, derived
their teachings from the Scriptures neither indicates that they were
scribes nor that all ao<])i<Tr,ai were experts in the Scriptures.759 In short,
there is no firm ground on which a general identification of Josephus's
ao<]>icrr,ai with scribes from other sources can be justified.
The possibility that the scribes of the New Testament appear under a
different name in Josephus's writings cannot, however, be excluded
altogether. For example, is it merely a coincidence that scribes do not
feature as influential citizens associated with the observance of the law
in Josephus's writings, while Josephus's Pharisees match the descrip-
tion of scribes and Pharisees in the New Testament?760 It is conceivable
that whoever was designated with the term Ypaujiottetq in the New
Testament may have been found among the Pharisees in Josephus's
description of society. This would imply, however, that the scribes of
the New Testament were not professional writers or at least that they
were not mainly characterized by their writing expertise.
To summarize, if Josephus's information about scribes in Jewish
society is accurate, Jewish scribes will have functioned as professional
scribes and secretaries on various levels of the administration and the
government. Only a few individual scribes will have been able to gain
social and political influence on account of their prestigious positions.
This view implies that the Synoptics' portrait of scribes as an influential
group of teachers of the people and expertise in the Scriptures must be
considered to be at least partially historically inaccurate.
A second possible explanation of Josephus's lack of references to
scribes as an important group of teachers of the people and experts in
758. On Sophists, cf. N.G.L. Hammond and H.H. Scullard (eds.), Oxford Classi-
cal Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970), p. 1000; H.D. Rankin, Sophists,
Socratics, and Cynics (London: Groom Helm, 1983), p. 161.
759. E.g. expertise in the Scriptures is also associated with priests (Josephus,
War 2.417; 3.352; Apion 1.54) and Pharisees (War 1.110-13; Ant. 13.401-7; War
2.162-66; Ant. 18.11-17).
760. Cf. also the portrait of D'lSD in the Mishna as legal experts who had the
authority to enact new laws.
the Scriptures may be found in Josephus's aim to explain Jewish soci-

ety in a more intelligible way to his Greek non-Jewish audience. He
may not have wanted to use the term ypauuciTeix;, with its standard
Greek meaning of clerk, notary or secretary, to refer to an expert in the
Scriptures since this association would have been unfamiliar to his non-
Jewish Graeco-Roman audience.761 This view presumes that there were
at least some Jewish scribes who were more than officials, secretaries
or clerks, who may have had influence in society, functioned as teach-
ers, and/or possessed expertise in the Scriptures. Josephus could have
chosen to refer to this type of scribe with other titles describing their
respective positions or functions, for example leading citizens (dpxov-
te?), the powerful (5wcrcoi), priests, Pharisees, experts in the laws of
Moses, or teachers.762 It is feasible that Josephus did not mention
scribes as a separate group because he did not consider the Greek term
Ypau.u«T,etK; adequate to describe certain positions and the expertise of
Jewish scribes to a non-Jewish readership.
A third possible, but highly speculative explanation traces Josephus's
silence with regard to scribes as influential teachers and experts in the
Scriptures and the laws back to his personal and political bias.763
In his account of the Maccabean revolt, Josephus did not refer to
scribes even though his source 1 Maccabees mentions them in associa-
tion with the Maccabees. This omission may simply be due to the
brevity of Josephus's account or the fact that the identity of these
scribes was unclear in his source. However, since he generally followed
1 Maccabees closely, it is not inconceivable that Josephus deliberately
omitted references to scribes in the context of the Maccabean revolt. He
may have wanted to avoid the association of scribes with rebellious
activity.764 This would only make sense, however, if there was some
761. Cf. also 2.4.5.

762. These groups or classes should, however, not be identified with scribes.
763. Cf. introduction to section 2.4.5.
764. Cf. also the explanation by Feldman who argues that Josephus omitted ref-
erences to both Asidaioi and scribes in order to avoid a political dilemma. Accord-
ing to Feldman, Josephus would have wanted to identify with the Hasidim (reli-
gious independence only) on account of his pro-Roman bias while his pro-Has-
monaean bias would have made him want to identify with the Hasmonaean point of
view (political independence) which in Josephus's days would have been reflected
by the activities of the Zealots (L.H. Feldman, 'Josephus' Portrayal of the Has-
moneans compared with 1 Maccabees', in F. Parente and J. Sievers [eds.], Josephus
and the History of the Graeco-Roman Period [SPB, 41; Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1994],
sort of link between the scribes and the Pharisees, as is attested in the
New Testament. It may be argued that Josephus wanted to avoided the
impression that scribes and Pharisees were rebellious and trouble-
makers. A link between Josephus and the Pharisees, which is usually
assumed on account of his statement in the Vita, would strengthen this
theory. However, it has recently been shown that the latter is uncertain.
Nevertheless, if Josephus associated himself in some way with the
Pharisees and they were linked to the scribes his omission of the refer-
ence to scribes in his account of the Maccabean revolt can be under-
stood on the general tendency of his writings to excuse himself and his
own class of responsibility for the revolt against Rome.765
It is further possible that Josephus wanted to avoid references to
scribes and their influence and expertise if he considered them to be in
competition with the priests and Pharisees. Josephus claims to be a
priest himself and may have been in some way associated with the
Pharisees. Furthermore, he took pride in his own knowledge of the
Scriptures.766 He also stated in several passages that he considered
priests and Pharisees to be accurate interpreters of the law.767 Therefore,
if it is assumed that scribes were experts in Jewish law and popular
teachers of the people, as suggested by the New Testament and rabbinic
literature, it is conceivable that Josephus's pro-priestly (and pro-
Pharisaic?) bias led him to omit references to this rival group. This
explanation would be valid even if Josephus overemphasized the
importance of the priests (and Pharisees) with regard to their expertise
in the interpretation of the Scriptures.
A fourth plausible reason for Josephus's silence with regard to
scribes in certain roles may be provided by his residency in Rome for
the whole period of his literary activity. Josephus may have avoided the
use of the term ypanuatetx; for other than professional writers and sec-
retaries, on account of the, to us unknown, connotations which the title
had gained in the Roman Jewish community.768 However, a strong
pp. 49-50. Gafni argues that Josephus tried to prove that the Zealots of his own
days were not in continuity with the Hasmonaeans (I. Gafni, 'Josephus and 1 Mac-
cabees', in L.H. Feldman and G. Hata [eds.], Josephus, the Bible, and History
[Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989], p. 126).
765. Cf. introduction to section 2.4.5.
766. For information on Josephus's background, cf. Bilde, Josephus, pp. 28-30.
767. For references, cf. n. 759 above.
768. Cf. 2.4.13.
argument against this view is the fact that the Jewish epitaphs from
Rome which provide the only evidence for the extensive usage of this
title in the Roman Jewish communities, considerably post-date Jose-
phus's writings.
To summarize, it may be assumed that scribes had power and
influence in society and possessed expertise in the Scriptures but Jose-
phus failed to mentioned them because of his personal bias, his inten-
tions, and/or the perception of his audience. Alternatively, Jewish
scribes may have functioned as officials or professional writers, in
agreement with their non-Jewish Graeco-Roman counterparts, allowing
for some scribes to be able to gain power and influence on account of
their position. In this case, Josephus's portrayal of society is understood
to be more accurate than the Synoptics in that no influential group of
scribes as teachers of the people with expertise in the Scriptures existed
in the first century CE.
Dead Sea Scrolls (Sectarian Texts)

The sectarian writings found in the vicinity of Kirbeth Qumran offer
valuable insight into one strand of Judaism which existed during the
Second-Temple period.769 Various scrolls contain information about a
community or communities but they display no uniformity, which sug-
gests that the scrolls originated in related movements or communities
and/or stem from different periods.770 It is further necessary to distin-
guish between the actual settlement at Kirbeth Qumran and the com-
munities referred to in the sectarian scrolls. The evidence of the scrolls
will be considered independently from the Essenes as described in the
classical sources since the relationship between the two is unclear.
769. This view has been challenged by Golb who argues that the scrolls had been
brought to the caves from the main Jerusalem libraries during the first revolt against
Rome. It is part of his view that the scrolls represent a large spectrum of late
Second-Temple Judaism and not just one movement or community (cf. N. Golb,
Who Wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls? The Search for the Secret of Qumran [London:
O'Mara Books, 1995], esp. pp. 147-49; cf. also N. Golb, 'Hypothesis of Jerusalem
Origins of the DSS—Synopsis', Qumran Chronicle 1 [1990], pp. 36-40). Although
much of his criticism of the way the Qumran scrolls have been interpreted is justi-
fied he is not able to provide any substantial support for the origins of the scrolls in
a Jerusalem library or libraries. For a brief critique of Golb's view and alternative
interpretation of the evidence, cf. Gamble, Books, pp. 192-95.
770. In the following it will therefore be referred to as communities rather than a
community.
However, I shall assume that the scrolls were the property of the people
who lived at Kirbeth Qumran.771
The almost complete lack of references to scribes in the sectarian
texts among the Dead Sea Scrolls is striking, considering how much
modern scholars write about the scribes of Qumran.772 Naturally, the
scrolls had to be written by someone, but a more differentiated
approach is necessary. That the community at Kirbeth Qumran was
highly interested in books is evident from the scrolls themselves. It has
recently been suggested that cave 4, which is very close to the settle-
ment, functioned as a library since it contained a high concentration of
different texts but no storage jars. Furthermore, multiple copies of cer-
tain texts indicate intensive study.773 The existence of interpretative
texts as well as some references to the study and interpretation of books
in the scrolls themselves are further indicators that the scrolls were of
much importance and well-used.774 All the sectarian texts, some bibli-
cal books, and a few non-biblical writings from the Second-Temple
period are characterized by a particular orthographic system which has
conveniently been labelled Qumranic.775 This suggests that the scrolls
which were written in the Qumranic orthography were produced at the
site itself. However, it is also conceivable that the original copies of the
mainly sectarian texts with Qumranic orthography were produced at
about the same place and time but not at Qumran itself, and that the
771. Also Gamble, Books, p. 193. For a compilation and brief discussion of the
evidence for the Essenes and the organization, structure and teaching of the com-
munities according to the Dead Sea Scrolls, cf. G. Vermes and M.D. Goodman, The
Essenes According to the Classical Sources (Oxford Centre Textbooks, 1;
Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1989). For an overview of the standard hypotheses, cf. F.G.
Martinez and J.C. Trebolle, The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
1995), pp. 78-96.
772. The writers of the scrolls are usually referred to by modern scholars as
scribes, cf. e.g. E. Tov, The Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible (Minneapolis:
Fortress Press, 1992), pp. 107-14 and Orton, Scribe, pp. 121-33. Frequently the
application of the term 'scribe' to the writers of the Dead Sea Scrolls originates in
the modern use of the term for a writer of a manuscript. However, this is not very
helpful for the understanding of the functions of a scribe in ancient society and a
distinction between a professional scribe and somebody who had the ability to write
a scroll should be maintained.
773. Gamble, Books, pp. 193-95.
774. Study of books: e.g. 1QS 6.6-7; IQSa 1.7; 4QMMT 95.
775. In contrast, the majority of biblical scrolls do not display these charac-
teristics.
community at Qumran simply continued copying texts with different

orthographic systems. That some literate individuals, possibly profes-
sional scribes, were active at Qumran is indicated by the fact that in
several cases a number of different manuscripts can be attributed to the
same writer.776 On the other hand, more than 150 different handwritings
have been identified which suggests that quite a few books were
probably acquired from outside the settlement or brought into the
community by new members.777
The only occurrence of the term "1Q10 in non-biblical material is
found in the Psalms Scroll in a reference to King David.778 Not that we
should expect to find references to scribes in all sectarian scrolls but, if
scribes were of any importance in the communities, they would almost
certainly have been mentioned in one way or another in the so-called
'Rules'. The relevant writings are the Damascus Document (CD), the
Rule of the Community (1QS), the Rule of the Congregation/Messianic
Rule (IQSa), the War Scroll (1QM/4QM), and the Temple Scroll
(11QTS) as they contain information on the communities' structure and
organization. Certain functions which are associated with scribes in
other ancient literary sources are attested in the Dead Sea Scrolls,
including officers in the army, the interpretation and teaching of the
Scriptures, and positions in leadership.779 However, none of these
776. The view that there was a scriptorium at Kirbeth Qumran has been widely
criticized. Apart from three inkwells no other writing implements (e.g. rulers,
sharpeners, pens) or empty rolls of papyrus or leather have been found. What has
been interpreted as tables is unlikely to have been used for writing since tables were
only used much later for writing. For a discussion of the evidence and both schol-
arly views, cf. Gamble, Books, p. 194; Golb, Scrolls, pp. 27-29. For the view that
the room was a scriptorium, cf. originally R. de Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead
Sea Scrolls (Schweich Lectures, 1959; London: Oxford University Press, 1973),
pp. 29-33, 104; also R. Reich, 'A Note on the Function of Room 30 (the 'Scrip-
torium') at Khirbet Qumran', JJS 46 (1995), pp. 157-60. The interpretation that the
settlement was a Hellenistic villa and that room 30 contained beds for reclining (so
P.H.E. Donceel-Voute, '"Coenaculum"—La Salle a I'etage du locus 30 a Khirbet
Qumran sur la Mer Morte', in R. Gyselen [ed.], Banquets d'Orient [Res Orientales,
4; Bures-sur-Yvette: Groupe pour 1'etude de la civilisation du Moyen-Orient,
1992], pp. 61-84) has not found much recognition among scholars.
777. Golb, Scrolls, pp. 151-52.
778. Cf. 2.4.1.
779. E.g. in 1QS the Master (3.13-15; 9.12-19; 11.1) or the teachers (7.23-24); in
CD the Teacher of Righteousness (1.11; 20.28), Interpreter of the law (6.7; 7.18-
20), Teacher of the community (19.35; 20.14); in 11QTS the elders, leaders, heads
functions or positions are fulfilled by scribes in the communities

described in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Furthermore, writers of scrolls or the
actual writing of a scroll are nowhere mentioned in the 'Rules'. This
seems odd considering how much importance the community ascribed
to the study and interpretation of books and the care they took to pre-
serve them.780
It is highly unlikely that this lack of references to scribes is the result
of the chances of preservation and finding since such a large number of
scrolls and different texts have been preserved. Instead, it seems prob-
able that the members of the community did not assign any special
importance to the actual writing and copying of scrolls. Some of the
scrolls were probably written by members, others by outsiders, and
some may have been acquired. The scrolls could have been written by
both professional scribes and educated, literate individuals. The lack of
references to scribes implies that writers of scrolls did not derive any
special prestige, influence or authority from the writing/copying of
books within the communities. It can also be stated with some
confidence that scribes were not part of the leadership of the communi-
ties.
Philo's Writings
In contrast to Josephus's writings, we can be less certain that Philo's
silence on Jewish scribes is significant. In his philosophical writings,
references to scribes cannot be expected since he did not intend to pro-
vide an accurate description of society and historical events in these
treatises.781 Generally, the information provided by Philo's extant
books about the structure and organization of the Jewish community in
Alexandria is scanty.782 Only a few details about powerful individuals
or the leadership of the Jewish community can be derived from his
books.783 Even the two extant historical treatises, the De Legatione ad
of the Fathers' houses, commanders (42.13-15), judges and officers (51.11); in

1QM/4QM the heads of the families (2.1, 7), commanders (4.1-5), officers (7.14,
16; 10.5), and elders (8.1).
780. Study: e.g. 1QS 6.6-7; IQSa 1.7; 4QMMT 95. The scrolls were partly
stored in clay jars and probably hidden in the caves for their preservation. Some of
these cases are at quite a distance from the actual settlement.
781. Cf. 2.1.
782. For a brief discussion of the evidence for other, non-extant, historical books
by Philo, cf. Schurer et al, History of the Jewish People, III. 1, pp. 859-64.
783. In Place. 74-76 Philo refers to the senate (yepouata) and the magistrates
Caium and In Flaccum contain little information about Jewish society.

They recount events leading up to the riots in Alexandria, the persecu-
tion of Alexandrian Jews, their delegation to Gaius in 39-40 CE, and
the emperor's order to set up a statue in the Temple of Jerusalem. In
addition, Philo briefly mentions the reactions of the people in Palestine
and the legate of Syria to Gaius's order demanding the erection of his
statue. If scribes were important and influential figures in Philo's con-
temporary Alexandrian and, to a lesser extent, Palestinian Jewish soci-
ety, they may have been mentioned in these treatises. However, the
view of Jewish society provided by the accounts of these particular
events is too limited to allow us to draw any conclusions with certainty.
On the other hand, it is evident that Philo was familiar with non-Jewish
scribes in high positions. The Roman prefect's advisors on Egyptian
affairs were scribes, a reference which indicates that outside the Jewish
community they functioned in prestigious official positions.784
Philo's silence concerning scribes in the context of his descriptions
of meetings in synagogues on the Sabbath, the reading of the Scriptures
and their exposition, and in association with general expertise in Jewish
law is likely to be more significant. Philo argues that Jews are not idle
on the seventh day of the week but spend their time learning about their
laws. He explicitly mentions that the laws are read to them either by
an elder or, if present, a priest. In a different context, Philo states that
the person with special expertise teaches the assembly.785 The reading
of the Scriptures which is followed by an exposition or general instruc-
tion is also associated with the groups or 'philosophies' called Essenes
and Therapeutae.786 The passages illustrate clearly that those who
(apxovtei;) but provides very little information about either. Concerning the
Embassy to Gaius, the reader learns nothing about the status and background of the
members of the delegation, with the exception that they were of age.
784. Place. 3.
785. Hypoth. 7.11-13; Spec. Leg. 2.62.
786. Essenes: Omn. Prob. Lib. 75-82; Therapeutae: Vit. Cont. 16-80 (no reading
mentioned). Futhermore, Philo mentions various groups which he considers to rep-
resent the wise, just and virtuous of a country. For Greece he reminds his readers of
the seven sages, for Persia he states that the magi are known as men of highest
excellence, for India he mentions the Gymnosophists (Omn. Prob. Lib. 73-74), and,
finally, the Essenes are said to be an example of people with high virtue in Syria
Palestine and are clearly associated with the study of and instruction in the law
(Omn. Prob. Lib. 75-88). If Philo had known of other groups in Palestine, e.g.
scribes, which were renowned for their piety and expertise in the Scriptures, would
functioned as readers and expositors of the sacred Scriptures were not

generally called scribes. It is possible that Philo was not familiar with
scribes as readers and interpreters of the Scriptures at all.
It is well known, however, that professional scribes played an impor-
tant role in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Their technical knowledge was
required on all levels of the administration of public and private affairs.
It is therefore very likely that in the fairly independent Jewish commu-
nity in Alexandria, Jewish scribes served most of the needs of their
community with regard to written documents.787 This view receives
some support from an extant papyrus, dating from 13 BCE, which prob-
ably refers to a Jewish archive in Alexandria.788 There can be little
doubt that Philo was familiar with Jewish scribes in this sphere. How-
ever, there is no reason to assume that these professional writers were
associated with other functions, with the possible exception of some
legal expertise needed for the drawing up of legal documents. These
scribes do not appear in Philo's writings for the obvious reason that
they were of no importance to the content of his works.789
To conclude, although the evidence is scanty, it may be stated with
some confidence that Philo was not familiar with scribes as readers and
expositors of the Scriptures but that he probably knew Jewish profes-
sional scribes in the function of writers and notaries.
it not seem odd if he had singled out the Essenes? Of course, this argument from
silence cannot be conclusive but it seems that Philo probably did not know of a
well-defined group of scribes whose expertise was Jewish law.
787. There is also evidence that documents which involved Jews were deposited
in non-Jewish archives and probably drawn up by non-Jewish scribes (cf.
V. Tcherikover, A. Fuks and M. Stern (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, I-II
(3 vols.; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957-64). It is likely that this
was the case for proceedings where only one party was Jewish.
788. CPJ 143. The document contains an agreement about a legacy and refers to
a will which has been deposited at the archive of the Jews. Even though the word
Iov>8at(ov is not well preserved it seems to fit the extant letters and the available
space the best. Tcherikover, Fuks and Stern argue that this archive might have been
the record office of the Jewish politeuma at Alexandria and that as such it was the
counterpart to the notary's office of the polls of Alexandria (Tcherikover, Fuks and
Stern, CPJ, II, p. 9).
789. Philo sometimes uses different professions, like physician, soldiers and
stewards, to illustrate some philosophical point or to provide an example. However,
they seem to be more or less random and nothing can be inferred from the fact that
scribes do not occur in this context.
Letter ofAristeas
In connection with Alexandrian Jewish society some attention needs to
be given to the Letter ofAristeas. It contains an account of the origins
of the Septuagint and predates Philo's writings. Although we cannot be
certain about the place of origin of this book, there is a general consen-
sus that it was composed by an Egyptian Jew, most likely in Alexan-
dria. The Letter ofAristeas is probably a fictitious account and should
not be regarded as a historical description of the events surrounding the
Greek translation of the Scriptures.790 It nevertheless provides valuable
insight in what the author and his time thought about the origins of the
translation. The description of the education, skills and status of the
translators of the Scriptures allows some conclusions about whom the
author—and probably his contemporary society—thought to be the best
qualified people to produce an authoritative translation of the Scrip-
tures.
The 72 translators are described as highly respected and well-edu-
cated wise men, elders, who were most skilled in the interpretation and
discussion of Jewish law, and qualified to act as ambassadors. In addi-
tion, they are said to have been trained in Greek literature.79' On the
basis of these characteristics, some modern scholars have taken the
translators to be scribes.792 It is clear, however, that the author did not
refer to them as such. Neither the learning and wisdom associated with
the translators nor their expertise in reading and writing obviously
compelled the author of the Letter ofAristeas to designate the trans-
lators as scribes. This suggests that in the author's contemporary, prob-
ably second-century BCE Alexandrian Jewish society, neither expertise
790. For a brief comment on the date and purpose of the book, cf. the introduc-
tion to section 2.3.1.
791. Ep. Arist. 32, 39, 46, 121-22.
792. Saldarini acknowledges that the translators are not designated as scribes but
argues that the translation of the Bible is a scribal act and that the characteristics of
the translators are assigned to high ranking scribes in other texts. He explains the
lack of the term scribe in the Letter ofAristeas by assuming that the Jewish com-
munity in Alexandria probably did not have enough independence to have scribes
as officials and that the term scribe was used differently in the diaspora and Pales-
tine (Saldarini, Pharisees, p. 260). Orton also believes that the translators of the
LXX as portrayed in the Letter of Aristeas should be regarded as scribes on the
grounds that a translation is always an interpretation of the text and that the transla-
tors were therefore interpreters of the Scriptures (Orton, Scribe, pp. 52, 193 n. 47).
in the law nor the translation of the Scriptures was exclusively associ-
ated with scribes. The silence of the Letter of Aristeas with regard to
Jewish scribes renders support to the interpretation of Philo's lack of
references to scribes.
Hellenistic Jewish Writings

Josephus is not the only Jewish historian who lacks references to
scribes as influential and important leaders of Jewish society. About
two centuries earlier, Eupolemus, a Greek speaking historian from a
distinguished and influential family of Jerusalem composed a work on
the kings of Judaea. In one of the few passages which have been pre-
served from this book, Eupolemus portrays Moses as the first wise man
who gave the alphabet to the Jews. Furthermore, he claims that Moses
was the first to write down laws.793 The Jewish author Eupolemus does
not portray Moses as a scribe even though the latter has a strong con-
nection to both writing in general and the laws, being portrayed as the
originator of both.
The only other fragment of Eupolemus's writings in which we might
expect a reference to a scribe contains an account of some of Jere-
miah's prophecies. However, Baruch does not appear at all, which is
probably due to the brevity of Eupolemus's account, and there is no
mention of the writing down of Jeremiah's prophecies and the burning
of the scroll by the king.794
Generally, not too much weight should be assigned to the lack of
references to scribes in Eupolemus's writings since they have only been
preserved in very fragmentary form.
Similarly, the silence with regard to scribes in the only partially pre-
served writings of Artapanus may or may not be significant. The com-
position of his books is usually dated in the period from the mid-third
793. Eupolemus frag, la, b (preserved in Clement of Alexandria, Strom.

1.23.153.4 and Eusebius, Praep. Evang. 9.26.1). For similar non-Jewish traditions
in antiquity, cf. Holladay, Fragments, I, pp. 137-38 nn. 5-7. Convenient collections
of the fragments of Hellenistic-Jewish authors can be found in Holladay, Frag-
ments, I-III; also N. Walter, Fragmente judisch-hellenistischer Exegeten: Aristo-
bulos, Demetrios, Aristeus (JSHRZ, III.2; Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1975) and
N. Walter, Jtidisch-hellenistische Epik; Pseudepigraphische jiidisch-hellenistische
Dichtung (JSHRZ, IV.3; Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1983).
794. If Eupolemus used the Septuagint it is even more unlikely that he would
have referred to Jeremiah's scribe since Baruch is not designated as such in the
Greek text (cf. 2.3.1.2).
to the mid-second century BCE, but a date during the reign of Ptolemy
IV Philometor (180-145 BCE) seems the most feasible.795 With regard
to the provenance of the writings, it is almost certain that Artapanus
lived in Egypt, possibly Alexandria.796
Artapanus's writings are very syncretistic and glorify Jewish heroes
of the past.797 Important for this study is his portrait of Moses as a cul-
tural benefactor and inventor of philosophy.798 Moses is further said to
have assigned the sacred writings (or hieroglyphs) to the priests.
According to Artapanus, Moses 'was called Hermes because of his
ability to interpret the sacred writings' (or hieroglyphs).799 The context
suggests that Moses was an expert in Egyptian, rather than Jewish,
sacred writings.800 Nevertheless, this passage indicates that the Jewish
writer Artapanus did not consider expertise in the sacred writings nec-
essarily to be scribal expertise.
Other Hellenistic Jewish writers, whose works have only been pre-
served in fragmentary form, include Ezekiel the Tragedian, Theodotus,
Philo the Epic Poet, Aristobulus, Demetrios and Aristeas. However, no
references to scribes can necessarily be expected in the context of the
fragments which have survived.
In short, neither Artapanus nor Eupolemus associated writing in
general and expertise in the laws or sacred writings with scribes. This
silence may or may not be due to the fragmentary preservation of their
writings. The fragments of other Hellenistic Jewish writers do not con-
tain topics where one would necessarily expect references to scribes.
795. This view is based on the argument that the existence of the temple at Leon-
topolis seems presupposed in the text (Holladay, Fragments, I, p. 190).
796. The provenance is suggested by the citation of local Egyptian traditions and
Artapanus's dependence on Egyptian traditions which have been transmitted by
Herodotus and possibly Hectateus (cf. Holladay, Fragments, I, p. 190).
797. Holladay, Fragments, I, pp. 190-90.
798. Cf. also Eupolemus (Frag, la, b, in Clement of Alexandria, Strom.
1.23.153.4 and Eusebius, Praep. Evang. 9.26.1).
799. Frag. 3.4, 6. A later passage is open to the interpretation that Moses was
explicitly associated with the ability to write, however, it is not quite clear whether
Moses or the king is the writer (Frag. 3.26, both in Eusebius, Praep. Evang. 9.27.1-
37).
800. Cf. also N. Walter, 'Kann man als Jude auch Grieche sein? Erwagungen zur
judisch-hellenistischen Pseudepigraphie', in J.C. Reeves (ed.), Pursuing the Text
Gospel of John
Josephus's lack of references to scribes as leaders in Jewish society is
also paralleled in the Gospel of John. In contrast to the Synoptics,
which portray scribes as important leaders, it may be significant that
they are not mentioned at all in the Fourth Gospel.801 Due to the limited
scope of this study it is impossible to include a discussion of the large
range of problems associated with this Gospel, such as its authorship,
origin, date and relationship to the Synoptics. Even though answers to
these questions are of much importance to the evaluation of the Gospel
as a historical source, concerning most of these issues we remain in the
realm of conjecture, a point well illustrated by the immense variety of
scholarly theories that have been produced in association with this
Gospel.
The earliest fragment of the Gospel has been found in Egypt. The
papyrus fragment can be dated in the early decades of the second cen-
tury.802 It is therefore likely that the Gospel was composed towards the
end of the first century CE or earlier. With regard to the place of origin,
the evidence is too scanty to argue for any location convincingly, but
Alexandria, Ephesus and Antioch have been suggested. Evidence for
the author of the Gospel is no clearer. He remains anonymous and the
internal and external evidence is complex. The Christian tradition
which identifies the author with the beloved disciple is first attested by
Irenaeus in the second half of the second century and cannot be traced
in earlier sources.803
801. For the reason why Jn 8.2-11, which contains the only reference to scribes,
is not considered part of the original Gospel, cf. the introduction to section 2.4,6.
802. P. Ryl. 457. Several other copies of the Gospel of John from the second and
third centuries have also been preserved in Egypt (for a collection of the
manuscripts, cf. J. van Haelst, Catalogue des papyrus litteraire juifs et Chretiens
[Serie Papyrologie, 1; Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1976]). This most likely
reflects the good climatic conditions in Egypt for the preservation of papyri but the
possibility that the Gospel was actually composed there should not be ruled out
completely.
803. Davies argues that Irenaeus's claim that John the apostle wrote the Gospel
in Ephesus should be attributed to Irenaeus's opposition to heresies wherefore he
was anxious to associate all four Gospels with apostolic authorship (M. Davies,
Rhetoric and Reference in the Fourth Gospel [JSNTSup, 69; Sheffield: JSOT Press,
1992], pp. 244-51). Other scholars identify the author as the beloved disciple who
supposedly was identical with John, the son of Zebedee (so e.g. D.A. Carson, The
Gospel According to John [Leicester: Intervarsity Press, 1991 ], pp. 68-81).
The most significant issue, however, is the question of the Gospel's

accuracy with regard to the political and social realities of Judaea and
Galilee at the time of Jesus. There is an ongoing debate whether the
author knew and used some or all of the Synoptics. Some assume that
the author of John knew and used at least some of the Synoptics, while
others hold that he did not know the Synoptics but used some of the
same traditions.804 It is further indicated by additional information or
unique stories in John that the author either had independent knowledge
or that he had access to other sources.805
One of the characteristics of the Gospel is its generalization of the
opposition to Jesus as oi 'louSciioi806 and the prominence of the Phar-
isees. The author sometimes distinguishes between chief priests
(apxtepeti;), the high priest, Levites, Pharisees and rulers (dpxovreq)807
but never mentions scribes, elders and Sadducees.808 Does the
prominence of Pharisees and the silence on scribes and Sadducees
reflect the realities of Judaism either before or after the destruction of
the Temple or was it the result of the author's generalization of the
opposition of the Jewish authorities? Several possible explanations may
be considered.
804. For an overview and discussion of the various theories and their develop-
ment, cf. D.M. Smith, John among the Gospels: the Relationship in Twentieth
Century Research (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1992); also Davies, Rhetoric,
pp. 255-59.
805. E.g. the reference to the practice that circumcision takes precedence over
the Sabbath (Jn 7.22) (Davies, Rhetoric, p. 312), the detail provided about the pool
by the sheep gate with its five porticoes (Jn 5.2), or the reference to the grass at the
place of the feeding of the five thousand (Jn 6.10). The resurrection of Lazarus is an
example of a story unique to the Fourth Gospel (Jn 11.1 -57).
806. This should be translated as 'the Jews' although it is probable that the term
symbolically refers to the Jewish authorities. For the distinction between sense and
reference, cf. J. Ashton, Studying John: Approaches to the Fourth Gospel (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 64-65. For an overview of different possible interpreta-
tions of oi 'Io\)5atoi, e.g. as Judaeans (as opposed to Galileans and Samaritans), cf.
Ashton, Studying John, pp. 37-70.
807. E.g. Jn 3.1; 7.32; 11.47-48; 12.10; 12.42, 18.19.
808. It is interesting to note that Sadducees also do not feature much in Jose-
phus's description of events of the first century CE. However, it seems that concern-
ing the Gospel this silence with regard to Sadducees seems to be due to the fact that
the author did not include any of the synoptic stories involving Sadducees (Mt. 3.7;
16. 1,6, 11, 12; 22.23, 34; Mk 12.18; Lk. 20.27; Acts 4.1; 5.17; 23.6, 7, 8).
It has frequently been assumed that the Gospel reflects the situation
of post-70 society where the Pharisees had become the dominant group.
Martyn claims that the text presents itself on two levels, an account of
the events during Jesus' lifetime and a witness to the experiences of the
Johannine churches.809 According to this view, the dominance of the
Pharisees and their opposition to Jesus in the Gospel reflects controver-
sies between the Johannine communities and the synagogues domi-
nated by Pharisees. This theory is based on the assumption that the
author intended to mirror the experiences of his own community in his
account of Jesus' ministry and his opposition, a point which is almost
impossible to prove. Furthermore, this view assumes that, by the end of
the first century, Pharisees controlled synagogues not only in Palestine
but also in the Diaspora (wherever the Gospel originated) with the
power to exclude followers of Jesus from the synagogues.810 Although
some connection between the Pharisees and the later rabbis is likely, it
seems odd that the (Jewish) Christians would refer to their own Jewish
opposition, which commentators assume to have been late first-century
rabbis or sages, as Pharisees. In any case, it has been shown by Sanders
and Goodman that there is no evidence that Pharisees or rabbis con-
trolled Jewish life or the synagogues in the first (and second) cen-
tury.811 In contrast to Martyn, Davies argues that the author derived his
notion of Pharisees from the Synoptics, but her failure to account for
the differences between the Gospels' trial narratives or the lack of ref-
erences to scribes or elders as part of Jewish leadership in the Gospel of
John weaken her argument considerably.812
It is conceivable that the author generalized the Jewish opposition to
Jesus because it seemed of no importance to him to preserve distinc-
809. So J.L. Martyn, History and Theology in the Fourth Gospel (New York:
Harper & Row, 1968), pp. 9-10. Cf. also Stemberger, Jewish Contemporaries,
p. 36; Ashton, Studying John, pp. 56, 60-62, and J. Ashton, Understanding the
Fourth Gospel (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 136, 152, 174-75.
810. Jn 9.22; 12.42; 16.2. These passages refer to the expulsion of people from
the synagogues and constitute one of the most important pieces of evidence in sup-
port of the view that the Gospel reflects the situation of the Johannine community.
Against this view Davies argues that these references do not refer to Jewish practice
at the author's time but rather that the author tried to explain why the Christian
communities were separate from the synagogues (for the details of her argument cf.
Davies, Rhetoric, pp. 295-301).
811. Sanders, Judaism, pp. 399-412; Goodman, State and Society, pp. 93-111.
812. Davies, Rhetoric, pp. 299-300.
tions between various groups.813 Designations such as rulers (ccpôv-

ie<;) and chief priests, which appear in the Gospel of John, are general
terms and do not indicate that the author was interested in, or know-
ledgeable about, differences between groups within the Jewish
leadership. The high priest, on the other hand, was too important to be
completely ignored since everybody knew that there had been a high
priest in the Jerusalem Temple. It may, therefore, be concluded that the
silence with regard to scribes in John was simply the result of the
author's literary method of generalizing the Jewish opposition to Jesus.
This implies that no information about the positions of scribes in
Palestinian Jewish society may be derived from the lack of references
to scribes in the Gospel of John.
Alternatively, one could argue that John was better informed on Jew-
ish Palestine and the way its leadership functioned under the Roman
occupation.814 On the basis of a comparison between the Gospel of
John and Josephus's writings, it has been argued that the author (or his
additional sources) had a better grasp of the realities of Jewish life at
the time of Jesus than the Synoptics. This view is based on evidence
such as the description of the relation between the Jewish and the
Roman authorities, the importance of the high priest, references to the
rulers (dpxovie*;), and the reason why and how an ad hoc council may
be convened.815 According to this view, John reflects the composition
of the Jewish ruling class more accurately, despite the author's general-
izing references to 'the Jews' and the Pharisees. In this case, the lack of
references to scribes as part of the Jewish authorities may be interpreted
as an indication that scribes did not function as influential and impor-
tant religious and/or political authorities.
In support of this view, it is noteworthy that there is some agreement
between Josephus's and John's portrait of the Pharisees comparable to
813. Cf. also the lack of interest in retaining distinctions between groups in Luke
and Matthew (2.4.6.2; 2.4.6.3).
814. Although this does not necessarily imply that the Gospel was written before
70 CE.
815. The portrayal of a synedrion in Jn 11.47-53 ties in better with Josephus's
evidence than the Synoptics' synedrion (cf. Millar, Trial', pp. 355-81, esp. 379; cf.
also discussion of Sank. 4.3 [2.4.11]). Davies also argues that the vast majority of
details on the geography of Palestine, its plants and products and the culture and
beliefs of the Jews in the Gospel are accurate. However, she holds that with very
few exceptions these details could have been derived by the author from the Syn-
optics and the Scriptures (Davies, Rhetoric, pp. 276-315).
their partial agreement with regard to scribes. In John the Pharisees are
depicted with power and influence during Jesus' ministry but they do
not occur any more after his arrest. This suggests that as a group they
had no real political power. This is somewhat similar to Josephus's
inconsistency concerning Pharisees. In his summary statements on
Pharisees, Josephus ascribes much power and influence over the people
and the Sadducees to this group.816 However, in Josephus's accounts of
contemporary events, the Pharisees do not live up to these general
summary statements. It seems that both Josephus and John agree in
their general acknowledgment of the influence and popularity of the
Pharisees and their lack of real political power. Furthermore, both
writers depict the chief priests and rulers (apxovTeq) as part of the
Jewish ruling class. According to this view Josephus's and John's
silence with regard to scribes may be more than a mere coincidence and
possibly indicate that scribes lacked influence in society.
To summarize, the silence in the Fourth Gospel with regard to
scribes could stem from either the author's generalization of the Jewish
opposition or, alternatively, from his better knowledge of the realities
of Palestinian Jewish society at the time of Jesus. In the case of the
former, the Gospel of John does not provide any information on the
status and functions of scribes during the Second-Temple period while
in the case of the latter it would provide evidence that scribes did not
have any political power and influence in Jewish society at the time of
Jesus.
Inscriptions
Inscriptions are a distinctive feature of Graeco-Roman civilization and
are attested throughout the Roman empire. However, while Greeks and
Romans made extensive use of all kinds of inscriptions in public life,
Jewish inscriptions rarely occur outside the context of tombs and
ossuaries.817 Comparably few Jewish epitaphs contain references to
professions, titles and positions, although positions in the Jewish com-
munity are mentioned slightly more frequently. The almost complete
lack of references to scribes in Jewish inscriptions, with the exception
of the material from Rome, may therefore be best explained by the fol-
lowing two aspects of Jewish society: inscriptions did not play a major
role in Jewish society outside the context of tombs and ossuaries; and
816. Josephus, Ant. 13.297-98, 401-6; 18.17.

817. Cf. 2.1.
titles, professions and positions were not generally recorded in Jewish

epitaphs. These Jewish epigraphic habits provide a sufficient explana-
tion for the almost complete lack of references to scribes in Jewish
inscriptions outside Rome.818 This implies that no information about the
(lack) of status of scribes in Jewish society may be derived from the
almost complete epigraphic silence with regard to scribes outside
Rome.
Pagan Authors
One may reasonably expect references to Jewish scribes in the context
of comments on Jews and Judaism in the writings of pagan authors
from the period under consideration, if scribes played an important role
in Jewish society. They are, however, not mentioned at all by Greek
and Latin pagan writers, a silence which may or may not be significant.
In association with their remarks on Jews, pagan writers refer to such
topics as the origins of the Jews, their contemporary customs, products
of Judaea and geographical features of the land. Furthermore, the role
played by the Jewish nation in the context of the Ptolemaic, Seleucid
and Roman empires is sometimes discussed. The latter topic is dealt
with from the perspective of the ruling power and the relevant passages
do not provide details on the actual situation in Judaea or the leadership
of the Jews with the exception of references to kings or high priests.
With regard to comments on the geography and produce of the land no
references to scribes can be expected. The main focus of the interest are
Jewish contemporary customs, such as circumcision, Sabbath obser-
vance, abstention from pork and the lack of images in the Temple, but
again, in this context scribes cannot be expected to be mentioned.
Strabo of Amaseia, a widely travelled historian and geographer of
Pontus, provides a few details on the organization of the Jewish com-
munity in Alexandria. Although he mentions that the community was
governed by an ethnarch and that his functions included the supervision
of laws and contracts, no other officials are referred to. Because of the
scantiness of the information on Jews provided by pagan authors in
general, the silence on scribes is most probably insignificant.819 It is
more probable that the lack of references to scribes stems from the
818. For a separate discussion of the evidence of scribes in the Jewish inscrip-
tions from Rome, cf. 2.4.13.
819. For the relevant texts, cf. Stern, Authors, I, no. 105. For a brief discussion of
the existence of a Jewish ethnarch at Alexandria, cf. Stern, Authors, I, pp. 280-81.
pagan authors' general ignorance and lack of interest in Jewish society

and religion.
In two cases, however, the silence with regard to scribes may be
significant. First, Hecataeus of Abdera (around 300 BCE) who wrote
about the exodus, states that the Jews emigrated from Egypt under the
leadership of Moses.820 The latter is said to have subsequently founded
Jerusalem and to have written down the constitution. In this context,
Hecataeus also claims that the priests had the ability to rule the country
and were appointed to act as judges and guardians of the Jewish laws
and customs.821 This passage indicates clearly that Hecataeus perceived
priests to be responsible for the Jewish law and its interpretation, at
least in a judicial context. The fact that he does not mention scribes
suggests that Hecataeus did not know of scribes in association with
Jewish law and its interpretation or that they were not significant
enough to be mentioned.
Secondly, several centuries after Hecataeus, a similar notion
although less explicit is attested in the writings of the Roman historian
Tacitus (56-120 CE). In the context of his account of the last days of
Jerusalem before its capture by Titus, he mentions the priestly writings
of the Jews and the Jewish belief that these writings contain prophecies
for their own days.822 It seems certain that Tacitus was referring to the
sacred Scriptures, in which case this passage supports the view that he
perceived the Scriptures to be in the hands of the priests. Both
Hecataeus and Tacitus may have relied on incomplete, older, or polem-
ical traditions. It is noteworthy, however, that non-Jews who comment
on the Scriptures associate them with priests rather than scribes.
Despite the fact that there is some evidence that pagan authors asso-
ciated the sacred Scriptures with priests rather than scribes, it may be
concluded that the knowledge of Jewish society displayed by pagan
authors is generally too superficial to attribute any significance to their
lack of references to scribes.
820. It has been argued that Hecataeus was a Jewish author writing under a
Greek pseudonym (Walter, 'Pseudepigraphie', pp. 156-57), however, this theory
has so far not received much recognition.
821. Stern, Authors, I, no. 11.
822. Stern, Authors, II, no. 281. Cf. also Juvenal (60-130 CE) who refers to the
secret volumes of Moses (Stern, Authors, II, no. 301) but he associates neither
priests nor scribes with their transmission or interpretation.
One further interesting passage may be discussed briefly. The histo-

rian Suetonius, in his work on Tiberius, refers to a, presumably Jewish,
grammaticus at Rhodes.823 It is said that a certain Diogenes lectured
there every Sabbath but refused to admit Tiberius on a different day.824
Because he was lecturing on a Sabbath, it is conceivable that he was
lecturing on the Scriptures, but a grammaticus could have given lec-
tures on any literary text or philological matter. It remains unclear
whether Suetonius designated Diogenes as a grammaticus in accor-
dance with his own notion of teachers or whether the latter was actually
known with this title in Rhodes and the Jewish community there. In any
case, Suetonius's remark provides tentative support for the view that
Jewish teachers were not necessarily scribes or at least not perceived as
such by non-Jews.
Conclusions
It has been stressed throughout this investigation that an argument from
silence may be open to many different interpretations. Nevertheless, it
seems that the negative evidence from a variety of sources has cumula-
tive strength. The authors of some of the sources discussed above do
not seem to have perceived scribes as individuals or a group with
influence in Jewish society during the period under consideration. It
may be concluded that expertise in Jewish law, the interpretation and
translation of Scriptures, and possibly the actual writing of the scrolls,
were not exclusively associated with scribes. The complete silence
concerning this kind of expertise, in association with scribes in sources
from Egypt, suggests that Jewish scribes did not fulfil these roles in
Egypt. Concerning Palestinian Jewish society, it may be concluded that
either the Synoptic portrait of scribes as teachers of the people and
experts in the law is historically inaccurate, or Josephus omitted refer-
ences to scribes in these roles deliberately. The possibility that Phar-
isees and scribes were closely linked may also be considered.
823. Suetonius lived from around 69 CE to the first half of the second century CE
and his works contain valuable information on Jews in the early imperial period
(Stern, Authors, II, p. 108). The incident on Rhodes can be dated somewhere
between 6 BCE and 2 CE when Tiberius stayed on the island (Stern, Authors, II,
p. 112).
824. Stern, Authors, II, no. 305.
Chapter 3
POSSIBLE EXPLANATORY FACTORS
In the previous chapter the extant evidence for scribes and the possibly
significant lack thereof, has been presented and discussed. It is evident
that the information provided by the ancient sources about scribes is in
no way sufficient to allow us to derive a comprehensive and coherent
picture of their status and functions in Jewish society during the Sec-
ond-Temple.1 In order to gain a more complete picture, some aspects of
the general political, social, religious, linguistic, cultural and economic
history of the area will be taken into consideration. It is the intention of
this chapter to identify and describe a variety of factors operating in the
Second-Temple period which may have affected the role, status and
perception of scribes. Various aspects of the relevant sources, their
authors and audiences will also be considered. Some of the factors
described in this chapter are well documented in the ancient sources,
others can only be assumed on account of modern parallels or logical
deductions. Furthermore, while some factors explain substantial parts
of the evidence presented in Chapter 2 and will already have been
adumbrated in the discussion of particular pieces of evidence, other
factors explain very little. The majority of factors considered in this
chapter have so far not been considered in association with the study of
scribes.2
1. The Preservation of Sources through Christian Tradition and its

Possible Effect on the Information about Scribes
Many of the sources containing information about Jewish society, cus-
toms and beliefs during the Second-Temple period have been preserved
1. Cf. also G.W. Ahlstrom, The Role of Literary and Arcaeological Remains
in Constructing Israel's History', in D. Edelman (ed.), The Fabric of History
2. All the evidence referred to in the current chapter has been discussed in the
relevant sections of the preceding chapter.
3. Possible Explanatory Factors 275
through their transmission in early Christian communities. As a result

of this process, the extant Jewish literature from the Second-Temple
period, with the exception of the scrolls from the Judaean desert and
rabbinic writings, to some extent reflects the interests of the early
Christians. It is evident that the early Church's interests with regard to
both genres and contents influenced the selection of writings and thus
may have influenced the nature of the evidence for scribes which
emerges from these sources. With the exception of the Gospels and
Josephus's works very little information about scribes has been pre-
served. The small number of sources which provide evidence may be
ascribed to the interest of Christians in literary genres which did not
attempt to describe the social, political and historical realities of Jewish
society.3 This factor may provide a plausible explanation for the lack of
references to scribes in much of the Jewish literature from the period
under consideration, including Philo's works and other Hellenistic Jew-
ish writings, as well as the large majority of pseudepigraphical and
anonymous religious works. Although early Christian communities do
not seem to have had any particular interest in scribes, positive or
negative,4 it is probable that on account of this selection process the
information about scribes is very incomplete which in turn may have
distorted the evidence of the role and functions of scribes. This factor
provides a partial explanation for the fact that a comprehensive picture
of the status and functions of scribes cannot be derived from the extant
evidence itself.
2. The Chance in Preservation and Finding

of Archaeological Material
The haphazard nature of the preservation and finding of archaeological
material, like inscriptions, literary scrolls, secular documents, ostraca
and scribbles may distort the picture of scribes derived from this evi-
dence. The climatic conditions, which clearly favour the preservation of
papyri and parchments in Egypt and the Judaean desert, explain the
geographical restrictions of finds of relevant papyri and parchments to
3. Cf. factor 9.
4. Although scribes feature strongly in the New Testament writings they do
not seem to have constituted a factor which influenced the selection process. This is
evident from the fact that the Gospels, Josephus's works, and writings ascribed to
Enoch and Ezra display very different notions of scribes.
these areas. This factor is the most likely explanation for the fact that
no evidence of Jewish scribes has been preserved in documentary
papyri and parchments from other areas. The relevant material from
Egypt and the Judaean Desert includes the Zenon papyri, Babatha's and
Salome Komaise's archives, the Bar Kokhba and other letters, contracts
and deeds, and the scrolls associated with the settlement at Qumran.
With regard to inscriptions, the chance element involved in preser-
vation and finding may partly account for the uneven spread of inscrip-
tions referring to scribes. However, it is more likely that the fact that so
few relevant inscriptions have been found outside Rome is due to dis-
tinctive Jewish epigraphic habits.
3. The Possible Influence of the Jewish or Pagan Background of

Authors on their Perception and Portrayal of Jewish Scribes
Pagan and Jewish writers naturally had different views of Jewish soci-
ety, customs and beliefs. The pagan authors generally lacked interest
and knowledge about the organization of Jewish society which,
together with their outside perspective, provides the best explanation
for the absence of references to Jewish scribes in the works of pagan
writers.5 Therefore, the lack of references cannot be interpreted as evi-
dence for the lack of status of scribes and their significance in Jewish
society.6 Lack of interest and ignorance on the part of pagan writers
thus provides a plausible partial explanation for the contrast between
the silence with regard to scribes in the books of pagan writers and the
prestige and influence ascribed to them in some writings of Jewish ori-
gin. The latter include especially Ben Sira, 1 and 2 Maccabees, some
New Testament writings, the Mishna, Tosefta and the Targumim. This
factor does not, however, explain the silence of some of the Jewish
sources with regard to scribes.
5. Cf. 2.1 and 2.5. Ancient and modern patterns of relations of one civilization
to another are frequently marked by ignorance, suspicion and xenophobia
(S. Sherwin-White, 'Seleucid Babylonia: A Case Study for the Installation and
Development of Greek Rule', in A. Kuhrt and S. Sherwin-White [eds.], Hellenism
in the East [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987], p. 4).
6. The only exception is Luke-Acts which was probably written by a non-Jew,
but its portrayal of scribes can be explained by the author's use of Jewish sources.
4. The Cultural Background of Authors and its Possible

Influence on the Description of Scribes
Writers with a Hellenistic-Jewish education may have portrayed Jewish
customs, beliefs, laws and origins in a different way to writers of a
Semitic Jewish background. 7 The former seem to have perceived
Judaism in Hellenistic terms and attempted to make sense of their
beliefs and customs in a Hellenistic environment.8 The fact that scribes
generally did not play an important role as scholars or philosophers in
Hellenistic society may provide a partial explanation for the lack of
references to Jewish scribes in Hellenistic Jewish writings.9 Jewish
authors such as Eupolemus, Artapanus, Philo, the author of the Letter
of Aristeas, other Hellenistic-Jewish authors, and possibly also the
author of 1 Esdras, fall into this category.
5. The Social Background of Authors and Professional Writers

and its Possible Influence on their Portrayal of the Role
and Functions of Scribes
While the vast majority of the literary evidence stems from the literate
upper class, archaeological evidence including inscriptions and secular
documents provides insights into the lives of literates and illiterates of
almost all classes.10 It is possible that this factor is partially responsible
for the discrepancies between the evidence for the role and functions of
scribes as contained in the documentary and in the literary evidence.
Authors of literary works are likely to have had a better education and
7. This distinction is somewhat artificial since no clear division between Hel-

lenistic and Semitic Jewish culture existed.
8. Walter, 'Pseudepigraphie', pp. 149, 151, 153-58, 161; Holladay, Fragments,
I, pp. 1-4.
9. Cf. G.B. Kerford, 'The Sage in Hellenistic Philosophical Literature', in
J.G. Gammie and L.G. Perdue (eds.), The Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East
(Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990), pp. 319-20; B. Fiore, 'The Sage in Select
Hellenistic and Roman Literary Genres', in Gammie and Perdue (eds.), The Sage in
Israel, pp. 329-30; Gammie, 'Sage in Sirach', pp. 147-53); cf. also 2.5.
10. For literary works, cf. M. Crawford, 'Introduction', in M. Crawford (ed.),
Sources for Ancient History (The Sources of Ancient History: Studies in the Uses
of Historical Evidence; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. ix; for
inscriptions (mainly epitaphs), cf. van der Horst, Epitaphs, p. 11.
understanding of the past and present social realities involving scribes

and/or idealistic views of their role and functions. As a result, in liter-
ary sources scribes may have been associated with functions other than
writing. The evidence for a wide spectrum of functions of scribes in the
Testament of Levi, Ben Sira, 2 Maccabees, the Psalms Scroll, some
New Testament writings, possibly the Testament of Abraham, and the
Targumim may be understood in this way. In contrast, documentary
papyri and parchments reflect activities and dealings of everyday life
and were produced by professional writers. This may account for the
limited range of functions associated with scribes in documentary
material in which they only appear as professional writers.
This factor does not explain how scribes had come to be associated
with roles other than writing expertise or why some of the literary
sources fail to refer to scribes in these roles.
6. The Professional Background of Authors and the Possible

Exaggeration of the Importance of Scribes
At the end of the period under consideration the professional training
and education of the authors of literary works and writers of the docu-
mentary evidence is likely to have varied a great deal.11 Evidence
which can be attributed to a scribe may be biased in accordance with
his training and background and may therefore give the wrong impres-
sion of the status and importance of scribes. The impression that the
scribes Theenas and Germanos occupied prestigious positions is con-
veyed by the documents these scribes wrote for Babatha. The frequent
references to their titles may be understood as Theenas's and Ger-
manos's attempt to boost their own prestige, by making the most of
their official title. Furthermore, it is not inconceivable that Ben Sira was
a scribe and that he too may have exaggerated the expertise, impor-
tance, influence and prestige of scribes in Jewish society.
11. Information about the background and education of authors is, however,
usually only preserved for the authors of literary works (e.g. Josephus's distin-
guished family, wealth and education and Paul's training by Gamaliel and his pro-
fession as a tentmaker [Acts 18.3; 22.3]). With regard to the professional scribes
Theenas and Germanos, it may be stated that they were not well educated in Greek
(cf. 2.4.9).
7. The Possible Influence of the Personal Bias of Ancient Authors

on their Portrayal of Scribes
Although the personal biases of ancient authors are difficult to deter-
mine with any certainty, it is apparent that they varied a great deal.12
On account of his own bias an ancient author may have omitted certain
roles and functions of scribes or, indeed, references to scribes alto-
gether. Conversely, he may have overemphasized their importance in
society or one or several of their functions or elements of expertise.
Uncritical use of such accounts may lead to a distorted picture of the
role, functions, and importance of scribes. The possible influence of the
bias of the authors on the portrayal of scribes must be considered for
the following writings: Ezra-Nehemiah, Chronicles, Testament ofLevi,
1 Esdras, 1 Maccabees, Josephus's writings, the Synoptics and Acts,
and rabbinic writings.
The author of Ezra-Nehemiah may have overemphasized the impor-
tance of Ezra's reading of and expertise in the law on account of his
own theological interests. His bias may provide an explanation for the
impression conveyed by these writings that the most significant charac-
teristic of Ezra, the priest and scribe, was his ability to read and inter-
pret the Jewish law.
Similarly, a Levitical author may have claimed that all scribes were
Levites even if this only partially reflected the realities of his time. This
generalization seems to have occurred in Chronicles and the Testament
of Levi. Both writings convey the notion that scribes were generally
Levites.
The author of 1 Esdras may, because of his theological interests,
have changed Ezra's title from "ISIO/ypauucrueTjq to dvayvcoairn;. He
may have wanted to emphasize the importance of the public reading of
the Scriptures and/or the association of (priests and) scribes with this
function.
In contrast, the author of the propagandistic pro-Hasmonaean 1 Mac-
cabees may have deliberately downplayed the importance of scribes in
the Maccabean movement if their activities detracted from the glory
12. Cf. the introductions of the individual sections in Chapter 2. On the distor-
tion of the presentation of the past through an author's interests, perception, aims
and bias, cf. Gabba, 'Literature', pp. 1, 3-26. Further, on the nature of religious
propaganda, cf. Ahlstrom, 'Israel's History', p. 129.
and significance of the Maccabeans. Alternatively, he may have over-

emphasized the importance of scribes as a group in the context of the
attempted negotiations for peace in order to pass over a less impressive
part of Maccabean history which did not fit the general purpose of his
document.
Josephus, on the other hand, may have avoided references to scribes
as influential experts in the law and the Scriptures on account of their
real or imagined competition in this field with the priests (and possibly
the Pharisees) to whom he belonged. This personal bias would provide
some explanation for the contrast between the portrayal of scribes in
the Synoptics and Acts on the one hand and Josephus's writings on the
other. In addition, if scribes and Pharisees were closely associated,
Josephus may have wanted to avoid the negative aspects of rebellious
actions being linked with the Pharisees with whom he was possibly
associated. Although this is rather hypothetical it would explain why he
omitted references to scribes in the context of the Maccabean revolt.13
The generally hostile attitude towards Jewish officials in the Synop-
tics and Acts may perhaps explain the stereotyped and negative repre-
sentation of Jewish groups in these writings. The authors seem to have
been interested only in the role of scribes as part of the opposition to
Jesus, and therefore only in their authority and role as teachers of the
people. Similarly, the role of scribes as legal experts in the Mishna and
Tosefta may have become stereotyped on account of the rabbis' strong
interest in this particular function. The same may be the case for the
association of scribes with the interpretation of the law in the Targu-
mim. With regard to the New Testament, the Mishna, Tosefta and the
Targumim, the authors' and compilers' specific interest in the Scrip-
tures and their interpretation may provide a partial explanation for the
strong emphasis on the scribes' legal expertise and authority in inter-
pretation of the Scriptures. This bias may partially explain the discrep-
ancies with regard to the role and functions of scribes between, on the
one hand, the New Testament, Mishna, Tosefta, and the Targumim and,
on the other hand, a variety of other writings from the period under
consideration.
13. For Josephus's possible association with the Pharisees, cf. the introduction
to section 2.4.5.
8. An Ancient Author's Use of Sources and his Misinterpretation

or Misrepresentation of Information about Scribes
In some cases inaccurate portrayals of scribes may have been uninten-
tional and should be ascribed to an author's use of his sources. Lack of
information or a vague grasp of a particular situation or event may
easily have led to a misinterpretation of sources which could have
resulted in historically inaccurate views of the role and functions of
scribes. It is plausible that the author of the Gospel of Mark closely
associated scribes and Pharisees and/or perceived scribes as a well-
defined group on account of his lack of accurate information concern-
ing the realities of first-century Jewish society. Luke's designation of
scribes as lawyers may also be understood in this way. This particular
role is likely to have only partially reflected the reality of the time and
may have resulted from Luke's interpretation of the role of scribes as
portrayed in his sources.
Similarly, it is possible that (written and) oral traditions concerning
the role and influence of scribes during the Second-Temple period were
misinterpreted by later rabbis. This factor may partially explain why in
the Mishna and Tosefta scribes appear in the role of legal experts of the
past only. With less certainty it can be assumed that this factor was
operative in the writing of the book 1 Maccabees. Ignorance and mis-
interpretation of sources may, however, account for 1 Maccabees'
vagueness with regard to the relationship between scribes and Asidaioi.
Furthermore, this factor may also explain discrepancies between
1 Maccabees and 2 Maccabees with regard to scribes. Either one or
both of the authors may have misunderstood or misrepresented the
information about scribes found in their sources.
9. Literary Genres
The availability and accuracy of information with regard to the role and
functions of scribes may depend on the intention of the author and the
genre of a literary work. While some writings attempt to describe the
realities of society, others are more interested in ideas and beliefs, an
ideal society, the future, or the interpretation and exposition of biblical
traditions.14 This factor may partially explain the discrepancies between
14. Also Gabba, 'Literature', p. 1; for a brief and incomplete description of dif-
ferent genres, cf. also Schiirer et al., History of the Jewish People, III. 1, pp. 178-79.
various sources with regard to their portrayal of scribes and the fact that
many literary sources do not refer to scribes at all.
If it is assumed that scribes fulfilled a significant enough social or
political role in society, references to scribes can be expected in histo-
riographical and biographical writings, such as Ezra-Nehemiah,
Chronicles, 1 and 2 Maccabees, the Gospels and Acts. This implies that
the silence with regard to scribes in the sectarian texts from Qumran
and certain roles of scribes in Josephus's writings is significant and
requires an explanation.
The differences between genres may provide a plausible explanation
for the differences between the roles of scribes as portrayed in historic-
graphical writings and in the compilations of legal discussions, such as
the Mishna and Tosefta. The legal discussions are concerned with the
activities of common people and everyday life and in this context
scribes occur in the role of professional writers of documents. Profes-
sional writers are unlikely to appear in historiographical writings due to
their lack of political significance in the big picture of events. In turn,
politically important figures usually do not surface in legal discussions.
In contrast to both historiographical and legal writings, references to
scribes cannot be expected in philosophical, wisdom, apocalyptic,
didactic, poetic, romantic or exegetical writings. The fact that the
authors of such works did not necessarily intend to describe the realities
of their society in a factual way provides a plausible explanation for the
silence of some of the important sources with regard to contemporane-
ous scribes. Philo's philosophical works, some of the non-biblical texts
from Qumran, the letters collected in the New Testament and many
other Jewish writings from the period under consideration may be
included in this category. If scribes are mentioned at all in writings of
this type, the literary genre may account for some of the specific char-
acteristics associated with scribes. For example, the testament genre
may account for the exclusive association of the descendants of Levi
(priests and Levites) with the function of scribes in the Testament of
Levi. Furthermore, 1 Enoch/4QEnGiants, 4 Ezra and Testament of
Abraham are speculative religious writings which may explain their use
of the title 'scribe' with qualifications unlikely to have been used in
Jewish society.15 Finally, the identification of scribes with wise men in
15. 'Scribe of righteousness' (2.3.5; 2.4.8) and 'scribe of the knowledge of the
Most High' (2.4.7).
Ben Sira may be due to the fact that the book belongs to the genre of
wisdom literature.
10. The Nature of the Intended Audience of a Writing and

its Possible Influence on the Portrayal of Scribes
The nature of the intended audience for a certain book may have
influenced its author in the way in which he chose to describe events,
customs, beliefs and Jewish society in general.16
In the case of a non-Jewish Graeco-Roman audience, an author may
have taken into account the common Graeco-Roman perception of
scribes. More specifically, he may have referred to Jewish scribes with
roles and functions familiar to his audience, that is, as officials and
professional writers, but may have omitted references to other expertise
and functions. This factor provides a plausible explanation for Jose-
phus's references to Jewish scribes in a variety of official positions and
his silence with regard to scribes in other roles and functions. Further-
more, an author may have chosen to designate scribes with expertise
other than the standard Graeco-Roman one with other titles which were
comprehensible to his audience. Josephus's unusual reference to the
sacred scribes (tEpoypamiaTeiq) may be understood in this way.17 It is
also plausible that Josephus referred to individuals who were scribes
but with functions unfamiliar to his audience, by using other character-
istics to describe them, such as 'leading men of society' or 'teachers of
the people'.
In contrast, the authors of the Synoptics and Acts, which were most
probably written for an audience of mixed Jewish and non-Jewish,
Greek and Semitic backgrounds, did not portray Jewish scribes in
accordance with the common Graeco-Roman notion of scribes. Scribes
appear in roles such as teachers of the people and with expertise in the
interpretation of the scriptures which are uncharacteristic of scribes in
the Graeco-Roman world.18 Therefore, an author's concern for the
16. Cf. Gabba, 'Literature', p. 3. For a modern analogy, cf. E. Gentzler, Con-
temporary Translation Theories (Translation Studies; London: Routledge, 1993),
pp. xi-xii. He describes the difficulties of foreign writers who want to be published
in English and who frequently have to rewrite their books or poems by changing
style and thematics in order to appeal to the new audience. He further points out
that some of the silences in the new works are significant.
17. Cf. discussion of Josephus, War 6.291 (2.4.5).
18. Cf. factor 11.
perception of his audience may provide some explanation for the dis-
crepancies in the portrayal of scribes between sources such as
Josephus's writings and the New Testament.
Furthermore, the changes made concerning the description of scribes
in the revised translations of Theodotion and Aquila are perhaps also
due to the translators' consideration of the notion of scribes of a Jewish
Greek speaking audience. This may explain why the term ypauuxxTexx;
is usually only used in the translation where the association with writ-
ing is explicit.
11. The Possible Effects of Multi-Lingualness

on the Portrayal of Scribes
The linguistic situation in Palestine may partially explain the fuzziness
of the notion of scribes in the relevant sources as well as apparent con-
tradictions between some of them. It is commonly accepted that during
the Hellenistic and Roman periods Jews in Palestine lived in a multi-
lingual society where three languages were used side by side: Hebrew,
Aramaic and Greek. Depending on their social and educational back-
ground individuals had a different command of each of these
languages. The number of Jews with a good command of all three
languages must have been limited and, no doubt, the vast majority of
uneducated Jews only spoke vernacular Aramaic. However, many edu-
cated Jews from the upper classes and those occupying administrative
positions had at least some knowledge of Greek.19
The fuzzy notion of scribes and apparent contradictions in the
sources may be partially explained by the different semantic ranges of
the Hebrew "1310 and Aramaic tOSO on the one side, and the Greek
Ypau|iaTet><; on the other.20 This means that although the latter term
19. E.g. Josephus, Paul and, according to the Gospels, also some of the Jewish
leaders dealing with the Roman authorities. Moreover, the extant literary and doc-
umentary evidence attests the use of three languages. For a general discussion of
the linguistic situation in Palestine, cf. Smelik, Targum of Judges, pp. 2-10, for the
spread of different languages across the classes, p. 9; M. Hengel, The Hellenization
of Judaea in the First Century after Christ (London: SCM Press, 1989), pp. 7-11,
14-15; B. Spolsky, 'Jewish Multilingualism in the First Century', in J.A. Fishman
(ed.), Readings in the Sociology of Jewish Languages (Contributions to the Sociol-
ogy of Jewish Languages, 1; Leiden: EJ. Brill, 1985), pp. 41-43; Schtirer et al,
History of the Jewish People, II, pp. 20-28, 74-80.
20. Words used as equivalents frequently have different connotations in their
adequately translates both Semitic terms, ypan-UOTexx; does not invoke

the same range of associations as either "IQIO or K~)SO. In other words,
the connotations of the Semitic and Greek titles for scribes overlap but
do not agree completely. The Semitic terms designate a variety of
functions and positions on various levels of the government and admin-
istration relating to reading and writing expertise, but they can also be
associated with expertise in Jewish law, instruction, wisdom, the inter-
pretation of dreams and authorship of books.21 In contrast, the Greek
Ypa(j,umeij<; designates professional writers and officials only.22 It is
apparent that the Semitic (Palestinian Jewish) notion of scribes includes
the range of expertise and functions associated with the Greek term
Ypauumeiii; but not vice versa.
The discrepancy between the notion of scribes as reflected in sources
extant in a Semitic language and in Greek writings may be explained
by this factor. While the Hebrew Ezra-Nehemiah and Chronicles, the
Testament of Levi, 1 £>i0c/j/4QEnGiants, the Hebrew Ben Sira, the
Psalms Scroll, the Mishna, Tosefta and the Targumim fall into the
former category, the latter category includes Josephus's writings which
deal with the Roman period, the Testament of Abraham, documentary
sources from the Judaean desert, and possibly also the Zenon Papyri
and the Seleucid Charter. The revised Greek translations of Theodotion
and Aquila also seem to fit into this latter category.
In addition, Palestine's particular linguistic situation and the use of
translations generally may explain the mixture of notions and
respective linguistic environments (cf. Olofsson, The LXX Version, pp. 11-12).
21. This 'wide' Palestinian Jewish notion of scribes is in general agreement
with other Near Eastern notions of scribes which also frequently consider scribes as
wise and educated men with a wide range of knowledge, skills and expertise in
addition to reading and writing expertise, e.g. the scribes Ahiqar or Udjahorresnet.
For more detailed discussions of the functions and status of scribes in Near Eastern
empires, cf. J.M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (New York:
Scribner, 1995), pp. 2211-19, 2265, 2270-74; W. van Soden, The Ancient Orient:
An Introduction to the Study of the Ancient Near East (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerd-
mans, 1994), p. 70; J.C. Greenfield, 'Aramaic in the Achaemenid Empire', in
I. Gershevitch (ed.), The Cambridge History of Iran. II. The Median andAchaeme-
nian Periods (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 700, 703, 707-
708; R.F. Rainey, 'The Scribe at Ugarit, his Position and Influence', Proceedings of
the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities 3 (1969), pp. 139-46.
22. In Greek society scribes did not function in the role of scholars, wise men or
philosophers and the profession did not carry the same prestige tradtionally associ-
ated with scribes in the Near East (Gamble, Books, p. 90). Cf. also factor 4.
languages concerning scribes preserved in some of the sources. The

translation of the term "1E310 as YpctnuatetJC, in Greek biblical writings,
including the Greek Ben Sira, 2 Esdras, and possibly 1 Maccabees,
resulted in the term ypa[j,uc<T£'6q being associated with the same range
of functions and positions as the "BID in the Hebrew text.
Translations of texts may further influence the semantic range of a
word in the target language.23 For instance, the term YpauuaxeiJi; may
have come to be used with the connotations of the original 1D10 in a
Jewish Greek environment in general and Jewish Greek writings in
particular on account of its translation in the Greek biblical writings.
This explanation may help understand the notion of scribes as reflected
in 1 Esdras, 2 Maccabees, and most or all the Synoptics and Acts which
were composed in Greek.
In short, according to this view the YpauâTextq in some Greek writ-
ings should be understood with the connotations of the Near Eastern
notion of scribes, whether the relevant source is a translation from a
Semitic original or an original Greek composition. It can be assumed
that a Greek-speaking audience with a Semitic background could trans-
fer the range of associations of the Semitic notion of a scribe to the
Greek term while it would be lost to an audience with a purely Greek
speaking background. It seems likely that some translators or authors,
such as the author of Mark, who were writing in Greek but using
sources or traditions containing a Semitic notion of scribes were not
concerned by this loss of meaning. However, some writers like Jose-
phus may have adapted their notions of scribes to the common Graeco-
Roman meaning of the term ypauumevx;.24
In addition, the common Graeco-Roman notion of scribes may
explain the silence of such sources as the Letter ofAristeas, Philo and
the pagan writers with regard to Jewish scribes. If Jewish scribes were
perceived in the role of Graeco-Roman scribes as officials or profes-
sional writers only, they cannot be expected to appear in these writings.
Although the linguistic factor explains a substantial part of the evi-
dence it leaves unexplained why the authors of the Synoptics and Acts
portrayed scribes as a well-defined group in first-century Judaism.
23. Olofsson discusses the importance of the consideration of the resources of

the receptor language (cf. Olofsson, The LXX Version, p. 12). On Semitisms in
Greek used in Palestine, cf. Schurer et al., History of the Jewish People, 111.2,
p. 706.
24. Cf. also factor 10.
12. The Non-Rigid Use of the Titles Designating Scribes and

its Possible Effect on the Portrayal of Scribes in the Sources
Some titles do not seem to have been very clearly defined in ancient
Jewish society and overlap seems to have occurred between different
roles and functions.25 It is conceivable that this includes titles designat-
ing scribes.
First, different titles may have been applied to the same individual in
a particular position or with certain functions. Some scribes (~1S10) in
high official positions may have been considered as sages (DDFI) on
account of their knowledge and wisdom, or sages may have been
employed as scribes in advisory functions on account of their expertise
and knowledge.26 This would provide a plausible explanation for the
lack of distinction between the wise man and scribe in Ben Sira. Fur-
thermore, it is plausible that Josephus and the authors of the Synoptics
and Acts used different titles and designations to refer to the same
people. This would account for the apparent contradiction between the
portrayal of scribes in Josephus's and the New Testament writings. In
addition, the designation of a figure like Ezra with a variety of titles,
such as 'scribe' (~IS10/ypauuaTe'u<;), 'reader of the law' (dvcryvcoaTrji;
TOT} voux>u), and 'scribe of the knowledge of the Most High', may be
understood in this way.
Furthermore, the non-rigid use of titles helps explain why King
David was designated as a wise man and scribe in the Psalms Scroll. It
is possible that David was referred to as such on account of his literary
activity even though he never functioned as a professional scribe.
Secondly, each of the titles "BIO, K~1SO, "iW?, ypa)J.u.aT£ij<;, and
25. On the overlap between various professions and functions of priests,

prophets, wise and diviners, cf. Grabbe, 'Prophets', pp. 60-61. For the non-rigid use
of titles and functions generally in the ancient Near East, cf. van Soden, Ancient
Orient, p. 70. A good example from ancient Jewish society is Gamaliel who in the
New Testament is called a Pharisee and teacher of the law (Acts 5.34) while in the
Mishna he is referred to with the title 'rabbi' (Pe'ah 2.6). A modern example of
various titles being applied to the same person would be the prime minister of
Britain who could, for example, also be designated as the leader of the Tory party
or a Tory politician. The English term 'secretary' provides a modern analogy for
the wide range of functions and status that can be associated with one title, since it
can designate a clerical assistant on various levels as well as a high official in the
government.
Aa|3A,dpioq may have designated a range of positions and functions.

This would account for the references to scribes in the Mishna and
Tosefta which employs each of the titles ~)S10 and "l^D1? to designate
legal experts as well as professional writers of secular documents.
Similarly, the Greek title ypau|iaTe'u<; may have designated both
experts in the Scriptures (e.g. in the Synoptics) and officials (e.g. in
Josephus's writings). The view that titles may have designated a variety
of positions and functions implies that most sources provide only a
partial picture of the whole range of roles and functions of scribes.
In short, the fluid use of titles designating scribes would help explain
the fuzziness of the sources with regard to their role, functions and
status.
13. Possible Differences between the Roles and Functions

of Scribes in Different Jewish Communities
The organization and structure of Jewish communities in the ancient
world varied a great deal. These differences may be at least partially
ascribed to the location, surrounding culture and size of the community
itself. The use of titles designating scribes and the scribes' role and
functions may have varied accordingly.27 The differences should not be
seen as a simple divide between Palestinian society and the Diaspora,
since Jewish communities in the Diaspora may have differed quite sub-
stantially from each other. It is possible that local customs of the sur-
rounding societies of Diaspora communities and independent internal
developments led to diverse notions of Jewish scribes and the functions
and positions associated with them in their respective communities.28
27. On the differences and varieties, cf. J.M.G. Barclay, Jews in the Mediter-
ranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1996),
p. 4 and the study as a whole.
28. Cf. Levine's argument for possible differences of the status and role of the
archisynagogos in different communities against Rajak and Noy who harmonize
the evidence from various locations and over six centuries (L. Levine, 'Synagogue
Leadership: The Case of the Archisynagogue', in M.D. Goodman [ed.], The Jews in
the Greco-Roman World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, forthcoming); T. Rajak and
D. Noy, 'Archisynagogoi: Office, Title and Social Status in the Greco-Jewish Syna-
gogue', JRS 83 [1993], pp. 75-93). On the local influence on buildings and possibly
also the communities themselves, cf. A.T. Kraabel, 'Social Systems of Six Dia-
spora Synagogues', in J. Gutmann (ed.), Ancient Synagogues (BJS, 22; Chico, CA:
Scholars Press, 1981), pp. 79, 87. However, Rutgers criticizes Kraabel for his
tendency to overemphasize diversity (Rutgers, Rome, pp. 206-207 nn. 90-92).
This factor may partially explain the apparent differences between

the notion of scribes in Palestinian Jewish sources, Egyptian Jewish
sources and the Roman Jewish inscriptions. Palestinian Jewish sources
which contain evidence for scribes are the following: bullae, Ezra-
Nehemiah, Chronicles, Testament of Levi, the Seleucid Charter,
1 £noc/r/4QEnGiants, Ben Sira, 1 Maccabees, 2 Maccabees, Josephus's
writings, the Synoptics and Acts, 1 Corinthians, 4 Ezra, documentary
parchments and papyri, the Mishna, Tosefta and the Targumim. In
these sources the titles ~)D10,fcOBO,~b^, ypauuaievi;, and XipXapiog
are associated with professional writing expertise and official positions,
expertise in Jewish law and the Scriptures, teaching, interpretation of
dreams, wisdom and authorship of literary works.29 In contrast, Jewish
scribes in Egypt seem to have functioned only as professional writers
and officials which may explain the silence with regard to scribes in
Egyptian Jewish writings. The latter include the Letter of Aristeas,
fragments of Artapanus's writings, and Philo's works. Scribes who
were professional writers and officials cannot be expected to appear in
the kind of Jewish writings which have been preserved from Egypt,
with the only possibly exception being the Testament of Abraham if it
indeed originated in Egypt.30 There is no evidence to suggest that the
Egyptian Jewish notion of a ypap-uaievx; differed in any way from that
of its non-Jewish Graeco-Egyptian surroundings.
The status and functions of scribes in the Roman Jewish communi-
ties may have differed again from those of scribes in both Palestinian
and Egyptian Jewish society. This difference may partially explain the
highly formalized use of the title Ypa(u)ucnev><; and its Latin transliter-
ation gram(m)ateus which seems to indicate a specific and prestigious
role in the individual Roman communities. However, it must be borne
in mind that the evidence from Rome stems from a later period than the
comparative material from Palestine and Egypt.
In short, allowing for regional differences of the roles and functions
of scribes may help explain many of the differences between the extant
evidence. However, this factor does not explain why a multitude of
functions was associated with scribes in Palestinian Jewish society in
the first place. It further ignores the apparent discrepancies between
various sources of Palestinian Jewish origin.

30. Cf. factor 9.
14. The Possible Influences of the Persian Administration

on the Role of Scribes
Very little is known about the Persian administration of the province of
Yehud but it can be assumed that, as in other provinces, scribes were
employed as officials in the context of the government and administra-
tion. In contrast to the pre-exilic period when scribes were employed as
officials at the native royal court, during the Persian period they were
representatives of the Achaemenid ruling power. It is possible that
some officials of the Achaemenid empire continued the Near Eastern
tradition of scribes, that is, some may have had a wide range of knowl-
edge and expertise.31 Scribes who functioned as high officials probably
derived their powerful and influential positions from their training as
scribes and additional expertise, for example in the Persian and national
laws. In the middle and lower levels of the administration, new posi-
tions may have been created for scribes. Scribes were also employed in
the Temple, either in a continuation of pre-exilic roles and/or newly
established positions. Some of these scribes were probably involved in
the collection of taxes for the ruling power.32
The presence of the Persian administration in the province of Yehud
may provide a partial explanation for the position and political
influence of Ezra, the priest and scribe, and the expertise associated
with him in Ezra-Nehemiah.33 In addition, the reference to Zadok, the
scribe, who was employed in the Temple and associated with the
supervision of the tithe may be understood in the context of the
influence of the Persian administration in the province of Yehud.34
15. The Possible Influences of the Postexilic Political

and Religious Situation on the Perception of Scribes
The establishment of the postexilic community and the rebuilding of
the Temple after the Babylonian exile is likely to have produced new
interpretations of the past and present. This process may have included
a re-interpretation of the role and functions of scribes who were
31. Cf. factor 11.

32. Cf. discussion of Neh. 13.13 (2.2.2).
33. Cf. 2.2.2.
34. Cf. 2.2.2.
employed as Persian officials and were involved in the administration

of the province in the early postexilic period. Part of the new religious
and ideological outlook was the emphasis on the importance of the
book of the law. The nation's return to and continuity with the past was
expressed in the acceptance of the book of the law. As a result the
importance of certain kinds of expertise of a Persian official scribe, his
ability to read and legal expertise, may have been emphasized out of
proportion by the author of Ezra-Nehemiah. This would explain why
such prominence is given to Ezra's reading of and expertise in the law,
skills which he probably possessed due to his position as a Persian
official.35 Moreover, this factor provides a possible explanation for the
somewhat artificial specifications of Ezra's title in Artaxerxes' com-
missioning letter.36
16. The Possible Effects of the Ptolemaic Administration

on the Positions, Functions and Influence of Scribes
As a result of Ptolemy II Philadelphus's administrative reforms, Pales-
tine seems to have been governed as one of the nomes of Egypt which
suggests that the same officials and positions as in Egypt also existed or
came into existence in Palestine.37 These changes are likely to have led
to some redistribution of power and wealth and may therefore have
significantly affected the status, role and power of Jewish scribes.38
The administrative system of the Ptolemaic empire greatly empha-
sized the importance and value of written records and scribes could be
found on all levels of the administration. With regard to Palestine it is
likely that many scribes were recruited from among the local people.
They would have gained powers and responsibilities within the hierar-
chic structure created by the ruling power, rather than the traditional
35. Cf. 2.2.2.

36. Cf. 2.2.2.
37. S. Schwartz, 'On the Autonomy of Judaea in the Fourth and Third Centuries
B.C.E.', JJS 45, pp. 162-63; Grabbe, Judaism, I, p. 190; Tcherikover,' 'Palestine',
pp. 55-56.
38. Schwartz, 'Autonomy', pp. 162-67; cf. also L.L. Grabbe, 'Hellenistic
Judaism', in J. Neusner (ed.), Judaism in Late Antiquity. II. Historical Synthesis
(Handbuch der Orientalistik 1. Der Nahe Osten und der Mittlere Osten, 17; Leiden:
E.J. Brill, 1995), p. 65.
power structures which had previously existed in Palestine.39 The

administrative reforms of Ptolemy II seem to have created a new class
of rural elite of which scribes, operating on various levels of the admin-
istration, were a part. This development is likely to have led to the exis-
tence of scribes as new officials in smaller towns and villages, where
previously they had not been present at all. Employed by the Ptolemies
in Palestine, scribes probably derived some power and influence in their
immediate social environment from their official position and functions
and it is likely that prestige was associated with their positions. Scribes
as officials and writers are likely to have become an established part in
common people's lives. Through them people dealt with the ruling
power and were able to get essential written documents, such as letters
of divorce.40
The scribes mentioned in the Zenon Papyri in connection with Pales-
tine are of this type of official scribe, although it cannot be determined
whether they were Jewish or not. Furthermore, this development of a
class of bureaucratic scribes throughout Palestine may provide an ade-
quate framework to understand Josephus's reference to village scribes
in the context of Herod's kingdom, especially since it is usually
assumed that the Ptolemaic structure of the administration had largely
been taken over by subsequent governments.41
The ruling power's strong reliance on written records and the com-
mon people's continuing confrontation with written documents may
have led to an increasing regard for written documents in Jewish soci-
ety in general. This development may have further affected the status,
numbers and specialization of scribes.42
39. On the decentralization of power and administration from a Judaean point

of view, cf. Schwartz, 'Autonomy', pp. 164-66. The countryside was probably
governed by crown officials directly subject to Alexandria (cf. R.S. Bagnall, The
Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions Outside Egypt [Columbia Studies in
the Classical Tradition, 4; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1976], p. 239), although this is dis-
puted (Grabbe, 'Hellenistic Judaism', p. 65).
40. The letter of divorce is the only written document which is required by bib-
lical law (cf. Schams, Written Documents, p. 54). For official scribes providing
written documents in Egypt for anybody who paid, cf. Youtie, 'AFPAMMATOZ',
p. 615.
41. Cf. Josephus, War 1.479 (2.4.5).
42. Cf. factors 25 and 30.
17. Economic Changes Brought about by the Ptolemaic

Administration which May Have Influenced Scribes In Palestine
It is possible that the incorporation of Palestine into the Ptolemaic
kingdom and its administrative status as one of Egypt's nomes
influenced the price and availability of papyrus and thus had an effect
on scribes in Palestine.43 A sophisticated bureaucracy consuming large
quantities of writing material was introduced and Palestine had become
part of the state which was the sole producer of papyrus. Hence,
papyrus may have become more readily available alongside local writ-
ing materials, such as leather and ostraca, and as a result the price of all
writing materials may have decreased.44 It is plausible that if writing
materials had become cheaper, then the costs of the services of scribes
for the writing of documents, contracts, deeds and letters may also have
become more affordable. In the course of time this factor may have
increased the number of independent scribes who were not employed
by the administration. Furthermore, it may have facilitated specializa-
tion by scribes.45 As a result of increased activity, scribes and written
documents may have gained a more established place in Palestinian
society and common people's lives. This assumption may help to
explain the prominent role of scribes as professional writers reflected in
1 £nocft/4QEnGiants if dated in the late third or second century BCE,
and later sources including the documentary evidence from the Judaean
desert and the references to scribes as writers in the Mishna and
Tosefta.
43. Cf. also the possible influence of the Roman administration on the market
for papyrus (factor 21).
44. Papyrus was available in Palestine from the eight century BCE onwards
(N. Lewis, Papyrus in Classical Antiquity [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974], pp. 85-
89) but factor 17 is concerned with quantitative changes. There is, however, no evi-
dence from tax or customs receipts or other documents to substantiate this view and
it has so far not been possible to determine relative prices of writing materials in
antiquity or the involvement of the state in its distribution with any certainty (cf.
R.B. Parkinson and S. Quirke, Papyrus [Egyptian Bookshelf; London: British
Museum Press, 1995], p. 19).
45. Cf. factor 30.
18. The Cultural Influence of Hellenism in Palestine

and its Possible Effects on Scribes
With the (uneven) spread of Hellenistic culture in Palestine in the third
and second centuries BCE certain Hellenistic attitudes to learning and
books are likely to have spread.46 The general interest of the Greeks in
science, learning and study, but also in books and book collections47
may have influenced educated Jews in cities and towns, especially in
the cosmopolitan city of Jerusalem and in newly-founded Greek cities
in Palestine. It is possible that an increased interest by Jews in the
learning and study of the traditional writings, wisdom literature and
other books as well as the actual collection of books strongly increased
the demand for book scrolls. Little is known about the book trade in
this period but it is likely that, in addition to some book traders, many
scrolls would have been produced by literate slaves and independent
scribes. Some educated people may have written their own copies of
books.48 A higher interest in books in general may have increased the
demand for professional writing expertise in bigger towns and cities. In
turn, this factor may have increased the number of independent scribes
and may have contributed to specialization among scribes.49 Hellenistic
influence may thus have created a condition which allowed for the
specialization of scribes in the production of secular and religious
books. In turn, this may have resulted in the existence of scribes with
specialist knowledge of the contents of the sacred scrolls as derived
from the process of copying the books.50
46. On the complex phenomenon of the spread of Hellenistic culture in Pales-

tine and the Phoencian coastal cities, cf. R. Harrison, 'Hellenization in Syria-
Palestine: The Case of Judaea in the Third Century BCE', BA 57 (1994), pp. 98-108,
esp. 106-107. For a recent brief and general overview of the process of the Hel-
lenization of Jewish society and of work by influential scholars on this issue, cf.
Grabbe, 'Hellenistic Judaism', pp. 53-81.
47. T. Kleberg, Buchhandel und Verlagswesen in der Antike (Darmstadt: Wis-
senschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1969), pp. 3-11, 20, 22,48.
48. For a brief discussion of the booktrade, book market and independent ini-
tiative by literates in copying texts in ancient Greece and Rome, cf. Gamble, Books,
pp. 85-88.
49. Cf. factor 30.
50. Cf. factor 27.
19. The Likely Impact of the Hasmonaean

Expansionist Policies on Scribes
It is well documented that the later Hasmonaean kings greatly enlarged
the territorial expanse of their kingdom and with forced conversions
further increased the numbers of Jewish subjects. This factor is likely to
have resulted in an enlarged administrative system and a therefore
greater number of scribes.51 However, these quantitative changes of the
administration are unlikely to have had any significant effect on the
actual status and functions of the scribes.52
20. The Likely Influence of the Roman Administration

on the Status and Numbers of Scribes
With the individual parts of Herod's kingdom coming under direct
Roman rule, the Roman administration is likely to have affected the
status and the functions of scribes in these areas. In a similar way to the
Ptolemaic system, the Roman administrative system relied strongly on
officials, written records and archives.53 In the Roman administration,
locals were probably employed in large numbers as scribes alongside
other officials.54 Official titles are likely to have been considered as
enhancing a scribe's prestige and status in his community. This would
account for the habit of Theenas and Germanos, two of Babatha's
51. Kasher, Hellenistic Cities, p. 138.

52. It is unikely that the incorporation of several of the previously independent
Greek cities in the Hasmonaean state facilitated the spread of Hellenistic culture,
the latter being a factor which may have influenced the status and functions of
scribes (cf. factor 18). The relationship between the Jews and the Greeks was
marked by hostility as a result of the loss of the cities' independence and the Has-
monaean ruler's Judaizing policies (Kasher, Hellenistic Cities, pp. 116-69; Jones,
Cities, p. 255).
53. Cf. various articles in A.K. Bowman and G.Woolf (eds.), Literacy and
Power in the Ancient World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). The
value assigned to documents in Roman times is apparent, for example, from extant
Jewish (Babatha's and Salome Komaise's) and non-Jewish private archives (e.g.
Nicanor's) and rabbinic rules regulating what should be done with lost and found
documents.
54. For general reliance of Roman administration on local officials, cf. K. Hop-
kins, 'Conquest by Book', in M. Beard (ed.), Literacy in the Roman World (Journal
of Roman Archaeology Supplement Series, 3; Ann Arbor, MI: Journal of Roman
Archaeology, 1991), pp. 140-41.
scribes, to flaunt their official title XipXapioq in several of the docu-

ments they wrote.
The high value placed on written documents by the ruling power may
have further reinforced a development partially caused by the influence
of the Ptolemaic administration: the increasing value and increased use
of written documents by the common people and its possible effects on
the status and role of scribes in Jewish society.55
21. Economic Changes Brought about by the Roman

Administration which May Have Affected Scribes
The Roman administrative system required vast amounts of papyrus
and hence writing materials may have become cheaper and more read-
ily available.56 As a consequence scribes may have been employed
more often by ordinary people for the writing of such documents as
contracts, deeds, letters or petitions. Furthermore, under Roman rule the
economy of Palestine expanded, partially on account of new trade links
and new roads. A larger scale economy needed or operated better with
more writing.57 Both aspects of economic changes may have led to an
increase in the number of scribes and possibly also facilitated special-
• • S&
ization.
This factor may help to explain why scribes as professional writers
had come to play an important role in common people's lives, both lit-
erates and illiterates. This process is illustrated by the documentary
material from the Judaean desert and references to scribes as writers of
documents in the Mishna and Tosefta.
55. Cf. factor 25.

56. For the argument that on account of the presence of the Roman administra-
tion importers may have opened markets for papyrus in new areas, cf. Goodman,
'Bahama's Story', p. 173; also Lewis, Papyrus, p. 89. Harris suggests that far-dis-
tance trade may also have encouraged writing (W.V. Harris, Ancient Literacy [New
York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America; Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univer-
sity Press, 1989], p. 18). For the link of the building of Roman roads in the first and
second centuries and increased trade, cf. Z. Safrai, The Economy of Roman Pales-
tine (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 222-23, 274-76; also J.D. Anderson, 'The
Impact of Rome on the Periphery', in T.E. Levy (ed.), The Archaeology of Society
in the Holy Land (London: Leicester University Press, 1995), pp. 456-57, 464. Cf.
also factor 17.
57. Hopkins, 'Conquest', p. 136.
58. Cf. factor 30.
22. The Destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem and

its Possible Effects on the Portrayal of Scribes
It is undeniable that the first Jewish rebellion against the Romans and
the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple in 70 CE had an enormous
impact on Jewish society. The loss of the cultic as well as social and
economic centre altered the structure of Judaean society.
The destruction of the Temple and the realization, towards the end of
the first century, that the Temple was not going to be rebuilt shifted the
focus towards the reading and study of the sacred scrolls. As a corollary
one might expect that people who produced the scrolls and/or those
with expert knowledge and interpretation skills gained importance and
prestige. Even though these people probably possessed at least some
influence before the destruction of the Temple, they will have moved
more into the focus of religious attention after its loss. This may
explain why some writings which were compiled in the post-70 period,
but partly refer to pre-70 society, display such a strong interest in the
role of scribes as legal experts and as interpreters of the Scriptures.
Therefore, it is possible that the Mishna's, Tosefta's, and the Targu-
mim's portrayal of the role of scribes during the Second-Temple period
was distorted by the significance assigned to these functions after the
destruction of the Temple.
Another factor which may be significant is the emergence of the
rabbinic movement after the destruction of the Temple and Jerusalem.59
Those who joined the rabbinic movement after the war, were desig-
nated or designated themselves with titles such as sage (DDH) or
rabbi/rabban C3~l/p~l). Titles and designations for groups or move-
ments that had been used in pre-70 society, such as Pharisee, Sadducee,
or the title 'scribe' do not appear to have been used in the rabbinic
movement. Some scribes may have joined the rabbinic movement,
which would provide a plausible explanation for the incorporation of
many of their legal rulings into the rabbinic legal system.
Until the third century, the rabbinic movement had most of its fol-
lowers in rural areas and its centres, until the Bar Kokhba revolt, were
59. However, the rabbis did not have much authority and power in society until
the third century (cf. Cohen, 'Rabbi', pp. 157-64, 173; Goodman, State and Society,
p. 101).
in Jabne and Lydda. The former, and probably also the latter, were
Hellenized cities with a large Jewish population.60 The strong presence
of a Hellenistic culture with its specific notion of scribes may have
contributed to the fact that the rabbis no longer used such titles as "1S10,
"ta'?, or ypctuumeix; to designate contemporary legal experts.61 This
may account for the occurrence of scribes in agreement with the com-
mon Graeco-Roman notion of scribes as professional writers in the
Mishna and Tosefta, while references to scribes as legal experts refer to
the past.
The national disaster of the destruction of the Temple may have also
led to new theological interpretations of past events and the contempo-
rary situation.62 Explanations and reasons why this would have hap-
pened would be sought and blame assigned to certain groups and indi-
viduals of pre-70 society. This may account for the negative portrayal
of scribes in association with priests in the Targumim to the Latter
Prophets. The Aramaic translations of these biblical books reflect the
notion that scribes and priests were held at least partially responsible
for the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple on account of their
failing in their leadership role.
23. The Possible Impact of the Bar Kokhba War

on the Portrayal of Scribes
During and after the Bar Kokhba war settlement patterns changed dras-
tically with the majority of Jews, including many rabbis, moving from
war-torn Judaea to Galilee. It is in this latter area that the Mishna and
Tosefta were compiled and it is plausible that the cultural situation of
Galilee affected the roles and perception of scribes. Some cities in
Galilee had a strong Hellenistic culture.63 It is conceivable that scribes
60. Hengel, Hellenization, p. 14; A. Oppenheimer, 'Jewish Lydda in the Roman

Era', HUCA 59, pp. 115-36. Lydda was only made a polls in 199/200 CE but it is
likely to have had a Hellenistic population in terms of inhabitants or culture prior to
this date (so Safrai, Economy, pp. 3, 30, 32).
61. Cf. factor 11.
62. E.g. 4 Ezra and Josephus's writings.
63. On the Graeco-Roman culture in cities of first-century Galilee, cf. H.C. Kee,
'Early Christianity in the Galilee: Reassessing the Evidence from the Gospels', in
L.I. Levine (ed.), The Galilee in Late Antiquity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Uni-
versity Press, 1992), pp. 14-17. For a short description of the various phases of the
Hellenization of Palestine, cf. E. Stern, 'Between Persia and Greece: Trade,
never gained status as legal experts and interpreters of the scriptures in

these areas or, if they did, that they were no longer designated as
scribes since in Graeco-Roman society the profession of scribes did not
carry the same prestige and wide range of functions as in the Near
Eastern tradition.64
Sepphoris and Tiberias seem to have been centres of Graeco-Roman
culture with all the features of a Hellenistic city and both cities served
as the capital for Galilee.65 Interestingly, both cities were also associ-
ated with rabbinic institutions and Rabbi Jehuda Ha-Nasi, who suppos-
edly compiled the Mishna, is said to have lived in Sepphoris.66 It is
therefore plausible that the rabbinic notion of scribes reflects the com-
mon Graeco-Roman notion of scribes rather than the more traditional
Jewish Palestinian notion with its connotations of a wider range of
functions and expertise.67
This influence of the Hellenistic culture on the rabbis may provide a
partial explanation for the fact that, in the Mishna and Tosefta, contem-
porary scribes appear as professional writers only, while contemporary
legal experts were designated with different titles, and scribes with
legal expertise are assigned to the past.68
With regard to the Targumim and New Testament, it is probable that
older traditions about scribes were incorporated into these writings at a
time when the titles and roles of scribes no longer corresponded to
those in the authors' and compilers' contemporary society. These tradi-
tions include the reference to scribes as significant teachers of the law
during the Second-Temple period (Targumim, Synoptics) and the loca-
tion of influential scribes in Jerusalem (Gospel of Mark).
Administration and Warfare in the Persian and Hellenistic Periods (539-63 BCE)',
in T.E. Levy (ed.), The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land (London: Leicester
University Press, 1995), p. 444. The Galilee was incorporated into the Hasmonaean
kingdom under Aristobulus and some of its farmland had been part of the rural
periphery of Hellenistic cities in the north (Kasher, Hellenistic Cities, pp. 132-33).
64. Cf. factors 11 and 22.
65. Kee, 'Early Christianity', p. 15.
66. Stemberger, Introduction, p. 10; L.I. Levine, The Rabbinic Class of Roman
Palestine in Late Antiquity (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, 1989), p. 36.
67. Cf. factor 11.
24. Increased Letter Writing in the Roman Period and the Possible
Influence on the Status and Numbers of Scribes
It seems that in the ancient world in general the mode of communica-
tion slowly changed from oral to written forms. At the highest level of
government and administration, letters were used throughout the period
under consideration.69 This is evident, for example, from the letters
referred to in Ezra-Nehemiah, the Zenon Papyri and the Seleucid
Charter. However, in the Roman period the numbers and status of
scribes may have been affected by the increasing use of letters outside
the administration and by a wider class of persons, for business or
matters of personal interest.70 It is conceivable that letter-writing may
also have become the standard type of communication over distance in
Jewish society. Since for the majority of letters, the sender (and recipi-
ent) relied on the expertise of the professional writer71 this increase in
the use of letters may have resulted in a growing demand for the ser-
vices of scribes and thus may have increased their numbers and facili-
tated specialization.72 This may explain why several of the Bar Kokhba
letters were written by professional scribes. Furthermore, this factor
would account for the evidence of t. Sanh. 2.6 that during the Second-
Temple period rabbis dictated letters to scribes with the intention
to communicate legal decisions to other Jews in Palestine and the
Diaspora.
25. The Possible Influence of the Change of Attitudes to Secular

Written Documents on the Status and Numbers of Scribes
During the Second-Temple period a noticeable shift in the attitude
towards secular written documents took place. It seems that in the early
69. S.R. Llewelyn and R.A. Kearsley (eds.), New Documents Illustrating Early
Christianity 1 (Marrickville, N.S.W.: Ancient History Documentary Research
Centre, Macquarie University, 1994), pp. 2-3.
70. Llewelyn and Kearsley, Documents, pp. 26, 27-29 and references to H. Kos-
kenniemi, Studien zur Idee and Phraseology des griechischen Briefes bis 400
n.Chr. (Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, Series B, 2; Helsinki, 1956),
pp. 80-83; Harris is more cautious and states that it is uncertain how far down
letters reached on the social scale (Harris, Literacy, pp. 229-31).
71. It is assumed that generally 'authors' of letters relied on scribes for writing
and phraseology (cf. Harris, Literacy, pp. 229-31).
72. Cf. factor 30.
postexilic Jewish community in Judaea writing was used little outside

the official government and administration. The majority of inhabitants
were farming on a subsistence level and in this context contracts and
transactions could be validated without written documents. There was
little need for correspondence or other written records.73 In contrast, in
the first and early second century of the common era, written docu-
ments were widely used and valued as means of proof in Jewish society
by both literates and illiterates.74 This change of attitude was probably
at least partially caused by the exposure of the common people to the
highly literate Ptolemaic and Roman administrative systems in Pales-
tine and the possibility of access to the services of scribes throughout
the country.75 This development may have affected scribes in several
ways. First, it is likely that numbers and probably also specialization
among scribes increased.76 More importantly, however, the increasing
importance assigned to written documents may have spilled over into
people's attitude towards scribes and may have increased the latter's
prestige and/or status in the community. Illiterates, semi-literates, but
also literates relied on the expertise of scribes with regard to the lan-
guage and formulae required to produce a valid written document.77 In
short, it is likely that prestige and standing in society was derived from
scribal expertise at the end of the period under consideration.
The increased importance assigned to written documents may pro-
vide a partial explanation for the importance ascribed to scribes as
73. Weippert concludes from the archaeological evidence that writing had
decreased in comparison to the pre-exilic period (Weippert, Palastina, p. 694).
With regard to the economic situation, scholars disagree on the extent and impor-
tance of trade in Judah in the early Persian period (e.g. Grabbe, Judaism, I, p. 118;
Weippert, Palastina, pp. 706-707; H. Kreissig, Die sozialokonomische Situation in
Juda zur Achiimenidenzeit [Schriften zur Geschichte und Kultur des Alten Orient,
7; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1973], pp. 64-68; K.G. Hoglund, 'The Achaemenid
Context", in P.R. Davies [ed.], Second Temple Studies. I. Persian Period
[JSOTSup, 117; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1991], pp. 60-62).
74. E.g. Babatha's and Salome Komaise's archives (2.4.9) and the extensive
legislation concerning many aspects of written documents and archives in the
Mishna and Tosefta (cf. 2.4.11; 2.4.12).
75. Cf. factors 16, 17, 20,21.
76. Cf. factor 30.
77. For most people writing was not a daily activity and unfamiliarity with the
legal language is likely to have made literates employ the services of a scribe (cf.
N. Horsfall, 'Statistics or State of Mind', in Beard [ed.], Literacy in the Roman
World, p. 71).
writers and the role played by written documents in 1 Enoch/

4QEnGiants, 4 Ezra and the Testament of Abraham. It would also
provide a plausible explanation for the subscriptions of some scribes
with their title and name on several of the documents preserved in the
Judaean desert.78 This factor may further help explain why scribes who
are mentioned in the New Testament and to a limited extent in the
Mishna are portrayed as occupying prestigious positions in society but
do not seem to have had independent political power. It is also possible
that Temple scribes, such as are mentioned in the Seleucid charter, had
gained prestige on account of their writing expertise.
This factor does not, however, explain the Synoptics' and Acts' ref-
erences to scribes as a fairly well-defined group with expertise in the
Scriptures and why in the Mishna and Tosefta scribes appear as
authorities in legal matters that do not require writing expertise.
26. The Increasing Importance Assigned to the Reading of the Sacred

Scriptures and its Possible Influence on Scribes
It is commonly accepted that the reading of the sacred Scriptures
gained importance during the Second-Temple period. By the first cen-
tury of the common era the reading and interpretation of passages from
the sacred writings in synagogues had clearly become an established
part of the Sabbath.79 Moreover, it seems that the people's attitude to
the actual scrolls which contained the sacred writings changed during
the period under consideration. In the first century CE, possibly earlier,
scrolls which contained the sacred texts seem to have been treated like
sacred objects.80 This attitude of reverence may have spilled over into
78. Germanos and Theenas in Babatha's documents and Onainos in Salome

Komaise's archive (2.4.9).
79. E.g. Josephus, Apion 2.175-78; Philo, Hypoth. 7.11-13; Theodotus inscrip-
tion (CII 1404); Mk. 1.21; for more references, cf. Schiirer el ai, History of the
Jewish People, II, pp. 424-27; also Sanders, Judaism, pp. 197-99. Note, however,
that the establishment of the synagogue in Palestine has recently been dated much
later than is usually assumed. The earliest evidence stems from the first century CE
or possibly BCE (cf. L.L. Grabbe, 'Synagogues in Pre-70 Palestine: A Re-assess-
ment', in D. Urman and P.V.M. Flesher [eds.], Ancient Synagogues: Historical
Analysis and Archaeological Discovery 1 [SPB, 47; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995],
pp. 17-26; P.V.M. Flesher, 'Palestinian Synagogues', in Urman and Flesher [eds.],
Ancient Synagogues, pp. 27-39.
80. E.g. Josephus, Apion 1.42-44; Ant, 20.115; 1 Mace. 1.56-57 (cf. Goodman,
the common people's attitude to those who read and interpreted the
scrolls, an activity that was most probably associated with much pres-
tige.81 It is likely that in rural areas scribes, on account of their writing
expertise, were frequently the only ones who could read. It seems a log-
ical conclusion that scribes may have been called upon frequently to
read from the Scriptures. This should not be understood as a consistent
feature of Jewish society but rather as an irregular feature of life in
small towns and the countryside. As experts of written things they were
probably also expected to explain textually difficult passages of the
Scriptures.82 By the first century CE scribes may have become more
consistently associated with the reading of the Scriptures and may also
have gained a reputation for their interpretation of these writings. On
account of the reading and interpretation they may also have been
thought of as teachers of the people.
This factor would help explain the notion of scribes as experts,
teachers and interpreters of the sacred Scriptures as reflected in the
Synoptics and Acts, the Testament of Abraham, the Mishna and
Tosefta, and the Targumim. However, this factor does not explain why
scribes appear as a well-defined group in some books of the New
Testament.
27. The Increasing Importance of and Reverence for the Sacred

Scrolls and its Likely Influence on the Status of their Producers
It is further possible that the importance assigned to the sacred writings
in general and the aura of holiness which the scrolls seem to have
assumed by the first century CE had an effect on the status of the actual
writers of these scrolls.83 Although the evidence for scribes as produc-
ers of sacred scrolls is both late and scanty, it is likely that some copied
the sacred texts as professional writers.84 It is conceivable that this
particular task was prestigious and that the writers of sacred scrolls
'Texts', p. 100). It may be more than a mere coincidence that the establishment of
synagogues in Palestine seems to fall into the same period (cf. note above).
82. It should not be forgotten that Hebrew and Aramaic are consonantal writing
systems which always require more interpretation on the textual level than writing
systems which fully reflect the sound of the language, like for example Greek.
83. Cf. factor 26.
84. No evidence can be found prior to the Talmudim.
were revered by the people. Some copyists may have become quite
knowledgeable about the contents of the books through the process of
copying the texts. They would also have had to know the languages in
which the scrolls were written, mainly Hebrew and Greek. As a conse-
quence of these factors copyists may have been called upon to read and
explain difficult passages. In turn, a reputation as expositor of difficult
textual passages may have supported a scribe's status as producer of
sacred scrolls.85 In the course of time the association of scribes (as
copyists) with expertise in the Scriptures may have become firmly
established.86
This factor may provide a partial explanation for the high regard
which scribes seem to have enjoyed in society and their frequent asso-
ciation with the interpretation of the Scriptures as portrayed in the Syn-
optics and Acts, the Targumim and possibly also 4 Ezra. However, it
does not explain the silence of some of the sources with regard to
scribes where one could expect references to experts in the Scriptures,
especially in the writings of Philo and Josephus and in some of the
sectarian texts from Qumran.
28. The Diversity of First-Century Palestinian Jewish Society and

its Possible Effects on the Role and Functions of Scribes
Towards the end of the Second-Temple period Judaism existed in a
large diversity which may have facilitated the rise of new experts in the
Scriptures and teachers of the people alongside traditional groups with
this role and expertise. The diversity of first-century Judaism is amply
attested in the sources, with evidence for different movements, groups,
life-styles and interpretations of the Scriptures existing side by side.87
85. This has first been suggested by Goodman, 'Texts', pp. 99-108, 102. He fur-
ther suggests that scribes derived some power and influence from the fact that they
were trusted to produce valid copies of the sacred Scriptures since there were no
controls (Goodman, Texts', pp. 107-108). Although it is probably true that scribes
were trusted in this respect, it is unlikely that most common people even thought
about this point.
87. Although scholars disagree in their approach on whether to emphasize the
differences or the similarities between different groups, movements or communities
there is no doubt that there was much diversity. On the diversity and various
approaches, cf. W.S. Green, 'Introduction: The Scholarly Study of Judaism and its
Sources', in J. Neusner (ed.), Judaism in Late Antiquity. I. The Literary and
This diverse Judaism provided the ground on which scribes, if they had
gained knowledge in the Scriptures, could develop into teachers and
recognized authorities in the law and the Scriptures, while priests and
other educated and wise men continued to be associated with this role.
The diversity of Judaism therefore indirectly helps explain the evidence
for scribes as experts in the Scriptures and the law, as interpreters and
teachers, which can be found in the Testament ofLevi, Ben Sira, 2 Mac-
cabees, the Synoptics and Acts, Testament of Abraham, the Mishna,
Tosefta and the Targumim. This factor does not, however, explain why
important sources for the period under consideration, especially Philo,
Josephus and the 'Rules' among the Dead Sea Scrolls, do not refer to
scribes in this particular role at all.
29. Demographic Changes and their Likely Impact on the

Numbers and Specialization of Scribes
The Jewish population of Palestine seems to have grown considerably
during the Second-Temple period from the number of people who had
populated the small Judaean Temple state in the early postexilic
period.88 This growth may have led to an increasing demand for scribes
and hence a general increase in their number in the course of the Sec-
ond-Temple period. The demographic change may help explain the
large number of references to scribes as professional writers in sources
from the Roman period in contrast to only occasional references in
sources that originated in earlier times. An increasing demand for both
personal and official written documents may in turn have contributed to
specialization among scribes.89
Archaeological Sources (Handbuch der Orientalistik 1. Der Nahe Osten und der
Mittlere Osten, 16; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995), pp. 1-5 and W.S. Green, 'Ancient
Judaisms: Contours and Complexity', in S.E. Balentine and J. Barton (eds.), Lan-
guage, Theology, and the Bible (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 295-97.
88. For the expansion of the Jewish poulation, cf. Anderson, 'Impact of Rome',
p. 415; Goodman, Ruling Class, pp. 54 n. 6, 61. For the contrast to the small
Graeco-Roman family, cf. E. Eyben, 'Family Planning in Antiquity', Ancient Soci-
ety 11/12 (1980-81), pp. 5-7. The Hasmonaean expansionist policies and forced
conversions also contributed to the growth of the Jewish population (cf. factor 19).
89. Cf. factor 30.
30. The Specialization of Scribes and its Possible Effect

on their Role and Status in Society
It is likely that an increased demand for writing and an expanding pop-
ulation facilitated specialization among scribes.90 Many different types
of documents, letters, records, secular books, sacred scrolls, tefillin and
mezuzot were written by scribes. In bigger towns and cities some inde-
pendent scribes may have specialized in the writing of one or several of
these kinds of written items.91 It is possible that some scribes special-
ized in the production of sacred scrolls (and tefillin and mezuzot) for
public and private use.92 Specialization may have been an advantage,
especially if the texts were copied in Hebrew which was neither a ver-
nacular tongue nor used as the administrative language. Some scribes
may have been able to derive knowledge and authority in the inter-
pretation of the Scriptures from this specialized function.93
It is further possible that in cities and bigger towns some scribes
specialized as professional writers in courts. They may have derived
some knowledge and authority in legal matters from this particular
function. They would nevertheless be continued to be designated as
scribes rather than judges on account of their role as professional writ-
ers.94 Specialized copying of sacred books or writing in courts provides
a plausible partial but indirect explanation for the association of scribes,
that is, professional writers, with the Scriptures and expertise in the
laws. It would account for the prestige associated with the titles "BID,
K~1DO, "ta1? and ypaufiaTexx; in the Synoptics, Mishna, Tosefta and the
Targumim. However, specialization does not explain why the Synoptics
refer to scribes as a well-defined group while other sources do not
90. Cf. also factors 17, 21, 24, 25, 29. For a brief general discussion and
example of the conditions which facilitated craft specialization in earlier times, cf.
R.K. Evans, 'Early Craft Specialisation: An Example from the Balkan Chalcolithic
Period', in C.L. Redman, M.J. Berman and E.V. Curtin (eds.), Social Archeology
(Studies in Archaeology; New York: Academic Press, 1978), pp. 114-26.
91. It is unlikely that this development took place in villages and smaller towns
since there was only one or very few scribes who would have produced all neces-
sary written documents.
92. Cf. also factors 18 and 26.
93. Cf. factor 27.
94. Cf. the reference to the development of the expertise of the Stadtschreiber
in mediaeval Swiss cities in association with the discussion of Josephus, War 5.532
(2.4.5); also Sank. 4.3 and Pe'ah (2.4.11).
mention scribes in this role where one would expect it. The latter is
especially the case with regard to the writings of Philo and Josephus
and some of the sectarian texts from the Dead Sea Scrolls.
31. Changes in the Levels of Literacy and Possible

Effects on the Status of Scribes
An increase in the general levels of literacy of the population of Pales-
tine may have resulted in the partial loss of status for scribes as profes-
sional writers. It may be argued that people who could read and write
themselves would be less dependent on the expertise of a scribe to pro-
duce valid documents. However, levels of literacy in antiquity are hard
to measure and are, at best, educated guesswork. Different levels of
proficiency in reading and writing and in one or more languages must
be considered separately.95 Furthermore, it must be taken into account
that the majority of evidence stems from the literate sector of society.96
With regard to Jewish society, it is evident that during the Second-
Temple period the use of writing in both the religious and the secular
sphere increased significantly.97 However, this does not allow us to
draw conclusions about the level of literacy of the whole population
since illiterates and semi-literates can function in highly literate soci-
eties through the services of scribes and the help of literate family
members and friends.98 Semi-literacy, that is, the ability to write one's
signature or even attestations and subscriptions to documents in one
language, may have been quite common.99
95. A.K. Bowman, 'Literacy in the Roman Empire: Mass and Mode', in Beard
(ed.), Literacy in the Roman World, pp. 123-24; also M. Haran, 'On the Diffusion
of Literacy and Schools in Ancient Israel', in J.A. Emerton (ed.), Congress Vol-
ume: Jerusalem, 1986 (VTSup, 40; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1988), p. 83.
96. With the exception of attestations and subscriptions in documents on behalf
of illiterates.
97. Cf. factors 25, 26.
98. For illiterates participating in a literate culture, cf. Bowman, 'Literacy',
pp. 122-23; on the general principle also Harris, Literacy, pp. 33-35, 144, and for
examples, cf. pp. 197-201.
99. E.g. the subscriptions and signatures of witnesses in Babatha's documents
were written by both unskilled and practised hands in Aramaic and Nabatean
(Lewis, Documents, pp. 12, 136; this conclusion is based on P. Yad. 14, 15, 16, 17,
18, 19,20,21,22, and 27).
Sociological studies of literacy indicate that strong social, political,

economical or ideological forces and effective measures to increase lit-
eracy are necessary to change the level of literacy of a population.100
The strong presence of a highly literate administration and/or reverence
for sacred texts in itself do not constitute such measures.101 It is, never-
theless, a common assumption that the centrality of the sacred books
and the general importance ascribed to the knowledge of the laws
towards the end of the Second-Temple period turned Jewish society
into an education-centred and highly literate society.102 While evidence
from the period under consideration suggests that the public reading of,
and instruction in, the law occupied an important place in Jewish soci-
ety, there is no reliable evidence for the existence of elementary
schools or the teaching of writing from this period. It may therefore be
concluded that although more people probably possessed limited read-
ing and writing skills, the level of complete literacy among the Jewish
population did not increase significantly enough during the Second-
Temple period to affect the status of scribes.
100. Harris, Literacy, pp. 11-13.

101. Harris, Literacy, pp. 12,203-205.
102. Generally, this view is based on much later rabbinic evidence for the estab-
lishment of elementary schools for boys in the first century BCE or CE and refer-
ences in Philo and Josephus to the importance of the teaching of the law which
mention neither schools nor writing. Some scholars acknowledge that the literacy
mainly involved reading skills, but frequently this distinction is dropped in the
summary or conclusion (e.g. Stemberger, Introduction, p. 9; Bar-Han, 'Scribes',
pp. 22, 37; Schurer et al., History of the Jewish People, II, pp. 417-20; S. Safrai,
'Education and the Study of the Torah', in S. Safrai and M. Stern [eds.], The Jewish
People in the First Century [CRINT, I.2.; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1976], pp. 946-50;
Hengel, Judaism, pp. 81-82).
Chapter 4
A POSSIBLE MODEL FOR THE STATUS AND FUNCTIONS OF SCRIBES
So far this investigation has shown that the reality with regard to the
status and functions of Jewish scribes during the Second-Temple period
was much more complex than is usually assumed. Futhermore, the evi-
dence is inconclusive and in many cases several interpretations of a
particular piece of evidence are possible. On account of these dif-
ficulties we cannot be certain about the functions and status of Jewish
scribes during the Second-Temple period. This concluding chapter will,
therefore, propose a model. It will provide a comprehensive, plausible
multifaceted description of the range of functions and expertise of Jew-
ish scribes. The model will allow for changes to have occurred with
regard to the status and functions of scribes in the approximately 600
years of the Second-Temple period. No concise dates will be assigned
to suggested changes and developments since in most cases they occur-
red over time and/or there is no evidence which would allow the deter-
mination of dates.
The model will include references to the extant evidence and lack
thereof (by section heading) as well as to the factors operating during
the period under consideration (by factor number), described in the pre-
vious chapter. As already emphasized in the introduction, I consider it
essential that all the extant evidence of scribes be accounted for in this
model.
Varieties of Scribes during the Second-Temple Period

Persian Period
The model assumes that in the postexilic province of Yehud, scribes
were employed as officials on all levels of the Achaemenid administra-
tion.1 Their functions will have required general expertise in reading
1. Cf. factor 14; 2.2.1; 2.2.2; 2.2.3.

and writing and their responsibilities included the reading and writing
of correspondence and records, supervising functions and sometimes
legal matters. On higher levels of the administration scribes would have
had knowledge of national as well as Persian laws.2 In accordance with
the general Near Eastern tradition which associated a variety of func-
tions and expertise with scribes, some scribes in high official positions
had a reputation as wise scholars and intellectuals. They were familiar
with books, laws and frequently also sciences.3
Ezra, the scribe, can be understood as such a high imperial official in
a powerful position within the provincial administration. His portrayal
as a wise and scholarly man with knowledge of the laws and devotion
to their study fits the general Near Eastern notion of scribes, and his
position and expertise are paralleled in that of the Egyptian scribe
Udjahorresnet.4 However, the strong emphasis on Ezra's expertise in
the law and its public reading in Ezra-Nehemiah should not be seen as
the characteristic trait of a Persian official but as one of many things
that Ezra did. The model ascribes the disproportionate emphasis on
Ezra's expertise in the laws to the ideological tendentiousness of the
source. The author was writing religious history about the restoration of
the postexilic community. He stressed the centrality of the law by
strongly associating the community's acceptance of the book of the law
with the nation's (re-)establishment in the postexilic period.5 Ezra's
expanded titles, such as WD2J n^K"1"! Km "ISO in Artaxerxes' commis-
sioning letter, may also be traced back to the author's theological and
ideological outlook and are unlikely to have represented Ezra's official
title ("ISO) accurately.6
In the middle and lower levels of the Achaemenid provincial admin-
istration and in the Jerusalem Temple, scribes occupied administrative
functions, dealt with financial matters, and were responsible for all
kinds of records.7 The personnel employed in the Achaemenid admin-
istration of the province may at times or in some spheres have over-
lapped with the Temple personnel.8 The only securely attested function
2. Cf. factor 14.

3. Cf. factor 11.
4. Cf. factor 14; 2.2.2.
5. Cf. factors 7, 15.
6. Cf. 2.2.2.
7. Cf. 2.2.2, 2.2.3; factor 14.
8. E.g. at times when the high priest also functioned as governor, or in the
4. A Possible Model 311
for a scribe at this level during the early postexilic period is the super-
vision of the distribution of tithes to the priests and Levites, the
evidence for which can be found in Ezra-Nehemiah.9 This duty was
probably connected to the general collection of taxes for the Achae-
menid overlords. Other functions of scribes in the Temple may have
included the writing and checking of genealogical lists and other
records, and/or the copying of books containing songs, the national his-
tory and laws. Furthermore, scribes on the middle and lower levels may
have taught reading and/or writing on a very limited scale to priests and
Levites. The evidence from the Chronicler's unique additions to his
source Samuel-Kings fits this context.10 Based on later evidence, such
as the reference to the scribes of the Temple (ypaiauOTeii; tov> tepoi)) in
the Seleucid Charter and to the scribe of a strategos of the Temple
(ypauuciTexx; TOU OTpaT'qyo'GvTO^) in the Roman period, this model
assumes that scribes continued to function in the Temple throughout
the Second-Temple period.11
Scribes who functioned as high officials may have derived their posi-
tions from adequate scribal training but most probably a high social
background also contributed to a scribe's rise to a powerful position. In
other words, influential scribes are likely to have belonged to estab-
lished and influential families and at least some scribes were of priestly
or Levitic descent. This accounts for the description of scribes as
priests and Levites in Chronicles and the Testament of Levi.n With
regard to both writings, however, the strong emphasis on the priestly
and Levitical descent of scribes only partially reflects the historical
realities and can be explained with reference to the pro-Levitical and
pro-priestly biases of the authors.13
Outside the Temple and the Achaemenid administration few or no
independent scribes could be found. The majority of inhabitants of the
small province were farming on a subsistence level with little need for
written documents or other records.14 If required, a few essential writ-
ten documents, such as letters of divorce, could probably be obtained
sphere of tax collection (cf. 2.2.2).

9. Cf. 2.2.2 (Neh. 13.13); factor 14.
10. Cf. 2.2.3.
11. Cf. 2.3.4; 2.4.5 (Josephus, Ant 20.208).
12. Cf. 2.2.3 (1 Chron. 24.6; 2 Chron. 34.13); 2.3.2.
13. Cf. factor 7; additionally factor 9, concerning the Testament ofLevi(2.3.2).
14. Cf. factor 25.
from official scribes employed in the lower levels of the provincial and
Temple administration in Jerusalem.
To summarize, during the Persian period scribes could be found as
officials on all levels of the administration of the province and the
Temple. Official scribes probably also provided some essential written
documents for individuals, but generally there will have been very little
demand for writing outside the administration and the Temple. In the
administrative and cultic centre Jerusalem, some scribes who occupied
high official positions were also associated with knowledge and wis-
dom and could therefore be designated as sages or scholars. Thus the
role of scribes from pre-exilic times and the general Near Eastern tradi-
tion of influential and educated scribes at royal courts and in the admin-
istration of empires continued in a non-monarchic context.
Hellenistic Period
The incorporation of the province of Yehud into the Greek and then the
Ptolemaic empires brought about various changes with regard to the
status, functions and numbers of scribes. During Seleucid and Has-
monaean rule many of these changes continued to develop.
Under the Ptolemies nothing much was changed in the administration
of the province until Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285-246 BCE) intro-
duced reforms. These resulted in an intensification of the bureaucracy,
that is, more written records and officials were required. In addition, the
administration of Palestine as one of the nomes of Egypt implied a
much closer link to Egypt and Alexandria than had existed previously.
With the exception of the Phoenician cities, the land seems to have
been administered by crown officials who were directly responsible to
the royal court.15 The Ptolemaic policy created a new rural elite which
included scribes among the many new officials in towns and villages.16
Scribes were required for intensified bureaucratic activities and were
recruited from both natives and Greeks.17 Scribes thus increased in
number and became established outside Jerusalem in towns and villages
in their role as officials with professional writing expertise.18 The
scribes who are mentioned in the Zenon Papyri in association with
15. Cf. factor 16.

16. Cf. factor 16.
17. Cf. factor 16.
18. Cf. factor 16.
Palestine fit into this category, whether Jewish or non-Jewish.19 Village

scribes, officials of the smallest administrative unit, fulfilled a variety
of functions including the writing and keeping of documents and
archives, and matters relating to taxes. Furthermore, they acted on
behalf of villagers in their dealings with higher authorities and func-
tioned as representatives of the ruling power.20 Illiterates, semi-literates
and even literates relied on the writing and representative services of
scribes when in contact with the official administration.21 Besides their
official functions scribes will have provided written documents for
locals, if required.22
On account of the Ptolemaic reforms scribes became an integral part
of people's lives throughout Palestine, even in smaller towns and vil-
lages. These scribes derived prestige and status from their position as
government officials. The new rural elite, which will have included
scribes as officials, existed beside the traditional elite in Jerusalem
which included scribes in a more traditional role.23
According to this model, scribes in Jerusalem will have continued in
their employment as powerful officials paid by the foreign administra-
tion. As in the Persian period, some of these had a reputation as schol-
ars or intellectuals and thus the general Near-Eastern tradition of
scribes continued at least in Jerusalem. At this time, the titles designat-
ing scribes and sages were, however, not used rigidly and while an
official scribe may have had the reputation of a scholar, a sage with
independent means may or may not have chosen to work for the gov-
ernment and administration.24
The author Ben Sira combined the Near-Eastern notion of scribes
with the role of wise and pious men in Jewish society and Egyptian
scribal traditions which resulted in the fluidity of the titles sage (DDFI)
and scribe ("ISO) in his book.25 This combination and the genre of Ben
Sira's book as wisdom literature help explain the author's emphasis on
the wisdom, knowledge and piety of the scribe/sage, and the idealistic
19. Cf. 2.3.3; factor 16.

20. Cf. factor 16; 2.4.5 (Josephus, War 1.479; Ant. 16.203).
21. Cf. the discussion in association with factor 31.
22. Cf. factor 16.
23. Cf. factor 16.
24. Cf. factor 12.
25. Cf. 2.3.6.
outlook of the whole description of the scribe/sage's education and

functions.26
The scribe Eleazar who is mentioned in 2 Maccabees and who com-
bines a reputation for wisdom and reverence for the laws with a high
social status also fits this Near-Eastern-Jewish type of scribe/sage
which is described in Ben Sira.27
The references to scribes as politically influential leaders in 1 Mac-
cabees may also be understood in this way. It is likely, however, that
their influence and power was downplayed by the author on account of
his pro-Hasmonaean political bias.28 The model assumes that the
scribes mentioned in 1 Maccabees were part of the resistance move-
ment against Antiochus Epiphanes' repressive measures. Although
1 Maccabees remains ambiguous with regard to the relationship bet-
ween the Asidaioi and the scribes, all plausible interpretations of
1 Mace. 7.12-13 indicate that scribes had some political influence and
were fighting for the freedom to observe their traditional laws.29 This
conclusion is independent of whether the term Asidaioi designated part
or the whole of the resistance movement, whether the author deli-
berately introduced the ambiguity into the text to obscure the facts, or
whether the translator wrongly understood and thus transliterated the
Hebrew (D'TOPI) or Aramaic (N^TOn) term rather than translated it.30
In short, according to this model some scribes, such as Eleazar, had a
reputation for reverence for the laws and some political power based on
their social and official positions.31 However, the scribes involved in
the resistance movement should not be understood as a well-defined
group of scribes with political power and expertise in the Scriptures.
Scribes will have continued to occupy similar positions and roles in
the Hasmonaean kingdom. There is no reason why this traditional Near
Eastern notion of scribes should not have been incorporated into the
court of the Hasmonaeans, despite the fact that it was in many ways a
Greek-style court.
This model further assumes that the strong reliance of the ruling
power on written records and documents and the pervasive presence of
26. Cf. 2.3.6; factor 9.

27. Cf. 2.3.9.
28. Cf. 2.3.8; factor 7.
29. Cf. 2.3.8 (1 Mace. 7.12-13).
30. Cf. 2.3.8 (1 Mace. 7.12-13); factors 7 and 8.
31. Cf. 2.3.9.
a highly literate system affected common people's attitude to written

documents. The value assigned to written records and the accessibility
of the services of scribes in towns and villages will have increased the
use of written documents by common people.32 This should not be
understood as a sudden change but as a process which was set in
motion under the influence of the Ptolemies and continued during the
Seleucid and Hasmonaean administrations. As we will see this devel-
opment continues and is amplified through the influence of the Roman
administration.33
In addition to the prestige and status gained from official positions, a
scribe's expertise concerning the various formulae required for records,
contracts, deeds, letters and other secular documents will have consoli-
dated his status in his social environment.34 The general high regard for
scribes and the significance attributed to written documents in general
is reflected in 1 £>z0c/z/4QEnGiants' designation of Enoch as a scribe
and its emphasis on written records, such as the petition and the heav-
enly tablets.35
According to this model, the following factors which relate to the
Ptolemaic rule of Palestine, also affected the functions and numbers of
scribes. With the establishment of a sophisticated bureaucracy and the
administration of Palestine as one of the nomes of Egypt, a market for
papyrus was created in Palestine.36 In addition to local writing materials
like leather, ostraca and wood, papyrus will have become more readily
available in Palestine at reasonable prices.37 It is assumed that this also
contributed to the increase in the use of written documents and
employment of the services of scribes by common people.38
The model further postulates that the influence of Greek culture
raised the general interest in books and book collecting.39 This influ-
ence would have affected Jewish society in varying degrees in cities,
towns and the countryside throughout the Hellenistic and the Roman
period. Increasing interest in and demand for books was most likely
32. Cf. factors 16, 25.

33. Cf. factors 20, 25.
34. Cf. factor 25.
35. Cf. 2.3.5.
36. Cf. factor 17.
37. Cf. factor 21.
38. Cf. factor 17.
39. Cf. factor 18.
encountered in cities and,bigger towns where the Hellenistic influence

was strongest and the required leisure and wealth could be found.40 It is
further possible that the Hellenistic influence also increased the demand
for scrolls containing the sacred books. By this time the scrolls had
already gained importance in Jewish society and the Hellenistic
emphasis on the study of the classical texts may have furthered the
study of the sacred Scriptures as the 'classical texts' of Judaism.41 Con-
sequently, the study of the Scriptures would have occupied an impor-
tant part of the education and study of wise men and scholars and some
scribes. Ben Sira's emphasis on the study of the Torah, prophets and
writings by wise men (including scribes) may be understood in this
context.42
With regard to both sacred and secular texts the growing demand for
book scrolls was probably mostly met by professional scribes, although
copies of books could also have been made by educated individuals
themselves or their literate slaves.43
In short, it is assumed that the availability of reasonably priced papy-
rus, the increased use of written documents by common people, and a
growing interest in books generally and the sacred scrolls specifically,
increased the number of independently working scribes. In towns and
cities there would have been enough demand for writing of all kinds to
enable professional writers to earn a living without being employed in
the official administration. This in turn may have facilitated specializa-
tion in the drawing up of secular documents and the copying of books,
sacred scrolls, tefillin and mezuzot.44 Demographic growth and the
expansionist strategies of the Hasmonaean kings further led to an
expansion of the Jewish population and will thus have amplified the
above mentioned factors and their effects on scribes.45
It is not impossible that the development of specialization among
scribes in urban and rural areas combined with an increase in the
importance assigned to the public reading of the Scriptures in Jewish
society may have led to scribes as readers and specialist copyists of
40. Cf. factor 18.

41. Cf. factor 18.
42. Cf. 2.3.6.
43. Cf. factor 18.
44. Cf. factor 30.
45. Cf. factors 19, 29.
sacred scrolls. In different ways they may have derived some know-
ledge and prestige from these functions. This aspect may provide a
supplementary explanation for the association of scribes with expertise
in the Scriptures and the law in addition to the Near Eastern notion of
scribes.46 However, it is largely hypothetical and it is important to note
that the model provides a sufficient explanation for all the evidence
without the dimension described below.
In places where few people could read long texts, such as villages
and small towns, the scribe as the expert in matters of writing could be
called upon to read from the Scriptures. A scribe could thus gain some
(limited) knowledge in the contents of these texts and will have been
able to provide basic explanations for difficult passages.47 It is assumed
that in a society which placed so much importance on the reading of the
Scriptures, some prestige was associated with the actual function of the
public reading.48 To be clear, it is not claimed that in the earlier part of
the Hellenistic period scribes reading the Scriptures were a universal
feature of Jewish society. Rather, it is assumed that this occurred spo-
radically and irregularly, depending on local circumstances.
In contrast, in bigger towns and cities, scribes who specialized in the
production of sacred scrolls may have come to be considered as experts
in the Scriptures. They would have been able to derive some knowledge
of the contents of the books through the actual process of copying.49 In
addition, scribes would have had to be familiar with the language of the
books and would therefore have been a logical choice to be called on
for the interpretation of the Scriptures. Their reputation as readers and
expositors may have been reinforced by the people's knowledge that
scribes produced these sacred scrolls which were already associated
with a certain aura of holiness. In other words, the function of copying
sacred scrolls may have conferred some sort of authority on scribes
as interpreters.50 The frequent designation of Ezra as 'reader of the law'
(dvayvcoairiq wo vouov) in 1 Esdras may or may not be interpreted
46. Note that some parts of the evidence are explained differently if the possible
effects of the specialization of scribes are considered.
47. Cf. factor 26.
48. Cf. factor 26.
49. Cf. factor 27.
50. Cf. factor 27.
as evidence that some scribes were associated with the public reading
of the Scriptures.51
In the course of time the association of scribes with the production,
reading and interpretation of the Scriptures may have become strongly
established in the perception of the people although these functions
were never exclusively associated with scribes. This development
would at least partly have been the result of the establishment of syna-
gogues in Palestine, since the reading and interpretation of the Scrip-
tures on the Sabbath itself was strongly linked to the latter. In any case,
as more importance came to be assigned to the actual interpretation and
exposition of the public readings, the knowledge and expertise of the
interpreter had to become more elaborate. It is likely that among the
scribes it was mainly those who produced sacred scrolls who were able
to develop their skills as expositors. In contrast, scribes who functioned
as officials and only occasionally read the Scriptures publicly are
unlikely to have invested much time in study and reading.
It is further suggested that some professional scribes may have func-
tioned in the context of courts. In bigger towns and cities some scribes
may thus have been able to specialize in the writing of legal proceed-
ings and through this function also to gain knowledge in the law.52
However, these scribes did not replace the judges and, on account of
their function as professional writers in courts, would have continued to
be designated as scribes. This would account for the Mishnaic tradition
about Nahum, the scribe, who had a reputation for knowledge of the
law and who was also associated with the law court of Jerusalem. Fur-
thermore, it would explain rabbinic references to scribes as writers in
courts in general as well as the Targumic association of some scribes
with legal expertise and the functions of judges.53
The strongest evidence in support of the possible effects of the spe-
cialization of scribes comes from the Roman period: the designation of
teachers of the Scriptures and experts in the law with titles usually
referring to professional writers. While the association of scribes with
legal expertise is strongly attested in some New Testament writings, the
51. Cf. 2.3.7. Note also the discussion about the date of the establishment of
synagogues in Palestine referred to in association with factor 26.
52. Cf. factor 30.
53. Cf. 2.4.11 (Pe'ah 2.6; Sank. 4.3); 2.4.14 (Targ. Jonathan to Judg. 5.9-10
and Targ. Jonathan to Isa. 28.7-8). For an alternative interpretation, cf. the descrip-
tion of scribes in the Roman period below.
Mishna, Tosefta and the Targumim, the evidence for scribes as exposi-
tors of the Scriptures and teachers of the people comes mainly from the
Synoptics and the Targumim.54 The lack of references to the profession
of scribes as officials or copyists of scrolls in any of these sources may
be explained with the limited interests of the authors and compilers.55
The portrayal of scribes as a group in the Synoptics, Acts, the Mishna
and Tosefta may be considered accurate in the sense that scribes shared
the same profession.56
In the first century the association of scribes with the writing of the
sacred Scriptures is further indirectly attested in the Psalms Scroll,
4 Ezra, and some passages in the Targumim.57 It is assumed that titles
were not used in a rigid way and could therefore be applied to these
figures of the past who in some way had fulfilled a role similar to that
of scribes in the authors' contemporary society.58
To summarize this possible aspect of the model: some scribes may
have gained knowledge of the sacred books through their copying and
reading the latter, and knowledge of the laws as writers in courts. By
the end of the Second-Temple period the association of this expertise
with scribes may have become well established. Scribes with this kind
of expertise would have existed alongside high official scribes who had
a reputation as sages on account of their wisdom derived from their
education, training and social background. The latter type of scribes
would have existed mainly in Jerusalem while the former would have
been present throughout the country. Otherwise, however, no clear line
may be drawn between these types of scribes.
To return to the description of the model for the Hellenistic period,
the influence of Hellenistic culture on Jewish-Hellenistic literature must
be considered in association with the almost complete lack of refer-
ences to scribes in these writings. Some authors, especially those who
may have written in Alexandria, a centre of Hellenistic culture during
this period, combined their Jewish background with the study of Greek
54. Cf. 2.4.6; 2.4.11; 2.4.12; 2.4.14.

55. For more details, cf. the explanation below, pp. 271-72.
56. Cf. 2.4.6.1; 2.4.6.2; 2.4.6.3; 2.4.11; 2.4.12. However, cf. also a different
possible interpretation of the evidence in the context of the Roman period.
57. Cf. 2.4.1; 2.4.7; 2.4.14 (e.g. Targ. to Num. 21.18 and Targ. to Deut. 33.21).
For further details and an explanation why such great figures of the past as David
and Moses, who surely never occupied the position of a scribe or functioned as pro-
fessional writers, were designated as scribes, cf. pp. 323-24.
58. Cf. factor 12.
literature and philosophy and wrote in thoroughly Hellenistic genres.59

These authors expressed their beliefs, customs, philosophy or the his-
tory of the Jewish people in Greek terms. Considering the general
Greek notion of scribes as officials and professional writers only, the
lack of references to Jewish scribes in the Letter ofAristeas, the writ-
ings of Artapanus and Philo, and other Greek-Jewish writers is not sur-
prising. Scribes as professional writers and officials cannot be expected
to be mentioned while scholars and wise men would be designated as
scribes.60
In contrast, the Greek translations of biblical writings display a
notion of scribes not otherwise attested in Jewish Greek sources from
Egypt. Although the semantic ranges of the Hebrew "1CD1C?, ~121D, and
ypaujiaTe'uq in their respective languages overlapped, they were not
identical. With a few exceptions the translators did not take into
account the notion of scribes in the target language Greek which led to
the association of the whole range of functions of the biblical HtDlC* and
"1210 with the ypaiiumetx;.61 The resulting notion of scribes in the
Greek biblical writings can thus be entirely ascribed to the translation
and the different semantic ranges of the respective Hebrew and Greek
terms. It does not reflect the role and functions of Jewish scribes in Hel-
lenistic Egypt.
To summarize, until the beginning of the Roman period, Jewish
scribes were performing a variety of different roles and functions in
Jerusalem and other cities. Some scribes combined high official posi-
tions with education and wisdom and in this role continued to represent
the Near Eastern notion of scribes with its wide range of functions and
expertise. Generally, scribes had become established in towns and vil-
lages where they had previously not been common. On all levels
scribes who functioned as officials in the administration of the province
derived both prestige and status from their official positions. In the vil-
lages common people dealt with the official administration through
official scribes. Furthermore, through the presence of scribes at this
level, locals had easier access to written documents used for their own
purposes which became increasingly popular. Scribes who produced
these written documents for the local population also derived some
59. Cf. factor 4.

60. Cf. factors 4, 11, 13; 2.5.
61. Cf. factor 11; 2.3.1; 2.3.6; 2.3.7.
prestige from their expertise in the formulae and language of valid doc-
uments which were increasingly valued as means of proof. In addition
to scribes who were employed in the official administration, indepen-
dent scribes could be found in growing numbers in towns and cities.
According to this model some of the independent scribes came to spe-
cialize in the copying of books and/or sacred scrolls while others
mainly drew up secular written documents. Scribes may or may not
have derived influence and authority as experts in the Scriptures and the
laws through reading and copying the sacred writings and as writers in
courts.
Roman Period
Scribes continued to function as officials and independent professional
writers in the Herodian kingdom and under direct Roman rule. For this
period the evidence for scribes on the mid and lower levels of the
administration and for independent scribes is more widespread than for
the previous periods. The evidence includes Josephus's references to
village scribes and the scribe of the strategos of the Temple, the docu-
mentary material from the Judaean desert including Babatha's and
Salome Komaise's archives, and the frequent references to professional
writers of documents in the Mishna and Tosefta.62 The Mishna also
contains evidence for the existence of independent scribes selling their
services in the market place.63 Under direct Roman rule some new posi-
tions were created which were usually occupied by local scribes. The
title AapXapioq was introduced by the Roman administration and both
the title and the position were apparently regarded as prestigious. This
accounts for the subscriptions of two scribes with their title and name
to several of Babatha's documents. Furthermore, the influence of the
Roman administration provides an explanation for the use of the title
"folh in the Mishna and Tosefta.64
The presence of the Roman administrative system further amplified
the use of and value assigned to written documents by the common
people and thus continued to boost the status and prestige of scribes in
their immediate environment.65 This factor, together with the expansion
62. Cf. 2.4.5 (Josephus, War 1.479; Ant. 20.208); 2.4.9; 2.4.11; 2.4.12.
63. Cf. 2.4.11 (e.g. Git 3.1).
64. Cf. factor 20; 2.4.9 (e.g. P. Yad. 15); 2.4.11 (e.g. Sab. 1.3); 2.4.12 (e.g.
t. Git. 6.8).
65. Cf. factors 20, 25.
of the population, the continuing influence of Hellenistic culture and its

interest in books and book collections, and the growing use of letters
for communication of private or business matters increased the num-
bers of scribes. More work for independent scribes was created which
in turn further facilitated specialization.66
Besides scribes who functioned as officials on the mid and lower
levels of the administration, some scribes occupied high official posi-
tions during the Roman period. As in the previous periods they were
mainly located in Jerusalem and, in keeping with the Near Eastern
tradition, some scribes had the reputation of scholars and wise men.67
Titles were, however, not used rigidly and some individuals with the
knowledge and wisdom of educated scribes may have been designated
as scribes even if they were not employed by the government or admin-
istration or worked as professional writers.68 In any case, the general
education, training and study of scholarly and wise scribes will have
included the sacred Scriptures, which contained the national traditions
and laws and were considered to be the most significant source for wis-
dom. In this sense some scholarly scribes could be designated as
experts in the laws and the Scriptures although this should not be
understood as the characteristic of scribes. This model interprets the
following evidence as an indication that these educated and wise
scribes existed and could be found mainly in Jerusalem: Josephus's ref-
erences to Aristeus who was the scribe of the council of Jerusalem, to
the sacred scribes, and possibly also to Diophantus, the scribe of King
Herod;69 the Gospel of Matthew's claim that scribes were among those
who interpreted the scriptures and advised King Herod about the birth
of the messiah;70 the Gospel of Mark's association of influential scribes
mainly with Jerusalem;71 and the Mishna's tradition about the scribe
Nahum who had a reputation for expertise in the traditions and the laws
and could be found in Jerusalem.72
The model further assumes that the role and functions generally
ascribed to scribes in the Synoptics and Acts, the Mishna, Tosefta and
66. Cf. factors 18, 24,29,30.

67. Cf. factor 11.
68. Cf. factor 12.
69. Cf. 2.4.5 (Josephus, War 5.532; War 1.529; Ant. 20.208; War 6.291).
70. Cf. 2.4.6.3 (Mt. 2.3-4).
71. Cf. 2.4.6.1 (e.g. Mk 7.1).
72. Cf. 2.4.11 (Pe 'ah 2.6); for an alternative explanation, cf. p. 267.
the Targumim reflect the type of influential and knowledgeable scribe

of the Near Eastern tradition.73 The discrepancies between the portray-
als of scribes in these and other sources can be explained as follows.
First, Josephus and the authors and compilers of the Synoptics and
Acts, the Mishna, Tosefta and the Targumim were all selective in their
presentation of scribes according to their respective interests. Josephus
takes into account his non-Jewish Graeco-Roman audience's perception
of scribes when describing contemporaneous Jewish society. He refers
to scribes in a variety of influential official positions with which his
audience would have been familiar but does not mention other than
writing expertise in association with prominent scribes in Jerusalem.74
In contrast, the Synoptics refer to the scribes* authority and expertise in
the Scriptures and their influence in society but do not mention official
positions. The authors of the Synoptics, especially Luke and Matthew,
were not interested in a differentiated portrayal of scribes but only in
their stereotyped role as leaders in opposition to Jesus.75 Furthermore,
the inaccurate portrayal of scribes as a well-defined group may be
ascribed to the same lack of interest and/or the authors' misinterpreta-
tion of the sources.76 The fact that the Mishna and Tosefta refer to
scribes of the past as legal experts but do not mention official positions
either, can be understood as a result of the compilers' sole interest in
legal matters.77 Similarly, the Targumic association of scribes with the
role of interpreters of the law and the Scriptures is likely to have
derived from the translators' strong interest in the interpretation of the
Scriptures.78 The portrayal of scribes in each of these sources of evi-
dence should therefore be understood as a partial reflection of the vari-
ety of their functions and roles during the Second-Temple, resulting
from the confined interests of the authors and compilers of these
sources.
Secondly, the non-rigid use of titles in combination with specific lit-
erary genres accounts for some of the discrepancies between the
73. Cf. 2.4.6; 2.4.11; 2.4.12; 2.4.14.

74. Cf. factor 10; 2.5. With regard to the biblical period of Jewish history Jose-
phus simply retains the biblical notion of scribes (cf. 2.4.4).
75. Cf. 2.4.6.2; 2.4.6.3; factor 7.
76. Cf. factorS.
77. Cf. factors 7, 9; 2.4.11; 2.4.12.
78. Cf. factor 7; 2.4.14.
sources with regard to scribes.79 The fluid use of titles may be found
mainly in literary genres which did not intend to describe the realities
of contemporary society accurately. This factor partially explains the
application of titles, which usually designate scribes, to certain figures
of the past like honorary titles. In all cases the figures are associated
directly or indirectly with the writing of the sacred Scriptures or parts
thereof. This includes King David in the Psalms Scroll from Qumran
who is said to have written songs and psalms, Ezra who according to
4 Ezra indirectly wrote the whole of the sacred Scriptures revealed
through divine inspiration, and Moses in the Targumim, whose associ-
ation with the writing of the law is apparent.80
A third factor explains the discrepancy between the role of scribes as
described in Jewish sources and the complete lack of references to Jew-
ish scribes in pagan sources. The pagan authors simply did not mention
important and influential Jewish scribes in their comments on Jews and
Judaism because of their lack of interest in and general ignorance of
Jewish society.81
Confusion with regard to the role and functions of Jewish scribes in
the Roman period can also be partly ascribed to the linguistic situation
in Palestine and the different semantic ranges of the terms "1210, K~IDO,
and YpotuuatexK;.82 Semitic writings, such as the Psalms Scroll, the
Mishna, Tosefta and the Targumim, as might be expected, reflect the
Near Eastern notion of scribes associated with "BIOAOSO.83 With
regard to the Greek sources the situation is more complex. While Jose-
phus's writings, the documentary evidence, the Kaige-Theodotion and
Aquila's translations reflect the common Graeco-Roman notion of
scribes,84 other Greek sources associate the ypauuotTetx; with a variety
of functions and expertise not usually fulfilled by scribes in the Graeco-
Roman world. For example, the portrayal of scribes in the Synoptics
creates confusion because these writings portray ypaujuxTei<; with some
functions usually only associated with a "IBIOAOSO in accordance with
the Near Eastern notion of scribes.85 The only author of the Synoptics
79. Cf. factors 9, 12.

80. Cf. 2.4.1; 2.4.7; 2.4.14 (e.g. Targ. to Num. 21.18; Targ. to Deut 33.21).
81. Cf. factors.
82. Cf. factor 11.
83. Cf. 2.4.1; 2.4.11; 2.4.12; 2.4.14; factor 11.
84. Cf. 2.4.3; 2.4.5; 2.4.9; 2.4.10; factor 11.
85. Cf. factor 11; 2.4.6.1; 2.4.6.2; 2.4.6.3; cf. also 2.3.1.
who noticed or was interested in the discrepancy between the semantic

ranges of the Semitic and the Greek terms was the author of Luke-Acts.
He clarified the roles associated with Jewish scribes in accordance with
his own understanding. By using the common Greek word VOUIKOI and
the easily understandable term vo(io8i8daKaôi as synonyms for ypau-
umeiq, he expressed what he understood to be the main function of
scribes: expertise in the law/Scriptures.86 Similarly, Symmachus was
aware that other functions and expertise were associated with the title
ypaunmetx; and he therefore used the term ypaêxx; in his translation if
the context indicated the function of writing.87
A further significant factor of this model is the diversity of late
Second-Temple Palestinian Judaism.88 Many different individuals of
varying backgrounds could gain or claim expertise in the interpretation
of the Scriptures which occupied such a central place in Jewish society.
This allows for some scribes to be associated with expertise in the
Scriptures and the law. The diverse nature of Judaism thus provided the
context in which individual scribes could gain authority and influence
with regard to their expertise in the Scriptures, as is evident from the
Synoptics and rabbinic literature.89
Until the end of the Second-Temple period some scribes, designated
with the titles ypauuorcetx;, ~)D10, N"1BO, and "iW?, were associated with
authority in the interpretation of the Scriptures and expertise in the law.
Model one assumes that in the post-70 period some of these scribes
joined the rabbinic movement but were not identical with it. This
accounts for the fact that some rules and laws which were enacted by
scribes were considered part of the rabbinic legal system but that the
rabbis remembered their distinctive origin.90 In the rabbinic movement
these scribes were either designated by others with different names or
titles, or they themselves chose to adopt new titles. The use of such
titles as "O"), p~l, and the description DDPI accounts for the lack of refer-
ences to scribes as contemporaneous legal experts in the rabbinic
sources.91 Part of the explanation for this change of titles may be found
in the shifting settlement patterns after the First and Second Revolt.
86. Cf. 2.4.6.2.

87. Cf. 2.4.10.
88. Cf. factor 28.
89. Cf. factor 28; 2.4.6; 2.4.11; 2.4.12; 2.4.14.
90. Cf. factor 22; 2.4.11; 2.4.12.
91. Cf. 2.4.11; 2.4.12.
After the First Revolt, the majority of the rabbinic elite moved to Jabne
and Lydda in Judaea, and after the Second Revolt to several cities in
Galilee. Most of these cities were characterized by a strong Hellenistic
culture.92 In a Roman-Hellenistic environment, the title ypauumexK; did
not carry the same prestige and associations as the titles ~!S10 and N~1BO.
It is assumed that the Greek notion of a scribe had an impact on the use
of the title in contemporary Jewish society and that this is reflected in
rabbinic literature.93 This accounts for the fact that in the Mishna,
Tosefta and Targumim the titles "1210, K1SD, and ~t7^> are only used to
refer to legal experts and interpreters of the Scriptures of the past, that
is, of the Second-Temple period.94
So far this model has mainly described the role and functions of
scribes in Palestinian Judaism. Diversity in Diaspora Judaism with
regard to the structure and organization of Jewish society makes it nec-
essary to explain the evidence from Egypt and Rome separately.95
With regard to Egypt, this model postulates that Jewish scribes func-
tioned as professional writers only. In Alexandria, for example, they
served the needs for written documents of the largely independent Jew-
ish community. As already mentioned above, in this role they were of
insufficient significance to be mentioned in the extant Jewish writings
from Egypt such as the Letter of Aristeas and Philo's writings.96 If the
Testament of Abraham is assumed to have originated in Egypt it would
provide the only tangible piece of evidence for the notion of Jewish
scribes as professional writers in the area.97 Other functions and exper-
tise, for example the interpretation of the Scriptures, were not associ-
ated with Jewish scribes in Egypt and it is assumed that from the
beginning of the existence of Jewish communities in this country the
functions of Jewish scribes were in agreement with those of their non-
Jewish counterparts.98
The position of scribes in the Roman Jewish communities was dif-
ferent. All or some of the functions of scribes associated with the Jew-
ish communities in Rome may be understood as an evolution of the
92. Cf. factors 22, 23.

93. Cf. factors 11, 22, 23.
94. Cf. 2.4.11; 2.4.12; 2.4.14.
95. Cf. factor 13.
96. Cf. factor 13; 2.5.
97. Cf. factor 13; 2.4.8.
98. Cf. factor 13; 2.5.
Palestinian Jewish notion of scribes. Once the role of Jewish scribes

had been exported to Rome as the result of forced and voluntary emi-
grations of Palestinian Jews, the role of scribes may have developed
independently. What had previously been one of many functions of a
scribe in Palestinian society may have become an exclusive function in
the Roman communities. This may explain why the titles ypau-dj^ctTexx;
and gram(m)ateus were used in such a highly formalized way, desig-
nating a specific prestigious and probably also influential position in the
individual Jewish communities." However, it must be emphasized that
the evidence from the Roman Jewish communities is one or two cen-
turies younger than the material from Palestine and Egypt.100
Summary
The model emphasizes the evidence for the variety of roles and func-
tions associated with Jewish scribes in agreement with the ancient Near
Eastern tradition. Much of the confusion concerning the titles and
functions of scribes may be ascribed to the multilingual situation in
Palestine and geographical differences between the role of scribes in
communities in Palestine and the Diaspora. According to the proposed
model, scribes will have functioned as officials and professional writers
during the entire period under consideration, but some scribes will also
have been known as scholars, intellectuals, sages, and expert inter-
preters of the Scriptures and the law.
It is not claimed that this model provides the only possible inter-
pretation of the evidence but according to the view of the author it pro-
vides the most likely explanation of all the evidence and presents a
more adequate description of the development of the role and functions
of scribes during the Second-Temple period than has so far been
suggested.
99. Cf. factor 13.

100. Cf. 2.4.13.
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Urbach, E.E., The Halakhah, its Sources and Development (Yad La-Talmud; Jerusalem:
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INDEXES
INDEX OF REFERENCES
OLD TESTAMENT
Genesis 20.5-8 126 1 Kings

4.21-24 90 20.5 73,74,115, 5.12 124
9.20-21 126 116,127
49 85, 240 20.8 73,74,115 2 Kings
49.10 104, 105, 20.9 73,74,115 15.1-7 67
240, 241 22.9-11 221 22.3-13 63
29.10 74 22.3-7 68
Exodus 31.28 74 22.3-6 64
5.6 73 33 85 22.3-5 63
5.10 73 33.10 86 22.8 246
5.14 73 33.21 105, 125, 22.10 246
5.15 73 204, 243, 25.19 68, 74, 76,
5.19 73 246, 319, 77
18.21 74 324
18.25 74 3 Kings
Joshua 4.3 76
Leviticus 1.10 76,115,217
18.6-18 220 3.2 76 4 Kings
19.19 221 9.2 76 12.11 76
19.23-24 221 23.2 76 18.18 76
18.37 76
Numbers
Judges 19.2 76
1 1 16 73
5.9-10 244,318 22.3 76
21.18 105, 125,
5.9 244 22.8 76
204, 241,
5.10 244 22.10 76
242, 246,
25.19 74, 76, 77,
319, 324
1 Samuel 81,82
24.6 242
10.5-12 245
33.14 242
14.31-35 130 1 Chronicles
33.45 242 69, 70, 82
2.55
2 Samuel 4.15 70
Deuteronomy
8.17 76 4.21 70
1.15 74
20.25 76 4.23 70
16.18 74, 111,217
24.4 131 9.33-34 69
20.5-9 115,116,
24.9 132
127
16.4-6 69 7-10 49 36.2 78

18.15-17 62,66 7 50 36.3 78
21.2 131 7.1-5 50 36.11 78
21 .4 131 7.6 50, 52, 95, 36.22 74,78,115,
23-27 65 96 127
23 65 7.7 48 37.2 78
23.4-5 68 7.10 50,57
23.4 68,82,111 7.11 52,53 Jeremiah
24 65 7.12-25 51 4.13-16 248
24.6 65, 66, 82, 7.12 52, 53, 204 6.13 248
87,311 7.14 50 8.8 80,216,247
25 65 7.21 52,53 8.9-10 247
26 65 7.25-26 55 8.10 247
26.29 82,217 7.25 111 14 248
27.1 82 10.23-24 58 14.18 248
27.32-34 66 23.11 248
27.32 66,82 Nehemiah 23.33-34 248
1.1-7.73 49 26.7 247
2 Chronicles 7.1 58 26.8 247
5.12 69 7.43-60 58 26.11 247
19.11 82, 217 7.44 69 26.16 247
24.11 62 7.73 58 36 80
26.6-15 67 8-9 49 36.10 80
26.11 67, 77, 82, 8 57 36.12 80
111,132 8.1 57 36.23 80
34.8-21 63 8.13 57 36.26 80
34.8-11 64 11.1-36 49 52.24-25 81
34.8-10 63 12.31-43 49 52.25 74, 77, 79,
34.8 63 13.4-31 49 81,82,115,
34.9-13 68,69 13.13 58,87,112, 127
34.12-13 58,68 290,311
34.13 66, 68, 69, Ezekiel
82,87,111, Esther 9.2 128, 216,
311 8.9 54 217
34.15 63,82
34.18 63,82 Psalms Micah
34.20 63,82 45.2 216,217 5.1 193
36.20 60
Proverbs 1 Esdras
Ezra 6.7 128, 217 2.15 108
1-7 49 2.16 108
1.1 48 Isaiah 2.19 108
2.40-57 58 3.2 248 2.25 108
2.41 69 9.14 248 8.3 108, 109
4 59 10.2 156 8.8-9 109
4.8 54 28.7-8 318 8.8 109
4.17 54 33.18 201, 216, 8.9 109
4.23 54 217 8.19 109
8.23 110 23.13 112 5.42 114-16, 120,

9.39 109,110 121
9.42 109 Ecclesiasticus 6.1-7.4 116
9.49 109,110 9.17-10.5 104 7.5 116
10.5 100, 104, 7.12-13 116-20,314
2 Esdras 240 7.12 117, 118,
4.8-9 108 38.24-39.11 21, 100-105, 124
4.17 108 123 7.13 117
4.23 108 38.24-34 100 7.14 116
7.6 108 38.24 100, 101
7.11-12 109 38.32-39.11 101 2 Maccabees
7.11 109 38.33-39.3 195 1.18-2.13 105
7.21 109 38.34 100 2.23-25 121
7.25 111, 112 39.1-11 100-102 2.25 121
18.1 109, 110 6.18 123
18.4 109 1 Maccabees 6.21-28 123
18.9 109, 110 1.56-57 302 6.23 123
18.13 108 2.42 118 6.28 123
22.26 108 3.55-56 116 14 119
3.55 116
NEW TESTAMENT
Matthew 14.1 196 23.2-7 186

2.1-12 193 14.9 196 23.2-3 18t
2.1 196 15.1-2 181 23.2 187
2.3-4 181,322 15.14 188 23.4 186
2.22 196 16.1 267 23.5 187
2.23 179 16.5-12 187 23.7 187
3.1 196 16.6 267 23.8-12 192
3.7 267 16.11 267 23.13 186, 188
4.12 196 16.12 267 23.15 188
5.17-19 194 16.21-23 181 23.16-22 189
5.20 194 17.10 181 23.16 188
7.28-29 181 19.1 196 23.23 186, 189
8.19 181, 182 19.16 172 23.24 188, 190
9.3 181 20.17-19 181 23.25-26 160, 186
9.9-13 183 21.12-17 183 23.25 190
9.12 199 21.23 182, 199 23.26 190
12.9-14 166 21.33-46 182 23.27-28 190
12.22-32 183 21.45 199 23.29-30 186
12.24 183 22.23 267 23.34-36 191
12.38-42 181 22.34 267 23.34 191, 192,
12.38 181,193, 22.35 167, 171, 196
199 172 23.35-36 191
13.52 192, 194, 22.41-46 182 26.3 184, 199
195 23 170, 185, 26.47 184
14.1-12 196 186, 191 26.57 184, 196
26.59 184 11.15-18 183 9.22 166

27.1 184 11.18 157 10.25-30 172
27.2 196 11.27-28 150, 165 10.25 171, 172
27.11-26 196 11.27 182 11.14-23 183
21 M 184 12.1-12 182 11.29-32 181
27.20 184 12.12 199 11.29 199
27.41 184 12.18 267 11.37-54 169
12.28-34 154 11.37-53 171
Mark 12.28-33 150 11.39-41 186
1.21-28 168 12.28 154, 167, 11.39 190
1.21-27 149 172 11.42 186, 190
1.22 149, 150, 12.30-40 160 11.43 166, 170
181 12.35-37 150, 182 11.44 190
2.6-7 151 12.35 150, 199 11.45-48 186
2.6 169, 181 12.38-40 155, 157, 11.46 170, 186,
2.13-17 151, 183 166, 186 187
2.16 151, 152, 12.38-39 186 11.47-48 170
165 12.38 156 11.49-51 191
3.1-6 166 12.40 156, 157 11.52 170, 186,
3.20-27 183 14.1 158, 184 188
3.22 151, 154, 14.43 158, 184, 12.58 176
199 199 13.35 164
5.1 159 14.55 184 15.1-2 165
6.14 159 15.1-15 196 17.11 176
6.21 176 15.1-5 184 18.18 172, 176
6.22 159 15.1 158, 199 19.43.44 164
6.25 159 15.31 158, 184 19.45-48 183
6.26 159, 196 19.47-48 166
6.27 159 Luke 19.47 176
6.32-33 159 1.1-4 163, 174 20.1-2 165
6.53 159 1.5 175 20.1 182, 199
7.1-23 152 2.1-2 175 20.9-20 182
7.1-3 181 2.2 175 20.19 182, 199
7.1-2 153 2.46 109 20.27 267
7.1 151,322 3.1-2 175 20.39 167
7.3-4 148, 153 4.31-37 168 20.41-44 168, 182
8.10 159 4.44 176 20.41 168, 182
8.11-21 181 5.17-26 171 20.45-47 165, 186
8.31-33 181 5.17 169 20.46-47 186
8.31 158 5.21 169 20.46 170
9.11 150, 181 5.27-32 165 21.20 164
9.14 151,199 5.30 165, 173, 22.2 184, 199
10.1 158, 196 199 22.52 167, 176,
10.17 172 6.6-11 166, 167 184
10.32-34 181 6.7 166 22.66 166, 168
10.33 158 6.11 166 23.1-2 167, 168
10.46 158 7.1 176 23.5 176
11.1 158 9.7 196 23.9-10 168
23.13 176 4.1 176, 267 23.9 173

23.35 176, 184 4.5-6 173 24.27 175
24.20 176 5.17 267 27.1 163
5.24 176 28.16 163
John 5.26 176
3.1 267 5.34-39 219 1 Corinthians
5.2 267 5.34 169, 287 1.11-12 200
6.10 267 5.36-37 175 1.18-31 200
7.22 267 5.37 175 1.18 200
7.32 267 6.12-13 173 1.19-20 200
7.53-8.11 143 10.1 176 1.20 201
8.2-11 266 16.10-17 163 3.10 200
9.22 268 18.1-18 200 7.1 200
11.1-57 267 18.1-11 200 8.7 200
11.47-53 269 18.3 278
11.47-48 267 18.12 175 Colossians
12.10 267 19.1-10 200 4.10-14 164
12.42 267, 268 19.35 173 4.14 163
16.2 268 20.5-15 163
18.19 267 21.1-18 163 2 Timothy
22.3 219, 278 4.11 163
Acts 23.1-10 173
1.1-2 163 23.6 267 Philemon
3.13 163 23.7 267 24 163
3.15 163 23.8 267
OTHER ANCIENT SOURCES
Pseudepigrapha 103.2 94 39 263

1 Enoch 104.7 97 46 263
1-36 91 106.19 94 121-22 263
7.1-2 93 108.8 95
12.3-4 92 Jubilees
12.4 92, 208 2 Enoch 4.17 98
13.3-7 93 53.2 98, 208 4.23-24 208
14.4 93
14.7 93 4 Ezra T. Abr.
15.1 93 14 204 11.3 207
37-71 91 14.1-50 202
72-106 91 14.1 204 T. Levi
81.1-2 94 14.21 202 1.1 85
89.68-71 97 14.23 204 8.17 85-87
90.14 97 14.37-50 203 13.1-2 86
91-105 94 14.37-47 203 13.2 86
92.1 94,95,97 14.50 204
93.2 94 Christian Authors
98.7-8 97 Ep. Arist. 1 Clem.
98.15 97 32 263 47.1 200
Clement of Alexandria 7.318-20 131 1.3 134

Strom. 7.319 131,132 1.78-80 142
1.23.153.4 264, 265 7.320 132 1.110-13 254
10.58-59 133 1.311-13 198
Eusebius 10.94-95 133 1.479 88, 134, 135,
Hist. Eccles. 11.244-68 132 292, 313,
3.39.15 148 11.248 132, 133 321
3.39.16 178 11.250 132, 133 1.529 136, 322
12.138-44 69,88 1.648-55 142
Praep. Evang. 12.142 89 1.648-511 253
9.26.1 264 12.395-96 117 1.651-55 198
9.27.1-37 265 13-20 134 2.39-79 175
13.297-98 270 2.43 176
Philo 13.297 154 2.118 253
Agric. 13.311-13 142 2.159 142
1 126 13.401-407 254 2.162-66 254
148 126, 127 13.401-406 270 2.162 142
149-56 126 15.373-79 142 2.175-77 159
157-81 126 16.203 88, 134,313 2.259 142
16.319 136 2.261-63 142
Place . 17.41-43 156 2.409 137
3 126,261 17.149-67 142, 198 2.417 254
74-76 260 17.152 253 2.433 253
17.155 253 2.445 253
Leg. Gal. 17.271-98 175 3.35-40 176
301 159 17.345-48 142 3.48 176
18.4-11 253 3.252 142
Omn. Prob. Lib. 18.11-17 254 3.340-91 142
73-74 261 18.17 270 3.352-53 142
75-88 261 18.23-25 253 3.352 254, 258
75-82 261 18.60-62 159 5.532 138, 306,
18.81-82 156 322
Spec. Leg. 18.240-56 159 6.285 142
2.62 261 20.97-99 142, 175 6.286 142
20.115 302 6.288-311 140
Vit. Cont. 20.169 142 6.291 97, 140-42,
16-80 261 20.208-209 131, 137 193, 283,
20.208 311,321, 322
Josephus 322 6.295 140
Ant.
2.205 141, 193 Apion Artapanm
2.209 141 1.42-44 302 frag. 3.26 265
2.234 141 1.54 254 frag. 3.4 265
2.243 141 1.289-92 141 frag. 3.6 265
2.255 141 2.175-78 302
2.347 129 2.187 142 Eupolemus
6.120-21 130 frag, la 264
6.120 130-32 War frag. Ib 264
QUMRAN
1QH IQSa UQPsa
11.24 124 1.7 258, 260 27 125
27.2-11 125
1QM 4QEnGiantsa 27.2-5 124
2.1 260 8.1-4 96 27.2 125
2.7 260 8.3-4 97 27.4-10 124
4.1-5 260
7.14 260 4QEnGiantsb 11QTS
7.16 260 ii.14-15 96 42.13-15 260
8.1 260 51.11 260
10.5 260 4QEng
2.22-24 95 CD
1QS 1.11 259
3.13-15 259 4QMMT 6.7 259
6.6-7 258, 260 95 258, 260 7.18-20 259
7.23-24 259 19.35 259
9.12-19 259 4Q213 20.14 259
11.1 259 1.2.9-12 86 20.28 259
RABBINIC REFERENCES
Targums Targ. Jonathan Isa. Targ. Onq. Gen.

Targ. Jonathan 1 Sam. 9.14 248 49.10 240
10.10 245,248 28.7-8 249
10.11 245,248 28.7 249 Targ. Onq. Num.
10.12 245 21.18 241
10.5 245, 248 Targ. Jonathan Jer.
19.20-24 245 8.10 247 Mishnah
19.20 248 8.11 247 Ab.
19.23 248 18.18 249 6.9 218
19.24 248 29.1 249
28.15 245 B. Mes.
28.6 245 Targ. Jonathan Judg. 5.11 224
5.9 244
Targ. Jonathan 2 Kgs Git.
17.13 246 Targ. Neof. Deut. 3.1 224, 225,
23.2 246 33.21 243 321
7.2 224, 225
Targ. Jonathan Ezek. Targ. Neof. Gen. 8.8 224, 225
7.26 249 49.10 241 9.8 224, 225
Targ. Jonathan Hos. Targ. Neof. Num. Kel.

4.4-6 249 21.18 241 13.7 223
Ned. Yad. Miq.

9.2 224-26 3.2 221, 222, 5.4 231
232
Par. 4.6 222 Nid.
11.5 221 9.14 231
11.6 221 Yeb.
2.4 220, 221 Par.
Pe'ah 3.1 221 11.5 231
2.6 219,220, 9.3 220, 221
227, 233, Qid.
287, 318, 'Or. 4.13 233
322 3.9 221 5.10 233
5.21 231
Pes. Tosefta
3.1 229 B. Mes. Sanh.
6.16 232 2.6 232, 233,
Qid. 6.17 232 300
4.12 228 9.1 232
4.13 228 B. Qam.
4.14 229 7.4 232 Suk.
2.6 234
Sab. Dem.
1.3 224, 321 2.5 231 T. Ta'an.
12.5 229, 230 2.6 231
'Ed.
Sanh. 1.1 231,232 Teb. Y.
4.3 224, 226, 1.5 231 1.8-10 232
227, 269, 1.8-9 232
306, 318 Git. 1.10 222, 231,
4.4 220 2.7 232 232
5.5 224, 226 2.8 232
11.2 220 6.8 232, 321 Yeb.
11.3 223 2.4 231
Kel. B. Bat. 3.1 231
Sot. 7.7 231
9.15 219 Talmuds
Kel. B. Mes. b. Pes.
Toh. 3.14 231 42b 229
4.7 221
4.11 221
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Abel,F.M. 118 Blenkinsopp, J. 45, 51, 55, 58

Aejmelaeus, A. 72 Bloch,J. 201
Ahlstrom, G.W. 44, 45, 49, 55, 274, 279 Blumberg, H.J. 251
Aland, B. 143, 149, 151 Bock,D.L. 164
Aland, K. 143, 149, 151 Bogaert, P.-M. 79,81
Alexander, P.S. 40 Bovon, F. 169-71
Alston, R. 127,211 Bowersock, G.W. 211
Anderson, J.D. 296, 305 Bowman, A.K. 141,295,307
Andrews, C. 141 Braude, B. 251
Ashton, J. 267, 268 Brock, S.P. 39, 128
Avigad,N. 46,81 Brooke, G. 84
Brooke, GJ. 128
Bacon, B.W. 180 Broshi.M. 252
Bagnall,R.S. 292 Brown, R.E. 178, 179
Baillet,M. 98 Bruce, F.F. 173,200
Balch.D.L. 178 Burmeister, K.H. 139
Balentine, S.E. 305
Bar-Ilan,M. 30-32,308 Caird, G.B. 75
Bar-Kochva, B. 115, 116,123 Caradice, I. 54
Barclay, J.M.G. 288 Carson, D.A. 39,266
Barthelemy, D. 84 Cassidy, R.J. 174, 175
Barton,!. 305 Charlesworth, J.H. 84, 124
Baumgarten, A.I. 26 Chilton.B. 249
Beard, M. 295,301 Clark-Wire, A. 178
Beare, F.W. 172, 178, 192, 195 Clarke, E.G. 242
Becker, H.-J. 197 Clines, DJ.A. 101
Becker,!. 85,198 Cockle, W.E.H. 41
Begg, C. 106 Coggins,R.J. 106, 109, 110
Benoit,P. 214,215 Cohen, S.J.D. 25,41, 134,297
Berman, MJ. 306 Collins, J. 84, 123
Betz, O. 69, 156, 195 Collins, JJ. 122
Beyer, K. 214 Colson.F.H. 126
Bickerman, E. 25-27, 29, 114 Conzelmann, H. 200
Bilde, P. 129, 130, 134, 252, 256 Cook, M.J. 162
Billerbeck, P. 15, 18, 156 Cope,O.L. 195
Black, M. 16,21,91,92,95-97 Cotton, H.M. 41,213,214
Blackman,P. 219,225,228 Cox.C.E. 107
Cranfield, C.E.B. 149, 150, 156, 160 Gabba,E. 37,38,279,281,283

Crawford, M. 37,42,277 Gafni,!. 256
Curtin, E.V. 306 Gamble, H.Y. 152, 163, 257-59, 285,
294
Danby, H. 224,225,228 Gammie, J.G. 51, 101, 102, 104, 277
Dandamaev, M.A. 54 Gardner, A.E. 107
Daube, D. 149, 150 Garland, D.E. 184, 185, 187-90, 195,
Davies, M. 192, 194, 266-69 198
Davies, P.R. 44, 117, 119, 144, 301 Gentzler, E. 283
Davies, R.W. 116,127 Gershevitch, I. 285
Davies, W.D. 180 Gese, H. 69
Dearman, J.A. 81 Gilbert, M. 98, 101
Delcor, M. 206 Gnilka,J. 149-51,153-56,158,159,
Denis, A.-M. 206,207 172, 185, 187, 192, 193, 195
Di Leila, A. 98-103 Golb,N. 257,259
Diamant, D. 91 Goldstein, J.A. 113-15, 117
Dobschiitz, E. von 178 Goodblatt,D. 89,139,227
Dommershausen, W. 113, 115, 117 Goodman, M. 16,25,26
Donceel-Voute, P.H.E. 259 Goodman, M.D. 13, 28, 29, 41, 42, 139,
Doran.R. 121,122 157, 162, 189, 211, 223, 227, 233,
Dungan.D.L. 145 258, 268, 288, 296, 297, 302, 304,
305
Edelman, D. 274 Goulder, M.D. 145, 171, 178
Edgar, C.C. 87 Grabbe, L.L. 44, 45, 49-51, 53, 58, 89,
Elgvin, T. 84 101,105,114,119,123,128,216,
Elsener, F. 139 287, 291, 292, 294, 301, 302
Emerton, J.A. 47, 65, 307 Gray.R. 142
Erman, A. 102, 103 Green, W.S. 304,305
Ernst, J. 164, 170 Greenfield, J.C. 86, 209, 210, 285
Eskenazi, T.C. 49 Gressmann, H. 103
Evans, C.F. 169 Grossfeld,B. 240,241
Evans, R.K. 306 Guelich,R.A. 153
Eyben, E. 305 Gundry, R.H. 180, 193, 195, 198
Eynikel, E. 75 Gunneweg, A.H.J. 47, 49, 50
Guthrie, D. 144, 146
Farmer, W.R. 145 Gutmann, J. 288
Feld,H. 195 Gyselen, R. 259
Feldman, L.H. 90, 130, 137, 252, 255,
256 Haase.W. 204
Field, F. 128 Hadidian, D.Y. 145
Fischer, T. 89,118 Haelst, J. van 266
Fishbane, M. 33 Haenchen, E. 144, 173, 174, 190
Fishman, J.A. 284 Hammond, N.G.L. 254
Fitzmyer, J.A. 163, 164, 169, 170, 176 Hanhart,R. 108,123
Fleddermann, H.T. 155,156 Haran.M. 307
Flesher, P.V.M. 239,302 Hare, D.R.A. 185, 192
Frey, J.-B. 42, 238 Harrington, D.J. 187,245,246
Fuks, A. 262 Harris, W.V. 296, 300, 307, 308
Harrison, R. 294 Kohl,P.L. 54

Hata,G. 130,256 Koskenniemi, H. 300
Hauspie, K. 75 Kraabel.A.T. 288
Hayward, R. 247,251 Kraft, R.A. 25,75,205
Hemer, C.H. 163, 174, 175 Kreissig, H. 301
Hengel, M. 20, 21, 26, 69, 99, 148, 149, Kugler,R.A. 84,85
156, 160, 164, 174, 284, 298, 308 Kuhrt, A. 276
Henten, J.W. van 37
Herzog, J.J. 18 Lake,K. 148
Hoglund, K.G. 47-51, 53, 301 Landau, Y.H. 89
Holladay, C.R. 60, 264, 265 Lane,W.L. 150-53,155,156,158
Hollander, H.W. 84,85 Lange, N. de 37
Hooker, M. 148-50, 152-56, 159 Lawlor.HJ. 148
Hopkins, K. 295, 296 Leaney, R. 171
Horbury.W. 37,42 Lebram, L.C.H. 50,51
Horsfall,N. 301 Leon,H.J. 237
Horst, P.W. van der 37, 42, 141, 235, Levine, E. 239
237, 277 Levine, L.I. 13, 41, 288, 298, 299
Hummel, R. 186, 198 Levy,T.E. 296,299
Lewis, N. 209-11,293,296,307
Janowitz, N. 71 Lieberman, S. 234
Janssen, E. 206,207 Lifshitz, B. 42
Japhet, S. 47, 60, 61, 64-68, 70 Lindars, B. 39, 128
Jastrow, M. 230 Lindenberger, J.M. 52, 70
Jellicoe, S. 107 Lisowsky.G. 222,231,232
Jeremias.J. 15, 18,19,153, 186 Llewelyn, S.R. 300
Jones, A.H.M. 135 Lloyd, A.B. 55
Jonge, M. de 84, 85 Lohmeyer, E. 172
Liihrmann, D. 150, 152, 154-56, 158-60
Kalimi,!. 47,61,62 Lukonin, V.G. 54
Kampen,J. 115, 117-19 Lust, J. 75
Kappler.J. 123 Luz,U. 178-82,195,198
Kappler.W. 114
Karavidopouos, J. 149 Macho, A.D. 241,242
Kasher, A. 43, 129, 134, 295, 299 Maher,M. 241
Katz,P. 127 Mantel, H. 138
Kearsley, R.A. 300 Marbock,J. 101
Kee.H.C. 298,299 Marcus, R. 90
Keil.C.F. 117 Marshall, I.H. 163, 167, 169, 173, 174
Kerford,G.B. 277 Martinez, E.G. 258
Kilgallen, J.J. 198 Martini, C.M. 149
Kilpatrick, G.D. 171 Martyn,J.L. 268
Kilunen,J. 181 Mason, S. 129, 134
Kingsbury, J.D. 180, 195 Mayer, G. 231
Kleberg,T. 294 McKay, H.A. 101
Klijn, A.F.J. 146 McKnight,S. 189
Klostermann, E. 151,152,156 McLaren, J.S. 158,227
Knibb, M.A. 95, 106, 109, 110 McNamara,M. 241,242
Mehlman,B.H. 251 Riley, H. 145, 149

Meier, J.P. 178, 179 Riley, W. 60-62, 165, 179
Metzger, B.M. 143, 149, 172 Rivkin, E. 27
Meyer, P. 77 Robbins, V.K. 164
Milik, J.T. 84, 91, 92, 96-98, 214, 215 Robinson, A.T. 179
Millar, F. 16, 21, 41, 42, 144, 175, 176, Rosenthal, F. 202
269 Rutgers, L.V. 234, 235, 288
Miller, D.G. 145
Mowinckel, S. 54 Safrai, S. 135,298,308
Mulder, MJ. 30,40,71 Safrai, Z. 296
Mussner, F. 171, 185 Saldarini, A. 32-34, 140, 169, 171, 185,
Myers, J.M. 53, 107 192, 195, 197, 237, 245, 246, 251,
253, 263
Nelson, M.D. 99 Salomonsen, B. 233
Neusner, J. 22, 23, 228, 234, 239, 291, Sancisi-Weerdenburg, H. 50
304 Sanders, E.P. 19, 25-29, 41, 139, 162,
Nickelsburg, G.W.E. 25,71,205,206 206, 207, 227, 268, 302
Nolte,J. 195 Sanders, J.A. 98, 102, 124
Noy, D. 42, 235-37, 288 Sasson, J.M. 285
Sauer.G. 99
Olofsson, S. 72, 74, 76, 285, 286 Schaeder, H.H. 53
Orchard, B. 145, 149, 165, 179 Schalit,A. 135
Orton, D.E. 23, 24, 180, 193, 195, 197, Schams, C. 42, 292
253, 258, 263 Schaper, J. 58
Otto,E. 55 Schenke, L. 171
Oulton, J.E.L. 148 Schlatter, A. von 15, 19, 20, 192, 193,
195
Parente, F. 255 Schmidt, P. 69, 156,206,207
Parkinson, R.B. 293 Schrage, W. 200
Pearce.S. 75, 130 Schreiner, J. 201
Perdue, L.G. 51, 101, 102, 104, 277 Schurer, E. 15-18, 21-23, 25, 26, 37, 43,
Pestman, P.W. 87 113, 125, 129, 153, 202, 206, 219,
Pietersma, A. 107 253, 260, 281, 284, 286, 302, 308
Porten, B. 54 Schiirmann, H. 169-71, 185
Schwartz, D.R. 27
Quirke, S. 141,293 Schwartz, S. 113,291,292
Scott, B.B. 101
Rahlfs, A. 77 Scullard, H.H. 254
Rainey, R.F. 285 Sherwin-White, A.N. 175
Rajak, T. 288 Sherwin-White, S. 276
Rankin, H.D. 254 Sievers,J. 113, 118, 122,255
Redman, C.L. 306 Skeat, T.C. 87,88
Reeves, J.C. 265 Skehan, P.W. 98-103
Reich, R. 259 Smelik,W.F. 239,244,251,284
Reider.J. 216 Smend, R. 100
Rengstorf, K.H. 129, 156, 188, 231 Smith, D.M. 267
Richards, K.H. 49 Soden,W. van 285,287
Riddle, D.W. 198 Soderlund, S. 79
Sparks, H.F.D. 95 Urman, D. 302
Sperber, A. 240
Spolsky, B. 284 Vaux, R. de 214, 259
Stadelmann, H. 99,101 Vermes, G. 16, 21, 105, 258
Stanton, G. 178
Stemberger, G. 40, 134, 218, 219, 230, Walker, R. 184
234, 268, 299, 308 Walter, N. 264, 265, 272, 277
Stendahl, K. 178 Weippert, H. 301
Stern, E. 298 Weiss, H.-F. 184
Stern, M. 43, 135, 262, 271-73, 308 Weisse.C.H. 145
Stoldt,H.-H. 145 Welles, C.B. 89
Stone, M.E. 71, 84-86, 91, 99, 201-205 Wevers, J.W. 74
Strack,H.L. 15,18, 156 Whitaker, G.H. 126
Streeter, B.H. 145 White, R.T. 144
Sysling.H. 30,40,71 Whybray.R.N. 101
Wiefel,W. 163,168-71
Tajra, H.W. 174, 175 Willi,T. 47,70
Talbert,C.H. 164 Williams, D.S. 99
Talshir,Z. 107, 110 Williams, RJ. 102
Taylor, V. 152,156 Williamson, H.G.M. 39, 47, 53, 58, 60,
Tcherikover, V. 87, 88, 139, 262, 291 61, 64-66, 68-70
Temporini, H. 204 Wiseman, W.J. 101
Thackeray, H.St.J. 90, 135, 138 Woolf, G. 295
Theis.J. 201 Wurthwein, E. 39,40
Tigchelaar, E.J.C. 91,92,95
Tilborg, S. van 184, 197 Yadin, Y. 98, 209, 210, 212, 214, 215,
Tov,E. 71,72,79, 128,216,258 223
Trebolle, J.C. 258 Yardeni, A. 54, 210
Tuplin, C. 54 York. A.D. 40
Turner, N. 216 Youtie, H.C. 136,292
Uhlig,S. 91 Ziegler, J. 78, 80, 100

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JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Sheffield Academic Press

Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

Copyright © 1998 Sheffield Academic Press

Published by Sheffield Academic Press Ltd

Printed on acid-free paper in Great Britain

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available

2.4.3. Kaige-Theodotion Translation 127

First and foremost, I would like to thank Professor Martin Goodman

JEA Journal of Egyptian Archaeology

WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament

Purpose of this Study

Method and Limitations

1. E.g. about the membership and influence of Pharisees, rabbis or the

the sources. The selection of relevant evidence therefore constitutes one

Outline of this Investigation

PREVIOUS SCHOLARSHIP ON SCRIBES AND ITS SHORTCOMINGS

In previous scholarship on scribes several strands can be observed.

1. For bibliographical details, cf. discussion below.

Schriftgelehrte. It does not correspond to any category in ancient Jew-

2. Originally published as Lehrbuch der neutestamentlichen Zeitgeschichte

5. Schurer, Geschichte, II, p. 314.

Schiirer, he equated Schriftgelehrter with ypa^atexx; and in this sense

17. Jeremias, Jerusalem, IIA, pp. 27-31; Jerusalem IIB, p. 105.

the understanding of Jesus and his movement.23 Schlatter, like many

23. Schlatter, Theologie, preface.

to cope with this enormous task of teaching and therefore resulted in

27. Hengel, Judentum, pp. 144-50, esp. 144, 146, 191-92.

Schiirer's methodology and notion of scribes has been given a new

pre-70 society Neusner remains vague. Scribes supposedly functioned

39. Neusner, Judaic Law, p. 34.

writings, and other texts containing a translation or interpretation of

themselves in as far as it is reflected in the sources. A further shortc-

explained as an evolution from their professional occupation as writers.

in the administration.54 Bickerman then blurs the distinction between

54. Bickerman, Jews, pp. 161-62.

that, contrary to the impression given by discussions about scribes in

60. Sanders, Judaism, pp. 172-77.

functions and status of scribes.64 Like Bickerman and Sanders, he con-

Second-Temple period is either neglected or conflated with the rabbinic

scribes from the postexilic period to the Mishna.89 He concludes that

designated as such in the sources if they carried more prestigious titles,

97. Saldarini, Pharisees, p. 275.

conflation of titles, positions and functions remained a characteristic of

DISCUSSION OF THE EVIDENCE FOR

2.1. Description of the Sources

Jewish Literary Sources

selection of the contents and the genres of ancient non-biblical Jewish

political realities. History, however, cannot be written without selection

6. Also Gabba, 'Literature', pp. 1, 3, 20.

this information is very fragmentary and modern theories about the

fuse and to influence each other." The Targumim as we know them

Jewish Documentary Sources

distinctive feature of the Graeco-Roman civilization and Jewish inscrip-