Town and Countryside in The Age of The Black Death

Town and Countryside
in the Age of
the Black Death
The Medieval Countryside
Editorial Board under the auspices of Yale University
Paul Freedman, Chair, Yale University
Isabel Alfonso, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientifícas, Madrid

Sandro Carocci, Università di Roma ‘Tor Vergata’
Laurent Feller, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne
Piotr Górecki, University of California, Riverside
Sigrid Hirbodian, Universität Tübingen
Peter C. M. Hoppenbrouwers, Universiteit Leiden
Jeppe Netterstrøm, Aarhus Universitet
Phillipp Schofield, Aberystwyth University
Lluís To Figueras, Universitat de Girona
Previously published volumes in this series are listed at the back of this book.
Volume 12
Town and Countryside
in the Age of
the Black Death
Essays in Honour of John Hatcher
Edited by
Mark Bailey and Stephen Rigby

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Town and countryside in the age of the Black Death : essays in honour of John Hatcher. --
(The medieval countryside ; v. 12)
1. Black Death--Social aspects--England. 2. Black Death--Economic aspects--England.
3. England--Population--History. 4. England--Economic conditions--1066-1485.
5. England--Social conditions--1066-1485.
I. Series II. Hatcher, John. III. Bailey, Mark, 1960-
IV. Rigby, S. H. (Stephen Henry), 1955-
614.5'732'0942'09023-dc23
ISBN-13: 9782503535173
© 2012, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of the publisher.
D/2012/0095/112
ISBN: 978-2-503-53517-3
e-ISBN: 978-2-503-54257-7
Printed on acid-free paper
Contents
List of Illustrations vii
Acknowledgements xvi
Introduction xviii
Part I. The Medieval Demographic System
New Perspectives in Medieval Demography:

The Medieval Demographic System
Ole Benedictow 3
Measuring Adult Mortality in an Age of Plague:England, 1349–1540

Richard M. Smith 43
The Demography of Maritime Communities in Late Medieval England

Maryanne Kowaleski 87
Part II. Landlords and Peasants
Grain Yields on English Demesnes after the Black Death

Bruce M. S. Campbell 121
Risk and Capital Formation:

Seigneurial Investment in an Age of Adversity
Martin Stephenson 175
vi Contents
The Black Death and its Immediate Aftermath:

Crisis and Change in the Fenland Economy, 1346–1353
David Stone 213
Court Rolls as Evidence for Village Society:

Sutton-in-the-Isle in the Fourteenth Century
Erin McGibbon Smith 245
The Arundell Estates and the Regional Economy

in Fifteenth-Century Cornwall
Phillipp Schofield 277
The Late Medieval Decline of English Demesne Agriculture:

Demographic, Monetary, and Political-Fiscal Factors
John Munro 299
Part III. Trade and Industry
Selling Food and Drink in the Aftermath of the Black Death

James Davis 351
The Role of Fairs in Late Medieval England

John S. Lee 407
The Coal Industry in the Later Middle Ages:

The Bishop of Durham’s Estates
Richard H. Britnell 439
Tabula Gratulatoria 473

Illustrations
Figures
Figure 1, p. 46. Males over the age of twelve in two Essex manors, c. 1270–1530
Source: Poos, A Rural Society after the Black Death, p. 96.
Figure 2, p. 50. Some series of rural population levels from the fifteenth century
Source: Poos, ‘The Historical Demography of Renaissance Europe’, p. 752.
Figure 3, p. 59. Death rates of monks in Christ Church, Canterbury, c. 1395–
1505 Source: Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’, p. 26.
Figure 4, p. 59. Death rates of monks in Westminster Abbey, c. 1390–c. 1525
Source: Harvey, Living and Dying in England, p. 126.
Figure 5, p. 61. Death rates of Durham monks, 1395–1529 Source: Hatcher,
Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality’, p. 677.
Figure 6, p. 63. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five plotted at year of
mean death Source: Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality’, p. 674.
Figure 7, p. 70. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five and a distribution
of life expectancies at age twenty-five for married male parishioners (twenty-
six English parishes)
Figure 8, p. 71. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five and a mean of life
expectancies at age twenty-five for married male parishioners in twenty-six
English parishes Source: Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality’,
p. 676.
viii Illustrations
Figure 9, p. 73. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five and tenants-in-chief of

the crown, after J. C. Russell Sources: Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic
Mortality’, p. 674; Russell, British Medieval Population, p. 186.
Figure 10, p. 79. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five and revised esti
mates of life expectancy of tenants-in-chief of the crown
Figure 11, p. 80. Life expectancy of monks, tenants-in-chief, English married
male parishioners, peers, members of parliament (MPs), and Scottish minis
ters, 1300–1700
Figure 12, p. 81. Life expectancy of English males, 1300–2000: various social
groups
Figures 13A and 13B, p. 123. Evidence of macro environmental changes c. 1200
to c. 1500: world tree growth, global temperatures, and sea level pressure in
Eastern Siberia and Iceland
Figures 14A and 14B, p. 125. Westminster demesnes: indexed trends in
cropped area, livestock units, stocking densities, percentage legumes, and
grain seeding rates, 1275–1404
Figures 15A–15D, p. 127. Westminster demesnes: yields per seed of wheat,
barley, oats, and wheat (barley/oats) gross of tithe and net of seed, 1275–1405
Figures 16A and 16B, p. 131. Winchester demesnes, Westminster demesnes,
and all English demesnes: annual numbers of grain yield observations and
trends in grain-yields per seed, 1340–1479
Figure 17, p. 135. English grain yield per seed and Alciston, Sussex, grain yields
per seed and per acre, 1350–1479
Figures 18A and 18B, p. 139. Regional trends in English grain-yields per seed,
1340–1439: (A) eastern and southeastern England; (B) southern, south-
central, and southwestern England
Figures 19A–19C, p. 141. English wheat, barley, and oats yields per seed,
1340–1479
Figure 20, p. 143. English grain-yields per seed, 1340–1479
Figures 21A–21C, p. 146. English grain yields and proxy indicators of weather
variations, 1340–1409
Figure 22, p. 149. Dutch tithe receipts, 1350–1449
Illustrations ix
Figures 23A–23C, p. 153. English grain yields and proxy indicators of weather
variations, 1410–59
Figure 24, p. 194. Bidentes Hoylandie: Investment rate
Figure 25, p. 195. Crowland vaccaries: Investment rate
Figure 26, p. 201. Bishop of Winchester’s manors: Total number of sheep
Figure 27, p. 224. Timing of recorded cattle deaths at Downham-in-the-Isle in
1348–49 and Wisbech Barton 1313–1429
Figure 28, p. 238. Recorded estate transfers between the bishop of Ely’s fenland
manors, 1350–51
Figure 29, p. 250. Average number of entries per court
Figure 30, p. 255. Seven indices as a percentage of court business
Figure 31, p. 259. Per capita crime (per leet, per thousand)
Figure 32, p. 264. Bloodshed offences by gender
Figure 33, p. 264. Assault offences by gender
Figure 34, p. 265. Housebreaking offences by gender
Figure 35, p. 266. Defamation offences by gender
Figure 36, p. 266. Just hue and cry raisers by gender
Figure 37, p. 267. Unjust hue and cry raisers by gender
Figure 38, p. 365. Clare brewers and total amercements, 1312–1482 Source:
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/38–72 (see Appendix).
Figure 39, p. 366. Clare brewers and total amercements, 1335–1413 Source:
Figure 40, p. 368. Clare brewers: Total and average amercements 1312–1482
Source: Kew, TNA, SC2/203/43–67 (see Appendix).
Figure 41, p. 372. Numbers of brewers and bakers in Clare, 1312–1482 Source:
x Illustrations
Figure 42, p. 374. Clare bakers and amercements, 1312–1482 Source: Kew,
TNA, SC2/203/38–72 (see Appendix).
Figure 43, p. 375. Amercement levels for bakers and brewers in Clare, 1325–49
Source: Kew, TNA, SC2/203/39–47.
Source: Kew, TNA, SC2/203/62, Kew, TNA, SC2/203/63 and Kew, TNA,
SC2/203/64.
Figure 46, p. 378. Amercement levels for bakers and brewers in Clare, 1399–
1425 Source: Kew, TNA, SC2/203/65, Kew, TNA, SC2/203/66 and Kew,
TNA, SC2/203/67.
Figure 48, p. 387. Number of retailing offenders in Clare, 1312–1482 Source:
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/38–72 (see Appendix and Figures 49–53).
Figure 49, p. 389. Amercements for Clare retailers, 1325–49 Source: Kew,
TNA, SC2/203/39–47.
TNA, SC2/203/48–61.
Figure 51, p. 391. Amercements for Clare retailers, 1377–99 Source: Kew, TNA,
SC2/203/62, Kew, TNA, SC2/203/63 and Kew, TNA, SC2/203/64.
TNA, SC2/203/65, Kew, TNA, SC2/203/66 and Kew, TNA, SC2/203/67.
TNA, SC2/203/67–72.
Figure 54, p. 444. The bishop of Durham’s income from pits away from the
Tyneside and Railey groups, 1416–1540
Figure 55, p. 446. The bishop of Durham’s income from Wayleaves, 1472–1540
Figure 56, p. 447. The bishop of Durham’s income from the Whickham and
Gateshead mines, 1416–1540
Illustrations xi
Figure 57, p. 449. The bishop of Durham’s income from the Railey group of
mines, 1416–1540
Figure 58, p. 453. The bishop of Durham’s total income from coal, 1416–1540
Tables
Table 1, p. 99. The size and composition of inland and maritime households
(HH) in 1377 and 1379
Table 2, p. 102. Maritime bequests in medieval (and some early modern) wills
Table 3, p. 107. Alien residents by coastal or inland location, 1440
Table 4, p. 107. Alien residents by ethnicity in coastal settlements, 1440
Table 5, p. 110. Residences, occupational status, and ages of Devon mariners in
the fourteenth century
Table 6, p. 132. English wheat and rye gross yields per seed 1300–49, 1350–
99, 1400–49 (with summary statistics for yields on the Winchester and
Westminster estates)
Table 7, p. 133. English barley and oats gross yields per seed 1300–49, 1350–
99, 1400–49 (with summary statistics for yields on the Winchester and
Westminster estates)
Table 8, p. 136. Alciston, Sussex: grain yields, seeding rates, cropped acres, and real
expenditure on hired labour per 100 acres (0.404 km2) cropped, 1335 to 1489
Table 9, p. 218. Manorial account rolls for the bishop of Ely’s fenland manors,
1346–53
Table 10, p. 227. Agricultural wages at Wisbech Barton, 1347–49
Table 11, p. 232. Prices of selected products in the fenland, 1346–47 to 1352–53
Table 12, p. 233. Comparison of product prices at Wisbech and Downham,
1347–48 to 1351–52
Table 13, p. 249. List of surviving fourteenth-century court rolls
Table 14, p. 257. Crime and misbehaviour
xii Illustrations
Table 15, p. 262. The lord’s rights

Table 16, p. 270. Payment of marriage fines (percentages)
Table 17, p. 282. Rent movements: Arundell estates, late fifteenth century (per
centage change)
Table 18, p. 302. Price indexes for the Phelps Brown and Hopkins ‘Basket of
Consumables’ and for the prices of grains, meat, dairy products, and English
wools (mean of 1451–75 = 100)
Table 19, p. 307. Ratios of agricultural prices to the Consumer Price Index
(Phelps Brown and Hopkins) and to each other (mean of 1451–75 = 100)
Table 20A, p. 310. National means of manorial agricultural wages in England:
Piece-work rates for processing agricultural commodities (threshing and
winnowing; reaping and binding) in silver pence and in index numbers
(base: 1451–75 = 100) with calculations of real wages based on the Phelps
Brown and Hopkins Consumer Price Index
Table 20B, p. 312. National means of manorial agricultural wages in England:
Piece-work rates for processing agricultural commodities (mowing and
spreading) in silver pence and in index numbers (base: 1451–75 = 100)
with calculations of real wages based on the Phelps Brown and Hopkins
Consumer Price Index
Table 21A, p. 314. National means of manorial building wages in England:
Daily wages for master carpenters and thatchers (and mates) in silver pence
and in index numbers (base: 1451–75 = 100) with calculations of real wages
based on the Phelps Brown and Hopkins Consumer Price Index
Table 21B, p. 317. National means of manorial building wages in England:
Daily wages for slaters (and mates), and masons in silver pence and in index
numbers (base: 1451–75 = 100) with calculations of real wages based on
the Phelps Brown and Hopkins Consumer Price Index
Table 22, p. 318. Wages for master building craftsmen (masons and carpenters)
in small towns of southern England (excluding London) compared with the
Phelps Brown and Hopkins (Revised) Consumer Price Index and with the
value of the annual real wage income expressed in PBH ‘Consumer Bas
kets’. From 1331–35 to 1446–50 in quinquennial means (arithmetic and
harmonic) RWI = NWI/CPI: Real Wage Index = Nominal Wage Index/
Consumer Price Index
Illustrations xiii
Table 23, p. 320. Wages for labourers of master building craftsmen in small
towns of southern England (excluding London). Compared with the Revised
Phelps Brown and Hopkins ‘Basket of Consumables’ Consumer Price Index
and with the annual real wage income expressed in PBH ‘Consumer Baskets’
in quinquennial means (arithmetic and harmonic), 1331–35 to 1446–50
base: 1451–75=100 RWI = NWI/CPI: Real Wage Index = Nominal Wage
Index/Consumer Price Index
Table 24, p. 324. Prices and price indexes for wools, livestock products and the
Phelps Brown and Hopkins Composite Price Index, and wool export taxes,
in quinquennial means, from 1331–35 to 1446–50
Table 25, p. 327. Exports of English wools (in sacks) and woollen broadcloths
(pieces) in quinquennial means, 1331–35 to 1446–50
Table 26, p. 331. Exports of English woolsacks and broadcloths and production
indices for the woollen draperies of the southern Low Countries, 1331–35
to 1446–50 in quinquennial means, 1331–35 to 1446–50
Table 27, p. 338. The Commodity Price Index for England, 1300–1500, mean
of prices for 1451–75 = 100 (a revision of the Phelps Brown and Hopkins
(PBH) ‘Basket of Consumables’ Price Index)
Table 28, p. 382. Clare trading households and their socio-economic status,
1325–1482
Table 29, p. 440. Coal revenues as a proportion of the total valor of the bishopric
of Durham
Table 30, p. 451. Exports of coal from Newcastle, 1377–82 and 1454–1500
(documented years)
Table 31, p. 455. Summary of the accounts of the Railey group of mines, 1502–
03 and 1503–04
Table 32, p. 456. Summary of costs of production at the Railey group of mines,
1502–03 and 1503–04
Table 33, p. 459. Recorded lessees of Whickham mines, 1474–75 to 1538–39
Table 34, p. 463. Recorded lessees of the Railey group of pits, 1416–17 to
1539–40
xiv Illustrations
Maps
Map 1, p. 219. The East Anglian fenland in the Middle Ages

Map 2, p. 281. The Arundell estate in the fifteenth century (‘old estate’)
Map 3, p. 283. The Arundell estate showing movement of rent (percentage
change) by manor in the late fifteenth century.
John Hatcher
Acknowledgements
T
he chapters in this book were originally delivered at a conference
in August 2009 to mark the retirement of John Hatcher from the
University of Cambridge. The editors of the volume would like to thank
the administrators at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge and the University
of Manchester who contributed to the organization of the conference. They are
also grateful to all those who spoke at or who attended the conference and who
helped to make it such a success. Erin McGibbon Smith provided much use-
ful advice during the editing process. Particular thanks are owed to the Ellen
McArthur Fund for the grant which helped to make the conference possible and
to Richard Smith for help in obtaining this funding.
Introduction:
England in the Age of the Black Death
Mark Bailey
D
uring the course of the last forty years, John Hatcher has established
himself as one of the leading figures in the economic and social history
of medieval England. His interests and publications have been unusually
eclectic, which has extended his influence across a wide field of scholarship. This
scholarly influence was further extended, and his reputation enhanced, by a
five-year stint as the editor of the Economic History Review between 1996 and
2001. After early posts at the Institute of Historical Research, London University
(1966–67), and the University of Kent (1967–75), Hatcher was appointed to a
lectureship in History at the University of Cambridge (1977) and was elevated
to a personal chair in 1995. His academic career has also included Visiting
Fellowships at the University of Colorado, Boulder (1976–77); at the Huntington
Library, San Marino, California (1986–87); and as a Senior International Fellow
at Stanford University’s Humanities Research Center (2008–09). He has been
a shrewd and highly effective administrator, notably as Vice-Master of Corpus
Christi College (2000–07) and as Chairman of the History Faculty at Cambridge
(2005–08). Yet, beyond all this, John has always proved convivial company; an
inspiration to his students and colleagues; a passionate supporter of his beloved
Arsenal; and devoted to Janice, Zara, and Melissa.
This collection of essays is based upon contributions to a conference on
‘England in the Age of the Black Death’ held in Cambridge in August 2009
to celebrate his career and to mark his impending retirement as Professor of
Economic and Social History at the University of Cambridge. The Black Death,
which swept across Europe between 1346 and 1353, and devastated England
between the summers of 1348 and 1349, features prominently in Hatcher’s
published work, and so it is entirely fitting that it forms the central and unifying
Town and Countryside in the Age of the Black Death, ed. by Mark Bailey and Stephen Rigby,
(Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), xix–xxxv BREPOLS PUBLISHERS 10.1484/M.TMC-EB.1.100556
xx Introduction
subject of this Festschrift. This epidemic stands unchallenged as the greatest

disaster in documented human history, claiming the lives of up to one half of the
population of Europe during that short period. Our understanding of its impact
on all aspects of medieval life has improved markedly during the last fifty years,
yet much remains controversial, unclear or unknown.
One of the most enduring puzzles has been the medium- to long-term impact
of the Black Death upon the demographic structure of late medieval Europe,
which is somewhat ironic for a demographic event of such magnitude. There
is no dispute that the population of Europe increased during the course of the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, or that the gains were first checked sharply by
the Great Famine (1315–22) then savagely curtailed by the Black Death. Thus
the population of England swelled from perhaps two million people in 1100 to
anything between 4.5 and 6.5 million in the early fourteenth century, but then
fell to around 2.8 million by 1377 and to around 2.2 million by 1524.1 The trend
after 1348 raises two questions: why did the population fail to exhibit any signs
of recovery for almost two centuries after the arrival of the Black Death, and how
did the demographic structure of late-medieval England differ from that of the
early modern period?
The failure of population to recover is puzzling. After the initial onslaught
of the Black Death, and the second and third outbreaks of pestilence in 1361
and 1369, the relative abundance of land and the rising living standards of the
survivors should have stimulated birth rates, which in turn should have kick
started demographic recovery during the last quarter of the fourteenth century,
yet there are no signs that it did so.2 One explanation is that repeated outbreaks
of epidemic disease kept death rates at punishingly high levels, thus stifling the
effect of buoyant birth rates and preventing population recovery. Another, and
by no means contradictory, explanation is that labour shortages enticed a higher
proportion of young women into the labour market, thus raising the average
age at first marriage and reducing birth rates. Ole Benedictow explores both
hypotheses in his survey of late medieval demography.
Benedictow also considers the second major question about the population
history of this period, namely the differences between the later Middle Ages and
the early modern period. The early modern demographic system has tended to
serve as the benchmark for the reconstruction of the medieval system, for the
simple and compelling reason that we know much more about it. Certainly, the
1
Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy.
2
See below, pp. 23–26.
Introduction xxi
source material from the sixteenth century onwards, particularly parish registers,
yields more reliable information than the patchy and inscrutable medieval
sources. Thus it is widely accepted that the early modern system was characterized
by a life expectancy at birth of around thirty to thirty-five years; a mortality
rate of about three per cent per annum; and an age of first marriage for women
of around twenty-five years with between ten per cent and twenty per cent of
women never marrying. As a result, changes in fertility rates drove long-term
trends in population. How different was the medieval system? John Hatcher has
argued consistently that, in England at least, the medieval demographic system
was distinct from that found in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a stance
supported by the research of Zvi Razi.3 In reviewing the evidentiary base, and
in charting the development of this line of argument, Benedictow supports this
conclusion. He argues that mortality, not fertility, was the primary influence
upon population trends; medieval life expectancy at birth was around twenty
to twenty-five years; annual mortality rates were closer to five per cent; women
married younger, at between fifteen and twenty years of age, and fewer women
never married than in the early modern regime. He also considers the recent
work of osteologists across Europe, and in the Nordic countries especially, to
strengthen the argument for a high mortality regime in the fifteenth century.
Most historical demographers now accept the existence of a ‘high pressure’
medieval demographic system, and a ‘low pressure’ early modern regime. The
main problem with this schema, as Hatcher has pointed out, is that it requires a
plausible chronology and explanation for the transition from one regime to the
other.4 Benedictow contends that a distinctive medieval system survived until
the early sixteenth century, and dates the transition to the second quarter of the
sixteenth century, when a gradual but sustained reduction in the high mortality
rates of the ‘high pressure’ system must also have triggered adjustments to fertility
rates. He ascribes the downward trend in mortality to
the great change in the understanding of infectious diseases which began at the end
of the fifteenth century. Now, instead of simply being fatalistically comprehended
as a divine punishment for human sin, communicable disease began to be seen as
a natural phenomenon, one that could be prevented, limited, or halted by human
countermeasures, even though the transmission of disease was understood in terms
of the classical notion of miasma.
3
Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’; Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic
Mortality’; Razi, Life, Marriage and Death in a Medieval Parish.
4
Hatcher, ‘Understanding the Population History’.
xxii Introduction
In a tightly argued and sophisticated paper, Richard Smith constructs a wider

context for John Hatcher’s work on mortality and life expectancy within late
medieval monastic communities, while covering some of the ground covered by
Benedictow. Smith’s review of the state of research confirms that population in
England, and its near neighbours, was either stationary or declining throughout
much of the fifteenth century, although this experience contrasts with that of
Mediterranean Europe where population began to rise after the mid-century. In
seeking explanations for this trend, he agrees with Benedictow that from around
1450 England suffered an upswing in mortality rates that caused life expectancy
to fall for about three generations before they eventually fell. However, Smith
is more circumspect about causation, admitting that the explanation for both
the start and end of this cycle ‘remains a conundrum that is still far from being
resolved’. The resolution might lay in closer consideration of ‘what factors could
be adduced to account for either an increase in realized exposure to disease
or reduced resistance over the period from c. 1460–1510, and either reduced
exposure or increased resistance in the period thereafter’.
One innovative aspect of Smith’s essay is his reworking of the demographic
data derived from the inquisitions post mortem (IPMs) and originally published
in 1948 by Josiah Russell. Russell’s methodology was flawed, yet the IPMs remain
a potentially fruitful but under-utilized source for medieval demographers.
Smith adjusts Russell’s figures for life expectancy, using a more sophisticated
method of modelling these data, and suggests that the demographic regime
that prevailed before 1450 had more in common with the early modern regime
than the one dominated by volatile mortality between c. 1450 and c. 1530. The
reworking of the IPM data is speculative, but the findings are intriguing and
suggestive of the way ahead: they strengthen Smith’s sense that ‘there are enough
data at our disposal now to doubt the claim that there was one late medieval
mortality regime that was transformed into one early modern regime after 1541
[…] if this finding does emerge more firmly from further research, we may have
discovered a demographic development that would suggest more circumspect
characterisation of the fifteenth century; to paraphrase John Hatcher, we may be
advised to regard that century as “a succession of sub-periods each with its own
distinctive characteristics”’.
Ultimately, our attempts to understand the causes of observed fluctuations in
mortality will always be frustrated by our ignorance of the precise identity, and
the historically-specific behaviour, of the offending pathogen. Climate is clearly
one of the factors that determine the behaviour of micro-organisms, although
attempts to establish any connections between observed fluctuations in the
historical climate and known outbreaks of epidemic disease have been hampered
Introduction xxiii
by the absence of reliable data about such fluctuations. However, recent scientific
studies of dendrochronology, ice core formation and other indicators have
greatly advanced our understanding of the environment of northwest Europe
in the Middle Ages, which has resulted in a more secure understanding of the
transition from the warm and relatively stable conditions of the Medieval Warm
Period to the colder and stormier weather of the Little Ice Age in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. Global temperatures cooled between the 1250s and
the 1350s, recovered during the second half of the fourteenth century, and then
cooled again during first half of the fifteenth century.
Bruce Campbell summarizes these scientific advances in our understanding
of the medieval environment, and adds to the state of knowledge by offering an
assessment of the evidence of annual grain yields taken from English demesne
accounts, which provide around thirty thousand observations for the period
c. 1250–c. 1480. These constitute an exceptional source, and Campbell’s research
into them is monumental. The long-term movement of English grain yields
across the later Middle Ages correlates well to the known shifts in the average
annual temperature in northwest Europe. Of particular interest is the evidence
for a sustained decline in both yields and environmental conditions in the third
quarter of the fourteenth century, which Campbell argues is sufficiently strong
to conclude that the high grain prices in this period were more a consequence
of inclement weather than of ‘an inflationary mortality-induced increase in coin
supply per capita’. He also ascribes the sudden improvement in yields after 1376
to transformed environmental conditions: ‘judged by yields alone, the thirty years
from 1376 constituted a quite exceptionally successful agricultural episode, but
these high yields, at a time of dwindling and weakening demand, created a crisis
of over-production for large-scale arable producers which is why this period is
usually regarded as a period of agricultural difficulty and depression’. The benign
weather did not last, as the climate deteriorated during the first half of the fifteenth
century, which meant that grain output remained low and unpredictable, even in
the land-rich and well-stocked conditions of that period.
As a commentary on the movements of agricultural prices and their causes
in the century after the Black Death, Campbell’s essay provides a number of
evidentiary and interpretive contrasts with that of John Munro.5 It also adds
another dimension to the debate about late medieval demography. First, the
progress of the Black Death throughout Europe between 1346 and 1353
coincided with one of the most extreme weather events in the whole of the
Middle Ages, a coincidence so remarkable that it raises the likelihood of a casual
5
See below, pp. 147–53, 303–08.
xxiv Introduction
link. There is also the possibility that the fundamental transformation of the
climate of northwest Europe in the first half of the fifteenth century was linked
to the subsequent emergence of a sustained period of the heightened mortality
from the middle of the century. From this date the climatic and demographic
experience of the North Sea world appears to differ markedly from that of the
Mediterranean countries, which provides an intriguing context for the recent
hypothesis that the Italian Renaissance sprang in part from a different experience
of disease in southern Europe.6 Second, Campbell notes that both economic
and environmental conditions in the last quarter of the fourteenth century
were ‘ideal for a full-scale Malthusian recovery of population’, but observes that
‘all the available demographic indicators imply that the population continued
to contract’. If this is the case, then either those indicators are imprecise and
incorrect, or it is time to articulate more carefully why Malthusian principles
do not apply to this period. The inscrutable nature of the medieval source
material makes this paradox very difficult to resolve, but, in the spirit of Smith’s
conclusion, it may be that the ‘late medieval demographic regime’ can be divided
into four discernible sub-systems, each representing subtly different variations of
a high pressure regime: the first in the period c. 1250 to c. 1340, when prudential
checks were being applied to a swollen population; the second in the period
1348 to c. 1375, when the first four major outbreaks of pestilence occurred; the
third between c. 1375 and c. 1450, when our understanding of the basic trends
in mortality and fertility rates is especially limited; and the fourth, from c. 1450,
when mortality rates rose.
The remarkable success of historians in addressing the big demographic ques-
tions about early modern England has largely been the result of their develop-
ment of a methodology to exploit parochial sources, and then aggregating these
local findings to create a credible national picture. It is harder to replicate this
approach for the Middle Ages, because of the paucity of extant sources, but the
underlying principle still holds as Maryanne Kowaleski demonstrates admira-
bly in her essay. She attempts to discover whether the distinctive demographic
regime among maritime communities, clearly identified by early modern histori-
ans, is also discernible during the later Middle Ages. In order to do so, she skilfully
squeezes information and inferences about key demographic characteristics from
a wide range of unpromising medieval sources. She also draws upon an impres-
sively large number of sources from both rural and urban maritime communities
6
See Cohn, The Black Death Transformed, pp. 244–45.
Introduction xxv
scattered widely around England. Kowaleski’s conclusion is that the demographic

regime of medieval maritime communities did share a number of common fea-
tures with that of early modern ones: a relative absence of men, and thus a greater
agency to women in economic affairs; the tendency for marriages to be early and
endogamous; and for family size to be small. The only characteristics of early
modern communities that she was unable to test reliably for the medieval period
were the higher levels of male mortality, and the impact of the routine of local
fisheries on the seasonality of births and marriages: couples tended to marry and
conceive during the winter, when fishing and voyages were quietest. However,
the fragmentary medieval evidence that does exist is suggestive that both these
characteristics were present. As an interesting aside, she also confirms the sense
that most of the documented foreigners in medieval England resided in mari-
time communities. Kowaleski’s work is significant in providing another example
of elements of continuity in the demographic structures of both late medieval
and early modern communities, while emphasizing that distinctive work patterns
could create distinctive and varied demographic structures in the localities.
Whatever the long-term demographic impact of the Black Death, its arrival in
1348 had an immediate and catastrophic impact on medieval life.7 Unfortunately,
the absence of relevant sources means that we will never really know how
ordinary people prepared for, then coped with, the onslaught, although Hatcher
recently deployed his informed imagination to fill the considerable holes in the
documentary record to write a creative and partly fictionalized account of the
arrival of the disease in Walsham-le-Willows (Suffolk).8 His account was founded
upon a particularly good series of court rolls from Walsham, and the general
suitability of court rolls as a source for reconstructing social and economic
change in village communities is considered by Erin McGibbon Smith, whose
case-study of fourteenth-century Sutton (Cambridgeshire) perceptively exposes
their potential and pitfalls. Her analysis of the types of offence reported in the
manorial court between 1335–45 and 1356–61 indicates a fall in the number
and proportion of those categorized as ‘crime and misbehaviour’. This finding
contrasts with the view held by the Toronto School of historians that crime and
violence rose in the aftermath of the Black Death, as family and community
bonds strained to breaking point under the pressure of demographic churn and
heightened mobility.
7
Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath of the Black Death’; Hatcher, ‘Women’s Work, Wages,
and Productivity’.
8
Hatcher, The Black Death.
xxvi Introduction
McGibbon Smith uses the example of crime and misbehaviour to demonstrate

that the difference between her findings at Sutton and those of the Toronto school
drawn from the manors of Ramsey abbey cannot be simply ascribed to random
local variation. Instead, she demonstrates how the degree of completeness of the
sample of court rolls, and the precise period from which the most complete series
survive, can have a significant effect upon the picture they convey about life on
the manor. ‘A major shortcoming in many cross-sectional studies is that they
focus on finding multiple series of good court rolls, but do not ensure that they
are examining records from the same time frame. So whilst considerable attention
is paid to change over time, it is not always clear where those changes were taking
place and whether the conclusions take account of short-term fluctuations in
individual courts’. Her criticisms of the methodology deployed by a number of
the Toronto historians are powerful, although they do not invalidate the use of
court rolls to understand changes in rural society during the later Middle Ages:
McGibbon Smith simply promotes more careful methodologies, and the clear
presentation and quantification of information derived from them.
For all the problems associated with manorial accounts and court rolls, there
is still sufficient material contained within them to construct a worthwhile, if
partial, picture of how landlords and their tenants fared during the Black Death,
and how they handled their affairs in its immediate aftermath. Yet, curiously, since
the mid-twentieth century there have been few such academic studies. David
Stone seeks to address this omission through his study of three fenland manors
of the bishop of Ely between 1346 and 1353. His careful and skilful reading of
manorial accounts (compoti), especially the original accounts of the reeve rather
than the heavily edited copies that some estates subsequently made and kept
centrally, reveals some telling insights about the experience of communities in the
teeth of the pestilence. The residents of these fenland manors were clearly aware
of the imminence of the epidemic, judging by the precautionary purchase of locks
to secure key manorial buildings, and the marked reduction in the movement of
livestock around the estate, in the weeks before its arrival. Compoti also contain
information that allows the local arrival and duration of the Black Death to be
accurately dated, and the immediate impact upon landholdings and agriculture
to be charted. The epidemic caused chaos in the summer and autumn of 1349 on
all three manors, and significant disruption for a further three years. In particular,
food shortages are strongly evident in every summer between 1349 and 1352,
which Stone attributes mainly to labour shortages and inadequate preparation of
the arable land, rather than to the environmental factors identified by Campbell:
indeed, it is indisputable that the former factors contributed to the decline in
yields recorded in the years immediately following the Black Death, which raises
Introduction xxvii
the possibility that the yield data from that short period may exaggerate the
influence of climatic factors.
Previous studies of rural communities during the Black Death had tended to
extend their analysis to the early 1360s, but this choice of time-frame allows for a
degree of economic and administrative recovery from the catastrophe of 1348–
49 to become apparent: not surprisingly, the authors of those studies therefore
tended to be struck by the semblance of continuity and of limited disruption.
Stone’s tight focus on the short period immediately before and after the Black
Death reveals a different picture, one characterized by a high degree of dislocation
that constituted ‘a severe economic crisis’. The subsequent actions taken during
the course of the 1350s, most notably a flexible approach to landholders and
concessions on tenures, were successful in securing some economic recovery on
many estates by c. 1360, but thereafter they proved difficult, if not impossible,
to reverse, and their long-term consequences were profound. Stone’s conclusion,
that ‘Pandora’s box had effectively been opened’, echoes Larson’s recent work on
county Durham.9
The appalling loss of life in 1348–49, whose effects were exacerbated by fur-
ther epidemics in the third quarter of the fourteenth century, threw up significant
economic challenges that persisted into the medium- and long-term. For most of
the thirteenth and early fourteenth century land values had been buoyant and
agricultural prices were high relative to costs. This resulted in the vast extension
and intensification of cultivation, the swelling of the coffers of landholders, and
the growing poverty and vulnerability of the mass of the populace.10 In contrast,
for most of the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the level of commodity
prices was low relative to costs, which caused land values to fall, cultivation to
shrink, the yields from seigneurial assets to diminish, and the relative wealth of
the lower orders to increase. Thus the Black Death stands astride the economic
watershed of the later Middle Ages. The scale and pace at which it altered the
relative value of land and labour, and delivered such a dramatic demand-side
shock to the economy, conditioned the direction of economic change after 1348.
These changes were felt acutely on the estates of landlords, which before 1348
had depended heavily upon high land values, buoyant grain prices and low costs
to sustain their profitability. The new economic circumstances challenged the
managerial effectiveness, resilience, and flexibility of landlords, as well as threat-
ening the security of the incomes required to sustain the levels of consumption
9
Larson, Conflict and Compromise in the Late Medieval Countryside.
10
These developments are extensively documented in Miller and Hatcher, Medieval
England: Rural Society and Economic Change.
xxviii Introduction
befitting their status and their lifestyles. The responses of landlords in different
circumstances and areas attract the attention of four contributors to this volume:
Martin Stephenson, John Munro, Phillipp Schofield, and Richard Britnell.
Martin Stephenson takes a fresh look at changes in the level of capital
formation on seigneurial estates, a subject which had first attracted Hatcher’s
attention as part of the famous Brenner Debate in the 1970s and 1980s.11
This was one of the few issues to attract a strong consensus among the various
participants in the debate, who all accepted that capital investment in medieval
agriculture was pitifully low, not exceeding five per cent of income even on the
estates of the great landlords. This viewpoint had been formulated in an era when
most historians assumed that technical improvement in agriculture was largely
absent, but since the 1980s the orthodoxy has shifted to one which now accepts
that rising scarcity and the growth of the market did stimulate some agrarian
innovation and increased land productivity. Stephenson revisits the issue of capital
investment within the context of the new orthodoxy, re-evaluating the original
assumptions and arguments through the use of three case-studies (the manors of
Sevenhampton and Downton, and the livestock operations of Crowland abbey),
and re-examining the three great agricultural treatises written in the thirteenth
century (Walter of Henley, the Senechaucy, and the Rules of Robert Grosseteste). He
also attempts to identify any changes after the Black Death. Capital is defined as
total annual investment in agricultural tools, equipment and buildings, including
ditching, dykeing, hedging and walls, and also in livestock to expand existing
stock levels, expressed as a percentage of production income. Stephenson’s case-
studies indicate much higher levels of capital investment, around seventeen per
cent per annum, which is double the level attained by ‘improving’ landlords of
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. His analysis of capital investment
is developed further by assessing attitudes to risk, an approach which is now
commonplace in the social sciences, but which historians have not systematically
applied to decision-making in pre-industrial agriculture.
Stephenson identifies four main categories of risk facing medieval landlords
— production, market, institutional, and human — and then considers the
extent to which they assessed those risks, and the degree to which they displayed
a desire to seek higher returns in the future by foregoing significant conspicuous
consumption in the present. He re-evaluates the content of the agricultural
treatises from this perspective, showing that they served as management manuals
for mitigating risks in general, and for those posed by human agency in particular.
11
Postan and Hatcher, ‘Population and Class Relations’; Hatcher and Bailey, Modelling the
Middle Ages.
Introduction xxix
The evidence from the manuals, and the levels of capital investment, encourage the
conclusion that medieval landlords were both investment orientated and aware
of the associated risks: however, ‘the amount they invested in the development of
their estates must be considered both in a historical perspective and in relation to
the technical opportunities open to them’.
Stephenson’s single post-Black Death case-study (Downton) suggests that
capital investment did not fall from its earlier high level, despite the unfavourable
economic conditions and shortages of ready cash. Indeed, he detects a surge in
expenditure on manorial buildings, mills and sheep flocks as landlords raised
their levels of ‘defensive’ investment in order to avoid greater loss and to attract
high quality lessees. Such behaviour was not economically rational, given the
precipitous fall in agrarian profits after 1376, but Stephenson notes that several
modern studies of risk have demonstrated a pronounced asymmetry in financial
decision making, whereby a fear of loss can sometimes be associated with an
increase in risk-taking.
John Munro also focuses upon the management of seigneurial estates after the
Black Death, although his interests are wider than those of Stephenson and extend
as far as the exploitation of demesnes and the survival of serfdom.12 In particular,
he focuses upon the period c. 1370 to c. 1430, when the contrast between falling
agricultural prices (down twenty-five per cent) and resilient wages was most
striking. He contends that this profound change squeezed profits in agriculture
and increased the enforcement costs of serfdom, thus forcing landlords on a
vast scale to abandon the direct exploitation of their manorial demesnes and
to bolt for the security of leasing them to tenants for a fixed rental income. He
also contends that this widespread and fundamental shift in the management
of English demesnes from direct (Gutsherrschaft) to leasing (Grundherrschaft)
largely explains the decline in English serfdom, because what remained of peasant
labour services was jettisoned as part of the general movement to rentier farming.
Munro places these profound social and economic changes squarely within
the context of fluctuations in the prices of basic agricultural commodities
and the costs of their production. The main thrust of his argument is that the
underlying movement in wages and prices between 1370 and 1430 was primarily
the consequence of an acute bullion famine, itself caused by a fall in the velocity
of money in circulation, which reinforced the effect of underlying demographic
factors: in this respect, he moves beyond a narrow focus upon demography as
the main cause of social and economic change in the century after the Black
Death. This interpretation rests upon the evidence of the separate indices of
12
For a discussion of serfdom, see Hatcher, ‘English Serfdom and Villeinage’.
xxx Introduction
livestock and wool prices, which fell on a scale very similar to the index of grain
prices during this period. To Munro, this fact indicates the primacy of monetary
factors: if ‘real’ and demographic factors were the primary influence upon prices,
then the prices of livestock and wool would have risen relative to grain prices,
due to changing patterns of consumption. The problems for landlords created by
this severe deflation were exacerbated by the stickiness of wages, and by various
fiscal and economic difficulties that resulted in a sixty-one per cent fall in the
volume of wool exported from England. In sketching the broad contours of price
and wage movements in the post-Black Death world, Munro’s study provides a
clear and accessible introduction to a complex subject. There is little dispute that
after 1375 monetary factors increased the downward pressure on grain prices: a
trend reinforced by the influence of environmental factors. Similarly, the general
correlation between depressed prices and the move to rentier policies on the
estates of the great landlords is beyond dispute. Yet, whatever the underlying
causes of price and wage movements, the managerial response to them at estate
level in different regions was complex and varied.
The complexity and variety of late medieval estate management provides the
backdrop to Phillipp Schofield’s assessment of agrarian conditions during the
fifteenth century on the Cornish lands of the earls of Arundell. In doing so, he
revisits John Hatcher’s doctoral dissertation and early work on the substantial
archive of the estate of the Duchy of Cornwall.13 Hatcher’s choice of Cornwall had
proved serendipitous, partly because of the distinctive and unusual nature of the
county’s social and economic structures, but also because it opened the way to his
later, influential, work on tin and pewter production.14 Hatcher had argued that
in the first quarter of the fifteenth century rents remained buoyant on the Duchy
estate, which contrasted with the decline in rental incomes during this period in
most other areas of England.15 Thereafter, manors located in western Cornwall
exhibited clear signs of economic downturn, linked to declining output from the
local stannaries, in contrast to those in the south east of the county where fertile
land, booming textile manufacture and fishing underpinned economic resilience
at a time of recession in most other areas of the country.16
13
Hatcher, ‘A Diversified Economy’; Hatcher, ‘Non-Manorialism in Medieval Cornwall’;
Hatcher, ‘Myths, Miners, and Agricultural Communities’.
14
Hatcher, English Tin Production and Trade; Barker and Hatcher, A History of British
Pewter.
15
Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society.
16
For the general context to these developments, see John Hatcher’s contributions on ‘New
Settlement’, ‘Farming Techniques’, and ‘Social Structure’ in southwest England, in The Agrarian
Introduction xxxi
The recent publication of a series of fifteenth-century rentals for the Arundell

estates enables Schofield to establish the underlying economic trends, which
broadly support Hatcher’s conclusion that local economic diversity was an
important element in preserving income levels. His analysis is further developed
through research into manorial court rolls and accounts from a sample of
Arundell manors, which yield information about the existence of wider economic
activities. This indicates that beneficial combinations of economic factors within
the locality, rather than distinctive sub-regional patterns such as Hatcher found
for southeast Cornwall, provide a better explanation for success on the Arundell
estates in the challenging conditions of the fifteenth century.
The fortunes of another landlord, the bishopric of Durham, are considered
in Richard Britnell’s essay, which focuses upon its management of coal mines in
County Durham. The subject matter is especially apt, given Hatcher’s interests in
mineral-based industries and his definitive work on early English coal mining.17
Britnell pays particular attention to the social backgrounds of those men who
took charge of the industry, a subject that greatly interested an earlier generation
of economic historians who argued that the experience and know-how of
mining entrepreneurs was highly influential during the first stages of British
industrialization. Coal receipts fluctuated widely each year, but comprised
around seven per cent of the bishopric’s annual income. Income collapsed after
the Black Death, and never regained the levels received in the 1340s, as demand
for coal in distant locations dropped and then remained low. Consumers in
southeast England turned to local sources of fuel in preference to northeastern
coal, mainly due to the costs associated with transporting the latter in a period of
wage inflation. The sustained slump in output was felt particularly among mines
located around the river Tyne, which were the most commercially orientated. The
inland pits fared better, partly because they supplied localized markets for fuel
and partly because the bishopric adopted monopolistic practices to protect the
demand for its coal. The social background of the people leading the industry
remained broadly based: local merchants, estate administrators and gentry, with
pit managers drawn from the local peasantry. In this respect, the organization of,
and the entrepreneurial spirit within, the Durham coal industry changed little as
a consequence of the Black Death.
History of England and Wales, ed. by Finberg and Thirsk, ii: 1042–1350, ed. by Hallam,
pp. 234–45, 383–99, 675–85 respectively.
17
Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry; Hatcher, ‘The Emergence of a Mineral-
Based Energy Economy’.
xxxii Introduction
The demographic and economic expansion of the twelfth and thirteenth

centuries had inevitably been accompanied by a growth in commercial activity.
The volume and range of transacted goods increased; the number and size
of towns, and the proportion of people living within an urban setting, grew;
thousands of weekly markets and seasonal fairs were founded throughout rural
areas; the labour market became more specialized and diversified; the amount
of coin in circulation expanded, and denominations of coin became smaller to
facilitate low level exchange; and the reach and sophistication of the institutions
of trade were extended.18 The wide and regular movement of goods and people
involved in commerce must have facilitated the spread of the Black Death, but
the Black Death in turn threatened commercial activity through the short-term
disruption it caused to factor and product markets, and its medium- to long-
term economic consequences. Given the squeezing of profitability, especially in
agriculture, it is possible to envisage a scenario in which the rural countryside
retreated into comfortable subsistence after the Black Death and where many of
the commercial developments of the previous two centuries were undermined
by deficient demand and disrupted supply. Certainly, central authorities were
concerned enough about the retail trade in basic foodstuffs after 1348–49 to pass
regulatory legislation, and the volume of this trade suffered long-term decline.
Many rural markets and fairs lost business and some ceased to trade, while
contemporary complaints of urban distress were widespread. Yet, in general,
commercial activity and its supporting institutions proved remarkably resilient
during the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. There was a significant
realignment in the type and volume of commodities produced for the market,
and the location of those markets shifted, creating new opportunities for those
willing to innovative in, and adapt to, the new conditions. These changes resulted
in the rationalization and refinement of those trading structures that had been
initially laid down over the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
James Davis explores the changes triggered by the Black Death in day-to-
day commercial activity in local marketplaces.19 His study of contemporary
literature identifies a volley of complaint, moralizing and anxiety about the
marketplace, the prevalence of petty retailers and their values, in the aftermath
of the pestilence. Such concerns were reflected in a flurry of royal and urban
legislation relating to marketing in the second half of the fourteenth century, as
successive statutes targeted the prices of foodstuffs and the activities of victuallers
18
Summarized in Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England: Towns, Commerce and Crafts.
19
Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath of the Black Death’.
Introduction xxxiii
and hostellers. Against this general background of anxiety about, and economic
regulation of, petty traders, Davis explores the reality in the small market town
of Clare (Suffolk). He detects some laxity in the enforcement of the assizes of
various foodstuffs there after the Black Death, which might appear to vindicate
the complaints of poets and moralizers, but this did not mean that the assizes had
no regulatory effect. The assizes were implemented at every leet court,
reminding brewers and bakers of their social duty to supply good and wholesome
food and drink, while occasional indictments of flagrant offenders ensured that the
law was not a dead letter and market users recognized the margins of acceptable
behaviour.
So, although the market for food and drink was duly regulated within the broad
statutory framework laid down by central government, its local implementation
became increasingly flexible and simplified, reflecting the underlying economic
pressure to lower transaction and operational costs in the new commercial
environment: ‘in these conditions, moral concerns could be stretched a little
further and the law too’. Interestingly, Davis argues that after the Black Death
market forces were more influential than regulatory action in maintaining the
quality of retailed foodstuffs, as consumers became fussier about their food and as
the buoyant number of active retailers and producers ensured lively competition.
The experience of local and weekly markets after the Black Death has attracted
a good deal of scholarly attention, but, in contrast, the role, fortunes and operation
of seasonal fairs have attracted little research, mainly because the evidence for
them is so scant. We know a reasonable amount about the elite fairs in England,
which had enjoyed an international standing in the thirteenth century but then
suffered rapid decline at the beginning of the fourteenth: in contrast, we know
far less about the fortunes or function of hundreds of regional and local fairs.
Hence John Lee’s important survey of late medieval fairs makes good a large gap
in our knowledge.
Lee shows that fairs were more resilient than weekly rural markets in the later
Middle Ages, in the sense that the Crown granted more fair than market fran-
chises, and more fairs appear to have survived the difficult economic conditions
of the fifteenth century. The latter was especially true of urban and regional fairs,
which comprise the main focus of his essay. He argues that regional fairs offered
a more flexible medium of exchange to both retailers and consumers, and so were
better able to adapt to sudden shifts in demand for different kinds of produce.
They tended to handle the trade in cloth, livestock, fish, and household goods,
for which demand remained relatively buoyant after the Black Death: in con-
trast, the trade of weekly markets remained focused on basic agricultural produce
xxxiv Introduction
and essential perishable goods, demand for which fell across the same period. As
episodic events, fairs also developed sidelines in entertainment, which enhanced
their attractiveness to ordinary people and trades folk, as well as attracting com-
ment from moralizers. Lee’s work means that, in future, fairs will feature more
prominently in our assessments of marketing structures in the later Middle Ages.
It is trite, but accurate, to conclude from this collection of essays that elements
of both continuity and change are evident after the Black Death. The Black Death
had little observable impact on some aspects of English society and economic life,
such as the organization of, and the entrepreneurial spirit within, the Durham coal
industry. It triggered identifiable change in other aspects, such as the regulation
of commercial activity in local market places. Its contribution to changes in other
aspects of medieval life was sometimes obscure and often difficult to extricate
from the contribution of other influences. For example, both over-supply in the
arable sector as a result of falling population and favourable climatic conditions
exerted a downward pressure on grain prices in the last quarter of the fourteenth
century, a trend reinforced by monetary factors: three powerful forces all acting
in the same direction, only one of which was directly linked to the Black Death.
Our understanding of such issues has advanced greatly during John Hatcher’s
career. This has led to a recognition that the late fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries are best viewed as a series of discrete and distinctive sub periods, each
different in their characteristics and manifestations. For example, the 1350s was
a decade of recuperation and adjustment; c. 1360 to c. 1375 a period of buoyant
recovery, ‘an Indian summer’, when it seemed possible that little had changed in
society and economy; while, in the last quarter of the fourteenth century, the
economic effects of the huge drop in population, and their social implications,
finally emerged in a sustained manner.20 The 1350s stand out as a decade that
has been relatively neglected by historians, but which is worthy of more detailed
study, as Stone has shown. Important decisions had to be made in the immediate
aftermath of the epidemic at the local and national level, in circumstances that
were unprecedented and often not properly comprehended. Yet the consequences
of these decisions, however knee-jerk or considered, however informed or
uninformed, would be felt for decades. Seigneurial decisions about how to refill
vacant landholdings, how to manage migrant serfs, and how to run a demesne
in the months and early years after the epidemic of 1348–49 carried long-term
implications for the operation of rural society. Similarly, the initial success of the
national labour legislation shaped social policy and politics for years.
20
For the fifteenth century, see Hatcher, ‘The Great Slump’.
Introduction xxxv
Debate will continue to rage over the exact consequences of the Black Death.
Did it alter decisively the direction of social and economic trends or merely
accelerate those already in motion? Was it the primary cause of the major social
and economic changes of the later Middle Ages, or merely the context within
which other powerful forces operated? The debate will rage, because the extant
sources are incapable of providing all the evidence necessary to answer such issues
satisfactorily, and because the evidence we do have is inevitably subject to the
interpretative bias and baggage of the historians who interrogate it. There is much
in the study of the economic and social history of late medieval England about
which to be optimistic. In the future, the areas of debate are likely to become
sharper and better defined; the methodologies used to exploit the source material
will be further refined and improved; and there is still a vast amount of that
material waiting to be exploited. Whatever future research reveals, it is difficult
to see how any attempt to downplay the economic impact of the Black Death
can evade or deny the profundity of its impact in two major two areas. First, the
Black Death is the greatest demand-side shock in recorded history, and, as such, it
presented huge challenges to all producers and consumers. Commodity markets
and prices underwent significant realignment in response, even if the precise
nature and timing of that realignment was subject to time lags of adjustment and
to the influence of other powerful forces. Second, its decimation of perhaps half
the population in just twelve months represents the greatest supply-side shock to
the English labour market in recorded history, not least because the late medieval
economy was incapable of compensating for the dramatic loss in muscle power
by utilizing the power of machines. The effects of the decimation continued to be
felt over the course of the subsequent two hundred years, because of the inability
of the population to recover even some of the numbers lost in 1348–49. The
profound and lasting influence of the Black Death upon these two fundamental
areas of economic life means that it must be regarded as one of those rare
occasions in social and economic history when a turning point can be identified
with precision and confidence.
xxxvi Introduction
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repr. 2009)
—— , ‘Understanding the Population History of England’, Past and Present, 180 (2003),
83–130
—— , ‘Women’s Work Reconsidered: Gender and Wage Differentiation in Late Medieval
England’, Past and Present, 173 (2001), 191–98
—— , Women’s Work, Wages, and Productivity in Late Medieval England’, Past and
Present, 173 (2001), 191–98
—— , and Mark Bailey, Modelling the Middle Ages: The History and Theory of England’s
Economic Development (Oxford, 2001)
—— , Alan J. Piper, and David Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality: Durham Priory, 1395–1529’,
Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 59 (2006), 667–87
Introduction xxxvii
Larson, Peter L., Conflict and Compromise in the Late Medieval Countryside: Lords and Peas
ants in Durham, 1349–1400, Studies in Medieval History and Culture (London, 2006)
Miller, Edward, and John Hatcher, Medieval England: Rural Society and Economic Change,
1086–1348, Social and Economic History of England (London, 1978)
—— , Medieval England: Towns, Commerce and Crafts, 1086–1348, Social and Economic
History of England (London, 1995)
Postan, Michael M., and John Hatcher, ‘Population and Class Relations in Feudal Society’,
Past and Present, 78 (1978), 24–37
Razi, Zvi, Life, Marriage and Death in a Medieval Parish: Economy, Society, and Demo
graphy in Halesowen, 1270–1400 (Cambridge, 1981)
Part I
New Perspectives in Medieval Demography:
Ole Benedictow*
T
he underlying premise of this paper is that the division of history into
separate periods is not arbitrary or simply a matter of expediency arising
from historians’ need for manageable chronological units. The division
of history into periods reflects comprehensive structural processes which, over
time, produce pervasive and irreversible systemic change between particular
social systems or social formations. Each social formation can be distinguished
from those which preceded or followed it in terms of its structures of economic
life, demography, technology, politics, religion, and class relations with the
interaction of these structures producing also a characteristic dynamic of change
and direction of development. An historical period is thus a chronological
concept indicating that in a specified time in the history of a civilization, long-
term systemic change has produced a qualitatively distinct and specific form
of society. The history of civilizations can thus be seen in terms of a series of
social formations. The concept of the medieval period designates a chronological
division of the European civilization characterized by a specific social system. In
turn, specific periods of history can often be divided into sub-parts such as, in the
case of the medieval period, the early, high and late Middle Ages. Our argument
here is that the social formation of medieval Europe was also characterized by the
existence of a unique and specifically medieval demographic system, one which
can be distinguished from the demographic systems of the early modern and
modern periods (and from the demography of other civilizations).
As a scientific discipline, historical demography is devoted to the study of
populations in the past. The focus is on a number of structures or phenomena
* Ole Benedictow is Emeritus Professor of Medieval and Early Modern History, Universi
tetet i Oslo (the University of Olso).
(Turnhout: Brepols, 2012), 3–42 BREPOLS PUBLISHERS 10.1484/M.TMC-EB.1.100557
4 Ole Benedictow
which are generally considered to be central to the formation of a specific pattern

of population: mortality, life expectancy (at various ages), fertility, family, or
household composition and size, age at marriage (especially for women), social
composition, distribution of rural and urban population, causes and patterns
of change or stability. Together, these structures form a particular demographic
system which is moulded by specific historical conditions. It is generally agreed
amongst historians that medieval economic structures constitute an economic
system which is qualitatively different from those of the pre- and post-medieval
periods; the same is generally the case with medieval systems of politics, social-
class relations and religion. It is the central contention of this paper that when
we compile data for the demographic structural elements of the Middle Ages, the
characteristic and specific features of a medieval demographic system will emerge.
The ‘Demographic Transition’ and Feudal Society

At first sight, it may seem ‘obvious’ that the Middle Ages should be seen as a
distinct period, one which is qualitatively different from those which came before
and after it; this is, after all, an idea which would be readily accepted by many
historians of the medieval economy, politics, and religion. Yet, as we shall see, this
has not been the case in the sphere of population history where many scholars have
been unwilling to recognize the existence of a specifically medieval demographic
system. On the contrary, it was once the orthodoxy (and still remains so in many
quarters) to refer simply to ‘the’ demographic transition, implying that there
only had been one genuine profound demographic transition in history, that
associated with the transition from agricultural society to industrial society.
Particularly influential here was the work of Omran, the epidemiologist,
who, in 1971, published a paper which set out the concepts of the epidemic
transition and the demographic transition, concepts which then found general
acceptance. These concepts referred to the epidemic and demographic transitions
which started with the Industrial and Scientific Revolutions around 1750 and
which led to the profound change involved in the modernization of Europe in
the nineteenth century. The basic assumption underlying Omran’s approach
was that the epidemic and demographic structures of all pre-industrial societies
were essentially the same. Accordingly, there had only been one historical
epidemic transition and one demographic transition, one which was related to
the profound societal transition between pre-industrial and modern society in
New Perspectives in Medieval Demography 5
Western Europe.1 Accordingly, the Dictionary of Demography defines ‘the demo

graphic transition’ as referring to, in its simplest meaning,
the shift accompanying the modernization of the West from Stage i, a relatively
static population with high fertility and mortality, to Stage ii, a rapid population
growth based on a continuing high fertility and falling mortality, and then to
Stage iii, a relatively static population based on a new balance between low fertility
and low mortality.2
In this definition, there is only one essential demographic transition, that from
Stage i, which represents all history, and more specifically, all demographic
history, before the beginning of the process of modernization through the
Industrial and Scientific Revolutions, to Stage iii, with its characteristic modern
demographic system, the two being linked by the transitory Stage ii. This process
together constitutes the ‘contemporary demographic transition’ (CDT).
According to this view, the CDT started in England about two hundred and
fifty years ago and is still going on in large parts of the world. In this perspective,
the medieval period was not characterized by the existence of its own distinctive
demographic regime. Rather, the population history of the Middle Ages is
understood as part of the common demographic system of the ‘pre-industrial’
world. To give but one example, in a textbook much used in Norwegian
universities, Øye argues explicitly against the notion that ‘the demographic
system of the Middle Ages was qualitatively different from the population
structure in Norway as it is known from the eighteenth century’. 3 In this
perspective, information about early modern demography can be assumed to be
indicative or representative of the population history of the Middle Ages and so
has been used to characterize medieval conditions when actual evidence for the
period was lacking or scarce.4 Øye accepts, for instance, the use of demographic
data from the 1660s to estimate population size around 1300 even though, in
fact, Norwegian agricultural society had been radically transformed over these
centuries.5 Here, by contrast, we argue that medieval society was characterized
1
Omran, ‘The Epidemiological Transition’.
2
Petersen and Petersen, Dictionary of Demography, p. 217.
3
Øye, ‘Kvinner, kjønn og samfunn’ (Women, Gender, and Society), pp. 28–36, 95, 104. My
translation from Norwegian.
4
See some concrete instances discussed in Benedictow, ‘Svartedauen i Norge’ (The Black
Death in Norway), pp. 125–41, 147–57.
5
Øye, ‘Kvinner, kjønn og samfunn’, pp. 25–26. For instance, after c. 1620, sub-tenancies
(‘undersettles’) which had previously been quite rare became an ordinary feature of Norwegian
6 Ole Benedictow
by the existence of a demographic system of its own so that insight into medieval
demography can only be gained from the study of actual medieval sources. The
one-transition theory springs from a misunderstanding or misconception of
historical periodization and its association with specific social formations and
systemic social change.
More recently, this theory of a single transition from a pre-industrial to a
modern demographic transition has come under fire from scholars studying pre-
agricultural periods. Using Stone Age skeletal material, palaeodemographers
and palaeoosteologists have taken issue with the ‘one-transition’ orthodoxy,
maintaining that there was a genuine demographic transition associated with the
transition from hunter-gatherer societies to agricultural economies which they
have labelled the ‘Neolithic demographic transition’ (NDT).6 The implication
of this approach is that we should see human history as involving two main
demographic transitions, as in Caldwell’s division of history into three major
‘modes of production’, each defined by its characteristic productive forces:
‘hunting and gathering, farming and capitalist/industrial’. 7 However, even the
two-transitions theory takes a very broad-brush approach and so ignores the
great variety of social forms to be found in the thousands of years between the
neolithic period and the contemporary demographic transition.8
Many scholars have argued that, rather than distinguishing historical periods
in terms of their productive forces or mode of technology (as Caldwell does), we
should do so in terms of their characteristic social and property relations. Once
peasant society and increased greatly the average number of households and persons living
on independent agricultural holdings (registered units of taxation whether tenancies or free
holdings). As a result, by the 1660s there was an average of six people living on each agricultural
holding, as opposed to between 4.25 and 4.5 in the Middle Ages and sixteenth century, a fact
which has important implications when the number of holdings is used as the basis for calculating
national population. See Benedictow, ‘Svartedauen i Norge’, pp. 142–57. This household size
will be familiar to medievalists of other countries. See Benedictow, The Black Death, pp. 266–71.
6
See the very interesting collection of papers in The Neolithic Demographic Transition,
ed. by Bocquet-Appel and Bar-Yosef. As the blurb to the book puts it: ‘Using cemetery data,
it has been possible to identify the signature of a previously unknown demographic process
associated with the transition from a hunter-gatherer to an agricultural economy. Characterized
by a dramatic increase in the birth rate, and consequently of the population growth rate, over a
period of less than a millennium following the transition to agriculture, this global demographic
process has been termed the Neolithic Demographic Transition (NDT). The NDT signature
has so far been detected in Europe, North America, Mesoamerica and South America’.
7
Caldwell, Demographic Transition Theory, p. 6.
8
The papers in The Neolithic Demographic Transition, ed. by Bocquet-Appel and Bar-Yosef,
show this with full clarity.
we do this, the Middle Ages then emerges as a distinct period in its own right, one
characterized by its dominant feudal relations of production.9 Here we do not use
the term ‘feudalism’ in the narrow sense to refer simply to the ties between lords
and vassals centred on vassalage and the service tenement/feudum.10 Instead, the
term refers to the social relations of a more broadly-conceived social formation,
one which was usefully described by Marc Bloch in Part viii of his Feudal
Society in terms of the following social structures:11 (1) ‘A subject peasantry; (2)
widespread use of the service tenement (i.e. the fief ) instead of a salary […]; (3) the
supremacy of a class of specialized warriors; (4) ties of obedience and protection
which bind man to man and, within the warrior class, assume the distinctive form
called vassalage; (5) fragmentation of authority […]; (6) and in the midst of all
this, the survival of other forms of association, family and State […]; — such then
seem to be the fundamental features of European feudalism’.12 Given this context,
the aims of medieval demography must be to uncover the specific effects of the
feudal social relations and institutions on the central parameters of life and death
and to explore the functions of reproductive alliances (‘marriage’), as well as the
major events and daily struggles which helped to shape the lives of everyone
within these societies.
The Emergence of the Concept of a Medieval Demographic System

The key issue in deciding whether there was a distinctive medieval demographic
system is the extent to which the population history of the medieval West dif-
fers from that of the early modern period. The characteristic or defining features
9
See, for instance, Hindess and Hirst, Pre-Capitalist Modes of Production, pp. 221–59;
Hilton, ‘Introduction’; Rigby, Marxism and History, pp. 209–11, 228–33, and elsewhere;
Rigby, English Society in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 17–144.
10
Among numerous options, see P. Cheyette’s fine discussion of this type of definition of
feudalism and his call for the cross-cultural type of conceptual approach in Cheyette, ‘Some
Notations on Mr. Hollister’s “Irony”’.
11
Postan, ‘Foreword’, pp. xii–xv.
12
Bloch, Feudal Society, p. 446. Since this monograph was written two generations ago,
several scholars have developed this concept of feudalism or feudal society further according
to a cross-civilizations approach; see for instance the papers of a number of scholarly specialists
in Feudalism in History, ed. by Coulborn. I would also like to draw attention to the chapter on
feudalism in the fine monograph by Andreski, The Uses of Comparative Sociology, pp. 149–62,
where feudalism, in the spirit of Max Weber and Marc Bloch, is discussed and modelled as a
social system.
8 Ole Benedictow
of the demographic system of northwestern Europe in the early modern period

are the following: a life expectancy at birth of thirty to thirty-five years, a corre-
sponding level of mortality of something like 3–3.5 per cent, in normal years and
a usual age at first marriage for women of 24 to 26.5 years, with ten to twenty per
cent never marrying. The resulting average female reproductive period of twelve
to fifteen years, the quite early onset of declining fecundity and the very high
mortality of infants and young children meant that married women would, on
average, give birth to 4.5–5 children, of whom forty to fifty per cent would reach
maturity and enter society as adults who were themselves ready for reproduc-
tion.13 This constitutes a coherent demographic regime which at a regional or
national level would tend to maintain or would only slowly alter population size.
It reflects perhaps first of all a society that has succeeded in limiting the inflow
and spread of epidemic diseases by a sufficient understanding of their mecha-
nisms of spread both by individuals and political elites and that is administra-
tively sufficiently developed to restrict the spread of disease within regions or
countries by implementing quarantine systems in ports and other useful epidemic
countermeasures (see below). The consequent main effect is a significant reduc-
tion of mortality which, in turn, tends to lead to a reduction in fertility rates and
the size of families and has the unintended consequence of restraining overall
population growth.
The research which eventually would lead to the recognition of the medieval
demographic system can be traced back to 1948, the year of publications of both
Russell’s British Medieval Population and Thrupp’s The Merchant Class of Medieval
London. Although Russell’s monograph was devoted to medieval demography,
he was not concerned to establish the specificity of the medieval demographic
regime. His statistical claims were ‘subjected to much telling criticism from
historians and demographers alike’. As Hollingsworth generously put it: ‘Russell’s
chief virtue, in fact, is that he gives others something to refute. All his figures
may be altered eventually, but the debt to him will remain’.14 The demographic
aspects of Thrupp’s work, by contrast, failed to attract the attention which they
deserved. Although her study focused on a numerically small urban elite, her
broad orientation and early interest in demographic perspectives meant that she
also provided important sociological and demographic insights.
13
For a general outline of early modern European demography, see Flinn, The European
Demographic System, pp. 13–46; on normal mortality, see p. 15; on normal age at marriage and
proportion marrying, see pp. 19–21, 34; on fertility, see pp. 30–33.
14
Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy, pp. 12–13; Hollingsworth,
Historical Demography, p. 58.
A key paper in the development of medieval demography was published by

Postan and Titow at the end of the 1950s which examined the registrations of
animal heriots paid on entry to holdings by customary tenants on five Winchester
manors in the period 1245–1350.15 The authors were taken aback by the high
levels of mortality which they found among a sample which was mainly made
up of relatively well-off, adult male peasants (of twenty years of age or older),
Mortality here amounted to forty per thousand for the whole period and fifty-two
per thousand for the years 1292–1347, corresponding to levels of life expectancy
at the mean age of entry to property of about twenty-four years and noticeably
under twenty years in the two periods respectively: ‘this is an exceptionally high
rate’.16 Since the life expectancy of adult males is usually substantially higher
than that of those in the first twenty years of their life, this data suggested a
level of life expectancy at birth of less than twenty years, thus, almost falling off
the bottom of the life-table scales for males according to Princeton Life Tables,
Model West.17 At the time, the extremity of these findings suggested either that
Postan and Titow’s sources were unreliable as demographic evidence or that that
the statistical handling of them was flawed in some unrecognized way.
The breakthrough for medieval population history came in 1966 when Ohlin
published a critical methodological-statistical study of a number of earlier works
on medieval demography, producing outcomes that have since been broadly
accepted. He showed, inter alia, that Russell had made several mistakes in the
handling of some of the important source materials that he had so diligently
gathered and that this was the case also with his estimates of life expectancy and
mortality. Ohlin concluded that, according to this material, mean life expectancy
at birth around 1300 for the baronial class was ‘in the neighbourhood of 25 years’,
that it is ‘likely to have fallen within the range of perhaps twenty-two to twenty-
eight years, and it might well have been lower’.18 This hedged phrasing and the
suggestion that the source material really indicated an even lower range of life
expectancy should be seen in the light that the estimation of life expectancy was
based on a very cautious assumption of infant mortality of two hundred and fifty
per thousand. This level of infant mortality was quite usual in Northwestern and
Northern Europe at the middle of the eighteenth century and corresponds to,
according to Princeton Life Tables, Model West, an average life expectancy at
15
See Benedictow, The Black Death, pp. 374–77.
16
Postan and Titow, ‘Heriots and Prices on Winchester Manors’, pp. 393–95, 399–400.
17
Coale and Demeny, Regional Model Life Tables, p. 42.
18
Ohlin, ‘No Safety in Numbers’, pp. 76–77.
10 Ole Benedictow
birth of around thirty-three years.19 Consequently, Ohlin’s assumption on this

point indicates that his estimate of life expectancy in England around 1300 for
this social elite tends towards a maximum estimate, even an unrealistic maximum.
This approach could be seen in the light of the radical character of these findings
and of the scholar’s wish to appear cautious and make his results more readily
defensible. For this range of life expectancy, Princeton Life Tables, Model West,
levels 2–3, show levels of infant mortality of 340–285 per thousand.20 Taking
into account correspondingly higher mortality rates for young children, this
indicates that a less cautious or more realistic approach would produce a range of
life expectancy at birth in the range of ‘perhaps’ twenty to twenty-five years and
rather in the lower reaches of this range. This level of life expectancy corresponds
to a level of mortality of forty to fifty per thousand which is exactly the level
Ohlin arrived at when he subjected Postan and Titow’s study of heriots to a
statistically more refined analysis than they themselves had offered,21 a result
these fine scholars would quite likely have accepted.22
This level of life expectancy is about ten years shorter (and implies a mortality
rate correspondingly much higher) than that normally observed in the early
modern demographic studies and clearly indicates the existence of a specific
medieval demographic system or regime. This level of mortality is so high that
it would require nearly full exploitation of female fecundity in order to produce
fertility rates that could more or less reproduce the population and so implies
nearly universal marriage for women at an early reproductive age, as teenagers. It
thus suggests as a hypothesis that medieval women married early and that there
was a very high rate of marriage. This is where Thrupp’s observation of age at
first marriage for women of the better-off classes in late medieval London fits in:
‘Women were married young’. It is ‘likely that girls were usually married, for the
first time, before they were seventeen’ and marriage even occurred as early as age
eleven and twelve.23 She also found material from Bristol which supported this
finding, namely that the marriage of twenty girls orphaned in the period 1385–
1485 occurred at ages ten to twenty: the median was seventeen, the average
16.8.24 Later, these findings were supported by Hanawalt’s evidence for the age
19
Coale and Demeny, Regional Model Life Tables, pp. 44–45.
20
21
Ohlin, ‘No Safety in Numbers’, pp. 84–89.
22
Postan and Titow, ‘Heriots and Prices on Winchester Manors’, pp. 399–400.
23
Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London, pp. 171, 196 and n. 10.
24
See also Kowaleski, ‘Singlewomen’, pp. 326–28.
at marriage in London for heiresses, mostly of artisan families, which suggested

an average age at marriage of around nineteen.25 This shows that marriage of girls
even before reaching their ’teens, was not against the moral norms of this period
and agrees with a range of early ages at first marriage for girls required by an
average or median age at marriage of under seventeen years.
Although the customary heriot-paying peasantry and parts of the artisanal
class included sizeable proportions of lower-class and lower-income people, the
central problem in this early phase of the development of medieval demography
was that it mainly relied on data relating to the better-off or upper classes and
could not be persuasively generalized in support of the construction of a specific
model of medieval demography. One should note though that it is not obvious
that upper classes will necessarily invest in early marriage of daughters (and so
maximize fertility) since it would tend to produce more children and consequent
multiple divisions of the family fortunes. It would thus tend to threaten the
material basis of their advantageous social standing and life-style, that is if early
marriage was not a reflection of very high normal levels of mortality which
threatened the biological survival and continuation of the family lines. It could
therefore be significant that Hanawalt found that women with wealthy parents
who were still alive married at a particularly young age: among the merchant class
marriage occurred for girls at age seventeen or younger.26 This data suggests a
marriage regime which differs sharply from that of early modern England where,
in the sixteenth century, ‘the average age of marriage was twenty-seven to twenty-
eight for men and twenty-five to twenty-six for women and by a relatively high
proportion of women never marrying, about ten per cent’ and can, once more, be
taken to support the existence of a specific medieval demographic system.27
In turn, this data has important implications for the differences in fertility
rates between the medieval and the early modern periods. Most of the inhabitants
of medieval Europe can be seen as part of a manorial ‘peasantry’ which is defined
here in a broad sense to include a variety of rural social classes from the customary
peasantry to the rural proletarians of cottagers, day labourers and sub-tenants. The
evidence indicates that married peasant women in their best reproductive years
gave birth, on average, every twenty-nine to thirty months in both the medieval
and early modern periods, although with reduced fertility early and late in the
25
Hanawalt, Growing up in Medieval London, pp. 142, 205.
26
Hanawalt, Growing up in Medieval London, p. 206.
27
Rigby, ‘Gendering the Black Death’, p. 218. Presumably, Rigby has the second half or the
later sixteenth century in mind (below); see also Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History
of England, pp. 248–65.
12 Ole Benedictow
reproductive period.28 The earliest English data, which relates to the sixteenth
century, shows a central mean birth interval of about thirty months.29 The
decisive variable for birth intervals of nursing women is the period of amenorrhea,
the period of infertility following a parturition associated with the combination
of duration of nursing, relative sufficiency of diet and level of physical effort in
daily life. In the case of peasant women of the past, the three elements of this
combination can be generally characterized as long, poor, and hard, producing
in generalized terms, an amenorrhea of around eight months, before fertility
returns. This means that women who marry, on average, at age 17.5–20 will
ceteris paribus give birth to two to three more children than women who marry at
the average age of about twenty-five which was the usual norm in northwestern
Europe in the early modern period (see below). This difference creates distinctive
so-called ‘high-pressure’ and ‘low-pressure’ demographic systems which emerge
as characteristic, respectively, of medieval and early modern demography. This
contrast would also be heightened by the difference in marriage rates between
a system of tendentially universal marriage and one which, like that of the early
modern period, was characterized by a relatively high level of celibacy where ten
to twenty per cent of women never married. One should take care not to confuse
these useful dichotomous concepts of high or low pressure systems with social
reality itself which, as pointed out by Hatcher, requires a much more complex
model ‘if we are to provide and adequate description and explanation of the
operation of England’s demographic system’.30
The characteristics of this early modern, low-pressure, demographic system
were famously established by Hajnal in his important paper ‘European Marriage
Patterns in Perspective’ which drew attention to the apparently global and his
torical uniqueness of the marriage pattern that from some time in the early
modern period pervaded most of Europe, ‘except for the eastern and south
eastern portion’. This marriage pattern was especially characterized by ‘(1) a
high age at marriage and (2) a high proportion of people who never marry at all’.
Hajnal presented a fairly large body of material in support of this view. However,
at the time he faced difficulties in producing medieval evidence which could
28
Benedictow, ‘The Milky Way in History’, pp. 32–37; Benedictow, The Medieval Demo
graphic System, pp. 46–53.
29
Wrigley, ‘Family Limitation in Pre-Industrial England’, pp. 93–95, Table 8; Cowgill,
‘The People of York’, p. 110; Wrightson, Poverty and Piety in an English Village, pp. 51–56;
Howell, Land, Family and Inheritance in Transition, pp. 205, 221; Benedictow, ‘The Milky Way
in History’, pp. 34–35.
30
Hatcher, ‘Understanding the Population History of England’, p. 89.
substantiate his claims for the existence of a contrasting marriage pattern in the
Middle Ages, one characterized by (nearly) universal marriage and an early age at
first marriage for women, or for the timing of the transition from the medieval
or ‘non-European marriage pattern’ 31 to the unique ‘European’ pattern. 32
Unfortunately, he had overlooked Thrupp’s important observations and his study
was published a year before Ohlin’s paper which contained important indirect
evidence for the existence of a medieval ‘non-European’ marriage pattern.
However, he had noticed and availed himself of Russell’s work on the 1377 Poll
Tax returns which was levied on all persons over age fourteen (excluding only the
destitute and clerics) and which provided information on a high marriage rate
conforming to the ‘non-European’ pattern.33 This was an important observation
since it was the first significant indication of a ‘non-European’ marriage pattern
among the general population. A few years later Hollingsworth, whose work is
often now overlooked, on the basis of material originally gathered by Russell,
suggested birth rates and death rates which made it ‘evident that up to 1304 at
least and probably up to 1489, England must have had a non-European marriage
pattern’ with ‘early and practically universal marriage’, in contrast to that of the
early modern period.34 These estimates were based on data relating to the baronial
class and suggested the relevance of the perspective given above to the effect that
a ‘non-European’ marriage pattern could be practised also by the upper and even
the uppermost social classes as a response to a very high general level of mortality,
i.e. to a ‘non-European’ mortality regime.
The next key step in the establishment of the notion of a distinctive medieval
demographic regime and marriage system came in 1977 when John Hatcher
published his slim but unusually important booklet on Plague, Population and
the English Economy, 1348–1530. No doubt inspired by Ohlin’s and Hajnal’s
papers, Hatcher argued for the existence of a medieval demographic system
that was distinctly different from that of the early modern period. In defiance
of the prevailing views of the time and the Cambridge Group’s position (see
below) he concluded that ‘the prime determinant of the course of population in
pre-industrial England was mortality rather than fertility’, in other words that
mortality rates within medieval society were so high that they determined the
31
The term ‘non-European marriage pattern’ is something of a misnomer since Hajnal
himself identified this pattern as being characteristic of both medieval western Europe and also
of southeastern Europe even after the medieval period.
32
Hajnal, ‘European Marriage Patterns in Perspective’, pp. 116, 134.
33
Hajnal, ‘European Marriage Patterns in Perspective’, pp. 116–40.
34
Hollingsworth, Historical Demography, pp. 383, 385.
14 Ole Benedictow
overall demographic regime, forming the structures of life-expectancy, fertility

and marriage.35 Importantly, Hatcher does not confine this view to the late
medieval plague-ridden period (see also below).
The demographic specificity of the medieval system can usefully be seen
in terms of the ‘turnover rate’ of the population. In the medieval system, the
general level of mortality was so high that the flow of lives out of the essential
social networks of everyday life, whether by parents, spouses, children, relatives,
or neighbours, would lead to early marriage and to high proportions of people
marrying in an attempt to compensate for high mortality by high fertility. This
response can be linked to a fundamental aspect of human behaviour: the basic
need or drive to produce enough children to achieve the overriding evolutionary
objective of all life, to pass their genes on to new generations. This would have the
unintended effect, at the level of the population as a whole, that the loss of life
would be more or less compensated for by a corresponding inflow of new lives.
Human beings will also endeavour to pass on their social and religious beliefs
and their property to children or close relatives, and to preserve or strengthen the
social context which such arrangements required. There is thus a strong case for
the hypothesis that high levels of mortality brought about a low age at marriage
(especially for women) and created nearly universal marriage; and that such levels
of mortality would be associated with social relationships between women and
men and with the disposal of economic assets which would seek to maximize
fertility, so as to counterbalance the outflow of people with a corresponding
inflow of new members of family and kin.
However, in the later Middle Ages, mortality rates were so high that the inflow
of new lives did not compensate for the losses suffered in the Black Death and the
subsequent nationwide plague epidemics. After the sharp fall in population in the
second half of the fourteenth century, long-term population developments took
on the character of a gentle slide in numbers which lasted until about 1530. In
support of the underlying premise of high fertility and of early and nearly universal
marriage, Hatcher refers to Hajnal’s analysis of the 1377 Poll Tax returns. He also
points out that the early parish registers of the 1540s and 1550s indicate that
‘birth-rates were extremely high’ and that marriage was (nearly) universal, facts
which implied that these demographic features were a continuation of a medieval
system of early and near-universal marriage for women among the ordinary
population. When combined with the marked reduction in the intensity of the
circulation of epidemic diseases observed by contemporaries from the 1530s, the
effect of these high fertility rates was strong and sustained population growth, a
35
Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy, p. 72.
growth which lasted into the following century.36 This situation indicates a causal
explanation for the transition into a low-pressure system (with substantially
higher age at marriage and reduced fertility rates) which eventually occurred once
the new social and demographic realities had impressed themselves sufficiently on
people to engender changes in practice, and which were then followed by changes
in social norms and justifications of behaviour affecting fertility.
This new approach to the study of medieval population was developed
in Miller and Hatcher’s outstanding study of English rural society in the high
Middle Ages which made explicit an approach to medieval demography that
had largely been left implicit in Hatcher’s book on the post-plague economy.
They claimed that ‘in the latter part’ of the high Middle Ages, ‘at birth even the
children of gentry an noble families might on average have expected a life span
of no more than twenty-two to twenty-eight years’. As a result, ‘having reached
his twenties the man of gentle status could still not expect to reach his fifties, nor
the poor man to live beyond his early forties’.37 Importantly, they present Ohlin’s
estimate of general life-expectancy for the gentle and noble classes without taking
into account or making explicit his reservation and cautious indication that it
erred on the high side and his likely reason for this appraisal. The children of the
peasantry were likely to have a higher mortality rate and a shorter life expectancy
than those of the rich,38 so that Miller and Hatcher’s work implies an appreciably
lower average life expectancy at birth for the general English population than
twenty-two to twenty-eight years. Princeton Life Tables, Model West, suggest,
as mentioned, that they had in mind average life expectancy at birth in the range
of twenty to twenty-five years, the poor obviously being represented by the lower
reaches of this range, quite likely also below this range at times.39
Mortality rates at this level could be seen as a confirmation of the usual view
that from the end of the thirteenth century the lives of the majority of English men
and women were negatively affected by overpopulation in terms of the available
resources for livelihood, so that a Malthusian ‘positive check’ on the population
had come into play. This may explain the slow contraction of the national
population from well over six million around 1300 to around six million on the
eve of the Black Death which appears to be scholarly orthodoxy on the matter.40
36
Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy, pp. 56, 65–66; see also Hatcher,
‘Understanding the Population History of England’, pp. 100, 101, 104.
37
Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England: Rural Society and Economic Change, pp. viii–ix.
38
Benedictow, The Black Death, pp. 251–53, 262–64, 324–25, 351–52, 374–77.
39
40
Hallam, ‘Population Movements in England’, pp. 536–37. See also Smith, ‘Human
16 Ole Benedictow
It appears that rather more than half the manorial population were landless or
smallholders and that ‘much of the population was surplus to the economy by
the mid-fourteenth century’.41 In the words of Miller and Hatcher: ‘increasing
mortality in the villages was merely one aspect of the economic problems which
reached an acute stage as the thirteenth century closed and the fourteenth
century opened’, heralding a period characterized by ‘peasant impoverishment’
and ‘the overcrowding of villages’, a sombre perspective on this period which was
summarized twenty-five years later by Hatcher and Bailey on the basis of much
new research.42 These were thus extraordinary times when ordinary English
women and men were exposed to increasing hardship, a tendentially declining
life expectancy and increasing difficulties in establishing a material basis for
marriage so that age at marriage and the incidence of celibacy should be expected
to have increased.43 This is confirmed by the rush to marriage in the wake of the
Black Death, when young people and adults, who had been forced to postpone
marriage or resigned to a celibate life, found good vacant tenements everywhere
and married in droves all over Europe. In Ravensdale’s words:
the crop of marriages [at the manor of Cottenham] in 1349 must have been fol
lowed by a baby boom among the villeinage […]. The rush to the altar […] in 1349
represented marriages that would have been postponed even longer but for the
plague, the average age at marriage would have been depressed, thus bringing in
creased fertility within marriage. Insofar as the pestilence had lowered the popula-
tion without altering the number of holdings that were available as bases for fami-
lies, a higher proportion of the villeins would have been married.44
This pattern is clearly reflected in the only extant parish marriage register from
the time of the Black Death, that of Givry in Burgundy. In the years 1336–41,
for which the register appears to be complete, the mean number of marriages
was 17.5. In 1348, the year of the Black Death, no marriages were recorded in
this small Burgundian town which obviously reflects the impact of the catas
Resources’, p. 191; Smith, ‘Demographic Developments in Rural England’, pp. 36–49; Hatcher

and Bailey, Modelling the Middle Ages, pp. 30–31, 38.
41
Postan, ‘Medieval Agrarian Society in its Prime’, p. 622; Kitsikopoulos, ‘Standards of
Living and Capital Formation’; Lomas, ‘South-East Durham’, p. 260.
42
Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England: Rural Society and Economic Change, pp. 241,
249; Hatcher and Bailey, Modelling the Middle Ages, pp. 21–65.
43
See also Hatcher and Bailey, Modelling the Middle Ages, p. 56.
44
Razi, Life, Marriage and Death in a Medieval Parish, pp. 132–35; Lomas, ‘South-East
Durham’, p. 260; Ravensdale, ‘Population Changes’, pp. 212–13. Benedictow, The Black Death,
pp. 271–72, 287–88; see also Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy, p. 56, n. 20.
trophe. However, in 1349, the number of registered marriages was eighty-six, a

quintupling of the pre-plague mean. For a number of subsequent years the number
of marriages was also considerably higher than in the pre-plague period.45 However,
any consequential baby boom did not lead to renewed population pressure on the
land since the plague returned, once more took a terrible toll of lives, and then
became a recurrent feature of the social scene.
However, if the pre-plague period can be seen as one of extreme hardship
for a large proportion of England’s population, it does not explain the general
demographic systemic structures as outlined by Ohlin and Hatcher. Hatcher
argues that the general level of ‘mortality was not simply a function of the
state of the harvest or the level of real wages’, as implied by Malthusian lines of
argument, and emphasizes instead the importance of infectious diseases and
the variability of pathogens, vectors and carriers of disease and other ‘non-
economic factors’.46 In a long-term perspective, this underlines the significance
of the aggregate impact of quite a number of serious infectious diseases even
before the plague arrived and also, as underlined by Shrewsbury,47 the continued
spread of the array of previously established serious infectious diseases in the late
medieval period. The Black Death was introduced into an already disease-ridden
society where the spread of epidemic diseases of various kinds and severity was
an ordinary occurrence which affected the population with illness and death to
a degree where the population lived in a tenuous balance between life and death.
It was this tenuous balance that the introduction of plague broke and caused
a dramatic fall of the population to a level barely one-third of the pre-plague
size by the middle of the fifteenth century and with hardly any signs of recovery
before the 1530s.48
The eventual stirrings of recovery of the population can be seen in terms of
a shift in the basic understanding of epidemic diseases and their prevention that
occurred in the early modern period, a shift which was of profound historical
importance. In England, the first attempts at anti-epidemic measures occurred
in 1518 suggesting that this new view of the nature of epidemic disease was
already current by this time.49 According to Slack, the development and spread of
basic epidemiological insights in the Tudor and Stuart periods had a substantial
45
Gras, ‘Le Registre paroissial de Givry’, p. 303.
46
47
Shrewsbury, A History of Bubonic Plague, pp. 36, 42.
48
Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy, pp. 65–66; Hatcher, ‘The Great
Slump’, pp. 271–73; Hatcher, ‘Understanding the Population History of England’, p. 97.
49
Slack, The Impact of Plague, p. 47.
18 Ole Benedictow
and growing impact not only on the spread of plague but on infectious diseases
in general. This resulted in new forms of popular behaviour in the form of an
increasing tendency to stay away from infected houses and people, and a new
hostility to strangers and in an increasing efficiency in the countermeasures
against disease taken by local and national government.50 Similar developments
and quarantine measures in other countries reduced not only the internal
transmission of epidemic diseases but also their tendency to be spread abroad via
infected crews, goods or travellers. Gradually, these changes would affect levels
of mortality to such an extent that it could result in a rearrangement of basic
demographic structures (see below).
The early modern demographic pattern contrasts sharply with the medieval
demographic system as portrayed by Hatcher in which mortality, rather than
fertility, was ‘the prime determinant’ ‘of the course of population’ with a general
life expectancy at birth in this period in the range of twenty to twenty-five years
and general mortality rates of four to five per cent. Support for this view of the
Middle Ages as possessing a high-pressure demographic system came from Razi’s
important monograph on the population history of the manor of Halesowen
(1270–1400). Here, Razi identified a much higher mortality rate, a much lower life
expectancy, a much higher fertility rate, a much lower age at marriage (apparently
predominantly in ages eighteen to twenty-two) and a higher proportion of the
population marrying than was characteristic of early modern England.51 These
features constituted an internally consistent demographic regime or system, one
that was very different from the main structures of early modern demography.
Razi explicitly associated this system with the characteristics of Hajnal’s ‘non-
European’ marriage pattern.52 Hatcher and Razi were not explicit about their
radical break with the prevailing notions of historical demography which had
been developed by the Cambridge Group for History of Population and Social
Structure and which were championed by outstanding demographers such as
P. Laslett, E. A. Wrigley, and R. S. Schofield.53 Soon afterwards, Wrigley and
Schofield published a towering work on early modern English demography.54
What they lacked in medieval demographic expertise was soon made up for by
the work of R. M. Smith and L. R. Poos. In a magisterial paper, Poos and Smith
initiated a discussion with Razi of extraordinary quality and value in which
50
Slack, The Impact of Plague, pp. 83–89, 284–341.
51
Razi, Life, Marriage and Death in a Medieval Parish, pp. 60–64.
52
Razi, Life, Marriage and Death in a Medieval Parish, p. 50.
53
Best presented by Hatcher, ‘Understanding the Population History of England’, pp. 89–94.
54
Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England, with particular reference to n. 27.
they succeeded in pointing out weaknesses and uncertainties inherent in Razi’s

use of manorial sources for demographic purposes. Their arguments increased
significantly and even substantially the potential margins of error, although, on a
number of points, Razi succeeded in defending his work well.55
However, despite the power of Poos and Smith’s arguments, it is arguable
that their motive for challenging Razi’s claims was that his findings about
medieval demography were individually and systemically incompatible with the
demographic system and structures which existed in early modern England, and
so were likely to be erroneous. As Smith explicitly stated, the life expectancies
revealed by Razi were implausible since his results would correspond to the
mortality rates found in the Princeton Life Tables, Model West’s levels one to
three, producing ‘an expectation of life at birth of between eighteen and 22.8
years […] ten years lower than comparable values calculated for rural parishes
of late-Elizabethan England’.56 By contrast, Poos and Smith laid an emphasis on
‘the pivotal role which fertility, heavily influenced by nuptiality patterns, plays in
determining overall population growth’; ‘England can be shown to have possessed
one variant of this pattern [i.e. the European marriage pattern] from as early as the
mid-sixteenth century’.57 A few years later Smith made the claim for the primacy
of fertility even more explicit when he rejected the estimates of life-expectancy
at birth and older ages made by Postan, Titow, and Razi on the grounds that
they would ‘imply fertility levels one to one and half times higher than those
found in Elizabethan England’.58 He later went on to claim that although Hajnal’s
European marriage pattern could be found a couple of hundred years earlier, it is
‘likely that the European marriage pattern was firmly in place, together with other
necessarily attendant features of the social structure’ in ‘later medieval society’,59
echoing an earlier statement by Wrigley.60
By implying so clearly that the incompatibility of Razi’s results with the char-
acteristics of the early modern demographic system meant that his results were
necessarily flawed, Smith went beyond simply using later evidence to establish
working hypotheses for research but instead assumed that the demographic struc-
55
Poos and Smith, ‘“Legal Windows onto Historical Populations?’”; Poos and Smith,
‘“Shades Still on the Window’”; Razi, ‘The Use of Manorial Court Rolls’; Razi, ‘The Demo
graphic Transparency of Manorial Court Rolls’.
56
Smith, ‘Human Resources’, p. 204.
57
Poos and Smith, ‘“Legal Windows onto Historical Populations?’”, pp. 141–42.
58
59
60
Wrigley, ‘The Growth of Population in Eighteenth-Century England’, p. 149.
20 Ole Benedictow
tures of one period can legitimately be projected onto another. Poos adopted a
similar method when he introduced material and perspectives from the early
modern period into his study of the demography of late medieval rural Essex.61
It is precisely such assumptions this paper seeks to challenge. Thus while there is
no a priori reason for choosing specific life tables of (Princeton) Model West as
the basis for his medieval demographic estimates, Poos argues that these tables
should be adopted for the medieval period because they appear to accord or cor-
respond best to infant and child mortality derived from early parish registers.62
Poos and Smith also underline that there is considerable variability in the cor
relation between adult mortality and infant mortality so that ‘adult expectancies
can underpredict life expectancy at birth by as much as ten years’.63 This claim is
based on Ohlin’s discussion of Russell’s data for mortality and life expectancy of
the baronial class at age fifteen or twenty. But, in fact, Ohlin’s own conclusion
was that, even assuming an artificially low mortality rate for those under fifteen
for whom we do not have evidence (corresponding to infant mortality of two
hundred and fifty per thousand), the life expectancy at birth for this group around
1300 would have been within the range of twenty-two to twenty-eight years as
opposed to the thirty to thirty-five years which was characteristic of the early
modern period. And, if we introduce from life tables a more realistic mortality
rate for those under fifteen, one which accords with Russell’s mortality date for
those over fifteen (corresponding to infant mortality rates of three hundred to
three hundred and fifty per thousand), life-expectancy at birth for this group
would be even lower, around twenty to twenty-five years.64 Handled in this way,
Russell’s data provides strong evidence of the existence of a specific medieval
demographic system, one with a much more severe mortality regime than that
of the early modern period, even within the baronial elite. Thus the variability of
infant mortality in relation to adult mortality does not preclude use of adult data
for the estimation of life expectancy at birth or the general level of mortality, as is
assumed by Smith and Poos’ arguments.
61
See, Poos , ‘Population Turnover in Medieval Essex’, pp. 16–20; Poos, A Rural Society
after the Black Death, pp. 115–19. Benedictow, The Black Death, p. 252, n. 13, and pp. 369–373.
62
Poos , ‘Population Turnover in Medieval Essex’, p. 10.
63
Poos and Smith, ‘“Legal Windows onto Historical Populations?’”, p. 141. Poos and
Smith, and Smith also later, refer also to the outstanding paper by Schofield and Wrigley, ‘Infant
and Child Mortality in England’, i.e., the whole paper, which, however, appears consistently to
relate to other aspects of infant and child mortality. Smith, ‘Human Resources’, pp. 203–04;
Smith, ‘Demographic Developments in Rural England’, p. 59.
64
Ohlin, ‘No Safety in Numbers’, pp. 75–77, 89. See also above, pp. 9–10.
This discussion shows that Smith and Poos can only avoid accepting that
Russell’s data (as refined by later historical demographers) suggests the existence
of a distinct medieval demographic regime — and so retain their views about the
similarity or identity of early modern and medieval demography — by assuming
an extremely low value of infant mortality. In this context, it is important to keep
in mind that life tables are based on the normal correlations, in other words on
central values, and so tell us what should be expected or was likely to happen.65
In Coale and Demeny’s careful phrasing: ‘the separate families of model life
tables provide estimates that in our judgement are quite reliable when utilized
judiciously for populations within the areas upon which each family of model
tables is based’.66 Use of normal values provides outcomes at levels of validity
that can be designated likely or at least plausible; extreme values are inherently
rare and will lead to extreme outcomes with correspondingly peripheral or
marginal levels of validity and relevance. All premises or assumptions based on
empirical observation provide valid outcomes, but results based on normal or
usual observations or correlations will always have precedence or priority over the
significance of extreme or rare assumptions. It is a methodological misconception
that a small incidence of correlations or statistical outliers that deviate
substantially from the main pattern of observations invalidates or destroys the
powers of validation and usability of central values based on normal occurrence:
it all relates to the concept of level of tenability and probability of being reflected
in the sources according to usual source-critical considerations.
All English medieval studies of mortality among males above ages eleven,
fourteen, or nineteen, consistently show much higher mortality rates than
studies of the same cohorts of males in early modern society.67 In view of this fact,
it is likely that such an apparently grossly unhealthy environment would cause
correspondingly or rather still higher mortality rates among the most vulnerable
and susceptible persons in society, namely infants and young children, with a
corresponding effect on the overall mortality rate of the population. In general,
mortality rates among adolescents and adults will usually give a good indication
of mortality rates among children and infants. Coale and Demeny thus see the
use of life tables for the interpolation of population data as being valid provided
certain precautions are observed. This is the basis for the way Ohlin goes about
resolving this problem.
65
See Loschky and Childers, ‘Early English Mortality’, p. 86.
66
Coale and Demeny, Regional Model Life Tables, p. 24.
67
Benedictow, The Black Death, pp. 251–54 and n. 10.
22 Ole Benedictow
Unfortunately, in the debate generated by Razi’s work, the remarkable

internal consistency of his findings was lost out of sight as was their agreement
with Ohlin’s re-estimates of the data provided by Russell and by Postan and
Titow and with Hatcher’s (and Miller’s) arguments and systemic analysis. Razi’s
evidence thus seemed to be an isolated case-study and so seemed at best to be a
working hypothesis. Surprisingly, Poos and Smith hardly mention Ohlin’s paper
in relation to Razi’s findings, referring to it only once and then to claim that
it offers support for their own case about the implausibility of Razi’s estimate
of life expectancy.68 Yet, in fact, Ohlin’s paper had provided evidence which
undermined Poos and Smith’s own position and could be cited to reinforce the
plausibility both of Razi’s claims and of the more general case for the existence
of a specifically medieval demographic system. Certainly, it seems unlikely
that, for all the problems involved in Razi’s use of manorial sources, his study
of Halesowen’s demography would fortuitously produce an internally consistent
and viable demographic regime, one with a striking similarity to earlier findings
based on other source materials. After all, Razi’s study was based on manorial
sources which Smith himself had described as the best evidence for the study
of medieval English demography.69 One should take into consideration that
uncertainties and problems affecting medieval manorial sources as a basis for
demographic studies do not necessarily pull in the same direction according to a
principle of maximization and so they could, in practice, to some extent, cancel
each other out. Some legitimate critical points would not necessarily work out in
practice as ‘feared’. Although these points do not affect the inherent uncertainties
involved in using manorial sources, the outcome of demographic studies based
on such material must be seen in the light of other medieval demographic studies,
and also of studies of independent material such as the Poll Tax returns, and must
be considered according to consistency and viability as an outline or correlates of
a functional demographic system.
Since the debate over Razi’s work, a number of studies have appeared which
supports the claims for the specificity of the medieval demographic system. For
instance, monographs by Hanawalt and Bennett on the English peasantry in the
pre-plague period both provided support for Hajnal’s and Razis’ views on the
prevalence of the ‘non-European’ marriage pattern among the vast majority of
the population constituted by the peasantry (see below).70 Of particular impor-
68
Poos and Smith, ‘“Legal Windows onto Historical Populations?’”, p. 141, n. 41.
69
Smith, ‘Hypothèses sur la nuptialité en Angleterre’, p. 132.
70
Hanawalt, The Ties that Bound, pp. 91–93, 96–97; Bennett, Women in the Medieval
English Countryside, p. 72.
tance were the studies of monastic communities in Westminster, Durham, and

Canterbury, produced by Hatcher, Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, and Harvey. These
studies showed that, despite the highly favourable living conditions enjoyed by
the regular clergy, the monks in each of these three houses suffered from much
higher levels of mortality and so had correspondingly much shorter life expec-
tancies than those which characterized the population of early modern England.
These studies thus confirmed the earlier work of Ohlin and Razi and buttressed
the case for a demographic system based on very high mortality (around five
per cent) and low life-expectancy (around twenty years).71 The evidence also
showed a clear rise in mortality from about the mid-fifteenth century. These
findings on the demography of monastic communities were also generally sup-
ported by V. Davis’s study of the longevity of members of religious orders in late
medieval England which also noted closely related structures of pre-plague and
post-plague mortality and life-expectancy.72 For the peasantry, manorial studies,
including that by Dyer and that by Ecclestone on the rural proletarians called
‘garciones’, also revealed a similar pattern of life expectancy and mortality and
confirmed Razi’s findings about pre-plague mortality and life-expectancy.73 All
of these studies suggested a typical life expectancy at birth of twenty to twenty-
five years, corresponding to an annual mortality rate of four to five per cent. The
aggregate effect of all these studies was to provide strong support for the existence
of a specifically medieval demographic system.
However, Smith and Poos’s line of argument also attracted supporters who
tended to focus on the need to explain why England’s population remained
depressed and was even receding through the late medieval period. Goldberg
argued in a number of works that the failure of population to recover after
the Black Death reflected the much improved economic and social condi-
tions for women created by the plague. The great deficit of labour in relation
to the resources for production produced a sharp long-term rise in wages, par-
ticularly for unskilled workers. In particular, it resulted in new opportunities
for women’s employment in both the rural and urban economy, especially in
services and as household servants where they tended to be demographically
71
Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’; Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mor
tality’; Harvey, Living and Dying in England, pp. 114–29. Bennett had earlier argued against
Hajnal’s theory and supported Laslett and Wrigley. See Bennett, ‘Medieval Peasant Marriage’,
pp. 213–14.
72
Davis, ‘Medieval Longevity’, pp. 115–16.
73
Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society, pp. 229–30; Ecclestone, ‘Mortality of
Rural Landless Men’, pp. 21–27.
24 Ole Benedictow
‘hidden’.74 This gave many women the opportunity to gain an independent live-
lihood and so to delay or even to forgo marriage and instead to choose a life
as singlewomen, with a consequent fall in overall fertility, thus undermining
the population’s powers of demographic recuperation.75 The post-Black Death
late medieval marriage regime would thus have been quite similar to the early
modern one76 as presumed by Smith and Poos and explicitly supported by
Goldberg.77
This argument was also backed by Bennett and to some extent by other
historians engaged in women’s history.78 Bennett explicitly supported Smith’s and
Goldberg’s view that it is ‘a very real possibility that this supposedly early modern
‘European Marriage Pattern’ existed in England as early as the late fourteenth
century’ because women were now offered increased working opportunities
and could in many cases afford to delay or avoid marriage.79 This view may not
be at odds with her 1986 monograph on the pre-plague manor of Brigstock
(Northants) where she offered her support for Razi’s contention of ‘relatively
early marriage among the pre-plague peasantry’. It may be seen as at odds with the
view presented in her 1981 paper on merchets (purchases of marriage licences)
on the manors of Ramsey Abbey in the early fifteenth century. Here she showed
that young villein women frequently paid their own merchets, suggesting an
eagerness to enter matrimony on their part. Whilst such purchases imply that
these women had entered paid work, which could have led to deferred marriage,
it is not clear that any delay would be protracted given the high wages which
74
Goldberg, Women, Work, and Life Cycle, pp. 7, 82–202. At about the same time, Smith
argued this view in a Europe-wide perspective: Smith, ‘Geographical Diversity in the Resort to
Marriage’, pp. 25, 29–33, 42–45; Bailey, ‘Demographic Decline’, pp. 4–14.
75
Mate, Women in Medieval English Society, pp. 56–61.
76
Goldberg, ‘Marriage, Migration, and Servanthood’; Goldberg, Women, Work, and Life
Cycle, pp. 203–17, 223–32, 261–66. See the good overview of this subject in Rigby, ‘Gendering
the Black Death’, p. 217, nn. 14 and 15.
77
This view was pioneered by Smith; see works referred to by Hatcher, ‘Understanding the
Population History of England’, p. 92, nn. 32–33. We should also mention Smith, ‘Geographical
Diversity in the Resort to Marriage’, pp. 16–59; Poos, A Rural Society after the Black Death,
pp. 111–29; Goldberg, Women, Work, and Life Cycle, p. 20. See also Rigby, ‘Gendering the
Black Death’, p. 217.
78
Bennett, ‘Medieval Women, Modern Women’, p. 164; Kowaleski, ‘Singlewomen’, pp. 41,
45–49; Mate, Daughters, Wives, and Widows, pp. 38–40; Mate, Women in Medieval English
Society, pp. 56–61. We should underline that Mate’s and Kowaleski’s discussions of this subject
are more nuanced and show a sound input of source-criticism.
79
Bennett, ‘Medieval Women, Modern Women’, p. 149.
workers could obtain in this period.80 However, Bennett herself is reluctant to

admit that wages improved significantly for women in the later Middle Ages,
with any changes being confined to the decades that immediately followed the
Black Death, thus being ephemeral and temporary. Yet, in fact, far from being
short-lived, the plague’s impact in reducing population lasted for nearly two
centuries, from 1348–49 until the 1530s. Bennett’s argument presumes also that,
as Bailey put it, employers were able to dictate terms in an age of labour shortage:
‘an hypothesis which stretches the bounds of our credulity’.81
Goldberg’s position was perspicaciously discussed and dismantled by Bailey
who revealed many of the problems associated with the former’s assumptions as
to the development of the late medieval labour market and its opportunities for
female servanthood.82 Goldberg’s position was also sharply criticized by Hanawalt
who pointed out serious weaknesses in the material basis of his assumptions on
age at marriage.83 Objections to the view that fertility rates declined as women
deferred marriage in an age of labour shortage were made on a number of
different grounds. One was the argument that, in fact, marriage was a priority
for young women, as indicated by the frequent purchase of merchets by young
villain women with their own hard-earned money and by the marked upsurge in
the number of merchets and marriages in England (and elsewhere) in the wake
of the Black Death and subsequent plague epidemics.84 Delaying marriage thus
tended to be the product of necessity rather than choice, a view supported by
Donahue’s study of marriage litigation brought before the court of York in the
fourteenth century which showed that most cases were initiated by women and
usually sought to enforce marriage.85 These reservations strengthen the view that
the failure of population to recover after the Black Death can be explained in
terms of continuing high mortality rates rather than of deferred marriage and
lower fertility rates, a point emphasized by the evidence of severe mortality rates
and brief life expectancies experienced by monastic communities throughout
the late medieval period. Finally, the very high fertility levels found in the early
parish registers (i.e. from 1541 until around 1565) can be seen as evidence of the
80
See above nn. 70, 71. See also Bennett, ‘The Tie that Binds’, pp. 127–29.
81
Bailey, ‘Demographic Decline’, p. 14.
82
Bailey, ‘Demographic Decline’, pp. 4–14. See, however, critical remarks on Bailey’s paper
by Kowaleski, ‘Singlewomen’, pp. 49 and 74, n. 52.
83
Hanawalt, Growing up in Medieval London, p. 263, n. 19.
84
Benedictow, The Black Death, pp. 271–72; above, pp. 16–17 and n. 46.
85
Donahue, ‘Female Plaintiffs in Marriage Cases’, p. 197.
26 Ole Benedictow
preceding medieval high pressure system before the development of substantially

lower levels of mortality, rising age at marriage and correspondingly reduced
fertility which characterized the early modern period. The notion of a depressed
fertility rate caused by better female working opportunities thus appears to have
faded out of the discussion in recent years.
In 1993, Loschky and Childers, the American economists, published a life-
table based study of all the available English medieval demographic data which
was the first attempt at synthesizing the English medieval mortality data in this
way. As they said, ‘every study of mortality before 1541 gives crude death rates
higher than those found by Wrigley and Schofield’ in their study of English
population history in the period 1541–1871.86 They argued that the English
medieval demographic data corresponded to the patterns found in Princeton Life
Tables, Model West, levels 1–4, indicating a general mortality of forty to fifty-five
per thousand and a life-expectancy at birth of around twenty to twenty-five years.
Life expectancy at age twenty for the generation born between 1276 and 1300
was 25.19 years corresponding to (Princeton) Model West life table, male level 2
with life-expectancy at birth of twenty years. Loschky and Childers also pointed
out that mortality studies for the years before 1348 all suggested ‘crude death
rates in the range of fifty per thousand’ with a correspondingly low average life
expectancy at birth.87 It must be pointed out that their study has clear weaknesses
or flaws, in particular their reliance on the flawed data collected by Russell and
Hollingsworth and their lumping together of disparate mortality data of varying
quality from different social groups in different periods. They also claim to have
identified a strong fall in mortality in the second half of the fifteenth century,
a decline that could be presumed to herald the transition to the demographic
system of the early modern period.88 However, this decline is sharply at odds with
the evidence of rising mortality at this time as shown in the data for the monastic
communities of Canterbury, Westminster and Durham (see above). Even
when these weaknesses are taken into consideration, their synthetic analysis of
mortality data provided substantial support for the argument of a distinctive and
high specifically medieval mortality regime. Once again, the clear implication
was that Wrigley and Schofield’s reconstructions of demographic parameters for
the early modern period could not be used to make inferences about the nature of
the medieval demographic system.
86
Loschky and Childers, ‘Early English Mortality’, p. 85.
87
Loschky and Childers, ‘Early English Mortality’, pp. 94–95.
88
Loschky and Childers, ‘Early English Mortality’, pp. 91–97.
If the Middle Ages was characterized by its own high-pressure demographic

system, the explanation of the existence of this system model lies, as argued
above, in the fact that medieval Europe, even in the pre-plague period, was a
disease-ridden society where epidemic diseases of various kinds and severity
circulated among the population causing illness and death and so tending to limit
or hinder any population growth. This tenuous balance between fertility and
mortality was then broken by the arrival of plague and by its continuing impact
until into the sixteenth history. The failure of population to recover in the late
medieval period was not the product of deferred marriage and reduced fertility
rates created by the ‘golden age of the labourer’ but rather of the high mortality
rates which characterized ‘the golden age of the bacteria’.89 As Ziegler aptly put
it: ‘the medieval house might have been built to specifications approved by a
rodent council as eminently suitable for the rat’s enjoyment of a healthy and care-
free life’.90 Far from population recovering from the mid-fifteenth century, this
period saw, as Hatcher, Piper, and Stone demonstrated, a ‘precipitous surge in
mortality which began in the 1460s and lasted into the 1520s’. Indeed England,
like Norway and other countries, suffered an unusual number of severe plague
epidemics and mortality crises in the decade 1521–30 when population size
appears to have reached its late medieval nadir.91 Thus, the high-pressure system
which kept the size of England’s population in a tenuous balance before the advent
of plague epidemics was unable to regain this balance until the effects of plague
had been substantially reduced by implementation of epidemic countermeasures.
Eventually, such countermeasures were to prove so effective that they reduced the
level of mortality significantly below the pre-plague level and so unleashed strong
population growth.
On the basis of various materials relating to different social classes, and with a
preponderance of material relating to the peasantry and lower rural classes, it can
be suggested that the medieval demographic system normally involved mortality
in the range of four to five per cent and a life expectancy of twenty to twenty-
five years. These high levels of mortality were correlated with early marriage
(especially for women), a high or nearly universal marriage rate and resulting high
89
Thrupp, ‘The Problem of Replacement Rates’, p. 118; Smith, ‘Human Resources’, p. 208.
90
Ziegler, The Black Death, p. 157.
91
Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality’, p. 676; Hatcher, ‘Understanding the
Population History of England’, p. 96; Slack, The Impact of Plague, pp. 53–57, 75; Shrewsbury,
A History of Bubonic Plague, pp. 159–69; Benedictow, Svartedauen og senere pestepidemier (The
Black Death and Later Plague Epidemics in Norway), pp. 125–76; Noordegraaf and Valk, De
Gave Gods, pp. 43–92, 224–32.
28 Ole Benedictow
levels of fertility. The result was a demographic system which was clearly distinct
from the early modern system which crystallized in the later sixteenth century.
The reliability of these conclusions about medieval England is reinforced by the
data on mortality and life-expectancy available for other European countries in
this period since this evidence is entirely consistent with the English data.
For the time being, the available medieval data on life expectancy and mortality
are relatively few and confined to a few countries. However, they have conspicuous
consistency, are highly different from those of the mature early modern period, and
constitute a coherent and specific demographic regime or system.92
Medieval Osteological Demography and its

Concordance with Documentary Evidence
The argument for a distinctive, medieval demographic system in the medieval
West is based not only on various types of documentary evidence but, reassur-
ingly, is also confirmed by the independent evidence from osteological studies
of skeletal populations in medieval cemeteries (and vice versa). Summing up the
sprinkling of French data on medieval life expectancy based on studies of both
skeletal and documentary materials Biraben cautiously concluded that:
life expectancy at birth appears to have been of the order of magnitude of 25 years,
probably a little more in the case of the privileged (excepting the noblemen because
of premature deaths in combat) and a little lower in the case of the peasants and the
poor. Likewise, in prosperous periods, it could have reached 26 or 27 years, but in
the periods of the great crises, especially in the 9th and 10th centuries and from the
middle of the 14th century until the middle of the 15th century, it has not, perhaps,
even reached 22 or 23 years [...] one should not forget that this figure is an average,
and that […] a quarter or one-third of all infants died before their first birthday.93
Indeed, when we allow for the fact that the socially-privileged classes who are said
to have a life-expectancy at birth of a little more than twenty-five years constituted
only a tiny minority of the population and that the bulk of the population was
made up of peasants and the poor, who must have had a somewhat lower life-
expectancy, and of townspeople, who must have had an even lower life-expectancy
still, Biraben’s data seems to suggest that the average life-expectancy at birth
of the medieval French population was lower than twenty-five years, probably
92
Benedictow, The Black Death, pp. 250–55.
93
Biraben, ‘L’Hygiène, la maladie, la mort’, p. 425. My translation from French.
about twenty-three to twenty-four years. Biraben’s innovative and pioneering use

of osteological data together with evidence drawn from documentary sources
opened up new avenues of progress for medieval demography. Of particular
importance was his demonstration that that the skeletal remains of medieval
populations could be used to establish gender and age at death, evidence which
could then be converted into levels of mortality and life expectancy of reasonable
quality and accuracy as shown by their agreement with results obtained from
documentary sources. Biraben’s findings suggested the existence of a medieval
demographic system in France whose characteristics were consistent with those
revealed by studies of the English documentary evidence.
Given the almost total absence of documentary sources suitable for the
study of mortality and life expectancy in medieval Scandinavia, Biraben’s work
inspired me to examine the osteological evidence for skeletal populations in the
Nordic countries in this period, evidence often published by anatomists and
human osteologists in journals and collections of occasional papers which are
rarely consulted or even known by historians.94 My research resulted in a small
monograph on The Medieval Demographic System of the Nordic Countries (1993)
which was reissued in a considerably enlarged edition in 1996 which included a
much expanded case for the existence of a specific medieval demographic system
also in the Nordic countries.95 Studies of quite a number of skeletal populations
in Nordic medieval cemeteries revealed life-expectancies at birth in the range
of twenty to twenty-five years, the average quite likely being in the middle of
this range or even slightly lower, which would correspond to a mortality rate in
the range of four to five per cent.96 Since there often is a substantial deficit of
infants and the youngest children (because their bones tend to disappear or be
reduced to unusable form), these estimates are based on life tables corresponding
to the age composition of the adolescent and adult portions of the cemetery
populations. If we allow for infant mortality rates at the level which obtained
in the Nordic countries in mid-eighteenth century when life expectancy at birth
was near or about thirty-five years, namely about two hundred and fifty per
thousand, this evidence would indicate life expectancy at birth of around twenty-
94
I am extremely grateful to Professor Per Holck at the Department of Anatomy, University
of Oslo, the leading specialist on Nordic historical human osteology, for help in being acquainted
with these papers, valuable discussion and encouragement.
95
Benedictow, The Medieval Demographic System, pp. 207–42; see also n. 30 above.
96
Benedictow, The Medieval Demographic System, pp. 29–41; Benedictow, ‘The Demo
graphy of the Viking Age’, pp. 159–65; Benedictow, ‘Demographic Conditions’, pp. 238–44.
30 Ole Benedictow
five years.97 However, in four Nordic medieval cemeteries, the soil has permitted
the preservation of high and presumably quite representative proportions of the
skeletal remains of infants and young children. This evidence actually indicates a
considerably higher mortality rate for infants than that found in the eighteenth
century, namely in the range of 300 to 330 per thousand and corresponding
levels of mortality for young children, suggesting a life expectancy at birth of
near twenty years and a corresponding mortality rate of nearly five per cent.98
One should take into account that most medieval cemeteries were in normal use
also in the late medieval period and were affected by the increased mortality of
this period. However, that the osteological evidence from the medieval Nordic
countries and the English documentary sources for the same period should reveal
such a consistent demographic pattern once more supports the plausibility of
these findings and further buttresses the case for the existence of a distinctive
demographic system across a number of countries or regions of medieval Europe.
If, even before the Black Death, medieval mortality rates were much higher
than those found in post-transitional, early modern societies, this implies
correspondingly higher fertility rates. Empirical evidence corroborating these
deductions is available for a range of medieval European societies, from Italy in the
south, to England in the west, and Iceland and Sweden in the north. The evidence
shows that medieval women in both town and countryside usually married at
ages fourteen to twenty,99 which contrasts sharply with the high average age at
97
graphy of the Viking Age’, p. 159.
98
Benedictow, The Medieval Demographic System, pp. 29–36, see especially Tables 1A, 1B,
2C, and 2D; see also Palm, Folkmängden, pp. 77–78.
99
For English data on medieval age at marriage see above; for other countries see Herlihy
and Klapisch-Zuber, Les Toscans et leurs familles, p. 207. Cf. p. 399; Dubois, ‘La Dépression
(xive et xve siècles)’, pp. 348, 351; Hollingsworth, Historical Demography, pp. 383–85;
Palm, ‘Stormaktstidens dolda systemskifte’; Palm, ‘Household Size in Pre-industrial Sweden’,
pp. 78–84; Palm, Folkmängden, pp. 49–81; Myrdal, Kvinnor, barn och fester, pp. 5–7; Lindal,
‘Ægteskab’; Sigurðsson, ‘Forholdet mellom frender, hushold og venner’, p. 321; Jochens, ‘En
Islande médiévale’, p. 100. Jochens claims that eighteen was the usual age at marriage for women
in the Icelandic family sagas ( Jochens, ‘En Islande médiévale’, p. 100). Lindal’s and Sigurðsson’s
discussions of the Icelandic material on this topic (see above) indicate an even lower average age
at marriage than that maintained by Jochens. This fits well with Roberta Frank’s assertion in
Frank, ‘Marriage in Twelfth- and Thirteenth-Century Iceland’, p. 475, that ‘the lack of spinsters
in these sagas [the Icelandic family sagas] has to do with the importance which thirteenth-
century Iceland attached to marriage, family connections, and procreation, an emphasis that
made any female figure of interest to the saga-authors either married or about-to-be’. (The
term ‘family sagas’ is unfortunate, because the word translated with ‘family’ has the meaning of
marriage of around twenty-five years which was characteristic of early modern

society. The documentary evidence for an early age of women at marriage
is confirmed (and vice versa) by studies of skeletal populations in Hungary,
Normandy, and medieval Denmark (present-day southwestern Sweden) which
reveal a sudden increase in female mortality at ages fifteen to twenty which
probably reflects the onset of maternal mortality amongst women who had
not reached the levels of anatomical and physiological maturity well suited to
pregnancy and child birth.100 These findings about an early age of marriage have
since been buttressed by Myrdal and by Palm’s ingenious use of a range of other
sources for late medieval Sweden.101 An early age at marriage for women and
the resulting higher rates of fertility also meant more maternity-related injury
and death from pregnancy-related problems, and because pregnancies produce
reduced immunity to contagious disease (immuno-suppression) and other health
hazards, more parturitions with their own hazards and more frequent post-
parturition conditions that produce also more exposure to serious infections.
Women had also a particular responsibility for the nursing care of the sick in their
households which more generally increased their relative exposure to infectious
diseases in a disease-ridden society.
A demographic regime characterized by early age at marriage with conse-
quent early exposure to sexual intercourse, high levels of fertility and a corre-
sponding maternal reproduction-related super-mortality and also a particular
work-related exposure to epidemic disease implies a higher mortality-rate for
women relative to men not only in those of reproductive age but also in preced-
ing and subsequent working ages. This suggests that, on average, the females of
premodern Europe would have had a generally lower life-expectancy than men,
although this was particularly pronounced in those of reproductive age.102 As late
as 1899–1902, official population statistics for Italy, where a non-northwestern
demographic system (as defined by Hajnal) still prevailed, indicate female super-
mortality in relation to men at all ages from age one to age forty-nine. 103 This
inference is corroborated by studies on skeletal materials obtained from medieval
descent group or kin group and is much closer in meaning to clan than to family in the modern
European sense of the word.)
100
See Benedictow, The Medieval Demographic System, pp. 52, 55–56.
101
See n. 99.
102
Benedictow, The Medieval Demographic System, pp. 56–68, 73–75; Benedictow, ‘The
Milky Way in History’, pp. 29, 44–45; Benedictow, ‘Demographic Conditions’, pp. 238–44.
103
Delille, ‘Un Problème de démographie historique’, pp. 434–38.
32 Ole Benedictow
and other premodern populations.104 Wrigley and Schofield found a small but
consistent higher life expectancy for women than men from the period 1550–99
which probably reflects partly the early phase of the transition to a low-pressure
demographic system with considerably higher average age at marriage for women
with consequent correspondingly reduced maternal reproduction-related mor-
tality and a higher increase of life-expectancy than men.105 Since a new under-
standing of the contagious nature of infectious diseases and the establishment
of increasingly efficient epidemic countermeasures appear to be the key factor in
explaining the shift from the medieval to the early modern demographic regime,
women’s higher exposure and susceptibility to disease would be relatively more
reduced than for men. If men enjoyed a life expectancy equal to or even longer
than that of women in the medieval period, this would constitute yet another
characteristic distinguishing feature of the medieval demographic system. This
would also imply that in medieval demographic studies, life tables for men and
women would essentially be interchangeable and perhaps should even be used
inverted for the two genders.106
The Final Establishment of the (Concept of a) Medieval Demographic

System and the Transition to Early Modern Demography
In 2003, in a paper which represented a milestone in the development of medi
eval demography, John Hatcher addressed the issues of the specificity of the (late)
medieval demographic system and demonstrated the systemic differences between
the demographic regimes of the late medieval and early modern periods.107 No
longer was the population history of the medieval period to be seen through the
prism of early modern demography but instead was now seen as a demographic
system in its own right. This recognition of the distinction between the medieval
and early modern periods in terms also of their demography necessarily raises
104
graphy of the Viking Age’, pp. 159–65.
105
Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England, pp. 249–50.
106
This indicates that the difference in favour of women shown with respect to longevity
and mortality by Life Tables at these levels of mortality and life expectancy are anachronistic
projections of early modern European data and data from developing countries which are heavily
affected by the modern world and its successful combat of the spread and effects of infectious
diseases and other efficient mortality-reducing measures.
107
Hatcher, ‘Understanding the Population History of England’, pp. 83–130.
the issue of the causes, nature and timing of the transition between them and the
connection between this transition and the other social changes of this period.
Hatcher dated the mortality transition to the later sixteenth century or possibly
slightly earlier.108 This transition from a high-pressure system would be closely
correlated with the gradual emergence of the low-pressure early modern system
observed and described by Wrigley and Schofield.
As indicated above, it is evident that a key factor in this transition was the
great change in the understanding of infectious diseases which began at the
end of the fifteenth century (or perhaps slightly later). Now, instead of simply
being fatalistically comprehended as a divine punishment for human sin, com
municable disease began to be seen as a natural phenomenon, one that could
be prevented, limited or halted by human countermeasures, even though the
transmission of disease was still understood in terms of the classical notion
of miasma. Thus, whilst visiting the sick or the dying had once been seen as a
human moral obligation, it was now increasingly recognized and accepted that
people should stay away from houses or localities which were sites of infection. In
Denmark and Norway and Northern Germany, this understanding of epidemic
disease and of the behaviour needed to counter-act it was apparently beginning
to spread early in the sixteenth century.109 In 1525, the inhabitants of Åmot
parish, an inland community in southeastern Norway, had clear notions of
the communicability of epidemic disease by interpersonal contact and also by
‘fomites’ (i.e. objects touched or used by diseased persons). Thus they shied away
from the contaminated rectory and refused to attend church services, they also
accused the parson of leaving ‘plague clothes’ on the local track so as to infect
poor people who were tempted to pick them up (accusations that were, almost
certainly, grossly unfair).110 This new understanding only considerably later
found expression in a series of administrative countermeasures which began in
the early seventeenth century but only acquired real efficacy from 1625 when
the government began to take an active role. In Norway, the last and territorially
highly restricted plague epidemic occurred in 1654.111 Nonetheless, the effects
of this new understanding of the communicability of epidemic diseases can be
identified in the early sixteenth century and were associated with nation-wide
108
109
Benedictow, Svartedauen og senere pestepidemier, pp. 181–86.
110
Benedictow, Svartedauen og senere pestepidemier, pp. 179–81.
111
Benedictow, Svartedauen og senere pestepidemier, pp. 243–44, 261–68, 281–83, 314–
17, 322–24.
34 Ole Benedictow
population growth from 1530 or perhaps rather about 1550,112 a pattern similar
to that identified in Slack’s impressive monograph on these developments in
Tudor and Stuart England. Nevertheless, the transition from a regime of high
mortality (and correspondingly high fertility) was undoubtedly delayed by two
other developments. Firstly, from the end of the fifteenth century a number of
new epidemic diseases, including exanthematic typhus and probably also small
pox, syphilis, influenza and whooping cough, made their first appearances and
caused serious mortality.113 Secondly, the strong growth in international trade by
ship commencing at about the same time seems to have increased immensely the
spread of infection all across Europe.114
The use of the term ‘late medieval demography’ implies that the demography
of this period is a distinct sub-phase of the medieval demographic system, one
characterized by an increased level of mortality which could not be balanced by
fertility and so produced a characteristically declining population, but also by
being a final phase in which the original system faded out and was increasingly
replaced by a new demographic system, that of the early modern period.
Due to the effects of the Black Death and later recurrent plague epidemics,
European populations generally fell precipitously, and around 1400 entered
a phase characterized by frequent violent upsurges of mortality and long-term
slow decline but also witnessed demographic adaptive responses. In a medieval
demographic system characterized by a usual age at marriage for women in the
range of ages fifteen to twenty, the age at marriage in this sub-period would tend
to sink towards the lower reaches of that range, resulting in increased fertility in
the face of increased mortality and an increased incidence of women dying before
having completed their child production. In the preceding period, from about
the last decades of the thirteenth century to the advent of the Black Death, there
is strong evidence of increasing Malthusian pressures in many areas and regions of
112
Benedictow, Svartedauen og senere pestepidemier, pp. 169–75, 179–80.
113
See, for example, Zinsser, Rats, Lice and History, pp. 71–76, 241–53, 278–79; Copeman,
Doctors and Disease in Tudor Times, pp. 127–28; Cartwright, A Social History of Medicine, pp. 76–
78; Snyder, ‘Typhus Fever Rickettsiae’, pp. 1059–60; Greenwood, Epidemics and Crowd-Diseases,
pp. 172–74, 227; Ackerknecht, Geschichte und Geographie der wichtigsten Krankheiten, p. 67.
114
In Norway, this is reflected in a great increase in importation of plague from England,
the rhythm of outbreaks being much the same as in England and the ports of introduction being
those most visited by English ships buying or bartering with corn or farina timber, deals, and
other wooden wares. More generally, England can be seen to have played a pivotal role in the
spread of plague in the northerly parts of Europe which reflects this country’s rapidly growing
status as a European power house of shipping and commercial activities, rivalled by the Dutch
from around 1600. Benedictow, Svartedauen og senere pestepidemier, pp. 102–11, 129–43.
Europe: all usable land with the prevailing agricultural techniques had been taken
up and a considerable part of the rural population was surplus to the economy.
This was a time witnessing a growing agricultural proletariat of cottagers, sub-
tenants, and day-labourers and also of urban proletarians, people who were
seriously exposed to poor harvests, and generally straitened circumstances. This
meant that under-nutrition, malnutrition and bouts of starvation would increase
the general mortality level and also the susceptibility to infectious diseases so
that life expectancy was sagging, the age of marriage was increasing and there
was a growth in the number of people who never married, producing a long-term
tendency of stationary or slightly falling population. The Black Death cleared
the way for surviving young people to enter the many vacant tenancies and they
married in droves, a feature observed also in relation to the next big plague.
However, the plague epidemics combined with the existing array of established
infectious diseases to create persistent levels of high mortality which wiped out
the effects of increased fertility and reduced the population to a level well below
that required by a Malthusian check which would bring the size of population
in line with agricultural output. Nevertheless, even within the era of the plague,
the main demographic structures retained a distinctly medieval character. Some
of these features were preserved longer in southern and eastern Europe which
were not yet undergoing the processes of modernization which increasingly
characterized northwestern Europe in the early modern period.
In England (as in Norway) it is, as we saw above, doubtful whether the popu
lation underwent any long-term increase from its late medieval nadir before 1530
or perhaps even the mid-sixteenth century, a take-off which heralded the start of
a new historical period, a new social formation and a new demographic system.115
This perspective confirms or accords with Hatcher’s emphasis on the importance
of infectious diseases, the variability of pathogens, vectors and carriers of disease
and other ‘non-economic factors’. It also underlines the importance of applying
superordinate sociological categories of analysis, the status of demography
as a social structure interacting with and interdependent on other main social
structures (variables) like economy, social-class relations, politics, culture, religion
and thus the specificity of the workings of specific social formations argued
above. As late as 1541–65, rates of mortality, marriage and fertility in England
were much higher and the proportion never marrying extremely low compared
with the rates in the following centuries.116
115
Hatcher, ‘Understanding the Population History of England’, p. 96; Benedictow, Svarte
dauen og senere pestepidemier, pp. 129–86; Noordegraaf and Valk, De Gave Gods, pp. 43–92, 224–32.
116
Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England, pp. 260, 172.
36 Ole Benedictow
At one point, in describing the demographic structures of the sixteenth century

prior to 1565, Wrigley and Schofield appear to be on the verge of acknowledging
these facts and of recognizing the existence of a late medieval high-pressure
model of population which was subsequently replaced with the characteristic
structures of a low-pressure model: ‘The impression left by the sixteenth-century
evidence is of a population with a great potential for growth which was realized
if high rates of mortality did not intervene. The violent and frequent upsurges in
the number of deaths recorded before 1565 look as if they may have been the last
throes of a late medieval regime of widespread epidemic mortality which, when
they subsided in a twenty-year period of calm lasting from 1565 to 1584, allowed
a strong underlying rate of natural increase to break through into the light of day’.
They then go on to describe a new adaptation between mortality and fertility at
lower levels.117 In his critique of Wrigley and Schofield’s view on the demography
of the later fifteenth and sixteenth centuries Hatcher concludes:
when the mortality experience is combined with the elevated and oscillating
fertility and the virtual universality of marriage revealed in the first four decades
of parochial registration, there can be no doubt that Wrigley and Schofield’s ‘low-
pressure’ system was not in place before the 1580s at the earliest.118
As the gun smoke of academic controversy drifts away from the battlefield, we
can thus see the emergence of a broad consensus on the demographic systems and
developments of the medieval and early modern periods and on the processes
which led to the transition between them.
117
118
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Measuring Adult Mortality
in an Age of Plague:
England, 1349–1540
Richard M. Smith*
The two centuries which followed the Black Death of 1348–9 constitute
one of the most intriguing periods in the history of population.1
S
o wrote John Hatcher in his Economic History Society pamphlet that
continues to be one of the best synthetic assessments of the demography
and economic correlates of demographic change in the period from 1348
to 1530. This pamphlet was published in 1977 and since then John Hatcher has
made a sequence of extremely important and imaginative contributions to the
study of the Black Death and its consequences. From the perspective of historical
demography he has contributed in major ways to the particularly intractable issue
concerning the measurement of mortality processes in the period c. 1390–1530.
In this paper an attempt will be made to locate John Hatcher’s contribution to the
larger subject of the mortality attributes of pre-industrial society, with particular
reference to the specific issues surrounding the characteristics of late medieval
monastic populations. It will be necessary initially to situate John’s contribution
within the framework set by Michael Postan, with whom John interacted closely
in his early years in Cambridge and for whom population change was central to
the explanation of economic change, but who himself published relatively little
that was directly demographic in his exploitation of primary evidence.
* Richard Smith is Professor of Historical Demography and Geography, University of

Cambridge.
1
44 Richard M. Smith
It is now sixty years since Postan wrote what became a classic essay on the
economic manifestations of demographic decline in the late fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries.2 His concern was largely directed to the rural sector and he
dealt with population in two ways. First, he wished to question the opinions of
historians such as Rogers, Levett, Kosminsky, and Clapham who had argued that
the demographic losses of the mid-fourteenth century, which in the short term
had been disruptive, were not sustained or intensified thereafter. For instance, he
quoted from Sir John Clapham’s highly influential Concise Economic History of
Britain which had been published in the same year using the following passage.
An opinion often expressed, which is perhaps near the truth, is that the population
of England and Wales doubled between 1100 and 1300; fell sharply with the pesti-
lence; and rose again to about its former maximum by 1500.3
Postan’s 1949 article (published in 1950) also reflected on Josiah Russell’s then
newly published British Medieval Population.4 He wrote approvingly of Russell’s
use of evidence and the formal application of demographic methods to such
sources which he regarded as having ‘demonstrated the expansion of population
between the eleventh century and the middle of the thirteenth, and the decline
of population for some time thereafter’.5 He devoted a small part of this section of
the article to a review of various problems associated with the sources that Russell
employed and remarks that although medieval England was endowed with
‘evidence capable of yielding demographic measurements to an extent undreamed
of abroad’, there was still no ‘way of directly estimating the total population after
1377’.6 While he did not attempt to enter the field of demography to grapple
with this problem, from the perspective of agricultural history he left us a rich
legacy of ways of addressing this matter indirectly.
When Postan wrote in 1949 that ‘nothing short of frequent census or census-
like enumerations would make it possible to reveal the long-term changes in
population levels and also to measure the rates of change’,7 he was indubitably
correct and no source has since been discovered with such qualities that effectively
fills the void between the Poll Tax of 1377 and the onset set of parochial registration
2
Postan, ‘Some Economic Evidence of Declining Population’.
3
Clapham, A Concise Economic History of Britain, pp. 77–78.
4
Russell, British Medieval Population.
5
Postan, ‘Some Economic Evidence of Declining Population’, p. 224.
6
7
Measuring Adult Mortality in an Age of Plague 45
of baptisms, marriages and burials after 1537, notwithstanding some potentially

useful inferences that can be drawn from the 1524–25 lay subsidies.8 It remains as
true today as it did in 1949 that we have few means of charting the precise or even
approximate chronology of change in national population numbers from 1377 to
1537. What progress in this broad area has been made may be supposed limited by
comparison with the achievements that economic historians have secured in their
reconstructions of long-term secular trends and intermediate cycles in various
branches of the fifteenth century economy.
In more expansive mood, when writing his overview of English agrarian his-
tory in the first volume of the revised edition of the Cambridge Economic H istory
of Europe, Postan reflected on the role of plague in determining both demo-
graphic decline and continued stagnation in the fifteenth century, although he
was willing to entertain the possibility of greater buoyancy, perhaps renewed
growth, after 1470. It is in this article that he also hints at the possibility that the
productive capacity of the land may have taken more than a century to recover
after earlier impoverishment of soil fertility. He was also ready to acknowledge
that in some places signs of renewed growth may not have been fully identifiable
until the early decades of the sixteenth century and was firm in his belief that the
early sixteenth-century national population total was still well below its thir-
teenth-century peak.9 Postan did not comment on the size of the early Tudor
population in relation to that of 1377. There is now a consensus that notwith-
standing the difficulties of estimating a national population total based on the
1,386,196 tax payers in 1377, those numbers formed a demographic base most
likely substantially greater than that from which the lay subsidies of the 1520s
were collected, almost a century and a half later. Estimates of national population
in 1377 ranging from 2.2 to 3 million may be compared with Roger Schofield’s
calculations of an English population based upon the muster rolls of 1522 and
the lay subsidies of 1524–25 of c. 2.2 million.10 There are, of course, significant
margins of error around all of these estimates but the balance of probability, as
8
For a recent and exceptionally important consideration of lay subsidy evidence that assesses
the urban share of the late medieval English population and also has much to say about relative
population sizes in 1377 and 1524–25, see Rigby, ‘Urban Population in Late Medieval England’.
9
Postan, ‘Medieval Agrarian Society in its Prime’.
10
Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England, pp. 563–69. For another
estimate suggesting an even lower population total in 1524–25, see Campbell, ‘The Population
of Early Tudor England’. A comprehensive review of recent attempts to chart population change
between 1377 and the 1520s is to be found in Rigby, ‘Urban Population in Late Medieval
England’, pp. 396–97.
46 Richard M. Smith
Figure 1. Males over the age of twelve in two Essex manors, c. 1270–1530
Source: Poos, A Rural Society after the Black Death, p. 96.
John Hatcher has very recently emphasized, points to an early sixteenth-century

population that was still well below that of the late fourteenth century. 11 Of
course, there is little evidence that has been marshalled in the last sixty years to
establish when the lowest point within the cycle of decline and subsequent
recovery was reached. Evidence from counts of males (over the age of twelve) in
tithing from a relatively large number of Essex manors suggests little sign of
growth before 1520.12 (fig. 1) The stability of the very low numbers on these Essex
manors through much of the fifteenth century is perplexing, although similar
11
Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality’.
12
Poos, A Rural Society after the Black Death, pp. 91–110.
patterns are suggested from various East Sussex and Wealden sources.13 Such
observations are supportive of earlier work by Ian Blanchard who argued for
indications of demographic recovery in one area of the North of England being
delayed until well into the sixteenth century.14 The Essex data, do appear to be
reasonably reliable (at least in the early sixteenth century) since the numbers of
events, and rates of growth displayed after 1537 by the parish registers of these
same communities are fully compatible with the estimates of population sizes
shown in the tithing counts at similar dates.15
The debate about the proximate demographic factors driving national trends
is guaranteed to excite interest since, as Hatcher stressed in 1977, the depth of
the demographic decline and its duration seem hard to reconcile with notions
of dynamic equilibrium and homeostasis that some would see as central notions
within Malthusian theory, given that real wages appear to have risen for a great deal
of the period and yet population sagged to a level similar to that of eleventh-century
England.16 This issue is of added interest given the extent to which Malthusian
notions have been regarded in certain quarters as central to an understanding of
early modern English demographic behaviour, although it should be stressed that
this emphasis derives more specifically from the perspective of nuptial behaviour
than underlying life expectancy.17 Comparisons, however, are difficult given the
dearth of demographic data that might be thought to match those that derive
from the so-called parish register era of demographic measurement from c. 1537
to 1837. Since Russell’s pioneering work there have been relatively few studies
that have succeeded in generating demographic measures that might be seen as
robust enough for direct comparison with the more firmly grounded findings
from the early modern period from post-1540 parish registers. In fact, most of
the work that can be so categorized relates to measurements of mortality and
John Hatcher’s work and that by Barbara Harvey which was much influenced by
Hatcher’s initial endeavours form the most robust of these calculations.18 Careful
research has enabled a consensus to emerge on the scale of the mortality and the
13
The Agrarian History of England and Wales, ed. by Finberg and Thirsk, iii, ed. by Miller,
pp. 127–28.
14
Blanchard, ‘Population Change, Enclosure’.
15
16
Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy, pp. 72–73.
17
Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England, especially chap. 10, pp. xxi–
xxiv and 421–31.
18
Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’; Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic
Mortality’; and Harvey, Living and Dying in England.
48 Richard M. Smith
resulting short-term population losses over the course of 1348 and 1349, but this
paper will not be concerned with that subject. Mortality-focused research on early
modern England has proceeded and has reached conceptually quite sophisticated
heights in recent years. In particular there has emerged a school of thought which
has begun to consider mortality regimes in that era in terms of outcomes which
view mortality rates and trends as the resolution of tensions deriving, on the
one hand, from the changing incidence of exposure to infection, and resistance
to infection on the other.19 Furthermore, some historical demographers have
become less tolerant of the idea that mortality changes should be regarded as
primarily autonomous of human agency with society largely a passive victim of
the waxing and waning of infectious disease.20 The latter approach had developed
as a particularly powerful and persuasive paradigm in the 1970s and early 1980s,
largely as a result of finding that grain price and real wage variation proved such
poor ‘malthusian’ predictors of death rates in the early modern period.21 Late
fourteenth- and fifteenth-century England provided further justification for such
a preference, since many would see no better example of exogenously determined
high mortality in an economic context of high relative per capita prosperity.22
Particularly relevant to any consideration of fifteenth-century developments
in mortality is the adoption by many scholars of the premise that there was a
predictable, indeed a predictably positive, relationship between general mortality
rates and the degree of instability or volatility displayed by annual counts of death
totals. Furthermore we encounter another presumed-to-be-logical step in this
style of reasoning which is exemplified by Michael Flinn who was ‘certain’ that
mortality crises and their peaks ‘have been the principal regulating element in
historical demography during the four or five centuries after the Black Death’, and
by Carlo Cippolla who believed that ‘the intensity and frequency of the peaks
controlled the size of agricultural societies’.23 Consequently it has proved easy
for some scholars to suppose that observable signs of population growth must be
consonant with actual diminution in the volatility of annual death totals (even
if no data bearing directly on the latter are available), and that a stabilization in
19
For example, Landers, ‘Historical Epidemiology’.
20
Kunitz, ‘Speculations on the European Mortality Decline’; Landers, ‘From Colyton to
Waterloo’; Woods, ‘Medical and Demographic History’.
21
Chamber, Population, Economy, and Society, ed. by Armstrong.
22
Livi-Bacci, Population and Nutrition, pp. 101–02.
23
Flinn, ‘The Stabilization of Mortality’, p. 286; Cipolla, The Economic History of World
Population, p. 77.
death rates or a damping down of their annual variance will be a development

capable, in isolation, of causing demographic growth (even if measurements
relating to population size are not available to support such a proposition).
Of course, a belief in long demographic waves which are thought to have
displayed crests and troughs that were closely synchronized across both space and
time has been a major plank in the arguments of those who might be termed
‘exogenists’.24 However such synchronism proved to be more credible in an era
when careful empirical research on such matters was lacking and scholars all
too readily employed indirect indicators as substitutes for ‘purer’ demographic
data. As we gain access to greater quantities of regionally specific demographic
data the less readily can we propose the existence of pan-European demographic
waves with tightly matched starting-, finishing- and mid-points. Although most
scholars would wish the proposition to stand that in England the Black Death
initiated a new epidemiological regime, it is not entirely clear that it initiated
a demographic cycle. No historian familiar with the European evidence would
wish to deny the significant demographic decline experienced over the century
following the start of the second pandemic. However, the growth of evidence
in the last two decades would hardly indicate that demographic low points and
recovery phases were well matched across Europe. Certainly Karl Helleiner’s
cautious remark that ‘the rise of the secular demographic trend in some European
countries after the middle of the fifteenth, and its prominent upswing in all of
them during the better part of the sixteenth century’ does not imply that those
developments be regarded as part of a unitary process.25
Our best local evidence in England points to a degree of demographic decline
of a quite significant order in the two generations prior to 1349 and yields little
sign of sustained ‘upswing’ until well into the sixteenth century. In fact, as noted
above, our data lead us to accept the existence in the 1520s and 1540s of national
populations that were respectively c. 2.2 and c. 2.8 millions, still thirty and fifteen
per cent lower than the three million persons many see as living in England in
1377. It does indeed appear that England, and possibly other nearby northwest
European contexts, were considerably more sluggish than some other parts of
Europe, especially those in the southern regions of the continent, in exhibiting
both renewed and sustained demographic growth. The English population in the
24
For a powerful recent demonstration of this style of reasoning with remarkable data
sets in his Tawney Lecture to the Economic History Society in 2008, see Campbell, ‘Nature as
Historical Protagonist’.
25
Helleiner, ‘The Population of Europe from the Black Death’, p. 71.
50 Richard M. Smith
Figure 2. Some series of rural population levels from the fifteenth century
Source: Poos, ‘The Historical Demography of Renaissance Europe’, p. 752.
first quarter of the sixteenth century was perhaps no more than forty per cent of its
size in 1300.26 Figure 2 illustrates this point by displaying three series of population
estimates for rural populations during the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
The data are: males aged twelve and older and resident within the large rural
community of High Easter in Essex (England), drawn from the fiscal record of per
capita payments at the annual meeting of the local court; estimates at several points
in time of numbers of hearths in the county of Hainault in the Low Countries,
drawn from local hearth censuses; and Guy Bois’s estimate of the population of
eastern Normandy, drawn mainly from monnéage or hearth-tax rolls. All these
series are displayed in Figure 2 as indices, with the level of each series in 1500 being
set at the index baseline of 100, because of the very different absolute levels of
population under study. Each source has its own array of qualifications and
considerations of interpretation, but all seem fairly firm as bases for general
changes in levels over time. Comparing the series in this way reveals some common
characteristics.27 By and large all three series imply either stationary or declining
local populations through much of the fifteenth century (there is some suggestion
26
Smith, ‘Plagues and Peoples’.
27
Data presented in Poos, ‘The Historical Demography of Renaissance Europe’.
that Normandy may be showing some sign of growth toward the end of the
fifteenth century), and in all three cases there was considerable fluctuation around
trend as would be expected from small, locally based population series.
The relative uniformity of experience revealed by these data is intriguing and
comparisons with evidence from areas further south in Europe raise interesting
questions. For instance, being better endowed than England with cross-sectional
taxation sources that survive to offer ‘snap-shots’ at fairly frequent intervals,
Tuscany provides us with evidence to chart the course of population change
from 1427 to 1551. While in the countryside or contado of Prato, for instance,
population had fallen perhaps to one-third of its early fourteenth-century size
in 1427, by 1551 the rural population had grown a further eighty per cent from
1427. Comparable population losses were encountered in the Florentine contado
which in 1427 had a population that stood at two-thirds of its pre-Black Death
size. Here, too, growth was markedly evident after 1460, with an estimated
mean annual growth rate of between 0.6 and 0.8 per cent from 1469 to 1552,
notwithstanding the effects of severe epidemics in the 1520s. Tuscan growth rates
have been considered low when compared with those found in Sicily where the
population expanded at rates closer to one per cent per annum over approximately
the same period. The late Larry Epstein remarked perceptively that high rates
of demographic growth after 1450 were ‘not unusual for the Mediterranean
regions’. Calculations concerning population change in Provence suggest mean
annual growth rates well in excess of one per cent per annum between 1471 and
1540.28 These are trends that this area seems to share with the Rhone valley and
the area around Lyon that has been studied by Marie-Therèse Lorcin using, it
should be stressed, the somewhat problematic measure of the replacement rate.29
In this region of south-central France in the period 1340–80 nearly sixty-three
per cent of testators mention no children whatsoever and the average number of
children per will-maker is 2.6. In the period 1460–1501 the comparable values
had risen and fallen respectively to twenty per cent and 5.3 children, indicative of
a situation very favourable to demographic growth.
It is perhaps worthy of comment that in the context of a consideration
of demographic patterns in mid-late fifteenth-century East Anglia, Robert
Gottfried has made a somewhat strained case for demographic growth based
on the fact that a sample of will makers from that area shows a small decline in
son-less testators from 57.9 per cent in 1430–80 to 51.0 per cent in the period
28
Epstein, ‘Cities, Regions and the Late Medieval Crisis’.
29
Lorcin, Vivre et mourir en Lyonnais.
52 Richard M. Smith
1480–87.30 Such figures closely resemble those assembled by Paul Glennie for
London will-makers over the same period although in neither case can they
stand comparison with the magnitude of change revealed in Lorcin’s evidence.31
Such data in both English and French contexts, it should be stressed, are highly
ambiguous and apart from being afflicted by the problem of omission they are
a composite demographic statistic dependent upon forces impacting on both
fertility and mortality. It would only be acceptable to compare these differing
measures of actual and potential demographic growth for the purposes of
understanding relative levels of mortality if it could be assumed that fertility was
invariant across these societies, which is, of course, an unreal assumption.
While such points as these raise doubts about the wisdom of using popula-
tion levels and growth rates in isolation to sustain an argument about epidemio-
logical change, such data cannot, of course, be exploited as substitutes for the
epidemiological evidence we would ideally wish to possess. Epidemic outbreaks,
their intensity, periodicity and spatial extensiveness have been asked to bear a
heavy load in the argument in the absence of demographic data on mortality.
Measurements of these features of mortality crises have given rise to consider-
able debate and discord within the scholarly community of medievalists. Mid-
twentieth-century opinion, particularly that of Russell and Bean, placed the
onset of demographic recovery before 1450, arguing that by this date there had
been a lessening in the frequency of plague outbreaks.32 Bean claimed that after
the late fourteenth century a decline in the incidence of national mortality cri-
ses occurred, particularly those associated with plague epidemics. The historical
technique he employed to make this case was questionable in so far as he focused
on chroniclers whose recording of epidemics was far from comprehensive, let
alone reliable. Furthermore, it was a reliability and comprehensiveness that as
John Hatcher emphasizes, declined as the genre became less concerned with
national matters and more preoccupied with local affairs which invalidates their
use for an estimation of the incidence of ‘national’ epidemics. Furthermore, Bean
was almost certainly in error in assuming that crises had to have a national pres-
ence to have any impact on national mortality rates. John Hatcher made a damag-
ing indictment of Bean’s position in 1977 when he drew attention to the presence
of serious plague outbreaks in Christ Church Priory Canterbury in fourteen of
the years between 1413 and 1507, only four of which coincided with epidemics
30
Gottfried, ‘Population, Plague, and the Sweating Sickness’.
31
Glennie, ‘A Commercializing Agrarian Region’.
32
Russell, British Medieval Population, pp. 270–81; Bean, ‘Plague, Population and Eco
nomic Decline’.
defined as ‘national’ and which accounted for only twenty per cent of the deaths
identified by contemporaries as the result of plague in the monastic community
over the period. In fact, in his Economic History Society pamphlet Hatcher con-
tended that in the century after 1377 England experienced at least fifteen out-
breaks of plague and/or other epidemic diseases of national or extra-regional
proportions. He also argued that the mortality rates may have eased appreciably
from time to time in the later fifteenth century and that a lengthening of gaps
between major plague outbreaks may have been reflected in some abating of the
frequency and virulence of local outbreaks.33 He certainly adopted a cautious
tone and admitted that, given what is known of epidemic periodicities and mor-
tality rates in the early sixteenth century, any late-fifteenth-century respite may
have been halted.
It was not until the late 1970s that we encounter the publication of the first
of a series of attempts to provide a quantified treatment of crisis mortality in
later medieval England. In 1964 Sylvia Thrupp had led the way in demonstrating
the possible potential of late medieval probate records for demographic purpos-
es.34 Robert Gottfried, who was a graduate student of Thrupp, completed in the
mid-1970s a doctoral thesis that was published virtually unchanged in 1978.35 It
was based upon an analysis of marginally more than 20,000 wills from Norfolk,
Suffolk, Hertfordshire and London from 1430–80. In this work he appears to
show that graphs made from the raw totals of probated wills peaked during the
periods of epidemic disease reported in the narrative sources. Gottfried also
wished to argue for plague’s endemicity in the populations of eastern England
as a result of his consideration of the frequency and spread of ‘crisis mortalities’.
‘Crises’ according to the definition adopted by Gottfried occurred in quarters
of the year with three or more times the community’s quarterly mean number
of testate and intestate deaths. On this basis Gottfried claimed that ‘at any one
time or another in the two hundred seasonal quarters in the years between 1430
and 1480 over fifteen per cent of the several hundred parishes in question experi-
enced at least a single quarter of excess mortality’.36 In a separate study Gottfried
extended his analysis to the decade 1480–89 and believes that on the basis of an
observed decline in autumn deaths (September, October, and November) and a
growth in the relative importance of spring deaths (March, April, and May) in
33
34
Thrupp, ‘Problem of Replacement-Rates’.
35
Gottfried, Epidemic Disease in Fifteenth Century England.
36
Gottfried, Epidemic Disease in Fifteenth Century England, p. 129.
54 Richard M. Smith
the 1480s, following a particularly severe plague epidemic in 1479–80, a signifi-

cant diminution in plague deaths takes place. In this study he also insisted that
the Sweat made very little impact on mortality patterns in East Anglia in 1485.
Gottfried, as noted above, was inclined to drawn attention to significant demo-
graphic stirrings in this region in the 1470s, based upon a slight rise in replace-
ment ratios of male testators, although he wishes to emphasize the contribution
of fertility rather than mortality to this development.37 This is not the place to
review the plausibility of that aspect of Gottfried’s analysis, since the focus is on
his views on epidemiological shifts in the 1480s.
Soon after Gottfried’s work had been published Paul Glennie in his
Cambridge doctoral thesis devoted considerable space to a study of mortality
patterns as reflected in the wills of residents of late medieval London and
Hertfordshire.38 Unlike Gottfried, Glennie did not terminate his research in
the 1480s but, exhibiting great energy, extended it to include a large swathe of
the sixteenth century which also enabled him, in the case of Hertfordshire, to
graft burial counts from parish registers on to his will series. Glennie observed
a very good fit between pestilential episodes noted by chroniclers and other
literary sources and the noteworthy peaks in probate series. In fact, there were
few periods of as short as a decade in which London and the adjacent county
of Hertfordshire were not sufficiently affected by some epidemics to produce
a significant increase in totals of probated wills. To judge from the proportions
of wills in the summer and autumn quarters plague seems to have been a major
factor. No evident decline in the late summer/autumn peaks occurs in Glennie’s
evidence over the whole period, nor does he believe that there is any reason
to share Gottfried’s optimism regarding a declining frequency in epidemic
occurrences or virulence since, in the early sixteenth century, mortality, based
on annual will-counts manifests an instability that is indistinguishable from that
apparent in the previous century.
Another venture that grapples with death periodicities using probated wills
concerns a sample of 10,000 wills drawn from the diocesan Exchequeur Court of
York from the early fifteenth to early sixteenth century by Jeremy Goldberg. These
wills relate to individuals ordinarily resident in the counties of Yorkshire and
Nottinghamshire, although York residents loom large and most likely constitute
a declining proportion of the sample over time.39 As Glennie also showed,
37
Gottfried, ‘Population, Plague, and the Sweating Sickness’.
38
Glennie, ‘A Commercializing Agrarian Region’.
39
Goldberg, ‘Mortality and Economic Change in the Diocese of York’.
Goldberg identifies a strong link between years with conspicuously large numbers
of deaths in those years that coincide closely with chronicle evidence for disease.
Noteworthy years such as 1391, 1438, 1458–59, 1467, 1471–72, and 1479 are
also years that Glennie or Gottfried have highlighted as experiencing crises and
which John Hatcher had so defined without resort to quantitative analysis of will
registers, but from the annual surges of monastic deaths at Christ Church Priory.40
Goldberg makes an effective case for the crises of 1391 and 1438 being strongly
associated with dearth in the northern region within which his study is based. He
does, however, acknowledge plague to be a likely culprit in the remaining years in
the crisis sequence listed above. Like Gottfried he is struck by the limited evidence
relating to ‘sweating sickness’ in 1485 and both scholars appear to have discovered
a common growth in spring deaths relative to those in late summer and autumn
after 1470. In fact, Goldberg reports that by the end of the period of his study in
the early sixteenth century the seasonality of testator deaths is almost identical
with that observed by Wrigley and Schofield in their parish-register based
sample of 1540–99, in which late winter and early spring quarters experience a
disproportionate share of deaths in any year.41 Goldberg also mentions an apparent
decline in recorded deaths in the last two decades of the fifteenth century, although
this was a pattern not sustained in the early decade of the sixteenth century when,
as David Palliser has shown, York appears to experience its worst crises of the
whole of the century.42 There are many features in Goldberg’s account of mortality
patterns from the York wills that are shared with the East Anglian will-makers
studied by Gottfried. Nonetheless, Goldberg appears to conclude that the early
sixteenth century was marked by renewed short-term instability of mortality
and in stressing this epidemiological feature he aligns himself with Glennie and
Hatcher. It must be admitted that the failure by Gottfried to extend the analysis
of East Anglian wills into the early sixteenth century leaves this study somewhat
exposed if we are expected to conclude that a durable stabilization of mortality
had been achieved in that region from the 1480s.
It is noteworthy that none of these studies we have discussed so far pro-
vided findings that relate directly to the issue of the spatial character of plague
epidemic patterns other than to draw attention to the incidence of crises that
were both national and extra-regional and those that were peculiarly local. We
encounter no discussion of the point made by Charles Creighton in 1891 that
40
Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’, pp. 25–27.
41
42
Palliser, ‘Epidemics in Tudor York’.
56 Richard M. Smith
after the mid-fifteenth century plague ‘was seldom universal’ and became ‘more
and more a disease of the towns’ and that when it did occur in the countryside
it was ‘for the most part at some few and limited spots’.43 Paul Slack emerges to
date as the only author to confront this issue systematically in research which
makes use both of wills in the period from 1485 through to 1538 and parish reg-
isters thereafter. Slack, it seems, does accept Creighton’s proposition that in the
late fifteenth century the geographical range of plague epidemics was narrow-
ing notwithstanding the case he makes for plague being more widely and evenly
distributed across rural areas before 1550 than thereafter. Since he addresses this
problem solely with reference to evidence extracted from parish registers after
1538 he is, therefore, forced to recognize that the increasing quantity of evidence
as the sixteenth century progresses creates difficulties for any analysis intended to
draw confident contrasts between the early and later parts of the sixteenth cen-
tury.44 Such a research procedure surely makes it even more difficult to assess the
situation in the later fifteenth century. However, in a fascinating case-study of
Devon (regrettably not undertaken for other counties) Slack shows that a plague
epidemic in 1546–47 was widespread in its incidence within the county, affect-
ing twenty six of the thirty-three parishes with extant registers, in which twenty
of the twenty-six communities experienced at least a doubling of burial totals.
Slack even ventures the suggestion that the plague of Devon in 1546–47 may be
regarded as a late example of generalized outbreaks of plague which had previ-
ously been more common. In addition to making the case for a greater incidence
of rural plague in the early sixteenth century he also presents some compelling
evidence to suggest that prior to 1560 plague and dearth were more frequently
associated and that later in the century the two causes of crisis mortality were far
less likely to conjoin, thereby making it easier to distinguish one from the other.
Furthermore, as plague also became increasingly confined to towns, their poorer
quarters came disproportionately to experience it. It is possible to read Slack’s
very carefully structured and, for the most part, cautiously presented research
to suggest that narrowing of plague’s geographical range was not a development
occurring in the fifteenth century but was a transformation that occurred later
in the sixteenth century when a minority rather than a majority of villagers were
likely to encounter it during a life-time.45
Consequently, it is not without significance that Wrigley and Schofield
noted that the 1540s and 1550s experienced crisis-mortality rates respectively of
43
Creighton, A History of Epidemics in Britain, pp. 340–57.
44
Slack, The Impact of Plague, pp. 59–63.
45
Slack, The Impact of Plague, pp. 83–110.
15 per thousand and 27.7 per thousand months compared with rates of only 5.5
and 8.1 per thousand respectively for the 1560s and 1570s.46 In fact Wrigley and
Schofield might be interpreted as concurring with Slack when, in commenting
on the first twenty years of their 330-year series they noted that ‘the violent and
frequent upsurges in the numbers of deaths recorded before 1565 look as if they
may have been the last throes of a late medieval regime of widespread epidemic
mortality’.47 They are, however, more equivocal about the relationship between
the spatial incidence of epidemic mortality and underlying positive movements
away from trend on the part of the national crude death rate. Six of the forty-five
national crises over the 330 years from 1541–1871 (defined as a year in which
the crude death rate moved more than ten per cent above trend) occurred in the
1540s and 1550s. The two most striking crises of 1558–59 and 1557–58 when
the crude death rate was 124.7 per cent and 60.5 per cent above trend also were
distinguished as years when 39 and 32.5 per cent respectively of all parishes in
observation experienced at least one month of crisis. However, the other years
in the two decades when the crude death rate was between twelve and twenty-
five per cent above trend showed no systematic relationship between severity of
national crisis and proportion of parishes experiencing at least one crisis month.
For instance, 1546–47 is perhaps an example of a year when mortality appears
to have risen sharply in a number of places but the net impact on national death
rates was somewhat muffled because the crises were of short duration and few
places were affected. That year reveals a characteristic statistical patterning of
crisis mortality, a combination of that we might associate with regionalized rural
plague. We have earlier noted that Slack had identified 1546–47 in Devon as a
year of plague throughout the county, in fact locally it was ‘the most widespread
crisis of the whole century between 1540 and 1640’. Nonetheless, the national
death rate was that year ranked by Wrigley and Schofield only modestly in thirty-
third place in the league table of forty-five ‘crises’.48
It is, however, unfortunate that notwithstanding the considerable expenditure
of very worthy effort it has proved impossible to use data of the kind collected in the
studies discussed above to investigate the relationship between annual instability
of deaths and life expectancy at specific ages, to test that is, the proposition that
the two variables were in the two post-Black Death centuries inversely related.
Nevertheless, it is now possible, because of efforts of John Hatcher and Barbara
Harvey, to point to three bodies of evidence that, for a sizeable stretch of the two
46
Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England, p. 650.
47
48
58 Richard M. Smith
centuries following the Black Death, do enable us to observe the movements in the
two variables that measure the crude death rate and life expectancy at a specific age.
John Hatcher has been the driving force in reconstructing the mortality history of
two of these populations and in the process provided for Barbara Harvey for a
point of comparison in a third.49 The three ‘populations’ possessing sources from
which such data can be extracted concern the monks of the three Benedictine
houses of Westminster Abbey between 1390 and 1529, of Christ Church Priory,
Canterbury between 1395 and 1505 and Durham Priory from 1395 to 1529. The
evidence from Canterbury might be regarded as the prototypical source material
first analysed by John Hatcher and a preliminary set of findings appeared in his
pamphlet of 1977 with a longer and more detailed set of data provided in a paper
that was published in 1986. It is no exaggeration to state that the latter study
set new standards of demographic precision, being by some margin the most
statistically controlled and sophisticated analysis of late medieval English evidence
by that date to have appeared in print. This characteristic owes much to the care
with which Hatcher extracted the evidence from the original sources and to the
expert technical assistance he sought in its analysis, but above all it is to do with
the way in which the sources from Canterbury permit the historian to specify the
‘population at risk’ in a fashion that sources such as wills, inquisitions post mortem
and manorial court rolls rarely allow us to achieve. The same qualities distinguish
the other data set which Barbara Harvey first revealed in her Ford Lectures at
Oxford and subsequently published in 1993 and that which John Hatcher
generated for Durham Priory in collaboration with David Stone and Alan Piper,
with some assistance from Jim Oeppen, then of the Cambridge Group for the
History of Population and Social Structure, who also collaborated with Harvey
in the estimation of mortality parameters for the Westminster monks. There is
no space in this discussion to reflect on the technical problems confronting
the monastic sources used for this kind of demographic reconstruction. The
community of monks in all three institutions was, of course, made up of males
who were generally over the age of eighteen or twenty years. These are limitations
with regard to age and sex that they share with those populations observable in the
other sources that have been the object of demographic analysis such as probate
sources, manorial court rolls, and inquisitions post mortem.
With regard to the three monastic populations we must first consider the
evidence relating to volatility of mortality in all three institutions. The com
munity of monks at Westminster contained approximately fifty individuals
49
Harvey, Living and Dying in England, chap. 4. References to the articles by Hatcher and
by Hatcher, Piper, and Stone are to be found in notes 11 and 18.
Figure 3. Death rates of monks in Christ Church, Canterbury, c. 1395–1505

Source: Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’, p. 26.
Figure 4. Death rates of monks in Westminster Abbey, c. 1390–c. 1525

Source: Harvey, Living and Dying in England, p. 126.
throughout the period, while that at Canterbury was somewhat larger, contain-
ing between seventy-five and ninety-five individuals, and was by English stand-
ards a rather sizeable monastic institution. Durham Priory had a population
varying in size from sixty to eighty, of whom at any one time thirty could be
residing in nine cells that were located in Finchale, Jarrow and Wearmouth in
County Durham, Holy Island and Farne Island in Northumberland, Coldingham
in Berwickshire, Lytham in Lancashire, Stamford in Lincolnshire, and Durham
College, Oxford. In Figures 3 and 4 we are able to observe the death rate relating
60 Richard M. Smith
to these populations of males over eighteen or twenty years of age. The graphs
concerning both populations are unambiguously distinguished by death rates
exhibiting noteworthy volatility from year to year. In both cases Hatcher and
Harvey have adopted moving averages of crude death rates to smooth out year to
year variations which are most likely to be statistical exaggerations because of the
relatively small size of the populations at risk in each calendar year. Assuming
that the age-structures of the two populations were not greatly different it would
seem that the crude death rates in both communities were lower in the first half
of the fifteenth century than in the second. In fact, the moving average swings
between a rate of twenty and thirty per thousand for much of the earlier period
at Canterbury and between thirty and forty per thousand at Westminster, and
after 1450, the respective rates move up a notch for both communities to levels
between thirty and forty per thousand at Canterbury and between forty and
fifty per thousand at Westminster. While levels may have differed, a similar
upward secular trend in death rates appears common to both populations. It is
by no means easy to compare the year-to-year volatility of the death rates in the
two populations since the authors of these studies have adopted different criteria
in their attempts to define ‘crisis mortalities’. John Hatcher sets his index of crisis
mortality at forty per thousand and over, and on that basis observes that Christ
Church Priory experienced mortality crises more than once every four years.
Crude annual death rates of forty per thousand (see fig. 3) were exceeded seven-
teen times between 1395 and 1450 and ten times between 1450 and 1505. The
earlier period clearly had a higher frequency of mortality surges than did the
later period, although the crises after 1450 were distinguished by the striking
peaks they displayed; rates of one hundred and eighty-nine per thousand in
1457, one hundred and thirty-nine per thousand in 1471, and one hundred and
sixteen per thousand in 1485, the year of the ‘Sweat’, had no equivalents before
1450 at Canterbury. Barbara Harvey adopts a somewhat more demanding defi-
nition of ‘crisis’, alert to the fact that she is working with a smaller monastic com-
munity and a smaller ‘population at risk’ than Hatcher had at his disposal.
Consequently she identifies as a crisis year any twelve-month period when the
crude death rate is three times or more in excess of the thirteen-year moving
average (i.e. for a considerable part of the period years in which the crude death
rate reached or exceeded one hundred per thousand). On this basis Harvey
identifies three years prior to 1450 and six years thereafter when mortality crises
were being experienced (see fig. 4). She also identifies seven further years in
which crude death rates were significantly above average, two of which fell
before 1450 and five after that date.
Figure 5. Death rates of Durham monks, 1395–1529

Source: Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality’, p. 677.
There seems little doubt that at Westminster the frequency and intensity of mor-
tality crises rose after 1450. In fact on the basis of these identifications the monas-
tic community at Westminster prior to 1450 experienced a bad year once in every
nine years, and afterwards, once in every five years. The majority of the very severe
crises in both communities occur in the second rather than the first half of the
fifteenth century. Westminster unambiguously, it seems, represents a community
in which both frequency and intensity of severe crises move in unison and are
clearly of a higher order in the second half of the century than the first. It appears
that the experience of Durham was remarkably similar to that of Westminster
and Canterbury (see fig. 5). Our faith in these findings is strengthened by the fact
that as John Hatcher notes, in commenting on the year-to-year stability of mor-
tality, ‘in all three monasteries both annual and moving averages of crude death
rates reveal high and volatile mortality, with a prolonged surge after mid-
century’.50 If annual death rates in these three communities were in any sense rep-
resentative of wider trends in crude death rates and short-term instability of mor-
tality amongst England’s population, they would provide little comfort for those
scholars who see an amelioration in the mortality climate as the fifteenth century
progresses.
There are indeed notable overlaps between both houses in the years of greatly
enhanced mortality; 1457, 1471, 1485, and the very early 1500s are years in which
50
Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality’, pp. 676–78.
62 Richard M. Smith
both monastic communities experienced sharp rises in death rates. However,

while three of these years, 1457, 1471, and 1485, are among the worst years at
Westminster, they trail some way behind the crises that that Abbey’s monks
experienced in 1420 when the crude death rate moved to a level six times above
the moving average and in 1464 when at five times above trend the crude death
reached two hundred and thirty-two per thousand. However, while it is easy to
point to epidemic years such as 1457/8 and 1471 which clearly were geographi-
cally widespread within England, in so far as they receive recognition in the liter-
ary sources and stand out in the will-based studies of Gottfried in East Anglia,
Glennie in Hertfordshire and London, as well as Goldberg’s more geographically
detached population in Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire, there are equally note-
worthy discrepancies. It is perhaps significant, and certainly interesting, that of
the sixteen years of crisis identified by Barbara Harvey at Westminster, ten seem
not to have been years of enhanced mortality in nearby London.51
The quality of the data collected by Hatcher and Harvey is such that they are
able to estimate life expectancies at specified ages, a far more penetrating demo-
graphic measurement than the crude death rate which is always susceptible to the
influences deriving from age structures in any community. Obviously, it is not
possible to estimate expectations of life of monks on entry into these communi-
ties for the whole period, as observations can only be made on members of entry
cohorts over their completed lives. In Figure 6 these estimates for all three com-
munities are plotted in the form of overlapping entry cohorts and the trends they
present can be compared over an extensive period of the fifteenth and early six-
teenth centuries. There are differences in the underlying levels of life expectancy.
It would appear that the higher crude death rates exhibited by Westminster
monks is also reflected in their somewhat lower life expectancies at age twenty-
five when compared with the Canterbury and Durham populations. Durham for
the first fifty years of the series has life expectancy significantly above thirty years
compared with the mid-twenties in Westminster. It seems clear that Westminster’s
close proximity to the largest urban centre of the country was a factor in creating
this penalty and Durham’s smallness of size and the site it occupied in the town
gave it a health advantage, exacerbated perhaps by the fact that the monks there
spent extended periods in small cells in relatively low density and isolated set-
tings. Canterbury appears to have occupied an intermediate position as a monas-
tic community in a city of between 4000 and 5000 inhabitants.
However, it is not the differences in level of life expectancy but the similarities
in trends that should be noted. The Durham and Canterbury populations display
51
Harvey, Living and Dying in England, p. 126.
Figure 6. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five plotted at year of mean death
entry cohorts in the early to mid-fifteenth century with expectations of life at age
twenty-five of approximately thirty to thirty-four years. After 1450 both com-
munities of monks in Canterbury and Westminster experience a sharp decline
in life chances, to such an extent that the entry cohorts of the 1470s displayed
life expectancies seven to eight years lower than did those at the beginning of
the series in the 1420s. The decline in life chances at Durham begins somewhat
later, but when it starts the deterioration is relatively greater there than elsewhere.
Equally striking is the swift recovery in life expectancies exhibited by those males
entering Westminster Abbey and Durham Priory as monks at the beginning of
the sixteenth century. At Westminster by the 1530s expectation of life at age 20
(e20) had returned to the point at which it stood a century earlier. It is worthy
of note that over the whole period, however, the Westminster series reveals no
net improvement in life expectancy. The situation at Canterbury cannot be fully
compared with the other two Benedictine communities since the relevant data
extend over a far shorter time period.
Unlike much of the work that we have earlier discussed that depends upon
probate evidence, Hatcher’s evidence from Canterbury, in particular, and Harvey’s
to a lesser extent from Westminster, give us an especially accurate specification of
the seasonality of deaths. At Canterbury which benefits from obituary lists in
which an extremely precise date (indeed time of death) is allocated to deaths, it
is interesting to observe that the seasonality of deaths, which already possessed a
64 Richard M. Smith
readily detectable excess in the summer and autumn months before 1450 moved
further in that direction in the second half of the fifteenth century.52 We have
already noted that Goldberg and Gottfried argued that the seasonal pattern of
probated wills in East Anglia, Yorkshire, and Nottinghamshire was assuming a
more noteworthy winter and early spring seasonal surplus in the later fifteenth
century, although their will-based evidence is not strictly speaking susceptible to
accurate dating of deaths. Harvey’s evidence is harder to interpret as she is obliged
to use indirect means of identifying the season of death within any one year.
However, she too finds that the summer and autumn months experience a higher
relative frequency of deaths than winter and spring quarters, a feature which is
greatly accentuated in crisis years.
The Canterbury sources are particularly distinctive in providing a contem
porary attribution of cause of death which clearly must be interpreted circum
spectly. Nonetheless Hatcher is struck by the frequency with which plague
is noted, a factor which is connected with the alteration to the funeral rites of
suspected plague victims which were shortened and the corpse initially isolated
and thereafter rapidly interred for fear of infection.53 Hatcher reports that at least
sixteen per cent (and most likely twenty per cent) of all deaths over the period
from 1413 to 1507 appeared to be caused by plague. It is fortunate that after 1485
the Canterbury obituary book provides a particularly detailed and informative
medical diagnosis such that the diseases of dying monks have been tabulated by
Hatcher. Plague certainly looms large in the record and might well have loomed
larger, if the crises of 1457 and 1471 had been covered by such a detailed obituary
list. However, it is surely noteworthy that contemporaries identified tuberculosis
and pulmonary afflictions as accounting for forty per cent of deaths at this period
of enhanced mortality in the late fifteenth century which was a significantly
greater share than attributed to plague.54
Barbara Harvey has discovered no source of this type in the Westminster
archive and has been obliged to content herself with rather different, but no less
rewarding, evidence that provides some context to the condition under which
monastic deaths occurred. She has shown considerable ingenuity in employing
an unusually full class of record kept by the Westminster infirmarers who main-
tained an extensive account of the pittances or daily cash payments given to sick
monks for each night that they spent in the infirmary. While it would obviously
52
Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’, p. 26.
53
54
be unduly cavalier to treat such information as a robust index of morbidity, these

accounts constitute a source which, if carefully employed, yields more than just a
record of the infirmarer’s bed-management policy. They are, however, a record of
in-patients and in that respect an incomplete statistical account of reported illness
in the community. While it appears that a smaller proportion of the choir monks
spent time in the infirmary from 1465–1528 than from 1375–1464, those that
did so stayed longer. Barbara Harvey seems inclined to regard this development
as indicative of the infirmary moving to treat fewer acute short-duration illnesses
and to take greater responsibility for more chronic, long-duration conditions.55 It
is, of course, tempting to see a mixture of causes of death such as that revealed in
the post-1485 obituary book at Canterbury as in some real sense compatible with
the bed-occupancy patterns revealed by Harvey’s analysis of the Westminster
infirmary at the same period. In fact, in proceeding to measure the patient’s
period of stay in relation to outcome, whether through discharge or death, one
might take this matter further. Unfortunately, the infirmarer’s accounts are far
from being a continuous record and only are complete for two out of every three
years of crisis mortality. They reveal that there was no common pattern to hospi-
talization in those years of very high mortality. For instance in 1458, a crisis year,
most of those who died spent four to seven nights in the infirmary which seems
compatible with a short-sharp illness such as plague which is reported extensively
throughout the English regions (and at Canterbury) that year. In 1471 three of
the four deaths followed stays by the deceased were of twenty-five, eighty-six, and
one hundred and seven nights’ duration and suggest that it would be unwise to
identify this as a plague-driven crisis. Likewise, in 1464 the second worst year of
mortality crisis at Westminster when the crude death was five times above trend,
the average stay of those dying was two to three weeks which is not a duration of
illness entirely consistent with what might be expected of a plague epidemic.56
The lengthening of stay of infirmary patients overall in the later fifteenth century
is suggestive at least in this specific locality of an epidemiological shift towards ill-
nesses of a longer duration, although it should be stressed that the average length
of stay prior to death shows no statistically significant shift as a whole through
the whole period.57 Because of the incompleteness of the infirmarer’s pittance-
payment account Harvey was unable to compute the number of fatalities who
never experienced hospitalization prior to their death. These may have been a far
55
Harvey, Living and Dying in England, pp. 103–105.
56
57
Harvey, Living and Dying in England, pp. 105–108.
66 Richard M. Smith
from inconsequential number since one might suspect that to a certain extent
the infirmary at Westminster served mainly the needs of those suffering from
illnesses that did not actually kill the patient. It is deeply gratifying that three
late medieval English Benedictine communities have left us records of a kind
that have enabled two imaginative social and economic historians to construct
a highly sophisticated account of their mortality histories over the fifteenth cen-
tury. These accounts are remarkable in that they share, notwithstanding their dif-
ferent locations, so many features in common. Naturally some questions must
be asked: can they provide the basis for our understanding of national develop-
ments regarding mortality over the period c. 1390–1520? Do they provide clear
signals or do they, when set alongside our other evidence, particularly that which
has been slowly assembled by the analysts of later medieval wills, court rolls, and
inquisitions post mortem produce a more complex picture? We have in the spe-
cific contexts of Westminster Abbey, Christ Church Canterbury, and Durham
Priory advanced our technical knowledge by many orders of magnitude and con-
fidence in the view that there was net improvement in mortality over the whole
course of the fifteenth century has received something of a battering. It does seem
that we have had fundamentally to rethink the chronology of mortality change as
measured by adult life expectancy over the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.
How might we best begin to conceptualize these changes? At present the
prospects for applying a framework such as that advocated by John Landers, in
which mortality is treated as a function of the balance between level of exposure to
infection to which members of a population are subjected and their capacity to resist
these infections, look decidedly unpromising.58 Our inability to conceptualize
processes in this way is certainly handicapped by the contradictory messages
emanating from the admittedly sparse evidence. For instance, the understandable
concern with the place of plague in the late medieval epidemiological regime has
caused there to be a focus on the enumeration via testamentary records of crises
and the identification of plague references in contemporary literary sources. Some
of this analysis points rather hesitantly to a shift in the seasonality of mortality
which appears to undergo a move from a profile in some contexts in which late
summer, autumn peaks are present to one in which late winter and early spring
become the most hazardous phase of the year. However, other regions in and
around London reveal no such seasonality shift and in Canterbury we see an
intensification of the summer-autumn peak over time. While some evidence on
the level and instability of mortality from probated wills can reveal tantalizing
signs both of a possible stabilization and a lowering of death rates in the last
58
Landers, ‘Historical Epidemiology’.
quarter of the fifteenth century, there is no shortage of evidence suggesting

both a rise in will counts and renewed year-by-year instability of deaths in the
first quarter of the sixteenth century. Furthermore, the previous confidence in a
renewal of demographic growth in the last quarter of the fifteenth century that
certainly characterized the literature on this subject before the late 1980s appears
now to rest on fairly fragile foundations.
We are still far from being able to test the proposition that a marked shift
occurred in the course of the fifteenth century in the geographical patterning of
plague from widespread rural epidemics to outbreaks that were predominantly
confined to the towns. Was this a shift largely completed by 1400 or, indeed,
if it occurred at all, was it a development confined to or still in train over the
early sixteenth century? We can accept Paul Slack’s point that these changes, at
least in England, bearing upon the diffusion of plague are unlikely to have been
the product of the adoption of quarantine measures by local or central govern-
mental authorities since such measures were not taken up, let alone effectively
implemented, until the late sixteenth century, at the earliest. Ole Benedictow,
has suggested that this spatial change in the character of plague epidemics is the
key epidemiological development of the fifteenth century and was critical of
Paul Slack for failing to give this question the attention he believes it deserves.
Benedictow argued that such an epidemiological shift had indeed occurred by
1500 and hypothesized altered social behaviour to account for it as a product of
reducing exposure potential and realized exposure in the rural populace. There was,
he claims, a decline in social reciprocity in times of disease and hardship reflected
in the dismantling of traditional collective institutions and the erosion of recipro-
cal peasant norms. Likewise, he suggests, an accompanying decline in intra-group
sociability linked with a falling resort to familial inheritance as the basis of social
reproduction.59 Benedictow could hardly have chosen more contentious, contro-
versial, and highly problematic arguments to do with the nature of late medieval
social change to explain epidemiological developments that have yet to be speci-
fied empirically. Nonetheless the types of argument promoted by Benedictow
are certainly within the spirit of the heuristic shift that Landers advocated for
historical approaches that gave a greater role for human agency as a determinant.
The mortality developments so persuasively unearthed by Harvey and Hatcher
in their studies of the monks of Westminster and Canterbury would carry
greater significance if they could be shown to have wider relevance. Were they,
for instance, typical of other urban settlements? Can similar mortality trends be
observed in the two urban communities of which they were part? In answering
59
See Benedictow, review of ‘Paul Slack, The Impact of Plague’, p. 657.
68 Richard M. Smith
this latter question Hatcher can draw on no direct demographic data relating to
the city of Canterbury but is impressed by Andrew Butcher’s findings regarding
the parlous state of the town’s economy in the last quarter of the fifteenth century
— the sharp drop in rents and the low occupation rates of shops and houses —
which he explains as a consequence of the undermining effect of epidemic dis-
ease.60 In the case of the immediate environs of Westminster Abbey demographic
evidence relating to the town is in rather better supply. An unusual source con-
cerning the purchase of candles for use in the burial rites of the parishioners has
survived. It has been profitably exploited by Gervase Rosser who has shown there
to have been a substantial worsening of death rates in the Westminster parish of
St Margaret’s in the years from 1490–1510 which can have little to do with the
growth in the town’s population and implies, even in years of unexceptional mor-
tality, death rates of at least fifty–sixty per thousand.61 Such patterns do indeed
seem consistent with the plunge in life expectancy among the monastic commu-
nity at Westminster Abbey, the members of which, as Barbara Harvey empha-
sizes, were deeply integrated into their local communities and openly exposed to
the urban infections.62
If there was a cycle in England of fifty to seventy-five years (three generations)
from c. 1460 to c. 1520 in which mortality first deteriorated then improved, we
are as yet in no position to know whether it was a regionally localized phenome-
non, predominantly urban, or whether it had a wider rural presence. What factors
could be adduced to account for either an increase in realized exposure or reduced
resistance over the period c. 1460–1510 and either reduced exposure or increased
resistance in the period thereafter? Harvey finds little to suggest that any major
environmental changes may have served to increase exposure potential during
periods when mortality markedly worsened.63 It is true that the younger monks
in this population prove to be particularly vulnerable and they certainly contrib-
uted a share to deaths that was far greater than their share in the community’s
population.64 However, an argument that depends on there having been a shift in
the population mix thereby introducing country boys to an urban environment
and to epidemic diseases to which they had no prior exposure would appear not
to work insofar as the increased presence of the young in the age structure is as
60
Butcher, ‘Rent and the Urban Economy’.
61
Rosser, Medieval Westminster, pp. 177–80.
62
63
64
much a cause as a consequence of the rise in the death rate. Nonetheless, immi-
gration of vulnerable newcomers would most likely help to push life expectancy
even further in a downward direction. Jeremy Goldberg suggests that serious con-
sideration be given to the vulnerability of young monks to new venereal disease
in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, given the very close proximity
of the urban religious houses to the haunts of prostitutes.65 While this is an argu-
ment that relates both to epidemiological concepts of conduction and retention
as well as pathogenic load, the introduction of a new disease provides no basis for
understanding the subsequent very sharp improvement in life expectancies that
follows in the early sixteenth century.
In drawing out many of the specific and especially striking characteristics of
these late medieval data sets it has been entirely legitimate that comparisons
should be made between demographic rates derived from relatively small ‘popu-
lations’ in the late fifteenth century and those from the larger samples that derive
from parish registers after 1540. It is true that late medieval crude death rates and
life expectancies when compared initially by Hatcher and Harvey (for Canterbury
and Westminster) with those derived by Wrigley, Schofield, and Oeppen from
aggregate back projection of parish-register based data suggested a more favoura-
ble regime in the mid- to late sixteenth century and therefore raises the possibility
that between c. 1450 and 1510 there had been a marked, indeed unprecedented
decline in mortality.66 Yet much care must be exercised in comparing these urban-
based populations of the later medieval period with national crude death rates
relating to populations that are overwhelmingly rural in the mid- to late-Tudor
period. Urban crude death rates in pre-industrial England were almost always in
excess of forty per thousand and frequently significantly exceeded fifty per thou-
sand.67 It is noteworthy that estimates of e25 ranging from twenty-two to twenty-
eight years from English parish-register based studies constitute adult mortality
levels in market towns such as Alcester (Warwickshire), Gainsborough
(Lincolnshire), and Banbury (Oxfordshire) that fall well within the ranges of
65
Goldberg, ‘Mortality and Economic Change in the Diocese of York’, p. 54. See also
Goldberg, ‘Pigs and Prostitutes’, pp. 174–76.
66
See Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’, p. 32 for comparisons drawn with
estimates of life expectation at birth based on back projection in Wrigley and Schofield, The
Population History of England, Appendix 3, pp. 527–35. Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth
Century’, p. 33 also made a comparison with a mean estimate of e25 from nine parish reconstitu-
tions to show how much lower the monastic life chances were when compared with males at age
twenty-five in those late sixteenth-century parishes.
67
Galley, The Demography of Early Modern Towns.
70 Richard M. Smith
Figure 7. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five and a distribution of life expectancies
at age twenty-five for married male parishioners (twenty-six English parishes)
e25s exhibited by the monks throughout most of the period studied by Harvey
and Hatcher.68 Furthermore, in London in the late seventeenth and especially
early eighteenth centuries adult-Quaker mortality was as severe as, possibly more
severe than, those exhibited by the Benedictine populations two centuries earlier
(see fig. 7).69 Expectations of life at age twenty-five ranging from twenty to
twenty-eight years should not be regarded therefore as essentially ‘late medieval’
in character.
It is also worth noting that even at the end of the period covered by Harvey’s
study of Westminster when e25 had risen once again to early fifteenth century
levels, the Westminster monastic community still possessed a level of e25 lower
than that of the national, predominantly rural populace based upon parish
registers. Since Hatcher and Harvey made their comparisons with sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century parish-register based estimates of e25 new estimates from
such sources have been published.70 These data were secured by use of back-
projection and were not based upon totals of deaths by age in each period of time.
68
Family reconstitutions held by the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and
Social Structure.
69
Landers, Death and the Metropolis, p. 158.
70
Wrigley and others, English Population History from Family Reconstruction, pp. 280–93.
Figure 8. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five and a mean of life expectancies
at age twenty-five for married male parishioners in twenty-six English parishes
Given a knowledge of population size and age structure produced by the process
of back projection, the computer program which embodied the back-projection
technique then selected that mortality level from within a family of life tables
which was needed in order to absorb the known totals of deaths for the period,
which in turn yielded a set of mortality rates and statistics, such as e25. The
aggregative-based mortality rates are therefore not derived from direct
observation. Subsequently, a new set of mortality estimates were produced using
the more reliable technique of family reconstitution and these embody
refinements that deal more effectively than work hitherto with a classic ‘competing
risk’ problem that has afflicted so much previous adult mortality calculation.71
The new estimates lower the earlier estimates of e25s for the parochial populations
of the sixteenth and seventeenth century and diminish somewhat the contrast
that had been drawn between that period and the late fifteenth century. It should
be noted that John Hatcher and his colleagues in their most recent paper on
Durham have used adult mortality from family reconstitutions as their
comparator with the monks in all three houses (see fig. 8).72
71
72
Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality’, p. 679.
72 Richard M. Smith
Family reconstitutions have also drawn attention to the significant discrep-

ancies that exist between adult and infant and child mortality in early modern
populations. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the age patterns of adult
mortality are best encapsulated by levels 3 to 5 in Princeton Model North (each
rise in level is equivalent to a rise in e0 of approximately 2.5 years). In this period
infant and child mortality rates were far less severe than the implied rates derived
from the model life table level applying to adults. In fact the rates suggest that
levels 9 to 11 were most accurately capturing mortality rates within the younger
age groups. This feature of the mortality history of England in the early modern
period has far reaching implications for the interpretation of partial data, espe-
cially if relating exclusively to adults from earlier periods.73 For example, although
there is little or no source material that can throw light on infant and child mor-
tality in medieval times, there is a significant amount relating to adults. There was
a tendency to assume that what was true of adult males was equally applicable to
the remaining elements in the population below age twenty or twenty-five. These
assumptions were perfectly justifiable when they were originally made but now
stand in need of reconsideration. For instance in 1986 John Hatcher established
that e25s among the monks of Canterbury Cathedral Priory for a good deal of
the fifteenth century were equivalent to Princeton Model West level 3, and that,
during the phase of sharp deterioration in mortality at the end of the century,
mortality levels technically fell below the bottom of the Princeton scales.74 He
compared these estimates with those from early modern England and concluded
that the ‘life table analogies’ were ‘consistent with an expectation of life at birth of
21–23 years’. However, more recent work suggests that such comparisons and the
demographic logic underpinning them may be decidedly more problematic than
was once supposed and John Hatcher has acknowledged this in his 2006 paper
on Durham.75 Of course, this issue cannot be fully resolved given the absence of
data relating to infant and child mortality for any social group during the later
medieval period.
While the national mortality level may not have been as high as that revealed
by these monastic populations, we certainly need to know whether Harvey and
Hatcher have identified an epidemiological cycle that is more overtly apparent
within national trends in late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century England.
73
74
75
Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’, p. 31; Hatcher, Piper, and Stone,
‘Monastic Mortality’, pp. 681–82.
Figure 9. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five and tenants-in-chief of the crown, after J. C. Russell
Sources: Hatcher, Piper, and Stone, ‘Monastic Mortality’, p. 674;
Russell, British Medieval Population, p. 186.
Only further research will confirm such a possibility. John Hatcher, at the con-
clusion of his 1986 study on the Canterbury monks, justifiably made a plea for
more work on the inquistions post mortem (IPMs) of the tenants-in-chief of
the Crown.76 New work of this kind is sorely needed, particularly since it is now
clear that the techniques employed by Josiah Russell in his earlier analyses and
the incomplete sample he employed undermine the trust that we can place in his
estimations.77
Russell made estimates of adult life expectancy using the IPMs which where
they overlap chronologically with the monastic samples are quite similar in their
levels (see fig. 9).78 These inquisitions recorded the admission of heirs to feudal
property, at known ages and dates, and simple linkage of an heir’s admission and
that heir’s subsequent death would appear to provide an unassailable record of
the person’s life span. The data are not without limitations: the great majority of
76
77
Russell, British Medieval Population, pp. 92–117, 173–93.
78
Hatcher, ‘Mortality in the Fifteenth Century’, pp. 37–38.
74 Richard M. Smith
available cases pertain to males few of whom were very young upon admission to
property thereby thwarting the source’s use for estimations of female and infant
and child mortality. Furthermore, the persons involved were generally from the
upper ranks of English society (peers, gentry, and substantial freeholders, rather
than peasants or poor). In what follows, given the constraints of space, the results
of a relatively brief reanalysis of Russell’s methods and results are reported.79 In
particular it is suggested that given developments in demographic methodologies,
particularly those relating to event-history analysis it is advisable to use a quite
different methodological approach for such calculation. In employing such
techniques on data derived from three samples of tenants-in chief drawn from the
fourteenth-century inquisitions at roughly quarter-century intervals in 1301,
1327, and 1352, it is concluded that Russell’s results constituted a significant
under-estimation of late medieval life expectancy.80 These samples yield one
cohort born and largely dead before the Black Death, another born son enough
before the Black Death to have been affected by it, and a thirds entering
observation after the epidemic.
The inquisition process was in principle relatively straightforward. In the
event of a tenant-in-chief dying while holding freehold property directly from the
crown, the Chancery issued a writ ordering a local jury to declare what property
the deceased held and who was the heir; the resulting information constituted
the inquisition. If the deceased held property in more than one county a jury
from each of the counties concerned would return a separate inquisition. The
record also included information on the age of the heir, the purpose of which
was to establish whether the heir was above or below the legal minimum age for
holding property at common law in his or her own right (twenty-one for males,
fourteen for females). Another category of record that forms part of the same
archival series as the IPM is the proof of age in the form of inquests taken to
prove the age of heirs who had inherited as minors but had reached the age of
majority and were entitled to receive his or her property. Every inquisition is
given a date, and after the second quarter of the fourteenth century the record
79
This analysis was initially undertaken by Professor Larry Poos of the Catholic University
of America in Washington DC and by Jim Oeppen when he was a senior research officer in the
Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, and must be regarded as
presenting preliminary findings until larger samples extending over longer periods of time can
be deployed.
80
Samples have been drawn from the series Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem, currently
constituting 23 volumes extending from the reign of Henry III almost to the middle of the
fifteenth century.
only infrequently fails to give the date of death of the deceased. Previously that
information was rarely given, meaning that for most of the earlier inquisitions,
it has to be assumed that a short period of time extended between the tenant’s
death and the inquisition.
It might be supposed a simple task in the form of nominative linkage to connect
an heir’s admission to property, at a recorded date and at a recorded known age,
with that heir’s own subsequent death at a subsequent known date. In possession
of such information, it would be possible to calculate the heir’s life expectancy
at the age at which he or she entered the property. The principal uncertainty
surrounding this style of nominative linkage normally relates to the identity of
name and individual given variability of given names and spellings such as might
be found in a parish register. However in the case of the IPMs the additional
information about property and its location can increase the confidence in
making linkages. The major difficulty in carrying out nominative linkage with
the inquisitions post mortem is that the population under observation (i.e. the
tenants-in-chief ) was not a fixed unchanging group. A variety of events would
remove an heir from the record, having once been admitted to his or her property
and thereby removal from subsequent observation in the IPMs, or generate a
record to be created of the death of a tenant who had not left no evidence of
having been admitted at an earlier date as an heir. Tenants could alienate property,
or the Crown could seize it for treason or other reasons. As a result people who
had not entered into observation by being named as heirs in the inquisitions
could purchase or receive property from the Crown and subsequently appear in
inquisitions when they had died. In addition and increasingly in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries tenants could also execute legal settlements whose very
purpose was to remove them from the fiscal burdens and uncertainties incumbent
upon feudal tenure (and thus from these records). Moreover, at times when a
tenant-in-chief ’s estate came into the Crown’s hands (temporarily, during an
heir’s minority, or permanently, due to escheat or confiscation), those who held
their property from the tenant-in-chief then found themselves subject to the
same relationship with the Crown as the tenant-in-chief formerly had been, and
thus entered the record. Some IPMs have simply been lost leading to incomplete
life histories of tenants-in-chief. For all the above reasons, the population at risk
to appear in the inquisitions’ records constituted a relatively volatile group in
permanent state of flux. Because of this instability in the sample of tenants-in-
chief appearing in the inquisitions drawn for this study only about half the heir’s
admitted to property subsequently appeared in inquisitions dealing with their
own deaths.
76 Richard M. Smith
Supplementary information in the printed series of calendared abstracts of

the IPMs is of considerable assistance in overcoming the problems previously
identified, since the editors have chosen to include the observations that were
mentioned in the fuller text of the manuscript records of individuals in contexts
other than their own deaths or successions. Most typically, if one is trying to
trace the totality of tenant A’s appearances in the record series, one may see,
in the course of an entirely unrelated person’s inquisition, tenant A named
coincidentally as the lord or tenant of some of the deceased’s property proving
that tenant A was still alive at the time of that record; or alternatively, tenant A’s
widow or heirs may be so named, signifying that tenant A had died by the time of
that record. The probability of observing tenant A in the record in these contexts,
then depends upon the presumably random demographic events of other person’s
life histories, as well as the extent of tenant A’s own landholding. An especially
rich tenant-in-chief with lands distributed over a wide geographical area might
be presumed to make many appearances in the records other than those relating
to his own inheritance and death. One may therefore be able to observe the heir
in a number of different contexts that indicate that he or she is either still alive at
that subsequent date, or has died by then.
The three samples drawn for this pilot study are each made of five hundred
heirs admitted to property and then traced to all subsequent appearances. Only
males have been used in these samples since due to the predominance of primo-
geniture in property descent at Common Law, male heirs predominated and far
too few females appear in the record to produce sufficiently samples to compute
statistically meaningful measures of life expectancy. For each person in the sam-
ples the following data are available: year of ancestor’s inquisition and age of heir
at that date, year of each subsequent appearance of heir and context of appear-
ance (heir’s own death, heir known to be still alive at that date, or her known to
be dead at that date). All events have been dated by calendar year.
Figure 10 contrasts Russell’s original estimates of life expectancy at twenty-
five with those derived from the monastic data.81 John Hatcher in commenting
on these estimates of life expectancy produced by Russell noted that ‘there is
a strong measure of consonance between these three data sets’. 82 However, in
commenting cautiously on these data he suggested that there were considerable
differences in the quality of the sources from which they were drawn, and the
nature of the methods and in particular the specification of the populations at
81
82
risk. Given the time in the mid-twentieth century that Russell researched and
the subsequent advances in historical demographic analysis associated with
nominative record linkage from the 1960s and the emergence of a substantial
statistical methodology of survival analysis, it is obvious that a number of
features of Russell’s use of IPM data are revealed that lead to problems with the
interpretation of the results. The most important is that Russell used a method
to estimate life expectancy that is only appropriate for two situations: when the
data are complete and where ‘complete’ means that the entry into observation
and the death of each individual is known- or where the incompleteness is purely
random. The method he employed assumes that the populations are ‘closed’ and
completely registered.
Incomplete personal histories or losses of evidence arise because of the
practices and processes described above and through the manner of Russell’s
analysis. A record that identifies the entry of an individual into observation and
gives an age at entry should be linked to a subsequent record that reports the
death of that individual. In the three samples drawn in this case-study it is not
possible to find an unambiguous link for between fifty and sixty per cent of the
heirs. Russell’s text is ambiguous in reporting how he coped with such cases, but
he states ‘We must remember that the available information varies greatly from
person to person. Less than half of the cards give other than the death of a man’.83
As Russell was working backwards in the linkage process from death to entry, this
comment seems to suggest that he may have been aware of a flaw in his approach
or the evidence to which his methods were being applied.
If such linkage failures occurred randomly this would result in a bias in the
results derived, but there should be no directional bias in results so generated.
If the true life-expectancy at ages twenty-five were thirty-two years, then we
would expect our estimate to be thirty-two, plus or minus some unknown error.
However if the factors at work thwarting linkage were a function of age or time
then the estimates derived could be biased upwards or downwards from thirty-
two, and still be subject to an uncertain time interval. For example, suppose that
the information which allows an unambiguous link to be made itself evolves
over time (for instance, spellings of personal names change from inquisition to
inquisition, properties are amalgamated.). In this case the longer a person lives,
the less likely it is that they will be linked and life expectancy will therefore be
underestimated. On the other hand, if frequency of appearance in the records
and hence ‘visibility’ is a function of power and wealth, both of which might be
83
78 Richard M. Smith
increase as attributes with age, then survivorship will be over-estimated, since

those who die young and property deficient will tend to be missed.
Since the publication of Russell’s work there have been a number of
breakthroughs in the analysis of mortality from incomplete data particularly in
AIDs-related epidemiological research which makes use of what are truncated
and interval-unknown data.84 IPMs are good examples of this type of data. The
techniques now available require that the information for the individuals whose
records are incomplete is fully maximized in contrast to Russell’s approach which
is revealed when he writes
How far may documents outside of the inquisitions and proofs be admitted as evi-
dence? It would seem that any documents showing dates of persons entered in the
lists would be significant as long as the deaths might be in any age group. After all,
this information shows in any case a completed life. On the other hand, it would
not seem fair to use data which would only show people alive beyond the original
date of entrance into consideration. These data could not be used in the simpler
method of calculation of expectation of life and the introduction of them into the
life table would add many years of life with no equivalent deaths.85
Russell’s argument above is only justifiable if those possessing a complete record

are an unbiased group and we have previously suggested that this cannot be
presumed.
In the reanalysis of the IPM samples an attempt was made to find a reference
to ‘last-alive’ date within the supplementary information for every individual in
the Calendars of Inquisitions Post Mortem who enters into observation but cannot
be linked to a death. In some cases, it is possible to define an interval in which the
death must have occurred because a wife is described as widowed. These two
groups capture an additional twenty-five to thirty per cent of entrants, depending
on sample, leaving another one-quarter who enter observation and disappear
without trace. Although this research is incomplete chronologically and could be
inflated with regard to sample size, the use of modern methods of analysis
appropriate to this kind of incomplete data lead to the conclusion that Russell’s
estimates of life-expectancy at age twenty-five can be as much as twenty-five per
cent too low (see fig. 10). These estimates confirm the suspicion that Russell’s
estimates were biased and that the bias was downwards, indicating that the
process that leads to linkage failure is positively related to age and time (i.e. a
84
For example, see Heisey and Nordheim, ‘Modelling Age-Specific Survival in Nesting
Studies’, and Sun, ‘Empirical Estimation’.
85
Figure 10. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five and

revised estimates of life expectancy of tenants-in-chief of the crown
reduced linkage success for those who were well endowed with estates and lived
longer). From Figure 10 it can be seen that, if these new estimates are to be
preferred, adding about twenty-five per cent to the Russell ‘line’ puts some
periods of the fourteenth century within the range of the early modern estimates
from parish registers but also lends support to the view that the monastic
mortality of the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries was indeed very high,
particularly if the bias of a twenty-five per cent exaggeration of e25 is removed
from Russell’s estimates for the late fifteenth century.
In the late fourteenth century the levels of e25 applying to lay aristocratic and
monastic groups were very similar (see fig. 10). It is also worthy of our attention
that in the late fourteenth century the monastic samples and the tenants-in-chief
display e25s that are strikingly similar to those of the English peerage after 1600,
a feature that is even more apparent when the focus is upon unmarried peers
before 1750 (see fig. 11). These estimates for the peerage constitute revisions to
those originally made by Hollingsworth which underestimated expectation of
life at age twenty-five by two to four years.86 The new estimates suggest that adult
86
Hollingsworth, ‘The Demography of the British Peerage’; Hollingsworth, ‘Mortality in
the British Peerage Families’.
80 Richard M. Smith
Figure 11. Life expectancy of monks, tenants-in-chief, English married male parishioners,
peers, members of parliament (MPs), and Scottish ministers, 1300–1700
mortality within this status group were significantly closer to those that have
been computed for non-elite English populations from a sample of twenty-six
villages.87 There is some basis to the view that in the fourteenth and early fifteenth
centuries, but making allowance for the impact of the major mid-fourteenth-
century epidemic catastrophe, e25s for tenants-in-chief and monks were on a par
with those for parishioners and peers in the seventeenth century. At present the
major period of lacunae of data extends over the late fifteenth into the very early
sixteenth centuries making objective comparisons of late medieval and early
modern mortality problematic.88
More work, although it would involve a huge investment of academic labour,
could be done using manorial court rolls particularly by tracing males sworn into
tithing at age twelve through to their death and employing rigorous rules for the
establishment of ‘presence in observation’ along the lines adopted by Larry Poos.
It is worthy of comment that estimates made by Poos of e20 and e25 for fifteenth-
century Essex manorial tenants reveal levels, prior to 1450, that are similar to
those of the post-1550 parish register sample (see fig. 12). After 1450 e25s among
87
Smith and Oeppen, ‘Place and Status as Determinants of Infant Mortality’, p. 71.
88
It should be possible to gain better estimates of adult mortality for the tenants-in-chief
of the crown for the early fifteenth century now that calendars in recently edited volumes xxii–
xxvi covering the period 1422–47 have been published.
Figure 12. Life expectancy of English males, 1300–2000: various social groups
these manorial tenants fall significantly, as unfortunately does the size of the sam-
ple, but they are suggestive of a worsening level of mortality.89 Brand new esti-
mates that Rebecca Oakes has recently constructed in her 2008 doctoral thesis
relating to scholars at Winchester College who then moved on to New College
Oxford and whose careers are traced thereafter also point to a deterioration in
mortality that sets in after 1440 or 1450, at a time that is remarkably similar to
the onset of a deterioration in survivorship among the Benedictines. Nonetheless
Oakes’s estimates do not show the severity of decline that are observable in the
monastic population but appear remarkably similar to those of the Essex mano-
rial tenants.90 Were such individuals enmeshed in the same epidemic cycle that
the monks of Canterbury, Westminster, and Durham were experiencing? Was
this cycle also detectable in the near continent of Europe? We surely should be
engaged in more comparative, collaborative work with colleagues in northern
France and the Low Countries where hopefully monastic sources might be sus-
ceptible to analysis that resembles that pioneered by John Hatcher. It is possible
however that the intensity of mortality deterioration in these English non-
monastic samples was more muted than that to be found in the monastic com-
munities, although such an observation has to be made extremely tentatively.
89
90
Oakes, ‘Mortality and Life Expectancy’.
82 Richard M. Smith
Nonetheless the evidence now accumulating is far greater and it might be claimed
more reliable than that available thirty years ago when John Hatcher wrote his
classic pamphlet. There are enough data at our disposal now to dismiss the notion
that there was one late medieval mortality regime that was transformed into one
early modern regime after 1541, although there is strong evidence for the pres-
ence of a mortality cycle that had its onset after 1450 when both the levels of life
expectation worsened among adults alongside a growing instability in the death
rate in that age group. What brought this about and why mortality rates amelio-
rated in the course of the reign of Henry VIII remains a conundrum that is still
far from being resolved, although John Hatcher’s efforts have added enormously
to a reassessment of this issue and to a significant firming up of our understanding
of the relevant processes. If this finding does emerge more firmly from further
research, we may have discovered a demographic development that would suggest
more circumspect characterization of the fifteenth century; to paraphrase John
Hatcher, we may be best advised to regard that century as ‘a succession of sub-
periods each with its own distinctive characteristics’.91
91
Hatcher, ‘The Great Slump’, p. 239.
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The Demography of Maritime
Communities in Late Medieval England
Maryanne Kowaleski*
P
revious studies of late medieval population have often focused on nation-
al trends, but this emphasis tends to neglect the local variety of which
national trends are the net outcome. This paper draws attention to the
peculiar demographic characteristics of maritime communities in late medieval
England, which were distinguished by the adaptations they made to the chal-
lenges posed by the marine environment and by the distinctive structures and
institutions that helped to build their own maritime identity.1 Scholarly interest
in past maritime cultures has grown significantly in recent years, stimulated by
our growing fascination with the relationship between environments and peo-
ple, and with ‘global’ history, in which the new Atlantic history integrating co-
lonialism, imperialism, and multi-ethnic studies plays a major role. Historical
demographers have made important contributions to these new approaches to
maritime communities, focusing in particular on Atlantic and North Sea coastal
settlements in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when the survival of cen-
suses and parish registers permit extensive family reconstitution, with less varied
* Maryanne Kowaleski is Joseph Fitzpatrick sj Distinguished Professor of History,

Fordham University.
1
The literature on maritime communities is vast and multi-disciplinary. Some recent
publications that give an idea of the range of approaches taken include: Westerdahl, ‘The
Maritime Cultural Landscape’; People of the Northern Seas, ed. by Fischer and Minchinton;
Mollat du Jourdin, Europe and the Sea; Cabantous, Les Citoyens du large; special issue of The
Geographical Review, ‘Oceans Connect’, ed. by Wigen and Harland-Jacobs; Horden and Purcell,
The Corrupting Sea; Kirby and Hinkkanen, The Baltic and North Seas; Maritime Ireland, ed. by
O’Sullivan and Breen; Seascapes, ed. by Bentley, Bridenthal, and Wigen; and articles in the new
journal, Atlantic Studies: Literary, Cultural and Historical Perspectives, first published in 2004
under the auspices of the Society of Multi-Ethnic Studies: Europe and the Americas (MESEA).
88 Maryanne Kowaleski
but nonetheless revealing data from some sixteenth- and seventeenth-century

coastal settlements.2 Although these demographic studies cover different cen-
turies and types of coastal communities, they have identified several common
characteristics of maritime populations, including low sex ratios (because of male
absences and high mortality), exaggerated seasonality of marriages and baptisms
related to the timing of fishing and sea trade, early and endogamous marriage,
and smaller families. This essay explores whether these distinctive demograph-
ic features can be found in late medieval maritime communities. The detailed
sources available to those working in later centuries are not available to the medi-
evalist. Nevertheless, a range of indirect evidence does suggest some striking de-
mographic continuities between the late medieval and early modern periods, in-
dicating that occupational activity and the adaptive strategies made by maritime
communities may have trumped the economic and demographic differences that
supposedly distinguished the late medieval from the early modern era.
Recent demographic analyses of coastal communities range over the early
and late modern period and cover different types of settlements, but they have
identified several common characteristics of maritime populations. The most
universal demographic feature is the frequent absence of men because their work
aboard fishing or trading ships took them away from home for months (or even
years) at a time; in later centuries, out-migration to the colonies in the New
World was also important here.3 Another factor producing male absence was
the high mortality that working fishermen and mariners endured from storms,
shipwreck, and capture by the enemy.4 Male absences and high mortality in turn
tended to create a low sex ratio (such as eighty to ninety men for every hundred
women) in these communities.5 This surplus of women, combined with the
2
The French have led the way; see Cabantous, Les Citoyens du large, for a summary of much
of this literature. Other examples of this work that I have drawn on include: Blaikie, ‘Coastal
Communities in Victorian Scotland’; Smith, ‘The Demography of Coastal Communities’;
Polónia, ‘The Sea and its Impact’; Storm, ‘Seasonality of Births and Marriages’; Dyrvik, ‘Farmers
at Sea’; Johansen, Madsen, and Degn, ‘Fishing Families’; Cabantous, Dix mille marins face à
l’océan; Farrant, ‘The Rise and Decline of a South Coast Seafaring Town’; Mayhew, Tudor Rye;
Butcher, The Ocean’s Gift; and Butcher, Lowestoft.
3
Male out-migration was especially strong in Portuguese and Galician coastal settlements
in the sixteenth and seventeenth century; see Polónia, ‘The Sea and its Impact’, and Poska,
Women and Authority in Early Modern Spain.
4
Even today, fishing has a higher mortality rate than any other occupation. For statistics
on the occupational dangers facing fishers, see Pollnac, Poggie, and Cabral, ‘Thresholds of
Danger’. See also Tunstall, The Fishermen, p. 273.
5
See, for example, Cabantous, Les Citoyens du large, p. 86; Blaikie, ‘Coastal Communities
The Demography of Maritime Communities in Late Medieval England 89
authority that women had to assume when their men were away for long periods,
as well as the essential role that fishers’ wives played in baiting hooks, mending
nets, and curing and selling the catch, appears to have endowed maritime women
with more agency and influence than in those in land-based societies.6 In Iberian
ports, there is also some evidence of unusual inheritance strategies that favoured
women whose husbands died early.7
The work regime of fishers and mariners also affected the seasonality of mar-
riages and births. In early modern Brighton and Lowestoft, for example, mar-
riages peaked in the winter after the fleets returned home from the Yarmouth
herring fishery whereas very few conceptions or marriages occurred in the fall
months when the fishing fleet was away.8 Winter conceptions also dominated in
the Norman fishing villages that relied heavily on the herring fisheries.9 These sea-
sonal patterns could vary even by maritime occupation. A study of Robin Hood’s
Bay in North Yorkshire from 1781 to 1840 shows that December and then
January were the highest months for conceptions, after the men had returned
home from the Yarmouth fishery.10 Conceptions were at their low point (twenty
per cent of the total) from July to October when the fishers were most busy. In
contrast, conceptions in sailors’ households in North Yorkshire were high from
December through February when shipping activity fell off, but declined earlier
in the year in March to June when the shipping business picked up. The type of
maritime activity pursued by the male householder thus influenced the particular
pattern of seasonality of births in their settlements.
Scholars working with particularly good data from the eighteenth cen-
tury and later have found that fishers’ marriages also tended to be early and
endogamous, patterns encouraged by the co-ownership of boats and the ease
in Victorian Scotland’, p. 19; Poska, Women and Authority in Early Modern Spain, pp. 35–37,
139–41; Polónia, ‘Women’s Contributions’, pp. 274–76.
6
This point has been made many times, but is especially well expressed in Thompson,
‘Women in the Fishing’. See also Polónia, ‘Women’s Contributions’; Abreu-Ferreira, ‘Fish
mongers and Shipowners’; Cabantous, Les Citoyens du large, pp. 151–60.
7
Vinyoles i Vidal, ‘La vita quotidiana’; Abreu-Ferreira, ‘Fishmongers and Shipowners’.
8
Farrant, ‘The Rise and Decline of a South Coast Seafaring Town’, pp. 61–62; Butcher,
Lowestoft, pp. 38–39. Kussmaul, A General View of the Rural Economy of England, pp. 16–17,
28–29, 42, 67, notes that fishing strongly influenced the seasonality of marriages, but that the
patterns varied by the types of fish caught.
9
Houdaille, ‘Mouvement saisonnier des baptêmes’, p. 411.
10
Storm, ‘Seasonality of Births and Marriages’, p. 44. For the influence of work on the
seasonality of conceptions, see also Dyer, ‘Seasonality of Baptisms’.
with which young men could enter the fishing craft and make money, espe-
cially when the fisheries were booming.11 Surname studies for coastal settle-
ments in the Ards Peninsula in County Down (Ireland) and in North Yorkshire
also suggest a high degree of endogamous marriage among fishers.12 Indeed,
marital isonymy (when couples married someone with the same surname) was
unusually high in many of these communities.13 In early modern Lowestoft,
David Butcher found that forty per cent of seafarers’ marriages were to other
fishers or mariners, suggesting that this pattern of endogamous marriage may
have stretched back some centuries.14 But this pattern did not prevail every-
where; in the small sea port of Via do Conde, Portugal, there was a high rate
of exogamous marriage as the women who were left behind looked to the rural
hinterland for husbands. 15 The particular occupational enterprise also made
a difference since fishers in eighteenth-century France were more inclined to
marry women from fishing families, married earlier, and had larger families
than sailors.16 Shipmasters, though marrying later than any of these groups, had
larger families than common mariners, probably because they married younger
women and were better-off than other sailors. Different types of fishing enter-
prises might also have wielded an influence; deep-sea fishers, for example, had
less incentive to keep boats and tackle in the family through marriage since
their industry relied heavily on outside investors, who provided wages and capi-
tal assets such as boats and fishing gear.17
Despite their early marriage and high fecundity, seafaring families were often
smaller than farming families.18 Theoretically early marriage and a high rate of
11
Blaikie, ‘Coastal Communities in Victorian Scotland’, pp. 19–20, 23; Byron, ‘The
Maritime Household’, pp. 273, 276, 278; Johansen, Madsen, and Degn, ‘Fishing Families’;
Cabantous, Les Citoyens du large, pp. 180–81. For some early modern evidence of an early age of
marriage for both men and women in Rye, see Mayhew, ‘Life-Cycle Service’, p. 205.
12
Smith, ‘The Demography of Coastal Communities’, pp. 63–64.
13
Blaikie, ‘Coastal Communities in Victorian Scotland’, p. 24; Smith, ‘The Demography
of Coastal Communities’, pp. 63–64. Maritime quarters in several eighteenth-century French
ports had high rates of consanguineous marriages (four to seven per cent); see Cabantous, Les
Citoyens du large, p. 181.
14
Butcher, The Ocean’s Gift, p. 41.
15
Polónia, ‘The Sea and its Impact’, p. 212. Note, however, that mariners in that community
tended to migrate away permanently to the colonies.
16
Cabantous, Les Citoyens du large, pp. 128–30, 180–81.
17
Blaikie, ‘Coastal Communities in Victorian Scotland’, p. 24.
18
Polónia, ‘The Sea and its Impact’, p. 213; Cabantous, Les Citoyens du large, pp. 120–23. See
nuptiality (very few people did not marry) should have resulted in a high birth
rate and larger families, but this does not always seem to have been the case, for
reasons that demographers are hard pressed to explain.19 It may be that high male
mortality cut short the fertility cycle by making many women widows early on or
that repeated male absences reduced the frequency of intercourse, thus limiting
family size. The relative poverty of many mariners might also be a factor. But it
is also puzzling why marriages should remain endogamous if sex ratios were low
but marriage rates high and the number of life-long singlewomen relatively small
compared to agricultural communities. Low sex ratios should have encouraged
women to look outside the community for marriage partners and/or resulted in
a high proportion of life-long singlewomen. Another unresolved issue concerns
rates of illegitimacy — high in some maritime communities, but low in others.20
Before turning to the demographic characteristics of medieval coastal com-
munities, it is first necessary to define what the term ‘maritime community’
means. It was primarily a coastal or estuarine settlement with immediate prox-
imity to the sea — which was not only in sight of most households, but also a
looming and dangerous presence. These were the places most subject to sud-
den and overwhelming floods and severe coastal erosion, catastrophic events
especially well-documented in eastern England where the coastal geography
was more vulnerable. Medieval Winchelsea, Romney, and Hastings, for exam-
ple, all had to be resituated further inland because of severe coastal erosion
accelerated by violent storms.21 Particularly severe weather in the early four-
teenth century reportedly destroyed almost six hundred buildings in Dunwich
and almost completely submerged the port of Ravensersodd on the Yorkshire
coast.22 Rural manors lost thousands of acres of arable and pasture land to such
floods, as laid out in some detail in the Nonarum inquisitiones of 1340.23 To
cope with these dangers, coastal communities developed highly organized
forms of cooperative institutions in which all landholders were required to
build and maintain stretches of the sea walls or dikes according to the amount
also the lower density of conceptions leading to baptisms per square mile for coastal parishes in
seventeenth-century Sussex in Brent, ‘Rural Employment and Population in Sussex’, pp. 52–53.
19
Blaikie, ‘Coastal Communities in Victorian Scotland’, pp. 19–21.
20
Adair, Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage, pp. 202–03; Polónia, ‘The Sea and its
Impact’, p. 208; Blaikie, ‘Coastal Communities in Victorian Scotland’, pp. 21–22.
21
Williamson, ‘The Geographical History of the Cinque Ports’.
22
Bailey, ‘Per impetum maris’.
23
Burleigh, ‘An Introduction to Deserted Medieval Villages in East Sussex’; Bailey, ‘Per
impetum maris’.
of land they owned.24 Other cooperative ventures included assessments to pay

for ships and men the king wanted for the navy, the construction of quays and
cranes, dredging the harbour, extending the haven, or fortifying the town in
the face of the constant threat of enemy raids during the Hundred Years War.25
Occupation also played an important role in defining these communities,
which normally included at least thirty per cent — and up to seventy per cent
in some cases — of households directly engaged in fishing or seafaring.26 Smaller
fishing villages were easy to identify by their proximity to salt water and fishing
activities, although communities with a substantial proportion of occupations
depending on the sea could also qualify, including mariners and pilots in
waterfront wards or parishes within larger port towns. Among the medieval
settlements included in the category of maritime community are Formby in
Lancashire which in the 1379 poll tax had twenty-nine households, of which
twenty-six were headed by a fisher, or Benacre in Suffolk which in 1381 had
thirty-one households, fourteen of which were fishers, or even Arne in Dorset
where all eleven householders were salters.27 The category also encompasses
estuarine villages such as Tollesbury in Essex, where the 1381 poll tax recorded
fourteen draggers, two fishers, two fowlers, and one seafarer among its sixty-two
households, and even Beetham in Cumbria where in 1254, nine of twenty-eight
cottagers owned fishing nets.28
Oddly enough, it is not immediately apparent that all medieval port towns
can be included in this category.29 Most of the Cinque Ports and some of the
smaller seaports such as Scarborough, Grimsby, Dartmouth, and many Cornish
ports were so oriented towards the sea that they can easily be classified as truly
24
Dugdale, The History of Imbanking and Drayning of Divers Fenns, passim; Turner, ‘The
Statutes of the Marshes of Pevensey and Romney’; The Records of a Commission of Sewers for
Wiggenhall, ed. by Owen, pp. 13–15, 51–53.
25
Kowaleski, ‘Port Towns’, pp. 468–70. Two London aldermen were so moved by the
suffering of poor fishermen and ploughmen on the Sussex coast from French raids that they
bequeathed them £100 in relief; Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London, p. 178.
26
See Cabantous, Les Citoyens du large, pp. 70–71, 95–100, on this point.
27
The Poll Taxes of 1377, 1379 and 1381, ed. by Fenwick, i, 162; ii, 461, 509–10.
28
The Poll Taxes of 1377, 1379 and 1381, ed. by Fenwick, i, 247; Winchester, Landscape
and Society in Medieval Cumbria, p. 66.
29
Historians of later port towns (though more in France than in Britain) are sensitive to
this difficulty as well, but their fuller sources (particularly parish registers) allow them to single
out the waterfront parishes in the larger port towns; see, for example, Cabantous, Les Citoyens
du large, pp. 70–71, 95–100.
maritime communities. A prosopographic study of the 1377 population of

Dartmouth, for instance, indicates that almost forty per cent of the male house-
holders at one time ventured overseas as a mariner, shipowner, or merchant.30 The
impressive shipping capacity of Dartmouth, which in the early fourteenth cen-
tury provided more ships for the war effort than any other port in England, is also
noteworthy.31 But other officially designated port towns cannot be considered
true maritime communities. Exeter, for example, despite its status as a staple port
and head of a customs jurisdiction, was so far from the sea that all of its shipping
went through Topsham, four miles (6 km) to the south. Similarly, Colchester
operated mainly through its out port of Hythe.32 London was the country’s larg-
est port but was located well inland and protected from the worst sea storms; its
occupational structure was so complex that the shipping and fishing industries
played a very small role in the urban economy. By the late Middle Ages, in fact,
most of the Thames-side maritime industries (like shipbuilding) had moved to
estuarine settlements such as Greenwich, Erith, and Deptford. The position of
Bristol and Hull is harder to determine since both were highly maritime econo-
mies and home to many mariners who clustered in particular waterfront neigh-
bourhoods, such as Marsh Street in Bristol.33 Isolating these neighbourhoods in
the medieval documentation is virtually impossible, although it has been done
for later centuries when parish records improve.
Many seafarers in coastal villages were also farmers, while those in port
towns sometimes practised other occupations in addition to going to sea.34
30
Kowaleski, ‘The Port Towns of Fourteenth-Century Devon’, p. 68.
31
Runyan, ‘Ships and Fleets in Anglo-French Warfare’; Kowaleski, ‘Shipping and the
Carrying Trade’. The shipping capacity of individual ports is also a rough guide to the intensity
of their maritime involvement; see Kowaleski, ‘Port Towns’, pp. 488–90.
32
The particular accounts of the lay subsidy for Colchester also indicate that it was not a
port town per se; see n. 45 below. In contrast, thirty-seven of the two hundred and eighty-nine
households taxed in 1282 Ipswich owned ships or shares in boats. See Powell, ‘The Taxation of
Ipswich’.
33
Sherborne, The Port of Bristol, p. 17. See also Childs, ‘Irish Merchants and Seamen’, p. 43,
who singles out the concentration of Irish seamen and merchants in St Michael and St Stephen
parishes in Bristol, and an Irish neighbourhood known as the ‘Irish Mead’. Even York appears
to have had clusters of mariners. The 1381 poll tax records four mariner households in St Mary
Castlegate, six in St Michael Spurriergate (along with fourteen fishmongers), and four shipwrights
in St Clement; see The Poll Taxes of 1377, 1379 and 1381, ed. by Fenwick, iii, 140–41, 155.
34
But see also the Essex fishers who claimed that they ‘only work at sea and fishing’ in their
complaint against justices of the peace trying to compel them to serve as agricultural labourers;
CPR: Edward III, x: 1354–58, p. 580.
Most maritime historians consider fisher-farmers as part of the maritime world,

but the question of whether their identity was more bound up with fishing or
farming is problematic because fishing was a highly seasonal occupation that in
some communities largely attracted young men for mostly brief periods before
they inherited land and settled down to farm.35 This pattern of life-cycle service
is evident in the fifteenth-century estuarine village of Woodbury in Devon,
where a surviving series of fish-tithe accounts shows the rapid expansion of the
local fishing industry from eight men in the first decade of the fifteenth century
to eighteen in the 1440s, when the annual number of fishing voyages had risen
from seven to fourteen.36 Among these young fishers were Thomas Townyng,
the son of William Townyng, who after fishing for a few years appeared in the
Woodbury records as a landowner and part-time tailor, suggesting that his
fishing stint was part of a youthful period of service before he became a full
member of the village community.37 Henry Westcote is another example. He
fished for two or three years before settling down to farm on a full-time basis.38
But in many other communities, maritime pursuits took up more time than
farming. Edward Berne of Dawlish, for instance, made close to twenty pounds
a year from his fishing boat, which had a crew of four.39 Berne’s boat may have
been the Nicholas of Kenton (the manor abutting Dawlish); he mastered it
on a voyage to ship wine to Exeter, probably via the coast from Dartmouth
or Southampton.40 Berne also farmed lands for which he paid a rent of over
35
Fisher-farmers were ubiquitous and are usually considered part of the maritime world.
See, for example, Cabantous, ‘Des paysans pour la mer’; Pawley, ‘Lincolnshire Coastal Villages’,
pp. 58–59; Farmers and Fishermen, ed. by Ambler, Watkinson, and Watkinson.
36
Kowaleski, ‘The Commercialization of the Sea Fisheries’, pp. 207–09. For the prevalence
of cabin boys in medieval commercial and naval shipping, see Kowaleski, ‘Working at Sea’,
pp. 910–11. Such life-cycle service was also evident in nineteenth-century Norwegian fishing
villages; Dyrvik, ‘Farmers at Sea’, p. 287.
37
Exeter Cath. Libr., V/C, 3364 and Exeter Cath. Libr., V/C, 3366. His father was a
farmer who never fished.
38
Based on the tithe records, he earned a bit over four shillings in 1424/5 and almost seven
teen shillings in 1426/7 from fishing, the same year he began to lease pasture land with William
Chapelyn; could he have used fishing profits to help fund this lease? Subsequently he paid calf
and other farming tithes and continued to lease additional farming land; see Exeter Cath. Libr.,
V/C, 3358–66.
39
Exeter Cath. Libr., D&C, 957; he made five pounds a term from fishing or twenty
pounds over the course of the year if four terms are figured in a year.
40
Exeter DRO, PCA 1449/50 (April 1450). For the coastal transport of wine to Exeter, see
Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade, pp. 224–32.
nine shillings (s.) a year.41 He employed, moreover, a French man servant and
an Irish woman, attesting to the strength of his overseas connections.42
In addition to the occupational activities of fishing, farming, and coastal ship-
ping, the demands of the Crown for experienced seamen also helped to define
maritime communities. These demands — which can be traced through Crown
ship calls and accounts — reveal much about the size and distribution of maritime
labour. The siege of Calais in 1346, for instance, drew over 15,000 mariners and
720 ships, while expeditions in the mid-1370s involved another 14,000 sailors.43 A
survey of mariners available for naval service in 1372 named 417 mariners eligible
for service in Essex.44 Harwich recorded seventy-six mariners, while the next big-
gest provider of mariners was the village of Fobbing at the mouth of the Thames,
which listed fifty mariners at a time when its total tax-paying population was only
two hundred and twenty-five. Another small Thames community, Stanford le
Hope, was able to muster forty-four sailors, while Colchester, the largest town in
the region, only recorded thirty-five mariners, and most of them appear to have
come from small estuarine ports outside Colchester.45 Rural maritime settlements
like the estuarine villages of Fobbing and Stanford, or the manors of the Exe and
Dart estuaries, may not have had ships plying the overseas routes, but they were
the real ‘nurseries of seamen’ in medieval England. They served as dormitory com-
munities of labour for port towns, even though the mercantile capital, ships, and
commercial opportunities were centred in the urban ports.
Coastal and estuarine communities in medieval England were thus home to
a pool of maritime labour that had experience in a range of seagoing activities,
including fishing, commercial shipping, and naval service, along with occasional
forays into privateering and even piracy.46 Given the striking similarity of these
41
Exeter Cath. Libr., D&C, 946, and Exeter Cath. Libr., D&C, 959 (residence and lands
at Cokton), Exeter Cath. Libr., D&C, 955 (lands at Estdoune).
42
Kew, TNA, E179/95/100, m. 6d.
43
Lambert, Shipping the Medieval Military, p. 140. See Kowaleski, ‘Working at Sea’,
pp. 908–09; for the changing geographic distribution of shipping, see also Kowaleski, ‘Port
Towns’. To put these numbers in perspective, the only town in 1377 with over 14,000 residents
was London; Dyer, ‘Ranking List of English Medieval Towns’, p. 758.
44
Kew, TNA, C47/2/46/6–14.
45
In addition to place-name surname evidence, see also the concentration of sailors in
West Donyland and Myland compared to their scarcity in Colchester in the 15th of 1301;
Rickword, ‘Taxations of Colchester’.
46
For privateering and piracy, see Kowaleski, ‘Working at Sea’, and Kowaleski, ‘Shipping
and the Carrying Trade’.
activities to those conducted by mariners in later centuries, did medieval coastal

settlements exhibit any of the demographic characteristics identified by scholars in
modern maritime communities? There is certainly abundant anecdotal evidence
that medieval seafarers were away from their homes for such long periods of time
that male absences were a regular feature of medieval as well as later maritime
communities. Although inshore fishers only left home for a day or so, the better
herring fishing at night and the intensity of effort expended during the time
when shoals came close to shore meant that even they had unusual work rhythms.
Inshore fishers also constructed seasonal settlements, sometime some distance
from their home base, as Harold Fox has outlined for south Devon and Mark
Gardiner for Dungeness.47 These temporary beach camps with flimsy cabins for
shelter and storing tackle were set up during fishing seasons that lasted anywhere
from one to three months. These all-male seasonal settlements must have had an
entirely different social structure and cultural identity than their home villages;
also significant was the relative equality among fishing crews who all shared in the
profits of the common enterprise.
In the late Middle Ages, English fishers began going even further afield. Devon
and Cornish fishers, for instance, regularly worked off the coasts of Yarmouth,
Kent, Sussex, Dorset, and Wales and occasionally ventured as far as Scarborough
and Norway.48 By the late fourteenth century, they were also travelling to the
south Irish coast with salt, returning six to eight weeks later with lightly cured
fish. Deep-sea fishing in the Dogger Banks, which had probably begun in earnest
by the late twelfth century, required even longer absences, while the exploitation
of the Icelandic fisheries in fifteenth century entailed round-trip voyages lasting
two to three months.49
Medieval mariners were away from home even more often than fishers. The
annual voyages from England to Bordeaux for wine took from one to three
weeks depending on weather conditions; the shortest round-trip lasted at least
three weeks and usually more since most ships stopped along the way home.50
The shorter hauls across the Channel or along the coast may only have taken
a few days, but they were repeated week after week, building up to substantial
47
Fox, The Evolution of the Fishing Village; Gardiner, ‘A Seasonal Fisherman’s Settlement
at Dungeness’.
48
See Kowaleski, ‘The Expansion of the South-Western Fisheries’, for this and the following.
49
Kowaleski, ‘The Seasonality of Fishing’; Heath, ‘North Sea Fishing’; Childs, ‘England’s
Icelandic Trade’.
50
James, Studies in the Medieval Wine Trade, ed. by Veale, pp. 123, 134–35, 170; Chaplais,
English Diplomatic Practice, p. 149.
absences in the long run. Naval service, which was frequent from the 1290s
on, also removed men from their homes for weeks and months at a time.51
Shipmasters like Thomas Gille of Dartmouth, who regularly plied the Gascon
and Breton trade routes, received a licence for privateering, represented his port
in Parliament, and were often employed by the Crown to provide naval service,
must have been away more often than they were at home.52 A glance at the court
rolls for ports such as Scarborough or Yarmouth, moreover, reveals the impressive
range of visitors from ports all along the English and European coasts.53 Clearly,
therefore, in the Middle Ages as later, many of the men in maritime communities
were regularly absent from their homes.
While we have no firm statistics over time about male mortality in mari-
time communities, the anecdotal evidence suggests it was just as substantial
as it proved to be in later centuries. The risks of drowning and shipwreck are
apparent to anyone who reads the long lists of victims in the eyre rolls, which
recorded these problems in some detail because of the value of the deodands
and salvage owed to the Crown.54 Sometimes the losses were so dramatic that
they were noted by chroniclers, as when a sudden gale destroyed twenty-five
English ships and their crews on their way to Iceland in 1419.55 The naval
service required of so many mariners and fishers also took its toll in deaths
at the hands of the enemy or pirates, in long captivities, and in large ransoms
that took months if not years to collect. The small fishing port of Budleigh in
east Devon claimed in 1347 that continual service to the king had cost its resi-
dents three ships, twelve boats, and one hundred and forty-one men.56 When
a Sandwich ship on coast guard duty was attacked at sea by a small fleet of
Flemish ships, it lost two crewmen at the scene and another eleven who even-
51
The length of service is specified in the Kew, TNA, E101 naval accounts.
52
For Gille, see Kleineke, ‘English Shipping to Guyenne’.
53
For example, entries in the Scarborough court rolls for the fifteenth century show
maritime disputes involving mariners and others from Newcastle, Hull, York, Whitby, Selby,
Filey, Flamborough, Sisterkerkes, Ipswich, Boston, St Oysth, Orford, Bristol, as well as Norway,
Holland, and even Gdańsk, to name only a few; see Northallerton, NYorksRO, Scarborough
Corp., MIC 1355 (items 10, 11, 16, 29, 1098, 1102, 1120, 1147, 1175, 1270, 1283).
54
See, for example, Crown Pleas of the Devon Eyre, ed. by Summerson, passim; The Havener’s
Accounts, ed. by Kowaleski; Kew, TNA, JUST1/112, mm. 1–18d. and Kew, TNA, JUST1/118,
mm. 49d–69d.; see also Mollat de Jourdin, La Vie quotidienne, pp. 199–211.
55
Marcus, ‘The First English Voyages to Iceland’, p. 315. See also Carus-Wilson, ‘The
Iceland Venture’, pp. 110, 119 for the life-threatening disasters on this voyage.
56
Rotuli parliamentorum, ii, 203; CPR: Edward III, vii, 467–68; CIM, ii, no. 2026.
tually died of their injuries.57 All the fishers and mariners on board four dogger
boats of Simon Lambright of the small Norfolk port of Heccham were killed by
German pirates, who also took away the ships and their cargo.58 The tendency to
be drowned or killed at sea is also reflected in the ordinances of several mariners’
gilds and fraternities in coastal towns, which included special arrangements for
burying seamen who died far away from home.59 Even in port, sailors’ fondness
for drink and consorting in taverns with shady characters often led to violence
and even death.60
This analysis has thus far relied on anecdotal data to measure medieval mari-
time communities against the standards of their more modern cousins. What
quantitative evidence survives? The best medieval demographic data can be
found in the surviving poll tax returns, although there is, unfortunately, only one
set of returns extant for 1377 (the best data for demographic purposes) that cov-
ers what can be considered true coastal communities in a rural setting — Skirbeck
Wapentake in Lincolnshire.61 A comparison between Skirbeck’s three vills and a
large sample from inland villages does provide some suggestive data (Table 1).
57
CIM, ii, no. 2105.
58
CCR: Edward III, viii, pp. 241–42. Coastal settlements also suffered from enemy
raids which may have killed more male than female residents since the men often put up some
resistance; see n. 25, above. See also Blaauw, ‘Remarks on the Nonae of 1340’, p. 63, who quotes
the references in the Nonarum inquisitiones to the destructiveness of French raids, including
Patcham and Seaford where ‘men of the parish’ were singled out as being wounded or killed.
Although the Black Death first entered England via its ports, it is impossible to know whether
coastal residents’ early exposure caused higher mortality — which in any case would presumably
have affected men and women equally. It is perhaps noteworthy, however, that when Edward III
wrote to the Governor of Jersey about the high mortality caused by the plague, he singled out
‘the fishing folk of this island’, whose rents he would not insist upon collecting so as not to
excessively oppress ‘those fishers still left’; Ziegler, The Black Death, p. 122.
59
Riley, ‘The Records of the Corporation of Bridport’, p. 479; The Little Red Book of Bristol,
ed. by Bickley, ii, 186–92.
60
See examples of this problem and those of shipwreck and captivity that mariners faced in
Kowaleski, ‘“Alien” Encounters’.
61
Although the 1377 poll tax is the most reliable source of demographic data for medieval
England, it still under-represented teenagers (particularly servants and women) and the very
poor (many of whom were unmarried). Scholars debate the extent of this under-representation,
offering figures of between five per cent and twenty five per cent, but it was probably around
ten to fifteen per cent. For recent discussions of these issues, see The Poll Taxes of 1377, 1379
and 1381, ed. by Fenwick, ‘Introduction’, pp. xxiii–xxv; Hinde, England’s Population, pp. 68–
73. What is significant for this essay is that a certain proportion of young, single, and mobile
crewmen were likely to be in the under-represented group.
Table 1. The size and composition of inland and maritime households (HH) in 1377 and 1379
Total sex ratio HH Mean

(no. of men to headed by HH
Nos Date 100 women) Single women size
Rural Inland Communities

Oxfordshire, 11 vills 438 1377 119.0 34.9% 8.3% 3.74
Northumberland, 38 vills 1276 1377 107.5 25.7% 10.6% 3.50
Rutland, 41 vills* 3595 1377 103.0 33.5% 14.5% 3.53
Rural Maritime Communities
Lincolnshire, 3 vills 602 1377 94.8 39.2% 21.5% 4.02
(Skirbeck Wapentake)
Urban Inland Communities
Carlisle 661 1377 89.7 41.6% 23.9%
Northampton* 672 1377 — 40.8% 8.0% 4.18
Oxford, St Mary parish 295 1377 98.0 38.3% 8.9% 3.96
Oxford, St Peter parish 177 1377 98.9 44.6% 16.7% 4.10
Sheffield 527 1379 96.3 33.2% 21.8%
Pontefract 908 1379 92.8 32.8%
Urban Maritime Communities
Hull 1557 1377 92.7 42.1% 23.4% 3.71
Dartmouth 512 1377 — 32.8% 15.4% 3.76
Chichester* 331 1377 36.3% 11.9%
Lynn* 1154 1379 92.9 32.6%
Notes: Data for 1377 are more accurate than for 1379.
* = includes partial or damaged returns.
For rural vills, only fully nominative returns were employed.
‘Single’ means not-married.
The mean household size has been calculated by using a multiplier of 1.65 to account for children and
others who evaded the tax.
I have omitted towns that might display characteristics of inland and maritime settlements.
Sources: Data for 1377 rural households calculated by M. Kowaleski from poll tax returns in The Poll
Taxes of 1377, 1379 and 1381, ed. by Fenwick, ii, 4–6 (Lincolnshire, including Freiston, Skirbeck,
and Butterwick), 316–20 (Oxfordshire), 267–71 (Northumberland), and 355–73 (Rutland). For the
urban households, I used the data in Goldberg, ‘Urban Identity and the Poll Taxes’, pp. 199, 200;
Goldberg, Women, Work, and Life-Cycle, pp. 306, 310, 315, 370–73. Blank spaces mean the measure
cannot be accurately calculated, a dash means that this figure could not be calculated because the
servants were not identified by gender.
Two measures point to the possibilities of high male mortality or absences: the
quite low sex ratio for the three Lincolnshire villages (94.8 compared to over 100
for the non-maritime communities) and the high per cent of households headed
by women (over twenty per cent, compared to only nine to fifteen per cent for the
inland villages). The relatively high percentage of single people in maritime com-
munities could also be interpreted as a reflection of male absences, especially
given the low sex ratios.62 The fourth measure — the high mean household size in
the Lincolnshire maritime villages — could be construed as an indication of early
marriage (leading to larger families), but in this instance it could also be a reflec-
tion of the prosperity of this region of Lincolnshire since we know that richer
households were larger than poorer ones.63 These somewhat unusual conditions
for coastal Lincolnshire, where salt marshes were more common than sandy
beaches suitable for landing fishing and commercial craft, means we need to look
further for quality data.64
We have a bit more evidence when comparing port towns with inland towns,
although here the occupational diversity of even heavily sea-oriented ports like
Hull and Dartmouth needs to be taken into account. As a result, the comparisons
are not conclusive, and, indeed, they tend to emphasize the differences from town
to town more than any significant disparities between inland towns and seaports
(the bottom half of Table 1). The only measure that might reflect significant dif-
ference is the mean household size, which at first glance appears to be smaller in
the ports of Hull and Dartmouth (although not as small as the northern inland
town of Carlisle), which could possibly reflect the truncation of families by male
morality and migration. Further data are needed before we can make any con-
crete conclusions.
Other types of tax data can also provide some hints about the demographic
structure of coastal communities. Many of the southeastern ports of England,
62
It does not reflect a high percentage of servants in these Lincolnshire villages; only 6.85
per cent of households had servants, lower than for any of the inland counties analysed.
63
For the prosperity of Skirbeck Wapentake in the 1332 lay subsidy (which is inflated by
Darby’s inclusion of the town of Boston), see Darby, The Medieval Fenland, pp. 137–38. I thank
Steve Rigby for pointing out the inclusion of Boston (which paid £61 of the almost £159 paid
in the wapentake) in Darby’s figures. For the correlation between wealth and household size, see
Phythian-Adams, Desolation of a City, pp. 238–43.
64
The 1379 returns survive in greater quantity than the 1377 returns for maritime
communities; they are not exploited here because of their many problems, including under-
enumeration of key populations, especially servants and the unmarried; see The Poll Taxes of
1377, 1379 and 1381, ed. by Fenwick, ‘Introduction’, pp. xiv–xvi, xxiii–xxvi, xxxiv–xxxv. For a
defence of the 1379 returns, see Goldberg, ‘Urban Identity and the Poll Taxes’.
for example, had regular assessments (called a ‘cess’) based on the value of house-
holders’ movable property, hearth taxes based on their immoveable property,
and maltots, a tax on the income of particular occupations (such as fishers and
ripiers, but also butchers and shoemakers). Together these tax sources can illu-
minate the occupational structure of a coastal community such as Hythe (Kent),
a small seaport borough in the Cinque Ports confederation, where fishing and
coastal shipping predominated in the late Middle Ages.65 Around 1413, it had
about one hundred and seventy households and a population that was just under
seven hundred.66 Based on tax assessments and the maltots paid on fishing, at
least twenty-one per cent of the households had direct ties to fishing, although
it is likely that many of those too poor to pay maltot or hearth tax found work as
crewmen aboard fishing and sea-going vessels.67
Only nine per cent (eleven) of the maltot payers were women, and none of
them shows any evidence of being involved in the fish trade.68 Indeed, the mal-
tots, tax assessments, and the many entries in the town court rolls and accounts
about fishing offer very little evidence that Hythe women were involved in any
aspect of fishing, in stark contrast to what later historians have found for the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when women in British coastal villages
65
Overseas traffic through Hythe was relatively sparse and concentrated on short trips
across the Channel, especially to Calais in the later Middle Ages; Kew, TNA, E122, passim;
Carus-Wilson and Coleman, England’s Export Trade. It was one of the original members (and
thus a head port) of the Cinque Ports confederation, which speaks to its prominence in the
Anglo-Saxon period. It suffered a series of disasters in the later Middle Ages, including a French
raid in 1341, and substantial silting that choked its harbour despite extensive efforts at dredging;
see Murray, The Constitutional History of the Cinque Ports, pp. 1, 4–5, 13–14, 47, 215, 233–34;
CCR: Edward III, vi, 263.
66
The household numbers are based on a tax assessment to help fund repair of the harbour
and ship service for the king in 1412/13 in Dover, EKentArch., H1052, fols 30–43. There
were one hundred and fifty-four tax-paying households (including eleven in the suburb of West
Hythe, but excluding sixteen advocants, who were freemen but did not reside in Hythe); using
a multiplier of 4.5, the total population would have been six hundred and ninety-three; with a
multiplier of 4.0 it would have been six-hundred and sixteen.
67
The maltots for 1412/13 are listed for one hundred and sixteen households, twenty-three
of whom either were assessed on specific fishing voyages (eleven) or on inventory that included
fish (twelve); see Dover, EKentArch., H1052, fols 1–15v.
68
They included a dressmaker, a water carrier, a retailer, and three brewsters (all of whom were
also involved in cloth making). Based on their names, three were widows, two were wives, and the
others may have been single women since they were not named in relation to any man. A further
group of five women appeared in the tax assessments but not the maltots; one of these women paid
taxes on rents, but the others were all very poor with nil values recorded for their goods.
Table 2. Maritime bequests in medieval (and some early modern) wills
(No.) % of
(No.) % Maritime Wills
with with Maritime
Total Maritime Bequests to
Place County Dates Wills Bequests Women
Bristol Gloucestershire 1382–1508 296 (11) 4% (3 of 13) 23%
Cornwall Cornwall 1401–1531 77 (8) 10% (3 of 8) 38%
Hythe Kent 1443–1520 205 (58) 28% (24 of 58) 41%
Lydd Kent 1400–1600 451 (74) 16%
Folkestone Kent 1400–1600 237 (44) 19%
Lowestoft Suffolk 1560–99 117 18% (6 of 27) 22%
Lowestoft Suffolk 1660–99 312 16% (7 of 58) 12%
Lowestoft Suffolk 1700–30 178 15% (0 of 27) 0
Maritime Wills Various 1382–1531 166 (136) 82% (49 of 136) 36%
Mariners & Shipmen 22 (1) 5% 0
Shipwrights 4 (1) 25% 0
Fishers 109 (103) 94% (38 of 103) 37%
Shipowners 32 (32) 100% (11 of 32) 34%
Notes: Clerical wills have been excluded. Maritime bequests include ships (and shares of ships), ship
equipment (oars, ropes, sails, anchors, capstans, windlass), fishing equipment (nets, lines, hooks, knives
for fishing), fishing cabins, weirs, and sea gear (including clothing and sea chests). Maritime wills are
those that either contain bequests of maritime equipment (such as ships) or were left by shipowners,
mariners, shipmasters, fishers (but not fishmongers), and shipwrights; the percentage of these men
who left maritime bequests is noted under All Ports: Maritime Wills, col. 5.
Sources: Wadley, Notes or Abstracts of Wills, pp. 5–177; Cornish Wills, ed. by Orme, pp. 26–187;
Hussey, ‘Hythe Wills: First Part’, pp. 27–56; Hussey, ‘Hythe Wills: Second Part’, pp. 87–121; Hussey,
‘Hythe Wills: Third and Final Part’, pp. 27–65; Sweetinburgh, ‘Strategies of Inheritance among
Kentish Fishing Communities’, p. 94; Butcher, The Ocean’s Gift, pp. 39–40, 63–64, 101–03; counts
based on fishing boats and gear and curing materials. The total wills includes wills and inventories,
but Butcher does not make clear whether the inventories refer to surviving wills as well, and only gives
percentages of maritime bequests, not the total numbers.
The Maritime Wills sample includes wills from Bristol, Cornwall, and Hythe (see above for sources),
as well as: York, Borthwick Institute, Probate Registers 1–4, passim (for Filey, Hull, Scarborough,
and York); Norwich, NorfolkRO, Rye MSS, 134 (Shipden); Hussey, ‘Herne Wills: Abstracts.— I’;
Hussey, ‘Herne Wills: Abstracts.— II’; Hussey, ‘Reculver & Hoath Wills’; Hussey, ‘Milton Wills
(Next Sittingbourne).— I’; Hussey, ‘Milton Wills (Next Sittingbourne).—II’; Arnott, Alde Estuary,
p. 52; ‘Medieval and Tudor Kent, C.C.C. Wills, Book 58’, transcr. by Duncan.
played a key role in a variety of tasks associated with preparing for the fishery and
processing and selling the catch. The wills of Hythe, however, tell a different story
from the maltots. Two hundred and five wills from before 1520 survive for the
port, twenty-eight per cent of which contain maritime bequests of high-value
items such as ships, boat shares, and fishing cabins, as well as fishing gear, nets,
hooks, ropes, and other items associated with seafaring and fishing (Table 2).69
An extraordinarily large percentage — forty-one per cent — of the wills with
maritime bequests gave them to women, particularly widows, who accounted for
just under twenty per cent of the legatees. This figure almost exactly matches that
found for widows in Sheila Sweetinburgh’s analysis of six hundred and eighty-
eight wills from Hythe’s neighbouring ports of Lydd and Folkestone, although
wills here had a slightly lower percentage of maritime bequests: about eighteen
per cent compared to twenty-eight per cent for Hythe.70
Also striking is the contrast between the wills of these Kentish fishing ports,
and the larger seaports such as Bristol and Hull (Table 2). An analysis of almost
three hundred wills from late medieval Bristol, for example, shows that only four
per cent left maritime bequests (and one-third of these had no bequests of equip-
ment, but only small cash legacies to dock-side workers). These urban testators
tended to be wealthier than the Kent fishers, and were more often shipowners,
shipmasters, mariners, and shipwrights than fishermen. Only the shipowners,
about one-quarter of whom left shares in their ships to widows and daughters,
ever left the tools of their trade to their female kin. Most of the women in the
larger ports who did inherit ships and boat-shares co-owned their vessels with
sons or with their husbands’ partners, suggesting that these maritime bequests
69
These are in the Canterbury Cathedral Archives Probate Registers, but I used English
abstracts printed in Hussey, ‘Hythe Wills: First Part’; Hussey, ‘Hythe Wills: Second Part’;
Hussey, ‘Hythe Wills: Third and Final Part’. To check the accuracy of his transcripts, I compared
twenty original wills with twenty randomly selected wills in the first fifty years of his abstracts; it
is clear that Hussey’s summaries of bequests and legatees are accurate and that he was particularly
careful to include all maritime bequests, and, indeed, most bequests, omitting mainly longer
descriptions of some of the bequests. In my calculations, bequests of groups of items (such as
two boats or ten nets or two maunds of hooks) were counted in each bequest type for each
testator’s heir. If the testator named more than one heir for a maritime bequest, each heir was
counted. Reversions of items (two for boats, one for sea gear, one for nets) were also included.
But the analysis also calculated figures in which each bequest (including bequests to one heir of
multiple items of the same sort, such as five shot-nets and two flew-nets) only once.
70
Sweetinburgh, ‘Strategies of Inheritance among Kentish Fishing Communities’, p. 94;
her wills cover the period from 1400 to 1600. What remains to be explored is whether the
percentage of seacraft-related items bequeathed to women in these small ports was higher than
bequests of work-related equipment in the wills of those who did not go to sea.
were meant to represent forms of easily liquefied capital for widows and depend-
ents. In contrast, the frequency with which fishing equipment was bequeathed to
family members in the fishing ports and the high percentage of items that went to
women reflect inheritance strategies that emphasized a shared identity and com-
mon investment in the maritime enterprise. The joint ownership of capital assets
such as fishing cabins, boats, capstans, windlasses, and even nets also points to the
collective nature of risk management in these fishing communities.
The relative frequency with which women received bequests of nets and fishing
hooks — and even on occasion, bequeathed them — supports evidence for later
centuries that women’s maritime labour within fishing households was oriented in
large part towards making and repairing nets and baiting hooks for long-line fish-
ing.71 Both tasks could be done on shore close to home and required skills — such as
spinning and twisting fibers, threading, and knitting — that were usually associated
with women. Nets in particular were capital assets which could make the daugh-
ter a more attractive marriage prospect, especially if her husband was a fisherman.
Indeed, this sharing of assets with daughters would be typical of endogamous mar-
riage systems in which marriages were made within fishing families.
Although women in the smaller fishing communities received a high propor-
tion of bequests of maritime equipment, male heirs, particularly sons, were still
favoured over female heirs. Thus, a hefty percentage of the Hythe widows receiv-
ing maritime bequests, were guardians of minor sons, and when older sons were
around, widows’ share of these bequests tended to be lower. Male kin were also
usually favoured over female kin.72 Male servants and fishing partners were also
beneficiaries, although sustaining the family enterprise seems to have been para-
71
Nets accounted for just under half of maritime legacies in Hythe (wives and widows
received twenty of these bequests, daughters fifteen), compared to twenty-five per cent for boats
and boat shares. Hythe wives and widows received two bequests of hooks, sons two bequests
and daughters four. Daughters in Lydd and Folkestone were named less often as legatees than
in Hythe, though as in Hythe, nets represented the bulk of their bequests; see Sweetinburgh,
‘Strategies of Inheritance among Kentish Fishing Communities’, pp. 98, 101. For women’s
work mending nets and baiting hooks in maritime communities, see Thompson, ‘Women in
the Fishing’, pp. 8–9; Kirby and Hinkkanen, The Baltic and North Seas, pp. 237–38; Blaikie,
‘Coastal Communities in Victorian Scotland’, p. 16.
72
Wives and widows in Hythe received 17.8 per cent of the bequest; sons got 29.9 per cent,
daughters 12.1 per cent, grandsons and nephews each received 2.3 per cent, but granddaughters
and nieces received nothing. Sisters received 1.1 per cent and brothers 0.6 per cent but the
numbers of bequests are so small (two and one respectively) that it is dangerous to make too
much of this comparison. Non-related men received 6.3 per cent of the bequests (especially
nets) and non-related women only 1.7 per cent.
mount. A number of the wills, for example, make clear that whoever of several
sons pursued fishing was to get the testator’s boat, or nets and hooks. Others gave
first crack at buying their boats and nets to brothers.73 Although it is impossi-
ble to value the bequests in the absence of inventories, the initial impression is
that male heirs received the higher-value items more often than did female heirs,
although a surprisingly large percentage of testators gave their widows consider-
able control over fishing assets, perhaps a reflection of the business acumen the
wives had accrued helping to manage the family business while their husbands
were away.
The tax assessments and wills of Hythe and other coastal communities give
us a picture of the middling and upper ranks of these settlements, but it is much
harder to find out anything about the common seamen and fishermen who did
not own property. The itinerant nature of maritime occupations also makes many
of them hard to track. Taxes that assess aliens offer some insights, however, into
the poorer and highly mobile community within coastal settlements. A 1522
list for the small port of St Ives in Cornwall, for instance, records twenty-three
aliens, of whom eight were fishers from Brittany; five of the eight were said to
be paupers, too poor to pay the tax.74 This type of emigration by poor, probably
young fishers and mariners likely worked in reverse as well, with Englishmen
leaving their home ports for foreign coastal settlements and thus contributing
to the demographic absence of men in so many maritime communities. Some
of these seafaring Englishmen brought back foreign wives; in 1483 Suffolk, the
sailor John Carr of Shottisham had a Scottish wife, while John Sencler, seamen
of Thorpeness, John Heyles, shipman of Walberswick, and Henry Hall, roper
of Walberswick, also had foreign wives.75 Likewise, marriage to a local English
woman could accelerate the integration of foreign mariners into their new
English community, where their skill set was in demand in the local economy.
The migration that was a hallmark of many maritime communities, particularly
the larger seaports, is especially evident in the alien subsidies of the 1440s, a tax in
which alien householders had to pay 16d. and non-householders 6d.76 As Sylvia
73
Hussey, ‘Hythe Wills: First Part’, p. 128.
74
Whitley, ‘A Valuation of the Lands and Goods’, p. 237. For the southwest of England’s
long-time links with Brittany, see Touchard, Le Commerce maritime breton, pp. 237–57.
75
Kew, TNA, E179/180/111; I am grateful to Jim Bolton for allowing me access to his
transcript of this account.
76
See Thrupp, ‘A Survey of the Alien Population’. Exemptions were given to denizens, the Welsh,
foreign wives of Englishmen or Welshmen, those under twelve, and members of religious orders.
Thrupp long ago pointed out, the largest communities of aliens were in England’s
seaports, particularly Bristol, Southampton, some of the Kentish ports, and
London.77 An analysis of two particularly good alien tax subsidies from the
1440s, for the counties of Suffolk and Devon, reveals something of this sub-
population within English maritime communities. In Suffolk, about fifty-four
per cent of the alien population lived in coastal settlements, with almost nine
aliens per settlement, far higher than the 1.85 aliens who lived in the 129 inland
locations in the county (Table 3). These higher figures for coastal communities
reflected the size of the settlements, including sixty aliens in Ipswich, thirty-two
in Lowestoft, thirty in Dunwich, and twenty-four in Southwold which together
represented over half of the aliens in coastal Suffolk. Women migrants from
Scotland or overseas were also slightly more likely to live in coastal settlements.
Though this pattern was also likely a function of the urban nature of many of the
seaports, it is also true that coastal settlements as the first port of call would have
been easier for female emigrants, an important factor given the difficulties that
women faced in traveling. Finally, several of the measures in the Suffolk analysis
point to the often less prosperous status of the mobile sector of maritime
populations. Aliens residing in coastal settlements, for example, were more likely
to be non-householders, and over one-third of them could not be located to pay
their tax since they had the notation ‘moved’ next to their name (Table 3).78 This
contrast between coastal and inland settlements was less marked in Devon, where
the county town, Exeter, was inland, and where a larger number of places could
not be identified, most of which were probably coastal. If the unknown aliens are
added to the coastal group, the demographic profile for aliens in the Devon
coastal settlements would be very similar to that for Suffolk.
In addition to showing significant differences between coastal and inland
settlements, this analysis of the alien subsidies points to the migratory patterns of
different ethnic groups (Table 4). The home country of aliens was not as often
recorded in Suffolk as in Devon, but slightly over half of alien migrants to Suffolk
were from the Low Countries, right across the English Channel. Another one-
77
Thrupp, ‘A Survey of the Alien Population’, pp. 270–72. Note that the problems with
the alien subsidies, including the exclusion of the wealthier merchants, the servants of noble
households, and foreign women with English husbands, would not greatly skew his analysis of
the alien maritime populations.
78
Thrupp, ‘A Survey of the Alien Population’, p. 264, suggests that this official formula
could also be interpreted as ‘passive resistance’ by taxpayers too poor to pay or anxious to avoid
the tax. Note too that it was not always maritime towns that had the most non-householders;
the returns for the Cinque Ports tend to show a greater percentage of ‘stable’ householders than
seen elsewhere; Thrupp, ‘A Survey of the Alien Population’, p. 270.
Table 3. Alien residents by coastal or inland location, 1440
No. of
Settlements Non-
& Avg. No. House- House
Total Aliens of Aliens holders holders Servants Women Moved
Suffolk (512)
Coastal (274) 53.5% (31) 8.84 (119) 43% (155) 57% (35) 13% (27) 10% (94) 34%
Inland (238) 46.5% (129) 1.85 (125) 52% (113) 48% (38) 16% (18) 8% (60) 25%
Devon (679)
Coastal (313) 46.1% (45) 6.96 (187) 60% (126) 40% (73) 23% (11) 4% (93) 30%
Inland (313) 46.1% (96) 3.26 (153) 49% (160) 51% (81) 26% (18) 6% (94) 30%
Unknown (53) 7.8% (7) 13% (46) 88% (33) 60% (1) 4% (24) 45%
Exeter (68) (1) 68.10 (39) 57% (29) 43% (18) 27% (1) 1.5% (35) 51%
Sources: Kew, TNA, E179/180/92 (Suffolk); I am grateful to Jim Bolton for allowing me to use
his spreadsheets of the Suffolk alien subsidy. The Devon alien subsidy is Kew, TNA, E179/95/100.
Internal evidence, such as the placement of the ‘Unknown’ communities in the tax roll, suggest that
most of the Unknown communities in Devon were coastal.
Table 4. Alien residents by ethnicity in coastal settlements, 1440

LC/Dutch
Unknown
Flemings
Norman
Iberians
Known
Breton
French
Other
Scots
Total
Irish
Suffolk (35) (2) (2) (3) (66) — (5) (1) (4) (118) (156) (274)
30% 2% 2% 3% 56% 57%
Devon (30) (176) (18) (9) (12) (47) (2) (2) (2) (298) (15) (313)
10% 56% 6% 3% 4% 15% 5%
Sources: Kew, TNA, E179/180/92 (Suffolk); I am grateful to Jim Bolton for allowing me to use his
spread sheets of the Suffolk alien subsidy. The Devon alien subsidy is Kew, TNA, E179/95/100.
third came from France, also a quick sea trip away. The Devon alien migrants
came from a much wider range of foreign countries, probably a reflection of the
increasingly diverse trade of southwestern England in the late Middle Ages.79
79
Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade, pp. 235–46; Williams, ‘Medieval Foreign
Trade’.
Over half of the aliens in mid-fifteenth-century Devon were from Normandy,

followed by fifteen per cent from Ireland, ten per cent from ‘France’, and six per
cent from Brittany, an ethnic distribution that very much reflects the overseas
trading patterns of late medieval Devon.
Finally, what can the sources tell us about the mariners themselves,
particularly their demographic structure aboard ship where so many seafarers
spent the bulk of their time? Fishing, commercial, and naval voyages were all-
male environments, though mariners aboard pilgrim ships and passenger ships
would have encountered women. Three sources reveal more about these male
crews aboard ships in fourteenth-century Devon: first, an agreement between
the city of Exeter and five shipowners in 1310 (to hire their ship the St Mary to
fulfil the city’s naval obligation to the Crown) that lists a crew of twenty-eight
(column 1 in Table 5); second, sixty-three mariners singled out in the 1305–20
local port customs accounts of Exeter because they claimed portage (column 2);80
and, third, a series of depositions by seventy-eight mariners who testified about a
charge of piracy by Dartmouth ships at Brest in 1386 (column 3).81 Most of the
sailors on the St Mary hired by Exeter were from the estuarine villages of the Exe
River, an indication once again that the smaller coastal settlements hosted large
reserves of maritime labour (Table 5). The large percentage of mariners on the
1386 Dartmouth ships who actually resided in the town reflects Dartmouth’s role
as a true sea port. Even so, one-quarter of the 1386 Dartmouth mariners came
from outside the town.82 The bulk of these non-Dartmouth mariners originated
from within a twelve-mile (20 km) radius of the port, but some came from
farther away, including Barnstaple in north Devon, Southampton, Cornwall,
80
Portage, a privilege allotted to virtually all mariners on commercial ships, allowed
mariners to ship their own goods at free or reduced freightage in lieu of full wages; port towns
recognized the privilege by not charging custom on a certain amount of cargo shipped this way.
The Exeter accounts are unusual in recording all these exemptions under portage, which enables
us to identify mariners aboard ships coming into the port.
81
For the 1386 allegations of piracy, see also Gardiner, ‘John Hawley of Dartmouth’, and Jones,
‘Roches contre Hawley’. Identifications of residence were sometimes given in these sources, but some
were derived from a large prosopographical database of borough and manorial records, charters,
wills, and port customs accounts for late medieval Devon. For the methodology employed in name
linkage and identification, see Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade, pp. 334–47.
82
In the inquisition of the activities of Dartmouth ships at Brest in 1386 (in Kew, TNA,
C47/6/4), there were five mariners from Stoke Fleming, four from Kingswear, two from the
Dart estuary, and one each from Dittisham, Brixham, Teignmouth, Newton Abbot, Barnstaple,
Southampton, and Cornwall.
Ireland, Wales, and even the continent.83 On occasion, mariners could also come
from land-locked areas, as indicated in the case of Thomas Knollying, a villein of
Ashburton manor on the edge of Dartmoor, who in seeking manumission from
his lord claimed that he was aged fifty and childless and had been a sailor since
youth, indicating the typical pattern of recruitment in this industry.84
The depositions by Dartmouth mariners questioned about alleged piracy in
1386 also provide data on the age and by-occupations of mariners, since they were
required to give this information as part of their testimony. Prosopographical
analysis allows us to determine how many of these men eventually served as
shipmasters, or conducted trade as merchants; a similar analysis of the seamen
who served on the Exeter ships hired to serve the king in 1310 also reveals
something of their occupational background (Table 5). The majority were
common seamen, but a fair portion went on to become masters themselves
within ten years, so that their service as common seamen represented a type of
apprenticeship for future shipmasters. The Dartmouth crews, who declared their
occupations in their depositions, also included eighteen artisans: four tailors, two
barbers, and a carpenter, armourer, plumber (from Cornwall), cutler, skinner,
goldsmith, baker, mason, and a common labourer. How are we to interpret
the presence of these artisans on what started out as a privateering and trading
venture and ended up with accusations of piracy? Obviously some of them could
have been aboard to service the needs of the ship and the crew on a long voyage,
particularly the carpenter and baker, but perhaps the barbers and cutlers as well.
Alternatively, these men could have been co-opted because of the heavy demand
for naval manpower during the Hundred Years War or they could simply have
wanted a share of the booty that the Dartmouth ships were licensed to collect
as privateers. Perhaps Charles Kingsford was right to argue that it was the West
Country’s notorious privateering and piracy that was the real ‘school for seamen’
in the fifteenth century.85
The Dartmouth inquisitions also hint at the ages and types of work careers
that men aboard these ships had. In 1386 when the alleged piracy had occurred,
Richard Bonefant of Dartmouth would have been twenty-nine years old, around
the average age (thirty) of the Dartmouth mariners involved in the incident at
Brest (Table 5). We know that he was still active as a mariner in 1390, but in
1394, when the depositions were taken, he declared himself a skinner. 86 It is
83
Kowaleski, ‘“Alien” Encounters’.
84
The Register of John de Grandisson, ed. by Hingeston-Randolph, p. 1159.
85
Kingsford, Prejudice and Promise, pp. 78–106, 177–203.
86
Exeter DRO, PCA 1390/91.
Table 5. Residences, occupational status, and ages of Devon mariners in the fourteenth century
1 2 3
St Mary cog Exmouth ships Dartmouth
of Exmouth at port of Exeter, ships at Brest
Crews of: in 1310 1305–20 in 1386
(Total number of mariners:) (28) (63) (78)
Residence
Main port town (Exeter for 1 & 2, 0 0 60
Dartmouth for 3)
Estuarine villages (Exe estuary for 1 & 2, 28 60 8
Dart estuary for 3)
Port towns within 12 miles (19.3 km) 0 0 5
Port towns over 12 miles away (19.3 km) 0 1 3
Inland settlements 0 2 1
Occupational status
Common mariner 25 42 41
Artisan/mariner 15
Artisan/mariner/shipmaster 3
Mariner/shipmaster 1 14 7
Mariner/merchant 1
Shipmaster 5 10
Shipmaster/shipowner 2 2 1
Age
Under 20 1
20−30 33
31−40 27
41−50 7
51−60 2
Average age: 30.2
Sources: Exeter DRO, M/214 (1310), printed in Jones, ‘Two Exeter Ship Agreements’; The Local Customs
Accounts of the Port of Exeter, ed. by Kowaleski, pp. 91–192 (for 1305–20); Kew, TNA, C47/6/4 (for
1386). The latter consists of depositions in which mariners stated their residence, occupation, and age.
I added five years to those who declared their age as ‘x and more years’, when the age was rounded off as
twenty, thirty, or forty, and two years when the age was not rounded off (as in twenty-three, thirty-one,
or forty-four, for example). The ages were then reduced by eight years so that the average age represents
their age in 1386, not 1394 when the depositions were taken. For the Exmouth mariners, information
about residence and shipmaster status was largely gathered from a prosopographical database of deeds,
customs accounts, account rolls, and court rolls for medieval Devon.
entirely possible that he had ‘retired’ from the seafaring life by 1394 (when he was
thirty-seven years old) and taken up another craft (or one in which he had also
dabbled while also serving as a mariner). Almost half of the 1386 sailors were in
their twenties, and only nine of the mariners were in their late forties or older
(and only four of these were common seamen — the rest were shipmasters or
artisans by 1394). As he aged, perhaps Bonefant decided to get out of what early
modern and modern historians have characterized as a young man’s game.
Certainly it can be argued that the adventure of seafaring and the possibilities of
career advancement and quick profit from prizes taken at sea may have lured
many youths into shipboard life, only to leave for the safer if duller life ashore as
they aged. Richard Bonefant’s switch from seafarer to skinner as he grew older
suggests that life-cycle service was an important aspect of the maritime labour
market, particularly during the late Middle Ages when the demand for seafaring
labour was very high due to naval requirements. As noted earlier, this same
pattern of life-cycle service is evident in the Exe estuary village of Woodbury,
where fisher-farmers often spent their early years at sea, but concentrated on
farming when they were older and had inherited the family holding.
In conclusion, although the medieval evidence does not provide the
firm statistical data that would definitively corroborate the existence of the
demographic characteristics identified as typical of most seventeenth- to early
twentieth-century maritime communities, it does suggest some useful parallels.
In the percentage of maritime occupations; in the prevalence of fishing combined
with farming; and in the combination of maritime activities such as fishing,
commercial shipping, naval activity, privateering, and piracy, medieval coastal
communities were very like their more modern counterparts. The medieval
anecdotal evidence for male absences and high male mortality is also very strong,
while the poll tax data on low sex ratios, high percentages of single people, and
large numbers of households headed by women in maritime communities also
point to a shortage of men. The will evidence from Hythe, moreover, reinforces
studies of later centuries that have outlined how male absences and mortality
increased female autonomy and fostered inheritance strategies that kept assets —
especially fishing tackle — in the family. The alien subsidies allow us to focus on
the high rates of migration within coastal settlements, in which even small fishing
villages attracted foreigners — while also providing a profile of overseas migrants
in terms of status, gender, ethnicity, occupation, geographic distribution, and
stability of residence that adds to our understanding of the peculiar demographic
features of coastal communities. There is less evidence of early marriage and
endogamous marriage in the medieval records although surname studies of
thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century material might be worth pursuing. And
while no medieval source throws any light on the seasonality of conceptions

and marriages, the strongly seasonal nature of maritime work plus the regular
absences of fishers and mariners certainly suggests that such patterns would have
been present. Finally, the prosopographical data on the Exmouth and Dartmouth
mariners give us some idea of the demographic structure of the mariners
themselves, particularly in terms of their age, by-occupations, length of service,
occupation, and residences.
Medievalists lack the hard demographic data enjoyed by early and late mod
ern scholars, but by combining insights from scarce and recalcitrant sources
and by employing a prosopographical methodology to stand in for the fuller
data available from parish-register analysis in later centuries, it is possible to
draw some comparisons between the populations of medieval and later coastal
communities. The number of striking similarities noted here in the demographic
features of medieval and later coastal communities strongly suggests that the
marine environment and the occupations it shaped could produce continuities
across centuries rather than an abrupt rupture between the late medieval and
early modern periods.
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Part II
Landlords and Peasants
Grain Yields on English Demesnes
after the Black Death
Bruce M. S. Campbell*
T
he Black Death of 1348–49 constitutes proportionately the single
greatest demand-side shock in English agricultural history. At a stroke,
it reduced by at least forty per cent the size of the population to be fed
and delivered windfall gains in living standards to those who survived, enabling
them the better to indulge their dietary preferences.1 On the supply side, it
transformed factor costs, raising the price of labour but reducing the prices of
land and, as money supply per capita increased, capital.2 Rarely, if ever, have
agricultural producers been challenged by such profound and rapid economic
changes. Moreover, the prolonged postponement of any sustained demographic
recovery ensured that these changes endured long after the original precipitating
event had passed.3
* Bruce Campbell, F.B.A., is Professor of Medieval Economic History, The Queen’s

University of Belfast.
1
For an extensive review of the English evidence of mortality in the Black Death and the
conclusion that ‘the general population mortality in England appears to have been of the order
of magnitude of 62.5 per cent’, see Benedictow, The Black Death, pp. 342–79 (p. 377). Hatcher,
‘England in the Aftermath’, pp. 8–9, favours a more modest excess mortality rate of between
forty and fifty per cent, while Aberth, From the Brink of the Apocalypse, pp. 127–28, plumps
for forty to sixty per cent. For post-plague dietary developments see Dyer, Standards of Living,
pp. 158–60, and for the production response, Campbell, ‘Matching Supply to Demand’.
2
Clark, ‘Long March of History’, pp. 99–100; Clark, ‘The Cost of Capital’; Epstein,
Freedom and Growth, pp. 61–62.
3
Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy, describes the one hundred and
fifty years which followed the Black Death as ‘the longest period of declining and stagnant
population in recorded English history’ (p. 11).
122 Bruce M. S. Campbell
At the same time, husbandmen had to contend with significant shifts in grow
ing conditions, as the agriculturally benign conditions of the Medieval Warm
Period gave way to the cooler, stormier, and more variable weather of the Little
Ice Age.4 According to a recent reconstruction by C. Loehle and J. H. M cCulloch,
global temperatures cooled from the 1250s to the 1350s, briefly recovered during
the second half of the fourteenth century (when temperatures were temporarily
restored to levels not experienced since the mid-thirteenth century), and then
cooled again during the first half of the fifteenth century to a marked low point in
the 1450s (fig. 13A). After a further brief respite, temperatures plunged to their
Little-Ice-Age minimum from the 1590s to the 1690s. World tree growth, which
has been reconstructed by M. G. L. Baillie at a far higher level of chronological
resolution, echoed these trends, as warmer temperatures boosted growth and
cooler temperatures depressed it (fig. 13A). Thus, the 1250s witnessed a notable
temporal peak in tree growth, the 1290s and 1350s pronounced troughs, the
1380s a lesser peak, and the 1460s a further trough.5
The first half of the fifteenth century seems to have been a negative tipping
point for both temperatures and trees (fig. 13A) and this coincided with a major
shift in the sea-level pressure gradient between Iceland and eastern Siberia. The
advent of lower pressure over Iceland and higher pressure over Siberia (fig. 13B)
generated more intense atmospheric circulation over the North Atlantic, resulting
in colder and more unsettled winter conditions over northwestern Europe.
Growing conditions for grain consequently became both less favourable and more
unstable. L. D. Meeker and P. A. Mayewski consider this to have constituted ‘the
most rapid onset of any such event recorded in the North Atlantic region over
the last 10,000 years’.6
The economic and environmental contexts of grain production thus altered
in fundamental ways following the Black Death. An earlier generation of histori-
ans, lacking the insights into changing environmental conditions since provided
by scientists, tended to couch discussion of late medieval grain yields in terms
of land availability and quality, soil nutrient levels, technology, investment, and
4
The literature on the transition from the Medieval Warm Period to the Little Ice Age is
large and fast expanding; see for example, Grove, The Little Ice Age; Pfister, Schwarz-Zanetti,
and Wegmann, ‘Winter Severity in Europe’; Higgitt, ‘A Brief Time of History’; Meeker and
Mayewski, ‘A 1400-Year High-Resolution Record’; Cook, Esperb, and D’Arrigo, ‘Extra-Tropical
Northern Hemisphere’.
5
For a fuller discussion of the dendrochronological evidence as it relates to the fourteenth
century, see Baillie, New Light on the Black Death, pp. 15–39.
6
Meeker and Mayewski, ‘A 1400-Year High-Resolution Record’, p. 263.
Grain Yields on English Demesnes after the Black Death 123
Figures 13A and 13B. Evidence of macro environmental changes c. 1200 to c. 1500:
world tree growth, global temperatures, and sea level pressure in Eastern Siberia and Iceland
Sources and methods:

World tree growth (five-year smoothed trend): master chronology which combines ‘national’ chrono
logies for the Aegean, Polar Urals, Fennoscandia, temperate Europe (oaks), North America (bristlecone
pine), Chile and Argentina, Tasmania, and New Zealand (data supplied by Mike Baillie).
Global temperatures (thirty-year smoothed trend): Loehle and McCulloch, ‘Correction to: “A 2000-
Year Global Temperature Reconstruction”’ (data available at <http://www.econ.ohiostate.edu/jhm/
AGW/Loehle/LoehleMcC.txt> [accessed 23 July 2009]).
Sea level pressure (three-year resampled GISP 2 ssNa and log(nssK) series calibrated with and extending the
instrumental record 1899–1986): Meeker and Mayewski, ‘A 1400-Year High-Resolution Record’, p. 261.
labour inputs.7 Drawing upon the copious statistical information contained in

many thousands of extant manorial accounts, they demonstrated that following
the Black Death demesne managers progressively reduced the amount of tillage
kept in cultivation and removed a good deal of inferior land from grain produc-
tion, so that the average quality of land under crop should have risen. Some of
this former arable was laid down to grass, so that (except when dairies were leased
out and sheep flocks centralized) most demesnes maintained and even increased
the numbers of animals stocked, as was consistent with a strengthening relative
demand for pastoral products. Stocking densities consequently rose, to the eco-
logical benefit of the balance struck between horn and corn production and on-
the-farm recycling of nutrients.8
These developments were accompanied by changes in the production mixes
of crops and livestock and modifications to rotations, as producers responded to
changing consumer preferences and production costs. There was a retreat from
the more capital and labour intensive forms of husbandry, as witnessed by the
fact that seed was often sown more thinly and such manually demanding tasks
as weeding, manuring, and marling were either scaled down or abandoned.
Customary labour services (already of marginal importance on many demesnes)
became harder to collect and probably were more grudgingly performed, espe-
cially following the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381, so that within a generation of the
Black Death there was a general substitution of hired for servile labour by all but
the most conservative of landlords.9 Thereafter, as higher wages and lower prices
squeezed profit margins ever harder, so demesne managers did all they could to
economize on labour.
If worsening worker : employer relations and reduced labour inputs per unit
area are likely to have had an adverse effect upon grain yields, withdrawing cul-
tivation from inferior soils, stocking more livestock, and reforming rotations
should have worked to the ecological advantage of arable production and benefit
of average grain yields. Which of these countervailing tendencies prevailed?
7
As most notably and influentially in the case of Postan, The Medieval Economy and Society,
pp. 41–72, Brenner, ‘The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism’, pp. 232–36.
8
Fullest documentation of these developments was provided by David L. Farmer, see n. 11
below.
9
For the limited importance of labour services before the Black Death see Campbell, ‘The
Agrarian Problem’, pp. 36–39. For their subsequent decline the classic study is Hilton, The
Decline of Serfdom in Medieval England. The relative efficiencies of waged and servile labour
in the late fourteenth century are evaluated in Stone, ‘Productivity of Hired and Customary
Labour’. An example of the replacement of servile with waged labour is Dyer, Lords and
Peasants, pp. 120–21, 140–43.
Figures 14A and 14B. Westminster demesnes: indexed trends in cropped area, livestock units,
stocking densities, percentage legumes, and grain seeding rates, 1275–1404
Sources and methods: Based on David L. Farmer’s transcripts for the demesnes of Turweston (Bucking-
hamshire); Birdbrook, Feering, Kelvedon (Essex); Bourton-on-the-Hill, Sutton-under-Brailes, Toden-
ham (Gloucestershire); Aldenham, Kinsbourne, Stevenage, Wheathampstead (Hertfordshire); Wester-
ham (Kent); Ashford, Eye/Eybury, Hendon (Middlesex); Islip (Oxfordshire); Pyrford (Surrey) preserved
in Saskatoon, USaskArch., ‘The Papers of David Farmer’. The assistance of the archivists at the Univer-
sity of Saskatchewan is gratefully acknowledged. Intermittent data series for these seventeen demesnes
of have been combined into single continuous series for the estate as a whole using a logged regression
method recommended by Gregory Clark. All series are indexed against their respective means for the
period 1300–99. Livestock units have been calculated using the following weights: horses × 1.0; bulls,
oxen and cows 1.2; immature cattle × 0.8; sheep × 0.1 (but note that Farmer’s transcripts exclude swine).
No one has considered this issue more carefully or brought more data to bear
upon it than the late David Farmer, who painstakingly extracted and analysed
7760 yield observations from the pipe rolls of the bishopric of Winchester for
the period 1349–1453 and a further 4080 yields from the manorial accounts of
Westminster Abbey for the years 1274–1404.10 Nevertheless, the results obtained
by these protracted labours perplexed him. Thus, in the case of the Westminster
estate, its seventeen manors were adopting a whole raft of practices, which, other
things being equal, should have improved their grain yields. The monks reduced
the sown lands of their demesnes by expanding fallows, converting some of the
more marginal land to pasture, and letting out portions to tenants. By 1348 they
already had twenty-five per cent less land under crop than c. 1290 and by 1400
this area had shrunk by a further twenty per cent (fig. 14A). Over the same period
they expanded the share of the cropped acreage sown with nitrifying legumes,
from barely five per cent c. 1290, to fifteen per cent by 1348, and eventually
over twenty per cent by 1400 (fig. 14B). Meanwhile, from the 1330s modest
economies were made in the rate at which seed was sown per acre (fig. 14B) and
this policy was maintained more-or-less for the rest of the fourteenth century.
The estate had been badly hit by the great cattle plague of 1319–20 but following
that disaster flocks were expanded and herds patiently reconstructed so that by
the eve of the Black Death livestock numbers had been returned to their pre-
panzootic levels (fig. 14A). Subsequently they were raised still higher so that at
their peak in the 1360s and 1370s the ratio of livestock to sown acres was double
that prevailing when arable cultivation had been at maximum stretch in the late
thirteenth century (a period when Farmer believes soil-nutrient deficiency arising
from under-manuring had become a problem on many of these demesnes). To
counter losses from fraud and embezzlement, the monks also instituted stricter
accounting and auditing practices, demanding more detailed information and
fuller explanations of any shortfall in output.11
Yet, to Farmer’s surprise, all that happened as a result of these not inconsiderable
adjustments was that wheat yields per seed emerged a little lower at the end of the
fourteenth century than they had been during the intensive cultivation of a
century earlier, while barley yields improved by around a fifth and oats yields by
about a third (fig. 15).12 Overall, there was a gain of approximately ten per cent in
10
Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the Winchester Manors’; Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on Westminster
Abbey Manors’; Farmer, ‘Crop Yields, Prices and Wages’.
11
Stern, A Hertfordshire Demesne, ed. by Thornton, pp. 181–83.
12
Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on Westminster Abbey Manors’, p. 343.
Figures 15A–15D. Westminster demesnes: yields per seed of wheat, barley, oats, and wheat
(barley/oats) gross of tithe and net of seed, 1275–1405
Sources and methods: Estate-level trends have been derived using the sources and method specified in
Figure 14. Tithe is assumed to have comprised one-tenth of the total harvest, gross of seed. Wheat
(Barley/Oats) yield = (Wheat yield × 0.5) + (Barley yield × 0.25) + (Oats yield × 0.25). All series are
indexed against their respective means for the period 1300–49. Linear regression lines are added to
show trends across the period as a whole.
grain yields per seed on the Westminster demesnes over the course of the four
teenth century, a far from impressive improvement given the magnitude of the
changes that had been made to the scale and composition of production (fig. 14).
Indeed, at the opening of the fifteenth century, in the final years of direct
management on this estate, yields actually sank below the average for the previous
century. Across this entire period yields per seed were decidedly ‘sticky’ and
neither at the level of the individual demesne nor the estate as a whole did
adoption of more beneficial husbandry practices necessarily translate into better
yields per seed.
Developments on the estate of the bishops of Winchester were broadly similar,
apart from the lack of any marked expansion in legume cultivation. 13 Arable
production steadily contracted. The mean sown acreage per demesne fell from a
maximum of over two hundred and sixty acres (one hundred and five hectares) in
the 1230s, to around two hundred acres in the 1290s, one hundred and forty-five
acres on the eve of the Black Death, one hundred and five acres at the opening
of the fifteenth century, and, eventually, ninety to ninety-five acres in the 1450s
and 1460s.14 Since there was little corresponding reduction in livestock numbers
until the fifteenth century (when across the estate as a whole livestock numbers
trended gently downwards, falling by approximately a third between the mid-
1390s and mid-1430s), stocking densities rose significantly. By 1362–64 the ratio
of livestock to cropped acres had risen to almost double its immediate pre-Black
Death level and by 1395–97 it was one hundred and thirty per cent above that
level; in the 1430s it was still well above the level of a century earlier.15 The potential
for enhanced cycling of on-the-farm nutrients to the benefit of soil fertility and
crop yields was therefore considerable, especially as sheep (extensively used for
folding and thereby manuring the arable) were the principal beneficiary of these
pastoral gains.16 Yields per seed of wheat, the most commercialized and valuable
13
Farmer, ‘Crop Yields, Prices and Wages’, p. 132; Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the Winchester
Manors’, pp. 564, 566.
14
Calculated with the kind permission of Jan Titow from the transcripts and tabulations
contained in Winchester, HantsRO, 97M97 (‘Titow Research Papers’).
15
Livestock units per one hundred cropped acres per Winchester demesne were: 1300–
24, 46; 1325–49, 43; 1362–64, 84; 1377–79, 96; 1395–97, 100; 1409–11, 96; 1420–22,
91; 1433–35, 82. The livestock units are those employed by Jan Titow and David Farmer, i.e.
equines and bovines 1.00 units each, ovines 0.25 units each (porcines are excluded), and have been
calculated from Titow, Winchester Yields, pp. 136–39; Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the Winchester
Manors’, p. 563.
16
In the 1330s there had been around 15,000 demesne sheep on the episcopal estate; by
crop, nevertheless registered no sustained improvement. On the contrary, from

the close of the fourteenth century, they drifted steadily downwards to a level in
the mid-fifteenth century a third lower than that achieved in the late thirteenth
century. Barley yields initially fared better and rose by approximately twenty
per cent over the course of the fourteenth century, only to subside and return to
their late thirteenth-century level by the mid-fifteenth century. Oats yields alone
displayed a significant and sustained improvement and over this same period
gained by an impressive seventy-five per cent.17 That, however, was insufficient
to offset the erosion of wheat and barley yields, so that across the two-hundred-
year period 1270–1470 the combined yield of these three principal grains varied
within ten per cent of the long-term mean and was no better in the 1450s than
it had been in the 1320s.18 In Farmer’s opinion ‘the yield ratios and the yields per
acre remained pitifully meagre’.19
How is the paradox of improved mixed-farming methods but scarcely
improved grain yields to be explained? Did reductions in labour inputs (a
variable not considered by Farmer) inhibit any recovery in yields? Did worsening
weather — as the medieval Warm Period receded and the Little Ice Age advanced
— offset the improved farming methods? Or was the seed sown botanically
incapable of delivering better returns? Did higher yields, in fact, have to await
the biological transformation of seed stocks? Moreover, just how representative
are the Westminster and Westminster estates of the seigneurial sector as a whole?
Levels and Trends in Grain Yields post-1340

Drawing on a national database of demesne yields, Tables 6 and 7 provide outline
statistics of yields per seed, gross of tithe (estimated at one-tenth of the original
harvest) and seed, for the four main crops of wheat, rye, barley, and oats for the
successive fifty-year periods 1300–49, 1350–99, and 1400–49. Summary infor-
mation is also given for yields on the Winchester and Westminster estates (the
two main estates studied by Farmer). These are crude statistics, which have not
1369 there were almost 35,000 and the number of sheep per sown acre had increased fivefold:
Stephenson, ‘Wool Yield in the Medieval Economy’, pp. 385–88.
17
Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the Winchester Manors’, p. 565.
18
Aggregate trends calculated from the year-by-year and manor-by-manor yield data con-
tained in Titow, Winchester Yields, and Saskatoon, USaskArch., ‘The Papers of David Farmer’.
For the individual yield observations, see Campbell, Three Centuries of English Crop Yields.
19
Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the Winchester Manors’, p. 566.
been weighted by manor, county, region, or year, and are thus in part a function
of the uneven geographical and chronological coverage of the data (fig. 16A).20
Ninety-five per cent of these yield observations derive from demesnes in episcopal,
conventual and collegiate ownership, for the simple reason that these estates
are represented by the largest collections and longest runs of extant manorial
accounts. Although 250 demesnes are represented in the database, less than half of
these have data spanning more than twenty-five years. More useful for the purpose
of constructing long-term chronologies of yields are demesnes with substantial
runs of accounts: seventy-one demesnes have yield observations spanning at least
fifty years and, of these, thirty-four have observations extending over more than
a hundred years. All the best-documented demesnes belonged to the bishop of
Winchester and, with the exception of Ebbesbourne in neighbouring Wiltshire
and Brightwell in adjacent Berkshire, all (East Meon, Mardon, Ecchinswell,
High Clere, Bishops Waltham, Overton, and Hambledon) were in Hampshire.
Consequently, Hampshire eclipses all other counties in the quantity and
chronological range of its recorded yields. Norfolk, the next best-represented
county, has only a third Hampshire’s number of yields. In descending order,
Kent, Wiltshire, Hertfordshire, Berkshire, Suffolk, Essex, Buckinghamshire, and
Somerset, are also reasonably well represented, largely reflecting the distribution
of estates with the best collections of extant manorial accounts — the bishopric
and cathedral priory of Winchester, Westminster Abbey, Canterbury Cathedral
Priory, Norwich Cathedral Priory, Battle Abbey, Glastonbury Abbey, and the
Abbey of Bury St Edmund’s. Geographically, therefore, the yield data come
almost exclusively from England’s arable heartland, south of a line from the Wash
to the Severn and east of the Exe.
As Tables 6 and 7 demonstrate, low to modest yields of two- to five-fold were
the norm for all crops. Yields were consistently higher for winter-sown wheat and
rye (Table 6) than spring-sown barley and oats (Table 7), with yields of wheat and
oats diverging most, especially before the Black Death. Yields on the Westminster
demesnes (which account for ten per cent of total observations — fig. 16A) were
not significantly different from those in the country as a whole, except that wheat
yields were below and barley yields above their respective national averages.21
The failure of the estate’s wheat yields to improve following the Black Death was
repeated at a national level, as was the modest but real improvement in the yield
20
See Campbell, Three Centuries of English Crop Yields, for the scope and coverage of these
yield observations by manor, estate, and county.
21
On the often striking differential between wheat and barley yields see, Farmer, ‘Grain
Yields on Westminster Abbey Manors’, pp. 337–38.
Figures 16A and 16B. Winchester demesnes, Westminster demesnes, and all English demesnes:
annual numbers of grain yield observations and trends in grain-yields per seed, 1340–1479
Sources and methods: The individual yield observations are those given in the database Campbell, Three
Centuries of English Crop Yields.The Westminster, Winchester, all other estates, and English trends are
seven-year moving averages indexed on their respective means for 1300–49 and have been derived
using the logged regression method specified in figs 14A–14B. The national trend is the product
of the eight regional sub-trends shown in figs 18A–18B. The indexed annual values for England,
Westminster, and Winchester are given in Appendix 1.
of oats. Yields on the far larger and better documented Winchester estate (which
accounts for fifty-one per cent of total English yield observations — fig. 16A)
also display much the same size range and lack of any dramatic change of level or
Table 6. English wheat and rye gross yields per seed 1300–49, 1350–99, 1400–49
(with summary statistics for yields on the Winchester and Westminster estates)
Wheat Wheat Wheat Rye Rye Rye

Yield per seed (YPS) YPS YPS YPS YPS YPS YPS
gross of tithe and seed 1300–49 1350–99 1400–49 1300–49 1350–99 1400–49
<1 0.3 0.2 0.2 1.0 1.3 2.0
1–<2 5.0 4.6 1.9 4.9 7.6 2.0
2–<3 17.2 22.9 15.0 13.5 21.3 19.4
3–<4 28.5 27.8 34.0 24.8 26.8 20.4
4–<5 22.5 22.0 27.3 24.3 22.0 26.5
5–<6 13.9 12.8 13.2 16.7 13.9 12.2
6–<7 6.7 6.1 5.2 8.0 3.0 7.1
7–<8 3.1 2.5 2.5 3.6 1.5 7.1
8–<9 1.5 0.7 0.5 2.3 1.3 1.0
9–<10 0.7 0.2 0.2 0.6 0.5 1.0
10 0.5 0.1 0.1 0.4 0.8 1.0
9+ 1.2 0.3 0.2 1.0 1.3 2.0
England N 3226 3460 1221 905 395 98

Winchester N 1553 1962 779 108
Westminster N 406 409 116 14
England median 3.94 3.90 3.94 4.22 3.78 4.41
Winchester median 4.22 4.15 3.93 4.74
Westminster median 3.22 3.21 3.83 4.29
England mean 4.18 4.09 4.11 4.35 3.88 4.40
Winchester mean 4.36 4.29 4.09 4.76
Westminster mean 3.23 3.36 4.23 4.09
England Coef Var 38.37 35.45 31.54 39.09 41.35 11.60
Winchester Coef Var 34.88 32.60 28.81 29.30
Westminster Coef Var 34.97 34.35 54.69 22.08
Source: Campbell, Three Centuries of English Crop Yields.
frequency following the 1349 watershed, other than a similar improvement in the
yield of oats. Farmer’s conclusion that yields per seed changed little following the
Black Death is therefore confirmed, and holds as valid for the second half-century
following the plague as the first. Since yield observations are as abundant for the
period 1350–99 as they had been for the years 1300–49, comparison between
the two halves of the fourteenth century is statistically well founded: after 1400,
however, the number of observations falls off dramatically, so that generalizations
Table 7. English barley and oats gross yields per seed 1300–49, 1350–99, 1400–49
(with summary statistics for yields on the Winchester and Westminster estates)
Barley Barley Barley Oats Oats Oats

Yield per seed (YPS) YPS YPS YPS YPS YPS YPS
gross of tithe and seed 1300–49 1350–99 1400–49 1300–49 1350–99 1400–49
<1 0.3 0.7 0.3 1.5 1.1 0.4
1–<2 4.7 5.0 1.8 21.6 13.1 5.7
2–<3 22.3 18.0 15.3 47.4 39.0 30.1
3–<4 31.4 29.9 35.8 21.9 34.2 40.9
4–<5 23.1 25.4 31.8 5.7 9.4 15.9
5–<6 11.2 13.9 11.8 1.5 2.3 4.5
6–<7 3.7 4.0 2.7 0.5 0.7 0.8
7–<8 2.2 2.3 0.3 0.1 0.1 0.8
8–<9 0.6 0.6 0.2 0.0 0.1 0.6
9–<10 0.2 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.2
10 0.2 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.2
9+ 0.4 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.4
England N 2919 2897 1072 3188 3218 1133

Winchester N 1436 1683 670 1477 1881 683
Westminster N 286 384 419 431
England median 3.69 3.89 3.89 2.51 2.90 3.28
Winchester median 3.86 4.16 4.13 2.36 2.96 3.27
Westminster median 4.46 4.21 2.51 2.87
England mean 3.88 3.99 3.94 2.63 2.98 3.42
Winchester mean 4.03 4.18 4.16 2.47 3.02 3.31
Westminster mean 4.53 4.52 2.58 2.96
England Coef Var 36.23 35.32 26.44 34.94 33.80 33.96
Winchester Coef Var 35.07 31.01 24.98 33.58 32.42 23.35
Westminster Coef Var 43.59 45.35 37.25 33.71
Source: see Table 6.
about the period 1400–49 are perforce based upon only a third the number of
observations (Tables 6 and 7).
Trends over time and annual variations in the numbers of available wheat,
barley, and oats yield observations are shown in Figure 16A, which differentiates
between the available yield information for the Westminster estate, Winchester
estate, and all other estates. In the case of Westminster, the yield data extend with-
out a break until 1407 and then effectively cease. On this estate, although there is
no single year with full documentation for all of the abbey’s demesnes, there is no
year without at least some information. This contrasts with Winchester, where
yield data are typically available for all demesnes or for none. The Winchester yield
data constitute the single most substantial body of yield information available for
any estate in the country, with three to five times as many observations in any
given year as the Westminster estate. The chronological span of the Winchester
data is also exceptionally long, since direct management continued until 1471.22
Leasing nevertheless began to make inroads into the number of demesnes kept in
hand from the start of the fifteenth century, so there is a progressive diminution in
the number of available observations from 1401 and especially 1430, while from
1456 data are restricted to the two last directly managed demesnes of Ecchinswell
and Mardon. The one major weakness of the Winchester yield series is the gaps
which occur whenever an enrolled pipe roll is missing.23 Fortunately, data for
a wide range of other estates bridge all these gaps and provide continuous data
coverage until 1481.24 Especially valuable are the yield series for Battle Abbey’s
Sussex demesnes of Alciston (1336–1492), Appledram (1321–89 and 1422–
64), Barnhorne (1332–1493), and Lullington (1327–1466), and Glastonbury
Abbey’s Wiltshire demesnes of Monkton Deverill (1280–1427 and 1451–79)
and Longbridge Deverill (1277–1374 and 1420–80), all of which extend into
the second half of the fifteenth century and, in the case of Alciston and Barhorne,
until almost the close of that century. Of course, all of these yield series are less
than complete in their chronological coverage.
Combining the data for the Westminster estate, Winchester estate, and all
other estates provides 13,438 wheat, barley, and oats yield observations for the
period 1349–1479, an average of one hundred and three per year (fig. 16A). For
the first thirty years after the Black Death there are typically more than double
this number of observations, with a maximum of two hundred and fifty-six in
1368. Numbers then remain more-or-less consistently above average until 1402.
Thereafter, coverage dwindles and becomes increasingly thin from 1435 and
especially 1461. Chronologies derived from these data for the fourteenth century
are therefore empirically more robust than those for the fifteenth century and
particularly the second half of that century. This reflects the waning and then
demise of direct demesne management and its associated system of manorial
22
Campbell, ‘A Unique Estate’, pp. 32–33.
23
After the Black Death yield observations are lacking for 1366*, 1380, 1397, 1404*,
1436, 1439, 1445–46*, 1450, 1455, 1457–58, 1463, 1467–68, 1470 (* denotes the end of an
episcopacy and corresponding absence of either harvested information or an enrolled pipe roll).
24
Campbell, Three Centuries of English Crop Yields.
125
England grain yield per seed Alciston grain yield per seed Alciston grain yield per acre
100
Indexed yield
75
50
1350 1360 1370 1380 1390 1400 1410 1420 1430 1440 1450 1460 1470
Harvest years
Figure 17. english grain yield per seed and Alciston, sussex,
grain yields per seed and per acre, 1350–1479
Sources and methods: english yields from Figure 16B. Alciston yields calculated from lewes, esussro,
sAs/G44/1–137 (i am grateful to Anne Drewery and Christopher whittick for transcribing these
data and to the sussex Archaeological society for funding their work). All trends are seven-year
moving averages, those for england indexed on the mean for 1300–49, those for Alciston indexed on
the mean for 1336–50. For Alciston, linear regression lines are added to show trends across the period
as a whole. The Alciston yields are gross of tithe and net of seed.
accounting.25 undoubtedly, there is more material awaiting discovery in the

archives that might be used to amplify yet further this dataset, although it is
improbable that it would do much to alter this chronological pattern.26
25
For a discussion of the economic incentives which promoted a switch from direct manage-
ment to the leasing of demesnes, see John Munro’s article in this volume, below.
26
Although there are many runs of mid- to late fifteenth-century manorial accounts, few
are for manors with demesnes still managed directly; nor do record office catalogues normally
note whether accounts are for demesnes that were in hand or at farm. examples of lay manors
managed directly include walterstone, Dorset (1435–50), and Mote, sussex (1472–80). on
ecclesiastical estates, direct demesne management seems to have lingered longest on Benedictine
and episcopal estates in southern england, notable those of Battle Abbey, Glastonbury Abbey,
Tavistock Abbey, and the bishops of winchester. The Battle accounts are mostly preserved in The
national Archives, the east sussex record office, and in The huntington library at san Marino,
California. The main collection of Glastonbury accounts is at longleat house, wiltshire, see
harris and smith, Glastonbury Abbey Records at Longleat House. For the Tavistock material see,
Finberg, Tavistock Abbey, and, for the winchester material, Winchester Pipe Rolls, ed. by Britnell.
Table 8. Alciston, Sussex: grain yields, seeding rates, cropped acres, and real expenditure on hired labour per
100 acres (0.404 km2) cropped, 1335 to 1489
Indexed value (1360s = 100):
Grain yield Seed sown Grain yield Total acres Labour units hired per
Decade per seed per grain acre per acre cropped 100 acres (0.404 km2)
1340s 139 91 147 112
1350s 116 95 111 125
1360s 100 100 100 100 100
1370s 133 92 123 117 89
1380s 121 86 105 140 100
1390s 114 82 96 141 89
1400s 121 80 99 124 101
1410s 120 68 83 109 129
1420s 102 68 71 109 122
1430s 113 66 77 100 129
1440s 115 71 84 94 129
1450s 105 72 77 86 131
1460s 115 75 89 84 128
1470s 97 74 74 73 159
1480s 106 73 79 79 156
Sources and methods: Yields, seeding rates, and cropped areas calculated from Alciston manorial accounts,
Lewes, ESussRO, SAS/G44/1–137 (I am grateful to Anne Drewery and Christopher Whittick for tran-
scribing these data and to the Sussex Archaeological Society for funding their work). Labour inputs are
calculated from Wooldridge, ‘Alciston Manor’, pp. 12–13, 62–64, 73–84.
Figure 16B charts the trend of the combined grain yield per seed (indexed on
the mean for 1300–49) on the Westminster estate, Winchester estate, and on all
estates between 1340 and 1479.27 Each aggregate chronology has been recon-
structed from the component manorial chronologies using a regression method
formulated by Gregory Clark. To take account of changes in geographical cov-
erage, the national trend is the product of eight regional trends (fig. 18). The
brevity of the Westminster chronology relative to the Winchester and national
chronologies is immediately apparent. So, too, is the close correspondence of
yield trends on the Westminster and Winchester estates from 1340 to 1400
(correlation coefficient +0.78), notwithstanding that these are based on com-
pletely independent datasets and relate to demesnes under entirely separate
27
The combined grain yield has been calculated by giving equal weighting to the winter-
and spring-sown grains (as also, within the spring-sown sector, to barley and oats), using the
formula: ([wheat yield × 0.5] + [barley yield × 0.25] + [oats yield 0.25]).
administrations, located, for the most part, in different parts of the country.
Correlations between the yield series for the Winchester and the Westminster
estates and that for all other estates are weaker, but still strongly positive (respec-
tively, +0.47 and +0.61). Correlations with the national trend are the strongest
(all other estates +0.72; Westminster +0.90; Winchester +0.93), although this
is partly because the estate and national series are not statistically independent
of each other.
All four chronologies (fig. 16B) are characterized by exceptionally depressed yields
during, and in the immediate aftermath of, the Black Death. Recovery thereafter
was slow although it was stronger on the Westminster and Winchester estates than
in the country as a whole. In fact, on most other estates yields remained seriously
depressed until the early 1370s, when yields rose strongly throughout the country
to levels that at least matched and in many cases eclipsed those prevailing before
the Black Death. Yields reached a peak in the mid-1380s, when they far exceeded
the long-term average for the period 1340–1479. In the closing years of the four-
teenth century yields fell back and remained significantly below the peak level of
the 1380s for the rest of the period for which observations are available. Yields
continued to sag until the 1420s, recovered slightly to a minor fifteenth-century
peak in the 1450s, and then declined again to the depressed level of a hundred
years earlier in the 1460s and 1470s (by which time the available data are thin and
unrepresentative, fig. 16A). On this evidence, yields at the end of the fifteenth cen-
tury (when agricultural resources were available in abundance) were below those
achieved in the first half of the fourteenth century (when the arable area was at its
maximum extent and the pressure to grow bread grains was most acute).
Because seed was invariably sown more thinly at the end of the fifteenth than
the beginning of the fourteenth century, the decline in yields per acre was
significantly greater than that in yields per seed.28 For example, on Battle Abbey’s
exceptionally well-documented home farm of Alciston in east Sussex a cumulative
thinning of seeding rates by one-fifth over the course of the late fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries magnified a modest reduction in yields per seed into a
substantial reduction in yields per acre (fig. 17 and Table 8). This progressive
erosion of yields is all the more striking given that real expenditure on labour per
cropped acre rose by fifty per cent, as comparatively fixed quantities of hired
labour were applied to a shrinking area under tillage (Table 8).29
28
This is examined and illustrated in Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, pp. 330–34.
29
For a detailed discussion of labour on this demesne, see Wooldridge, ‘Alciston Manor’.
Cropping changed more in scale than composition over the fifteen decades spanned by the
accounts: Brandon, ‘Arable Farming in a Sussex Scarp-Foot Parish’.
Variations by Region and by Crop

Severely inclement weather greatly compounded by the mass mortality of man-
agers and workers together account for the massive yield reduction which accom-
panied and immediately followed the Black Death.30 Figure 18 demonstrates
that nowhere escaped unscathed. The abrupt fall in yields was, however, more
pronounced in the central and southwestern counties than those in the east and
southeast, and was twice as great in Somerset and its neighbouring counties as in
Kent, Surrey and Sussex. In Hampshire (north and south) and the counties of the
Thames Valley the productivity crisis seems to have passed fairly quickly. In con-
trast, recovery was long delayed in East Anglia, the southeast, and the southwest,
where yields remained depressed until well into the 1360s and did not regain
their pre-Black Death level until the late 1370s.
With the exception of Sussex, the 1380s stand out as a decade of good
harvests almost everywhere, especially in Essex, Hertfordshire, Middlesex, and
Hampshire (north and south). The productivity recovery of these years was
weakest in the southwest of England, as also in East Anglia, whose once high-
yielding and labour-intensive cropping methods were in full-scale retreat by this
time.31 Nor were these post-1375 gains in yields sustained. From the 1390s yields
fell almost everywhere, and nowhere more steeply than in Wiltshire. In Essex,
Hertfordshire, and Middlesex the yield decline continued into the opening
decade of the new century, in East Anglia and the counties of the Thames Valley
into the second decade of that century, and in the counties of the southeast and
southwest into the 1420s. Only on the chalk-land demesnes of north Hampshire,
whose distinctive sheep-corn husbandry was undergoing a process of expansion,
did a contrary trend prevail, insofar as here yields rose to a peak in the late
30
On the Winchester estate the grain harvests of 1349 and 1350 were both over a third
below average and, by a significant margin, are the worst on record between 1349 and 1453; the
harvests of 1351, 1352, and 1356 also stand out as seriously deficient (Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on
the Winchester Manors’, pp. 557–58). Poor yields on the Westminster demesne of Kinsbourne,
Hertfordshire, from 1349 to 1353 were the product of a combination of weather and labour
supply problems (Stern, A Hertfordshire Demesne, ed. by Thornton, pp. 164–66, 178–79).
Benedictow, The Black Death, nevertheless emphasizes the latter: ‘Dearth and famine were a
usual consequence of the Black Death (and later plague epidemics), because normal work in
agriculture and urban industries tended to grind to a halt under the impact of the epidemic
onslaught, with severe consequences for production and income’ (p. 351). For a case analysis of
the massive production shock experienced during these years within a single distinctive region,
see David Stone’s chapter in this volume.
31
Campbell, ‘Agricultural Progress in Medieval England’, pp. 38–39.
Figures 18A and 18B. Regional trends in English grain-yields per seed, 1340–1439:
(A) eastern and southeastern England; (B) southern, south-central, and southwestern England
Sources and methods: See Figure 14. All trends are seven-year moving averages indexed on their respec-
tive means for 1300–49.
1420s.32 Thereafter, these Hampshire yields slid downwards again while those
in many other counties made a modest recovery and for a time, in the southern
counties of Sussex, Hampshire, Dorset, Wiltshire, and the Thames Valley, even
32
Campbell, Bartley, and Power, ‘The Demesne-Farming Systems’, pp. 163–67.
regained the average level obtaining before the Black Death. Everywhere else,
however, yields remained below that standard of excellence.
Except when harsh environmental conditions limited cultivation to oats,
producers always sowed a mix of grains. Wheat, rye, bere (i.e. winter barley), and
various mixtures of the three were sown in the autumn, whilst spring barley, oats,
and dredge (a barley / oats mixture) were sown in the spring. Beans, peas and
vetches usually added further variety to the cropping mix. Each grain had differing
growing requirements and met alternative consumption needs hence sowing a
combination of them served to mitigate weather and market uncertainties and
helped to avert the risk of outright harvest failure.33 Only exceptionally, as in
1349 and 1350, did all three grains return seriously deficient yields.34 In 1351
wheat yields were again poor, but barley and oats yields were marginally better,
and then in 1352 wheat yields were good but barley and oats yields bad.35 For
wheat to succeed and the spring grains fail was anomalous and there would not
be another instance until 1464. For wheat and even barley to do badly but oats to
do well, as in 1438, 1445, 1458, 1465, 1471, and 1477, was less unusual. In fact,
after 1400 yields of wheat and oats ceased to be positively correlated (1340–99
coefficient of correlation +0.33; 1400–79 coefficient of correlation -0.06), which
implies that the chance of a simultaneous failure of both grains was diminishing.
For large-scale producers hoping to sell surpluses for profit, bumper harvests
posed a different kind of problem, since prices slumped when markets were
glutted with grain.36 Years when wheat, barley, and oats all yielded abundantly
were, however, rare: 1376, 1377, and 1378 stand out in this regard as the three
most bountiful years of all, closely followed by 1386–88 (fig. 19). The generous
yields of these years are all the more striking given the consistently poor returns
that wheat and barley had delivered throughout the 1350s and 1360s (figs. 19A
33
The main types of demesne cropping combinations are discussed in Campbell, English
Seigniorial Agriculture, pp. 275–302.
34
The years 1349 and 1350 stand out in this respect in the table entitled ‘Harvest Successes,
1349–1453’ in Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the Winchester Manors’, pp. 557–58. At Wisbech
Barton, Cambridgeshire, ‘all crops yielded poorly in the aftermath of the Black Death’ (Stone,
Decision-Making in Medieval Agriculture, pp. 101–02).
35
Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the Winchester Manors’, p. 559, attributes this anomalous out-
come to the fact that ‘all available labour was used first to get in the more valuable wheat, to the
detriment of other grains’. In contrast, Mate, ‘Agrarian Economy after the Black Death’, pp. 342–
43, stresses the adverse effect upon harvests of a series of excessively dry years in the early 1350s.
36
For an elucidation of the relationship between farm size, prices, and profits, see Overton,
Agricultural Revolution in England, pp. 19–22.
Figures 19A–19C. English wheat, barley, and oats yields per seed, 1340–1479
Sources and methods: See Figure 14. All national trends are the product of eight regional sub-trends
(Figure 18). Yields are indexed on their respective means for 1300–49. Sixth-order polynomials show
trends across the period as a whole.
and 19B). Indeed, wheat yields had been seriously deficient in 1374 and 1375.
The sudden improvement in yields from 1376 is therefore as remarkable as it
must have been unexpected, the more so as, for the next twenty years, abundant
yields, especially of the spring grains and above all of barley, became the norm
rather than exception.37 It was a phenomenon which, at least over the next ninety
years, would never be repeated.
From the mid-1390s yields of wheat and barley drifted downwards again and
for much of the fifteenth century were more likely to be deficient than abundant.
For wheat, poor yields outnumbered good yields by five to one, and, on the scanty
available evidence, yields in 1438 and 1477–78 are the worst on record (fig. 19A).
In the case of barley, poor yields and good yields were more evenly matched,
although most of the best yields occurred before 1460 and the bulk of the worst
after 1440, with 1464 and 1473 the worst of all (fig. 19B). From 1340 to 1479,
in fact, yields per seed of wheat and barley both tended to decline, with many of
the most deficient yields of all occurring towards the end of this period. For oats
the story is happier, with conspicuously more good than bad years and a strong
tendency for yields to improve rather than deteriorate (fig. 19C). Presumably this
was because oats were grown on a diminishing scale, as pottage declined as a com-
ponent of diets and brewers increasingly substituted malted barley for malted
oats.38 Probably, too, oats gained more than wheat and barley from the shorten-
ing of rotations and withdrawal of cultivation from the poorest soils and maybe
also from the amalgam of changes taking place in temperature, precipitation, and
seasonality which collectively determined growing conditions. Notwithstanding
these gains in oats yields, three years alone (1405, 1440, and 1455) delivered
ample yields of all three main grains, a far poorer record than that of the preced-
ing century, whose historical reputation for inferior yields is far worse.
Towards a Chronology of Post-Black Death English Grain Yields

Figure 20 summarizes these trends in grain yields, subsuming the regional varia-
tions and differences between crops discussed above. As noted above, the results
for the fourteenth century are soundly based (fig. 16A). Developments during
the fifteenth century are less securely documented, especially after c. 1430. In
37
Unlike much early modern social unrest, ‘the great revolt occurred at exactly the time
when the mass of the English commons could at last look forward to an improved standard of
life’; Dobson, The Peasants’ Revolt, pp. 122–23.
38
Campbell, ‘Matching Supply to Demand’, pp. 832–39; Galloway, ‘Driven by Drink?’,
pp. 96–100.
Figure 20. English grain-yields per seed, 1340–1479
Sources and methods: See Figure 14. The grain yield is the wheat (barley/oats) yield, i.e. (wheat yield ×
0.5) + (barley yield × 0.25) + (oats yield × 0.25). Yields are net of tithe and gross of seed and indexed
on the mean for 1300–49. The sixth-order polynomial shows broad variations across the period as a
whole. For the annual values see Appendix 1.
particular, the final decades of that century are a veritable dark age and are always
likely to remain so given that direct management of seigneurial demesnes with its
attendant production of annual manorial accounts had effectively ceased. Even
on as conservatively managed an estate as Battle Abbey, which retained a few
demesnes in hand until almost the close of the century, there are signs that the
accounting process was becoming ossified with conventional rather than real fig-
ures recorded, so that the accounts themselves become less reliable.39 Agricultural
developments during the first hundred years after the Black Death will therefore
always be clearer and more amenable to analysis than those during the second
hundred years, from c. 1450 to c. 1550, when the long post-plague demographic
39
At Lullington, Sussex, for example, the acreages sown and quantities seeded of each grain
became conventionalized in the 1450s so that they cease to display the small changes from year
to year which had hitherto been normal: Kew, TNA, SC6/1027/6–16.
malaise finally came to an end and both the population and agrarian economy at
last began to expand again.40
John Hatcher and Richard Britnell have both emphasized the episodic
character of the economic history of the century and a half that followed the Black
Death, and this is borne out by the chronology of yields (fig. 20).41 Six distinctive
sub-periods may be distinguished. First, the disastrous harvests of 1349–51/52
which accompanied and followed the Black Death and constitute the sole
example of a serious three-in-a-row yield failure on medieval record. Second, the
persistently poor harvests of 1352 to 1369/1375, when recovery proved fitful
and partial and yields on many demesnes remained well below their pre-Black
Death level. Third, the dramatic improvement in yields from 1376 and the
unprecedented and unparalleled run of bountiful harvests which then lasted until
the mid-1390s. Fourth, the worsening harvests which followed and culminated
in the depressed yields of the 1420s. Fifth, the heightened yield variability of the
1430s and 1440s, of which the major back-to-back harvest failures of 1437–38
and 1441–42 formed part. Sixth, following a respite in the 1450s (when, on the
scanty evidence available, no serious harvest failures materialized), the return of
dismal harvests in the final decades of the century, demonstrating a serious and
recurrent failure of agricultural productivity more than a century after the Black
Death had dramatically eased the pressure of population upon the land.
The Harvest Failures of 1349–52
Probably the single most arresting feature of this entire chronology is the
profound failure of yields that accompanied the Black Death (figs 20 and 21A).
That agricultural operations were badly affected by prolonged wet weather
is attested by explanations and comments contained in manorial accounts.42
Chroniclers, too, observed that the plague was preceded and accompanied by wet
40
For the problems of bridging this period see Clark, ‘Long March of History’, p. 101;
Apostolides and others, ‘English Agricultural Output’.
41
Hatcher, ‘The Great Slump’, p. 239: ‘closer examination reveals that the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries experienced a succession of sub-periods each with its own distinctive charac-
teristics’. Britnell, ‘English Agricultural Output and Prices’, p. 38: ‘the history of output may be
better told as a series of fluctuations, or phases, than as one of continuous trend’.
42
Autumn 1347 was wet, so, too, were winter and autumn 1348, the whole of 1349 was wet,
and waterlogged soils were reported in winter and summer 1350: Titow, ‘Evidence of Weather’,
pp. 401–03; Stern, A Hertfordshire Demesne, ed. by Thornton, pp. 100, 164–66.
and unseasonable weather.43 Figure 13A also demonstrates that these years mark
the culmination of a hundred years of global cooling. Summer temperatures in
Holland were below average (fig. 21B) and extensive sea ice is recorded around
Iceland in 1348–51.44 Moreover, A. G. Dawson, K. Hickey, P. A. Mayewski,
and A. Nesje have inferred from analysis of the Deuterium content of ice that in
1349–53 western Greenland experienced an episode of intense cold ‘rarely ever
reached again during the later centuries of the Little Ice Age’ and colder even
than the notorious 1690s.45 These same years have been identified by Baillie as a
time of depressed tree growth globally, which seems to have begun around 1342
and was at its most pronounced between 1345 and 1350 (fig. 13A).46 Reduced
levels of solar radiation are also consistent with the marked inflation in salt prices
in 1350–52, with prices doubling in 1351, since much salt (both home produced
and imported) was produced by evaporation (fig. 21B).47
That English grain crops yielded badly during these years is therefore unsur-
prising (figs 18–21). Insofar as heavy plague mortality was a factor in depress-
ing yields, this should have affected the oats harvest far more than the wheat,
since the latter was the principal bread grain and of far greater value, whereas
43
England, Chester, 1348: ‘there was inordinately heavy rain between Midsummer and
Christmas, and scarcely a day went by without rain at some time in the day or night’: The Black
Death, ed. and trans. by Horrox, p. 62 (also pp. 54, 66, 74). France, Paris, 1348: ‘for some time
the seasons have not succeeded each other in the proper way. Last winter was not as cold as it
should have been, with a great deal of rain: the spring windy and latterly wet, Summer was late,
not as hot as it should have been, and extremely wet — the weather very changeable from day
to day, and hour to hour; the air often troubled, and then still again, looking as if it was going
to rain but then not doing so. Autumn too was very rainy and misty. It is because the whole year
here — or most of it — was warm and wet that the air is pestilential’: The Black Death, ed. and
trans. by Horrox, pp. 161–62.
44
Dawson and others, ‘Greenland (GISP2) Ice Core’, p. 432.
45
46
Baillie, New Light on the Black Death, pp. 34–39.
47
Significantly, the single greatest inflation in salt prices on record was in 1316, at the
height of the Great European Famine and following a year of incessant rain: Campbell, ‘Physical
Shocks’, pp. 20–21. One reason that the price inflation was less pronounced 1350–52 than
1315–17 is because during the interim England had swung from being a net exporter to a net
importer of salt, with substantial supplies sent from France’s Bourgneuf Bay, where sea salt
was cheaply produced by a process of solar evaporation: Bridbury, England and the Salt Trade,
pp. 29–30, 46–47, 50, 95, 110–11, 151–52. Significantly, in 1350–51 excessive rain ruined
harvests at Chartham, Great Chart, and Ickham in Kent: Campbell, ‘Agriculture in Kent’, p. 47,
n. 80. Consequently, the high prices of 1350–52 probably had at least as much to do with the
weather as with the sudden plague-induced scarcity of workers.
Figures 21A–21C. English grain yields and proxy indicators of weather variations, 1340–1409
Sources and methods for Figure 21: English grain-yields per seed — from Figure 20.
English grain prices: Farmer, ‘Prices and Wages’, pp. 794–95; Farmer, ‘Prices and Wages, 1350–1500’,
pp. 502–05.
Combined Wheat (Barley/Oats) price indexed on 1300–49, inverted to adjust for the normally
inverse relationship between prices and harvests, and advanced one year, to correct for the lag between
harvests in year x and prices in year x + 1 (the correlation coefficient between yields and prices lagged
one year is -0.66). English salt prices: Clark, English Prices and Wages.
Prices are expressed as a percentage of the twenty-five-year moving average (× 0.2), and advanced one
year to adjust for the influence of the weather in year x upon prices in year x + 1 (NB production of
marine salt by solar evaporation was adversely affected by cloudy and rainy summer weather).
Netherlands summer temperatures: Van Engelen, Buisman, and IJnsen, ‘A Millennium of Weather’.
Mean June, July, and August temperatures (× 2) are indexed on the mean for 1340–1459.
Timing of the Burgundian pinot noir grape harvest: Chuine and others, Burgundy Grape Harvest
Dates. Dates are inverted and indexed on the mean for the period 1372–1459 (i.e. the higher the value,
the earlier the grape harvest and therefore the warmer the summer).
Commissions of banking and ditching (wallis et fossatis) concerning the tidal reaches of the River
Thames (east of London Bridge): Galloway, ‘Storm Flooding, Coastal Defence, and Land Use’ (data
kindly supplied by James Galloway) (NB commissions were normally issued in response to problems
of flooding).
the former occupied a lesser dietary niche and could be fed either un-threshed
or un-harvested to livestock.48 Oats, thus, ought to have borne the brunt of the
sudden depletion in labour supplies and inflation in labour costs. Yet this is not
what happened. Wheat yields were consistently more than a third below average
in 1349, 1350, and 1351, faring little better than yields of oats and, if anything,
worse than yields of barley (fig. 19).49 This implies that the harvest failure owed
less to labour-supply problems than the inclement weather.
The Inferior Harvests of 1352 to 1369/1375

Unlike the situation following the earlier disastrous harvests of 1315–17,
yields did not bounce back to their former level once the immediate crisis had
48
On the Kent estate of Canterbury Cathedral Priory in 1349 the reeves at Agney and
Ruckinge complained, respectively, that peas and vetches and winter barley were left unharvested
because of the lack of labourers; presumably for much the same reason, livestock were fed unharvest-
ed barley at Chartham and unthreshed wheat at Mersham; the following year there were still insuf-
ficient reapers to harvest all the vetches at Mersham: Campbell, ‘Agriculture in Kent’, p. 47, n. 79.
49
Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the Winchester Manors’, p. 557, reports mean yields of wheat,
barley, and oats respectively 33.5 per cent, 28.2 per cent, and 46.2 per cent below average in the
two harvest years 1349–50.
passed.50 Instead, in large parts of the country they remained depressed and it
took twenty-five years for yields of all three principal grains to regain their pre-
plague levels on a majority of demesnes (figs 19 and 20). The years until 1376
have often been described as an ‘Indian summer’ for large-scale demesne pro-
ducers, because grain prices remained high and, after the initial wage gains of
the immediate plague years, nominal wage rates were slow to improve, so that
arable farming remained profitable.51 Production was therefore able to continue
much as before. Yet, as the close inverse correlation between yields and prices
implies (fig. 21A), if grain prices were high it was because summers, and there-
fore harvests, during the so-called Indian summer were unfavourable.52 It can be
no coincidence that at this time flooding appears to have become an increasing
problem in the Thames estuary (fig. 21C), as wetter weather, storm surges in
the North Sea and the neglect of sea defences and drainage systems exposed the
region’s reclaimed marshlands to heightened risks of inundation.53 Temperature
reconstructions demonstrate that summers in Holland continued to be cool
50
Indexed grain yields per seed 1314–23 and 1348–57 (source: Campbell, Three Centuries
of English Crop Yields), showing the yield bounce-back that followed the three bad harvests of
1315–17 and the absence of any equivalent recovery following the three bad harvests of 1349–51:
Year 1314 1315 1316 1317 1318 1319 1320 1321 1322 1323
Yield 100 73 62 88 106 103 104 76 101 112
Year 1348 1349 1350 1351 1352 1353 1354 1355 1356 1357
Yield 100 60 61 73 85 87 87 92 74 86
51
Bridbury, ‘The Black Death’, pp. 583–84; Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath’, p. 6;
Britnell, ‘English Agricultural Output and Prices’, pp. 21–25; Stone, Decision-Making in Medi
eval Agriculture, pp. 81–120.
52
Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath’, p. 8, was puzzled why ‘the Black Death, and the
two succeeding epidemics of 1361–62 and 1369, resulted in only modest improvements in the
standards of living of labourers and artisans’. Poor harvests arising from problematic weather
provide at least a partial explanation. Fungal infestation of grain crops further aggravated the
situation. In Kent, mildew (first recorded as having attacked the wheat crop on the Canterbury
Cathedral Priory estates at East Peckham and Meopham in 1336–37) became an endemic prob-
lem in the 1360s and 1370s and was responsible for repeated major crop failures: Campbell,
‘Agriculture in Kent’, p. 47. Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the Winchester Manors’, p. 561, neverthe-
less suggests that ‘the yield figures for the 1350s and possibly the early 1360s may say as much
about the success of the reeves in recruiting harvesters as they do about the fertility of the arable
or the kindness of the weather’.
53
In 1350 the River Severn had burst its banks and caused extensive flooding on the
Lordship of Berkeley’s home manor of Ham, Gloucestershire: Wells-Furby, The Lay Estate in the
Fourteenth Century. I am grateful to Dr Wells-Furby for showing the manuscript of her mono-
graph to me.
Figure 22. Dutch tithe receipts, 1350–1449
Sources and methods: Individual tithe series for Rijnland 1343–1415, Utrecht 1370–1454, and Maas-
land 1343–1454 kindly supplied by Jan Luiten van Zanden. Each series has been indexed on its value
for 1400 and smoothed using an eleven-year moving average. The master Dutch series is the average of
these three smoothed series. The sixth-order polynomial highlights the main temporal trends.
(fig. 21B). World tree growth also registered another major decline in the early
1360s (fig. 13A). Environmentally, therefore, these were difficult years for arable
producers.54 To compound matters, recurrent plague outbreaks in 1361, 1369,
and 1375 will have disrupted markets and ensured that within the seigneurial
sector managerial and manpower problems remained ongoing.55
The Generous Harvests of 1376–95
Environmental and economic conditions changed abruptly in 1376 with the first
truly generous harvest for fifty years, the first, in fact, of three.56 Yields rose and
prices fell, to the benefit of wage earners and disadvantage of those selling sur-
54
For detailed case-studies see Mate, ‘Agrarian Economy after the Black Death’, pp. 341–
54; Stone, Decision-Making in Medieval Agriculture, pp. 101–13.
55
56
For the significance of the 1376 yield rise and price fall see Bridbury, ‘The Black Death’,
pp. 584–85; Britnell, ‘English Agricultural Output and Prices’, p. 26. The sudden dramatic
improvement in yields shows up clearly on the Winchester estate: Farmer, ‘Grain Yields on the
Winchester Manors’, p. 557.
pluses on a market now glutted with grain.57 Further abundant harvests over the
next twenty years reinforced the trend towards price deflation (fig. 21A) and,
as their purchasing power improved, so the expectations of wage earners rose.58
These improved yields (not only were they better, they were also more reliable)
had little to do with the enterprise and ingenuity of medieval husbandmen and
a great deal to do with the weather.59 In Holland grain tithe receipts, which had
been in decline since the 1350s, rose steadily from the late 1370s to the mid-1390s
(fig. 22). Over this period Dutch summer temperatures also improved progres-
sively, to a peak in the 1380s (fig. 21B). In Burgundy there was a matching shift in
the timing of the grape harvest (fig. 21B), as the vines responded to the warmer
temperatures and ripened earlier. In the Thames estuary the hitherto mounting
flood problem suddenly abated and in the 1380s commissions for ditching and
dyking sank to a minimum (fig. 21C). A marked change in North Atlantic sea-
surface temperatures also seems to have set in from c. 1378–80. ‘Before this time,
episodes of cold water development were frequent and, in relative terms, long
lasting. After this time, excursions of cold water were relatively rare and short-
lived’.60 Global temperatures actually improved during these final decades of the
fourteenth century and the dendrochronological record shows that trees across
the World responded with increased growth (fig. 13A).61 The worst of the great
national plague epidemics had also passed.
Given that these happy environmental circumstances coincided with Chaucer’s
composition of The Canterbury Tales, this benign climatic episode may be
dubbed the ‘Chaucerian Anomaly’.62 Contrary to Malthusian logic, however,
57
‘In the mid-1370s […] the era of expensive grain came to a sudden end, and prices tum-
bled. The slump in grain prices at a time when population may well have been continuing on a
downward path finally undermined the value of land’, Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath’, p. 34.
58
Clark, ‘Long March of History’, pp. 116–17, 133–34.
59
In east Norfolk, for example, all the key innovations of its intensive mixed-farming
regime had been made in the era of high farming well before the Black Death, and in the final
decades of the fourteenth century lords were actually reducing the intensity of their husbandry:
Campbell, ‘Agricultural Progress in Medieval England’, pp. 26–46. The annual variability of
grain yields effectively halved between 1345 (coefficient of variation 1332–57 = 31.4) and 1382
(coefficient of variation 1369–94 = 16.3); the latter represents the single lowest point between
1275 and 1474: Campbell, ‘Physical Shocks’, p. 18.
60
61
The strong positive growth signal is apparent in the chronologies of both Old World and
New World trees until the mid-1380s (coefficient of correlation 1350–86 +0.68): Baillie, New
Light on the Black Death, pp. 36–38.
62
Geoffrey Chaucer (c. 1342–1400) is thought to have written The Canterbury Tales bet
the population did not respond to the good harvests, abundant and cheap food,
favourable real wage rates, and plentiful supply of holdings with a long-delayed
surge of growth. Although ostensibly everything was propitious for a full-scale
recovery of population, no such recovery was forthcoming.63 Instead, all the
available demographic indicators imply that the population continued to con-
tract throughout this final quarter of the fourteenth century, for reasons about
which there has been much speculation but for which there is frustratingly little
direct evidence.64 Conceivably, the post-Black Death institutionalization of serv-
anthood had shifted marriage later, especially for women, and thereby depressed
fertility. Perhaps, too, improved prospects for acquiring a land holding and a
growing desire to pass holdings on intact to the next generation were privileging
later (economic) over earlier (biological) marriage.65 Imbalanced sex ratios arising
from heightened local and regional migration may have reinforced this trend.66
Almost certainly, as exemplified by the Worcestershire manor of Halesowen,
recurrent plagues had transformed the age structure of the population, reducing
the proportion of females within the reproductive age group and thereby depress-
ing nuptiality.67 More critically, it has long been speculated that background mor-
tality, particularly of infants and children, remained high, shortening life expec-
tancy at birth.68 Significantly, with the fleeting exception of the quinquennium
1386–90, the replacement rate of male tenants-in-chief of the Crown (the most
materially advantaged socio-economic group) remained stubbornly below unity
until the late 1440s and much the same applied to several other demographic
groups which have been similarly reconstituted.69
ween 1386 and 1400. Note that the adverse weather event responsible for the Great European
Famine of 1315–21 has been termed the ‘Dantean Anomaly’ (after the Italian poet Dante
Alighieri, c. 1265–1321) by Brown, History and Climate Change, pp. 251–54.
63
This contrasts with developments in Holland, where, notwithstanding the ecological
disaster of rising water-table levels, the post-Black Death period witnessed significant population
growth: Van Bavel and Van Zanden, ‘The Jump-Start of the Holland Economy’, pp. 505–07.
64
For clear evidence of the downward trend in population, see: Raftis, ‘Changes in an
English Village’; Poos, ‘The Rural Population of Essex’; Razi, Life, Marriage and Death in a
Medieval Parish, pp. 114–17.
65
For a sceptical review of the case in favour of fertility decline, see Bailey, ‘Demographic Decline’.
66
Razi, Life, Marriage and Death in a Medieval Parish, pp. 117–24.
67
Razi, Life, Marriage and Death in a Medieval Parish, pp. 131–35, 150–51.
68
69
Hollingsworth, Historical Demography, pp. 378–79; Thrupp, ‘The Problem of Replace
ment Rates’; Thrupp, The Merchant Class of Medieval London, pp. 191–206.
The Worsening Harvests of the Early Fifteenth Century
All good things come to an end, and in the closing years of the fourteenth
century yields started to deteriorate once more, sinking to a level in the 1420s
almost fifteen per cent below that of the 1380s (fig. 20). Economic conditions
were hardly propitious for grain producers: demand was slack, prices were low,
labour was scarce, and, since the revolt of 1381, workers had become increasingly
indolent and truculent.70 Making direct demesne management pay, especially
in competition with smaller producers with lower overheads, was therefore
becoming an exercise in cost cutting. Many landlords now found leasing a more
attractive alternative proposition since it was far less trouble and guaranteed a
more assured annual income.71 Direct management consequently became the
exception rather than the rule and increasingly confined to home farms charged
with the direct provisioning of substantial seigneurial households.
Meanwhile, growing conditions were also deteriorating. From the close of the
fourteenth century the process of global cooling resumed as the transition to the
Little Ice Age gathered momentum (fig. 13A). On the continent, the opening
decade of the new century witnessed a run of cool summers, as dismal as those of
the 1360s, and proved to be an augury of worse to come (fig. 21B). Dutch tithe
receipts resumed their decline and shrank by two-thirds over the next thirty years
to reach a new low point in the mid-1420s (fig. 22). In England during this
opening quarter of the fifteenth century, although bountiful harvests may have
been a thing of the past, poor harvests were at least mercifully rare: the worst
were those of 1401, 1408 (the poorest of four indifferent harvests), and 1422.
Such relative stability did not last. Throughout these years atmospheric pressure
was falling over Iceland and building over eastern Siberia until, by the 1420s, the
widening pressure gradient had initiated a profound shift in northern hemisphere
circulation (fig. 13B).72 Henceforth climatic conditions became less stable,
winters in particular became stormier, occurrences of extreme winter cold became
more common, and, with some notable exceptions, summers tended to become
cooler (fig. 23C).
70
Rigby, English Society in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 124–27; Stone, Decision-Making
in Medieval Agriculture, pp. 121–55. Workers’ attitudes were the subject of much adverse
contemporary comment, Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath’, pp. 11–12.
71
Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, pp. 59–60, 234–35.
72
Meeker and Mayewski, ‘A 1400-Year High-Resolution Record’; Dugmore, Keller, and
McGovern, ‘Norse Greenland Settlement’, pp. 26–29.
Figures 23A–23C. English grain yields and proxy indicators of weather variations, 1410–59
Sources and methods: English grain-yields per seed — from Figure 20. Durham tithe receipts: Dodds,
Peasants and Production (data kindly supplied by Ben Dodds). Annual deflated cash tithe receipts are
expressed as a percentage of their twenty-five-year moving average. These percentages have then been
indexed and averaged with the indexed grain yields to produce the combined index of grain yields and
Durham tithe receipts. English grain prices, English salt prices, Netherlands summer temperatures,
Timing of the Burgundian pinot noir grape harvest: see Figure 21.
The Harvest Failures of the Mid-Fifteenth Century
From the mid-1420s the heightened year-on-year variability of grain yields shows
that uncertainty for arable producers was increasing (in the northeast of England
the record of Durham Cathedral Priory’s tithe receipts tells much the same
story) (fig. 23A).73 In 1428 the grain yield was the worst since 1356, yields were
poor again in 1432, and then in 1437 and 1438 yields failed for two consecutive
years, precipitating the single greatest harvest crisis and grain-price inflation of
the fifteenth century (figs 20 and 23B).74 The back-to-back shortfall was almost
comparable in magnitude to that of 1315–16 and the lowered temperatures
which prevailed over northwestern Europe from 1435 to 1438 very likely arose
from a similarly powerful environmental forcing agent (intriguingly, in neither
case is this likely to have been volcanic, since there are no corresponding sulphate
spikes in the GISP2 Greenland ice cores).75 Winters in these years, at least in
the Netherlands, were unusually cold and summers were late and cool, delaying
the grape harvest in Burgundy (fig. 23C). 76 On the Winchester estate sheep
farming was adversely affected by the harsh winter conditions: expenditure on
supplementary feeding increased, mortality rates soared, reproduction rates were
depressed, and fleece weights are among the lowest on record.77 Reduced levels of
solar radiation are also reflected in the concurrent sharp inflation in salt prices,
which implies that conditions were wet as well as cold (fig. 23C).
Nor was there any immediate and dramatic amelioration in these adverse
conditions.78 Unfavourable weather returned in 1441 and 1442, when yields at
Alciston, Sussex, were worse even than those of 1437–38 and those at Walterstone,
Dorset, were only marginally better.79 It was not until the mid-1440s that this
73
For the increasing difficulties experienced by demesne producers in the 1420s and 1430s,
see Britnell, ‘English Agricultural Output and Prices’, pp. 34–35 (he characterizes the period
c. 1435–65 as the ‘mid-fifteenth-century slump’, pp. 35–36).
74
Hatcher, ‘The Great Slump’, p. 246.
75
I am grateful to Frank Ludlow for this information. See <http://www.gisp2.sr.unh.edu/>
[accessed 21 April 2010] for further information about the American GISP2 ice-core project.
76
The winters of 1432–35 and 1437–38 were all well below average in the Netherlands; that
of 1435 was one of the two coldest of the fifteenth century (1408 was the other), and 1437 was only
marginally less severe: Van Engelen, Buisman, and IJnsen, ‘A Millennium of Weather’, pp. 101–24.
77
Stephenson, ‘Wool Yield in the Medieval Economy’, pp. 383–84.
78
Bridbury, England and the Salt Trade, pp. 152–53.
79
Combined grain yields per seed were thirty-six and sixteen per cent below their twenty-
five-year average in 1437 and 1438, compared with thirty-five per cent and thirty-six per cent
crisis had finally passed. This episode coincides with depressed temperatures and
tree growth world-wide (fig. 13A).
The Depressed and Variable Harvests of the Late Fifteenth Century
From the 1450s the available yield data become increasingly sparse and unrep-
resentative, although most of the demesnes that are recorded do have the merit
of being served by long runs of surviving accounts. Battle Abbey’s home farm of
Alciston in East Sussex is the best documented of them, and here yields continued
to fluctuate around the level at which they had settled in the 1420s (fig. 17). On
the same estate, at nearby Lullington and Barnhorne, yields likewise remained
trend-less, if albeit marked by much annual variation.80 On Glastonbury Abbey’s
twin Wiltshire demesnes of Longbridge Deverill and Monkton Deverill the vari-
ability of yields is similarly striking.81 On none of these demesnes did the third
quarter of the fifteenth century bring any significant recovery or improvement of
yields and on all of them it delivered some individually disastrous harvests, as bad
as, and sometimes worse than, those of the immediate post-plague years. Grain
yields at Alciston were seriously deficient in 1457 and 1471 and from 1475 to
1478 were consistently below their twenty-five-year average, with 1476 the worst
year of the four; the harvest failed again in 1485 (fig. 17).82
The 1470s were evidently an exceptionally difficult decade. Growing condi-
tions for British Isles oaks were as variable as those for grain crops, although for
the contrary reason that oaks thrived on cold winters and cool, moist summers
and during the third quarter of the fifteenth century British Isles oaks put on
some impressively wide rings. A range of indices imply that environmental con-
ditions continued to present difficulties to grain producers, it is therefore tan-
below that average in 1441 and 1442: calculated from: Lewes, ESussRO, SAS/G44/73–109
(note that yields at nearby Barnhorne, Sussex, were thirty-nine per cent below average in 1441:
San Marino, Hunt. Libr., HEH BA, 375–406). At Walterstone, Dorset, 1437 returned the
single worst grain yield between 1435 and 1450, but yields in 1440 and 1441 were consecutively
poor and only ten per cent better: Kew, TNA, SC6/833/24–36 and Kew, TNA, SC6/834/1–
3. In contrast, whereas yields at Longbridge Deverill in 1441 were indifferent, those in 1437 had
been poor and those in 1438 disastrous: Longleat Hse, GA, 9821–30.
80
Lullington: Kew, TNA, SC6/1027/1–15. Barnhorne: San Marino, Hunt. Libr., HEH
BA, 393–430.
81
Longbridge Deverill and Monkton Deverill: Longleat Hse, GA, 9837–9961 and 9715–9804.
82
Lewes, ESussRO, SAS/G44/102–37.
talizing that during the final quarter of the fifteenth century direct evidence of
English crop yields finally peters out (fig. 16A).83 It is also all the more intrigu-
ing that a century later, when annual yield data (derived from probate valua-
tions) next become available, yields were clearly rising, notwithstanding that the
adverse weather conditions associated with the Little Ice Age were approaching
their most extreme.84 Evidently, adverse weather conditions were not an insu-
perable obstacle to improved grain yields provided these were offset by power-
ful economic incentives to intensify, invest, improve, innovate, and specialize.85
For English grain producers one of the key differences between the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries was that demand was slack and dispersed during the former
and expanding and increasingly concentrated during the latter.86 The growth of
London, in particular, provided a powerful stimulus to farmers within a rapidly
expanding hinterland to raise output and productivity.87 In this scenario the chal-
lenge to historians is to establish exactly when and why stagnation gave way to
recovery and growth.88
Causes and Effects of Variations in Grain Yields

Following the Black Death, as Farmer correctly diagnosed, reductions in the culti-
vated area, higher stocking densities, improved rotations, enlarged sowings of leg-
umes, thinner seeding rates, and stricter accounting and auditing failed to trans-
late into any immediate, significant, or sustained rise in yield ratios. Only oats, the
83
For evidence of heightened health hazards for humans at this time, see Richard M. Smith,
‘Measuring Mortality in an Age of Plague: England, 1349–1540’, this volume.
84
Apostolides and others, ‘English Agricultural Output’.
85
Poor yields were nevertheless responsible for the return of near-famine conditions in
1555–56 and 1594–97: Campbell, ‘Four Famines and a Pestilence’, pp. 42–47.
86
The national population shrank by a quarter between 1377 and 1450 and then more than
doubled between 1450 and 1600; over the latter period London’s population more than quadru-
pled to reach c. 200,000: Broadberry, Campbell, and van Leeuwen, ‘English Medieval Population’;
De Vries, European Urbanization, p. 270. Between 1377 and 1524 the urban share of the popula-
tion may have been static or declining: Rigby, ‘Urban Population in Late Medieval England’.
87
Before 1500 London grew in importance but not in size: Keene, ‘Changes in London’s
Economic Hinterland’. Thereafter, it grew in both size and importance: Wrigley, ‘A Simple Model
of London’s Importance’. For the link between urban growth and agricultural improvement see,
Allen, ‘English and Welsh Agriculture’.
88
Broadberry, Campbell, and van Leeuwen, ‘English Medieval Population’; Apostolides
and others, ‘English Agricultural Output’.
hardiest of grains but sown in diminishing quantities, showed an improvement in

yield, but this was offset by a deterioration in the yield of the premier bread grain,
wheat.89 Collectively, grain yields per seed were marginally lower at the end of the
fifteenth than they had been at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Because
of thinner seeding rates, yields per sown acre were certainly lower at the end than
the beginning of this period. With less intensive rotations and more frequent
fallowing, yields per unit area of arable were probably lower still.90 When grain
yields eventually started to improve sometime in the sixteenth century they first
had to recover to the levels attained before the Black Death when late medieval
arable farming had been at fullest stretch.91
How is this lack of any post-Black Death yield dividend to be explained? It
is tempting to presume that reduced labour inputs per unit area provide the key.
Certainly, the Black Death and its subsequent outbreaks ministered a massive
demographic shock, halving the available workforce within the space of thirty
years and initiating the single greatest inflation in the wage rates of building
workers and farm labourers in recorded English wage history.92 Confronted
by a doubling in the cost of undertaking the most labour-intensive agricultural
tasks (manuring, marling, weeding, multiple ploughings), demesne managers
had little option but to curtail or abandon these practices.93 Nor was customary
labour a practical substitute for increasingly expensive waged labour, since plague
mortality had thinned the ranks of villein tenants and those who survived strove
to negotiate lower rents and liberate themselves from servile obligations. Works
once performed conscientiously were now discharged grudgingly or not at all;
many simply lapsed.94 Inputs per demesne acre of servile labour therefore probably
shrank even more than those of waged labour and by the fifteenth century
89
Nationally, oats shrank from thirty-nine per cent of the cropped area in 1300, to thirty-two
per cent in 1420, to twenty per cent in 1600: Apostolides and others, ‘English Agricultural Output’.
90
Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, pp. 374–85.
91
Campbell and Overton, ‘A New Perspective’, pp. 66–76.
92
Campbell, ‘Nature as Historical Protagonist’, pp. 285–87; Phelps Brown and Hopkins, A
Perspective of Wages and Prices, pp. 28–31, 44–58; Clark, ‘Long March of History’, pp. 130–34.
93
On the bishop of Winchester’s demesne at Rimpton, Somerset, twenty-two per cent
less labour per sown acre was expended between 1350 and 1403 than between 1275 and
1324: Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, p. 383. On the prior of Norwich’s demesne
at Martham, Norfolk, labour inputs per arable acre were at least thirty per cent lower at the
beginning of the fifteenth as the beginning of the fourteenth century: Campbell, ‘Agricultural
Progress in Medieval England’, pp. 38–39.
94
Stone, ‘Productivity of Hired and Customary Labour’.
had dwindled to insignificance.95 Under these employment circumstances it is

perhaps unsurprising that in the long-term yields tended to sag.
In once populous and intensively cropped East Anglia and the southeast,
reduced labour inputs per unit area probably help explain why the post-Black
Death decline in yields was so prolonged and the eventual recovery of yields
weaker than in most other parts of the country (fig. 18A).96 The traditional
fabric of cultivation nevertheless held up remarkably well during the decades
immediately following the Black Death. Instead, it was during the final decades
of the fourteenth century (in the aftermath of the Peasants’ Revolt, when residual
labour services were being repudiated, the Statute of Labourers proved least
enforceable, wage rates were rising strongly, and grain prices were depressed)
that demesne managers made the most vigorous economies in the deployment of
labour. Paradoxically, however, yields at this time rose rather then fell (fig. 18A),
which implies that labour inputs are at best an incomplete explanation of trends
in yields during the half-century that followed the Black Death. In fact, on Battle
Abbey’s home demesne of Alciston in east Sussex labour inputs appear to have had
little bearing upon the long-term tendency for yields to decline (fig. 17 and Table
8): during the fifty-year interval from the 1370s to 1420s yields per acre fell by
over forty per cent and the cropped area contracted by seven per cent, but in real
terms the amount of labour hired per cropped acre rose by at least thirty per cent.
On this demesne the monks did their best to maintain the demesne workforce
and hold labour inputs steady, so much so that the progressive reduction of the
area under crop effectively raised real labour inputs per unit area. Yet even this
failed to arrest the relentless downward slide of yields.
Part of the problem at Alciston, as elsewhere, may have been that demesne
managers typically sowed seed taken from the previous year’s crop or transferred
from elsewhere on the estate.97 In the very long term, this probably resulted in
a progressive depletion of the botanical quality of seed stocks, in terms of their
resistance to disease, resilience to the weather, and capacity to reproduce. Such a
hypothesis is certainly consistent with the long-term tendency for yields of wheat,
the most valuable and widely traded of the grains, to diminish. Reversing this
trend may therefore have been contingent upon emergence of a greater awareness
of the critical importance of seed quality and, thus, the merits of systematic seed
selection, exchange and importation of seeds, and the commercialization of seed
95
As, for example, on the Westminster demesne of Kinsbourne: Stern, A Hertfordshire
Demesne, ed. by Thornton, pp. 184–89.
96
Campbell, ‘Agricultural Progress in Medieval England’, pp. 38–39.
97
Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, pp. 189–90, 414–15.
production and supply.98 Economic conditions prevailing in land-abundant post-

Black Death England, with its limited pockets of concentrated urban demand,
were, however, hardly conducive to such developments, hence the continued
reliance upon on-the-farm sources of seed with all their inherent and cumulative
botanical limitations.
Although grain yields may have been essentially flat in the long-term, they
were far from unvarying in the short and medium terms. Of particular interest
are those variations replicated to some degree or other across the whole or greater
part of the demesne sector, irrespective of estate or region, since they reflect the
influence of over-arching factors. Few agencies had greater influence upon yields
than the weather; of all the key agricultural inputs, it was the one over which
producers had least control.99 Nor, as has been demonstrated (figs 13, 21, and
23), was the weather stable during the century and a half that followed the Black
Death. The first wave of plague itself coincided with the culmination of a pro-
longed secular decline in global temperatures which impacted negatively upon
world tree growth (fig. 13A). Although the respective contributions of inclement
weather and heavy plague mortality to the disastrous harvest of 1349 remain to
be established, it seems certain that the ensuing bad harvests of 1350 and 1351
were both largely weather related since there is clear environmental evidence that
these years were climatically anomalous.100 Cooler, wetter, and stormier condi-
tions persisted for the next twenty to twenty-five years and inhibited yields from
recovering to their pre-Black Death average (figs 21B and 21C).
Conditions changed suddenly and dramatically in 1376 with the onset of a
twenty-year growth bonanza: the ‘Chaucerian Anomaly’. This coincided with
significant increases in global temperatures and world tree growth (fig. 13A).101
Sustained episodes of cold sea-surface temperatures in the North Atlantic also
came to an end.102 This reversion to benign environmental conditions nevertheless
98
Buttress and Dennis, ‘The Early History of Cereal Seed’; Allen, Enclosure and the Yeoman,
pp. 206–07; Olmstead and Rhode, ‘The Red Queen’.
99
For a pioneering discussion of the relationships between weather and agricultural
productivity, see Stern, A Hertfordshire Demesne, ed. by Thornton, pp. 21–37, 77–103.
100
Baillie, New Light on the Black Death, pp. 197–98; Campbell, ‘Physical Shocks’, pp. 20–24.
101
The upturn in tree growth is apparent in both hemispheres and is especially pronounced in
the records of European and British Isles oaks: Baillie, New Light on the Black Death, pp. 27–39.
In Britain, weather that was good for oak growth was normally unfavourable for crop yields, but
during the final quarter of the fourteenth century oaks grew vigorously and grain crops yielded
heavily, which suggests that environmentally there was something quite unusual about this period.
102
proved transitory. With the dawn of the new century growing conditions gradually
deteriorated once more. Global cooling resumed and from the 1420s grain pro-
ducers had to adapt to significantly less favourable and predictable weather con-
ditions as atmospheric pressure gradients and circulation patterns shifted across
the northern hemisphere (fig. 13B). In the second quarter of the fifteenth century
bad harvests occurred with increasing frequency, climaxing with the back-to-back
failure of 1437–38 (figs 20 and 23). Once again, prolonged cool, wet weather
had spelled disaster for English grain producers, and the unfavourable weather
continued into the early 1440s. The next decades brought some respite, insofar as
yields apparently held up reasonably well. In the 1470s and 1480s, however, some
of the individual harvests reported on those few southern English demesnes that
remained in hand are the worst on record. Tantalizingly brittle as are the available
yield data in this, the twilight of direct demesne management, they do hint at the
possibility that weather-induced harvest failure was on the increase.
These weather-related developments are of interest in themselves and for
the insight they provide into the major climatic transition taking place over
these years, but they also shed fresh light upon several intriguing aspects of this
enigmatic economic period. Note, in particular, the coincidence of plague and
serious harvest failure in 1349–51 and the association of both with extreme
weather.103 This conjuncture of plague, adverse weather, and poor yields also
raises fundamental and as yet little explored questions about the immediate
direct and indirect impacts of plague mortality upon agricultural output and
productivity.104 Note, too, that the high grain prices which underpinned the
ensuing so‑called Indian summer of direct demesne production may have owed
more to the depressive effect upon yields of the continuing poor weather than a
mortality-induced inflationary increase in coin supply per capita.105 Prices were
high first and foremost because harvests were deficient and it was dear food which
103
Campbell, ‘Physical Shocks’, pp. 20–24.
104
The pioneering study of this issue is Levett, The Black Death on the Estates of the See of
Winchester. For a recent review of the evidence see Braid, ‘Economic Behavior, Markets and
Crises’, pp. 351–58.
105
Farmer, ‘Prices and Wages, 1350–1500’, p. 441: ‘the money supply increased both ab-
solutely and per capita in the 1350s and 1360s. This was probably the principal reason for the
continued high prices of the two decades after the Black Death’. Likewise, Britnell, ‘English
Agricultural Output and Prices’, p. 24; Braid, ‘Economic Behavior, Markets and Crises’,
pp. 356–57, 370–72. Munro, ‘Money, Prices, and Wages in Fourteenth-Century England’,
pp. 348–49, notes that prices rose in Flanders as well as England and remained high for a gen
eration following the Black Death.
underpinned the contemporary rise in the in the prices of other commodities.106

These same poor yields and high food and commodity prices obstructed workers
from making further significant gains in real wages for an entire generation after
the Black Death.107 True, the Statute of Labourers may have succeeded in placing
some restraint upon wage increases, but the continuing high food prices were at
least as great a brake upon purchasing power (although they will have raised the
monetary value of food liveries which, of course, lay outside the purview of the
Statute of Labourers).108
The sudden improvement in yields that set in from 1376 was literally heaven
sent, insofar as it sprang from transformed environmental conditions.109 Bumper
yields replaced scarcity with plenty, driving down prices to the benefit of
consumers. Those employing waged labour to produce surpluses for sale found
themselves squeezed hard, whereas workers experienced rising expectations.110
From this dichotomy sprang many of the social tensions that found violent
expression in the Peasants’ Revolt of June 1381.111 Judged by yields alone, the
thirty years from 1376 constituted a quite exceptionally successful agricultural
episode, but these high yields, at a time of dwindling and weakening demand,
created a crisis of over-production for large-scale arable producers which is why
— viewed from their perspective — it is more usually regarded as a period of
agricultural difficulty and recession.112 Estate officials responded by diversifying
106
Correlation coefficients for the yield per seed of wheat (the principal price maker) and
price of wheat (advanced one year) are consistently strongly negative: 1275–1324, -0.71; 1300–
49, -0.67; 1325–74, -0.66; 1350–99, -0.77; 1375–1424, -0.73; 1400–49, -0.69. The lack of any
substantial or significant drop in the strength of the correlation across the watershed period
1325–74 is striking (note: the equivalent correlation for the one hundred-year period 1300–99
is -0.71). The implication is clear; between 1275 and 1449 variations in yields account for the
bulk of all variation in grain prices.
107
Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath’, p. 24: ‘the extraordinarily sluggish behaviour of the real
wage statistics which have been computed for the quarter-century after the Black Death is also due in
major part to the high price of basic foodstuffs’. Also, Clark, ‘Long March of History’, p. 133; Munro,
‘Revisions’; Munro, ‘Money, Prices, and Wages in Fourteenth-Century England’, pp. 348–57.
108
The limited effect of the Statute upon wages in cash and, particularly, upon payments in
kind is discussed in Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath’, pp. 20–23.
109
Those who advance monetary factors as the primary cause of the post-Black Death price
rise are more cautious in employing such factors to account for the timing and scale of the post-
1376 price fall, Munro, ‘Money, Prices, and Wages in Fourteenth-Century England’, pp. 357–58.
110
Overton, Agricultural Revolution in England, pp. 19–22.
111
Dobson, The Peasants’ Revolt, pp. xix–xlv.
112
Britnell, ‘English Agricultural Output and Prices’, p. 26: ‘the movement of prices and
into livestock, scaling down their arable enterprise, or farming out their lands
piecemeal or wholesale to tenants. A full-scale Malthusian recovery of population
might have retrieved the economic situation for large-scale producers but was
not forthcoming. In its absence, demand continued to wither and the crisis for
demesne managers to deepen.
From the final decades of the fourteenth century, therefore, arable production
settled into a low-level equilibrium characterized by relatively extensive methods
of production which delivered modest levels of land productivity that were
always more prone to fall than rise. Even in the land-rich fifteenth century, with
its favourable ratio of grassland to arable and generous wage rates, serious harvest
failure remained a real hazard and the occasional major back-to-back failure,
as in 1437–38, could still bring the most vulnerable members of society to the
brink of famine.113 London responded to that crisis by establishing its first public
granary.114 More generally, the experience of these hard years and others which
followed as the fifteenth century drew to a close served to heighten concern about
poverty, vagrancy and public order and spur contemporary quests for improved
social security and welfare, through the formation of guilds, fraternities,
foundation of almshouses and charities, and institution of voluntary parish relief
schemes.115 Many of the most abiding economic and social features of the long
years of demographic decline and stagnation that followed the Black Death
therefore sprang in part from the low, varying and uncertain yield of grain.116
wages from the mid-1370s compels us to consider the period 1376–89 as one of widespread
agrarian recession’.
113
Campbell, ‘Four Famines and a Pestilence’, pp. 42–46.
114
Campbell and others, A Medieval Capital, p. 104.
115
Dyer, Making a Living, pp. 312, 355; Dyer, An Age of Transition, pp. 238–40; Holt,
Robin Hood, pp. 195–96.
116
This essay is dedicated to John Hatcher with gratitude and admiration. Research for it
was undertaken with support from the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council (Award
RES-000–23–0645), British Academy, Sussex Archaeological Society, and Leverhulme Trust.
Anne Drewery, Marilyn Livingstone, and Christopher Whittick assisted with data collection,
Elaine Yeates and the staff of the Centre for Data Digitisation and Analysis, The Queen’s
University of Belfast, with data inputting, and Bas van Leeuven with data analysis. Ben Dodds
and Jan Luiten van Zanden contributed tithe data. Mike Baillie gave advice and supplied data
on dendrochronology. Gregory Clark gave statistical help and advice on the construction of
time series. The figures were drawn by Gill Alexander. The text was much improved as a result of
comments made by Mark Bailey and Steve Rigby. Any errors remain my own.
Appendix 1
Yields Per Seed (YPS) Net of Tithes and Gross of Seed on the Westminster Estate,
Winchester Estate, and in England as a Whole, Indexed on their Respective Means for 1300–49
Westminster Winchester England

W(B/O) W(B/O) W(B/O) Wheat Barley Oats
End year No. YPS No. YPS No. YPS YPS YPS YPS
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
1300 27 85 102 92 208 94 91 93 101
1301 33 99 111 105 228 102 105 101 97
1302 36 77 108 100 223 97 98 95 97
1303 33 106 0 124 107 113 111 89
1304 36 65 0 130 86 83 86 92
1305 30 77 77 91 221 91 102 76 83
1306 24 72 103 93 206 93 101 84 85
1307 26 99 96 96 217 99 100 100 94
1308 25 93 99 114 204 101 96 102 112
1309 22 94 107 112 204 104 110 104 92
1310 19 93 106 90 182 99 93 111 100
1311 18 125 108 119 202 110 118 106 97
1312 22 112 104 108 214 104 111 111 84
1313 25 93 110 116 201 103 112 102 86
1314 19 108 104 104 177 101 107 99 94
1315 16 60 100 59 181 74 63 82 87
1316 5 61 94 39 161 63 50 74 77
1317 10 97 95 74 160 89 96 83 82
1318 11 90 100 126 203 107 121 95 90
1318 29 120 0 105 104 96 110 113
1320 23 112 91 106 225 106 100 106 116
1321 27 60 0 67 77 75 82 76
1322 30 113 0 90 102 95 110 108
1323 34 109 0 102 113 104 123 120
1324 38 83 91 101 225 99 94 103 105
1325 20 94 104 131 215 108 115 95 108
1326 15 189 108 131 218 117 123 119 102

1327 21 128 109 118 225 105 102 98 117
1328 24 75 101 96 181 91 89 85 102
1329 14 88 101 112 195 103 103 101 104
1330 25 140 94 98 201 105 108 102 104
1331 20 56 95 101 199 90 90 78 100
1332 10 107 88 113 169 107 112 98 107
1333 5 143 0 110 131 143 124 115
1334 8 96 0 84 110 115 100 112
1335 26 104 99 102 206 101 101 95 108
1336 7 95 104 107 198 105 103 101 115
1337 17 124 103 130 200 114 120 113 105
1338 23 122 106 135 220 121 120 124 122
1339 23 82 106 60 202 83 61 117 92
1340 15 108 103 99 203 106 111 107 96
1341 33 107 105 85 209 99 91 106 108
1342 14 119 106 116 192 113 111 110 119
1343 13 126 109 86 202 100 92 111 106
1344 17 132 109 130 206 118 122 119 110
1345 29 121 105 85 188 99 107 106 77
1346 38 76 104 78 222 87 78 92 100
1347 20 113 110 95 218 100 89 106 118
1348 32 129 103 105 196 106 98 110 119
1349 24 27 103 41 194 64 60 66 69
1350 23 49 127 50 233 65 66 66 62
1351 24 79 125 63 209 77 64 83 98
1352 25 80 130 94 223 90 122 56 62
1353 21 99 128 96 240 92 92 81 102
1354 18 94 74 106 165 93 90 88 103
1355 18 114 115 101 201 98 93 97 108
1356 18 55 130 75 205 78 88 59 76
1357 19 88 127 91 199 91 89 83 102
1358 16 109 107 114 177 97 94 87 112
1359 11 125 98 96 174 93 87 96 103

1360 13 99 105 107 173 93 93 85 102
1361 11 99 127 100 190 92 102 76 87
1362 21 98 125 80 207 85 73 71 121
1363 21 80 116 89 222 88 72 91 118
1364 25 111 124 107 233 99 94 103 108
1365 22 104 126 115 223 96 91 91 111
1366 23 128 0 94 103 106 95 106
1367 24 82 92 74 209 81 69 81 104
1368 25 80 129 100 256 91 91 83 100
1369 26 80 113 84 221 82 71 80 107
1370 27 117 120 118 213 106 95 110 122
1371 33 133 137 117 255 105 92 114 124
1372 32 99 130 105 251 95 82 104 112
1373 29 148 126 148 242 121 107 135 136
1374 28 108 122 94 197 88 74 92 112
1375 28 84 110 98 198 88 76 96 106
1376 31 138 121 137 217 117 112 118 125
1377 31 155 126 137 235 120 110 121 138
1378 30 124 129 146 218 121 115 132 122
1379 32 95 126 106 221 99 82 111 122
1380 36 104 1 84 104 92 118 112
1381 29 135 96 127 189 109 92 116 137
1382 36 131 122 126 208 112 96 122 132
1383 29 109 91 136 185 110 102 100 135
1384 23 163 100 133 184 119 120 122 116
1385 25 108 108 123 182 104 96 96 125
1386 24 146 85 139 165 117 105 113 144
1387 24 158 101 147 169 123 113 123 141
1388 21 126 121 152 194 119 110 120 135
1389 24 110 90 114 159 104 94 109 118
1390 23 75 87 95 157 91 81 97 107
1391 15 128 3 135 43 118 115 108 133
1392 22 165 25 124 109 119 117 118 125

1393 27 91 99 128 169 106 98 103 125
1394 19 127 114 123 186 107 111 90 116
1395 33 122 114 117 189 106 96 108 125
1396 29 107 111 95 181 96 81 105 116
1397 30 87 0 55 96 106 76 96
1398 30 133 31 102 110 108 105 98 124
1399 20 103 89 114 144 101 93 100 119
1400 15 97 104 109 166 98 84 102 123
1401 17 90 100 84 154 88 67 99 117
1402 9 98 95 109 150 104 89 103 136
1403 12 99 6 107 47 105 92 111 125
1404 6 108 0 32 108 101 106 123
1405 3 121 35 122 76 113 119 110 105
1406 3 56 65 89 106 90 74 96 119
1407 6 126 36 97 86 104 111
1408 48 96 84 88 82 86 103
1409 66 100 99 92 84 92 110
1410 63 105 90 106 92 110 127
1411 65 111 99 101 86 102 131
1412 69 125 101 108 91 118 131
1413 69 112 103 96 92 93 104
1414 84 113 122 97 95 92 107
1415 46 109 94 97 87 92 121
1416 69 98 109 91 78 83 125
1417 3 115 21 108 98 100 137
1418 49 96 78 92 78 100 112
1419 54 114 68 103 107 94 103
1420 59 95 94 90 67 98 125
1421 57 107 87 94 82 96 116
1422 60 93 102 86 92 71 88
1423 66 119 99 101 87 103 127
1424 63 108 94 91 86 73 119
1425 59 112 93 101 90 93 134

1426 6 132 21 103 99 97 117
1427 43 121 72 101 92 93 125
1428 3 103 28 78 65 77 107
1429 51 105 79 96 86 93 118
1430 50 111 77 103 90 97 135
1431 45 122 62 112 98 106 148
1432 48 93 68 88 81 85 106
1433 42 102 56 107 101 83 143
1434 42 121 60 115 107 103 144
1435 38 103 66 100 88 89 135
1436 0 21 108 91 107 142
1437 3 58 21 84 70 88 107
1438 9 66 35 81 50 91 135
1439 0 24 111 91 107 154
1440 31 120 59 118 110 112 141
1441 40 111 59 98 79 92 141
1442 5 77 23 92 92 78 107
1443 6 78 27 99 78 110 130
1444 3 89 21 108 91 107 142
1445 0 18 100 77 79 169
1446 0 14 107 87 106 148
1447 25 96 43 103 84 100 144
1448 22 116 38 104 92 96 138
1449 17 90 30 95 91 83 114
1450 0 12 99 85 82 144
1451 12 101 27 106 73 116 164
1452 12 102 29 106 94 98 140
1453 9 124 22 114 95 95 169
1454 9 105 29 101 96 96 115
1455 0 15 124 117 99 163
1456 6 120 23 114 102 107 147
1457 0 22 89 77 96 106
1458 0 22 107 84 82 178

1459 6 106 18 116 106 113 140
1460 6 78 19 96 74 101 135
1461 6 87 21 97 81 88 136
1462 6 103 18 102 94 107 113
1463 0 15 107 114 101 98
1464 4 48 16 74 99 42 58
1465 6 101 13 101 79 86 161
1466 6 120 14 110 95 102 146
1467 0 6 102 91 93 132
1468 0 9 92 91 86 100
1469 6 85 15 101 82 101 138
1470 0 9 90 83 91 104
1471 6 80 15 90 65 89 142
1472 9 109 109 100 117
1473 9 77 81 56 89
1474 13 94 90 69 125
1475 9 107 103 84 136
1476 8 122 87 77 236
1477 5 94 59 76 183
1478 5 74 56 69 115
1479 8 97 79 120 112
Sources and methods: see the notes to Figures 13, 16, and 19.
Works Cited
Lewes, ESussRO, SAS/G44/1–137 Lewes, East Sussex Record Office, SAS/

G44/1–137
Lewes, ESussRO, SAS/G44/73–109 —— , SAS/G44/73–109
Lewes, ESussRO, SAS/G44/102–37 —— , SAS/G44/102–37
Kew, TNA, SC6/833/24–36 Kew (London), The National Archives,
SC6/833/24–36
Kew, TNA, SC6/834/1–3 —— , SC6/834/1–3
Kew, TNA, SC6/1027/1–15 —— , SC6/1027/1–15
Kew, TNA, SC6/1027/6–16 —— , SC6/1027/6–16
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Risk and Capital Formation:
Seigneurial Investment
in an Age of Adversity
Martin Stephenson*
W
hilst the medieval political landscape is often seen as being dominated
by members of the ruling class actively playing for very high political
stakes, rather conservative and passive economic behaviour is often
attributed to the same agents when it comes to their management of their estates,
in particular to their approach to capital formation. Indeed, the elite’s very
pursuit of social status and political ambition has often been seen as inimical to
developing an investment culture. Where investment did occur it has been argued
that this was due to the propitious costs and prices of the thirteenth century and
even then it was generally at a very low level.1 Additionally most assessments of
* Martin Stephenson was awarded a doctorate at the University of Cambridge in 1986:

‘Despite not being one of John Hatcher’s graduate students he has over many years given
generously of his time and advice which I have really appreciated. I am very grateful for the
comments of Steve Rigby and Mark Bailey on the present text.’
1
There is a consensus across two of the main theoretical frameworks used to study the
medieval economy on the low level of capital formation on the great estates particularly in the
period of high farming. The underlying reasons for this consensus are, however, very different.
From a Marxist perspective those responsible for decision making are perceived as having a
low propensity to innovate and accumulate with these behaviours being embedded within the
attitudes and ideologies of the landlord class: Hilton, ‘Rent and Capital Formation in Feudal
Society’, pp. 174–221. While the demographic model often assumes similarly low levels of
investment, this is viewed in the context of the dominant influence of the relationship between
land and labour coupled with supply side restrictions such as technical limitations imposing a
low ceiling on capital formation: Titow, English Rural Society, pp. 49–50. Hilton also queried
the assumption that the later Middle Ages was one of slackening capital formation and argued
for a greater willingness for landlords to reinvest their profits than was the case in the thirteenth
century: Hilton, ‘Rent and Capital Formation in Feudal Society’, pp. 194–96.
176 Martin Stephenson
the quality of medieval estate management have tended to focus on the extent
to which innovative agricultural practices were adopted and yields maximized.
When, in the post-Black Death period, the economic circumstances were no
longer conducive to easy profits, the subsequent widespread adoption of leasing
the demesnes could be viewed as a rather passive strategy and the circumstances
less conducive to investment.2 However, if we take a managerial perspective, it
is possible to reappraise the arguments that medieval landlords tended to be
risk averse, rent-bound, and lacking in an investment mentality. Similarly the
assumption that adversity tends to reduce risk-taking can also be challenged
and the converse proposition used to examine the response of landlords to the
impact of the Black Death.
Modern discourses about risk have become increasingly influential within the
social sciences stimulating cross-disciplinary debates between sociology, crimi-
nology, politics, cultural studies, geography, and environmental studies. 3 Yet,
such ideas are rarely applied explicitly to economic behaviours in pre-industrial
economies and even when they have been, rather simplistic and whiggish assump-
tions have often resulted. The evolution of risk as a social, economic, and cultural
construct is often seen as a product of the principles and practice of scientific
enquiry initiated by the Enlightenment. Accordingly medieval notions of risk
have been discussed in relation to religious fatalism and to a passive acceptance
of the consequences as the Wheel of Fortune inexorably revolved.4 It has been
argued that without probability theory and actuarial methodology risk was una-
ble to be assessed and managed.
It may be, however, that modern sociological references to ‘risk societies’
which are characterized by the ubiquitous nature and effects of perceived risks
can be applied to the Middle Ages. Certainly, people at all levels of medieval soci-
ety would have been only too well aware of the pervasive and to contemporary
real threats to person, property and wallet. Despite a lack of actuarial techniques,
they would often have been adept at weighing up the odds of differing courses
2
Bridbury has argued that the ‘hopeless inefficiency’ of the great landlords was exposed by
the impact of the plague and that these ‘anachronistic leviathans’ had never subscribed to the
‘utopian […] impracticability’ of the treatises being massively indifferent to the improvement
of their estates (Bridbury, Medieval England, pp. 164–65). In more measured terms Miller and
Hatcher suggested that ‘Capital investment usually depended on a combination of exceptionally
favourable circumstances; where those circumstances ceased to exist or were undermined in-
vestment was curtailed, sometimes to vanishing point’; Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England:
Rural Society and Economic Change, p. 232.
3
Mythen, Ulrich Beck, p. 4.
4
Bernstein, Against the Gods, pp. 3–4. Ferguson, The Ascent of Money, p. 184.
Risk and Capital Formation 177
of action bringing success. Risk assessment has two aspects: the likelihood of an
event occurring and the consequences if it does.
The approach of landlords to capital formation in the pre-Black Death period
is initially assessed here by examining the perception and management of risks in
agricultural decision-making as portrayed in the didactic treatises. The nature and
level of capital formation is subsequently examined through several thirteenth-
and early fourteenth-century case-studies. For the post-Black Death economy the
attitude toward investment from the landlords of the great estates is discussed in
terms of the capital formation opportunities during both the ‘Indian summer’
of direct demesne management and those facing rentier landlords in the late
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The manor of Downton in Wilthshire is then
used as a quantitative case-study supplemented by evidence from other manors
on the bishop of Winchester’s estates.
While medieval awareness of political, climatic, and physical vicissitudes must
have often been very high and solace often sought in religious explanations, it
does not follow that such misfortunes were passively accepted. It is interesting
that Machiavelli, in discussing the role of fortune and providence in political
affairs, not only rejected the notion that everything was governed by chance (he
attributed half to fortune and half to human ability to control events) but also
used an agricultural metaphor to illustrate the mitigation of risk: while fortune
may act through a devastating flood, suitable provision could be made through
dykes and embankments to prevent future flooding or at least restrict its damage.5
Capital investment is a risk behaviour in that it involves foregoing current
economic consumption in order to achieve potentially, but not certain, greater
future benefits and that the attendant decision-making is often on the basis of
inadequate information. It therefore makes an interesting test case for examining
to what extent medieval landlords were willing to take risks and had the capacity
to manage them and to make forward-looking decisions and choices.
Agricultural Treatises
It is important not to underestimate the challenges and inherent risks of assuming
direct management of estates. Certainly, such management involved assembling
5
Machiavelli, The Prince and other Political Writings, trans. by Penman, pp. 131–32.
Machiavelli has often been credited with a very modern view of statecraft particularly for someone
born in the third quarter of the fifteenth century but he combined this with the much more ancient
belief in the role of Fortune as an important and active participant in human affairs very much in
accord with the views expressed in the exordium to Walter of Henley’s treatise. See n. 15 below.
a complex, time-consuming, and costly administrative apparatus. Controlling

enterprises as diverse and dispersed as the estates of the bishop of Winchester
with a vast number of inputs subject to unpredictable external influences such as
weather, politics and disease would be a formidable management challenge even
today. If management was ineffective then the switch to direct demesne man-
agement was not always worth it. At Canterbury Cathedral Priory for example
cash receipts actually appear to have fallen after the move from leasing to direct
management and it was not until Henry of Eastry introduced a more efficient
approach to management that revenues increased.6
The didactic agricultural treatises of the thirteenth century were written in
response to these significant management challenges presented by the move from
leasing to the direct management of demesnes.7 Accordingly these treatises, in
contrast to many of the classical texts or those of the sixteenth century, were all
about management rather than agricultural lore or innovative technical practices
in regard to animal and crop care.8 They are management tracts rather than vet-
erinary manuals. In interpreting these treatises it is helpful to view them in their
cultural context. While these texts are perhaps indicative of the rise of adminis-
trative and professional groups in thirteenth-century society, they also provide
some insight into the wider seigneurial culture as a burgeoning bureaucracy drove
lay literacy forward.9 As Beauroy argues through analysis of a unique poem based
on the moral prologue to Walter of Henley which is contained in a cartulary
from the Mohun estates in Somerset from about 1350, seigneurial culture was
characterized by a morality based upon economic rationality and the expertise
of landlords with a strongly pragmatic and utilitarian orientation.10 The agricul-
tural treatises have not always been assessed so positively. Hilton believed that:
‘all of the treatises are pervaded by an atmosphere of careful parsimony’ and that
they set out an administrative system designed to maintain the production status
quo: ‘the whole of the elaborate apparatus of control aims at defeating dishonesty
rather than at promoting the expansion of production’.11 This emphasis on pre-
6
Mate, ‘The Farming out of Manors’ p. 336.
7
Oschinsky, Walter of Henley, pp. 3–4.
8
Fussell, The Classical Tradition in West European Farming, pp. 65–98.
9
Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record, pp. 19, 198, 236, 276. Beauroy, ‘Sur la culture
seigneuriale en Angleterre’, p. 347. I am grateful to Jacques Beauroy for bringing this important
article to my attention.
10
Beauroy, ‘Sur la culture seigneuriale en Angleterre’, p. 347.
11
Hilton, ‘Rent and Capital Formation in Feudal Society’, p. 178.
venting maladministration and dishonesty has been seen to negate the grander
claims about achieving power and wealth with which the treatises often begin.12
Even those historians with a more dynamic and optimistic view of the thirteenth-
century economy can portray them as discouraging innovation and experimenta-
tion and encouraging a conservative approach.13 The technical knowledge dis-
played in these treatises has been contrasted unfavourably both with early four-
teenth century Italian treatises and with classical works.14 Nevertheless, in terms
of risk perception and risk management, these treatises offer interesting insights
into the mentality of landlords. The exordium to Walter of Henley’s treatise
(which is expanded in the Mohun versified form) extends the image of the Wheel
of Fortune to the problem of agricultural economic instability.15 While this is
hardly an actuarial approach, neither is it the passive acceptance of fate as the pru-
dent landlord is seen as being able to mitigate the effects of the wheel’s downturn.
Neither should these treatises be interpreted as risk averse. Many of the features
of risk assessment and mitigation are contained albeit in nascent form. Medieval
agriculturalists, at all levels had to contend with several kinds of risk and these
can be grouped into four main categories: production, market, institutional, and
human, each of which can be examined through the treatises.16
Production risk derived from the varying performance of livestock or crops,
through, for example, the effects of diseases and pests. While the treatises
are aimed at the highest levels of estate management and thereby focus on
administrative and supervisory systems, the recognition of variation in yields is
commonplace:
But lands do not yield equally well in every year nor do bad lands yield as much as
good; also it often happens that the winter corn takes well and the spring corn fails
while another time the spring corn takes well and the winter corn fails.17
The Husbandry for instance notes within year variations in milk yields whether
through the quality of pasture or an animal’s age.18 Similarly the Rules of Robert
Grosseteste draw attention to the difference in the value of wool according to the
12
Dyer, An Age of Transition?, p. 89.
13
Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, p. 422.
14
Langdon, ‘Was England a Technological Backwater?’, p. 286.
15
Oschinsky, Walter of Henley, p. 309. Beauroy, ‘Sur la culture seigneuriale en Angleterre’, p. 351.
16
Hardaker and others, Coping with Risk in Agriculture, pp. 6–7.
17
Oschinsky, Walter of Henley, p. 419.
18
quality of pasture19 and everyone would have been well aware of the consequences:
‘if corne fayle or stock die or fier doe happen’ as Walter of Henley warned.20
Partly as a result of the unpredictable nature of agricultural production, there
can be a considerable degree of market or price risk in agriculture as the prices
of inputs and outputs are often not known for certain. Price variations can be
a particular problem and the amplitude of annual prices could make certain
producers more risk averse and less likely to adopt a strategy of specialization.
Grain prices for the period 1280–1350, for example, fluctuated year to year
by 26.6 per cent on average, which may have made them unreliable signals for
producers.21 Extraneous events such as the lack of specie and general financial
upset that was occasioned by the onset of the Hundred Years War could also
seriously disrupt market signals. Given their scale of operations, the great estates
could mitigate this risk by stockpiling produce either to release into the market
at the most favourable times of the year or to carry over into the next year. In
the face of slumping wool prices for example the bishop of Winchester’s estates
started to hold back substantial numbers of fleeces from immediate sale from
the mid-1380s onwards. The treatises do make mention of varying selling points
during the year in order to obtain the best prices. According to the Rules of
Robert Grosseteste: ‘if you want to sell oats you will be able to sell better and get
more for them later in the year when everyone is forced to sow’.22 It is clear from
detailed analysis at manorial level that market management was both sensitive
and sophisticated as reeves managed the production and disposal of produce in
order to maximize profits.23
There was a range of institutional risks faced by landlords, including
variations in taxation and duties. The maintenance of political stability was
also a significant area of risk. Other threats from medieval government faced
by the lords of the great estates included the management of vacancies for both
episcopal and lay landlords. A sequence of vacancies could result in substantial
disinvestment in the estate as the king’s officials depleted the capital stock
through asset-stripping principally through the removal of livestock: the six
vacancies of the bishopric of Winchester in the first half of the fourteenth
century resulted in the total loss of nearly 34,000 sheep alone, perhaps worth
19
Oschinsky, Walter of Henley, p. 399
20
21
Kitsikopoulos, ‘Standards of Living and Capital Formation’, p. 252.
22
23
Stone, Decision-Making in Medieval Agriculture, p. 189.
up to three thousand pounds.24 The wool trade was particularly vulnerable to

royal market manipulation through embargoes, seizures and duties as its scale
and importance meant that it was both a ready source of war finance and a
diplomatic lever. Equally royal taxation could absorb a significant proportion
of profits. The ability to maintain peaceful conditions was also an institutional
risk and livestock were particularly vulnerable in periods of conflict such as the
baronial wars of the mid-1260s or the Scottish incursions of 1316.
Perhaps the area of greatest risk in the management of the great estates how-
ever was human risk, whether through carelessness, maladministration or the
lack of staff that possessed the necessary skills and experience. This is a recurrent
theme of all the agricultural treatises. They set out the optimal organizational and
administrative arrangements for an estate, establishing the division of respon-
sibility, setting output goals through expected yields and returns, highlighting
practices that were profitable and above all else what officials and servants should
not be doing. They are obsessive about control and rooting out those practices
that could erode profits. Dishonesty and indolence were seen as pervasive threats:
‘And bycause that servauntes customarily doe loyter in theire woorke it is nec-
essarie to lye in a wayte against theire frawde’.25 It can hardly be doubted that
the potential for dishonesty was rife, as is illustrated by the frequent mentions
of fines of manorial officials: ‘pro concelamento in isto computo invento’.26 The
Seneschaucie runs systematically through the key posts from stewards, bailiffs,
reeves, haywards, carters, plough-keepers, cowherds, swineherds, shepherds, dair-
ymaids, and finally auditors. Each has their relevant duties and requisite character
listed accompanied by a series of either effective or sharp practices to look out
for.27 While most of the treatises are prepared from the point of view of the land-
lord Robert Carpenter’s extensive instructions are unusual in that they provide
lessons in cheating for bailiffs.28
All of the treatises focus on reducing costs in order to increase profits: ‘And
so he ought to reduce all unnecessary expenditure on the manors, which shows
no profit and for which there is no good reason’.29 They are not necessarily about
maximizing yields but rather about maximizing profits by means of the necessary
24
Stephenson, ‘The Productivity of Medieval Sheep’, p. 18.
25
26
Denholm-Young, Seignorial Administration, p. 121.
27
Oschinsky, Walter of Henley, pp. 265–89.
28
Denholm-Young, Seignorial Administration, p. 121. Oschinsky, Walter of Henley, p. 239.
29
investment. While the treatises clearly identify risks of production, market and
human, they also each attempt to provide a framework for mitigating these risks.
One important dimension of risk that is not really dealt with in the treatises
except by implication is the financial risks associated with the methods of
financing agricultural operations. Walter of Henley warns against the dangers of
borrowing but the treatises do not deal with the use of credit as their premise is
that well-run estates would not require it in the first place. However, relatively
sophisticated derivative instruments, including forward contracts and options,
were in use, particularly in the wool trade.30 Large-scale forward contracts
for the sale of wool over many years in advance was a form of risk mitigation.
Financial planning could be enhanced significantly as revenue would be known
for several years into the future thus potentially reducing both production and
market risks. The often substantial advance payments released large amounts of
cash to be invested.
Unfortunately, if mishandled, such forward agreements introduced powerful
countervailing risks that could bankrupt even quite large estates. Production
risks such as sheep murrain were still a threat. If these agreements had not been
negotiated conservatively as to an estate’s potential to produce wool then any
shortfall meant that the deficit would have to be made up though purchases on
the open market. If the shortfall was caused by epidemic disease then the spot
price for wool would be even higher thereby increasing the loss on the agreement.
Given that the advance sums had often already been spent and not always wisely,
some estates became seriously enmeshed in spiralling debts. A further risk
was that the immediate advantage of forward agreements may have tempted
those producers with a comparative advantage in wool production into even
greater specialization which further increased the risks. The scale of financial
hardship could be considerable even occasionally forcing the dissolution of
monasteries. The sheep scab epidemic of the 1270s and 1280s for instance led
several Cistercian houses into near bankruptcy.31 Through a combination of bad
luck and inadequate decision-making regarding production and market risks,
Pipewell abbey in Northamptonshire fell into serious indebtedness and was
dispersed in 1323.32
The widespread existence of an investment mentality amongst medieval
landlords has been challenged particularly in the thirteenth century: ‘the idea of
30
Bell, Brooks, and Dryburgh, The English Wool Market, p. 4.
31
32
reinvesting profit for the purpose of increasing production seems to have been
present in few minds if any’.33 In addition their devotion to excessive expenditure
demanded by their position in feudal society has been seen as leading to chronic
indebtedness leaving few savings to invest.34 However research into household
accounts indicates that there was often systematic management of expenditure to
reduce debts.35 Certainly the way to maintain and increase personal status for a
member of the nobility was through lavish patronage and extravagant displays of
social status. Equally, however, it could be argued that ruling elites in avowedly
capitalist cultures have hardly shunned the ostentatious display of wealth and
have also readily ploughed their money into projects that were about status rather
than increasing productivity. Besides, medieval conspicuous consumption could
also stimulate the lords to adopt a more efficient exploitation of their estates
through the need for greater profits.
Certainly, now while the motto: ‘foolish spending brings no gain’ used by the
author of the Seneschaucie is typical of much of the approach of these treatises;
the landlord still had to be sensitive to opportunities for improvements. 36
According to the Seneschaucie the bailiff: ‘ought to arrange that the lands are
worked, folded, manured, improved and enriched so that his knowledge becomes
evident in the improvements and progress on the manor’.37 In the conclusion the
landlord is advised:
to ascertain and inquire who acted well and loyally, who improved and enlarged,
who made a profit and who made no profit but made a loss. Those whom he will
then find good, honest, and making improvements he will retain for that reason.38
Many of the measures advocated by these treatises would lead both directly and
indirectly to the increase of yields and flocks, for example, the effective culling
that is the essence of livestock husbandry.39 Numbers of animals were to be kept
at the maximum: ‘And if you have land which ought to carry stock take care to
stock it to capacity’.40 There is abundant discussion of yields of both arable and
33
34
Postan, ‘Investment in Medieval Agriculture’, p. 580.
35
Dyer, Standards of Living, pp. 86–108.
36
37
38
39
Oschinsky, Walter of Henley, pp. 275, 285.
40
stock farming.41 Walter of Henley for instance emphasizes the importance of

manuring and of using new seed each year, and advises the reader to experiment
with a strip sown with home-grown seed and one with imported grain.42 There
is an emphasis on cutting costs which can be an important part of improving
productivity and generating potential investment funds. All in all these treatises
reflect a hard-headed approach, full of practical hints, cautious, but never
begrudging expenditure where the health and yields of animals or productivity of
the land were concerned.
The ‘extent’ has been portrayed as the practical expression of the basic assump-
tions of medieval landlords about their estates — that is, having surveyed their
lands and rights they ran their farms only up to the levels fixed in their extent.43
Here again, though, there is no conflict between thrift and investment. Given the
rudimentary nature of accounting systems, it could just as easily be that extents
were more ready-reckoners than rigid blueprints. For instance, one of Adam de
Stratton’s first measures on assuming control of the manor of Sevenhampton
was to have an extent drawn up. This aided rather than hindered the remarkable
expansion of the subsequent years as he was an absentee landlord and could bet-
ter assess the potential of his lands by the use of an extent.
The treatises of the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries can be viewed as
early management manuals that urge the exercise of judgement about risks, their
prevention and mitigation. Indeed, it could be argued that their premise is that
demesne management is inherently riskier than a reliance on rent and customary
payments. The burgeoning of account rolls and allied documents thus sprang
directly from taking more not fewer risks. The involvement of auditors and
accountants is in direct proportion to the level of risk involved in an undertaking.
The fact that the earliest surviving account rolls focus on rudimentary control
only underlines this.
It is perhaps to misunderstand the purposes of accounts and auditing in
any age to argue that: ‘It is assumed that accounting officials intend to cheat,
so the whole of the elaborate apparatus of control aims at defeating dishonesty
rather than at promoting the expansion of production’.44 All accounting
systems are more or less obsessed with minimizing the potential for dishonesty,
41
Oschinsky, Walter of Henley, pp. 325, 333, 335, 397, 399, 419–34.
42
Oschinsky, Walter of Henley, pp. 325, 327–329.
43
Bridbury, Economic Growth, p. 87; Hilton, ‘Rent and Capital Formation in Feudal
Society’, p. 178; Langdon, ‘Was England a Technological Backwater?’, p. 286.
44
maladministration and control of costs. They are an essential check on taking

unnecessary risks but their existence is testimony to a risk taking culture. Rather
than interpreting the accounting system and the treatises as symptomatic of
a lack of the key attributes towards innovation and accumulation, they could
be seen rather as indicative of an appreciation of risk. As Marx asserted: ‘only
capitalist agriculture produces the book-keeping farmer’.45 An emphasis then
on an evolving administrative apparatus of control is entirely consistent with an
entrepreneurial approach.
Medieval Accounts
The rudimentary nature of medieval accounts has also been seen as an indica-
tion that medieval landlords were not profit-orientated. Certainly the primary
purpose of accounts was not the determination of profit but rather establishing
the liabilities of the accounting official and of those for whom he was responsible.
In some ways many medieval accounts have more in common with a modern day
book as lists of transactions rather than with a profit and loss account. Calcula-
tions of profit were clearly being made though and the use of account rolls in
conjunction with the extent was a necessary if not sufficient part of this. In broad
terms accounts contributed towards gaining certainty in unpredictable environ-
ments, provided mechanisms of control, and a basis for rational decision-making.
While their most overt achievement was to curb fraud they also provided a check
against error the potential for which was considerable in organizations with so
many diverse transactions.
Nevertheless this system could also provide a general check on the efficiency
of the demesne. Various items of income and expenditure were grouped together
and annual variation both between and within manors could be compared over
the years. Accounts could also be used to investigate ways of maximizing a surplus
either through driving the income from customary payments harder or by raising
output per acre or improving the yields of various livestock. Going further than
this and calculating profit required additional work and the accounting system
did not really facilitate this. Despite this, it is clear that relatively sophisticated
calculations of profit were frequently made and may often have required the rather
clumsy use of extents being compared to returns in account rolls.46 This in a rather
45
Britnell, ‘Commerce and Capitalism in Late Medieval England’, p. 366.
46
Stone, ‘Profit and Loss Accountancy’, p. 27.
crude way could be seen as reconciling estimates with actual performance. One of
the barriers to calculating profit in the accounts was that income and appropriate
expenditure were not grouped together or sufficiently comparable so that the
profitability of a particular herd or flock could not be easily ascertained. More
significantly the treatment of capital expenditure as simply part of that year’s
outlay effectively prevented calculations regarding efficiency and profitability.
Calculating precise returns on investments was often virtually impossible.
Despite the inherent weakness of the accounting system, decision-making
about maximizing surpluses or profits was fundamental to the seigneurial
economy. Clearly the lords’ evolving system enabled them to grapple with the
formidable control issues inherent in managing large-scale enterprise, often at a
considerable distance. It is entirely reasonable to suppose that few new enterprises
or major investments were undertaken without some sort of estimation of
expected costs and income. Similar calculations had to be made in weighing up
the risks around leasing versus direct management and examining the relative
profits.47 Such estimates are perhaps likely to have been made in a manner that
would not produce records or at least less likely to survive such as cumulative
series of accounts.
The inadequacy of medieval accounting practices and the rudimentary
treatment of fixed capital could be seen as indicative of a lack of a profit-
orientated mentality based partly on investment. However the fundamental
weakness of accounting systems as direct aids to management and the confusion
over fixed investments and current expenditure was prevalent throughout the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in industries that were increasingly reliant
on fixed capital. In fact accurate and effective methods of costing, forecasting,
and production control may have postdated the industrial revolution. 48
Relatively easy margins coupled with the scarcity of capital allowed eighteenth-
and nineteenth-century entrepreneurs to be relatively inefficient in pricing and
financial planning.49
Risk management was probably exercised at two levels of decision making:
strategic and tactical. Clearly landlords, both lay and ecclesiastical, laid down
plans for the exploitation of their estates that were to bear returns over many
years, such as moving from demesne management to leasing or shifting the bal-
ance between pastoral and arable. Aggressive expansion involving considerable
47
Postles, ‘The Perception of Profit’, p. 21.
48
Pollard, The Genesis of Modern Management, p. 228.
49
Pollard, The Genesis of Modern Management, p. 248.
capital expenditure over several years and, whether on the grand scale of Henry
of Eastry, on royal demesne manors by Walter de Burgo or at a single manor by
Adam de Stratton, were most probably undertaken according to some sort of
plan. These plans must have involved a careful weighing of the risks involved rela-
tive to the potential returns. Unfortunately annual accounts and other standard-
ized records whilst revealing local decision-making do not reveal strategic plan-
ning. The absence of household rolls prevents insight into decision-making on
capital investment as they would contain the information on profits. It is likely
that the systematic calculation and recording of manorial profits that occurred
at Norwich Priory happened on many other estates. 50 Where records do sur-
vive, such as those relating to the work of Henry of Eastry, a clear and systematic
approach is revealed.
Similarly the absence of central records prevents assessment of the balance
between central and local decision-making on capital expenditure. Obviously this
would vary to some extent depending on the level of trust given to local officials.
However it would seem most likely that significant decisions such as major
building works, land reclamation or a major change in the nature of the farming
operations would be centrally directed. Estate-wide increases in expenditure
on building or the growth of flocks and herds often appear associated with
particular bishops or priors and indicate a coordinated approach to investment.
For example at Rimpton on the bishop of Winchester’s estates the move to a
specialist operation fattening large numbers of culled sheep from a broad range
of manors was preceded by the steward ordering the construction of a new large
sheep house in 1348. In contrast there are examples of senior officials intervening
at a very minor level indicating a detailed concern with the effectiveness of day-
to-day farming decisions.51
Within the cycle of the agricultural year much risk management would be
ad hoc and reactive, whether it was the judgement of reeves as to when to sell
produce given local market conditions or the sometimes desperate expedients
of gentry landlords like the Pastons in managing their relationships with their
tenants. Decision making at both levels involved the crude calculation of odds
based on uncertain information involving the weather, prevailing prices and
costs, political conditions, and the incidence of epidemic disease.
50
Denholm-Young, Seignorial Administration, pp. 128–30.
51
I am very grateful to Dr Christopher Thornton for permission to cite these findings from
his unpublished paper: Thornton, ‘Manorial Landscapes’.
Definition and Measurement of Capital Formation

There is broad agreement between both economic theorists and accountants
about the basic division of fixed capital formation into gross and net forms,
although the limitations of medieval source materials require some modification
to the definitions.52 Gross capital formation is taken to be the total outlay through
purchase or construction of those productive fixed assets which yield a service
beyond the period when they were acquired. When depreciation is deducted,
that is the capital consumption during production through wear and tear or
obsolescence, the balance is net capital formation.
Medieval account rolls contain a vast amount of information on the detailed
workings of manorial financial systems, general farming operations, and the yields
of crops and animals. Their main drawback for studying capital formation is that
they are principally a record of annual flows and not of accumulated stocks.
The accounts record in minute detail all the income from scores of often trivial
transactions and similarly list in detail all the items bought for the various farming
departments. Consequently it is very difficult to tell whether equipment bought
represents merely depreciation expenditure or a net addition to the capital stock.
Even where the accounts indicate that, say, a new mill is not simply a replacement
for an existing one, there is no value for the existing capital stock and estimates
cannot be made of exactly how substantial this addition was. In the absence of
inventories and valuations of the manorial buildings and equipment, the only
acceptable solution for historians appears to be to lump net capital formation and
depreciation expenditure together as ‘gross investment’ and where it is clear that
new additions to the capital stock have been made, to call this ‘net investment’.53
Capital itself has to be defined within the medieval context and it is taken
here to include all tools, equipment and buildings that are part of the productive
process and all relatively permanent improvements to the productivity of the
land such as ditching, dyking, hedging, and construction of walls and the growth
of animal populations. The expansion of domesticated animal populations was,
along with buildings, perhaps the main outlet for the expansion of the capital
stock in medieval society.54 They were an integral part of arable productivity
52
Studies in Capital Formation, ed. by Feinstein and Pollard, p. 2.
53
The absence of central records such as annual valuations of buildings and other capital
equipment means that it is impossible to draw up annual balance sheets charting variations
in the net value of manorial assets over time. The calculations here as elsewhere relate only to
annual capital expenditure in relation to income.
54
This description of the constituents of capital is consistent with that of Hilton, ‘Rent and
through providing the primary fertilizer and one of the most important sources
of power through ploughing and carting. In addition they provided a whole
range of essential products: meat and dairy produce, leather and wool, bones,
feathers, and eggs. What is important is that allowance is made in calculations
on capital formation for the growth or decline in the size of livestock populations
on estates. The value of the livestock populations is probably the largest part of
the capital stock where reasonably accurate estimates could be made. The costs of
capital formation on demesnes tend to be underestimated in accounts as there are
often significant uncosted inputs. Important raw materials such as timber from
demesne woodlands and labour services used on new capital items either have no
monetary value ascribed to them or their quantities are unknown.
In calculating rates of capital investment it is often impossible to tell whether
capital expenditure came from funds generated by rental income, profits of
justice, or demesne operations. Given that in the thirteenth century at least it
was rare for landlords to spend anything on tenants’ property it has been argued
that the approach to investment by landlords can be better assessed by examining
their capital expenditure in relation to their production income from their
directly managed demesnes and not simply in relation to their total receipts.55
While this approach focuses on the relationship between the income generated
from demesne production and the amount put back into the demesnes it should
not obscure the fact that very significant additional funds were available to
landlords through the profits of rent and justice and potentially could have been
spent on investment.
In order to sidestep this issue, four of the Crowland Abbey case-studies
discussed below involve production income only and thereby give insight into
what proportion of returns from production a landlord was willing to invest.
Even if it is concluded that investment rates by landlords in the era of high
farming were significantly higher than has often been claimed, that still does not
mean that these were optimum rates of investment in relation to agricultural
development or that the exercise of lordship in the context of an overpopulated
countryside did not stunt investment expenditure by the peasantry.
The use of ‘average’ levels of investment ignores several important issues.
Investment in capital, either gross or net, will by its very nature have a spiky
profile as it proceeds in surges either through the acquisition of new assets or the
replacement of depreciating ones. The pattern of capital expenditure is perhaps
Capital Formation in Feudal Society’, p. 175, although the calculations differ in that he does not
appear to have included estimates for the changing value of the changing livestock levels.
55
Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England: Rural Society and Economic Change, p. 232.
more revealing of attitudes towards investment than is an arithmetic mean.

Similarly the levels of and patterns in capital formation can inform us about the
approach to risk-taking. Importantly trends over time can indicate responses
to macro-economic changes. Also important, but harder to measure, is where
estates disinvested as, for example, when lay or episcopal vacancies occurred.
Similarly it is not clear when the capital stock such as buildings or equipment
was either deliberately or incompetently allowed to deteriorate thus lowering
short-term costs. Although the treatises were clear that all capital stock must be
investigated to ensure early repairs as: ‘the value of a thing depends on the care
taken in its upkeep’.56
Pre-Black Death Case-Studies57

The manor of Sevenhampton and the pastoral enterprises of Crowland Abbey
have been chosen here to exemplify the nature and levels of capital formation that
56
57
Discussion of the level of capital investment has been dominated by the calculations
contained in two influential articles: Hilton, ‘Rent and Capital Formation in Feudal Society’,
pp. 174–214, and Postan, ‘Investment in Medieval Agriculture’, pp. 576–87. Despite two very
different theoretical frameworks underpinning their conclusions, their findings were remarkably
similar. These were that gross investment rates in demesne operations were typically under five
per cent of income. However these figures are open to challenge. Much investment activity has
been omitted from the calculations. The value of the increase (or decrease) in livestock popula-
tions has not been factored in. The use of demesne resources such as construction materials and
labour services used on capital activities are also uncosted. In addition, errors in calculation have
a significant impact on Hilton’s figures for two of his key case-studies for the thirteenth century
(see nn. 59 and 75). Unfortunately, Postan’s figures appear to be rather loose estimates lack-
ing any underpinning detail regarding the methodology employed, the level and nature of the
investment expenditure and any references as to their sources. For example, Postan asserts that
£150 a year was spent on investment on average for the bishop of Winchester’s estates but other
evidence indicates that this may be a significant underestimate. Building costs alone absorbed
more than £200 per annum on average (including expenditure on Mills) on the Winchester
estates. (See further, Langdon, Walker, and Falconer, ‘Boom and Bust’, p. 148, fig. 20.) This
was between 1298 and 1348 a period punctuated by economic crises compared to the building
boom of the ‘long 13th century’. Postan’s figures for other estates are simply given as general
estimates or are claimed to be ‘of the same order of magnitude as the Bishop of Winchester’s
Estates’. In contrast the most careful analysis of investment over a long period of time which was
undertaken for the bishop of Winchester’s manor of Rimpton reveals an annual average of 12.4
per cent of total receipts and 15.5 per cent of the demesne production income for the period
1208 to 1402. This is more than double the level argued for by Hilton and Postan but very much
in line with the case-studies used here. (See further, Thornton, ‘Manorial Landscapes’.)
landlords could undertake in pursuit of profit and their appetite for risk taking.58
The manor of Sevenhampton in Wiltshire is an interesting example of aggressive
investment although it has been used to argue for low levels of investment. 59
Adam de Stratton acquired control of the manor in 1270 and held it until 1288
when it was forfeited to the king. From 1273 the accounts are consecutive. There
was no resident lord and consequently the manor was managed as a source of cash
only. Only foodstuffs for the famuli or the occasional visitor were consumed, all
other produce went to the market. In order to get the highest possible returns,
Adam felt it necessary to spend a considerable amount of money. From 1270 to
1288 mean gross capital expenditure was 17.8 per cent of production income and
net capital expenditure 14.2 per cent. Five years saw net (i.e. new) investment
being twenty per cent or above of production income.60
It is instructive to examine just what these figures mean in practical terms.
Central to the improvement of the manor was the expansion of the cattle herd and
sheep flock. At Michaelmas 1269 there were thirty-four cows and seven hundred
and forty-four sheep. A building programme was begun in 1276 with a new ox
and cow shed seventy feet long (21.3 m), one sheep house about two hundred feet
long, six hundred and fifty feet of walls and a house for the shepherd. This was
followed by a twenty-feet-long hen house, another sheep house sixty-seven-feet-
long, a cider press, a shed for the cows, a barn costing thirty-two pounds, fifteen
shillings, and five pence (£32 15s. 5d.), about 2225 feet of stone walls and a mill.
This all appears to have been new work. There was also continuous expenditure
58
The account series used in the case-studies all contain gaps to a greater or lesser extent.
The Sevenhampton accounts survive for ninety per cent of the years and are consecutive from
1273 to 1288. The survival of the Crowland accounts is less satisfactory with twenty-seven being
extant out of the sixty-four-year period covered by them. The Downton accounts survive for one
hundred and eighty-five years out of the two hundred and forty-five-year period. These gaps need
to be borne in mind in terms of calculations of averages particularly for the Crowland Estates
although they do provide useful indications of the nature and range in value of investment.
59
Hilton’s conclusion was that only 5.6 per cent of Sevenhampton’s total receipts went on
capital expenditure. There are three significant weaknesses in his calculations involving double
counting of income and omission of capital expenditure. Firstly, total receipts include the
arrears owed from the preceding year’s accounts which were substantial. This means that about
fifty pounds a year has been double-counted. Secondly, the first three accounts include ‘foreign
receipts’ in the total receipts (they were put under a separate heading in later years). These have
been counted in these three years but omitted after their separation in the accounts. Thirdly,
only the years 1273–84, are used and three out of the five other years that survive have much
higher capital expenditure. If these issues are taken into account then gross capital formation
averaged 12.7 per cent of total receipts and 17.8 per cent of production income.
60
Stephenson, ‘The Productivity of Medieval Sheep’, pp. 166–75.
on repairs. The main result of this improvement policy was an increasing revenue
from the livestock, rising from £5 11s. in 1270 to £55 10s. in 1279.
Adam de Stratton was a notorious usurer, an official of Edward I and the
manager of Isabella de Fortibus’ estates.61 What is significant about him is that a
man who made his money by the classic trick of entangling his victims in a web
of high-interest loans with the seizure of their property on default should choose
to increase profitability of his new lands by investing in new capital equipment
and livestock. It might have been expected that he would have been a kind of
medieval asset-stripper but a man who could plough back forty-four per cent of
his production income (thirty-two per cent of total income) from this manor as
he did in 1281 clearly possessed an investing and risk taking mentality.
An interesting parallel to Adam de Stratton’s approach was that of Walter
de Burgo, a manorial custodian for Henry III. Between 1236 and 1238 he con-
ducted a systematic strategy of investment in twenty-five manors in the South
of England. Over these two years the average investment rate was 30.6 per cent
with several manors having more than two thirds of their revenues reinvested.62
What is interesting about these figures is that they represent net investment being
only the costs of new construction, marling, and purchases of new equipment,
livestock and seed corn. As with Adam de Stratton’s aggressive investment policy,
de Burgo saw substantial increases in returns. By 1240 these manors had seen a
seventy per cent increase in their annual value to Henry III.63 This level of invest-
ment could not have been carried on indefinitely but again these surges in capi-
tal formation are a testimony to the willingness of landlords to spend heavily on
investment in order to increase future revenues.
Pastoral farming is inherently riskier than arable. The annual variability
in yields can be much greater than for cereal farming: wool yields per sheep
varied less than grain yields per acre but wool supply as determined by yields
and death rates varied more. Livestock populations were more vulnerable to
catastrophe through epidemic or war where losses could be one hundred per cent.
Replenishing stocks was also considerably more expensive and took longer than
resuming arable cultivation. Animal products may also have been more price
and income elastic than arable produce with greater fluctuations in returns. The
experiences of Crowland Abbey in the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries
61
Denholm-Young, Seignorial Administration, pp. 77–85.
62
Stacey, ‘Agricultural Investment and the Management of Royal Demesne Manors’, p. 927.
63
Stacey, ‘Agricultural Investment and the Management of Royal Demesne Manors’,
pp. 923, 927, 933.
exemplify both high investment and the adoption of two high risk ventures in
pastoral farming. The economic nucleus of its widely dispersed estates was the
fenland ‘Precinct of Crowland’ in which the wetter, marginal fenland was opened
up for direct use by the abbey. The two main enterprises were cattle farming and a
sheep flock. The specialization in pastoral farming appears to have been initiated
by the appropriately named Abbot Ralph Marsh, from the late 1250s onwards.64
The single most important economic unit on the estates was the central sheep
run known in the accounts as Bidentes Hoylandie.65 This is the largest single
medieval flock so far discovered with nearly 13,000 sheep passing through the
account for 1313–14. Its main product was wool, all the fleeces being exported
through the port of Lynn. The total cash income of the estate was about £800
in 1314 of which Bidentes Hoylandie contributed about forty per cent.66 Given
the completely commercial orientation of this sheep farm and its paramount
importance to the Abbey’s cash flow then clear evidence of relatively high rates
of investment in capital formation would be expected if landlords did possess an
investing mentality.
In fact, the flow of revenue from this flock was maintained and increased by
expenditure on capital which was often substantial. This expenditure consisted of
money spent on buildings, ditches, walls, stock, tools, equipment and medicine
as well as livestock. Total income and production income were virtually identical
there being no rent income. The average rate of investment was 17.1 per cent,
with six out of the twenty-five accounts seeing more than one quarter of the
production income being devoted to capital formation, with a high of thirty-
seven per cent in 1310 (see fig. 24).
Apart from sheep, Crowland Abbey’s other main pastoral occupation was cat-
tle farming, and they had three large central vaccaries containing over six hun-
dred head of cattle: Aswick Grange, Nomansland, and Brotherhouse. Aswick did
grow some crops, but the activities of the three operations were centred on dairy-
ing and the breeding of oxen and cows. Again investment rates were of a similar
magnitude: 20.3 per cent of production income on average at Aswick, 19.9 per
cent at Nomansland, and 16.8 per cent at Brotherhouse (see fig. 25) As noted it
64
Stephenson, ‘The Productivity of Medieval Sheep’, pp. 156–58, 159–65.
65
The figures here differ significantly from those in Page, ‘Bidentes Hoylandie’; no
allowance was made by her for the long thousand (1200) as well as the long hundred (120)
which were in use in these accounts which means an underestimate of several thousand sheep
in her calculations. Additionally, Page’s profit figures do not take into consideration the value
of fleeces sold.
66
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
Figure 24. Bidentes Hoylandie: Investment rate
is really gross capital expenditure that is being discussed but on these three cattle
farms net investment (i.e. apparently new additions to the capital stock) can be
calculated. Predictably, the rates were much lower than for gross investment and
averaged 7.3 per cent at Aswick, 11.2 per cent at Nomansland, and 6.7 per cent
at Brotherhouse.
As the graphs show (figs 24 and 25), the pattern of investment, particularly
net investment, was very erratic and this illustrates an important point about cap-
ital formation in agriculture, namely that, by its very nature, it is irregular. If, for
instance, an estate decided to expand its herds and flocks it might spend large
sums, reclaiming land, constructing new buildings and walls and purchasing addi-
tional animals. After this initial expenditure the investment rate would be much
lower until the next large-scale expansion; capital accumulation would proceed in
spurts. For this reason, although a good, consecutive series of accounts is crucial
for studying investment, the specific pattern of capital expenditure gives more
insight into the landlords’ approach to improvements than does a simple mean.
It could be argued that these pastoral enterprises are such specialized farming
concerns that they are atypical, although it would be difficult to argue against
the existence of a pronounced investing mentality and a willingness to take
risks. However calculations have been made for other manors on the estate
and although lower proportions of production income were spent on capital
investment they are higher than is commonly acknowledged. For example with
the group of Crowland’s three Cambridgeshire manors, Oakington, Drayton,
and Cottenham, the issue of investment can be studied on manors where rent
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
Figure 25. Crowland vaccaries: Investment rate
and customary payments formed a significant part of total revenues, where there
was no particular pastoral emphasis, and where the surplus grain production was
sold regularly. The three are better studied as one unit as stock and equipment
were transferred regularly between them. All three can be seen as examples of
the so-called classical manor and it is significant in this context that their average
expenditure on capital was 14.7 per cent of production income. These figures
appear more in line with higher recent estimates of gross investment rates of 15.5
per cent on the bishop of Winchester’s manor of Rimpton rather than the earlier
and lower estimates.67
The inherent risks of both Crowland’s pastoral enterprises were dramatically
underlined in the second decade of the fourteenth century. There is an
unfortunate gap in the accounts between 1314 and 1321 but the great central
flock and herds were either deliberately dismantled or swept away by epidemics
leaving only a remnant. The central flock fell from almost 13,000 animals to only
four hundred and seventy-seven, more than half of which died before shearing.
The three vaccaries were reduced in size from over five hundred animals in 1314
to fewer than thirty at the opening of the 1321 account. The causes lay in the
rising water-table which caused serious and lasting flooding compounded by the
67
Thornton, ‘Manorial Landscapes’.
devastating cattle plague, probably Rinderpest.68 While the cattle plague was on
an unprecedented scale, the managers of the demesnes would have been only too
well aware that their pastoral enterprises were balanced delicately on the flood-
line in this region.69 These experiences underline the level of risk that medieval
landlords were exposed to and the scale of the capital and revenue losses that
could occur. The capital loss for Crowland must have been in excess of £1500 and
annual revenue was lowered by well over £400.
The scale of relatively high risk investment activity is often revealed when it
went wrong. Land reclamation in the thirteenth century pushed the boundaries
so far seaward, for example in places such as Romney Marsh and southwest Kent,
that not only was a high level of capital expenditure required but it became very
vulnerable.70 The favourable cost: price combinations of the thirteenth century
may well have tempted some landlords into ill-advised high-risk ventures. This
may have included speculating on the forward market in wool, or driving too
far seaward in reclaiming land. Certainly, expenditure on sea-defences could be
enormous. The inhabitants of the Marshland (an area of West Norfolk close to
the Wash) are estimated to have spent more than £1500 annually on defences
against flooding.71 Manorial expenditure in vulnerable areas paralleled this. At
Canterbury Cathedral Priory’s Manor of Ebony, for example, about fourteen per
cent on average of all manorial revenue was spent on maintaining embankments
and other defences against the sea. The impact of powerful storms could however
increase this dramatically with expenditure rising to sixty per cent of manorial
income at Ebony in 1287–88.72 At the neighbouring manor of A ppledore
great floods resulted in an investment of £128 14s. 9d. in 1293–94 in banking
works compared to annual revenue that was only £74 3s. 0d.73 It is interesting
to note, particularly in the context of later fourteenth- and fifteenth-century
seigneurial investment patterns, that much of this expenditure was defensive in
nature.74 These examples of high levels of investment are drawn from the estates
of Canterbury Cathedral Priory when they were under the management of the
68
Ravensdale, Liable to Floods, p. 115.
69
Darby, The Medieval Fenland, pp. 57–60, and Miller, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely, p. 96.
70
Bailey, ‘Per impetum maris’, pp. 199–200. Smith, Canterbury Cathedral Priory, pp. 173–79.
71
Bailey, ‘Per impetum maris’, p. 200.
72
Smith, Canterbury Cathedral Priory, p. 178.
73
74
entrepreneurial Henry of Eastry who combined an emphasis on cost control with

a willingness to invest heavily at times.75
Relative Investment Rates

The attitude towards investment in pastoral ventures may perhaps be viewed in
relation to other investment opportunities. Alongside investment in animals,
expenditure on mills represented a key opportunity for capital formation. The
investment rates in mills that were operated directly by landlords tended to be
over twenty per cent of the revenue ranging up to fifty per cent. 76 While this
economic behaviour has been considered atypical, in fact it may be that the
intensity of investment evident here was similar to that seen when landlords
specialized in livestock farming. The risks of investment in mills though appear
to be considerably less than in large-scale pastoral enterprises.
How should these levels of investment be judged? It is surely as uninformative
to compare medieval agricultural investment rates with their modern equivalents
as it is to compare monastic estate managers with ‘great industrialists of today’.
Whatever the background rate of capital formation, it is difficult to assess how
effective this was. Professor Postan, for instance, suggested that medieval capital
formation should be compared with modern agricultural investment rates of
75
The proportion of income spent on capital formation by Henry of Eastry is a very
significant part of Hilton’s argument in favour of low investment rates in the period of high
farming. Hilton’s estimate that even the enterprising Henry of Eastry invested only 4.4 per cent
of his revenues on average has been widely quoted. (Hilton, ‘Rent and Capital Formation in
Feudal Society’, p. 186.) His calculations on capital expenditure are derived from a summary
of Henry of Eastry’s economic activities for the period 1285 to 1322 printed in Knowles, The
Religious Orders, pp. 322–25. This expenditure is then taken as a proportion of the average
annual income of the monastery in the 1320s taken from Smith, Canterbury Cathedral
Priory, p. 13. However the capital expenditure is only in fact that from the eight East Kent
manors, whereas the income is for all forty-seven manors (Smith, Canterbury Cathedral Priory,
pp. 152–53). This clearly results in a very significant underestimate of the proportion of income
devoted to capital expenditure, particularly as some of the Romsey Marsh manors, as discussed
above, required very high levels of investment at times to protect them from the sea (Smith,
Canterbury Cathedral Priory, pp. 166–89). On the admittedly crude assumption that capital
expenditure was evenly spread over all of Canterbury Cathedral Priory’s manors for these thirty-
seven years, then the average gross investment rate may have been over twenty-five per cent
rather than 4.4 per cent.
76
Langdon, Mills in the Medieval Economy, p. 181.
fifteen to twenty per cent.77 While many landlords did in fact achieve this level,
given the capital intensive technology available to modern farmers compared
to the narrow range of alternatives open to their medieval predecessors this is
perhaps an inappropriate comparison.
Perhaps the only effective comparison that can be made at present is with the
investment rates of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century landlords. How well did
medieval landlords perform in expanding their capital in comparison with the
much vaunted ‘improvers’? The most important difference is that there was very
little direct demesne cultivation in the eighteenth century and so rent formed
the overwhelming proportions of landlords’ income, but their investment can
be measured in terms of how much was spent on improving their estates through
their tenants’ lands and buildings. In a study of Norfolk and Suffolk estates
from 1746–1870 the average annual gross investment rate was 9.3 per cent.78
The conclusion was: ‘that for the eighteenth century at least, an average (gross)
investment rate in excess of 7 per cent was very high by the standards of all
but the greatest and most dynamic of estates’.79 The famous Coke of Holkham
did on occasion invest more than twenty per cent of his rent income but his
annual average was considerably lower. Much lower rates were invested by other
eighteenth-century landlords. The duke of Kingston, for example, spent about
four per cent of his gross rental on repairs and improvements prior to 1750; this
fell to 1.4 per cent between 1750 and 1760 and 0.6 per cent thereafter. In general
an outlay of more than five per cent is considered unlikely before 1790.80 Put in
a historical perspective then it is difficult to sustain the argument that medieval
landlords were low investors in their estates. Where opportunities presented
themselves or in order to protect their existing assets they were prepared to
forego significant sums which otherwise could have been spent on consumption.
However this depends on whether the relative proportion of income dedicated
to capital expenditure is the best yardstick to judge the effectiveness of landlords’
investment activity. Even if they were spending at least twice the proportion of
their incomes than has been assumed and taking significant market risks in search
of greater profits this may still have fallen short of an optimum level in terms of
gaining increases in productivity from their estates.81
77
Postan, Medieval Economy and Society, p. 152.
78
Holderness, ‘Landlords Capital Formation in East Anglia’, p. 439. The mean of 9.3 per
cent is calculated from Table 2 on p. 439.
79
Holderness, ‘Landlords Capital Formation in East Anglia’, p. 442.
80
Holderness, ‘Capital Formation in Agriculture’, p. 178.
81
Titow argued that landlords were spending sufficient on the upkeep of their capital stock
Risk Responsiveness
One of the interesting aspects of economic behaviour is the response to increases
in risk. More traditional views of the investing mentality of the landlords of the
great estates is that they were risk averse and faced with increased production,
market, institutional, or human risks would play safe reducing capital expenditure
and move to leasing to transfer these risks. While the evidence is far from
conclusive the reverse could well have occurred in that the more challenging
economic circumstances may have elicited energetic and enterprising responses.
When livestock populations were devastated through vacancies or epidemics,
landlords often moved swiftly to replenish stocks involving considerable
expenditure. On the bishop of Winchester’s estates rapid rebuilding of the sheep
flock occurred on several occasions. The French invasion of 1216–17 caused
havoc for sheep farming as the rival armies fought over the area containing many
of the bishop’s manors: Winchester itself changed hands four times. The flock fell
from 15,588 animals in 1215 to about eight thousand in the following year yet
within five years had been rebuilt to 28,000 animals.82 Vacancies at Winchester
during the thirteenth century and the first half of the fourteenth century usually
resulted in a reduction in the sheep flock of between one third and a half yet were
rapidly rebuilt.83
More general economic pressures could also result in proactive responses.
The more straitened economic circumstances at the turn of the fourteenth cen-
tury, for example, may have acted as a spur to more efficient demesne manage-
ment with a more effective exploitation of remote demesnes.84 Again the 1330s
and 1340s were unpropitious for landlords in that the prices for agricultural
produce fell sharply; there was high taxation and monetary deflation. Yet on
the bishop of Winchester’s estates there was a significant surge in spending on
building.85 At a micro level the manor of Hinderclay was run with such effi-
considering the technical limitations of medieval husbandry (Titow, English Rural Society,
p. 50).This has been challenged on two grounds: Titow’s own evidence on Winchester indicates
declining productivity and that claiming ‘technical limitations’ simply begs the question of why,
in the context of increasing demand for agricultural goods, there was not greater innovation and
productivity gains which presumably would have required greater capital investment. See Rigby,
English Society in the Later Middle Ages, p. 128.
82
83
84
85
Langdon, ‘Was England a Technological Backwater?’, p. 150.
ciency that profits remained stable despite the low prices.86 Similarly it would be
entirely consistent with a view that landlords acted largely through economic
rationality that they might respond to increased risks by investing more rather
than less in capital formation. Few might have gone so far as Henry of Eastry
who was investing significant sums in the estates of Canterbury Cathedral
Priory even during the great famine but it may be that higher and changing
levels of risk drew forth more proactive responses to mitigate risk than has been
assumed.
Bearing this in mind it is interesting to assess the responses of landlords to the
impact of the Black Death upon risk taking and investment. Clearly the levels of
risk had shifted in some respects fundamentally and landlords’ decision making
appears to have reflected this. With regards to production risks the changes in the
labour market and possible climatic changes had a significant influence on cereal
yields. With the retrenchment of direct demesne cultivation to presumably the
higher quantity land, an increasing supply of manure through expanding sheep
populations, greater use of legumes and some favourable weather conditions the
years 1381–1410 saw some of the best yields particularly for oats and barley for
over a hundred years.87 In contrast wool yields in terms of average fleece weights
tended to move in the opposite direction during those years.88
Market risks comprised not just shifts in prices but also in patterns of
demand as per capita income rises led to an increase in demand for more expen-
sive items. On estates such as that of the bishop of Winchester, the most obvi-
ous response was an absolute and relative move to sheep farming. Within four
years of the first outbreak of plague the sheep flock was at its highest since the
account rolls began in 1208 and was sustained at above this level for the next
fifty years (see fig. 26). The total Winchester sheep flock rose from 11,000 in
1345 to 30,000 by 1355 and 35,000 by 1369. The contraction of the demesne
arable meant that there were three times as many sheep per arable acre sown in
the last quarter of the fourteenth century as in the first quarter and five times
as many by 1435.89 Although the initial surge in flock size was not apparently
led by increases in wool prices the period 1360–85 was characterized by high
wool prices.90
86
87
Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, p. 373.
88
Stephenson, ‘Wool Yields in the Medieval Economy’, p. 380.
89
Stephenson, ‘Wool Yields in the Medieval Economy’, p. 388.
90
Lloyd, ‘The Movement of Wool Prices’, pp. 48–49.
35000
30000
25000
20000
15000
10000
5000
Figure 26. Bishop of Winchester’s manors: Total number of sheep
Changes in income also drew forth investment in more upmarket animals such as
rabbits, swans, and even herons. All three of these required considerable skills to
be kept and bred successfully. From the 1370s until the 1390s there was a
sustained ‘bunny boom’ and income from warrens soared.91 The scale of swan
farming too could become considerable. The Downtown, Twyford and Arlesford
manors of the bishop of Winchester for example held over four hundred and fifty
swans in the late fourteenth century.92 The consumption of all birds wild and
domesticated appears to have increased significantly in the later Middle Ages as
landlords invested to take advantage of the greater per capita income of
consumers.93
The most obvious human risks were related to the scarcity of labour which
was reflected in the movements in wages and the commutation of labour services.
An equal challenge however may have been the loss of skilled managers and
administrators. In response to the skills shortage local management teams could
be consolidated with the roles of bailiff and steward being given more scope and
authority.94 While this may well have prompted moves towards leasing demesnes,
risks could only be ameliorated if there were sufficient skilled lessees available
otherwise the capital stock of estates could be seriously damaged and arrears
accumulated. The varied timing of the leasing of demesnes and the fact that the
91
Bailey, Medieval Suffolk, p. 228.
92
93
Stone, ‘The Consumption and Supply of Birds’, pp. 156–58.
94
process was often reversed indicated that there were a range of influences at work
and that the decision to lease was fraught with challenges. Managers may thus
have been taking an experimental approach in weighing up the relative risks and
responding to price changes. At Canterbury Cathedral Priory the monks began
leasing most of their manors in the 1350s but resumed direct management in the
early 1360s only to revert to direct leasing at the end of the 1370s.95
Leasing is perhaps best viewed as a process of risk transfer and sharing where
both parties have to cooperate around risk management. Becoming a rentier
landlord did not enable the wholesale transfer of risk and the adoption of a
passive management role. A neglectful lessee could cause greater losses and more
damage to the agricultural capital base than a well managed but loss-making
demesne operation. In a crisis, however, leasing could be a useful short-term
expedient and several estates adopted this approach during the 1350s following
the Black Death.
Leasing often had its antecedents in the increasing control that reeves had over
the exploitation of manorial assets. In the fourteenth century auditors appear
increasingly to have come to agreements with reeves over acceptable production
targets particularly from livestock. For example, on several estates such as Ramsey
Abbey, St Swithun’s Priory, Winchester and the bishop of Winchester’s sows
always returned fifteen piglets each year.96 Presumably this was at an acceptable
level to the auditors and acted as an incentive for the reeve to ensure that the
pigs were managed well as he retained any surplus piglets. Similar practices
occurred in relation to poultry and to dairying. In effect the reeve was leasing
these livestock assets. Such arrangements often appear to have evolved into more
formal and larger-scale system of leasing. Thus the essential day to day operation
of the black economy at manorial level, which required at least tacit recognition
if not direct cooperation with auditors and other estate officials, ultimately led
to a system whereby the great estates had become rentier landlords in a mutually
dependent relationship with their tenants.
The availability of appropriate lessees and the prevailing costs and prices
appear to have had a significant impact on capital-investment decisions by
landlords. The more challenging the circumstances then the greater the required
investment by the landlord to secure an appropriate lessee. The balance of
risk sharing tilted backwards and forwards between landlord and lessee. This
is exemplified by expenditure on mills which were one of the most intensive
95
Mate, ‘Agrarian Economy after the Black Death’, pp. 337, 338.
96
capital investment opportunities in medieval agriculture. At Great Shelford

the bishop of Ely after 1350 was forced to take on a far greater proportion
of the expenses lifting the average investment rate to over forty per cent. The
relative attractiveness of capital intensive activities was further underlined with
significant investment in a fulling-mill in 1387 to maintain viability despite the
increasing maintenance costs.97 That the balance of power increasingly lay with
lessees is evident as responsibility for maintenance costs moved progressively
from lessee to landlord. By the 1430s and 1440s landlords had taken over
virtually all the maintenance costs of mills thereby significantly increasing their
investment rates.98
This upward pressure on investment exerted by lessees over mills was paral-
leled in manorial expenditure in general. On the Canterbury Cathedral Priory
estates, the leasing of the demesnes in the late 1370s was followed by signifi-
cant expenditure of £884 on repairing old buildings and a further £1141 on
new buildings over an eight year period.99 As with mills, when sheep farming
became less profitable landlords had to increase their investment to attract and
retain lessees. The sheep leases of the 1390s were much less favourable to land-
lords than earlier ones and they, not the lessees, now had to bear the cost of cap-
ital replacement when the sheep died.100 These increases in capital expenditure
are mirrored on a range of estates such as the bishop of Worcester, Fountains
Abbey, and the duchy of Lancaster. 101 Again this expenditure was often on
behalf of lessees.102
A similar pattern can also be seen in relation to landlord investment in their
urban property. While large estates such as St Paul’s Cathedral in London invested
in major urban building projects in the late fourteenth century much smaller
landlords such as the Holy Cross Guild of Stratford-upon-Avon invested on
average around a fifth of their income in property development and maintenance
throughout the fifteenth century. At the depth of the economic slump in 1468–
70, amidst concerns about empty properties and increasing rent, arrears they
devoted all of their rental income to building work.103
97
98
99
Mate, ‘The Farming out of Manors’, pp. 338–39.
100
Mate, ‘The Farming out of Manors’, p. 340.
101
Hilton, ‘Rent and Capital Formation in Feudal Society’, pp. 191–95.
102
103
Dyer, An Age of Transition?, pp. 159–60.
There are three important components in a lease: cash rent, length of term,
and capital maintenance. The dramatically changed economic conditions after
the Black Death increasingly shifted the balance of power away from landlords
towards tenants putting a downward pressure on rents, lengthening terms, and
leading landlords to assume responsibility for capital maintenance. The Paston
letters of the 1460s and 1470s, during the great slump of the fifteenth century,
vividly illustrate how a rentier landlord was losing the tug of war with his tenants
on all three issues. John Paston’s main administrator, Richard Calle, having
bemoaned the low rent that was all he could charge on behalf of his master went
on to complain that: ‘ye to bere al charges of the reparaucion and fense aboute
the place, weche shulde be gret cost’.104 From a potential lessee’s perspective,
possible expenditure on maintaining the capital stock (both fixed and working
capital) could be a very significant item and made their assessment of cost based
on both rent and capital expenditure. In fact the level of investment required to
attract a lessee could wipe out any returns from the lease for several years. On
Westminster Abbey’s manor of Kinsbourne in Hertfordshire for example the
cost of renewing the buildings at just over eighty-five pounds during the first
twelve year lease of the manor (1397–1409) was equivalent in value to four or
five years rent.105
It may be that leasing is a condition of stable and low or falling prices or the
perception that they will be so in the near future. In contrast, the prospect of
rising or sharply fluctuating prices offers commercial opportunities to the large
scale producer with the potential for massive windfall profits in poor harvest
years due to the inelasticity of demand. Diseconomies of scale may however apply
in periods of stable and falling prices whereby the fixed costs of the supervisory
apparatus become more difficult to recoup while the hidden profits that can
be exploited by local knowledge become more important. Equally reliance on
family labour potentially brought significant savings in labour costs not available
to large-scale operations. This of course did not guarantee a profit , it may only
have limited the scale of losses. The key assets such as buildings, livestock, and
equipment all needed to be maintained and may have had to be improved in
order to attract the right quality of lessee. Consequently a pattern akin to counter
cyclical investment expenditure may sometimes have occurred in the fifteenth
century as landlords tried to retain or recruit good lessees through expenditure
on capital assets, lowering rents, and allowing arrears to accumulate.
104
Richmond, ‘Landlord and Tenant’, p. 36.
105
Stern, A Hertfordshire Demesne, p. 155.
Post-Black Death Case-Study

Given the continuity of the bishop of Winchester’s account roll series, a case-
study drawn from them may illustrate some of these trends in investment. The
manor of Downton lay in the valley of the Wiltshire Avon, about six miles (or
10 km) south of Salisbury. It was one of the bishop’s earliest and most valu-
able manors.106 It practised mixed farming on an extensive scale: at its peak, the
demesne arable was over 1500 acres, while the sheep flock often numbered more
than 2500 and as early as 1086 there were seven mills with several more added
later. Pastoral reserves were extensive, including eighteen square miles (about
45 km2) of pasture, sixty acres (or 24 hectares) of meadow and about seven square
miles (or 18 km2) of the New Forest. Lordship was exercised over about one
hundred and fifty tenants. The manor produced gross receipts that commonly
averaged between £250 and £300 per annum. This was as much as many small
estates returned in total, let alone from one manor. Apart from its sheer size and
diversity of farming operations this manor is a useful case-study in that one hun-
dred and eighty-five accounts survive for the years 1209–1454 and virtually all its
produce went to market.
An interesting picture emerges whereby investment appears to have been
on a steady upward path in the decades following the first outbreak of plague
compared to the earlier part of the fourteenth century.107 This is not simply due
to a fixed level of investment expenditure becoming a larger proportion of falling
revenues or rising costs, but was mainly caused by some sustained surges in capital
formation particularly in the 1360s, 70s, and 80s. In the period 1318–45, the total
income of the manor averaged £270, with £155 of this coming from demesne
production. On average £20 per annum was spent on gross capital formation that
is 12.6 per cent of production income. In the years 1361–94 total average income
had fallen slightly to £253 and production income had also dropped by about ten
per cent at £140. But capital expenditure now averaged £37 per annum, which
was 26.3 per cent of production income. This average annual capital expenditure
conceals some very large figures such as 1371 when £171 was spent, mainly on
new buildings and increasing the sheep flock. Between 1375 and 1382 capital
expenditure averaged over £60 per annum of which £40 on average went on new
buildings particularly four new mills and their weirs. It is important to note that
some of the increased expenditure would be partly a reflection of rising labour
costs and will not represent a proportionate increase in volume.
106
Ballard, ‘The Manors of Witney, Brightwell, and Downton’, p. 211.
107
Hilton, ‘Rent and Capital Formation in Feudal Society’, pp. 194–96.
By any standards these are very high rates of expenditure representing about
half of the entire production income: in 1371, capital expenditure was over
ninety-five per cent of the year’s production income. This may well have been
an enterprising response to the market opportunities offered by high prices of
the 1360s and good arable yields of the 1370s. Certainly as a result of high rates
of investment production income still exceeded total expenditure by £85 per
annum and total income exceeded total expenditure by £200 per annum in the
years 1361–94.
Direct demesne management at Downton was definitely on the wane by the
end of the century as cost, price, and yield combinations eroded profitability. The
period 1395–1454 saw total income and production income fall by about one-
third and a half respectively. Capital expenditure also fell but by a smaller amount
thus giving a higher investment rate. Production income was running at an aver-
age of £78 per year out of which one-third went on capital expenditure. This was
still significantly above the investment rates of the first half of the fourteenth cen-
tury in both proportionate and real terms. By the end of the second decade of the
fifteenth century the attractiveness of leasing the demesne was becoming appar-
ent and this was tried for the years 1419–23. Yet this was obviously not entirely
satisfactory for, as on many other Winchester manors, direct management was
resumed for a few more years. Eventually though, in 1431, the demesne (i.e. the
arable, the labour services, the sheep, and all the necessary equipment) was leased
out for £53 a year. This sum is almost exactly the average difference between pro-
duction income and capital expenditure (£52) for the early fifteenth century.
Despite the switch to leasing, the landlord was still responsible for much of the
capital of the manor especially the buildings. Capital expenditure fell after 1431
to just over £14 a year while total income was an average of £156, an investment
rate of 9.2 per cent. This was not simply money spent on running repairs as in
1435 £26 was spent on a new mill and floodgates whilst in 1442 £46 was spent
on several new farm buildings, which was one-third of the total income from the
manor for that year.
The surge in investment in manorial buildings in the late 1360s and 1370s
at Downton also occurred elsewhere on the bishop of Winchester’s estates. At
Crawley in 1367–69, for instance, £52 17s. 11d. was spent on new buildings
which was about one third of production income on its own.108 At Rimpton,
the last quarter of the fourteenth century saw the highest rates of investment in
nearly two hundred years covered by the accounts (1208–1402) with an annual
108
Gras and Gras, The Social and Economic History of an English Village. Calculated from
tables on pp. 317 and 335, n. 5.
average of just over nineteen per cent. Again the increased emphasis on pastoral
husbandry saw the highest level of both absolute and proportionate expenditure
on farm buildings during this period.109 Even in 1410 significant sums were
being spent on manorial buildings on the bishop of Winchester’s estate despite
a significant shift to becoming a rentier landlord compared to a century before.
Despite excluding expenditure on mills, which was often substantial, expenditure
on buildings, totalled £261 5s. 9d. which was well over twice the amount spent
in 1302.110 This alone was more than twelve per cent of the estates’ total non-rent
income in 1410.111
One puzzling question is just why so many landlords carried on with direct
management of their demesnes as long as they did given the bleak economic
conditions of the early and mid-fifteenth century. Similarly landlords continued
to invest in mills and often at an increasing rate despite the deteriorating
economic returns.112 It is understandable that landlords would be cautious about
dismantling their managerial apparatus and ending up with an unsatisfactory
lessee. Once they had withdrawn from direct management they would lack
the wherewithal to readily resume it which may have encouraged them to have
clung on to direct management despite the imperatives of rational economic
behaviour. This however ignores the range of motivations affecting the decision
to lease or not. Domestic decisions could play a part such as the need to ensure
adequate supplies of livestock and arable produce and at Canterbury Cathedral
Priory leasing may at times have been used to restore monastic discipline when
monks had become too involved with direct management at the expense of their
spiritual duties.113
It is perhaps important not to assume that economic behaviour will be
straightforward and conform to neoclassical economic theory. While fashion
and culture may have had a significant role in economic and managerial deci-
sion-making, there may also have been cognitive biases. Several studies have dem-
onstrated a pronounced asymmetry in financial decision making with regard to
risk. Perhaps surprisingly, risk aversion is more likely to occur for positive pros-
pects and risk seeking for negative ones.114 Given that fear of loss appears to be
109
Thornton, ‘Manorial Landscapes’.
110
The Pipe Roll of the Bishop of Winchester, ed. by Page, p. xxvii.
111
The Pipe Roll of the Bishop of Winchester, ed. by Page, pp. xxiv–xxv.
112
113
Mate, ‘The Farming out of Manors’, p. 335.
114
Kahnemann and Tversky, ‘Prospects Theory’, p. 273.
associated with an increase in risk-taking it may not be too far-fetched to sug-

gest that greater risks were taken such as substantial investment in livestock and
mills in the most difficult economic circumstances and that direct management
was sometimes maintained despite its relative lack of viability. Clearly landlords
involved themselves in a considerable amount of risk taking during the period of
high farming particularly where the wool trade was concerned but the favourable
cost: price combinations may have restricted their appetite for risk where profits
were more easily come by. Becoming rentier landlords in an era of cheap land and
expensive labour forced them to surrender direct day to day control and to forego
more significant amounts of income as they had to invest greater amounts in
order to attract lessees. Both changes introduced a greater element of uncertainty
into their decision-making compared to their predecessors which was often not
counterbalanced by the certainty of fixed rental income streams as lessees contin-
ually accumulated rental arrears or defaulted on their leases during the fifteenth
century. The leasing of the demesnes may also have opened up opportunities for
more entrepreneurial smaller producers hungry to take advantage of developing
markets caused by the rise in per capita income but who had to make substan-
tial investments and innovations to survive the rigours of the fifteenth century
depression.115 The relationship between rent and capital formation was turned
on its head as far as the peasantry were concerned. Whereas in the thirteenth
century the demands of rent drained their capacity to invest, peasants would only
lease demesnes in the fifteenth century if landlords would invest in them. The
easy rental pickings due to the high demand for land in the thirteenth century
may have hindered capital formation by both landlords and peasants but cheap
land in the fifteenth century was a spur to capital formation by landlords desper-
ate to maintain rental income.
Without eulogizing the achievements of the medieval landlords in any way,
a sound case can be made for their attitudes being investment orientated. True,
they may have indulged in conspicuous consumption and may often have been in
a state of chronic indebtedness, but the amount they invested in the development
of their estates must be considered both in a historical perspective and in relation
to the technical opportunities open to them. When many account roll series begin
it is clear that much of the capital infrastructure has nearly always already been
constructed. What is the point of building an extra barn if it cannot be filled? Yet
even without these qualifications landlords can be seen to be considerably more
enterprising than has sometimes been allowed. Where opportunities existed for
115
Dyer, ‘Were there Any Capitalists?’, pp. 16–17.
potential agricultural developments then clearly some landlords at least were

willing to forego a large proportion of their current income in order to gain
higher future profits, than otherwise would be the case.
While the quality of management and decision making varied by person,
period, and place, these managers were clearly risk takers, sometimes effectively
and sometimes disastrously. The didactic treaties both reflected and reinforced
what was in effect a managerial revolution in the thirteenth century. These
texts were not risk averse; rather they attempted to equip their readers with
an awareness of risk and how to manage it within their administrative and
accounting constraints. It could be argued that they were promoting an approach
towards the accumulation of capital based on rudimentary balance sheets, audits
and forecasting with an emphasis on productivity growth.116 This does not mean
that simply because many landlords of great estates displayed a risk taking, profit-
orientated approach that they were the only ones to do so or that this was the
optimum deployment of capital formation. It is possible that the dominance of
the great estates confined the economy to its traditional agricultural pattern and
also constrained potential investment by other groups in society who might have
invested in more industrial enterprises.117
The new economic conditions following the Black Death appear to have
initiated a surge in proactive investment as many demesnes switched to pastoral
farming and there appears to have been a surge in expenditure on manorial
buildings and mills and weirs. As the auspicious price and cost combinations of
the 1360s and 1370s fell away, even higher rates of essentially defensive investment
may have occurred. In order to avoid greater loss and attract high quality lessees,
landlords were forced to raise their investment stake in the herds, flocks, and mills
of their tenants. The population losses gave impetus to the substitution of capital-
intensive activities such as sheep farming for labour intensive arable production.
With the slump of the mid-fifteenth century and the ebbing of cultural
enthusiasm as well as economic rationale for direct demesne management much
of the production, market, institutional, and human risk was to be passed on to
others. Despite the profound move to a rentier economy, landlords had to retain
an active involvement in the capital stock of their leased estates and this may have
foreshadowed the symbiotic relationship between landlords and tenants that was
to become so important to economic development in later centuries.
116
Beauroy, ‘Sur la culture seigneuriale en Angleterre’, pp. 351–52.
117
Langdon, ‘Was England a Technological Backwater?’, pp. 286–87.
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The Black Death and its
Immediate Aftermath:
Crisis and Change in the
Fenland Economy, 1346–1353
David Stone*
T
he Black Death was one of the most cataclysmic episodes in history and
considerable efforts have been made to track its course and assess the
impact of the devastation that it wrought. In England, following the first
cases on the shores of Dorset in the summer of 1348, the disease spread rapidly
along a number of routes through the rest of the country. In little over a year, at
least forty per cent, and perhaps as much as half of the population of England
died.1 Even for survivors, observing mortality on this scale must have been
horrifying and humbling; as the remarkable Latin graffiti scratched onto the
wall of the church tower at Ashwell in Hertfordshire has ever since testified:
… a pitiable, fierce, violent [plague departed];
a wretched populace survives to witness [to it].2
What survivors actually witnessed, though, in terms of the impact on their

communities during and immediately after this unprecedented demographic
crisis has yet to be fully revealed. Numbing details can certainly be found: for
example, the scramble to ensure that deathbed confessions would be heard;
the arbitrariness with which some families, but not others, were entirely swept
* David Stone was recently an Affiliated Lecturer in Medieval Social and Economic History,
University of Cambridge.
1
Benedictow, The Black Death, pp. 123–45, 342–79; The Black Death, ed. and trans. by
Horrox, pp. 229–36.
2
Sherlock, Medieval Drawings and Writings in Ashwell Church, p. 6.
214 David Stone
away; and the deteriorating quality of handwriting in legal documents, as good

scribes became harder to find.3 The economic impact of the Black Death can
be reconstructed even more systematically, given the consistency and richness of
data that can be derived from the annual account rolls that, for some manors and
estates, run through this period. However, the immediate economic aftermath
of the Black Death, in the three or four years after its arrival, has often been
overlooked. The aim of this study is to highlight what these accounts can reveal
about the state of the economy in the years up to 1353.
Chroniclers, Historians, and the Impact of Plague

Continuity is less remarked upon than change in most contexts, but in the
otherwise tumultuous age of the Black Death it is the economic resilience of
the English rural economy during the third quarter of the fourteenth century
which has elicited most comment: by the mid-1350s, land holdings were more
or less fully reoccupied again and rents had frequently recovered to their pre-
Black Death levels; any rise in wages appears to have been muted; and grain
prices remained unexpectedly high. In turn, changes in the economic fortunes
of landlords and peasants in these decades also appear to have been more modest
than the scale of mortality might lead us to expect.4 Indeed, it is orthodox to date
economic change in the aftermath of the Black Death from the late 1370s, by
which time recurrent outbreaks of plague had reduced the population further
and grain prices had finally tumbled.5 Doubtless swayed by indications of
continuity over the medium term, early historians tended to downplay the extent
of the disruption that the Black Death initially brought in its wake. In 1916, for
instance, Levett stressed that the unusually complete set of accounts that exists
for the bishop of Winchester’s estate
show[s] no revolution either in agriculture or in tenure; no period of anarchy fol-
lows upon the appearance of the Black Death, but there is evidence of severe evanes-
cent effects and temporary changes, with a rapid return to the status quo of 1348.6
3
The Black Death, ed. and trans. by Horrox, pp. 271–73; Bailey, Medieval Suffolk,
pp. 179–80.
4
For summaries, see Bridbury, ‘The Black Death’; and The Black Death, ed. and trans. by
Horrox, pp. 236–41.
5
Larson has recently argued that the experience of the county of Durham in this respect
was different from the rest of England: Larson, Conflict and Compromise in the Late Medieval
Countryside, pp. 77–141 (p. 80).
6
Levett, The Black Death on the Estates of the See of Winchester, p. 143. Robo, in his study of
The Black Death and its Immediate Aftermath 215
The lack of disruption was later emphasized by Salzman, who suggested in his
work on the accounts for Petworth in Sussex that ‘the most astonishing feature is
how nearly business was as usual. It would be possible for a casual reader to run
over the face of the rolls […] and hardly realize that the plague had struck’.7
Yet the extent of economic disruption in the immediate aftermath of the Black
Death should not be underestimated. Fourteenth-century chroniclers were in no
doubt about the upheaval that immediately ensued. The author of the chronicle of
Rochester Cathedral Priory, for example, observed how the humble now turned
their noses up at employment and would only work for triple their former wages,
how workers were addicted to vice, idleness, and thieving, that more than a third
of land lay uncultivated, and that, in the years that followed, buildings and profits
crumbled.8 Henry Knighton, writing in the last quarter of the fourteenth century
but at a level of detail unsurpassed by other chroniclers, agreed and added that
in the wake of the plague livestock prices collapsed, animals perished through
neglect, crops rotted in the fields, and that prices for manufactured goods and
foodstuffs became inflated.9 In fact, since the latter part of the twentieth cen-
tury many historians have broadly concurred with these chroniclers. Hatcher,
for instance, reported in his work on the Duchy of Cornwall that ‘the effects of
plague upon the rural economy are explicit in each manorial account’.10 Horrox
argued that the assumption that change did not occur ‘is barely credible’ and that
it is ‘much more persuasive’ that ‘some change did indeed occur as a direct result
of the first outbreak but that it was, for a time, contained’.11 These points have
subsequently been developed to some extent, not least by Harvey, who recently
surveyed some of the problems that were initially faced on demesnes belonging to
the abbot of Westminster.12
Nevertheless, no sustained or systematic attempt has yet been made to
reconstruct the extent and nature of the economic disruption that occurred in the
immediate aftermath of the Black Death. Shifting the historical focus away from
a medium-term and towards a short-term perspective is important for several rea-
Farnham, which lay on the same estate, reached broadly the same conclusion: Robo, ‘The Black
Death in the Hundred of Farnham’.
7
Ministers’ Accounts of the Manor of Petworth, ed. by Salzman, p. xxxiii.
8
The Black Death, ed. and trans. by Horrox, pp. 70–73.
9
Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. by Martin, pp. 101–07.
10
Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, p. 102.
11
The Black Death, ed. and trans. by Horrox, p. 236.
12
Harvey, ‘The Abbot of Westminster’s Demesnes’.
216 David Stone
sons. Understanding how people coped with disaster on this scale is of innate
and abiding interest, but the implications of such an approach extend beyond
this. First, it allows us to tap into a much richer seam of evidence for the state of
the economy. Hitherto, the historiographical focus has often been confined to
a narrow range of economic indicators, but concentrating on the three or four
years after the plague means that manorial accounts can be more comprehensively
analysed. Secondly, this in turn provides a more solid basis on which to assess
subsequent economic development, whether with regard to the extent of recov-
ery, the nature of the forces containing change, or the identification of turning
points. Indeed, until we have a more complete picture of the nature and degree of
economic upheaval, we cannot rule out the possibility that some elements of eco-
nomic life did in fact change irrevocably at the time of the Black Death. Detailed
analysis of manorial accounts during the passage of the plague itself is important
for another reason, for tracking the disruption to agricultural routines that cus-
tomarily took place at certain times of the year has the potential to contribute to
our understanding of the seasonality and duration of the epidemic, complement-
ing and testing the patterns derived from more traditional sources.
Any study of manorial accounts, particularly in the aftermath of the Black
Death, must at times distinguish historical fact from accounting fiction, not
least with respect to the auditing process to which accounts were subjected.13
Estate auditors performed several duties, but one of the most important was
to challenge the local reeve’s claims over a number of issues, including prices
fetched, wages paid, corn issued, stock lost, and labour services deployed. When
required, alterations were made to the figures in the accounts and marginal or
superscript remarks and explanations added. There is no hard and fast rule to
interpreting such alterations. The prospect of fraudulent reeves clearly bothered
authors of thirteenth-century treatises on estate management and auditorial
interventions can be interpreted as a correction of otherwise erroneous figures.
But in the tougher economic and social conditions of the fourteenth century,
especially following the Black Death, auditors were probably instructed to use
their influence to maintain seigneurial authority as far as possible and to wrest as
much income as they reasonably could out of the reeves. Auditors had to account
to the estate steward, and maybe even to the lord and his council, for decisions
taken and money spent. Targets were consequently imposed retrospectively
on the production of certain goods, prices were amended upwards, and wages
13
For an insightful description of the auditing process, see Manorial Records of Cuxham, ed.
by Harvey, pp. 51–55.
crossed out and replaced by lower ones; in each case, the real shortfall was met
by fictional ‘sales at audit’, charged to the reeve.14 Behind all this probably lay a
reluctance on the part of the landlord to accept that the world was changing:
there was doubtless a disinclination to accept growing difficulties in producing
and marketing goods and a refusal to countenance the reality of wage increases;
viable and reasonable excuses from the reeve might simply have been rejected.
Moreover, from 1349 there was a need to comply with labour legislation.15 Either
way, in the extraordinary conditions that followed the Black Death, the audit
was probably more of a fiction than the original document; the reeve’s original
figures, therefore, command considerable respect. This distinction is important
when examining any manorial account from this period, but it is of particular
significance for data gathered from the Winchester Pipe Rolls, the source used by,
among others, Levett. For all their unrivalled survival, voluminous information,
and geographical spread, these are centrally-compiled, enrolled accounts, ‘a fair
copy of the year’s account’, not the original manorial account rolls drawn up
by local reeves. However, some original accounts do survive, and the first that
can be compared with the Pipe Roll, for the manor of Hambledon in 1345–46,
reveals both the multitude of amendments that were made on the original by the
auditors and the fact that it was the auditorial changes, not the reeve’s original,
and most likely real, figures that were recorded on the Pipe Roll.16
The most reliable picture of the degree of disruption caused by the Black
Death and the course of economic change in its aftermath can be gained from a
sensitive reading of original manorial accounts. This study focuses on three such
sets of accounts from fenland manors of the bishopric of Ely during the period
1346–47 to 1352–53, as Table 9 details. (In place of repetitive footnotes for each
piece of information drawn from these accounts, references to these sources are
gathered together in this table.) These accounts are extremely detailed, contain
many illuminating alterations and marginal comments, and reveal much about
trade and transfer in the region as a whole; they even permit oblique glimpses of
the fortunes of other landlords and some peasants. Because of their exceptional
detail, they allow us to track the passage of the Black Death through the fens and,
in more detail than hitherto, assess the state of the economy in the three or four
years that followed.
14
For examples, see Stone, Decision-Making in Medieval Agriculture, pp. 86–88, 144–45.
15
Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath of the Black Death’, pp. 20–25.
16
The Pipe Roll of the Bishop of Winchester, ed. by Page, pp. ix, xv.
218 David Stone
Table 9. Manorial account rolls for the bishop of Ely’s fenland manors, 1346–53
Downham-in-the-Isle Wisbech Barton Wisbech Castle

1346–47 D10/2/18 1
D8/2/1 D7/1/6
1347–48 D10/2/182 D8/2/2 D7/1/8
1348–49 D10/2/183 D8/2/4 —
1349–50 — D8/2/6a D7/1/9d
1350–51 D10/2/19 D8/2/8b D7/1/7
1351–52 D10/2/20 D8/2/10, D8/2/26c —
1352–53 — D8/2/11 —
Notes: All accounts are located in Cambridge University Library, in the Ely Diocesan Register, and
run from Michaelmas to Michaelmas. There are, additionally, visus compoti (covering part of each
accounting year) surviving as indicated: a) CUL, EDR D8/2/5; b) CUL, EDR D8/2/7; c) CUL,
EDR D8/2/10; d) CUL, EDR D7/1/4. Superscript numbers for the first three Downham accounts
distinguish three different accounts bundled together under one classmark.
The Eve of the Black Death

The East Anglian fens stretch from the Wash, which in the fourteenth century
penetrated much further inland than it does today, down to within a few miles of
Cambridge, as Map 1 shows. The small town of Wisbech and its neighbouring
vills were thus coastal communities, sited on a plain of marine silt. Submergence
of land was a real threat but, equally, soil was fertile and trading opportunities
were good, and there were ready supplies of sand, salt, and — judging by personal
names such as ‘Baterin Makrel’ — sea fish. Behind the coast, rivers and drains
wound through the silt fens to the mostly unreclaimed marshland of the peat fens
beyond. Here, the relentless landscape was occasionally broken by islands of clay
on which settlement clustered. Fishing was common on the rivers and in the
marshes, too; even the moat at Wisbech Castle, fed by a trench from the river,
supplied eels for the lord’s household. The winning of other produce was
common, too, particularly sedge, reeds, and peat turves, which were dug in huge
number.17
The settled areas of the fens were densely populated in 1348, following a huge
surge in numbers, through both natural increase and migration, over the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries. Although population around Wisbech may have been
declining for a generation before the plague, as messuages on the castle bank were
abandoned by the early 1330s and rents of other properties fell during the 1340s,
17
For further information, see Godwin, Fenland, pp. 111–23 and 145–63.
Map 1. The East Anglian fenland in the Middle Ages
Note: Adapted from Coleman, Downham-in-the-Isle, frontispiece.

I am extremely grateful to Phillip Judge for redrawing this map for me.
220 David Stone
the fenland nevertheless remained crowded.18 By then, agriculture had developed

in distinctively different ways in different parts of the region. In the silt fens,
hardy crops such as oats and mixtill were prominent, and large numbers of sheep
and cattle took advantage of abundant grassland. Given the peculiar nature of the
environment, it seems likely that other local farmers followed suit. With regard
to sheep, for instance, this much is suggested by the purchase of one hundred
and fifty-five ewes at Wisbech in September 1348 from six named men, including
William of Upwell and Sir John Colvile, a veteran of the Crécy campaign who
had land at Newton. Further in from the coast, agriculture on the bishop of Ely’s
estate was more varied: Doddington specialized in breeding horses and rearing
cattle; Littleport focused on wheat, peas, cattle, and pigs; and Downham on
wheat, peas, barley, and horses.19 At the latter, the bishop also enjoyed a deer park,
in which carefully managed areas of coppice woods competed with hazardous
clumps of naturally dominant tussock sedge, and a garden, in which apple,
pear, and cherry trees grew. Indeed, at Ely, a vineyard — the most northerly one
recorded in Domesday Book — was still tended at this time.
Taking advantage of the ubiquitous waterways, significant amounts of produce
were moved around the bishop’s estate and the Isle of Ely generally, including
corn, livestock, hay, turves, reeds, sedge, timber, hemp, and fish. Most notably,
hundreds of quarters of oats were annually boated from the silt fens for horses
stabled at the bishop’s various residences, not least his palace at Somersham.
The fens, of course, could not meet every need. Manors elsewhere on the estate
sometimes supplied other produce: in 1347–48, the reeve of Shipdham in Norfolk
sent a great deal of wood to Downham together with ninety-six partridges for the
bishop’s household as it journeyed from there to London. The market economy
was clearly thriving in this region, too. Mentions are made of purchases, especially
of timber and wooden goods, at the port of Lynn, from the market at Ely, and at
the Cambridge fairs of Stourbridge, Barnwell, and Reach. Use was also made of
the weekly market and annual fair at Wisbech, doubtless for buying and certainly
for selling. Indeed, the bishop’s demesnes in this region were highly commercial
in outlook, utilizing informal as well as more formal marketing outlets.20
18
The fact that William Stonea was still renting out the headland of one field at Downham
in the late 1340s is certainly suggestive of continued population pressure.
19
Crop yields could vary hugely, as wheat yield ratios from 1348 indicate: at Downham,
the return was only 2½ times the seed sown, at Littleport reportedly three times, but at Wisbech
8¾ times.
20
Stone, Decision-Making in Medieval Agriculture, pp. 47–53.
With hindsight, what stands out on the eve of the Black Death are the
ordinary rhythms and routine concerns of a world on the brink of disaster. Some
peasants and craftsmen are named in the accounts, but many others can only
be detected through the labour they performed on the lord’s demesnes. These
included customary labourers, still deployed in some number at Wisbech, though
less so at Downham; casual workers, hired either for their particular trades or to
carry out less skilled tasks, some agricultural, such as removing molehills from
meadows, others not, including clearing reeds from the moat at Wisbech Castle;
and famuli who were employed and paid on a yearly basis as ploughmen, carters,
shepherds, swineherds, parkers, and gardeners. The working life of the majority
of medieval fenlanders was, of course, shaped by the seasons: winter sowing and
weather-proofing livestock in October and November;21 lambing in February;
spring sowing in March and April; and the gathering of sedge, turves, wool, hay,
and corn between then and September. The ongoing preparation, marketing,
and consumption of produce is sometimes visible, too. Markets and fairs were
visited regularly, but so too were shops; it was doubtless from such an outlet that,
with the Black Death raging further south, twenty iron hooks were bought for
hanging curtains in the lord’s room at Downham. On the eve of such a tragedy,
even the most mundane of acts can seem strangely evocative.
The Passage of the Plague

Three forms of evidence have traditionally been used to pinpoint the time at which
the Black Death arrived in the fenland region and to track its passage elsewhere
in England. Some chronicles provide precise information: indeed, a Grey Friar
at Lynn noted that ‘This year [1349], around Easter [12 April] or a little before,
began the pestilence in the custody of Cambridge and it lasted for the whole
summer’,22 although the details in this instance are less exact than first appears, for
this ‘custody’, or administrative region, covered all of East Anglia. Institutions of
priests to vacant benefices provide further evidence of the spread of the disease.
Such data is also not without its problems, for vacancies did not invariably signal
death and, as the lapse between vacancy and institution was long and varied and
information about the stage of the epidemic at which these events took place is
not known, local precision is elusive or even misleading. Nevertheless, evidence
21
According to the reeve of Wisbech Barton (and the scribe who testified for him), the
winter of 1348–49 was particularly wet.
22
Gransden, ‘A Fourteenth-Century Chronicle’, p. 274.
222 David Stone
from the diocese of Ely as a whole suggests that ‘the disease first became virulent in
March 1349, reached its peak of infection in the months of May and June’ and fell
away between July and September.23 A good series of manorial court rolls can also
be invaluable in charting the passage of the plague locally, though the level of sur-
vival is often only sufficient to establish a broad time frame for its arrival. For exam-
ple, the Wisbech court for June 1349 contains many records of death with post
mortem transfers of land and the ‘pestilence’ is specifically mentioned at the end to
explain the high level of court income, but as this was the first surviving court since
December 1348, the precise month in which plague took hold here is unknown.24
The potential for manorial account rolls to contribute to our understanding of
the passage of the epidemic has never been fully exploited, yet they can help to fill
the gap when tracing the local incidence of plague. First, they sometimes provide
a detailed breakdown of court income, even when the court rolls themselves
no longer exist. At Downham, no court rolls have survived between 1335 and
1362,25 but the dates of courts held during that time and the income received
from them are recorded in surviving accounts. These show that no courts were
held between 14 January and 26 May 1349, at which point court income surged
to an unprecedented level, both of which suggest the arrival of the Black Death
at some point in between. Secondly, the agricultural and economic information
contained in account rolls allows us to be even more specific about plausible dates
for the rise, peak, and decline in mortality levels.
The fenland accounts in fact suggest that the impact of the Black Death was felt
at least six months before the pestilence actually reached the Isle of Ely. Mortality
in southern England had only been high for two or three months when, on 30
September 1348, the bishop of Ely’s estate steward and brother, John de Lisle,
provided alms for eighteen paupers from Downham, distributed every Tuesday
for a year, at a total cost of 78 shillings (s.). No such expenditure was recorded
until this date which suggests it was provoked by rumours of high mortality and a
sudden concern for spiritual welfare: charity lay at the core of the works of mercy,
which ‘loomed ever larger in late medieval perceptions of the Christian life, and
hence of preparation for judgement’.26 News of the disease and the upheaval that
accompanied it prompted more material concerns, too, for efforts were clearly
made to combat the threat of lawlessness on the estate. At Wisbech, a granger
23
Aberth, ‘The Black Death in the Diocese of Ely’, pp. 280–81.
24
I am grateful to Kate Parkin for this information.
25
Coleman, Downham-in-the-Isle, p. 111.
26
Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars, p. 358.
was employed from Michaelmas 1348 to keep an eye on the lord’s corn and the
grange itself was reinforced over the winter, while at Downham numerous locks
and keys were bought to secure, among other things, the door of the bakehouse.
Other preparations involved altering previously regular patterns in the disposal
of produce. At Wisbech, there was an unusual dash to sell the bulk of winter-
sown crops in November and December 1348, presumably in anticipation of a
collapse in the grain market.27 Furthermore, in an apparent attempt to restrict
unnecessary interaction between communities, an unusually limited amount of
produce was moved around the estate between autumn 1348 and spring 1349.
When transfers did take place, the quantities involved were small and the destina-
tion usually local: the only arrivals at Wisbech Barton, for instance, were seven
young pigs from Walton and a cow from Beaudesert; the total transferred out
of the manor before harvest was 7 quarters of oats to Beaudesert, 3½ quarters
of wheat to Downham, and 10 quarters of oats to Somersham. Nor does it seem
that the bishop’s estate was alone in trying to reduce economic traffic, for judging
by the rise in the cost of imported tar and salve, bought for coating sheep, north-
ern European shipping was also disrupted in the autumn of 1348.28
The Downham accounts provide the most compelling evidence for the arrival
and course of the Black Death in the fens. Two pieces of information suggest that
mortality here did not rise significantly before late March 1349: demesne land
that had been leased but that had now been vacated fell into the lord’s hands on
24 June, at the end of the term of St John, not on 25 March, at the end of the
previous term; moreover, while a cowhide sold in March fetched eleven pence
(d.), the price from about late April dropped to just 3d. Evidence for the
harvesting of sedge and the digging of turves in fact suggests that the number of
deaths had begun to rise by late April and continued at a high level through May
and June. In 1349, the quantity of sedge received from customary tenants was
sixty-five per cent lower than usual; three years later, a pardon was eventually
issued for sedge ‘owed or lost by inundation of water at the time of the pestilence’.
Sedge was protected at Downham until Hockday (21 April), and at nearby
Littleport could no longer be cut after Midsummer (24 June);29 although heavy
rain may have been to blame for the shortfall, the coincidence with the epidemic
27
During the 1330s and 1340s the bulk of winter cereal was sold between January and July
each year: Stone, Decision-Making in Medieval Agriculture, p. 49.
28
The price of tar rose to 4d. per gallon (from 3d. in the early 1340s) and that of salve to
21d. per stone (from 12d.–14d.). One gallon is 4.546 litres, and one stone is 6.35 kg.
29
Coleman, Downham-in-the-Isle, p. 21; The Court Baron, ed. by Maitland and Baildon, p. 129.
224 David Stone
12
10
6
Wisbech
4 Downham
0
October
November
December
January
February
March
April
May
June
July
August
September
Figure 27. Timing of recorded cattle deaths at Downham-in-the-Isle
in 1348–49 and Wisbech Barton 1313–1429
is clear.30 The example of turf-digging provides greater clarity still. No turves at all
were dug in 1349, specifically ‘because of a lack of men and caused by the great
pestilence and great mortality of men’. As with sedge, the cutting of turves was
forbidden until Hockday, although they probably continued to be dug until late
July.31 The total absence of turf-digging suggests that plague was already raging in
Downham by late April and corroborating evidence is supplied by the unusual
order, given by the steward himself, for the oats rations of the Downham stallion
to be doubled from 28 April. Increasing rations during the mating season was not
in itself unusual, but the intervention of the steward together with the
comparatively early start date — two years later a similar increase took place in
late June — are suggestive of a sudden urgency to make the most of valuable
resources, although the accounts do not specify the precise reason.
Revealing information is also provided about the disappearance from the
record of stipendiary employees, most notably an acquittance from labour
services for ‘the smith, a cottager, until Pentecost, the last day of May this year, for
34 weeks […] and then he died’. Elsewhere, a cluster of dates for the termination
of employment is equally ominous: the employment of the parker ended on
30
The summer of 1349 was notoriously wet; this evidence suggests that the rain had begun
by June, and probably by mid-May.
31
Coleman, Downham-in-the-Isle, p. 21.
4 June; the gardener was employed until 24 June; and another parker finished
his employment on 15 August. These dates may be few in number, but their
spread is telling. One death at the end of May and one suspected death five days
later certainly fits with the devastation wrought on the cutting of sedge and turf.
Meanwhile, the declining frequency of suspected deaths in July and August may
reflect waning mortality, and this suspicion is reinforced by evidence that the
reeve of Downham fell ill in August, but survived;32 when an epidemic subsides,
the likelihood of dying after infection is reduced.33
The Downham accounts thus suggest that the epidemic began here in April,
peaked in May and June, and subsided over the next two months. Evidence of
the passage of the Black Death through Wisbech is less abundant, but provides
similar indications of its arrival and duration. In contrast to Downham, spring
sowing at Wisbech appears to have been disrupted, suggesting that mortality rose
slightly earlier here.34 A tentative date of late March is supported by a hiatus in
the employment of famuli soon after: an extra shepherd was hired on 13 April,
and a swineherd and carter at some point between 12 and 20 April; unusually, the
account is inconsistent in its dating for these. Disruption is also evident in pat-
terns of grain sales: the auditors did not question the price agreed by the reeve in
any sales until the last entry for March, after which prices were frequently crossed
out and replaced by higher ones; and the sale price of wheat, having risen from
five shillings in November 1348 to 5s. 4d., suddenly dropped to 4s. 2d. in May
1349. The employment of the granger was also terminated in that month. This
all suggests that plague was rampant in Wisbech during April and May; certainly,
grassy field edges could not be leased in the summer of 1349 ‘on account of the
pestilence’.
Although the death toll in the fenland region was probably as high as else
where during the Black Death,35 scanning through manorial accounts can easily
32
The reeve, John Dunfrey, disappeared and was replaced without comment. He was
probably still alive in early August, for he ordered wheat to be sent to pay a granger at Littleport
for six weeks, most likely early in harvest. However, Dunfrey was subsequently recorded as
leasing land at Downham: Coleman, Downham-in-the-Isle, pp. 17, 78.
33
Slack, The Impact of Plague, p. 175.
34
In the spring of 1348, three customary ploughs were used for sixteen days at five works
per day; in the spring of 1349, two ploughs were used for six days, at three works per day.
35
Evidence from Cambridgeshire and the Isle of Ely as a whole suggests that a death rate
of forty-five to fifty per cent was not unusual: Page, The Estates of Crowland Abbey, p. 121;
Ravensdale, ‘Population Changes and the Transfer of Customary Land’, p. 198; Aberth, ‘The
Black Death in the Diocese of Ely’, pp. 278–81.
226 David Stone
generate the impression that the normal routines of agricultural life quickly
reimposed themselves during the summer and autumn of 1349. However, closer
investigation reveals a much bleaker story and one which, on the whole, chimes
with that told by contemporary chroniclers. Knighton observed that ‘sheep and
cattle wandered through the fields and amongst the crops, and there was none
to seek them, or round them up, and they perished in out-of-the-way places
amongst the furrows and under hedges, for want of a keeper’. 36 Unusually, the
Downham accounts consistently record the month in which cattle died and, as
Figure 27 shows, mortality in this herd did indeed peak dramatically in May
1349. In fact, ten out of thirteen cattle are said to have died in late April and May,
at which point the plague was reaching its height. The normal pattern, as far as
it can be established from the Wisbech accounts, was for cattle mortality to rise
most markedly during the winter months. Circumstances at Downham in 1349
were complicated by the timing of calving, but even so the primary cause of these
deaths is most likely to have been neglect: a sudden cessation of food and water
may have lowered resistance to infection; or the close grazing of the same pasture
may have increased the ingestion of parasites. But whatever the immediate cause,
it was ultimately the case that while the carcass of the cow that died in January
was sold, the rest were not ‘because they were cadavers and of no value’. Tenant
livestock may well have diminished in number, too, and for similar reasons, for
income from the leasing of grassland at Wisbech fell from as much as ten pounds
(£10) per year in the late 1340s to nothing in 1348–49, while the impounding of
stray animals was unusually high.
The initial impact of the Black Death on livestock husbandry was not
confined to high levels of mortality. Knighton also remarked that livestock prices
in 1349 were exceedingly low,37 and this is borne out by evidence from Wisbech.
Here, the purchase price of lambs, which Knighton put at 2d., dropped markedly
during the Black Death, presumably through a combination of local surfeit and
low demand: prices stood at nearly 10d. per lamb in the early 1340s,38 but each
lamb fetched little more than 3d. per head between May and September 1349.
Similarly, pigs sold in November that year fetched 29d. per head, compared to
38d. a year earlier. Moreover, the productivity of livestock was exceptionally poor
during the spring and summer of 1349. At Wisbech, over a third of ewes could
not be milked, while seven out of eleven mares were barren. The only bright
36
Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. by Martin, p. 101.
37
38
CUL, EDR D8/1/16.
spot in the pastoral sector was the fertility of sows: at Wisbech, a total of sixteen
piglets had issued from two sows in October 1348 and January 1349, and they
produced a further thirteen that summer.
The path of wages also corroborates chroniclers’ remarks about the degree of
upheaval that prevailed in the countryside that summer. At Wisbech, as Table 10
shows, wages began to diverge from the norm between April and July, and the
divergence had become even more marked by August and September.
Table 10. Agricultural wages at Wisbech Barton, 1347–49
Task Time of year Unit Payment

29 Sept 1347– 29 Sept 1348–
29 Sept 1348 29 Sept 1349
Threshing wheat Oct.–May Quarter 2d. 2d.
Making water channels November Furlong 2½d. 2½d.
Ploughdriver Nov.–April 12 weeks 12d. + 8 bu. 12d.
(9½ bu.) mixtill + 8 bu. mixtill
Mowing hay July Acre 5d. 6d. (6s. 4d.)
Washing/shearing sheep July 20 sheep 1.7d. (2s. 6d.) 3d.
Carter August–Sept. 8½ weeks 3s. 4d. 3s. 4d. (7s. 5d.)
+ 6¾ bu. mixtill + 8 bu. mixtill
Reaping/binding corn August–Sept. Day 1½d. 3¾d.
Mowing beans August–Sept. Acre 3d. 8½d.
Note: Figures in parentheses show, where appropriate, the original entry that was made in the account
by the reeve, which was subsequently crossed out by auditors and replaced with a lower figure.
Not only does this fit with Knighton’s description of workmen and employers
ignoring the Ordinance of Labourers of June 1349, but the piece-rate paid for
mowing beans on this farm in fact fits precisely with his comment that ‘[i]n the
following autumn no one could hire a mower for less than 8d. with his keep’.39
Notably, too, while the bishop’s auditors had questioned some of the reeve’s earlier
adjustments to wages, even they seem to have accepted that securing a workforce
at harvest came at a hefty price. Such increases are echoed at Downham, and the
reason for them was made plain. After the death of the smith, another was hired
at an enhanced rate; when held to account, the reeve defended his decision by
39
228 David Stone
saying that he was paid so much ‘because […] all are enhancing the prices that
they are paid’.
There were clearly ructions among the famuli, too. Five bushels of wheat
were given to the famuli at Downham during harvest ‘as a gratuity’, by order of
the steward, but their counterparts at Wisbech appear to have been less easily
appeased. Those taken on in April seem to have demanded comparatively high
stipends,40 arousing discontent among their new colleagues, with whom the
reeve then negotiated. Eventually, one ploughman was given ten shillings rather
than seven shillings, and two other ploughmen and a carter were each given an
extra five pence in cash and a quarter of grain every eight weeks rather than every
ten. Although based on crossed-out entries, the reality of these negotiations is
revealed by an entry that the auditors missed: in July 1349, over four quarters
of mixtill were bought ‘for payment of the famuli’. Nor was this the end of the
matter, for new terms were agreed after harvest, the auditors presumably having
scolded the reeve: from Michaelmas, these four were all given eight shillings and
a quarter of corn every ten weeks.
Against this background of despair and dispute, key agricultural operations
had to be carried out. Unsurprisingly, chaos reigned. At Wisbech, fallow
ploughing, which was vital for controlling the rich weed flora of the silt fens,
could only be carried out in a rudimentary fashion. At Downham, the hay harvest
cost nearly three times as much as usual and was clearly not very successful, for the
steward ordered further forage to be cut.41 By far the most important event in the
agricultural calendar, though, was the corn harvest. Knighton’s haunting image
of crops rotting in the fields may well have applied to some of the land farmed
by now-dead tenants and lessees, but is less relevant to demesnes. Nevertheless,
crop yields were low: at Wisbech, most grains yielded between seventy-six and
eighty-two per cent of the average of the previous three years, while the harvest
of legumes was disastrous, at just twenty per cent. The latter was probably caused
by difficulties at sowing time, depredations by livestock, and most significantly,
by the insouciance of the workers who mowed the beans. In fact, the Wisbech
accounts reveal that yields of beans harvested from peasant land were markedly
better. Reliable evidence for peasant yields is extremely rare, but can occasionally
be found when, at the tenant’s death, land was temporarily in the hands of the lord
40
Above the stipend given to the swineherd, the clerk noted ‘so much this year because of
the pestilence and for guarding the pigs of Beaudesert and Walton’.
41
Heavy rain during the growing season for grass should have brought a bumper crop of
hay, and yields clearly held up at Wisbech. Even so, the experience at Downham was probably
more common, for alternative forms of fodder seem generally to have been in demand.
and the crops from it were harvested and the issue recorded in the accounts. That
year, whereas the demesne managed a yield of just 3.2 bushels per acre of beans,
eight acres that had belonged to Agnes Tuliet and Agnes Hennys produced six
bushels per acre, and ten acres that had been sown by Stephen Daglard produced
10.2 bushels per acre. Relative yields in this tumultuous year are unlikely to be
generally representative, but this comparison says a great deal about the attitude
and skills of surviving labourers, for the crops of the dead tenants were reaped
with a sickle rather than mown with a difficult and unwieldy scythe.
By the autumn of 1349, the plague appears to have moved on and some aspects
of life must have had an air of familiarity about them. At Wisbech Barton and
Downham, accounts were compiled and audited in September;42 and judging
by the fastidiousness with which the Wisbech reeve was forced to admit that he
did not use all of a horse hide to mend a harness, it was, to some extent at least,
business as usual. But continuity in administration should not be mistaken for a
return to normality; indeed, the rolls are full of hints, asides, and amendments
that suggest otherwise. For example, when estate transfers resumed in September,
there was a flurry of movements of pigs: Downham received twenty-three from
Littleport, nineteen from Hadstock, and eight from Ely Barton; and sent twelve
pigs to Stretham, twelve to Littleport, twelve to Ely Barton, and six to Wilburton.
Moreover, the relatively high price that pigs still fetched suggests that they were
generally in demand in this region.43 The precise reason for these patterns cannot
be teased from the accounts with any certainty, but comparatively high rates
of fertility and a low incidence of mortality during the Black Death plausibly
elevated the economic potential of pigs and encouraged a preference for the
consumption of pork.
Perhaps the most striking deviation from the norm was the more prominent
role played by the estate steward in local decision-making. We have already
seen that, as the plague passed through this region, John de Lisle instructed
the Downham reeve to increase rations for the stallion, mow extra forage,
and provide the famuli with extra wheat. His attentiveness might have been as
a result of Downham’s closeness to Ely, its status as a favoured residence, and
the affliction of the reeve, but even at Wisbech the steward’s presence and
42
Although impossible to distinguish between rolls that have not survived and rolls that
were never written, no accounts for 1348–49 exist for Wisbech Castle, Great Shelford, or
Brandon, where survival is otherwise good.
43
Although prices at Wisbech had dropped by November 1349, they were still considerably
in excess of the national average and much higher than Knighton later believed: Farmer, ‘Prices
and Wages’, p. 806; Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. by Martin, p. 101.
230 David Stone
influence was equally marked: fodder was regularly provided for his horses from
Michaelmas, and he can be seen ordering the sale of grain in November, and
again the following spring. Such intervention doubtless reflected the degree
of economic upheaval and social uncertainty that was ushered in by the Black
Death and the perceived need on estates for central direction and a strong
seigneurial presence.
The Immediate Aftermath of the Black Death

The extent of economic disruption during the passage of the Black Death
through the fens substantiates the claims of chroniclers about the initial impact
of the plague, but whether the economy continued to be disrupted in the three
or four years that followed is another matter. For while the impression given
by Knighton and other chroniclers is of an economy, landscape, and society
in perpetual flux during the early 1350s, historical analysis has often suggested
otherwise. Indeed, the accounts for these fenland manors suggest that the bishop
of Ely and his officials experienced few problems in filling tenant land that had
been vacated as a result of the Black Death. For example, Margery Boiyard from
Lynn died without an heir, but her cottage and 1½ acres or so of land that she
had held in Leverington was already leased again for 12d. in 1349–50. Similarly,
twenty-six acres of land at Wisbech, which had been held by a certain Tuppers
until his death, had been temporarily leased to William of Barcroft until April
1351, at which point the heirs of Tuppers arrived to claim the land. Overall, while
there may well have been some negotiation over rent paid in kind,44 only a small
proportion of land and tenements in the Wisbech area — at Elm — remained
unoccupied by September 1350, and just one tenement at Downham appears to
have been vacant by the following September.
Yet continuity in the occupation of tenant land should not be allowed to
mask the upheaval and change that occurred in many other parts of the fenland
economy, not least the payment of wages. Generally, during the third quarter of
the fourteenth century as a whole, wages do not appear to have behaved as we
would anticipate after a demographic collapse on this scale, but close scrutiny
of the fenland accounts suggests that more change was afoot during the early
1350s, at least, than we have become accustomed to think. In June 1349, the
44
For example, the number of hens that the lord received from his tenants at Christmas was
substantially reduced in 1349 and 1350.
Ordinance of Labourers was passed to counter precisely the sort of rise in wages
that occurred at Wisbech but, rapid though the government’s response was, the
conflicting interests of the landlords who enforced it in their courts meant that
it was regularly breached. The fenland evidence reflects this: by 1350–51, the
annual retainer for the Downham smith had risen to 10s., an increase of fifty
per cent in three years; daily wages for labourers reinforcing mill mounds at
Wisbech had risen by sixty-seven per cent; and the rate for baking a quarter of
grain into bread there had doubled from 3d. to 6d. However, it is surprising to
find that the Statute of Labourers of February 1351, which handed responsibility
for enforcement to independent commissioners of the peace, was treated with
similar disdain.45 The cost of baking bread at Wisbech did fall in 1352, but, at 5d.
per quarter, hardly met the Statute’s directive to peg wages at the level they had
been in 1346. Indeed, the cost of mowing and carting here had risen between two
and three times over the years 1347–52, as had the retainer for the Downham
smith, which now stood at 16s.
Openly flouting the Statute was only one way of ensuring that work was done,
for, as Hatcher recognized, there were surreptitious ways of circumventing it.46
Terms of employment on these manors suggest that a number of different ploys
were immediately adopted. First, the type of contract might be changed: the
cost of reaping and binding an acre of corn at Wisbech, which had risen from
7d. in 1347–48 to 12d. in 1350–51, was in the following year paid by the day.
Second, the auditors simply crossed out wages which they wanted to conceal
or with which they otherwise disagreed. At Wisbech Castle, most carpentry
was paid at 3d. per day before 1349, but two years later was paid at double this
according to the reeve, but at 4d. per day according to the auditors. Thirdly, there
were increases by stealth: the reeve of Wisbech Castle was paid a stipend during
harvest, and he used a nominal link to the price of wheat to award himself an
increase of forty-four per cent in 1351, despite the relatively modest price of
wheat at the time. Fourthly, bonuses were given, both in cash and in kind. Lastly,
auditors toyed with the definition of time worked in order to give the impression
that a lower wage was being paid. At Downham, each week that the thatcher and
his mate worked in 1351–52 was ultimately recorded as seven days of work, when
the original entry made it clear that they only worked for five. Together with
other semi-hidden perks, the actual wages paid to these two were between a third
and two-thirds higher than was specified.
45
For further information, see Putnam, The Enforcement of the Statute of Labourers.
46
232 David Stone
Table 11. Prices of selected products in the fenland, 1346–47 to 1352–53
Cart
Baskets Baskets Wheel wheels Plough
(seed) (corbell) barrows Hurdlesa Halters (pair) share
1346–47 — — — 1d. — 5s. (5s. 4d.) (18d.)
1347–48 4d. — 7d. 1d. ⅞d. — 19d.
1348–49 — 5d. 7d. 1.4d. 1d. 5s. 18d.
1349–50 — 6d. — — 1d. — —
1350–51 — 11d. 12d.–14d. 2d. 1¼d. — 25d.
1351–52 6d. 8d. 17d. 1¾d.–1.8d. 1d.–1¼d. 12s. 6d. —
1352–53 — — — — 1d. 10s. 10d. 36d. (51d.)
Reeds Sedge Turves Salt Sand Hemp seed Wax

(100 sheaves) (100 sheaves) (1000) (bushel) (bushel) (bushel) (lb.)
1346–47 25d.–33⅓d. 10d.–12d. 9d. — ½d. 5d.b —
1347–48 20.2d.–20½d. — 2.1d.–9d. 3d. — — 6d.
1348–49 26⅔d.–40d. — 4.1d. — — — —
1349–50 — — 16d. 7½d. — — 8d.
1350–51 33⅓d. 10d.–19½d. 20d.–30d. 10d. 1½d.–2½d. — 8d.
1351–52 20d. — — — — 11d. —
1352–53 — — 30d. — — — —
Notes: Prices in parentheses show, where appropriate, the original entry that was made in the account
by the reeve, which was subsequently crossed out by auditors and replaced with a lower figure.
a
The series for hurdles comes exclusively from the Downham accounts, since the cost of carriage from
the point of purchase is included (in this case, usually from Cambridge or Reach). For prices in the
Wisbech accounts, see Table 12.
b
For comparison with the later price, this is the price recorded for 1345–46: CUL, EDR D8/1/19.
The behaviour of prices also betrays the extent to which the fenland economy
was in a state of disarray in the aftermath of the Black Death. Much as chroni-
clers suggested, the price of different goods rose markedly during the early 1350s.
Grain prices became more elastic and increased steadily up to 1352, reaching
levels which had seldom been seen during the early fourteenth century. Such
behaviour is not only suggestive of monetary inflation but also of severe supply-
side disruption,47 and this impression is further conveyed by price series for other
goods, a selection of which are shown in Table 11. All goods had to be manu-
47
Edward III’s debasement of the coinage, culminating in 1351, doubtless contributed, as
the chroniclers John of Reading and Geoffrey le Baker claimed: Waugh, England in the Reign
of Edward III, pp. 81–82, 91. Rigby also highlighted the inflationary pressure resulting from a
falling number of transactions: Rigby, English Society in the Later Middle Ages, p. 99.
factured or gathered and increased labour costs presumably account for at least
some of the price hike. Indeed, there are important differences between them,
which may well be explained by the nature of production. Between 1347–48 and
1350–51, the rise in price of many commodities was relatively modest, but prices
of salt, sand, and turves rose to a much greater extent. The production of salt and,
in particular, the digging of sand and peat, were arduous tasks and marketable
surpluses may well have diminished with great rapidity in the early 1350s.
Table 12. Comparison of product prices at Wisbech and Downham, 1347–48 to 1351–52
Accounting year Price

Product Wisbech Downham
Before the Black Death
Reeds 1347–48 20.2d./100 sheaves 20.5d./100 sheaves
Baskets for horses 1347–48 2d. 2¾d.
Wheelbarrow 1347–48 — 7d.
Wheelbarrow 1348–49 7d. —
Cow before calving 1348–49 9s. 1¼d. 8s. 6d.–9s. 3d.
After the Black Death

Sedge 1350–51 10d./100 sheaves 19½d./100 sheaves
Wheelbarrow 1350–51 12d. 14d.
Tar for sheep 1350–51 4d./gallon 5d./gallon
Hurdles 1350–51 2¼d. 2d.
Hurdles 1351–52 2d. 1¾d.–1.8d.a
Halters 1351–52 1¼d. 1d.
Note: a Price includes carriage to Downham; the actual cost was 1.5d./hurdle.
Indeed, the market economy in this region appears not to have operated as
smoothly as usual in the wake of the plague. Table 12, which compares prices of
the same products bought in the same year at Wisbech and Downham, shows
that significant discrepancies in market values emerged at this time. In a relatively
integrated economy, prices should broadly be comparable, as they were in the late
1340s, but by 1350–51 and 1351–52 there was usually a difference of between
12½ and twenty-five per cent; sedge was in fact valued at nearly twice the price
in Downham. Other evidence adds to this sense of dislocation. At Downham,
the use of markets and fairs, which had clearly been disrupted in 1349, appears
to have been significantly undermined until 1351. Fairs were affected by changes
in overseas trade, but the market economy was choked by internal levels of
234 David Stone
production and distribution as well. For instance, the number of turves dug at
Downham was reduced by seventy-five per cent between 1347 and 1351, and
there seems to have been a hiatus in horse breeding at Doddington. Just as
Knighton observed, there was also a dearth of food and ale in the fens in the
summer of 1350, and again the following year; even during the harvest of 1352,
reapers at Wisbech were said to be expensive because of a ‘lack of food’.
The scale of disruption that followed the Black Death is also reflected in mano-
rial fortunes. At Wisbech Castle, income from leasing seigneurial assets, which
included the market and fair, shops, mills, and fisheries, as well as land, fell by
fifty-four per cent between 1347–48 and 1349–50. Nothing could be made from
four shops because they were devastated and, by the following year, lay in ruins. By
then, the leasing of demesne land at Wisbech Barton had dropped by sixty-three
per cent; at Downham, income from such leases was reduced by a third (although
the auditors refused to accept that this was so), the mill could no longer be leased,
and nothing was made from the lease of the sheep fold because ‘the tenants are
dead’. With plummeting incomes and spiralling wages, the level of unnecessary
expenditure on these manors was slashed. At Downham, for instance, the cost
of building work shrank from over £32 in 1347–48 to just 7s. 2½d. three years
later. This financial squeeze largely explains why auditors put reeves under such
pressure to account for the decisions they had made. Together with poor weather,
exaggerated price movements, the demands of a truculent workforce, and the
need to find and negotiate with tenants, the office of reeve must really have been a
thankless one in these years. In fact, at Wisbech Barton, the lord did not succeed
in retaining reeves as he had hitherto: from 1350 to 1353, they remained in post
for only a year at a time; indeed, in June 1353 one appeared in court, ‘charged
with demonstrating how he wished to be exempt from office’.48
Catastrophic though the Black Death was, its aftermath was not just a time of
ruefulness but also one of opportunity. As one anonymous author, probably writ-
ing in 1352–53, vividly put it, disruption and upheaval on this scale generates
‘winners’ as well as ‘wasters’.49 Of course, opportunities had to be grasped, obsta-
cles overcome, and success was not guaranteed,50 yet the potential for improve-
ment nevertheless existed. Wage-earners could secure higher earnings, not just
through improved rates of pay, but also in terms of the type of work available,51
48
Parkin, ‘Courts and the Community’, p. 135.
49
Scattergood, ‘Winner and Waster’.
50
In fact, some tenant debts were cancelled at Downham in 1352 ‘to relieve them of their poverty’.
51
Low-paid jobs were carried out by women to a greater extent: at Downham, eighteen
or the number of days they could find employment. Prices increased, too, but the
combined benefits accruing to wage-earners would probably have boosted their
real wages. Those holding, or aspiring to hold, land doubtless hoped to benefit
from an unprecedented shake up in the land market. Moreover, market-oriented
farmers, large or small, were in a position to take advantage of a number of emerg-
ing trends, for the second half of the fourteenth century saw significant improve-
ments in the nature and level of consumption.52
Dietary choices for the majority of people are difficult to ascertain but,
initially at least, many people seem to have wanted larger quantities of familiar,
mid-quality produce. Demand for rye and mixtill, used to make inferior bread,
continued at an unexpectedly high level: at Downham, rye was valued at a similar
level to wheat in 1350–51; at Wisbech, the value of mixtill in 1353 exceeded
that of wheat. As the proportion of land under these crops increased on the
respective demesnes in the early 1350s, there would seem to be more to this
than local shortage; it suggests, in fact, that these lower quality bread grains were
proving enduringly popular. Similar trends occurred with brewing grains: dredge
(a mixture of oats and spring barley) was introduced at Downham in 1351
(using seed from Wimblington) and at Wisbech the following year (using seed
from Terrington); and the sharp increase in the production of malt at Wisbech
in the aftermath of the Black Death consisted chiefly of oats. Both crops could
withstand wetter growing conditions better than pure barley, but as winter barley
was grown very successfully at Wisbech (and occasionally malted), these trends
may well be reflective of taste.
Others must have had more elevated aspirations, since demand for wheat and
barley, the premier bread and brewing grains, together with demand for meat
and better quality clothing, was far from slack. A growing market for ale is par-
ticularly conspicuous: in pre-Black Death Downham, wheat and malted barley
fetched about the same price, but in the years that followed the price of the latter
was fifty per cent higher than that of wheat. The demesne economy responded
efficiently to these stimuli. Sales of malted barley at Downham increased enor-
mously, and now contributed half of all manorial income. Pastoral farming could
also prove lucrative. Indeed, the cow herd at Downham was built up again fol-
lowing the high losses sustained during the passage of the plague and by the early
1350s the lease of the cow herd brought in ten per cent of all income. Elsewhere,
when prices of sheep, pigs, and birds rose significantly in the aftermath of the
women were employed in 1350/51 to carry turves in the marsh at a daily wage of about 1¾d. each.
52
See, for example, Dyer, ‘Changes in Diet’.
236 David Stone
pestilence, demesne officials again responded adroitly. What little can be gleaned
about other farmers suggests that some, at least, took advantage of changing pat-
terns of consumption with similar speed. When Richard Kede fled his holdings
at Downham a year or so after the plague, he left chattels of one bushel of wheat,
four cows, a pig, and two bushels of peas, suggesting that even smallholders pro-
duced high quality grain, meat and dairy. More generally, wheat comprised fully
forty-seven per cent of the grain taken as multure of the mill from Downham
tenants following the harvest of 1350. Moreover, large quantities of legumes were
sold by the demesne there, probably destined for peasant flocks and herds. Even
the rector of Tydd supplied thirty lambs to Wisbech Barton in both 1350 and
1351, and eighteen pigs, ten young pigs, and eight piglets in the following year,
though we cannot tell whether the animals were raised on glebe land or received
as tithe. Peasants doubtless also kept significant numbers of chickens and geese;53
even the price of hemp, more a peasant than a demesne crop, increased threefold
at Wisbech during the early 1350s, providing growers with renewed incentive, as
well as extra income.
However, taking advantage of such opportunities was not straightforward.
The disruption to markets has already been noted, but this was not the only
problem for, in spite of more intensive use of yield-raising techniques in demesne
fields,54 the productivity of this land was unusually low. Yields of wheat and
barley at Downham, for instance, were forty-five per cent and thirty-six per cent
lower in the harvests of 1350 and 1351 than they had been in 1347 and 1348.
Nor was this restricted to the arable sector, for livestock productivity was also
poor. At Wisbech, fleece weights in 1351 were twenty-nine per cent lower than
they had been in the early 1340s; fertility rates were commonly reduced, too, and
mortality among sheep and pigs was unusually high.
Productivity was doubtless impeded by continued wet weather, but other
forces may well have had an even greater impact. In particular, the efficiency of
labourers appears to have declined drastically in the aftermath of the Black Death.
Chroniclers certainly fulminated about them: the Rochester monk opined that
‘all those who served did so with ill will and a malicious spirit’; Knighton later
believed that from the day the Statute of Labourers was published, workers
‘served their masters worse than ever before’.55 Tangible evidence that this was
indeed the case can be found in the rate at which the harvest was brought in at
53
Stone, ‘The Consumption and Supply of Birds’, pp. 153–54, 158–59.
54
See, for example, Stone, Decision-Making in Medieval Agriculture, p. 101.
55
The Black Death, ed. and trans. by Horrox, p. 73; Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. by Martin, p. 121.
Wisbech, which dropped by a third from 7.2 bushels per man-day for most of the
1340s to 4.8 bushels between 1349 and 1353. Reasons why this was the case are
not hard to find. Labour services, which continued to be widely used at Wisbech
and were enforced again in large numbers at Downham, were doubtless grudg-
ingly performed.56 Among hired labourers, the incentives to work with sustained
application must have been swept away by the shocking events of 1348–49. The
famuli, who carried out the bulk of farm work, probably had even greater reason
to work half-heartedly, for their remuneration barely improved in the years fol-
lowing the Black Death, and at times was actually lower than it had been in the
1340s. Inefficient husbandry can depress levels of productivity in various ways.
Sometimes, problems arose merely through inattentiveness and the delays or
oversights that consequently occurred. This may help to explain why livestock
mortality rose so precipitously,57 and it plausibly contributed to falling grain
yields, too. The 1351 harvest at both Wisbech and Downham was blighted by
darnel, some species of which can prove devastating if infestations are not spotted
and dealt with immediately. Whether peasant agriculture suffered from deterio-
rating efficiency to the same extent is less certain, but the demesne sector plainly
had to contend with a severe problem.
Yet, while great estates were troubled on a number of fronts, many could
nevertheless weather the storm because of their considerable economic reserves;
reserves that lesser landlords and peasants simply did not have. As we have seen,
the bishop of Ely was able to call upon an exceptional number of labour services
and had the economic clout to attract casual labour too. By contrast, those with
substantial landholdings but little authority over the labour supply, probably
struggled: Richard Deye of Wisbech, for instance, appears to have anticipated
greater success than he could engineer, for in 1352 he let go of sixteen acres of
demesne land that he had leased and then a further seventeen acres in 1353. Nor
should the importance of estate transfers be underestimated, for huge amounts
of produce were redistributed around the Ely estate in the aftermath of the Black
Death. The scale on which this took place is illustrated in Figure 28, which is
based on the three surviving accounts for 1350–51. Among other things,
Downham received oats from Wisbech, malting corns from Wimblington, and
56
Precise calculation of the number of labour services used is bedevilled by a number of prob-
lems but, of all available works (after subtraction of those excused), at least fifty-four per cent had
been used at Wisbech Barton in 1346–47 yet seventy per cent in 1352–53, while at Downham
less than two per cent had been used in 1346–47 rising to at least forty-eight per cent in 1350–51.
The number of available works appears not to have changed significantly over these years.
57
Stone, ‘The Productivity and Management of Sheep’, pp. 17–20.
238 David Stone
From Walpole:  Terrington

4q. 4b. wheat From Terrington:
4 rams
From Wisbech: Half a porpoise
4q. 4b. wheat  Walpole
From Wisbech:
6 wethers, 20 ewes, 187 hoggasters
From Tydd:  Tydd 1 mill axle
5q. 7b. wheat
12q. 1½b. oats  Walton
A fish called ‘tamel’ From Walton:
4q. wheat
From Wisbech: 7q. beans, peas, vetches
2 parts of a mill post 9q. oats
1 sow & 9 piglets
30 carts hay
WISBECH  Half a seal, 2 halves of porpoise,
Lord’s household at Wisbech: & half a sturgeon
45q. 4b. oats
 Beaudesert
12 carts of hay From Wisbech:
48,000 turves 4q. wheat
From Beaudesert: 2 pieces of wood for a sail arm
23 heifers/steers & 12 calves
15 pigs
From Wisbech:
A boat
From Doddington: From Downham:
3 mares 1 foal
From Wisbech:
12q. wheat
100q. oats
Wimblington  3 mares & 3 foals
Half a sturgeon
529 eggs
From Wimblington:
 Doddington 25q. barley
6q. dredge
From Doddington:
From Wisbech: 2 mares From Littleport:
4,320 sheaves of reeds 3 cows
529 eggs  Littleport 1 cart horse & 2 foals
2 boars & 18 pigs
46 hens From Downham:
6q. rye From Downham:
5 mares & 4 foals  DOWNHAM 3 mares & 3 foals
Lord’s household in Downham: From Downham:

7q. wheat  ELY 6,600 turves
9q. 7b. rye
56 hens & 600 eggs From Ely:
62,400 turves 1q. 4b. wheat
20,880 sheaves of sedge 6q. barley
2 boars & 29 pigs
 Somersham  Wilburton
From Wisbech:
3q. 6b. wheat
48q. oats
From Downham: 216 fleeces & 23 woollen pelts
1 mare & 7 foals 2 capons & 68 hens
Half a seal, 2 halves and 2 parts of porpoise, & 1 ‘tamel’
1lb. pepper
From Wisbech to Fen Ditton: From Hadstock to Downham:

3q. 3b. wheat 5 oxen
Figure 28. Recorded estate transfers between the bishop of Ely’s fenland manors, 1350–51
oxen from Hadstock in Essex; meanwhile, Walton sent a great deal of produce
to Wisbech, including corn, legumes, hay, and even seal, porpoise, and sturgeon,
these last eventually finding their way to Downham and Ely. In this way, manors
less badly affected by the pestilence were able to help out those on which the
impact had been heavier. Furthermore, lords were to some extent able to remedy
any immediate fall in rental or demesne income by a windfall of manorial court
profits. This was the case for the bishop of Ely, at least with respect to the manor of
Wisbech, where court income increased by thirty-nine per cent between 1347–
48 and 1349–50. However, the same was not necessarily true for lesser lords. On
his manor at Newton, Sir John Colvile saw his court income fall by forty-four per
cent over the same period. Meanwhile, on lands held there by Edmund Gonvile,
rector of Terrington St Clement and Rushford, court income declined by sixty-
five per cent.
It would consequently be a mistake to equate incipient signs of economic
renewal in the bishop of Ely’s accounts from the winter of 1351–52 with full-
blown recovery in the economic fortunes of the region as a whole. Nor was this
simply a matter of social and economic standing, for the southern fens appear
to have turned the corner a year or so earlier than other parts of the region. For
example, Downham’s use of Reach, Barnwell, and Stourbridge Fairs resumed in
1352 and estate transfers to and from the manor were reduced at approximately
the same time; a year later, the intensity of transfers involving Wisbech also
dropped. Moreover, while prices of some commodities (such as wheelbarrows
and turves) continued to rise after 1350–51, those of others (including hurdles
and halters) fell to some degree; notably, those in the first group were recorded at
Wisbech, those in the second in the Downham accounts. The leasing of certain
demesne resources seems to have resumed more swiftly and smoothly in the
southern fens, too. At Downham, such holdings were satisfactorily reoccupied by
1351–52; but at Wisbech the process appears to have been more gradual, despite
signs that the issue was being tackled with more purpose by September 1351.
For instance, officials now checked back through the records to determine the
best course of action. The lease of the fishery at ‘Upstanene’ is a case in point:
leased for 20s. that year, but for 33s. 4d. ‘in the year before the pestilence’, 58 it
was noted that it should be leased in future for a term of five years at 60s. per
year, ‘including a cottage for the fisherman’. Perhaps this was unrealistic, but their
58
Interestingly, this refers not to 1347–48, but to 1346–47 — the accounting year before
the pestilence reached England — even though the fenland region was not affected until 1348–
49. Estate officials may well have noted that the level of some leases was reduced in 1347–48,
presumably as news of the pestilence reached these shores.
240 David Stone
efforts eventually paid off: by 1352–53, the total amount of demesne land leased
at Wisbech Barton finally exceeded the level it had dropped to in 1349–50. By
then, Wisbech market appears to have been fully operational as well, attracting
regular visits from, among others, a merchant of Lynn.59
Conclusion
Contemporary opinions about the economic reverberations of the Black Death
have sometimes been rejected in favour of statistical findings derived from
ostensibly more reliable estate records. Chroniclers, after all, were not afraid to
exaggerate and, as most were members of monastic communities, they tended to
accentuate seigneurial concerns. Yet, this in itself does not mean that their views
should be summarily dismissed. Moreover, estate records themselves require
careful interpretation. Centrally-compiled accounts, such as the Winchester Pipe
Rolls, have been tidied up for administrative convenience and much important
information about the dialogue between auditors and reeves has consequently
been filtered out. Locally-produced manorial account rolls are not straightforward
to interpret either, but they provide a much sharper and more realistic picture of
the countryside in the age of the Black Death. Strikingly, this picture, at least
with respect to the fenland, is much more in line with that painted by fourteenth-
century chroniclers.
The light that manorial accounts shed on agricultural disruption during the
passage of the plague itself, and thus on its seasonality and duration, not only
corresponds well with information derived from other sources but in fact adds
significantly to it. As the Downham and Wisbech data indicate, accounts can
provide precise and reliable information about the arrival and course of the
epidemic at a fixed geographical point. Accounts reflect the economic activities
of a wide range of local people, generally provide coverage of a whole year at a
time, and survive for a large number of other demesnes for the years 1347–48
to 1349–50; the argument for systematically using all available accounts to track
the Black Death as far as possible across the country is therefore a powerful one.
The prospect of combining this information with other sources for the spread of
the Black Death is equally tantalizing, not least because accounts could provide
a much sharper sense of the point during an epidemic at which institutions to
a benefice occurred and, thus, significantly influence the ways in which we
interpret the information contained in bishop’s registers. Indeed, the accounting
59
Stone, Decision-Making in Medieval Agriculture, pp. 84–85.
material would help to clarify the precise routes taken by the pestilence and the
pace at which it spread, neither of which can be established with any certainty
from other sources on their own.60
The Black Death clearly brought a severe economic crisis to the fenland
region. The demographic and economic impact of the plague must have varied
from one locality to another, but disruption appears to have been more common
than not, and the problems that it precipitated often correspond with chroni-
clers’ descriptions: for instance, animals died through neglect; livestock prices
collapsed; wages and prices rose; and the efficiency with which labourers worked
seems to have declined. Moreover, the impact was neither brief nor superficial,
for the crisis seems to have endured for several years. Of course, not everyone’s
experience of these years was the same; indeed, many peasants and artisans would
have had the opportunity to improve their material well-being. Yet the local
economy was in turmoil nevertheless. Small landlords and larger peasants may in
fact have suffered disproportionately at this time; in this sense, they were prob-
ably more ‘wretched’, in the words of the Ashwell graffiti, than most.
To say that the importance of these eventful years set the scene for what
followed in the later fourteenth century is not merely to state the obvious. Local
and regional economic disruption needed to be resolved but, more significantly,
forces were also set in motion that were difficult to reverse. Pandora’s Box had
effectively been opened: patterns of consumption had begun to change; the
payment of wages had become riddled by subterfuge; and the expectations
of employers and labourers had to be adjusted as work was carried out with
less efficiency. Indeed, amidst the hurly-burly of economic upheaval, the social
concerns of lords and peasants probably began to assume more tangible forms. It
is beyond the scope of this study to examine the paths these forces subsequently
followed, but the evidence presented here suggests that the economic impact
of the Black Death, whether in terms of its immediate impact or its lasting
consequences, should by no means be underestimated. Change may not have
been ubiquitous, but change there plainly was.
60
Benedictow, The Black Death, p. 142. The results of combining information on institu-
tions of priests with manorial court roll data at county level are strikingly revealed in Bailey,
Medieval Suffolk, pp. 177–78.
242 David Stone
Works Cited
CUL, EDR D7/1/4 Cambridge University Library, Ely Diocesan Register, D7/1/4
CUL, EDR D7/1/6 —— , D7/1/6
CUL, EDR D7/1/7 —— , D7/1/7
CUL, EDR D7/1/8 —— , D7/1/8
CUL, EDR D7/1/9 —— , D7/1/9
CUL, EDR D8/1/16 —— , D8/1/16
CUL, EDR D8/1/19 —— , D8/1/19
CUL, EDR D8/2/1 —— , D8/2/1
CUL, EDR D8/2/2 —— , D8/2/2
CUL, EDR D8/2/4 —— , D8/2/4
CUL, EDR D8/2/5 —— , D8/2/5
CUL, EDR D8/2/6 —— , D8/2/6
CUL, EDR D8/2/7 —— , D8/2/7
CUL, EDR D8/2/8 —— , D8/2/8
CUL, EDR D8/2/10 —— , D8/2/10
CUL, EDR D8/2/11 —— , D8/2/11
CUL, EDR D8/2/26 —— , D8/2/26
CUL, EDR D10/2/18 —— , D10/2/18
CUL, EDR D10/2/19 —— , D10/2/19
CUL, EDR D10/2/20 —— , D10/2/20
Primary Sources
The Black Death, ed. and trans. by Rosemary Horrox (Manchester, 1994)
The Court Baron: Being Precedents for Use in Seignorial and Other Local Courts, Together
with Select Pleas from the Bishop of Ely’s Court of Littleport, ed. by Frederic W. Maitland
and William P. Baildon, Selden Society, 4 (London, 1891)
Knighton’s Chronicle, 1337–1396, ed. by Geoffrey H. Martin (Oxford, 1995)
Manorial Records of Cuxham, Oxfordshire, circa 1200–1359, ed. by Paul D. A. Harvey,
Oxfordshire Records Society, 50 (London, 1976)
Ministers’ Accounts of the Manor of Petworth, 1347–1353, ed. by Louis F. Salzman, Sussex
Record Society, 55 (Lewes, 1955)
The Pipe Roll of the Bishopric of Winchester, 1301–2, ed. by Mark Page, Hampshire Record
Series, 14 (Winchester, 1996)
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Aberth, John, ‘The Black Death in the Diocese of Ely: The Evidence of the Bishop’s
Register’, Journal of Medieval History, 21 (1995), 275–87
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Bridbury, Anthony R., ‘The Black Death’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 26 (1973),
577–92
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teenth and Fourteenth Centuries (Woodbridge, 1984)
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c. 1580 (London, 1992)
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Workers’, in Christopher Dyer, Everyday Life in Medieval England (London, 1994),
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by Herbert P. R. Finberg and Joan Thirsk, 8 vols (Cambridge, 1967–2000), ii: 1042–
1350, ed. by Herbert E. Hallam (1988), pp. 715–817
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in The Modern Traveller to our Past: Festschrift in Honour of Ann Hamlin, ed. by Marion
Meek (Dublin, 2006), pp. 292–97
(1994), 3–35
—— , Rural Economy and Society in the Duchy of Cornwall, 1300–1500 (Cambridge, 1970)
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2006)
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Social and Legal History, 5 (Oxford, 1916)
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Peasant Society of Wisbech Hundred, Cambridgeshire, from Manor Court Rolls’
(unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Leicester, 1998)
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(New York, 1908)
244 David Stone
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Waugh, Scott L., England in the Reign of Edward III (Cambridge, 1991)
Court Rolls as Evidence
for Village Society:
Sutton-in-the-Isle in the
Fourteenth Century
Erin McGibbon Smith*
E
ver since the so-called ‘Toronto School’s’ path-breaking and controversial
attempts to reconstruct peasant communities from manorial court rolls
began in the late 1950s, these sources have captured the imagination
of medieval historians.1 While the methodologies and conclusions of some of
these studies may now be judged to have gone beyond the limitations of their
sources, they have also served to ignite a constructive debate about what is
possible in terms of utilising manorial court records as a source for medieval
social and economic history. Despite the extensive historiography relating to
this issue, many questions remain about how accurately court rolls reflect the
reality of life on the manor and which methodologies historians should adopt
when using them as evidence for village society. John Hatcher’s recent book The
Black Death: An Intimate History offers a fresh insight into the richness of these
sources through combining meticulous research with creative reconstructions
* Erin McGibbon Smith is an Associate Faculty Member at the University of Phoenix.

1
In addition to his extensive and influential contributions to the historiography of
medieval social and economic history, John Hatcher has provided an invaluable source of
inspiration, guidance, and support for a number of graduate students, of which I was fortunate
to be one. Without John’s keen ability to provide structure and focus, his sage advice to begin
with what you know and work from there, and countless hours spent discussing the Black Death
and fourteenth-century England, this study of Sutton-in-the-Isle would have been much the
poorer. I also owe thanks to Steve Rigby and Mark Bailey for their helpful comments, and to
Bruce Campbell for encouraging me to tackle the issue of population. The errors that remain
are, of course, my own.
246 Erin McGibbon Smith
to paint a vivid picture of the experiences of village life during the onset of the
Black Death.2 Here we explore these methodological issues from another angle,
focusing on the village of Sutton-in-the-Isle, Cambridgeshire, as a test case. After
detailing the complex issues that historians must address when investigating
court roll series, a new methodology is proposed and is used to analyse the
Sutton records. The Sutton evidence illustrates a picture of dramatic change over
time in the preoccupations of the manor court. Narrowing our focus still further
to one element of this picture, specifically the business relating to crime and
misbehaviour, we compare the Sutton data with other local studies and assess the
degree to which they reflect reality. Finally, we highlight specific examples from
the Sutton rolls as a way to explore the potential pitfalls of court roll studies and
ways in which they can be overcome.
I
The manor of Sutton-in-the-Isle, Cambridgeshire, is located in Witchford
Hundred on the Isle of Ely, approximately six miles (or 10 km) from the city of
Ely. It is situated on the western edge of the Isle, on a spur of land jutting into
the fens. Sutton was a nucleated village which operated under a three-field crop
rotation.3 The manor and vill were coterminous, and the prior of Ely was the
sole lord of the manor. The abbey’s franchise on the Isle of Ely was substantial
enough to have been likened to a palatinate.4 While this portrayal is certainly
an exaggeration, it serves to highlight the fact that the prior exercised strong
lordship with minimal external interference.5
It is difficult to estimate the size of Sutton’s population and impossible to
measure change over time with any accuracy. Nevertheless, population estimates are
an important element in gauging per capita changes in offences, and it is therefore
important to glean what information we can from the available taxation records.
In 1327, forty-two taxpayers from Sutton and the neighbouring village of Mepal
paid three pounds, eight shillings, and seven and a quarter pence (£3 8s. 7¼d.)
(representing an assessed movable wealth of £68.60).6 Estimates of the proportion
2
Hatcher, The Black Death.
3
For a map of the medieval village, see Hall, The Fenland Project, p. 59.
4
Miller, ‘The Liberty of Ely’, p. 3; Miller, The Abbey and Bishopric of Ely, p. 200.
5
For more information on Sutton and the Liberty of Ely, see McGibbon Smith,
‘Reflections of Reality in the Manor Court’, pp. 5–13.
6
The 1327 lay subsidy figures were extracted by Dr R. E. Glasscock from Kew, TNA,
Court Rolls as Evidence for Village Society 247
of the households who paid the tax range from twenty-five to forty-five per cent.
If we assume that each household comprised 4.75 individuals, the combined
population of Sutton and Mepal in 1327 would then have been between 499 and
798.7 In 1377, 423 inhabitants in Sutton and Mepal contributed to the first poll
tax, which, in theory, represented all men and women aged fourteen or older.8 If
we use low estimates for evasion and the percentage of the population under the
age of fourteen, the total population at this date may have been around 590 whilst
if we use a more realistic multiplier to turn taxpayers into a total population, the
villages may have had around 803 inhabitants.9 Nevertheless, even when we use a
high estimate for population in 1327 and a low estimate for 1377, the resulting
population change, from about 800 to around 600, still seems implausible.10
Recent investigations into the impact of the Black Death have concluded that the
death rate in Cambridgeshire was probably higher than in most other counties.11
Evidence from the Ely Diocesan Registers regarding the appointment of new
parish priests indicates that their death rate rose to almost fifty per cent in 1349.12
Corresponding evidence for population change in some Cambridgeshire manors
indicate that ‘the extraordinarily high figures for the deaths of parish priests were
matched by those occurring among villagers’.13 Therefore, if we accept a 1377
population estimate for Sutton and Mepal of around 800, their pre-Black Death
population was probably about 1600.14
E179/81/6. I owe thanks to Bruce Campbell for the lay subsidy data and helpful discussion
regarding population estimates.
7
Dyer has argued for thirty-five to forty per cent, while Campbell and Bartley have
suggested 25–33.3 per cent. Dyer, ‘How Urbanized Was Medieval England?’, p. 174. Campbell
and Bartley, England on the Eve of the Black Death, p. 329.
8
The Poll Taxes of 1377, 1379 and 1381, ed. by Fenwick, p. 74.
9
This calculation is based on the information in Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England:
Rural Society and Economic Change, p. 29. For a comprehensive discussion of population estimates
from the 1377 poll tax, see Rigby, ‘Urban Population in Late Medieval England’, pp. 398–99.
10
See Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy, p. 25.
11
I owe thanks to John Hatcher for discussion on this point. Benedictow, The Black Death,
p. 364–68; Gummer, The Scourging Angel, pp. 186–88.
12
Aberth, ‘The Black Death in the Diocese of Ely’, pp. 276–280.
13
At nearby Soham ‘two thirds of the tenantry were dead by early June, and at Landbeach
at least half perished’; John Hatcher, personal communication. In the nearby Crowland Abbey
manors of Oakington, Cottenham, and Dry Drayton death rates from the plague have been
estimated at 70 per cent, 49 per cent, and 47.6 per cent, respectively; Aberth, ‘The Black Death
in the Diocese of Ely’, p. 280.
14
This assumes a fifty per cent decline between 1335–45 and 1377–91. See Section III of
II
Contrary to what one might think from the title of Sherri Olson’s A Chronicle of
All that Happens, the record of the manor court was not a perfect mirror of life
in the medieval village. Olson’s title was taken from a quote by Maitland, who
described court rolls as ‘a chronicle of all that happens in the court’.15 However,
there is an enormous difference between ‘all that happens’ and ‘all that happens
in the court’. Many manors did not coincide precisely with a vill, so information
from the manorial court records will only provide a partial picture of the ‘village
community’. Although some of the peasants’ interests were recorded in manor
courts, the prime reason for the existence of the courts was to benefit the mano-
rial lords, not the villagers.16 Warren Ault was doubtless correct when he argued
that ‘if we turn over enough rolls and are on the alert we catch a glimpse here and
there of the community of the vill acting on its own initiative and in its own inter-
est’ but, even here, the preoccupations of the court were usually dictated by the
village elite, rather than by the entire community.17 Large sections of the popula-
tion, such as women, children, and the landless were partially or completely hid-
den from the view of the court. What happened in the court was recorded in the
rolls, but what happened outside the court was not. For instance, interpersonal
pleas were often resolved through a licence to agree outside the court, and the
outcome of the dispute was not recorded in the roll.18 Furthermore, offences on
the manor were not always consistently reported, so that at times activities disap-
peared from the court record despite the fact that they were clearly still occurring
on the manor.
Another important factor in interpreting a series of court rolls is the com-
pleteness of the records themselves. In addition to the problems posed by lost or
damaged rolls, there could be considerable changes over time in the frequency
with which courts were held. Certainly, although the extant court rolls from Sut-
ton are one of the best surviving series, they do not give equal coverage to all the
years for which they survive. This does not mean that they cannot produce useful
this article for details of the assumptions made in this calculation.

15
Olson, A Chronicle of All that Happens, p. 12; Select Pleas in Manorial and Other
Seignorial Courts, ed. by Maitland, ii, p. xiv; Kate Parkin discusses this point at length in Parkin,
‘Courts and the Community’.
16
DeWindt argues the opposite; The Court Rolls of Ramsey, ed. and trans. by DeWindt, p. 12.
17
Ault, ‘By-laws of Gleaning’, p. 65.
18
Clanchy, ‘Law and Love’, p. 57.
information, but rather that the information gleaned must be viewed in the con-
text of the incomplete record source from which it was taken.
Table 13. List of surviving fourteenth-century court rolls
Curia Curia Curia

Year Curia et leta Year Curia et leta Year Curia et leta
1308 6 1 1339 2 1 1370 2 1
1309 3 1 1340 4 1 1371 0 0
1310 4 1 1341 3 1 1372 0 0
1311 4 1 1342 2 1 1373 0 0
1312 5 1 1343 4 1 1374 0 0
1313 4 1 1344 0 1 1375 0 0
1314 6 1 1345 4 1 1376 0 0
1315 5 1 1346 3 0 1377 1 1
1316 7 1 1347 0 0 1378 2 1
1317 6 1 1348 0 0 1379 2 1
1318 4 1 1349 0 0 1380 3 1
1319 3 0 1350 0 0 1381 1 1
1320 1 0 1351 0 0 1382 0 1
1321 1 0 1352 0 0 1383 2 1
1322 3 0 1353 0 0 1384 2 1
1323 0 0 1354 0 0 1385 2 1
1324 2 1 1355 0 0 1386 2 1
1325 1 1 1356 2 1 1387 2 1
1326 3 1 1357 3 1 1388 2 1
1327 4 1 1358 2 1 1389 1 1
1328 1 1 1359 1 1 1390 3 1
1329 2 1 1360 1 1 1391 2 1
1330 4 1 1361 4 0 1392 2 1
1331 3 1 1362 0 0 1393 3 1
1332 4 1 1363 0 0 1394 1 1
1333 1 1 1364 0 0 1395 2 1
1334 1 1 1365 0 0 1396 3 1
1335 2 1 1366 0 0 1397 1 1
1336 2 1 1367 1 1 1398 2 1
1337 2 1 1368 1 0 1399 1 1
1338 3 1 1369 2 1
Note: The shaded areas indicate periods under study.
140
120
100
80
Average per curia
Average per leet
60
40
20
0
1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91
Figure 29. Average number of entries per court
Table 13, which lists all the surviving sutton court sessions from 1308 to the
end of the century, clearly demonstrates that the number of sessions for which
records survive fluctuates greatly from year to year throughout the century.
unfortunately, the records give no clear indication of how frequently the court
met or how this may have changed over time. The average number of extant
courts per year declined steadily throughout the century, from 5.7 in 1308–10, to
3.6 in 1335–45, 3.0 in 1356–61, and 2.8 in 1377–91.
Additionally, Figure 29 shows that by the second half of the fourteenth cen-
tury the average number of entries per court had risen, indicating that the court
may indeed have met less frequently and so had to deal with more business at
each session. when the court dates for the first half of the century are plotted by
month, there is no clear pattern, which may indicate that the court did not keep a
regular schedule. After the Black Death there is more consistency, with a clear
pattern of two curias in February and June and a combined session of the curia
and leet (view of frankpledge) in september.19 however, this ‘schedule’ was not
strictly adhered to, and some years have more than three surviving court sessions.
19
Further evidence indicating that the court met only three times per year in the last quarter
of the century can be found in the account roll from Michaelmas 1379 (Cul, ely D&C,
7/4). The total sum of court perquisites for the year recorded in the account is £7 1s. 1½d.,
which is 6s. 8d. less than the sum of the totals for the three surviving courts from that year. The
discrepancy probably reflects that some court fines remained uncollected.
Given the potential problems posed by the incomplete survival of manorial

court rolls, what methodologies have historians developed for using these
sources? Much of the previous work on court roll evidence has focused either on
the analysis of a narrow selection of themes from the total business of the court
or on ambitious attempts to reconstruct the life of the entire village community
from court records. One of the drawbacks of studies that focus on only one aspect
of the court rolls is that they frequently do not provide an overall context from
which to interpret the records. Some historians do not attempt to quantify their
data, and those who do rarely specify what percentage of total court business
their data represent. Additionally, the methodology used to categorize various
court activities is often unclear, making it difficult to compare findings from
different manors when they are presented by different historians. On the other
hand, the majority of historians who have attempted complete reconstructions
of village populations have been overly optimistic about the ability of the records
to capture reality.
While many historians have criticized the Toronto School’s methodology,
there is no clear consensus about how best to approach the analysis of a series of
manorial court records in their entirety.20 Razi’s reconstitution of the manor of
Halesowen is certainly the most convincing, but it was only possible due to the
exceptional survival rate of the Halesowen records. While Razi’s study is held in
high regard, it has nonetheless provoked some lively methodological debates.21
Jennifer Phillips Campbell’s investigation into the court rolls of the manors of
Redgrave and Hinderclay successfully grappled with the village reconstitution
issue by acknowledging that the court rolls contained a community of ‘court
associates’, defined as individuals cited in the court roll, rather than a ‘village
community’ and she did not attempt full village reconstitutions. Even so, Phillips
Campbell argues that ‘a vital stage in the identification of individuals cited in the
records of the medieval manor court is the reconstitution of family groupings’.22
While it is agreed that, when possible, this type of analysis can be illuminating,
it requires an extremely nuanced approach to the records and the results can be
significantly affected by the incomplete survival of a court roll series or a lack of
ancillary documentation.
20
Most notably, see Razi, ‘The Toronto School’s Reconstitution’.
21
Poos and Smith, ‘“Legal Windows onto Historical Populations?’”; Razi, ‘The Use of
Manorial Court Rolls’; Poos and Smith, ‘“Shades Still on the Window’”.
22
Phillips, ‘Collaboration and Litigation in Two Suffolk Manor Courts’, pp. 5–10
(quotation from p. 178).
Even when, as at Sutton, we cannot attempt a full reconstruction of the

population of the village or of the court associates, manorial court rolls still
provide us with an invaluable window onto life on the manor. It is, however,
important to remember that fourteenth-century manorial courts were not
stagnant institutions that maintained consistent priorities, and as a result, the
‘window’ provided by the rolls changed in size, shape, and opacity over time.
This is well illustrated by the Sutton court records. From year to year the
contents of the rolls could change dramatically as the lord’s officials focused on
some offences whilst neglecting others altogether, and over time larger patterns
of changing concerns are also evident. Any attempt to offer a continuous analysis
over the entire time period would have to grapple with the fact that the records
are clearly more complete at some times than others. To alleviate this problem
as much as possible, the analysis of Sutton offered here is focused on those time
periods where the records are most complete: namely 1308–19, 1335–45,
1356–61, and 1377–91.23
The fourteenth century is an especially attractive period in which to conduct
an enquiry into manorial court records. The Sutton records provide virtually
continuous detailed coverage of the agrarian crisis in the early years of the
century through to the mid-1340s, and start up again after the Black Death when
they cover the period from 1356 through to the end of the century. By working
with the records of court activity in periods of particularly full documentation,
a useful comparison can be made between different periods to arrive at a picture
of the change over time and to determine whether such change was simply the
product of changes in court policy or whether it reflects real changes in life on the
manor. Within each period, the data can be viewed and analysed year by year and
court by court, in order to capture short-term changes as well as long-term trends.
Since a wide range of different activities is covered by the Sutton rolls, it is
helpful to divide the business of the court into manageable categories so as to
quantify the importance of each type of court business and to measure change
over time. For this purpose, seven categories have been chosen, namely: ‘the lord’s
rights’, consisting of fines raised from the prior’s unfree tenants, amercements
when those fines were evaded, and issues concerning the prior’s property; ‘inter-
peasant litigation’, including pleas of debt, trespass, broken covenant, defamation,
and land disputes; ‘community nuisance’, which involved cases resulting in
damage to community resources or breach of the village by-laws; ‘officials and
court function’, including all entries relating to the operation of the manor or
23
The Sutton court rolls are held in CUL, Ely D&C, 7/4.
manorial court; ‘crime and misbehaviour’, encompassing offences that were

socially harmful, disruptive, or outright criminal; ‘land’, which involved all aspects
of land conveyance and use; and ‘the market’, containing all entries relating to the
production or sale of goods.
The Sutton court records are particularly full, with nearly two hundred
different activities recorded in the court during the period under study, a far wider
range than can be found in many other manors.24 The process of dividing activities
into specific categories or indices is problematic because many activities could
theoretically be assigned to more than one category.25 For example, some pleas of
trespass involved assault and so could arguably be included either in the category
of ‘inter-peasant litigation’ or under ‘crime and misbehaviour’. For this reason it
is important to view the indices with caution; they are a means of arranging and
analysing the data rather than a categorical statement of the significance of each
activity. When a significant shift in the relative importance of one index is noted,
the reasons for the shift have to be analysed carefully before any firm conclusions
can be reached.
The information contained in the Sutton court rolls was processed and
stored in a Microsoft Access database. In order to quantify the manorial court
business it was necessary to determine what constitutes a single unit of activity.
One way to quantify the material is to count each defendant fined or listed for
a particular activity as a single entry, regardless of whether it was an activity that
was repeated from the previous court. The resulting data gives a view of the actual
business of the court from session to session as a percentage of court business.
However, the drawback to this approach is that it gives undue weight to cases
that were not resolved in one court visit. To address this issue, an attempt has
been made to determine which entries were repeats of earlier business and to
eliminate duplicated cases from the dataset. This second approach facilitates a
quantification of the number of unique cases that appeared in the court. In some
instances it is unclear whether an entry should be counted as new business or
repeated business. Where a particular entry is listed as postponed, or someone
is attached, distrained, or summoned to the next court, and they appear in the
next surviving court for that piece of business, this is considered in the figures
24
For example, in the period from 1320–45 in the prior of Ely’s manor of Lakenheath,
Suffolk, only fifty-seven different offences were recorded. Williamson, ‘Dispute Settlement in
the Manorial Court’, p. 136.
25
Alternative methods of categorization can be found in Smith, ‘English Peasant Life-
Cycles and Socio-Economic Networks’, and Williamson, ‘Dispute Settlement in the Manorial
Court’, p. 136.
below as repeat business. If a type of business is repeated but not in consecutive

surviving courts, then it is determined to be two separate cases, unless the case
is clearly recognizable as an on-going case despite the gap of one or more court
sessions. Where two defendants were involved in an action it is entered as two
cases, unless it seems most probable that one person was only involved in the
case as a head of household. This was most common in land transfers where both
husband and wife were listed as transferring or receiving land, but could also
regularly be found when husbands and fathers pleaded (or responded to a plaint)
alongside their spouse, under-age child, or servant. The main cause of repeated
entries was the inability of court officials or pledges to persuade defendants to
attend the court. Not all of the categories were affected by repeat business. The
activities that were most highly affected were those in which the tenants had
fled the manor outright and inter-peasant litigation. In terms of speed, the court
was generally more efficient at concluding cases relating to the lord’s interests or
community issues involving the lord’s leet jurisdiction than it was at resolving
inter-peasant conflicts. Even when enforcing the lord’s rights, however, the court
struggled to address tenants who had fled the manor or allowed their tenements
to fall into disrepair.
Viewing the change over time in each activity or category as a percentage of
court business illustrates the relative fluctuations in the function and priorities
of the court. Nevertheless, when assessing the change over time in specific
activities this approach has some drawbacks. The most significant problem is
that the changes over time shown in these statistics are relative so that if one
activity has a particularly substantial shift then it has a dampening effect on the
percentage change of other activities, causing some changes in the court to be
understated. Two possible solutions to this dilemma are to present the data as an
average per court or per annum. This method is problematic, however, because
it presupposes that the court met with a consistent frequency throughout the
century and that the number of court sessions surviving per year was invariable.
Additionally, this method would also be affected by changes in population
levels — which were dramatic in the fourteenth century.
There is no perfect solution to these shortcomings in the Sutton data. Never
theless, many significant findings can be gleaned from the rolls when we are
mindful of their limitations and analyse the data in a variety of ways. The basic
methodology used throughout this article is to present changes in each activity
as a percentage of unique court business. This provides an overview of the relative
importance of each aspect of court business. Where this data may be misleading
in terms of the absolute change of an individual activity, further levels of analysis
are added, such as the average number of court entries per annum or the average
50
Lord’s rights
45 Inter-peasant litigation
Community nuisance
40 Officials and court function

Crime and misbehaviour
Land
35
The market
Illegible
30
25
20
15
10
0
1308-19 1335-45 1356-61 1377-91
Figure 30. Seven indices as a percentage of court business
number of entries per court, so that the picture that is presented of change over
time is as complete as possible. In addition, an attempt is made to compare the
business of the Sutton court with that of other local courts in order to obtain
an idea of the types of activities that are conspicuous by their absence, and
also to compare change over time in various locations. In particular, it should
be noted that Sutton was in close proximity to the Ramsey Abbey manors in
Huntingdonshire, the bishop of Ely’s manors on the Isle, Crowland Abbey’s
Cambridgeshire manors, the prior of Spalding’s fenland manors, and some of
the prior of Ely’s Suffolk manors, which have all been the focus of previous study
and provide a useful comparison because of their similar geography and/or
rights of lordship.
III
When we look at the Sutton data, the most striking finding is the considerable
change over time in the type and quantity of business recorded in the Sutton
court rolls.26 Figure 30 provides an illustration of the change over time in the seven
26
A full tabulation of all the entries contained in the rolls is available in Appendices 1 and 2
in McGibbon Smith, ‘Reflections of Reality in the Manor Court’, pp. 237–54.
categories as a percentage of unique court business. From this perspective

‘community nuisance’, ‘crime and misbehaviour’, and ‘the market’ followed similar
trajectories, with a peak in 1335–45. ‘Inter-peasant litigation’, ‘officials and court
function’, and ‘land’ declined steadily from 1308–19 to 1356–61; and ‘the lord’s
rights’ varied dramatically from a low of fifteen per cent in 1335–45 to a high of
over forty-five per cent in 1356–61. In addition to these considerable changes
between the four periods under study, there were often significant changes in
multiple categories from year to year. Instead of attempting to discuss the full
extent of these changes, this article will focus specifically on the index of ‘crime
and misbehaviour’ as a test case which will demonstrate the impact of change
over time whilst also serving to highlight some problems of interpretation of
these sources.
One of the most interesting changes in the index of ‘crime and misbehaviour’
was a peak in violent crime in 1335–45, which can be seen in Table 14. If accepted,
these figures would cast doubt on Ambrose Raftis’s widely accepted argument
that a decline in the ‘village community’ took place after the onset of the Black
Death.27 The concept of community in history has come under intense scrutiny
in recent years, with one historian going so far as to claim that ‘there is a strong
case for banning the word “community” from all academic writing’.28 However,
provided that historians are careful to avoid nostalgic assumptions about a
‘golden age’ in which the world was a ‘friendlier place’, and employ a nuanced
definition which accounts for the fact that the membership of communities is
dynamic, that community members do not always have common goals and
interests, and that individuals can be members of multiple communities, the
continued use of the term can still be valid and constructive.29 Certainly, there
was a ‘village community’ of sorts in Sutton recorded in the court rolls, which
consisted of villagers who shared common customs and interests. Whether or not
they themselves were required to attend the court as a landholder, they had a
relationship with someone who did and who was responsible for their behaviour.
Raftis’s claims about the decline in community after the Black Death relate
to the ‘disturbed atmosphere’ which he identified in the village of Upwood
(Huntingdonshire) in this period. He argued that high levels of mortality and
immigration of newcomers had severed the strong ties that bound the community
27
Raftis, ‘Changes in an English Village’, pp. 163–65.
28
Carpenter, ‘Gentry and Community in Medieval England’, p. 340.
29
Schofield, Peasant and Community in Medieval England, pp. 5–8; Dyer, ‘The English
Medieval Village Community’, pp. 407–18; Phillips, ‘Collaboration and Litigation in Two
Suffolk Manor Courts’, pp. 4–5, 28–32.
Table 14. Crime and misbehaviour
Crime and misbehaviour 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Unique entries 231 277 107 219
Percentage of total 7.6 15.0 7.6 7.1
Average entries per court 3.4 7.1 5.9 5.2
Average entries per leet 19.3 25.2 17.8 14.6
Assault 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Percentage of total 0.4 1.6 1 0.8
Bloodshed 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Housebreaking 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Hue and cry (justly) 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Percentage of total 1 6.1 2.8 1.5
Hue and cry (unjustly) 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Percentage of total 0.2 1 0.2 0.3
Scolding 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Percentage of total 0 0.3 0 0
together and gave way to an increase in quarrels, violence, and bloodshed. He

asserted that there is more evidence for violent behaviour ‘among villagers from
the court rolls for a few years of the 1360s than for a whole generation before the
Black Death’.30 Unfortunately, Raftis did not provide his readers with the figures
30
Raftis, ‘Changes in an English Village’, p. 164.
on which his analysis was based. Despite his assurance that ‘a large number of
court rolls survive for the entire century’ in Upwood, in fact only forty-two out
of two hundred possible court sessions survive from 1301–1400, little more than
one in five.31 This contrasts sharply with the Sutton courts, for which thirty-eight
courts survive from the period 1335–45 alone. In the period from 1335–45, only
three sessions of the court survive for Upwood, while in the more ‘violent’ 1360s
five courts survive, and it is unclear whether Raftis took this into account in his
analysis.32 The Upwood court met twice yearly, once with a view of frankpledge
(leet) and once without (curia). As most of these offences were only recorded in
the leet, the survival of the leet session is vital in assessing changes in the number
of recorded incidents. Unfortunately Raftis did not make clear how many of the
surviving Upwood courts were leets. Thus, whilst it is possible that there was an
upsurge in crime on the Ramsey Abbey manors in the 1360’s, Raftis’s evidence
is presented in an anecdotal fashion, and it is possible that the large gaps in the
court records obscure genuine changes in the court.
Raftis is not the only historian to identify a high level of assaults in the late
fourteenth century. In Havering (Essex), McIntosh found that ‘the years from
1383 to 1408 saw many assaults, consistent with the pattern observed in other
manors’, specifically referring to the Ramsey Abbey manors studied by Raftis
and Edwin DeWindt.33 Unlike Raftis, McIntosh does provide quantitative data
listing the number of assaults recorded in the court. Unfortunately, since no
Havering manorial court records survive before 1352 (i.e. after the onset of the
Black Death), we cannot compare the situation here with that in the pre-plague
period. There are nine membranes surviving for 1352–53, and then nothing
more until 1380. This explains McIntosh’s use of the vague description ‘many
assaults’ because she had no earlier data with which to make a comparison. We
will never know if these ‘many assaults’ represent an increase from the pre-Black
Death period because the data simply do not exist.
Perhaps even more problematic than the issue of record survival is the lack of
accurate information regarding population change. Most of the published data
on these offences do not make explicit reference to population change. In terms of
straight numbers the evidence seems to contradict Raftis’s theory. Olson provides
a table with the ‘average number of hue citations per court roll per decade’ in
her study of Upwood and Ellington, and notes that in both manors there were
31
Olson, A Chronicle of All that Happens, p. 234.
32
The record survival for Warboys is similar, with three sessions surviving from 1335–45,
and five for the 1360s; Raftis, Warboys, p. 10.
33
McIntosh, Autonomy and Community, p. 209. The italics are my emphasis.
20
18
16
14
12
10
8
Assuming 50%
population decline
6
between 1335–45
and 1377–91
4
0
1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91
Figure 31. Per capita crime (per leet, per thousand)
an average of 3.6 and 14 hues per court in the 1330s, respectively, but by the
1360s this had declined to only 3.3 and 9.34 DeWindt’s study of Holywell-cum-
Needingworth shows a decrease in most of the behaviours Raftis interpreted as
indicative of such a decline.35 Razi claims that the Warboys court rolls do not
indicate an increase of violence after the Black Death.36 Data on the hue and cry
from the Ramsey manor court published by DeWindt indicates that the average
number of hues raised in each court decreased from 28 per session in the 1330s to
23.4 per session in the 1350s.37 However, if we factor in a fifty per cent population
decline between the 1330s and 1360s, there may indeed have been a rise in the
per capita instance of some of these offences on some of these manors.
Once again inconsistent record survival must be kept in mind when inter
preting the data. In terms of raw numbers, the assault figures from Ramsey indicate
more than a three-fold increase between the 1330s and 1350s, from an average of
34
35
DeWindt, Land and People in Holywell-cum-Needingworth, pp. 271–75. See also Phillips,
‘Collaboration and Litigation in Two Suffolk Manor Courts’, pp. 37–38, who offers a graph of
the Holywell data relating to trespass, damage, and assault.
36
Razi, ‘The Toronto School’s Reconstitution’, p. 152.
37
The Court Rolls of Ramsey, ed. and trans. by DeWindt, pp. 38–39. See also Phillips,
‘Collaboration and Litigation in Two Suffolk Manor Courts’, p. 38.
5.4 assaults per court to just over 18.38 However, as more court sessions survive for
the 1350s than for the 1330s (and none at all survive for the 1340s), it is impossi-
ble to tell whether this change actually occurred before or after the arrival of the
Black Death. The number of hue and cries recorded per year in Broughton
increased significantly between the 1310s and the 1330s, but the records do not
survive after 1339 to provide a longer-term comparison.39 In sum, the evidence on
this issue from many of the Ramsey Abbey manors is not conclusive.
By contrast, in the Sutton evidence, the rise in reported crime in the 1330s
and 1340s is indisputable, particularly the sharply increased recording of the hue
and cry. As this increase in Sutton occurred a decade before the Black Death, it
could not have been a result of a declining sense of community caused by the
disastrously high death toll of the plague. Interestingly, Philips Campbell’s data
from Redgrave in Suffolk also indicate that social unrest in the village was more
prevalent before the Black Death than afterwards, noting a peak in the incidence
of bloodshed, housebreaking, and just hue and cry in 1339.40 It is probable that
when an account is taken of the decline in population after the Black Death,
Sutton witnessed a continued increase in the per capita recording of violent crime
after the onset of plague. Even then, this must be viewed as part of a larger picture
of change over time, and the Black Death alone does not provide a satisfactory
explanation. As discussed in section I, it is impossible to measure change over
time in Sutton’s population with any accuracy, as the estimates derived from the
surviving taxation records are unconvincing. However, it is possible to simulate
rough changes over time in the per capita incidence of offences in the leet.41 If we
begin with a population estimate of eight hundred and three for 1377 and make
a series of assumptions, then we can extrapolate estimates for the four periods
under study. First we assume that the population in 1308–19 was 7.5 per cent
higher than in 1327 due to the effects of the Agrarian Crisis. Next we assume
that the population declined by fifty per cent between 1327 and 1377 as a result
of the Black Death, and that two-thirds of that decrease had occurred by 1356.
Finally, we crudely apply these numbers to the four periods (assuming no change
38
The Court Rolls of Ramsey, ed. and trans. by DeWindt, pp. 41–43.
39
Britton, The Community of the Vill, pp. 116, 275–77. Britton does not provide an average
per year, but this has been extrapolated by comparing the data he provides with the number of
surviving court sessions for each of his five periods under study.
40
Phillips, ‘Collaboration and Litigation in Two Suffolk Manor Courts’, pp. 38–41.
41
Per capita estimates of offences which were only recorded in the leet are more robust than
those for offences which might be recorded in the curia (whose frequency changed over the
course of the century).
in population during each period) to arrive at population estimates of 1726 for

1308–19, 1606 for 1335–45, 1071 for 1356–61, and eight hundred and three
for 1377–91.42 As shown in Figure 31, this would have resulted in a per capita
shift (per thousand, per leet) from 11.18, to 15.69, to 16.63, to 18.18 over the
four periods under study. While this exercise suggests that there was most likely
an increase in crime and misbehaviour after the Black Death, it also indicates
that this change was a continuation of an earlier trend. Significantly, these rough
estimates indicate that there was most likely a more substantial per capita increase
in crime between 1308–19 and 1335–45 than between 1335–45 and 1356–61.43
While this latter observation is dependent on the assumptions that have been
made regarding population — and is therefore speculative — the overall trend
holds true for a wide range of different assumptions (including up to a twenty per
cent rise in population between 1308–19 and 1335–45 and a mortality rate from
the Black Death significantly higher than fifty per cent).
There are many possible explanations for the rise in recorded crime between
1308–19 and 1335–1345. McIntosh asserts that ‘jurors had particularly
broad discretion in implementing their own personal standards — their sense
of how much overt conflict the community could absorb and what kinds of
misbehaviour constituted a threat to local order’.44 She argues that changes in
the level of recorded violent crime and antisocial behaviour derived mainly from
the villagers themselves rather than from the lord. In a similar vein, Hanawalt
suggests that certain individuals may have used the judicial system as a weapon
‘in social conflicts to further their own power over others’. 45 However, this is
speculation and was certainly not necessarily the case in Sutton. Jurors were liable
to pay a fine if they failed to report offences to the court. Only two such entries
survive for the period 1335–45, both of which occurred in 1340. The first was an
entry in January fining the entire presentment jury 6s. 8d. for its failure to present
the person responsible for the death of a swan.46 Although the fine was later
pardoned, it is clear evidence that the lord was paying close attention to some
aspects of the court’s business. The second such entry was recorded in September
42
No attempt has been made to separate the population of Sutton from that of Mepal, and
it is assumed that the proportion of the population in each village remained constant.
43
Even if one argues that the population decline in Sutton between 1335–45 and 1377–91
was likely to have been higher than fifty per cent, it is still evident that the increase in per capita
crime after the Black Death was a continuation of an earlier trend.
44
McIntosh, Autonomy and Community, p. 209.
45
Hanawalt, Crime and Conflict in English Communities, pp. 2–3.
46
CUL, Ely D&C, 7/4, 11/01/1340.
Table 15. The lord’s rights
The lord’s rights 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Failure to perform labour services 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Damage to the lord’s property 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Default of suit to court/leet 1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91

Average entries per court 0.7 0.4 1.8 6
of the same year, when the presentment jury was fined a similarly high seven
shillings for failing to present an encroachment on a common path.47 This second
offence was more likely to have been monitored by the villagers themselves than
the prior, as his responsibilities only extended to monitoring the royal highways.48
It is arguable that the prior was only concerned with crime that directly affected
his rights and property, and that behaviour such as the raising of the hue and cry
might have been regulated more by the jurors than the lord because they were more
directly affected by its use. However, the right and obligation to regulate violent
crime, such as bloodshed or housebreaking, was part of the prior’s responsibility
to uphold the king’s justice in the leet. As this was a source of income and an
expression of his authority, it seems unlikely that he would have allowed such
incidents to go unreported. Nevertheless, the presentment jury would have had a
limited amount of time to dedicate to maintaining order.
47
CUL, Ely D&C, 7/4, 18/09/1340.
48
Ault, Private Jurisdiction in England, p. 162.
It is possible that the increased concern with misbehaviour in 1335–45 might

have been the result of the changing preoccupations of the court. As can be seen
in Table 15, there was also a dramatic shift over time in the number of entries
relating to the lord’s rights, and in particular a marked dip in the percentage of
unique court business relating to the lord’s rights during this period. Some of the
largest contributors to this fluctuation were failure to perform labour services,
which peaked at over seven per cent of unique business in 1308–19; damage or
trespass against the lord, which rose to almost nineteen per cent of unique
business in 1356–61, dropping only slightly in the final period; and default of
suit to court, which peaked at just over eight per cent in 1377–91. In contrast,
during the period from 1335–45 the lord’s rights as a whole only comprised 15.5
per cent of unique business. It is possible that the decreased volume of business
pertaining to the lord’s rights left the jury with more time and energy to devote to
monitoring misbehaviour, which may not have been the lord’s top priority (see
fig. 30). McIntosh has commented that from the late 1320s until the end of the
century ‘relatively few reports of misbehaviour were submitted to local courts’.
Her explanation for this phenomenon is that it was ‘probably affected by’ the
Agrarian Crisis and the arrival of plague, and that as a result it was not until the
fifteenth century that local courts were better able to focus on wrongdoing.49 In
Sutton, it is possible that these forces were in operation on a shorter time-scale,
and that the increase in reported crime in 1335–45 was the result of a period of
comparative calm on the manor in the wake of the agrarian crisis.
IV
One of the most striking aspects of the rise in anti-social behaviour in 1335–45 is
the increased involvement of women.
Figures 32–35 show the proportions of male and female offenders involved
in bloodshed, assault, housebreaking, and defamation. For all of these offences,
the percentage of female offenders increased significantly between 1308–19
and 1335–45, and then decreased after the Black Death.50 Figures 36–37 show
that female involvement in raising the hue and cry, both justly and unjustly, also
peaked in 1335–45.
Several historians have used manorial court records to investigate peasant
women’s participation in violent crime and anti-social behaviour. However, they
49
McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior in England, pp. 17–18.
50
Defamation cases would have been heard in the church courts in the latter half of the
fourteenth century. Select Cases on Defamation, ed. by Helmholz, ci, pp. lviii–lxv.
100
90
80
70
% of offenders
60
Men
50
Women
40
30
20
10
0
1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91
Figure 32. Bloodshed offences by gender
100
90
80
70
% of offenders
60
Men
50
Women
40
30
20
10
0
1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91
Figure 33. Assault offences by gender
have rarely offered an examination of change over time. instead the focus has
largely been on how female involvement, or the lack thereof, reflects gender roles
on the manor.51 The temporary nature of the rise in female involvement in anti-
51
For example, see Bennett, Women in the Medieval English Countryside, pp. 38–42;
Müller, ‘social Control and the hue and Cry’, pp. 43, 53.
Men Women
100
1308–19 100 0
1335–4590 77 23
1356–61 100 0
1377–9180 86 14
70
% of offenders
60
Men
50
Women
40
30
20
10
0
1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91
Figure 34. housebreaking offences by gender
social behaviour at sutton precludes the possibility that a long-term change took
place in the perceived gender roles on the manor. sandy Bardsley’s investigation
of the hue and cry incorporates data from a range of manors, and shows the
numbers of hues raised by men and women on each manor over the period 1280–
1455.52 Although Bardsley does not show specific changes over time in each
location, she notes that ‘hues and cries, both just and unjust, were particularly
frequent between the famine of the 1310s to 1320s and the immediate aftermath
of the Black Death’.53 unfortunately, it is not clear what proportion of this
increase involved women.
one possible explanation of this rise in reported female crime is that it was
simply the result of more efficient policing of violent crime in this period. As
discussed above, several aspects of court business relating to the lord’s rights
declined in significance during this period, which may have given the
presentment jury time to police violent crimes more closely. Perhaps in those
periods when crimes are under-reported, female crimes are more likely to be
overlooked, and thus in times when violent crime is less tolerated the number of
women charged rises proportionally higher than men. it is also possible that the
rise in reported female crime is reflective of changes over time in the methods of
communal policing, specifically the increased usage of the hue and cry. Bardsley
52
Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, pp. 38–40, 70–77.
53
Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, p. 38.
100
90
80
70
% of offenders
60
Men
50
Women
40
30
20
10
0
1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91
Figure 35. Defamation offences by gender
90
80
70
60
% of hue raisers
50 Men
Women
40
30
20
10
0
1308–19 1335–45 1356–61 1377–91
Figure 36. Just hue and cry raisers by gender
found that fifty per cent of hues were raised by women, and concluded that the
system of hues and cries is one that ‘protected women and punished men’.54
Anne and edwin Dewindt also argue that the ‘hue and cry was an institution
beautifully designed — whether consciously or not — to provide women with a
54
Bardsley, Venomous Tongues, p. 71 (quotation from p. 73).
70
60
50
% of offenders
40
Men
Women
30
20
10
0
1308-19 1335-45 1356-61 1377-91
Figure 37. unjust hue and cry raisers by gender
clear and loud voice’.55 without the hue and cry, the community was reliant
upon the presentment jury, which was comprised entirely of men, to bring cases
of misbehaviour to the attention of the court. The sutton data, however,
suggests a further dimension — that increased female involvement in raising
the hue and cry was correlated with an increase of presentments against female
malefactors. Throughout the four periods under investigation, 84.6 per cent of
all just hues raised against women were instigated by women (twenty-two out
of twenty-six cases). in general, the more hues that were raised by women, the
more likely women were to be found as the focus of the hue. This correlation is
not absolute, as female involvement in raising the hue and cry was even greater
in 1377–91 than it had been in 1335–45 when the reporting of female crime
reached its peak. nevertheless, it illuminates an additional element to the issue
of female criminality that warrants further research.
V
As this brief discussion of crime and misbehaviour has shown, court rolls can
provide an invaluable source of information about life on the manor. nevertheless,
there are many potential pitfalls when interpreting court roll evidence, and the key
to approaching the rolls is to adopt a rigorous methodology and a healthy dose
55
Dewindt and Dewindt, Ramsey, p. 74.
of scepticism. The introduction of cheap computer databases has revolutionized

the investigation of manorial court rolls. It is no longer necessary to stand on a
ladder in a warehouse in the manner of Zvi Razi to gain perspective on thousands
of handwritten note cards recording the activities of the manor. Instead, all the
entries from the court rolls can be entered into a database, which can be used to
quantify the various types of court business. As a result, interpretations of court
rolls do not have to be based on qualitative estimates. When quantitative data are
available, they should be presented clearly so that the figures are easily comparable
to other locations and time periods.
Considerable benefits flow from the study of one manor over a lengthy period
of time. It avoids issues of lack of comparability between manors and their courts,
and it allows for continuous focus on a single set of records which permits a
reasonably accurate view of changes over long stretches of time. By contrast, the
picture created when one ‘dips’ into manorial court records can be quite different
from that gained when one has thoroughly processed the records for an extended
period of time.56 The records of a single manor can change dramatically over time,
so the picture gained from evidence based on one or two years can be extremely
misleading. For instance, if someone researching cases of damage to the lord’s
property searched the Sutton courts only in the years 1336–39 they would find
a mere three offences, but if they focused on 1361 alone they would discover one
hundred and fifty offences.
Historians undertaking multi-manor studies must be sensitive to changes over
time and between manors. It is vital to ensure that the records from the various
manors consulted are in fact comparable. A major shortcoming in many cross-
sectional studies is that they focus on finding multiple series of good court rolls,
but do not ensure that they are examining records from the same time frame. For
example, in Judith Bennett’s wide-ranging study on brewing she examined the
court rolls from an impressive range of manors, including Sutton, but it is unclear
how comparable the resulting data are. Although Bennett provides an appen-
dix to indicate which manuscripts she used from each manor, she is not precise
about how many court sessions they contained. So while we know she surveyed
the Ingatestone (Essex) records ‘in full’ from 1292–1624, it is unclear how many
sessions actually survive over this period.57 Where the dates are clearer, they do
not necessarily coincide. So whilst considerable attention is paid to change over
56
For a detailed example, see McGibbon Smith, ‘Reflections of Reality in the Manor
Court’, pp. 218–23.
57
Bennett, Ale, Beer and Brewsters, pp. 176–77. In contrast, Campbell was very precise in
presenting which accounts he used: Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, pp. 453–70.
time, it is not always clear where those changes were taking place and whether the
conclusions take account of short-term fluctuations in individual courts.58
The wider issue here is that while many historians offer a list of the years
for which their records survive, they are often not explicit about the degree
of completeness this represents.59 This may be in part because it is frequently
unclear how often their chosen courts met, but this issue cannot simply be
glossed over, because the lack of record survival may have a severe impact on
the results produced by the investigation of a court roll series. It is unhelpful to
offer continuous analysis over long time-periods without recognition of the fact
that most court roll series are more complete during some periods than others.
Even over relatively short periods of time, dramatic changes can be evident. For
example, in Olson’s study of the manors of Upwood and Ellington she offers
continuous analysis from 1280–1460, despite the fact that there are nine gaps of
four years or more in the extant series from Upwood, which is the more complete
of the two manors.60 In her discussion of court officials, she treats the entire
period as a whole, rather than assessing the evidence over shorter time periods.61
Such long-term analysis does not provide an awareness of short-term changes in
the record. In many other aspects of court business Olson separates the courts
into three periods; even then, however, her periods are too long to capture many
short-term trends. Her first period stretches from 1280–1349 — a period in
which the Sutton evidence demonstrates several dramatic changes. Another
example is Bennett’s intriguing study of the payment of merchet or marriage fines
recorded in the Liber Gersumarum of Ramsey Abbey, in which she investigates
the period 1398–1458 as a whole. Bennett notes that in a surprising thirty-three
per cent of cases women paid their own marriage fines, and argues that historians
must reconsider ‘many of our fundamental theories about the organization of
medieval peasant families’.62 By contrast, the Sutton data demonstrates that there
were significant changes over time in the percentage of brides who paid their own
marriage fine over the four periods under study, shifting from a low of ten per
cent in 1335–45 to a high of sixty-two per cent in 1356–61 (see Table 16).63
58
McGibbon Smith, ‘Reflections of Reality in the Manor Court’, pp. 80–83.
59
For a criticism of the incompleteness of the Ramsey Abbey records, see Razi, ‘The
Toronto School’s Reconstitution’, p. 143, n. 7.
60
Olson, A Chronicle of All that Happens, pp. 234–35.
61
62
Bennett, ‘Medieval Peasant Marriage’, p. 197, quote from p. 215.
63
When viewed from this perspective, even more questions emerge about the, often
quite rapid, changes in women’s ability (or obligation) to pay these fines.
Table 16. Payment of marriage fines (percentages)
Groom Bride’s Bride’s Total no.

Groom Bride & bride father mother of fines
1308–19
Licence to marry 63 18 4 7 9 57
Married without licence 43 52 0 5 0 21
Total 58 27 3 6 6 78
1335–45
Total 62 15 0 19 4 52
1356–61
Married without licence 12.5 62.5 0 25 0 8
Total 28.5 62 0 9.5 0 21
1377–91
Licence to marry 28.5 43 0 28.5 0 7
Total 48 33 0 19 0 21
Recent research has highlighted the differences between the various regions
of medieval England, and court roll historians are now aware of the regional
differences between areas such as East Anglia and the West Midlands. However,
the variations between manors could be even more localized than this. What
happened in Sutton often differed from what seems to have occurred on other
local manors. For example, the trends over time in inter-peasant litigation
differed dramatically between Sutton and Oakington, even though they are only
thirteen miles apart.64 The Sutton court recorded no villein fugitives in the period
64
McGibbon Smith, ‘Reflections of Reality in the Manor Court’, pp. 46–50; Briggs, ‘Rural
Credit, Debt Litigation and Manor Courts’, p. 28.
1335–45, while several of the Ramsey Abbey manors with surviving records in
that period record fugitives, including Holywell-cum-Needingworth, which was
only eight miles away.65 As Margaret Spufford put it, the ‘difficulty with local or
regional history is that everywhere is different, so the subject by its very nature
courts particularism and resists treatment on a general, or a national level’.66
In addition to regional variations, we must also be aware of differences in
lordship. A striking example of this is found in Jane Whittle’s work on the family-
land bond, in which she compares land transfers in manors from East Anglia with
those from the Midlands, and suggests that the discrepancies between the two
localities were caused by differing tenurial structures rather than fundamental
differences in ‘the emotional attachment of peasants to “family land”’.67 This may
well be true of other aspects of manorial business. Therefore, in order to reach
more generalized conclusions from court rolls, it is vital to study a variety of
manors in different regions under more than one type of lordship and to be clear
in the presentation of these variations in the resultant analysis.68
Comparing averages of offences, even over short time-periods, can be mislead-
ing because such comparisons hide the fact that some offences were monitored
inconsistently. Inconsistencies in regulating activities could be caused by changes
in administrative procedure as well as shifts in the level of tolerance for certain
behaviours. Some offences appear to have been stored up and reported en masse,
suggesting that they were ignored until they had reached an intolerable level.69 As
a result, these activities may not be fully represented in the court record. Other
activities could be shielded from the court if the presentment jury chose not to
report them. One example from Sutton is the complete lack of gleaning offences
during the period 1308–19, which includes the years of the Agrarian Crisis,
despite the fact that this activity was reported throughout the other three peri-
ods under study.70 It was a common by-law in many villages that anyone who was
able to work and earn a wage of two pennies (or a penny a day and food) was not
allowed to glean, thus this activity was usually reserved for the young, the elderly,
65
Raftis, Tenure and Mobility, pp. 145–60.
66
Spufford, Contrasting Communities, p. xxvii.
67
Whittle, ‘Individualism and the Family-Land Bond’, p. 26.
68
For an example of a regional study which attempts to find generalized trends while taking
account of variations in lordship and change over time, see Bailey, ‘Villeinage in England’.
69
For examples on other manors see Schofield, ‘Dearth, Debt, and the Local Land Market’,
p. 9; Coleman, Downham-in-the-Isle, p. 34; Bailey, ‘Villeinage in England’, p. 440.
70
and the disabled.71 While it is possible that gleaning offences were low during the
famine period because the villagers supported each other in their time of need, it is
scarcely believable that no offences occurred, particularly in light of the increased
number of thefts of foodstuffs at that time. It is also possible that during the fam-
ine period in Sutton the fields were gleaned in the course of the harvest because
of the scarcity of grain, eliminating the possibility of illegal gleaning. However,
evidence from other manors has shown that gleaning offences tended to rise dur-
ing years of crisis and lean harvests, including the early fourteenth-century fam-
ine.72 The Sutton evidence may thus indicate that the village officials were lenient
concerning gleaning in the face of the harsh economic conditions of this period
and so failed to report offenders.73 Even when the changes revealed by the court
records do seem real, their significance can often prove rather ambiguous since it
is often unclear as to what extent such changes were caused by changes in report-
ing and to what extent they represent actual shifts in behaviour. Nevertheless, the
amount of court business concerned with certain aspects of ‘the lord’s rights’, such
as damage to the lord’s property, failure to perform services, and default to court,
can serve as a relative barometer to the degree of tension between the prior and
his tenants (see Table 15).
Despite the many problems raised by the study of the Sutton evidence, the
prognosis for the future of court roll studies is good. The reliability of the court
rolls as evidence depends upon the reliability of the methodology we use to study
them. The more aware historians are of the potential weaknesses of the source,
the better questions we can formulate. As with most legal records, court rolls
are best at reporting what actually took place in the court itself. These tribunals
sometimes reflect the preoccupations of the jurors (and by extension the village
community), and their lords, but they are categorically not a ‘chronicle of all that
happens’. Nevertheless, when we are mindful of their limitations and sensitive to
change over time, court rolls can provide an invaluable, if sometimes ambiguous,
source of information about a wide range of issues relating to life on the manor.
71
Ault, Open-Field Farming, pp. 29–32. Those found gleaning were seen as potential sheaf
stealers; Ault, ‘By-laws of Gleaning’, p. 215.
72
Bailey, ‘Peasant Welfare in England’, p. 240; Bennett, Women in the Medieval English
Countryside, p. 13; Razi, Life, Marriage and Death in a Medieval Parish, p. 37.
73
Dyer, Standards of Living, p. 186. Bailey, ‘Peasant Welfare in England’, p. 245 suggests that
tolerance ‘of begging and gleaning by local families under famine conditions’ may have been
used as ‘a communal gesture of charity’.
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T he A rundell E states and the R egional
Economy in Fifteenth-Century Cornwall
Phillipp Schofield*
J
ohn Hatcher’s discussion of the estates of the Duchy of Cornwall in the
Middle Ages provides both a detailed analysis of local developments as well
as a more general statement on the main economic trends for the estate and,
by extension, the region. The records of the manors and the estate, and partic-
ularly of the nine assessionable manors granted by Henry IV to his eldest son
in 1399,1 allow Hatcher to chart movement of land and rent across the later
Middle Ages. The assession fines and the rents paid by conventionary tenants
on the Duchy estates offer a unique view of changing rent levels and of changes
in the land market across a considerable period of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries.2 In his consideration of the fifteenth century in particular, Hatcher
identifies the following key developments. First an increase in demand for
land in the early years of the fifteenth century, with a consequent pressure on
rents which were forced upwards in the first quarter of the century.3 Thereafter
any general pattern is replaced by significant sub-regional variation, notably
between the manors in the east and west of the county. Second, while the man-
ors in both areas of the county displayed broadly similar patterns in the earliest
years of the fifteenth century, clear distinctions emerged by the second decade
of the century so that, by c. 1420, the manors in the west of Cornwall no longer
displayed the increase in rent and the appetite for land evident in the eastern
* Phillipp Schofield is Professor of Medieval History, Aberystwyth University.

1
Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, pp. 149–50.
2
See especially, Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, pp. 261–66; for a further discussion
of conventionary tenure, see also Hatcher, ‘Non-Manorialism in Medieval Cornwall’.
3
278 Phillipp Schofield
manors. By contrast, in the southeast demand for land remained buoyant well
into the second half of the fifteenth century and in a manner contrary to other
features of the sub-regional economy such as increasing wage rates and falling tin
production.4 General indications of prosperity and buoyancy in terms of tenure
and land transfer persisted in the southeast of the county in the last decades
of the fifteenth century, with little or no land falling in manu domini, a situa-
tion which stood in increasingly sharp contrast to that in the west of the coun-
ty.5 Elsewhere, and especially in the more westerly manors, the Duchy officials
attempted to encourage the take-up of holdings by assisting in the repairs of
buildings and by making allowances for such work.6
Another important change on the Duchy estates in this period was the
development of its administrative apparatus, with modifications in the form of
leasing, especially the introduction of longer-term leasing arrangements in the
1430s and 1440s, also aimed at securing revenue and encouraging potential
tenants. The same seems also to have been the case for other changes within
the Duchy’s administration, including the farming of mills and the sale of the
resources issuing from woodland, deer parks, turbaries, and tin-mines, all of
which appear to have been carefully managed by the estate officers. Revenues
from manorial courts were also subject to close scrutiny as part of this careful
overall regard for maintaining income, a policy which, Hatcher argued, resulted
in a ‘commendable solvency’ which stood ‘in contrast to conditions prevailing on
many other estates in the later middle ages’.7
Hatcher associates these regional distinctions with the differing performances
of the stannaries in the fifteenth century, which also occasioned some incon
sistency of pattern within the broad sub-regional distinctions which he also
identifies. Thus, the manor of Tewington, a manor to the west of the most easterly
cluster in the vicinity of Lostwithiel and Liskeard, revealed evidence of economic
difficulty consistent with a mid-fifteenth century downturn in tin production
within its local stannary, Blackmore, in the centre of the county.8 A decline of
mining in the west, to follow one line of his argument, encouraged a movement
of population within the county toward the more fertile lands of the south and
east. In addition Hatcher also argues that the regional development of the textile
4
Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, pp. 155–56, 158–59.
5
6
7
8
Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, pp. 162–63, and more generally, pp. 161, 168–69.
For the location of Duchy manors, see Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, p. xiv.
Arundell Estates & Regional Economy in 15TH-Century Cornwall 279
industry in the south west, especially on the Devon–Cornwall border, as well as

the more consistent performance of the Devonshire stannaries, helped maintain
the relative advantage of the southeastern corner of Cornwall and the Duchy
manors located there.9 For Hatcher, therefore, the estate accounts for the Duchy
reveal trends which can be related to the broader economic developments within
the county. Thus, the movement of rent and behaviour of the land market on
the Duchy estates tended to respond to local and external stimuli and as such
offer a reasonable indication of the non-manorial economy, or at least relative
movement within it and, above all, its consequences for local patterns of land
holding and transfer.
In seeking to explain the relative strengths and weaknesses within the region,
Hatcher has emphasized the importance of the main tinning areas in later medie-
val Cornwall, noting the situation and economic reach of stannaries in relation to
the location of the Duchy manors. Tinning in Cornwall was concentrated in four
main stannary districts, two in the far west of the county, Penwith and Kirrier,
and Tywarnhaile, one in the centre of the county, Blackmore, and one stannary,
Foweymore, further to the east, including parts of Bodmin moor.10 The history of
tinning in the first half of the fifteenth century is a history of decline, tin output
halving between the end of the fourteenth century and the middle decade of the
fifteenth century; thereafter there is evidence of recovery, as well as what Hatcher
has described as ‘a remarkable broadening of the trade’, with the trade falling
into the hands of a greater number of people.11 Important within this account of
broadening of the tin trade was a decline in the involvement of the more substan-
tial merchant-tinners, who came increasingly to be replaced in the second half of
the fifteenth century by labourers, small-holders, and agriculturalists.12
Hatcher’s work illustrates the close inter-relationship of landholding and rent
movement on assessionary manors with the movement of tin-production, with
fluctuations in the output of the industry helping to drive changes in agrarian
output. However, tinning was not the sole alternative to agriculture within or just
beyond the county in the later Middle Ages. He notes the importance of fishing
and shipping within the county and, in particular, the significance of the cloth
trade as a further determining factor in the regional economy.13 Thus, as we have
already seen, he explains the relative success of Duchy manors in the southeast
9
10
For a map illustrating the stannaries, see Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, p. xiv.
11
Hatcher, English Tin Production and Trade, pp. 68–74.
12
Hatcher, English Tin Production and Trade, pp. 59–60, 65, 69.
13
Hatcher, ‘A Diversified Economy’, p. 209.
of the county with a cloth industry located just across the Tamar.14 More recent
work by Kowaleski has also illustrated the importance of the non-agricultural
sector in the regional economy of the south west. Her discussion of the maritime
economy of Cornwall in the Middle Ages, drawn from the thirteenth- and
fourteenth-century Havener’s accounts for the earldom and duchy as well as
from customs accounts for the later fourteenth and fifteenth century, illustrates
the ways in which the Cornish coastline presented considerable economic
opportunity, and not solely in fishing, for those living within proximity of it.15
As with later medieval tinning, so fishing and related maritime activity presented
good economic opportunities for a large number of Cornish people. Whilst
such activity was often on a relatively small-scale, and often on an individual
basis, cumulatively it was highly significant for the local economy.16 Strikingly,
it is the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries that witnessed the major increase
in commercial fishing in the southwest, fuelled by consumer demand, associated
technological improvements, and the particular advantages (political and
geographical) enjoyed by the region by the end of the Middle Ages.17 In addition,
we should also recognize the potential significance of livestock husbandry within
the region, Fox especially identifying the importance of dairying especially on
the coastlands ‘with quick markets [including tinners] near to hand’.18 Such
activity might well have also generated concentrations of particular kinds of
population, including one that was relatively mobile, young, and wage- and
market-dependent.19
John Hatcher’s characterization of the later medieval economy of Cornwall has
already been subjected to some initial scrutiny by Fox and Padel in their extensive
introduction to the estates of the Arundell family. They suggest that these records,
for which there has as yet been little in the way of detailed study, provide a
potentially significant comparative perspective against which to set the results of
research into the Duchy estates. The estates of the Arundells included, by the later
14
See above, pp. 278–79.
15
The Havener’s Accounts, ed. by Kowaleski, pp. 60–64. See also Kowaleski, ‘The Expansion
of the South-Western Fisheries’; and see also, Kowaleski, ‘Coastal Communities in Medieval
Cornwall’, which also offers some important comment on the potential impact of coastal fishing
on the local economy and the local population. I am very grateful to Professor Kowaleski for
providing me with a copy of this paper in advance of publication.
16
Kowaleski, ‘The Expansion of the South-Western Fisheries’, pp. 436–38.
17
Kowaleski, ‘The Expansion of the South-Western Fisheries’, pp. 448–52.
18
Fox, ‘Farming Practices and Techniques’, pp. 315–22.
19
See, for instance, Fox, ‘Servants, Cottagers and Tied Cottagers’.
0 5 10 20
Kilometres
Trembleath
Lanherne Bodwannick
St Columb
Treloy
Enniscaven
Mitchell
Truro Vean Lanhadron
Kennal
Connerton
Carminow Tregarne
Winnington
Map 2. The Arundell estate in the fifteenth century (‘old estate’)
Middle Ages, manors throughout the county, though with a greater concentration
of the estate and its heartlands in the centre and west of the county (see Map 2).20
The management of these manors generated a significant corpus of adminis-
trative and financial material, including especially court and account rolls, rentals,
and surveys. The bulk of this material begins in the middle years of the fifteenth
century and so does not offer opportunities for close comparison across the same
20
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, p. ii (map of manors), and Map
2, above, this chapter. The map is based upon The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and
Padel, p. ii. On the archive, see also North, ‘The Arundell Archive’.
Table 17. Rent movements: Arundell estates, late fifteenth century (percentage change)
Manor Percentage change: c. 1450–99

Bodwannick 10.3
Carminow 43.3
St Columb 45.6
Connerton -0.4
Enniscaven 1.7
Kennall 2.5
Lanhadron 7.3
Lanherne 45.2
Mitchell 6.9
Tregarne 0
Treloy -8.2
Trembleath 95.5
Truro Vean 32.6
Winnington 0
Source: The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, p. cxxiii.
period as the sources for the Duchy estate. However, six series of estate records for
individual manors for the period before the early 1440s, including a few survivals
from the late fourteenth century, do allow us to compare the later medieval expe-
rience of both estates. While they cannot permit the sorts of close analysis which
is possible for the Duchy estates where, as noted above, a policy of regular asses-
sions generated an unusually detailed survey of rent and its movement across the
late Middle Ages, the Arundell records, especially court rolls and rentals, exam-
ined in combination do provide us with rental and tenurial data which can be set
beside the more voluminous material from the Duchy archives.
Fox and Padel’s work has already identified some general trends which merit
further testing and which offer some modifications of Hatcher’s earlier claims.21
Firstly, from their review of the three surviving fifteenth-century surveys for the
estate, Fox and Padel describe a general pattern of stability. Between the mid-
fifteenth century and the end of the century, most of the fourteen manors
recorded in the later fifteenth-century surveys and rentals displayed either little
movement in overall income or some real growth (see Table 17 and Map 3). In
only one instance, that for the manor of Treloy on the north coast of Cornwall,
21
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, pp. ci–cxxii.
0 5 10 20
Kilometres
Trembleath
Lanherne
Bodwannick
Treloy
St Columb Enniscaven
Mitchell
Truro Vean Lanhadron
Kennal
Connerton
Carminow Tregarne
Winnington
Map 3. The Arundell estate showing movement of rent (percentage change) by manor in the late
fifteenth century. Key (percentages by size of circle): <1; 2–4; 5–9; 10–49; 50–100. Source: see Table 17.
was there evident decline in income.22 secondly, they explain this stability and
relative success in terms of the economic opportunities of what hatcher himself
had identified as a diversified economy.23 They also suggest that the demand
occasioned by extra-manorial economic activity led to a boost in agrarian
productivity and provided a necessary fillip to manors and their tenants.24
22
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, pp. cxxi–cxxiii.
23
hatcher, ‘A Diversified economy’, pp. 208–27; The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by
Fox and Padel, pp. cxi–cxii.
24
see also Fox, ‘Tenant Farming and Farmers’.
Finally, Fox and Padel contend that the diversity which they, like Hatcher,
identify as such an important feature of the late medieval Cornish economy,
undermined any clear economic distinction between a western group of relatively
weakened manors and a rather more robust cluster of secure and relatively vibrant
manors in the southeast of the county. Instead, they suggest that, rather than
seeing these manors in the context of the county’s broader sub-regions, a variety
of specific local circumstances explained relative success or failure throughout
the county.25 Like Hatcher, they argue that relative differences in performance in
terms of rent might conceivably reflect differences in local demand and that the
latter was occasioned by extra-manorial factors.26 However, it must be stressed
that the distinctions they observe across the estate fail to display an entirely
consistent pattern; they do not, as Fox and Padel themselves note, accord closely
with basic information on variation within the local economy. Most notably,
there is, in evident contrast to the findings of Hatcher for the Duchy estates, no
close or indeed evident correlation between stronger performance in rents and
areas of successful local industry, especially tinning.27 Following the lead of Fox
and Padel, we can delve further into the Arundell estate records in order to test
some of these more general assertions, to scrutinize the local and sub-regional
nature of the medieval Cornish economy, and to consider the ways in which we
might, rather more closely, associate behaviour in the extra-manorial economy
with the trends or even general patterns of economic activity evident within the
manorial economy.
If we were to attempt to map local and regional proto-industries across the
area of the Arundell estates, we would certainly find some features consistent
with the economic region occupied by the Duchy manors examined by Hatcher,
but also some differences. The Arundell estates, generally further to the west than
were the Duchy manors, included manors located within or on the very edge of
some of the main stannary areas, notably Connerton in the far west of the county
and Bodwannick, on the edge of Foweymore. However, almost all of the man-
ors, even those in the north of the county (Lanherne, Trembleath, Treloy) were
25
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, p. cxi.
26
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, p. cxi.
27
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, p. cxxii: ‘the obvious tinning
manors […] display no difference from the non-tinning manors. Of course, tinning may have
affected other revenues of a manor (not visible in these surveys); but it had no obvious effect
on the overall rents’. See, for instance, the references to fairly extensive tinning at Lanhradon by
the close of the fifteenth century, a manor where there was stability but little evident growth in
rental income, Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/348/2, m. 2 (face), court of 6 May 1493.
not too distant from the main stannaries, and certainly no further away from
the stannaries and the centres of tin production than were those manors in the
southeast of the county already identified by Hatcher as relative successes in this
period. In addition, the northern manors of the estate, as well as manors further
to the west, were located in areas where there was proximity to the fisheries and
maritime trade of the Atlantic coast, as well as dairying and pasture of the north-
ern Cornish coastlands. We might reasonably expect to find evidence of a rela-
tionship between these features of the sub-regional economy and such traditional
indicators as rent and the movement of land within the manorial economy.
Fox and Padel have already suggested that it may have been in the combination
of a range of such potentially advantageous factors that the particular success of
certain manors on the Arundell estates is to be identified. At Bodwannick, in
central Cornwall and only a few miles from Bodmin, a combination of beneficial
circumstances may, according to Fox and Padel, have explained the relative
buoyancy of the manor in the last decades of the fifteenth century. These included
the presence of tinning and local cloth production as well as the proximity of
Cornwall’s principal town in the fifteenth century. Similarly, Connerton, with a
major local tin industry and a relatively successful urban and maritime centre at
St Ives also appears to have done well in this period.28 By contrast, Fox and Padel
have suggested that those manors located away from areas of proto-industry
and relatively distant from towns appear, at least on an initial assessment, to
have suffered. Thus, in their initial analysis of rentals and surveys for the estate,
the manor of Treloy, in the north of the county and fairly close to the Atlantic
coast, does not appear to have enjoyed the advantages of manors elsewhere, its
declining income in this period evidence perhaps of its unfavourable situation
and a consequent lack of potential tenants for its holdings.29
We can examine more fully the records for a number of manors on the
Arundell estates, located in various parts of the county, in order to assess the
validity of these conclusions. In so doing we can move beyond the findings drawn
from the rentals by making use of the evidence of the court rolls and of some of
the relatively few surviving accounts.30 This may also encourage us to reflect upon
the particularities of information contained within the estate records and to offer
some further modifications to these broader statements on the medieval Cornish
28
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, p. cxii.
29
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel p. cxiii.
30
A detailed calendar of the Arundell archive is available on-line via the Cornwall Record
Office and also through Access to Archives <http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/A2A/
default.aspx> [access date 4 April 2012].
economy. It will also allow us to consider distinctions of approach between the

Duchy’s estate management and that adopted by another lay landlord within
the region and to see such differences, alongside features such as the extent of
local urbanization and proximity to local industries and other sources of non-
agricultural income, as one of the factors which explains the relative success of
manors and estates within the county.
At Treloy, a manor identified by Fox and Padel as declining in the second
half of the fifteenth century, there is certainly evidence in the surviving court
rolls of pressure upon the manorial structure and of difficulties consistent with
a weakened manorial economy. Uptake of land appears to have been fairly slow,
as entries admitting tenants for reduced rates ‘until better tenants can be found’
indicate.31 Maintenance of tenements was also poor.32 The lord was, from time
to time, obliged to help finance the rebuilding of tenants’ buildings.33 Similarly,
at Trembleath, an Arundell manor situated in the same part of the county, in
the parish of St Ervan, and also identified by Fox and Padel as showing some
evidence of struggle in the second half of the fifteenth century, we can see familiar
indices of economic downturn.34 Thus, by 1459, the granary within the manor, at
Trevyngonyowe, was in a poor condition, so much so that the lord was required
to fund repair to the timbers and to the walls.35 In 1458, two cart-loads of timber,
each worth 5s., brought to the manor to effect repairs, were burned by the tenants,
apparent evidence for some level of dissension.36
All such indicators certainly suggest difficulties at Treloy and Trembleath
in this period, but they can also be set against evidence which argues against an
absolute malaise in the local economy there, or at least encourages us to pursue
these distinctions a little further. Of particular importance, the movement of
holdings on these manors does not suggest a significant reduction in local market
activity. At Trembleath, for instance, whose holdings have been tentatively
mapped by Fox and Padel, we can see that rents were generally secure, even in
the fifteenth century. While rents at Trembleath do not display the kinds of
31
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/4, m. 1, court of 18 February 1446.
32
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/4, m. 2, court of 14 July 1446; Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/5,
m. 1, court of 23 September 1446.
33
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/10, m. 1, court of 17 April 1455.
34
The rental income at Trembleath actually increases quite considerably across the second
half of the fifteenth century but Fox and Padel explain this in terms of the abandonment of direct
management of the demesne, The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, p. cxxii.
35
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/60, m. 2, court of 28 October 1459.
36
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/58, court of 16 May 1458.
increase which Hatcher detected on some manors in later medieval Cornwall,

there is relatively little indication of downturn, even in so far as it is possible to
judge from pre-Black Death conventionary rents.37 What is more there is, unlike
on the Duchy manors described by Hatcher, a general, though certainly not
absolute, consistency of performance in levels of rent and no evident distinction
in rent between more or less propitious holdings.38 This durability and overall
consistency of rent level is important for a number of reasons. In its stability
of rent, Trembleath offers one further instance of a manor whose tenant rents
went against broadly identified trends in this period. In fact, the persistence
of rent levels at Trembleath supports the views of both Hatcher and Fox and
Padel, namely that it is far from possible to detect simple movement of rent
in this period of Cornwall’s economic history. However, in contrast to some
of Hatcher’s observations, the strong performance of rent argues against any
significant local drop in demand for land, even in an area of decidedly mixed
agricultural performance and where there is some evidence of pressure on lords
to maintain the occupation of holdings. To illustrate further this last point, we
can note that the properties within the manor of Trembleath were distributed
over a wide area, from Harlyn and Trevose, on the Atlantic coast, to the central
moorland of Roche and the holding at Retallick, a dozen or more miles away
in the centre of the county. This wide distribution of holdings, with an equally
significant distribution of land- and farming-quality, is not evidently reflected
in terms of discrete performances in the level of rent. Instead, throughout the
manor there appears to have been a broad consistency in the pattern of rent.39
Interestingly, if we compare the recorded economic activity at Treloy and
Trembleath with, for example, that surviving for the manors of Bodwannick or
Connerton, two manors identified by Fox and Padel as relatively successful and
located in areas of proto-industry, we find little to suggest any evident difference.
At Bodwannick, the manorial court records some instances of inter-personal
litigation but none of this appears to have been substantial and seems to reflect
37
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, pp. 3–6, 54–55, 75–76,
106–07. For mapping of Trembleath’s holdings, see The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by
Fox and Padel, p. clv.
38
It is not clear that manors on the Arundel estates were subjected to regular assessions,
as was certainly the case on the Duchy estates throughout the later Middle Ages, The Cornish
Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, p. lviii. The regular use of assessions by the Duchy
may well have introduced some greater variety and subtlety into rent movement across such a
wide range of holdings, Hatcher, ‘Non-Manorialism in Medieval Cornwall’, pp. 2, 6, 8–16.
39
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, pp. 3–6, 54–55, 75–76, 106–07.
relatively piecemeal and small-scale economic activity.40 In fact, if we were to

take the court receipts as a rough index of that same activity, we would declare
it slight indeed: the seven courts held at Bodwannick between 15 September
1480 and 9 August 1481 generated total receipts of only 19s. 6d., an average of
1s. 7½d. per court.41 Very few late medieval courts survive for Connerton, with
a concentration of manorial courts in the late 1480s; there is some indication of
relative advantage in these courts, including the extension of one substantial lease
for sixty years and an increase in rent.42 In fact, in comparison to manors such
as Treloy and Trembleath, there is little else to suggest particular buoyancy. The
same is also true of the evidence from the court rolls for Carminow, a manor on
the inland edge of the Lizard peninsular and one for which evidence from the late
fifteenth-century rentals indicates significant growth; the entries in the manorial
rolls offer clear evidence of general economic dealing but little to permit a
purchase on the relative strength or weakness of the same.43 Again, if we consider
the pattern of transfer and rental arrangements for individual holdings on these
manors in the second half of the fifteenth century, we find little significant
divergence from the tenurial histories of holdings at Treloy and Trembleath. At
Connerton, for instance, we again see a general picture of secure rent and even
some slight indication of rent increases for conventionary tenants by the close of
the fifteenth century.44
If, as this further evidence seems to suggest, there is some degree of buoyancy
in Arundell manors across the estate in the second half of the fifteenth century, to
what degree were they affected by developments within Cornwall’s extra-manorial
economy? To begin, some of the features with which Fox and Padel characterize
a manor such as Treloy, namely its situation outside of the main stannary areas,
and away from urban centres, do not entirely accord with other evidence drawn
from the manor court rolls. We are, for instance, aware of tin production within
the manor, as evidenced by reference in the manor court rolls to toll of tin from
40
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/386–89.
41
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/386. An analysis of court receipts in ministers’ accounts
for Downinney in the far east of the county also suggests that, with some very few exceptions,
annual receipts from perquisites of court had, by the first quarter of the fifteenth century, settled
into a generally low and largely consistent return of between two or three shillings and five
shillings per annum, Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/455–460.
42
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/93, court of 19 October 1489, and more generally, Truro,
CornwallRO, AR/2/92–93.
43
44
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, pp. 46–49, 90–93, 134–36.
Kestel moor at the end of the fifteenth century.45 St Columb, the neighbouring
market town, while not so significant an urban centre as Bodmin to the east, was
also sufficiently close to the manor to have brought some economic benefit. By
the sixteenth century at St Columb, there seems to have been activity consistent
with the existence of a small but reasonably vibrant urban and market centre.46
Furthermore, we should not overlook the growing and clearly important potential
impact of the regional fishing and maritime trade even though it is difficult at this
stage to associate it directly with the estate’s manors.47
For more general and typical indices of extra-manorial activity, the manorial
documents, and especially the court rolls from the fifteenth and early sixteenth
centuries, are fairly laconic. A good deal of the business of the Treloy manor
court in the second half of the fifteenth century arose not from the policies of
the estate’s administrators in relation to land tenure and transfer, but rather from
inter-personal pleas of the manorial tenants and their various parties. There is
plentiful evidence to suggest a range of economic dealing within and beyond the
manor even if little of it is strongly illustrative of a healthy local economy. While
reference to debt and trespass litigation appears with regularity, it does so in the
context of default and repeated failure of one or other of the parties. There is, dis-
appointingly for us at least, little in the way of direct reference and description of
debts and of credit agreements. In most courts held at Treloy by the second half
of the fifteenth century reference to credit and indebtedness appears only in rela-
tion to the repeated failure to bring the parties to court, with entries of default
in individual cases listed in court after court. In this, the Arundell courts display
features entirely consistent with other mid- and late fifteenth-century manorial
courts.48 The same may also be said to have been the case at Trembleath, another
of the manors identified by Fox and Padel as relatively weak in general economic
performance in the fifteenth century. There is only occasional evidence of reason-
ably significant economic dealing between tenants and also those operating from
outside of the manor, as for instance, the possibly illegal distraint in Christmas
week 1445 of ten head of oxen and cows from the herd of the lord’s tenants.49
If then the evidence of the courts is only lightly suggestive of the kind and
range of non-manorial economic activity which may have engaged tenants on
45
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/18, court of 14 May 1499.
46
47
Kowaleski, ‘The Expansion of the South-Western Fisheries’, p. 445, and, also, see above, p. 00.
48
See, for instance, Briggs, ‘The Availability of Credit’, p. 2, and references there.
49
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/50, m. 1 (dorse), court of 8 April 1446.
the Arundell estates, this may reflect a downturn in the fortunes of the manor
courts on the estate. There are clear hints that litigants especially were taking
business beyond the manor court, as indicated, for instance, by the presentment
of Thomas Laa at Bodwannick for bringing a plaint against John Germayne in
the stannary court at Blackmoor in a matter which, it was claimed, fell within the
jurisdiction of the Bodwannick manorial court.50 Striking in this respect, though
it allows no significant comparative purchase, is the range of economic activity
recorded in the Hundred Court of Penwith in the last decades of the fifteenth
century. Penwith Hundred, in the far west of the county, and in which the
manor of Connerton is located and to which the hundredal rights were attached,
passed, through marriage, into the hands of the Arundells in the later thirteenth
century.51 Activity within the hundred court is of a different order than that
recorded in the manor court at Connerton or at Carminow, a manor not very
far distant, and suggests a vigour in the economy which is not easily detected
in the manorial rolls but which is certainly hinted at in the court and account
rolls especially when combined with the rental evidence.52 Thus, at the Hundred
Court, the range of recorded litigation and the evident capacity of the court to
oversee its business, effect its own judgement and maintain its administrative
structures to the benefit of its users, stands in some contrast to the pattern evident
in the smaller manorial courts.53 While multiple defaults on the part of parties to
litigation are also plentiful in the hundred court, there is also an abundance of
personal actions both coming to court and reaching some form of satisfactory
conclusion. Further, details of goods unjustly detained, including copper and
tin utensils, candlesticks, silver spoons and rings, as well as the significant sums
awarded in damages in such instances, suggest a considerable degree of wealth
amongst at least some of those within the Penwith hundred.54 It is therefore at
50
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/387, m. 2 (dorse), court of 20 December 1485; for similar
presentments, see also Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/184, St Columb, court of 22 December
1508; Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/65/2, m. 2 (face), Trembleath, court of 5 June 1486. Tenants
on other estates in Cornwall were also amerced for taking cases to the stannary court, see, for
example, manorial courts from the Tywardreath Priory estates, Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/9/5,
m. 6 (face), courts of 19 January and 12 February 1451; also Henderson, ‘The Court Rolls’, p. 60.
51
The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and Padel, pp. xiii–xiv.
52
For further comment on the separateness of other kinds of institution, such as the tith-
ing, from a manorial structure in Penwith Hundred, see also Harvey, ‘Territoriality, Parochial
Development’, p. 155.
53
54
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/101, m. 1, court of 4 September 1486 for details of goods
least possible to argue that what we see from the records of the Arundell estates
is evidence for an inconsistent and, at times, faltering manorial economy, which
displays only the most muted suggestions of regional distinctiveness but does not
always accord with the general pattern of the regional economy, as identified by
earlier commentators.
It seems reasonable to suppose that, across the county, the Arundell estate
officials sought to make the best of what the estate and its tenants could offer,
but, if this was the case, their efforts were only scantly rewarded and were
directed at their own agrarian base. There is little doubt that the Arundells and
their estate officers attempted to make the most of their situation, but that they
tended to do so in ways largely consistent with past practice. While there is some
evidence for innovation in the way in which the estate was run in the last decades
of the fifteenth century, such developments were few and the overall tendency
was to seek to maximize benefits according to generally long-standing forms
of management. For instance, where demesnes continued in hand, one fairly
persistent feature of the Arundell manorial courts in the fifteenth century was
the effort made to insist upon the obligations of the customary or conventionary
tenants. There was a continued effort to raise customary dues and fines, such as
heriot and, even occasionally, leyrwite, with heriot especially persisting as an
obligation of conventionary tenure well into the sixteenth century. At Treloy,
there is also evidence of frequent attempts in the 1440s to ensure that tenants
performed various precarial services, such as the spreading of dung on the fields.55
At Lanherne, tenants who attempted to leave their ‘tenures’ before the end of their
term were penalized with the seizure of crops.56 Manorial courts on the Arundell
estates were held with a fair degree of frequency throughout the fifteenth century.
Most manors appear to have held courts between six and eight times per year.
However, receipts from courts were, as we have already seen, piecemeal and a
good deal of the business was repetitive, frequently illustrative of a capacity to
impounded. A plea of unjust detention between Robert Talcan (plaintiff ) and William Hoskyn
(defendant) includes both good instance of such high value goods and the award of twenty
marks in damages. If we were also to consider matters recorded in the stannary courts, we might
also expect to find a similar distinction; Hatcher, English Tin Production and Trade, pp. 52–3,
58, 61–62, 64. For the relative wealth of the far west of Cornwall in the fourteenth century,
see, for instance, Campbell and Bartley, England on the Eve of the Black Death, p. 326; see also
Pounds, ‘Taxation and Wealth in Late Medieval Cornwall’.
55
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/1 m. 1, court of 25 September 1442; Truro, CornwallRO,
AR/2/1/ m. 4, court of 29 August 1443.
56
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/121, m. 1, court of 25 September 1442.
record activity but not to enforce it. This also seems to set the Arundell estates
apart from the Duchy estates where, as Hatcher has described, manorial courts
were used systematically as a means of boosting revenue in this period.57
The Arundells did not reject all and any innovation. There is some general
suggestion that Cornish lords such as the Arundells were prepared to seek
investment opportunities in economies beyond their traditional agrarian base.58
However, it seems highly unlikely that the chief source of income for the family
in this period shifted dramatically from rent. As alternatives to persisting with
customary rents and long-standing income-generating methods, the Arundells
were prepared to adjust tenures and, increasingly it would appear, to let holdings
both for differing terms, at lower rents, and to permit accumulation. In this they
appear to have responded in ways consistent with the approach of gentry families
in other parts of the country. Essentially rentiers, this did not mean that they
were inert as landlords.59 At Trembleath, for instance, in 1452, two substantial
tenements were combined for a term of lives with the expectation that the
incoming lessee would improve the property and help effect a major adjustment of
agrarian practice upon the estate by undertaking a programme of hedge planting
and wide-scale enclosure.60 From time to time also the Arundells were prepared
to support incoming tenants by covering the costs of repairs and by providing
the necessary materials to assist in the maintenance or restoration of buildings.
Hatcher treated such policy as an index of the differing economic experience
across the Duchy estates in the fifteenth century, noting that such efforts were
needed in the central and western manors of the county far more than they were
on the estate’s manors to the east of the county.61 However, if we attempt to map
such differences of approach across the Arundells’ Cornish manors, it is at present
difficult to detect any meaningful distinction in approach or in result.
Historians have often pondered the nature of the relationship between indi-
ces of agrarian change such as rents and farms with the wider changes in the econ-
omy of the later Middle Ages. For the fifteenth century, some historians have seen
falling rents as an opportunity for those below the level of landlords to take new
57
See above, p. 278; also Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society, pp. 165–67.
58
For instance, Kowaleski, ‘The Expansion of the South-Western Fisheries’, pp. 445–46,
merchants providing major capital investment though lords might also be involved; Hatcher,
English Tin Production and Trade, p. 58, and n. 2; the gentry elsewhere were prepared to invest
in a variety of ‘projects’, Carpenter, Locality and Polity, pp. 179–88.
59
See, for instance, Carpenter, Locality and Polity, pp. 163–68.
60
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/56, m. 2 (dorse), court of 21 April 1452.
61
See, for instance, Hatcher, ‘A Diversified Economy’, pp. 222–23.
advantage in an era of apparent redistribution of incomes, while others see them

as evidence for a more general malaise, of an indication not only of a reduced
demand for land but also a wider and more general reduction in economic oppor-
tunity, with landlords keen to maintain tenants who were themselves facing diffi-
culties in a period of widespread economic disruption.62 John Hatcher’s research
on the Duchy estates and on the tin industry in the later Middle Ages encouraged
him in the view that the behaviour of the agrarian sector within the region was
closely allied to that industry by the close of the Middle Ages; such an association
explained the discrete patterns in movement of land and rent which he was able
to observe on the Duchy estates. By contrast, the evidence from the Arundell
estates suggests that, by the second half of the fifteenth century, a fair proportion
of the estate’s rents was reasonably robust across the estate and there is relatively
little variety; while we can look for some of the explanations for this within the
manorial economy itself, it also seems quite clear that the explanation for that
robustness must also be detected in the local economy beyond the estate itself.
For scholars working on the fifteenth century, the persistence of estate records
which present us with information on changes within the manorial and agrarian
economy is a benefit but is also one tempered by the all too evident reduction
in the extent and depth of information typically offered by this same body of
material. This overall shortfall in the quality of estate records by the close of the
Middle Ages, in contrast to the greater significance of the same corpus of material
two centuries earlier, may reflect what has been seen as the increased irrelevance
of the seigneurial economy to the wider economy of rural England by the late
Middle Ages.63 If manorial and estate records tell us less than we might have
otherwise hoped about the regional economy, then we are necessarily directed
to other potential indices, including both documentary and archaeological/
architectural material. John Hatcher’s analysis of the Duchy economy is an
important one not least because it is founded upon such a relatively rich corpus of
material. If his thesis of a diversified and irregular pattern of performance within
the regional economy is to be further tested then, in the longer term, historians
will need to employ a fuller range of material than just surviving estate records,
central as these certainly are.64
62
See, for a reflection upon these positions, Hatcher, ‘The Great Slump’, pp. 259–60.
63
Dyer, An Age of Transition?, p. 125.
64
One such avenue for exploration is the physical record of church building. Parish
churches witnessed considerable investment and a relatively late but important campaign of
alteration and new construction in the last decades of the fifteenth and the first decades of the
Distinctions between pays réel and pays légal are, of course, far from unknown
in the relevant literature and previous discussion of diversification in medieval
Cornwall makes it clear that much of the significant activity in such a regime is
likely to remain hidden.65 It is also for this reason that some of the hypotheses
employed to explain the diversification of the economic experience of later
medieval Cornwall, especially the localized patterns of rent movement and their
responsiveness to changes in various kinds of industry and proto-industry within
the region, will not easily be subjected to close investigation, even though, as John
Hatcher was first to point out, such economic diversification clearly existed and
must at least be an element, if not in all respects an easily quantifiable element, in
the recorded movement of rent. However, not all such avenues are closed, and,
as this essay has been intended to show, continued work on the nature of the
regional economy of the southwest may shed some light on the inter-relationship
of late medieval seigneurial economies and the non-manorial sector.
sixteenth centuries. See, for instance, Mattingly, ‘Stories in the Glass’, and the observation that
‘tin paid for St Neot’s glazing in much the same way that Cotswold wool and cloth paid for
the Fairford windows’ (p. 22); Mattingly, ‘The Dating of Bench Ends in Cornish Churches’,
including reference to considerable investment in the later fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries
at Bodmin (p. 59) and Mattingly, Looking at Cornish Churches, pp. 26–32; also Cockerham,
‘Catacleuse, Wood and Plaster’. The work of Mattingly has also illustrated the significance of
guilds within the county at the end of the Middle Ages, which the author identifies, in their
density, as an indication of a society that was ‘neither backward nor impoverished’, Mattingly,
‘The Medieval Parish Guilds of Cornwall’, pp. 308–09; also, Mattingly, ‘Going a-Riding’, esp.
pp. 78–83. I am grateful to Dr Mattingly for discussing her research with me and to Mrs D. J.
Schofield and Mr M. G. Dyer for their help in securing one of the above references.
65
Hatcher, ‘A Diversified Economy’; The Cornish Lands of the Arundells, ed. by Fox and
Padel; on the issue more generally, see, for instance, Whittle and Yates, ‘“Pays Réel or Pays
Legal?”’. As Whittle and Yates note, ‘it is the non-manorial documents […] that reveal the
substrata of non-manorial tenants and wage labourers, and the full extent of commercial and
industrial activity’ (p. 25).
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Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/1, m. 4 —— , AR/2/1, m. 4
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/9/5, m. 6 —— , AR/2/9/5, m. 6
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/18 —— , AR/2/18
Truro, CornwallRO, AR/2/92–93 —— , AR/2/92–93
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(University of Exeter Press, forthcoming)
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Institution of Cornwall, n.s., 1 (1991), 58–72
—— , ‘Going a-Riding: Cornwall’s Late Medieval Guilds Revisited’, Journal of the Royal
Institution of Cornwall (2005), 78–104
—— , Looking at Cornish Churches (Redruth, 2005)

—— , ‘The Medieval Parish Guilds of Cornwall’, Journal of the Royal Institution of
Cornwall, n.s., 10 (1989), 290–329
—— , ‘Stories in the Glass — Reconstructing the St Neot Pre-Reformation Glazing
Scheme’, Journal of the Royal Institution of Cornwall, n.s., 2 (2000), 9–55
North, Christine, ‘The Arundell Archive’, Journal of the Royal Institution of Cornwall, n.s.,
2 (1991), 47–57
Pounds, Norman J. G., ‘Taxation and Wealth in Late Medieval Cornwall’, Journal of the
Royal Institution of Cornwall, 6 (1970), 154–67
Whittle, Jane, and Margaret Yates, ‘“Pays Réel or Pays Legal?” Contrasting Patterns of
Land Tenure and Social Structure in Eastern Norfolk and Western Berkshire, 1450–
1600’, Agricultural History Review, 48 (2000), 1–26
The Late Medieval Decline of
English Demesne Agriculture:
Demographic, Monetary, and
Political-Fiscal Factors
John Munro*
D
uring the later fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, a majority
of English manorial landlords, lay and ecclesiastical, experienced a
significant contraction of their demesne holdings: sometimes by sale
or partial abandonment, but more often by leasing them to tenants. J. M. Bean
states that ‘there is a general consensus that the crucial years in this process were
between 1380 and 1420’, and his view is supported by a number of studies of
ecclesiastical estates.1 Thus, Ambrose Raftis contends that a dramatic ‘collapse’
of the direct management of demesnes on the Ramsey Abbey estates took place
during and just after the 1390s.2 Barbara Harvey, having examined the accounts
of Westminster Abbey’s large number of manors in southern and central
England, similarly concluded that ‘the turn of the tide may be placed around
the year 1390’.3 Christopher Dyer also found, on the estates of the bishop
of Worcester, that ‘the main break [the shift to leasing] came with [Bishop]
Wakefield’s death in 1395’.4 In his analysis of the manors of the Archbishop of
Canterbury, F. R. H. Du Boulay found that ‘by 1400 most of the demesnes, and
by 1450, all of them were being leased out’.5
* John Munro is Professor Emeritus of Economics, University of Toronto.

1
Bean, ‘Landlords’, pp. 526–86.
2
Raftis, ‘Peasants and the Collapse of the Manorial Economy’, p. 196.
3
Harvey, Westminster Abbey and its Estates, p. 268.
4
Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society, p. 147.
5
Du Boulay, ‘Who Were Farming the English Demesnes?’, pp. 445–46.
300 John Munro
In the view of most historians, the contraction of demesne holdings was fun-
damentally the consequence of population decline: perhaps by some forty per
cent, or even more, by the later fifteenth century.6 Demographic factors alone,
however, cannot fully explain the phenomenon of leasing or ‘farming’ the
demesnes itself, so that other economic changes, including monetary forces and
fiscal policies, must also be examined for a fuller understanding of what was truly
a momentous change in the economy and society of later medieval England.
The Ricardian Demographic Model for the Decline

of Demesne Agriculture and of Villeinage
In explaining agricultural change in the later Middle Ages, in particular the leas-
ing of manorial demesnes, we should first consider the standard demographic
model, one that is based on Ricardo’s economics. The essential argument is that
population decline inevitably led to falling grain prices, and thus to falling eco-
nomic rents (as determined by grain prices), and also to rising real wages, in so
far as the alteration of the land:labour ratio (fewer workers per acre of arable)
increased labour productivity. This labour scarcity became all the worse, driv-
ing up wages even more, as many cottars and landless labourers took up vacated
tenancies, at much lower rents, and frequently with few or no obligations to
perform ‘customary’ labour services on the demesne. Thus manorial landlords
became victims of a vicious price-cost squeeze and falling incomes that ultimately
forced them to abandon direct cultivation and to lease demesnes lands to peas-
ant tenants, on the best possible terms that the peasants would accept. However,
whether this model fits all the historical facts, in particular those concerning the
actual timing of this transformation, remains to be seen.
‘Mind the Gap’: The Time-Lag between the Black Death

and the Commencement of Leasing
If the Black Death of 1348–52 was indeed the major demographic catastrophe of
the fourteenth century, and yet the first major phase of demesne leasing did not
begin until the 1380s, how can we explain this time lag of thirty years or more?
A. R. Bridbury offered one intriguing solution in contending that England had
been so grossly overpopulated that the Black Death was ‘more purgative than
toxic’, in eliminating an excess labour force that constituted ‘disguised unemploy-
6
See Hatcher, Plague, Population, and the English Economy, pp. 11–73; Hatcher, ‘Mortality
in the Fifteenth Century’.
The Late Medieval Decline of English Demesne Agriculture 301
ment’, so that only by the later 1370s had ongoing demographic decline become
sufficiently severe to bring about the economic changes predicted in the Ricardo
model.7 Few, if any, historians have accepted his thesis, which Bridbury himself
subsequently contradicted in an article contending that England was far from
being overpopulated on the eve of the Black Death.8
Another more promising explanation for this ‘time lag’ between the Black
Death and the onset of demesne leasing is the supposed ‘feudal reaction’ that
immediately followed the Black Death and then endured for the next three dec-
ades.9 The essential argument is that many manorial lords reacted to the threat of
labour scarcity and rising wages, not so much by ‘reimposing’ villeinage (serfdom)
in areas where it had waned, but rather by intensifying their exactions of custom-
ary villein labour services on their demesnes. While there is some evidence for
this thesis, a ‘feudal reaction’ of this nature is very difficult to substantiate as a
widespread phenomenon: i.e., sufficiently powerful to repress the changing mar-
ket forces in both land and labour. The most substantial support for the ‘feudal
reaction’ thesis is the oppressive parliamentary labour legislation imposed to fix
maximum wages, evidently at the behest of landlords, immediately after the Black
Death, namely the Ordinance of Labourers (1349) and the Statute of Labourers
(1351). The final major measure was the Statute of Cambridge (1388). The
debate over the effectiveness of this legislation has generated a vast literature that
cannot be considered here.10 One may observe, however, that, despite substantial
evidence of prosecutions for statute violations (chiefly of employees, not employ-
ers), to the 1380s, manorial wages for both agricultural and industrial workers
did rise in the two decades following the Statute, far above the permitted rates.
For example, by the 1360s and 1370s, and constantly thereafter to the 1390s, the
prevailing daily wage rate for carpenters on various Winchester manors was four
pence (4d.), occasionally 5d.: one-third higher than the 3d. rate prescribed in the
1351 Statute.11 That rate was all the more difficult to enforce, because it was an
7
Bridbury, ‘The Black Death’, pp. 557–92.
8
Bridbury, ‘Before the Black Death’.
9
See in particular Britnell, ‘Feudal Reaction after the Black Death’; Hilton, The Decline of
Serfdom, pp. 26–59; Bolton, The Medieval English Economy, pp. 214–21; Rigby, English Society
in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 104–27.
10
The classic study is Putnam, The Enforcement of the Statue of Labourers. See also
Given-Wilson, ‘Labour in the Context of the English Government’; Penn and Dyer, ‘Wages
and Earnings in Late Medieval England’; Poos, ‘The Social Context of Statute of Labourers
Enforcement’; Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath’.
11
LSE Archives, Beveridge, Boxes A.30–33: for Ecchinswell, Esher, Taunton, Witney, and
302 John Munro
Table 18. Price indexes for the Phelps Brown and Hopkins ‘Basket of Consumables’ and for the
prices of grains, meat, dairy products, and English wools (mean of 1451–75 = 100),
1331–35 to 1446–50
Phelps Brown Total grains: Meat products: Dairy products: Wools:

& Hopkins wheat, rye, beef, mutton, butter and better
Composite Price barley, peas swine cheese qualities:
Year Index (Revised) Price Index Price Index Price Index Price Index
base value base value base value base value base value
in pence (d.) in d. in d. in d. in pounds (£)
112.801d. 21.799d. 23.950d. 15.579d. £4.8544
1331–35 109.108 110.302 110.021 95.281 110.614
1336–40 89.256 84.730 96.346 94.622 95.699
1341–45 85.533 81.356 89.666 88.547 101.910
1346–50 100.064 101.499 94.572 97.299 97.093
1351–55 126.472 131.100 113.987 102.921 91.577
1356–60 118.092 115.863 108.455 112.790 108.009
1361–65 137.976 130.413 131.419 104.738 115.474
1366–70 136.460 150.487 131.607 106.830 137.799
1371–75 127.345 133.638 143.653 107.403 162.637
1376–80 109.891 96.219 118.580 105.066 155.243
1381–85 113.190 104.029 110.890 105.709 123.494
1386–90 101.233 83.336 108.055 96.590 104.463
1391–95 103.953 96.639 106.471 73.130 102.039
1396–1400 110.648 105.084 111.064 100.898 107.966
1401–05 112.653 117.530 110.071 102.790 117.455
1406–10 109.927 108.229 106.555 106.878 128.114
1411–15 108.261 91.411 105.599 110.132 122.651
1416–20 113.598 114.066 103.055 107.879 94.586
1421–25 103.740 94.999 93.213 91.331 108.538
1426–30 112.610 107.222 99.581 104.979 103.298
1431–35 109.122 110.106 106.078 106.810 115.634
1436-40 124.218 148.525 109.585 110.342 109.627
1441-45 92.574 75.504 96.624 97.290 107.145
1446-50 101.241 97.399 106.245 106.978 110.796
unusually low rate that had only temporarily prevailed, just before the plague, in
the deflationary 1340s (Tables 20B and 21A).12
Wycombe. See also Table 21A below, for Farmer’s ‘national’ means of carpenters’ wages: with a
mean of 4.194d. in the 1370s.
12
See Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 207–11; Munro, ‘Before and After the Black Death’.
Sources for Table 18. Wool prices: Lloyd, The Movement of Wool Prices, pp. 35–51.
Other commodity prices: based upon the Phelps Brown and Hopkins ‘Basket of Consumables’ Price
Index: LSE Archives, Phelps Brown, Box Ia:324, LSE Archives, Phelps Brown, Box J.IV.2.a. These
archives contain Phelps Brown’s original hand-written working papers, with prices for individual
commodities contained in the Phelps Brown and Hopkins ‘basket of consumables’ price index, which
they had presented in Phelps Brown and Hopkins, ‘Seven Centuries of the Prices of Consumables’
(with price indexes not in the original).
Apart from correcting hundreds of computational errors in their original series, I constructed an
entirely new index based on actual prices rather than their index numbers. Using the data in their work-
sheets, for each commodity, I first calculated the annual prices for all the commodities in the basket.
The using their commodity weights, I calculated the sum value of those commodities, to calculate the
annual value of the basket. I then constructed the price index, with their base, 1451–75 = 100, from
the values of the basket for each year in that twenty-five-year base period.
While the original PB&H commodity basket consisted of fixed commodity weights throughout the
entire series — so that, for example, grain prices always account for twenty per cent of the total weight
in the basket, the commodity weights, in my revised version, change with changes in relative prices.
The commodity price weights for the basket are thus fixed only for the base period: 1451–75 = 100.
The Role of Deflation in the Decline of Manorial Demesne Agriculture

during the ‘bullion famine’ of c. 1370– c. 1420
A more effective solution to the problem of the ‘time-lag’ may be found by
resorting to a combined monetary and a related fiscal model, to supplement the
demographic model. The essential thesis is that England’s manorial economic
crisis commenced only with the onset of another severe, prolonged deflation,
from the later 1370s to the 1420s, during which not only the Consumer Price
Index (CPI) but the prices of all agricultural commodities fell, whereas most
agricultural costs did not, thus creating the well-known ‘price scissors’.13 The
related fiscal part of the model is that deflation (including the fall of wool prices)
exacerbated the very onerous burden of the wool-export taxes, thereby producing
a severe contraction in wool exports, and, presumably, in the demand for manorial
(and peasant) wools. The deflation itself was the product of a severe, European-
wide monetary contraction, the so-called ‘bullion famine’ (during this same era),
which brought to an abrupt end the three-decade long inflation that had followed
the Black Death. The evidence that monetary factors were essentially responsible
for this deflation have been set forth in so many of publications by so many
historians (including the present author) that they need not be presented here.14
13
See Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 185–297; Munro, ‘Before and After the Black Death’.
14
See Day, ‘The Great Bullion Famine’; Miskimin, ‘Monetary Movements and Market
304 John Munro
No monetary explanation, however, can ever be divorced from real factors; and
the continuing fall in population may have played a role in reducing the income
velocity of money, though commercial disruptions, insecurity, and economic
pessimism were probably more important.15
The severity and extent of this deflation during the ‘bullion famine’ era cannot
be doubted. In England, as Table 18 shows, the quinquennial mean Consumer
Price Index (with a base of 1451–75 = 100) fell 23.98 per cent, from 1366–70
(136.46) to 1421–25 (103.74). Over this same period, the quinquennial price
indexes for all agricultural commodities fell together, if not exactly in tandem
with each other: grains, by 36.87 per cent; meat products, by 29.17 per cent;
dairy products, by 14.51 per cent; and wools (better qualities), by 21.24 per cent.
Statistical tables for Flanders, published elsewhere, demonstrate a very similar
decline in the Flemish CPI and agricultural prices in this same period. As shown
in other statistical tables, industrial prices in both England and Flanders also fell,
though not by as much as did the agricultural prices, or the CPI.16 That such a
decline in commodity prices, if not in factor prices, was not just confined to grains
but was far more general vindicates the view that northwest Europe experienced a
genuine monetary deflation during this ‘bullion famine’ era, to the 1420s.
While the previously discussed demographic model explains why falling
population should have led to lower grain prices, that model does not explain
the two post-plague series of changes in prices and the price level. In particular,
why was the Black Death, producing an indisputably drastic fall in Europe’s
population, followed not by falling grain prices, as would be expected, but
instead by a European-wide inflation that affected all commodity price series
Structures’; Miskimin, The Economy of Early Renaissance Europe, pp. 138–50; Spufford, Money
and its Use, chap. 15, ‘The Bullion Famines of the Later Middle Ages’, pp. 339–62; Munro, Bul
lion Flows and Monetary Policies; Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 211–19.
15
Note the nature of the variables in the revised Quantity Theorem equation: M.V = P.y:
in which M is the total stock of money, V is the income velocity of money (‘turnover’), P is the
price level (CPI), and ‘y’ is real net national income or national product. Most economists prefer
the alternative Cambridge Cash Balances equation: M = k.P.y, in which ‘k’ (the reciprocal of V)
stands for that proportion of net national income that the public chooses to hold in real cash
balances. For late medieval income velocities, see Mayhew, ‘Population, Money Supply, and the
Velocity of Circulation’; and Spufford, Money and its Use, pp. 346–47: ‘Fear of disorder made
men conceal their coin. Fear of not being able to replace coin made men the keener to keep their
assets liquid. With scarcity of coin went a reluctance to spend or invest what one had in hand,
so that there was a sluggish circulation, which in itself was equivalent to a further reduction in
the available quantity of coin’. Nevertheless, he contends, along with most monetary historians,
that an increased outflow of bullion to the East was the principal cause of the ‘bullion famines’.
16
Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, Table 5, pp. 240–44; Tables 8–9, pp. 248–53.
(including grain prices) and one that lasted for thirty years?17 Why did this post-
plague inflationary era come to end in the 1370s, and why was that inflation then
followed by the prolonged half-century deflation just described? Such problems
in population-based explanations indicate that monetary factors, affecting both
money stocks and flows, cannot be ignored.
The Behaviour of Relative Prices for Grains and Livestock Products

in Late Medieval England
In answering such questions about changes in prices, we must always distinguish
carefully between changes in the price level and changes in the relative prices
of various individual commodities. Though monetary factors may have been
predominant in determining the overall price level (CPI), a wide variety of real
factors, including demographic, and their interactions, especially in their real
income effects, together determined the constantly fluctuating changes in relative
prices: for example, changes in grain prices compared to changes in meat and
dairy prices. In later medieval England, cereal grains accounted for a large share
of household expenditures, on both food and drink, for the majority of society
(Table 27); and grains had a low price- and income-elasticity of demand, the
more so, as their prices fell. Under such circumstances, a steep fall in grain prices
that exceeded the fall in the overall CPI and thus the decline in other commodity
prices should have liberated substantial household income to be spent on other
commodities. Such a shift in household demand would have led to an increase in
the relative prices of livestock and industrial products, even when their nominal
prices were also falling.
The conditions of and changes in supply also, of course, played an important
role. In general, historically, grain prices fluctuate up and down far more than do
other agricultural prices, especially prices for livestock products, which in turn
fluctuate more than do industrial prices. To a considerable extent, differences in
their respective long-term supply schedules help explain these differences in price
changes. The supply schedules for various grains are generally very steeply sloped
(highly inelastic), thus helping to explain the sharp decline in their real prices
with falling aggregate demand. Those for industrial products are only gently
sloped (very elastic: with more or less constant-cost production functions); and
those for livestock products usually lie in between these two sets of commodities.
17
For a monetary explanation of the post-plague inflation (c. 1350–c. 1375), see the sources
cited in nn. 12, 14, above, in particular Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 211–17.
306 John Munro
In late medieval England, much evidence indicates that the agricultural sector
underwent a relative shift from the production of grains to the production of
various livestock commodities (though not wool, for reasons to be explored
later). We should not, however, expect that such changes in the supplies of
agricultural commodities would have made their longer-term supply schedules
any less elastic; and those supply changes would not likely have offset the ‘income
effects’ from falling real grain prices. Tables 18 and 19 clearly confirm the
foregoing prediction: that the prices for meat and dairy products and for wools
fell to a lesser extent than did grain prices, so that (again) their relative commodity
prices rose in relation to grain prices.
For most manorial landlords in late medieval England, from the 1370s to the
1420s, the fall in all nominal agricultural prices, in comparison with agricultural
costs, obviously posed severe problems. The plight was the more severe for those
who continued to pursue a traditional demesne economy based on both grain and
wool, rather than on other livestock products, for reasons that are set out below.
For grain producers, engaged in a very labour-intensive form of production, in
contrast to the far less labour-intensive and more land extensive forms of livestock
production, the equally important concern was the behaviour of factor prices,
especially wages for hired labour on the demesnes.
The Behaviour of Factor Prices and the Problem of ‘Stickiness’

The related aspect of the monetary model is that, while these agricultural
commodity prices fell steeply, the factor costs of production generally did not
fall in nominal terms, and indeed rose in real terms. The principal costs to be
considered are interest and wages. While they are indeed ‘prices’, for the use of
capital and labour, historically they have never behaved in the same fashion as
commodity prices; and they are not included in any consumer price indexes. It is
thus a fallacy to believe that all prices must move together during periods of either
inflation of deflation. The primary reason why factor prices generally did not
move in tandem with commodity prices is factor-price ‘stickiness’, a phenomenon
well known in Keynesian economics.18 Although this problem has not yet been
well studied for interest rates, the most obvious reason lies in the nature of loan
contracts, ‘recognizances’, mortgages, and related legal instruments used in
borrowing money. In virtually all such contracts, the annual interest payments
were fixed for the duration of the written agreements. To the extent that manorial
18
Keynes, The General Theory, pp. 4–22, 257–79.
Table 19. Ratios of agricultural prices to the Consumer Price Index (Phelps Brown and
Hopkins) and to each other (mean of 1451–75 = 100), 1331–35 to 1446–50
Ratio of Ratio of Ratio of Ratio of Ratio of Ratio Ratio of

Wool Prices Wool Prices Grain Meat Prices Meat Prices of Meat Dairy
to PBH CPI to Grain Prices to Grain to Wool Prices Products
Year (Wool/CPI) Prices to CPI Prices Prices to CPI to CPI
1331–35 101.380 100.283 93.384 99.745 99.463 100.837 87.328
1336–40 107.218 112.945 68.845 113.709 100.677 107.943 106.012
1341–45 119.146 125.265 80.805 110.215 87.985 104.831 103.524
1346–50 97.031 95.659 105.200 93.175 97.403 94.511 97.237
1351–55 72.409 69.853 116.148 86.947 124.471 90.128 81.379
1356–60 91.461 93.222 81.215 93.606 100.413 91.839 95.510
1361–65 83.691 88.545 97.901 100.772 113.809 95.248 75.910
1366–70 100.981 91.568 96.691 87.454 95.507 96.444 78.287
1371–75 127.713 121.700 86.819 107.494 88.327 112.806 84.340
1376–80 141.270 161.343 66.984 123.239 76.383 107.907 95.609
1381–85 109.103 118.711 83.923 106.595 89.794 97.968 93.391
1386–90 103.191 125.351 65.270 129.661 103.438 106.739 95.414
1391–95 98.159 105.588 84.629 110.175 104.344 102.423 70.350
1396–1400 97.576 102.743 89.617 105.691 102.869 100.376 91.188
1401–05 104.263 99.936 94.166 93.653 93.713 97.708 91.245
1406–10 116.545 118.372 85.171 98.453 83.172 96.933 97.226
1411–15 113.292 134.175 73.719 115.522 86.097 97.541 101.728
1416–20 83.264 82.922 93.405 90.347 108.954 90.719 94.966
1421–25 104.625 114.252 74.137 98.120 85.881 89.852 88.039
1426–30 91.731 96.340 91.627 92.874 96.402 88.430 93.223
1431–35 105.968 105.021 86.681 96.341 91.735 97.210 97.881
1436–40 88.254 73.810 120.664 73.783 99.962 88.220 88.829
1441–45 115.740 141.908 53.885 127.972 90.180 104.374 105.095
1446–50 109.438 113.754 93.273 109.081 95.892 104.942 105.667
Sources: see the sources for Table 18.
lords borrowed money through mortgages, in using their land as collateral, they
normally engaged in very long-term contracts.19
19
For landlord borrowing, see Raftis, Peasant Economic Development, pp. 65–70. The uni-
versal prohibition against usury (interest) has made it difficult for historians to ascertain inter-
est rates in commercial contracts.
308 John Munro
The primary problem that concerned late medieval manorial lords in using cap-
ital (for example, that invested in livestock herds) was not nominal but real inter-
est rates. The real interest rate is the nominal rate minus the annual rate of inflation
(percentage annual change in the Consumer Price Index); or, for the period con-
cerned here, the nominal interest rate plus the annual rate of deflation. Thus, the
deflation of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries inexorably increased
the real burdens of the manorial lords’ annual interest payments, especially in rela-
tion to the much lower prices fetched for the sales of agricultural products. Indeed,
Raftis depicts the growing plight of the Ramsey Abbey estates in the 1370s and
1380s as ‘a period of lower prices and increasing capital costs on the demesne’.20
The Novel Problem of Nominal ‘Wage Stickiness’

in Late Fourteenth-Century England
In relation to money wages, the problem of ‘stickiness’ is all the more complex. The
flexibility of long-term wage movements depends upon the nature of the prevailing
price movements. During periods of inflation, in medieval and early modern
Europe, money wages generally did rise, but sluggishly, with significant time lags,
and thus almost never in pace with the rise of commodity prices. Therefore, real
wages necessarily fell during most periods of inflation, according to the standard
formula, expressed in index numbers: RWI = NWI/CPI (the real wage index =
the nominal money wage index divided by the Consumer Price Index). In later
medieval and early modern Europe, during periods of deflation, wages were far
more rigid, so that real wages rose directly with falling prices. In this respect, what is
now called ‘downward wage-stickiness’ is clearly related to monetary phenomena,
in so far as they determine changes in the Consumer Price Index.
Henry Phelps Brown and Sheila Hopkins were amongst the first historians to
call attention to this particular ‘wage-stickiness’ phenomenon, though they called
it the ‘elbow-joint’ or ‘ratchet effect’. They also contended that it was a new phe-
nomenon in England, dating only from the later fourteenth century, but one that
continued to prevail during subsequent periods of deflation, until the 1920s.21 As
they noted, and as did Beveridge and Bridbury, the 1370s marked the first time
that money wages did not fall with the Consumer Price Index, as they had done
earlier, in the deflationary 1330s and 1340s.22 The same patterns of nominal wage-
20
Raftis, Peasant Economic Development, p. 68.
21
Phelps Brown and Hopkins, ‘Seven Centuries of Building Wages’, pp. 7–8.
22
Phelps Brown and Hopkins, ‘Seven Centuries of Building Wages’, pp. 8–10. See in par-
stickiness during deflationary periods can also be demonstrated for the late medi-
eval and early modern Low Countries.23 Keynes observed that, while an inflation-
induced fall in real wages rarely provokes hostile responses from organized labour,
during deflationary periods, ‘every trade union will put up some resistance to a
cut in money-wages, however small’, generally for fear that such losses may never
be fully recouped.24 John Langdon’s recent study on this issue confirms patterns
of wage-stickiness in medieval England, but even before the Black Death.25 The
complex reasons for wage-stickiness, which cannot be the focus of this study, have
been explored at length in several of my recent publications.26
The Evidence of Manorial Wages in Later Medieval England

The collected evidence for manorial wages, both agricultural and industrial, in
later fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century England is presented in Tables 20A–B
to 21A–B. Only those purely money rates for labour alone, paid in silver pence,
have been utilized, so that any wage payments that combined money and kind
(food, drink, clothing) have been deliberately excluded.27 The most important
series are those for such seasonal agricultural workers as threshers and winnowers,
reapers and binders, and mowers, presented in Table 20A, in five-year means.
They are based the annual index-number data that David Farmer published in
two volumes of the Agrarian History of England and Wales.28 Farmer’s data have
ticular Beveridge, ‘Westminster Wages in the Manorial Era’, p. 31. See also Bridbury, ‘The Black
Death’, p. 582.
23
Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 185–97; Munro, ‘Money, Prices, Wages, and “Profit Inflation”’.
24
Keynes, The General Theory, p. 15. The late medieval Low Countries provide examples of
labour strikes (textile guilds) and civic revolts when authorities attempted to cut money-wages,
during deflationary periods, even though real wages were then rising. See Munro, ‘Gold, Guilds,
and Government’.
25
Langdon, ‘Waged Building Employment in Medieval England’.
26
See in particular Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’; Munro, ‘Before and After the Black Death’.
27
Farmer, ‘Prices and Wages’, pp. 760–78, 811–17; and Farmer, ‘Prices and Wages, 1350–
1500’, pp. 467–90, 516–24; Phelps Brown and Hopkins, ‘Seven Centuries of Building Wages’,
pp. 8–12; Beveridge, ‘Wages in the Winchester Manors’, pp. 22–43: ‘in the Winchester manors
there is no reason for suspecting any general practice of supplementation’ of money wages, when
food payments are not specified’. When they are, they differ from the money-wage alone ‘as a rule
by 2d. per day’ (pp. 36–37). See also Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 194–212, and esp. pp. 202–
04, and n. 48 (p. 275), for a critique of the view that supplementary wage-payments in kind were
used to thwart the wage ordinances: as recently argued in Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath’.
28
See also his earlier study: Farmer, ‘Crop Yields, Prices and Wages’.
310 John Munro
Table 20A. National means of manorial agricultural wages in England: Piece-work rates for process-
ing agricultural commodities (threshing and winnowing; reaping and binding) in sil-
ver pence and in index numbers (base: 1451–75 = 100) with calculations of real wages
based on the Phelps Brown and Hopkins Consumer Price Index, 1331–35 to 1446–50
THRESHING AND REAPING AND
WINNOWING GRAINS BINDING GRAINS
Piece rates per razed quarter (8 bushels) per acre of grains
Threshing & Winnowing
Threshing & Winnowing

razed quarter of grains
Phelps Brown Hopkins
Index: 1451–75 = 100
Index: 1451–75 = 100

razed quarter of grains
Reaping & Binding
Reaping & Binding

RWI = NWI/CPI
RWI = NWI/CPI
per acre of grains
per acre of grains

harmonic means
harmonic means
1451–75 = 100
1451–75 = 100
CPI: based on
Years
(revised)
(Pence)
(Pence)
5-year
period
1331–35 109.108 5.358 51.692 46.586 6.402 64.242 58.730

1336–40 89.256 5.358 51.692 57.893 5.919 59.394 66.710
1341–45 85.533 5.402 52.107 60.912 6.076 60.970 71.277
1346–50 100.064 5.832 56.259 55.738 7.055 70.788 66.331
1351–55 126.472 6.262 60.411 46.468 7.876 79.030 62.273
1356–60 118.092 5.746 55.429 46.704 6.572 65.939 55.741
1361–65 137.976 6.252 60.307 43.542 8.033 80.606 58.291
1366–70 136.460 6.671 64.355 46.566 8.299 83.273 60.776
1371–75 127.345 7.414 71.518 55.280 8.480 85.091 65.891
1376–80 109.891 7.704 74.320 67.418 9.954 99.879 90.925
1381–85 113.190 8.038 77.538 68.007 9.072 91.030 78.986
1386–90 101.233 7.500 72.348 71.425 9.205 92.364 91.244
1391–95 103.953 7.414 71.518 68.700 8.734 87.636 83.473
1396–1400 110.648 7.962 76.811 69.165 8.734 87.636 77.934
1401–05 112.653 8.436 81.378 69.795 9.241 92.727 82.430
1406–10 109.927 8.726 84.181 76.101 9.918 99.515 90.550
1411–15 108.261 7.812 75.358 69.618 10.038 100.727 93.009
1416–20 113.598 8.920 86.049 74.925 9.857 98.909 86.918
1421–25 103.740 8.317 80.237 77.243 9.362 93.939 90.009
1426–30 112.610 8.221 79.302 70.570 9.048 90.788 79.884
1431–35 109.122 8.070 77.849 71.231 9.386 94.182 86.265
1436–40 124.218 10.254 98.920 77.342 9.561 95.939 77.596
1441–45 92.574 9.415 90.824 97.297 10.981 110.182 118.832
1446–50 101.241 8.920 86.049 84.038 9.942 99.758 98.561
Sources: Consumer Prices: see the sources for Table 18. Wages: Farmer, ‘Prices and Wages’, pp. 760–78,
811–17; Farmer, ‘Prices and Wages, 1350–1500’, pp. 467–90, 516–24. For the Phelps Brown and
Hopkins CPI: see the sources for Table 18.
been converted into both silver pence and index numbers for both nominal and
real wages, with the Phelps Brown and Hopkins base (1451–75 = 100), which
is used in all other tables in this study. The ‘real wage’ calculations in Tables 20A
and 20B are based not on his price index but on my revised Phelps Brown and
Hopkins ‘Basket of Consumable’ Index used in the other tables (see Table 27).
The wage data for medieval English agricultural workers are highly problematic,
in two respects. In the first place, these are piece-work wages: payments for the
quantity of work done, without any reference to the time taken to fulfil these
tasks. Rising piece rates might have meant less work done per day, though of
course they still represented a higher labour cost for manorial lords, especially
if, in contradiction to traditional economic theory, rising real wages did not
represent increased productivity.29 In the second place, the annual fluctuations
of these piece-work wages do not clearly demonstrate the phenomenon of wage-
stickiness, especially downward wage-stickiness during deflation. The problem
here lies in the compilation of the data as ‘national averages’ by a method that
suffers from ‘compositional’ errors. Because of both frequent annual gaps in the
manorial data and regional wage variations, the calculations of the mean wage for
each class of agricultural worker each year do not necessarily reflect actual wage
changes in each and every region but changes in the composition of the data, so
that the absence of either higher or lower wage manors in any given year skews the
results. Furthermore, the piece rates varied according to the type of grain that was
threshed and winnowed (wheat, barley, and oats); and not all were consistently
recorded. Thus, even within each manor, annual changes in the composition of
the piece-work wage group by such grains would also have skewed the results and
produced spurious fluctuations.30
Taking account of all these caveats, we observe from Table 20A that the nomi-
nal piece-work wages of threshers and winnowers (in index numbers) did indeed
rise, as expected, after the Black Death: by 23.51 per cent from 1341–45 to
1366–70. That increase in nominal wage rates did not, however, match the infla-
tionary rise in the Consumer Price Index, so that the real wage index actually fell
29
Recently, Gregory Clark has sought a remedy for this vexing problem by using regres-
sion analysis (based on other wage data) to convert English agrarian piece work wages into daily
wages (again, on a ‘national means’ basis); but his results are so strikingly at variance with the evi-
dence produced here that they cannot reasonably be used in this study. Clark, ‘The Long March
of History’, p. 101 and Table 1 at pp. 99–100.
30
Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 196–97. For varying rates according to the type of grain
threshed (not made clear in Farmer), see Beveridge, ‘Wages in the Winchester Manors’, Table
II, p. 39.
312 John Munro
Table 20B. National means of manorial agricultural wages in England: Piece-work rates for pro-
cessing agricultural commodities (mowing and spreading) in silver pence and in index
numbers (base: 1451–75 = 100) with calculations of real wages based on the Phelps
Brown and Hopkins Consumer Price Index, 1331–35 to 1446–50
MOWING AND SPREADING PER ACRE OF PASTURE
per acre of meadow lands
CPI: Mowing & Mowing & RWI =
based on Spreading Spreading per NWI/ CPI
Phelps Brown per acre of acre of meadow 1451–75 = 100
Years Hopkins meadow Index: Harmonic
5-year period (revised) Pence 1451–75 = 100 means
1331–35 109.108
1336–40 89.256
1341–45 85.533
1346–50 100.064
1351–55 126.472 6.452 97.486 76.788
1356–60 118.092 6.181 93.381 78.689
1361–65 137.976 6.328 95.605 68.743
1366–70 136.460 7.618 115.102 83.481
1371–75 127.345 7.641 115.444 89.996
1376–80 109.891 7.505 113.391 103.194
1381–85 113.190 7.811 118.009 104.173
1386–90 101.233 7.392 111.681 110.193
1391–95 103.953 6.883 103.985 99.552
1396–1400 110.648 6.724 101.591 91.630
1401–05 112.653 6.764 102.189 89.673
1406–10 109.927 7.273 109.885 99.923
1411–15 108.261 6.962 105.182 95.792
1416–20 113.598 6.735 101.762 89.307
1421–25 103.740 7.200 108.774 104.626
1426–30 112.610 6.684 100.992 89.487
1431–35 109.122 6.226 94.065 86.110
1436–40 124.218 6.764 102.189 82.098
1441–45 92.574 6.407 96.802 104.580
1446–50 101.241 6.305 95.263 93.925
by a striking 23.55 per cent over this same period, as a mirror image. Reapers and
binders experienced a steeper rise in their nominal wages in this period: a mean of
36.58 per cent, from 1341–45 to 1366–70, though also with a temporary decline
in 1356–60; and again, nominal wages rose by only by only 5.36 per cent from
1351–55 to 1366–70. Similarly their real wages also fell after the Black Death: by
21.80 per cent, from 1341–45 to the trough of 1356–60; and, though rising
thereafter, their real wages in 1366–70 were still only 85.37 per cent of what they
had earned in the early 1340s. Thus we may thus assume that the rise in nominal
wages was largely a monetary phenomenon, as part of the post-plague inflations.31
In the deflationary era that ensued, from the later 1370s, real wages did rise, as
expected, for the various manorial agricultural workers. If we compare real wages
in the quinquennium 1366–70 with those for three decades later, in 1396–1400,
we find that those for threshers and winnowers had risen by 48.53 per cent; those
for reapers and binders, by 28.23 per cent; and those for mowers, by only 9.76
per cent.32 The nominal wage-rates for threshers in 1396–1400 were 19.36 per
cent higher than in 1366–70, but they were virtually unchanged from 1371–75
to 1391–95 (having increased just before and just after those dates). Those for
reapers were just 6.5 per cent higher, while those for mowers were, in fact, 11.74
per cent lower (for reasons not readily explained). This evidence suggests that
the real wage gains were derived from a combination of monetary deflation and
varying degrees of institutional wage-stickiness, though one possibly distorted by
the calculation of national means, and by the nature of the occupations.
From the end of the fourteenth century through the first three decades of the
fifteenth century, we find moderate fluctuations in the price level, but general
stability in the CPI from 1396–1400 to 1426–30. During this thirty-year period,
nominal wages changed overall by very modest amounts: a rise of 3.24 per cent,
for threshers; a rise of 3.60 per cent for reapers, but a decline of 2.34 per cent for
mowers. Consequently, the mowers suffered a small decrease of 2.34 per cent in
real wages, while the first two groups enjoyed only minimal real-wage gains: 2.03
per cent and 2.50 per cent, respectively. These observations do not justify any
important conclusions about relative labour scarcities during the first third of the
fifteenth century.
31
Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 95–291; Munro, ‘Before and After the Black Death’,
pp. 335–64.
32
Note from Tables 20–23 that the quinquennial mean real wages are computed by the
harmonic mean, which is always somewhat lower than the arithmetic mean. For an explanation
of these two means, see Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 278–79, n. 83. Farmer supplied no wages
for mowers before 1350.
314 John Munro
Table 21A. National means of manorial building wages in England: Daily wages for master carpen-
ters and thatchers (and mates) in silver pence and in index numbers (base: 1451–75
= 100) with calculations of real wages based on the Phelps Brown and Hopkins Con-
sumer Price Index, 1331–35 to 1446–50
CARPENTERS: THATCHER & MATES:
MANORIAL in pence per day MANORIAL in pence per day
Thatcher & mate per day
Thatcher & mate per day

Carpenter solo per day
Carpenter solo per day

Index: 1451–75 = 100
Real Wage Index RWI
Index: 1451–75 = 100
RWI = NWI/CPI
Year Michaelmas
Real Wage Index

harmonic means
harmonic means
Five-year period
& Hopkins CPI

Phelps Brown
= NWI/CPI
(Revised)
Pence
Pence
1331–35 109.108 3.243 58.877 54.050 3.792 41.639 38.030
1336–40 89.256 3.136 56.945 63.373 3.882 42.625 47.834
1341–45 85.533 2.999 54.444 63.364 3.553 39.011 45.560
1346–50 100.064 3.293 59.786 59.090 4.204 46.156 45.180
1351–55 126.472 3.524 63.992 50.181 4.682 51.413 40.626
1356–60 118.092 3.956 71.835 60.774 4.608 50.591 42.687
1361–65 137.976 4.188 76.040 55.102 5.333 58.558 42.389
1366–70 136.460 4.332 78.654 57.697 5.685 62.418 45.798
1371–75 127.345 4.194 76.154 59.602 5.887 64.635 50.731
1376–80 109.891 4.194 76.154 69.304 6.066 66.606 60.747
1381–85 113.190 4.319 78.427 69.095 6.171 67.756 59.676
1386–90 101.233 4.207 76.381 75.388 6.119 67.181 66.293
1391–95 103.953 4.269 77.518 74.465 6.313 69.317 66.240
1396–1400 110.648 4.276 77.631 70.193 6.253 68.660 62.010
1401–05 112.653 4.639 84.224 74.644 6.567 72.109 63.613
1406–10 109.927 4.733 85.929 77.377 6.829 74.984 67.938
1411–15 108.261 4.344 78.882 72.716 6.552 71.945 66.124
1416–20 113.598 4.582 83.201 73.118 6.882 75.558 66.445
1421–25 103.740 4.657 84.565 81.328 6.171 67.756 65.038
1426–30 112.610 4.970 90.248 80.267 7.667 84.182 74.515
1431–35 109.122 4.826 87.634 79.953 7.443 81.718 74.736
1436–40 124.218 5.396 97.977 79.105 8.774 96.337 77.113
1441–45 92.574 5.064 91.953 99.365 8.767 96.255 102.614
1446–50 101.241 5.283 95.931 94.597 8.804 96.666 95.316
Some useful comparisons may be made with the piece-work wage data that
Lord Beveridge published so long ago for threshing and winnowing on eight
Winchester manors, though regrettably only in decennial means.33 For the thirty-
year period from 1340–49 to 1360–69, the threshers’ piece-work wages rose, on
average, by 21.27 per cent, from 5.03d. to 6.10d. per quarter (= 8 bushels), and
thus by less than half the rate of inflation: a 48.40 rise in the CPI. Over the same
period, Farmer’s ‘national wage data’ for threshers rose somewhat less: by 15.03
per cent (from 5.62 d to 6.46 d per quarter). The Beveridge wage data for threshers
also continued to rise after the inflation had ceased. If we examine the threshing
rates for the individual Winchester manors we find that threshing rates had
peaked at 7.25d. per quarter at Downton in 1370–79, at Meon in 1380–89, and
at both Overton and Ecchinswell (Itchingswell) in 1400–09. They had peaked at
the higher rate of 7.50d. in Wycombe in 1370–79, and at both Wargrave and
Farnham in 1380–89. Thereafter, those threshing rates remained fixed in all these
manors until the Beveridge data terminate in the 1450s. Thus they demonstrate
the same wage stickiness found in English (and Flemish) industrial wages during
prolonged deflation.34
The Evidence of Manorial and Urban Wage Data for Building Craftsmen
The ‘national mean’ daily wage rates for manorial building craftsmen are pre-
sented in Table 21A, but only for masters (carpenters, masons, thatcher, and
tilers/slaters). This wage-rate series is again based on Farmer’s published data,
which are subject to similar caveats previously noted.35 If we focus only on car-
penters, we do find the expected rise in nominal daily wages after the Black
Death: by 44.47 per cent from the mean of 1341–45 (3.00d.) to the mean of
1366–70 (4.33d.); and this table also reveals the same fall in real wages, because
the CPI had risen so much more during this period. While these ‘national’ wage
data do not portray the same wage-stickiness found elsewhere, they do reveal a
remarkable stability in nominal wages, from the early 1360s to the late 1390s,
never varying by more than 1.40 per cent from the mean wage of 4.247d. for
these three decades. If, however, we examine the annual wage data for carpenters
33
Beveridge, ‘Wages in the Winchester Manors’, pp. 22–43. Data are missing for Witney
and Esher manors in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; but the Esher data are excluded
from the Beveridge mean.
34
Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, Table 6, pp. 243–44; Tables 10–15, pp. 252–63.
35
See above pp. 309–11 and n. 27.
316 John Munro
on individual Winchester manors we do indeed find that expected ‘wage-sticki-

ness’: carpenters’ wages that are constantly at 4d. from the 1370s to the 1390s at
Ecchinswell, Taunton, Witney (some at 5d.), and Wycombe; and constantly at
5d. at Esher, for these same three decades.36
In Farmer’s ‘national’ wage means for carpenters for the fifteenth century, we
find another rise in nominal wages during the first-quarter: overall, by 8.91 per
cent, from a mean of 4.276d. in 1396–1400 to one of 4.657d. in 1421–25. That
rise parallels the rise shown in Tables 21A/B for urban carpenters. Thereafter,
however, unlike these urban wage data, the ‘national’ means of nominal manorial
industrial wages continue to rise (despite two quinquennial declines), reaching a
mean, for carpenters, of 5.283d. in 1446–50, when they are 23.57 per cent higher
than the nominal wages of the late 1390s. Over this same half-century period, the
real wage index (for carpenters) also rose — and even more — by 34.77 per cent.37
In nominal money values, Farmer’s ‘national’ average daily wage for manorial
master carpenters in the base period 1451–75 was 5.508d., which is 91.8 per cent
of the Phelps Brown and Hopkins mean wage for small–town master carpenters:
6.000d. (Table 21A). At the end of the fourteenth century, Farmer’s ‘national’
average daily money wage for manorial carpenters (4.276d. in 1396–1400)
was 85.52 per cent of the urban daily wage (5.000d.). Earlier, in 1361–65, the
gap had been even wider: 83.76 per cent (Tables 20B and 21A). This growing
convergence of manorial and urban industrial wages may reflect one or even both
of the following possibilities. The first possibility is a growing relative labour
scarcity in rural areas, possibly in response to urban industrial competition, aided
by an enhanced rural labour mobility — itself a reflection of manorial economic
decline.38 The second but speculative possibility to explain this growing wage
convergence is the continual abandonment of direct demesne cultivation from
the 1370s to the 1420s; for that may have left only fewer and possibly more
profitable manorial and higher wage-paying demesnes to record wage payments,
in documents that are indeed very sparse by the mid-century.
Finally, we may supplement Farmer’s and Beveridge’s ‘wage means’, presented
in Tables 22 and 23, with annual data extracted from several individual manorial
accounts: for the Battle Abbey manors, Westminster Abbey, Bury St Edmunds
Abbey manor of Redgrave (Suffolk), Croyland Abbey, and for eight of the
Winchester manors (Downton, Ecchinswell, Esher, Ivinghoe, Overton, Taunton,
36
LSE Archives, Beveridge, Boxes A.30–33.
37
See Table 21A: the percentage changes are calculated by the index numbers.
38
See Raftis, Tenure and Mobility.
Table 21B. National means of manorial building wages in England: Daily wages for slaters (and
mates), and masons in silver pence and in index numbers (base: 1451–75 = 100) with
calculations of real wages based on the Phelps Brown and Hopkins Consumer Price
Index, 1331–35 to 1446–50
SLATER/TILERS & MATES MASONS solo

Phelps Brown & Hopkins CPI
Slater/ Tiler & mate per day
Slater/ Tiler & mate per day

Index: 1451–75 = 100
Index: 1451–75 = 100
RWI = NWI/ CPI

Mason solo per day
Mason solo per day

RWI = NWI/ CPI
Real Wage Index
harmonic means
Real Wage Index
harmonic means
Five-year period
Michaelmas
(Munro)
Pence
Pence
Year
1331–35 109.108 5.565 57.381 52.569

1336–40 89.256 5.135 52.946 59.428
1341–45 85.533 5.246 54.095 63.104
1346–50 100.064 5.172 53.329 52.674
1351–55 126.472 6.011 61.980 49.061 3.901 68.495 54.123
1356–60 118.092 6.117 63.075 53.339 4.031 70.770 59.784
1361–65 137.976 6.499 67.017 48.544 4.331 76.039 55.057
1366–70 136.460 7.041 72.602 53.385 4.215 74.003 53.838
1371–75 127.345 7.668 79.063 60.777 4.488 78.793 60.605
1376–80 109.891 7.052 72.711 66.205 4.713 82.745 75.299
1381–85 113.190 7.519 77.530 68.059 4.788 84.062 73.735
1386–90 101.233 7.492 77.256 76.249 4.269 74.961 73.418
1391–95 103.953 7.190 74.135 71.409 4.528 79.511 75.455
1396–1400 110.648 7.381 76.106 68.835 4.324 75.919 68.453
1401–05 112.653 8.050 83.005 73.674 4.651 81.667 71.885
1406–10 109.927 7.848 80.924 73.568 5.054 88.732 80.270
1411–15 108.261 7.816 80.596 73.867 4.849 85.140 77.680
1416–20 113.598 8.326 85.852 75.202 5.296 92.983 80.323
1421–25 103.740 8.358 86.180 83.027 5.429 95.318 91.175
1426–30 112.610 8.167 84.209 74.237 5.313 93.282 82.142
1431–35 109.122 8.454 87.166 79.566 4.979 87.415 78.991
1436–40 124.218 9.006 92.860 74.641 5.569 97.773 77.873
1441–45 92.574 9.091 93.736 101.119 5.224 91.726 98.609
1446–50 101.241 9.154 94.393 92.497 5.531 97.114 95.690
Sources: see the sources for Tables 20A and 20B.
318 John Munro
Table 22. Wages for master building craftsmen (masons and carpenters) in small towns of southern
England (excluding London) compared with the Phelps Brown and Hopkins (Revised)
Consumer Price Index and with the value of the annual real wage income expressed in
PBH ‘Consumer Baskets’. From 1331–35 to 1446–50 in quinquennial means (arith-
metic and harmonic) RWI = NWI/CPI: Real Wage Index = Nominal Wage Index/
Consumer Price Index (base: 1451–75 = 100)
Master Mason: Real Wage Index
Consumed in one year (210 days)

Master Mason: Real Wage Index
Master Mason: Nominal Wage
Master Nominal Day Wage in
Total Value of PBH Basket in
PBH Prices Consumer Price
Master RWI No. of Baskets

1451-75 = 100 Arithmetic
(Munro) 1451–75 = 100
(Munro) 1451–75 = 100

[= 6d. daily] Arithmetic
Index 1451–75 = 100
Index Munro version
pence (d. sterling)
pence (d. sterling)

Arithmetic
Arithmetic
Arithmetic
Harmonic
Harmonic
5-Year
Mean
1331–35 123.074 109.108 4.000 66.667 62.454 61.102 6.825

1336–40 100.682 89.256 3.600 60.000 68.025 66.986 7.482
1341–45 96.482 85.533 3.000 50.000 58.586 58.457 6.530
1346–50 112.873 100.064 3.000 50.000 50.478 49.968 5.582
1351–55 142.661 126.472 3.600 60.000 48.657 46.552 5.200
1356–60 133.209 118.092 4.600 76.667 64.902 64.611 7.217
1361–65 155.637 137.976 5.000 83.333 60.609 60.397 6.746
1366–70 153.928 136.460 5.000 83.333 62.159 61.068 6.821
1371–75 143.646 127.345 5.000 83.333 65.966 65.439 7.310
1376–80 123.958 109.891 5.000 83.333 76.871 75.832 8.471
1381–85 127.679 113.190 5.000 83.333 73.729 73.622 8.224
1386–90 114.191 101.233 5.000 83.333 82.501 82.319 9.195
1391–95 117.259 103.953 5.000 83.333 81.269 80.165 8.955
1396–1400 124.812 110.648 5.000 83.333 75.701 75.314 8.413
1401–05 127.073 112.653 5.100 85.000 76.605 75.156 8.395
1406–10 123.998 109.927 5.800 96.667 88.612 88.115 9.843
1411–15 122.119 108.261 6.000 100.000 92.491 92.369 10.318
1416–20 128.139 113.598 6.000 100.000 88.744 88.030 9.833
1421–25 117.020 103.740 6.000 100.000 96.599 96.395 10.767
1426–30 127.025 112.610 6.000 100.000 90.703 88.802 9.919
1431–35 123.090 109.122 6.000 100.000 91.801 91.641 10.236
1436–40 140.118 124.218 6.000 100.000 84.039 80.504 8.992
1441–45 104.424 92.574 6.000 100.000 108.344 108.022 12.066
1446–50 114.200 101.241 6.000 100.000 98.912 98.774 11.033
Sources: English consumer prices: see the sources for Table 18. Wages for building craftsmen (masters
and labourers): Phelps Brown and Hopkins, ‘Seven Centuries of Building Wages’; Munro, ‘Builders’
Wages in Southern England and the Southern Low Countries’.
Witney, Wycombe).39 For the period immediately following the Black Death, all
extant manorial accounts indicate a rise in the daily money wages for master
carpenters, masons, and other building craftsmen (daubers, tilers, thatchers) from
about 3d. (or less) to 4d.; but, as just noted, 4d. had been the prevailing daily
money wage in the 1330s (at Redgrave, Croyland Abbey, Westminster, and
Overton — though not at Wycombe and Ecchinswell). By the later fourteenth or
early fifteenth century, the prevailing daily money wage for maser carpenters on
these manors had risen from 4d. to 5d. For the 1450s (when the Winchester
manorial wage accounts cease), Beveridge has computed a decennial mean
average daily wage of 5.23d. for carpenters on eight Winchester manors. 40 The
analysis of the aforesaid individual various manorial accounts indicates that the
following were the prevailing daily wage rates for carpenters in the 1440s and
1450s: 5d. and sometimes 6d., at Ecchinswell, Esher, Ivinghoe, Witney, and
Wycombe; 5d., at Overton and Taunton; 5d. or 6d., at Winchester College; 5d.,
at Oakington (Croyland Abbey); 5d., at Redgrave; 4d., 5d., or even 6d., at Battle
Abbey (but many at 3d. or 4d. with food).41 In so far as the very sparse subsequent
manorial evidence indicates, these rates prevailed into the early sixteenth century.
The overall picture of late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century agrarian
wages is quite clear. Despite the evidence for wage-stickiness and despite evidence
for some periodic if modest declines in other agrarian wage data, previously
cited, the costs of employing labour on English demesnes had generally risen to
a very high level by the early fifteenth century, while the prices of the primary
agricultural commodities (along with the consumer price index) continued to
fall, sometimes sharply, during the first quarter of this century, as may be clearly
seen in Tables 18 and 19. Hence, the price-cost scissors was becoming even worse
for so many manorial lords.
The Debate about Real Wages and Labour Productivity

While the ‘price-cost scissors’ theorem is expressed in terms of purely nominal
prices and wages, the vexing question of real wages still has considerable relevance
for this debate, in so far as it also concerns the important issue of changes in
labour productivity. The evidence for the real-wage changes are presented in
39
LSE Archives, Beveridge, Box A.33 (Winchester Manors); LSE Archives, Beveridge,
Box F.8 (Winchester College); LSE Archives, Beveridge, Box G.10 (Croyland); LSE Archives,
Beveridge, Box G.14 (Redgrave); LSE Archives, Beveridge, Box H.10 (Battle Abbey).
40
Beveridge, ‘Wages in the Winchester Manors’, Table iii at p. 40.
41
See n. 39 above.
320 John Munro
Table 23. Wages for labourers of master building craftsmen in small towns of southern England
(excluding London). Compared with the Revised Phelps Brown and Hopkins ‘Basket
of Consumables’ Consumer Price Index and with the annual real wage income expressed
in PBH ‘Consumer Baskets’ in quinquennial means (arithmetic and harmonic), 1331–
35 to 1446–50, base: 1451–75=100 RWI = NWI/CPI: Real Wage Index = Nominal
Wage Index/Consumer Price Index
one year (210 days) Harmonic

PBH Prices Consumer Price
Wage Index 1451–75 = 100
No. of Baskets Consumed in

Wage in pence (d. sterling)
1451–75 = 100 Arithmetic

1451–75 = 100 Arithmetic
Mason Labourer Nominal
1451–75 = 100 Harmonic

[= 4d. daily] Arithmetic
as Percentage of Master
Labourer Nominal Day
Index Revised version
Mason Labourer Real
Mason Labourer Real

Wage Index (Munro)
Wage Index (Munro)

Labourer’s Wage
Labourer RWI
Arithmetic
Arithmetic
5-Year
Means
1331–35 109.108 2.000 50.00% 50.000 46.841 45.826 3.413

1336–40 89.256 1.800 50.00% 45.000 51.019 50.239 3.741
1341–45 85.533 1.500 50.00% 37.500 43.939 43.843 3.265
1346–50 100.064 1.500 50.00% 37.500 37.858 37.476 2.791
1351–55 126.472 1.800 50.00% 45.000 36.492 34.914 2.600
1356–60 118.092 2.600 56.22% 65.000 54.943 54.039 4.024
1361–65 137.976 3.000 60.00% 75.000 54.548 54.357 4.048
1366–70 136.460 3.000 60.00% 75.000 55.943 54.961 4.093
1371–75 127.345 3.000 60.00% 75.000 59.369 58.895 4.386
1376–80 109.891 3.000 60.00% 75.000 69.184 68.249 5.082
1381–85 113.190 3.000 60.00% 75.000 66.357 66.260 4.934
1386–90 101.233 3.000 60.00% 75.000 74.251 74.087 5.517
1391–95 103.953 3.000 60.00% 75.000 73.142 72.148 5.373
1396–1400 110.648 3.000 60.00% 75.000 68.131 67.782 5.048
1401–05 112.653 3.200 62.73% 80.000 72.499 70.065 5.218
1406–10 109.927 3.800 65.45% 95.000 86.910 86.562 6.446
1411–15 108.261 4.000 66.67% 100.000 92.491 92.369 6.879
1416–20 113.598 4.000 66.67% 100.000 88.744 88.030 6.555
1421–25 103.740 4.000 66.67% 100.000 96.599 96.395 7.178
1426–30 112.610 4.000 66.67% 100.000 90.703 88.802 6.613
1431–35 109.122 4.000 66.67% 100.000 91.801 91.801 6.824
1436–40 124.218 4.000 66.67% 100.000 84.039 80.504 5.995
1441–45 92.574 4.000 66.67% 100.000 108.344 108.022 8.044
1446–50 101.241 4.000 66.67% 100.000 98.912 98.774 7.356
Sources: see the sources for Table 22.
Tables 20–23.42 The previously advanced thesis (that the rise of real wages from
the 1370s to about 1400 was due essentially to a combination of monetary
deflation and downward wage-stickiness) fails, however, to explain the early
fifteenth-century rise in real wages for industrial craftsmen, both manorial and
urban. Why did their nominal wages rise even more, without any significant
adjustments in the Consumer Price Index? As noted earlier, however, the evidence
for purely agricultural manorial workers (threshers, reapers, mowers) is mixed,
without any consistent overall trend in either nominal or real wages.43 We may
well ask how the English economy produced and maintained or justified any
sustained rise in nominal wages in and from the early fifteenth century. Was it
primarily a question of increased labour productivity, or of Total Factor
Productivity (combining land, labour, and capital)? For one answer (but not a
definitive one), we may revert to the alternative formula of the real wage, which
now must be properly defined as: RW = MRPL: that is, the Real Wage is a
function of the Marginal Revenue Product of Labour. Thus, if the worker’s labour
productivity rose but the real market value of his output fell, the expected increase
in his real wage would have been indeterminate (or even negative).
In this respect, we should reconsider the Ricardian argument advanced earlier
in this study, and the one that most economic historians continue to favour:
namely, that the post-plague fall in population and the consequent alteration of
the land:labour ratio necessarily led to a sharp rise in labour productivity. Indeed,
Gregory Clark, in a recent article, stoutly defending the Malthusian-Ricardian
approach to European economic history, has presented two dramatic graphs on
this issue. The first shows a tripling of labour productivity in English agriculture,
apparent from immediately after the Black Death, reaching its peak in the mid-
fifteenth century; and the second shows a comparable tripling in agricultural
real wages over this same period.44 The evidence presented in this study, while
certainly substantiating the view that real agrarian wages ultimately did rise (from
the 1370s), does not support Clark’s conclusion that they ‘tripled’.45
There are two major problems in using the Ricardian ‘real wage’ model on ris-
ing labour productivity to explain a price-cost squeeze, and specifically one that
led to the abandonment of manorial demesne cultivation. The first is theoretical.
42
See Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 185–297.
43
See above, pp. 312–13. Downward wage-stickiness once again became important during
the second deflationary ‘bullion famine’ from the 1440s to the 1470s, for both England and the
Low Countries. See Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 217–30.
44
Clark, ‘The Long March of History’, Figure 2, p. 104; Figure 3, p. 106; and Figure 4, p. 109.
45
See above, pp. 315–19.
322 John Munro
If rising ‘real’ wages had been the product of an increasing marginal productivity
of labour, with a much smaller quantity of more efficient labour working far better
residual lands, why would manorial landlords have been concerned? For their total
wage bill, with fewer workers per arable acre, might have decreased, not increased.
Furthermore, why would any medieval English landlord have been concerned if his
hired labourers earned a higher ‘real’ wage because their cost of living had fallen,
with so much cheaper foodstuffs? To be sure, in accordance with Ricardian theory,
the economic rent (‘Ricardian surplus’) on his demesne lands would have declined
over time, but we may doubt that such manorial lords would have gained any more
by leasing such lands at a presumably lower annual rental income. Answers to this
first problem may be found in an examination of the second problem.
The second problem concerns the evidence on arable labour productivity,
evidence that Clark neglected to consider. Several recent studies indicate that
labour productivity in arable agriculture very likely fell, not rose, from the Black
Death to the late fourteenth century, though they do not explain this paradox.46
One possible solution is revealed in earlier studies of Bruce Campbell. He had
utilized Esther Boserup’s well known demographic-agrarian thesis to contend
that, in the later thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, growing population
pressures on relatively inelastic supplies of arable land had provided the requisite
spur for innovations that led to productivity increases, especially in multiple-
course crop rotations designed to reduce the proportion of land in fallow.47 The
subsequent fall in population, especially after the Black Death, resulting (as
already noted) in more abundant supplies of land and falling grain prices, thus
evidently removed the incentives to use the more advanced fallow-reducing
techniques. At the same time, many of those techniques were labour intensive, so
that labour scarcities may have prevented their proper implementation.
Tables in Campbell’s recent publications clearly demonstrate a steady decline
in crop yields and thus in agricultural productivity (Total Factor Productivity),
following the Black Death, and well into the fifteenth century. In Norfolk, the
weighted annual cereal yields fell from a mean of 11.9 bushels per acre in 1325–49
to one of 8.0 bushels per acre in 1400–24.48 Various other various studies (Raftis,
46
Raftis, ‘Peasants and the Collapse of the Manorial Economy’, pp. 191–206; Farmer, ‘The
Famuli’. See also: Stone, ‘Medieval Farm Management and Technological Mentalities’; Stone,
‘The Productivity of Hired and Customary Labour’; Stone, ‘The Productivity and Management
of Sheep’; Stone, Decision-Making in Medieval Agriculture.
47
Boserup, Population and Technological Change; Campbell, ‘Agricultural Progress in
Medieval England’; Campbell, ‘Arable Productivity in Medieval England’; and Campbell,
‘Progressiveness and Backwardness’.
48
Campbell and Overton, ‘A New Perspective’, esp. Table 5, p. 70; Campbell, English
Farmer, Stone, Dyer) on arable productivity in post-Plague English agriculture

also indicate, however, a corresponding rise in labour productivity in pastoral or
livestock agriculture, in that fewer persons were employed to look after a given
flock of sheep or herd of cattle.49
The Shift from Manorial Arable to Pastoral (Livestock) Agriculture:

Price Incentives and Evidence
Changes in relative agricultural prices in the later fourteenth century further
explain why many manorial landlords, in retaining their demesnes, shifted more
and more from arable to pastoral agriculture, though not necessarily in the form of
wool-growing. As previously noted, and as may be seen again in Table 19, relative
commodity prices clearly moved in favour of livestock products, especially meats
and dairy products, though that favourable movement did not persist into the
fifteenth century, except briefly for dairy products.50 Furthermore, Christopher
Dyer has contended that the sustained rise of real wages, by the later fourteenth
century, had led to a substantial increase in the consumption of meat and dairy
products.51
To substantiate this thesis of a shift from arable to pastoral agriculture, we may
cite Bruce Campbell’s abundant evidence on the use of manorial demesne lands
for arable and livestock agriculture. He found that arable sown areas fell from
a mean of 172.10 acres (or 69.65 hectares) per demesne (‘retained in hand’) in
1300–49 to a one of 147.10 acres in 1350–99 and then to one of 142.80 acres in
1400–50: an overall decline of 17.02 per cent. Over these same three periods, the
percentage sown in grain (as opposed to legumes, etc.) fell from 90.47 per cent
to 82.21 per cent of total sown acreage. For those ‘home’ counties servicing the
Seigniorial Agriculture, Table 7.13, p. 374; Campbell, ‘Matching Supply to Demand’, Tables 4–5,

pp. 837, 840.
49
See sources cited in n. 46 above; and see also Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing
Society, pp. 150–51: noting that, on the Worcester manors, in 1449–50, one shepherd managed
flocks of 400–500 sheep, compared to a ratio of one shepherd to 250–300 sheep on these
manors in the late 1380s.
50
In these commodity price ratios the price-index for the commodity being considered is
the numerator, and that for the product being compared is the denominator. If the ratio moves
above 100, the change favours the first product (numerator), if the ratio falls below 100, the
change favours the other product (denominator).
51
Dyer, ‘English Diet’; Dyer, ‘Changes in Diet’; Dyer, Standards of Living, especially chaps
5–8; Dyer, ‘The Consumer and the Market’. See Revolution and Consumption, ed. by Hicks.
324 John Munro
Table 24. Prices and price indexes for wools, livestock products and the Phelps Brown and
Hopkins Composite Price Index, and wool export taxes, in quinquennial means, from
1331–35 to 1446–50 (base: 1451–75 = 100)
Alien Export Duties as Percentage

Denizen Export Duties as Percen
CPI: Phelps Brown & Hopkins
tage of Prices for Better Wools
Alien Export Duties on Wool

Better Wools:* Price Index
Better Wools:* Mean Price
of Prices for Better Wools

1451–75 = 100 £3.4917
1451–75 = 100 £4.8544
on Wool Sacks shillings

All Wools: Mean Prices
Denizen Export Duties

Wool Price Index:
per sack £ sterling

per Sack£ sterling
1451–75 = 100
Sacks shillings
5-year means
Year
1331–35 5.031 144.080 5.370 110.610 109.108 10.373 9.66% 14.559 13.56%
1336–40 4.264 122.110 4.646 95.700 89.256 29.556 31.81% 41.501 44.67%
1341–45 4.498 128.830 4.947 101.910 85.533 40.247 40.68% 43.333 43.80%
1346–50 4.222 120.910 4.713 97.090 100.064 40.000 42.43% 43.333 45.97%
1351–55 3.923 112.360 4.446 91.580 126.472 40.000 44.99% 43.333 48.74%
1356–60 4.050 116.000 5.243 108.010 118.092 40.000 38.14% 43.333 41.32%
1361–65 4.306 123.310 5.606 115.470 137.976 44.110 39.34% 46.110 41.13%
1366–70 5.624 161.080 6.689 137.800 136.460 49.650 37.11% 50.000 37.37%
1371–75 6.422 183.920 7.895 162.640 127.345 51.584 32.67% 53.333 33.78%
1376–80 6.582 188.490 7.536 155.240 109.891 51.584 34.22% 53.333 35.38%
1381–85 5.097 145.960 5.995 123.490 113.190 51.584 43.02% 53.333 44.48%
1386–90 4.111 117.740 5.071 104.460 101.233 50.100 49.40% 52.166 51.43%
1391–95 4.266 122.170 4.953 102.040 103.953 51.414 51.90% 53.163 53.66%
1396–1400 4.814 137.860 5.241 107.970 110.648 51.584 49.21% 56.555 53.95%
1401–05 5.065 145.050 5.702 117.460 112.653 52.771 46.28% 61.187 53.66%
1406–10 4.974 142.440 6.219 128.114 109.927 51.584 41.47% 60.000 48.24%
1411–15 5.426 155.380 5.954 122.650 108.261 51.584 43.32% 60.000 50.39%
1416–20 4.155 119.000 4.592 94.590 113.598 51.584 56.17% 68.000 74.05%
1421–25 4.205 120.420 5.269 108.540 103.740 45.425 43.11% 62.658 59.46%
1426–30 4.613 132.110 5.015 103.300 112.610 51.584 41.46% 53.333 53.18%
1431–35 4.928 141.130 5.613 115.630 109.122 41.584 37.04% 57.103 50.86%
1436–40 4.440 127.160 5.322 109.630 124.218 41.584 39.07% 62.267 58.50%
1441–45 4.188 119.930 5.201 107.150 92.574 41.584 39.97% 63.333 60.88%
1446–50 4.119 117.960 5.379 110.800 101.241 41.584 38.66% 63.333 58.88%
* Prices for wools from Wiltshire, Hampshire, and St Swithin’s manors (all of the bishop of Winchester’s manors),
Wiltshire and the Berkshire Downs, the Vale of White Horse to Thames Valley; Oxfordshire, Berkshire, and adjacent
parts of Wiltshire; Worcestershire, the Cotswolds (Oxfordshire, Gloucestershire, and adjacent parts of Wiltshire);
the Chilterns (Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertfordshire); north-east Oxfordshire and north Buckinghamshire.
Sources for Table 24: English Wood Prices: Lloyd, The Movement of Wool Prices, Statistical Appendix,
pp. 35–51, cols 2–5, 10–13; English Wool Export Duties, including the Calais duty on denizen exports
to Calais (from 1363): Calendar of the Fine Rolls, iv (Edward II, 1327–1337) to xxi (Edward IV,
Edward V, Richard III, 1471–1485); Rotuli parliamentorum, ii–v; Barnes, ‘The Taxation of Wool’;
Gras, The Early English Customs System, pp. 75–80; Carus-Wilson and Coleman, England’s Export
Trade, pp. 194–96; Ormrod, ‘The Crown and the English Economy’. Comsumer Prices (based upon
the Phelps Brown and Hopkins ‘Basket of Consumables’ Price Index: LSE Archives, Phelps Brown, Box
Ia:324, LSE Archives, Phelps Brown, Box J.IV.2.a. See also the sources for Table 18.
London market, during a different set of comparisons periods, 1288–1315 and

1375–99, the mean cropped or sown arable demesne areas fell even more: 23.21
per cent, from a mean of 224.0 acres to one of 172.0 acres.52 Campbell’s other
tables make clear that a corresponding shift to livestock raising had taken place
on the surviving demesnes. From the first half of the fourteenth century through
the first half of the fifteenth, mean livestock units, per 100 grain acres in demesne,
increased from 64.80 units to 89.30 units.53 Finally, his statistical tables also
demonstrate a relative shift in manorial demesne incomes from their arable to
their livestock sectors, between the late thirteenth and late fourteenth centuries.
In the period 1288–1315, in the counties servicing the London market, manorial
demesne revenues from arable lands constituted 64.40 per cent of the total, and
livestock for the remaining 35.60 per cent. For 1375–1400, the proportions were
almost reversed: only 47.80 per cent of incomes came from arable agriculture and
the remaining 52.20 per cent came from livestock raising.54
The Economics of Wool Production and of Wool Exports

in the Fourteenth Century
Nevertheless, the relative shift from arable to pastoral farming, even in the classic
Midlands manorial zone of ‘sheep-corn’ husbandry, had not necessarily favoured
wool production per se. Rather, as Tables 19 and 24 indicate, changes in the
relative prices ratios, from the 1380s, became more favourable to meat and to
dairy products than to wools. Of much more concern for many manorial land
52
Campbell, ‘Matching Supply to Demand’, Tables 4–5, pp. 837, 840; Campbell, English
Seigniorial Agriculture, Table 4.07, pp. 174–75.
53
Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, Table 4.07, pp. 174–75. ‘All national means
are the weighted product of six regional means: Norfolk, eastern counties, southeast, midlands,
south-west, and the north: 41 counties and districts’. The livestock units are: horses = 1.0; oxen
and adult cattle = 1.2; immature cattle = 0.8; sheep and swine = 0.1.
54
Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, Table 4.10, pp. 184–85.
326 John Munro
lords (and peasants) was the fate of the wool-export trade in the later fourteenth
century. As Table 25 demonstrates, total raw wool-exports fell precipitously and
drastically: by 58.39 per cent, from the post-plague peak of 1356–60 (32,666.4
sacks) to the trough of 1411–15 (13,593.2 sacks), a decline that was not fully
offset by the cloth export trade until the late fifteenth century.
The explanation for this drastic decline is to be found in changes in both the
overseas and domestic economies that had begun as early as the 1290s, with the
almost incessant warfare that spread throughout the entire Mediterranean basin
and western Europe and merged into the Hundred Years War (1337–1453).
Those wars, directly and indirectly, led to steep increases in both transportation
and transactions costs that virtually destroyed long distance trade in the cheaper
textiles from northwest Europe to their principal markets in the Mediterranean
basin.55 The only surviving export-oriented textile producers in this region were
those (with few exceptions) that marketed very costly luxury woollens, but
directed to very much smaller, wealthier markets. They did so from the 1320s and
1330s, by changing from ‘price-takers’ into ‘price-makers’: engaging in a ‘mono
polistic competition’ based not on price but on the distinctively superior qualities
of their woollens. So costly were these ultra-luxury cloths that transportation and
transaction costs constituted a far smaller proportion of their sales prices than
those for cheaper textiles. By far the most successful cloth manufacturers were
those in the Low Countries (Flanders, Brabant, and Holland), and northern Italy
(Lombardy, Tuscany: with much closer access to still lucrative Mediterranean
markets). The English cloth industry underwent a similar transformation, from
the 1350s, but less successfully than these foreign rivals, at least before the 1460s
(see Table 25).56
England, however, had greatly benefited from this industrial-commercial
transformation, from its outset, simply because its high grade wools were the
sine qua non for luxury woollen-cloth production. The very best wools, which
encountered no serious rivals before the sixteenth-century improvement of
Spanish merino wools, were those from the ‘Welsh Marches’ of Herefordshire
and Shropshire, the Cotswolds (Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, Wiltshire,
55
Munro, ‘Industrial Transformations in the North-West European Textile Trades’; Munro,
‘The Origins of the English “New Draperies”’; Munro, ‘The “Industrial Crisis” of the English
Textile Towns’.
56
Munro, ‘The “Industrial Crisis” of the English Textile Towns’, pp. 103–41; Munro, ‘The
Symbiosis of Towns and Textiles’; Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: The Western European Woollen
Industries’, pp. 231–48.
Table 25. Exports of English wools (in sacks) and woollen broadcloths (pieces) in quinquennial
means, 1331–35 to 1446–50
Denizen Alien
Year Wool Exports Wool Exports Total Equivalent Total as
Broadcloth
Wool Sacks Broadcloths Equivalent
in % of in % of total Exported Exports
Exported Broadcloths
Michaelmas sacks total sacks exports
1331–35 24,633.000 73.21% 9,012.600 26.79% 33,645.600 145,797.490 145,797.490

1336–40 13,180.000 64.21% 7,344.800 35.79% 20,524.800 88,940.730 88,940.730
1341–45 10,565.510 58.45% 7,510.070 41.55% 18,075.580 78,327.430 78,327.430
1346–50 27,183.130 117,793.450 2,555.667 120,349.120
1351–55 10,169.400 33.07% 20,581.000 66.93% 30,750.400 133,251.630 1,921.200 135,172.830
1356–60 32,666.400 141,554.290 9,061.000 150,615.290
1361–65 20,899.950 69.37% 9,229.250 30.63% 30,129.200 130,559.770 11,717.200 142,276.970
1366–70 16,345.600 61.79% 10,106.200 38.21% 26,451.800 114,624.380 14,527.200 129,151.580
1371–75 16,712.020 64.61% 9,155.780 35.39% 25,867.800 112,093.710 12,211.400 124,305.110
1376–80 16,898.000 82.55% 3,572.200 17.45% 20,470.200 88,704.130 13,642.600 102,346.730
1381–85 13,886.800 79.27% 3,630.600 20.73% 17,517.400 75,908.670 22,242.200 98,150.670
1386–90 15,574.200 80.65% 3,737.800 19.35% 19,312.000 83,685.270 25,610.000 109,295.270
1391–95 13,593.200 73.42% 4,920.600 26.58% 18,513.800 80,226.400 39,525.200 119,751.600
1396–1400 14,515.800 85.95% 2,373.800 14.05% 16,889.600 73,188.210 38,775.100 111,963.310
1401–05 11,803.400 91.47% 1,100.800 8.53% 12,904.200 55,918.160 34,569.600 90,487.760
1406–10 13,392.800 89.48% 1,575.400 10.52% 14,968.200 64,862.150 31,746.200 96,608.350
1411–15 12,633.200 92.94% 960.000 7.06% 13,593.200 58,903.820 27,183.400 86,087.220
1416–20 13,355.400 92.97% 1,009.600 7.03% 14,365.000 62,248.290 27,977.200 90,225.490
1421–25 13,363.600 93.81% 881.600 6.19% 14,245.200 61,729.150 40,274.600 102,003.750
1426–30 12,429.000 93.04% 929.600 6.96% 13,358.600 57,887.220 40,405.600 98,292.820
1431–35 8,679.400 92.49% 705.200 7.51% 9,384.600 40,666.570 40,027.400 80,693.970
1436–40 4,197.800 78.04% 1,181.000 21.96% 5,378.800 23,308.120 47,072.000 70,380.120
1441–45 6,502.200 80.98% 1,527.200 19.02% 8,029.400 34,794.040 56,455.800 91,249.840
1446–50 9,176.800 93.97% 588.400 6.03% 9,765.200 42,315.830 45,846.800 88,162.630
One woolsack = 26 stone = 364 lb. (165.1 kg); and one woolsack = 4.333 broadcloths of assize (24
by 1.75 yards)
Sources: Carus-Wilson and Coleman, England’s Export Trade, pp. 36–119; Bridbury, Medieval English
Clothmaking, appendix F, pp. 118–22.
328 John Munro
Oxfordshire, and Berkshire), and Lincolnshire (Kesteven and Lindsey).57 The

rapid reorientation of the Flemish cloth industry towards luxury products,
from the 1330s, may well explain why, despite the population losses from the
Black Death, the English wool export trade grew from a mean 18,075.6 sacks in
1341–45 to the aforesaid peak of 32,666.4 sacks in 1356–60.58
The Wool Export Duties of Edward III and the Calais Staple
These economic transformations also explain how and why Edward III and his
successors came to finance the Hundred Years’ War: by heavily taxing the export
of wools, which then accounted for about ninety per cent of total exports by
value.59 Edward’s new fiscal policy began modestly with a special export levy of
twenty shillings per sack: in addition to the Old Custom of 6s. 8d. per sack (from
1275), and, for aliens, the additional New Custom (1303) of 3s. 4d.60 As the
costs of war mounted, so did the wool taxes. By the 1370s, total export taxes
had risen to 50s. 0d. a sack for denizens and 53s. 4d. for aliens. From 1336–50
to 1371–75, the mean prices of better quality wools (those exported to Calais),
including the export taxes, and Calais duty, had risen from £6.124 to £10.474
per sack, an increase of 71 per cent (Table 24). Initially, the tax ‘incidence’ or
burden was born more by the domestic wool growers (in lower real prices) than
by the foreign customers and thus was not immediately injurious to the export
trade. As Tables 19 and 24 demonstrate, the ratio of wool prices to grain prices
and to the CPI itself moved sharply against wool prices from the mid-1340s
until the early 1360s. Noble and gentry landowners in both houses of parliament
57
Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: Textiles, Textile Technology’, pp. 186–91; Munro, ‘Spanish
Merino Wools and the Nouvelles Draperies’; Munro, ‘Wool-Price Schedules’.
58
A post-plague hedonistic spending spree, especially of inherited cash balances, may
also have boosted a relative demand for luxurious textiles and also contributed to an increased
income velocity of money that fuelled inflation, from the 1350s to the 1370s. See Lopez and
Miskimin, ‘The Economic Depression of the Renaissance’; Miskimin, The Economy of Early
Renaissance Europe, pp. 134–50; Van der Wee and Peeters, ‘Un Modèle dynamique de croissance
interseculaire du commerce mondiale’; Day, ‘Crises and Trends’.
59
See Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: The Western European Woollen Industries’, pp. 241–
55, 269–83; and Lloyd, The English Wool Trade, pp. 288–317. In the early 1640s, wool and
wool-based textiles still accounted for 92.3 per cent of total export values. See Clay, Economic
Expansion and Social Change, Table xiii at p. 144.
60
For the following see, Barnes, ‘The Taxation of Wool’; Gras, The Early English Customs
System, pp. 75–80; Power, The Wool Trade, pp. 63–85; Ormrod, ‘The Crown and the English
Economy’; Lloyd, The English Wool Trade, pp. 144–224.
soon mounted a strenuous opposition to the wool export taxes. In March 1363,
Edward III sought to resolve this problem by establishing an official staple for all
wool exports to northern Europe, at the recently conquered French port of Calais
(1347), just across the Channel, later exempting (1378) Italian and Spanish wool
shipments by sea, via Gibraltar, to the Mediterranean.
The administration of the new Company of the Staple, vested in the hands
of twenty-four merchant-aldermen, with full powers to supervise and control all
wool sales at Calais, endeavoured to shift the newly increased export-tax burden
more fully on to the foreign buyers. At the same time, the Company enforced an
older policy of stipulating minimum wool prices, county by county, in order to
thwart internal competition.61 The Calais Staplers soon found, however, that par-
liament was undermining its monopoly powers. Parliament did so, first, by selling
various Staple exemptions or export licences; and then second, by periodically
removing the Staple itself from Calais: in 1369–76, in 1382–88, and 1390–92.
Finally, in 1392, parliament restored the Staple permanently to Calais (until the
port’s loss to France in 1558), and the Staple’s full powers, while also agreeing to
sell fewer export licences for Staple exemptions (generally allowing them only for
the cheaper wools that could not be sold at Calais). By this time, when the Staple
finally became an effective cartel, the heavy alien duties (Table 24) had virtually
eliminated the Italian merchants from the wool export trade. As Table 25 indi-
cates, the alien share of total wool exports fell from 38.21 per cent in 1366–70 to
just 8.53 per cent in 1401–05.62
By the 1390s, the deepening deflation had severely increased the wool-export
tax burden, because the taxes were specific (fixed per sack) and not ad valorem
(percentage): thus, the real tax burden rose as prices fell. As Table 24 demon-
strates, that tax burden for denizen exporters had now risen to over fifty per cent
of the current wholesale export price (though diminishing somewhat in the early
fifteenth century). Unfortunately, for both exporters and importers, these English
wools accounted for very high proportions of pre-finishing production costs in
the luxury woollen draperies in the Low Countries: ranging from sixty-five to
seventy-five per cent of the total.63 It would appear that the Low Countries’ wool-
61
See Lloyd, The English Wool Trade, pp. 193–256; Power, The Wool Trade, pp. 81–85;
Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: The Western European Woollen Industries’, pp. 278–85. The
Nottingham Assembly, which had granted Edward III’s first wool subsidy in 1336, initiated
this policy of fixed minimum prices by county. See Munro, ‘Wool-Price Schedules’, pp. 135–37.
62
See Lloyd, The English Wool Trade, pp. 193–256; Power, The Wool Trade, pp. 86–103;
Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: The Western European Woollen Industries’, pp. 278–85.
63
For the data sources, see Munro, ‘Industrial Protectionism in Medieval Flanders’,
Table 13.2 at p. 256; Munro, ‘The Medieval Scarlet’, pp. 13–70, Table 3.12, p. 52.
330 John Munro
len draperies had a relatively inelastic demand for fine quality English wools.64
But, as economists will argue, a producer’s demand for industrial inputs is derived
from the market demand for the final product. The demand for luxury goods is by
definition elastic, all the more so if there were effective available substitutes. Even
if one argues that luxury apparel was a social ‘necessity’ for much of the European
nobility and for the upper bourgeoisie, they were now finding substitutes in a
wide variety of Italian-made and imported silk fabrics and other luxury textiles.65
The Dire Fate of the Luxury Woollen Cloth Industries

in the Late Fourteenth-Century Low Countries
The effect of this wool export-tax burden (admittedly combined with other
negative factors) for both English wool exports and woollen cloth production in
the southern Low Countries can be seen in Tables 25 and 26: in particular, for
the urban draperies of Gent (Ghent), Mechelen, and Leuven in the fourteenth
century and, in the first half of the fifteenth century, of Ieper (Ypres) as well (for
which no data are available before 1406). They tell a tale even more dismal than
that for the English wool trade (whose decline of almost sixty per cent, by the
early fifteenth century, has already been stressed).66 The Gent and Leuven indices
reflect a slow decline to about the 1360s, and then a very precipitous decline, into
the early fifteenth century (with an unfortunate lacuna for Gent in the 1390s).
64
As noted earlier (p. 326 and n. 57), Spanish merino wools would not finally rival the
best English wools until the sixteenth century; but they were being imported into the Low
Countries by the 1430s. The major urban draperies refused to consider using them, fearing
the loss of customers by damaging their reputation for the ultra-luxury qualities of their finer
woollens. Only their upstart small-town rivals, known as the nouvelles draperies, who were then
marketing cheaper imitations of traditional luxury woollens, dared to experiment with merino
wools, although mixing them with the finer English wools. See Munro, ‘Spanish Merino Wools
and the Nouvelles Draperies’, pp. 431–84.
65
The most luxurious and most costly of all textiles worn in later medieval and early modern
Europe were silks. For the late medieval silk industry, see Muthesius, ‘Silk in the Medieval
World’; Molà, The Silk Industry of Renaissance Venice. For the very high prices of some silk
fabrics in fifteenth-century England, with comparison with woollens’ prices, see Munro, ‘The
Medieval Scarlet’, Table 3.15, p. 69; and Munro, ‘Industrial Protectionism in Medieval Flanders’,
Table 13.3, Part i, pp. 257–60.
66
See Table 25. If we focus, however, only on the denizen exports, which chiefly went to
Calais, and only from the imposition of the Calais Staple in 1363, we find a less drastic decline:
one of 34.96 per cent, from the mean of 20,899.95 sacks in 1361–65 to a mean of 13,593.2
sacks in 1391–95.
Table 26. Exports of English woolsacks and broadcloths and production indices for the woollen
draperies of the southern Low Countries, 1331–35 to 1446–50 in quinquennial means,
1331–35 to 1446–50
English English Total English Gent Gent Ieper Ieper: Mechelen Leuven
Wool Broadcloth Wool & Cloth Drapery Drapery Drapery no. Drapery Drapery
Years Exports Exports Exports Farms A Farms B Farms of stalls Farms Farms
in £ groot in £ groot in £ groot rented in in £ oude in £ oude
in Sacks in pieces as Cloths
Flemish Flemish Flemish Lakenhalle groot groot
1331–35 33,645.600 145,797.490 108.485 150.283 1,563.710
1336–40 20,524.800 88,940.730 87.913 123.660 1,045.045
1341–45 18,075.580 78,327.430 84.015 125.070 782.313
1346–50 27,183.130 2,555.670 120,349.120 67.240 109.378 506.862 250.292
1351–55 30,750.400 1,921.200 135,172.830 68.875 114.505 707.914 240.809
1356–60 32,666.400 9,061.000 150,615.290 61.720 112.785 467.723 351.436
1361–65 30,129.200 11,717.200 142,276.970 55.778 96.825 496.240 709.398
1366–70 26,451.800 14,527.200 129,151.580 34.590 67.425 597.661 803.344
1371–75 25,867.800 12,211.400 124,305.110 22.800 47.721 540.698 525.557
1376–80 20,470.200 13,642.600 102,346.730 19.355 39.311 471.236 564.943
1381–85 17,517.400 22,242.000 98,150.670 14.402 22.421 397.290 394.331
1386–90 19,312.000 25,610.000 109,295.270 11.743 23.550 353.349 259.114
1391–95 18,513.800 39,525.200 119,751.600 missing missing 297.670 224.730
1396–1400 16,889.600 38,775.100 111,963.310 missing missing 300.804 169.338
1401–05 12,904.200 34,569.600 90,487.760 5.885 15.433 270.285 135.072
1406–10 14,968.200 31,746.200 96,608.350 7.654 16.030 183.192 407.000 272.011 170.875
1411–15 13,593.200 27,183.400 86,087.220 7.309 15.498 266.902 426.000 275.450 143.177
1416–20 14,365.000 27,977.200 90,225.490 8.253 17.782 266.912 489.300 276.334 81.769
1421–25 14,245.200 40,274.600 102,003.750 8.623 20.619 265.633 410.000 357.119 58.932
1426–30 13,358.600 40,405.600 98,292.820 9.331 23.648 249.817 356.600 352.707
1431–35 9,384.600 40,027.400 80,693.970 7.267 22.314 235.327 319.400 220.532
1436–40 5,378.800 47,072.000 70,380.120 4.267 14.783 156.022 192.600 186.976
1441–45 8,029.400 56,455.800 91,249.840 4.418 14.431 176.453 182.400 190.881
1446–50 9,765.200 45,846.800 88,162.630 4.773 14.512 177.450 152.200 162.950
One woolsack = 26 stone = 364 lb. (165.1 kg) = 4.333 broadcloths of assize
Sources: English Wool and Cloth Exports: Carus-Wilson and Coleman, England’s Export Trade,
pp. 36–119; Bridbury, Medieval English Clothmaking, appendix F, pp. 118–22. Gent (Ghent) A: Total
Drapery Excise Farms; Gent B: Excises for ‘Ramen en nieuwe huisgeld’ only: all from Gent, Stadsarchief,
Stadsrekeningen, 1335–1520, 400:3.1–17.2; Algemeen Rijksarchief, Rekenkamer, 34,862. Ieper
(Ypres): Algemeen Rijksarchief, Rekenkamer, 38,635–722. Mechelen: Mechelen, Stadsarchief,
Stadsrekeningen, 1316–1550, Series i: nos. 3–225; Algemeen Rijksarchief, Rekenkamer, 41,219–85.
Leuven: Leuven, Stadsarchief, Stadsrekeningen, 1345–1500, nos. 4986–5124.
332 John Munro
This sharp decline may indicate that, even from its inception, the Calais Staple
had a significant impact in shifting the wool-tax burden from English growers to
the Flemish and Brabantine woollen draperies. From the mean of 1356–60 to
that of 1401–05, the Gent A series data fell by 90.46 per cent; the Gent B series
data fell by 86.32 per cent; the Leuven data, from the peak of 1366–70, fell by
83.19 per cent; the Mechelen data fell by 61.82 per cent from the earlier mean of
1351–55 to the 1401–05 mean.67
The explanations for this decline of the Low Countries’ urban draperies are
very complex, involving a myriad of factors, domestic and foreign, all of which
have been considered at length in numerous recent publications.68 Some of the
latter are considered in the debate about the so-called ‘Great Depression’ of the
later Middle Ages, including the continued negative impact of warfare on the
economy: especially in terms of the rising burden of taxation, and continuous
disruptions of international trade, and continuously falling population, which,
however, cannot account for all of the indicated industrial decline.69
The Rise of the English Cloth Export Trade:

Its Impact on Manorial Demesne Economies
As is well known, the sharp decline of the English wool export trade was coun-
tered by a rise in woollen cloth exports, which clearly bore a major responsi-
bility for the decline of both the wool-export trade and of the Low Countries’
luxury cloth industries. As Tables 25 and 26 indicate, the English cloth trade
had enjoyed only a very minimal importance before the Black Death, or indeed
before the imposition of the heavier wool-export duties. The major if quite unin-
tended beneficiaries of English fiscal policies were the producers and exporters
of English woollens, because domestic clothiers were able to purchase the same
fine English wools (the same as those sold in the Low Countries) tax free, while
cloth exporters paid only minimal duties. Denizens had in fact paid no duties
67
These are not based on cloth outputs but on the sale of tax farms: i.e., the right to collect
taxes imposed on the production and sales of woollen cloths (taxes on both the inputs for cloth
production and on the cloth outputs). Since they were sold at competitive annual auctions, they
should reflect the dire economic realities, though possibly they exaggerate them as well (if tax
rates declined with economic adversities).
68
See in particular Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: The Western European Woollen Industries’,
pp. 244–62, 269–91; Munro, ‘The Symbiosis of Towns and Textiles’.
69
See the sources cited above, in nn. 14 and 58; and also Postan, ‘The Trade of Medieval
Europe’; Hatcher, ‘The Great Slump’; Nightingale, ‘England and the European Depression’.
at all, until the imposition of the Cloth Custom of 1347, which levied a very
small export tax of 1s. 2d. per standard broadcloth of assize. German Hanseatic
merchants refused to pay this new duty, claiming their 1303 Carta mercatoria
privilege of paying only 1s. 0d. per broadcloth; but other alien merchants were
forced to pay both duties, for a total of 2s. 4d. per cloth, and later a five-per cent
‘poundage’ tax, as well.70 Not surprisingly, English and Hanse merchants together
soon achieved an overwhelming dominance in the English cloth export trade,
usually commanding seventy-five to eighty-five per cent of the total.71 Their low
export duties amounted to about 2.5 per cent of the mean value of broadcloths
that they shipped: about £2 to £2 10s. 0d. per broadcloth, in the early fifteenth
century. The cost advantage of the English cloth trade over its Flemish rivals has
been calculated at about twenty-five to thirty per cent. By the early fifteenth cen-
tury, the mean export prices of English woollens were only about only thirty-five
to forty per cent of the prices for the finer Flemish and Brabantine woollens,
though English woollens were not of the same quality.72
As Tables 25 and 26 also indicate, English broadcloth exports enjoyed a
twenty-one-fold increase in the second half of the fourteenth century: from a mere
1921.2 cloths in 1351–55 to a peak of 39,525.2 in 1391–95 (in quinquennial
means). Thereafter, for reasons explained elsewhere, those exports declined to a
mean of 27,183.4 cloths in 1411–15; but then English cloth exports recovered to
reach a mean of 40,274.6 cloths in 1421–25.73 Despite the impressive expansion
of the English cloth-export trade, and then its strong recovery by the 1420s, it
did not offer manorial landlords much hope of maintaining the prosperity of
70
Carus-Wilson and Coleman, England’s Export Trade, pp. 13–18, 194–98; Gras, The
Early English Customs System, pp. 66–85; Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: The Western European
Woollen Industries’, pp. 278–88, 292–96; Munro, ‘Industrial Protectionism in Medieval
Flanders’, pp. 229–68; Munro, ‘The Symbiosis of Towns and Textiles’. Broadcloths that were
dyed either partially or wholly in ‘grain’ (in kermes, the scarlet dye) were subjected to much
higher duties; but very few were exported in the later medieval era. See also nn. 71–72 below.
71
See Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: The Western European Woollen Industries’, Table 5.4,
pp. 306–07. See also Munro, ‘Hanseatic Commerce in Textiles’.
72
Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: The Western European Woollen Industries’, Table 5.10,
pp. 318–24; Munro, ‘Industrial Protectionism in Medieval Flanders’, Table 13.3, pp. 257–62,
Table 13.5, pp. 266–67; Munro, ‘The Origins of the English “New Draperies”’, Tables 1–2,
pp. 39–40, Table 3, pp. 42–44; Munro, ‘The Symbiosis of Towns and Textiles’, Table 2, p. 50; and
especially Munro, ‘Three Centuries of Luxury Textile Consumption’, Tables 1.3–1.4, pp. 20–25;
Tables 1.5–1.6, pp. 27–29; Table 1.7, pp. 31–32; Tables 1.11–1.17, pp. 39–50.
73
See Munro, ‘Medieval Woollens: The Western European Woollen Industries’, pp. 283–88;
Munro, ‘Hanseatic Commerce in Textiles’, pp. 97–102.
334 John Munro
their wool-growing demesnes during the later fourteenth and early fifteenth
centuries. As the final column in Table 25 clearly indicates, the combined total
volume of wool and of cloth exports, expressed as broadcloths (at the accepted
ratio of 4.333 broadcloths per wool sack), had fallen by 32.27 per cent: from a
mean of 150,615.29 cloths in 1356–60 to one of 102,003.75 cloths in 1421–25.
Furthermore, evidence from taxes on domestic production (from the aulnage
accounts) indicates that the English home market absorbed an increased
domestic production of only 2800 broadcloths, by 1390s (when the evidence
ceases), chiefly displacing the former foreign imports.74 Furthermore, the fact that
a broadcloth fetched a higher value when exported than did the same quantity of
raw wool in a woolsack (apart from taxes) clearly benefited domestic clothiers
and cloth merchants, but did not directly benefit the wool-sellers.75 Presumably,
manorial and peasant wools were sold to domestic clothiers at the same price as
those wools sold to agents of the Staplers.
The Late Medieval Changes in Manorial Demesne Economies:

The Varieties of Landlord Responses
Not all manorial lords were experiencing severe economic difficulties or the
same difficulties in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. As already
indicated, some benefited from switching to the production of other livestock
74
For the aulnage accounts, see Gray, ‘The Production and Exportation of English
Woollens’, esp. Appendix ii, p. 34. The fourteenth-century accounts are available for only two
periods: 1353–58 and 1394–98; and they have lacuna for London, Norfolk, Shropshire, and
Worcestershire. If we subtract the annual means for total cloth exports from those for total
taxed cloth outputs, for 1356–58 and 1394–98, we find that the net balance, presumably
indicating domestic consumption, were 5445 cloths and 8256 cloths, respectively, a difference
of 2811. For cloth exports, see Carus-Wilson and Coleman, England’s Export Trade, pp. 76,
85–86. For foreign cloth imports see also Beardwood, Alien Merchants in England, Appendix
C:3: pp. 161–77.
75
On the basis of the standard ratio of 4.333 woollen broadcloths per sack of raw wool,
and a mean export value of £2.25 per broadcloth, in the early fifteenth century, a sack of finer
wools (those exported to Calais) was worth, on average, £5.269 in 1421–25 (Tables 24 and 25);
and the same amount of wool exported in manufactured broadcloths would have been worth
£9.750, or 85.04 per cent more; i.e., the wool content was worth 54.04 per cent of the value of
the broadcloth. But when denizen export taxes were added, the woolsack was worth, on average,
£7.540: or 75.46 per cent as much as the 4.333 broadcloths, with export taxes (£9.993). See also
the relevant statistical data in the tables presented in Munro, ‘Three Centuries of Luxury Textile
Consumption’, pp. 1–60.
products (other than wool): especially meat (beef, mutton, pork), dairy products,
hides (leather). J. M. Bean notes that many gentry landowners maintained
sheep flocks more for meat (and for manure) than for the wool clips in the later
fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, and that ‘the abandonment of pastoral
activities occurred later than that of arable farming’.76 J. N. Hare similarly found
that many ecclesiastical manors in Wiltshire had retained sheep flocks long after
having leased their arable demesne lands, as did Christopher Dyer on the bishop
of Worcester’s estates.77 While the agrarian changes in some manors had involved
only a shift from wool production to other forms of livestock production within
the pastoral sector, that reorientation had required, in many other manors, a
major shift in demesne land use from arable to pasture, as indicated earlier, with
Campbell’s extensive data.78
However, not all manorial lords were able to make such adjustments and to
cope well with the new, harsh economic realties. Their failure was due to several
reasons. The first was institutional. Many manorial lords had chosen to have their
demesne lands intermixed with those of their tenants, in the form of plough
strips, often in order to take advantage of their tenants’ communal ploughing.
But, in doing so, they had subjected their own demesne strips to the rigidities of
communal or Open Field arable agriculture in the Midlands region.79 They would
have had great difficulty in converting such lands to livestock raising without
engrossing and enclosing such lands, in most cases by evicting tenants. That was
hardly a common practice in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, and
would not become so until the 1460s.80
76
Bean also contended that ‘lay magnates continued to maintain large flocks of sheep
beyond 1420’; and that not until the 1440s did the Duchy of Lancaster give up its large sheep
flocks. Bean, ‘Landlords’, pp. 574–76. See also Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society,
pp. 148–54; Bolton, The Medieval English Economy, pp. 228–29; Power, The Wool Trade,
pp. 38–40: she also acknowledges that many manorial lords retained sheep flocks longer than
they did grain cultivation on their demesnes — but does not mention the products consumed
from these sheep.
77
Hare, ‘The Monks as Landlords’, pp. 85–87; Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing
Society, pp. 150–54.
78
See above, p. 323–25.
79
See Tawney, The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century, maps i–v, between pp. 166–
67: of Salford, Edgeware, Maids Morton, Weedon Weston manors, in the 1590s, showing the
intermixing of demesne lands with those of tenancy lands (plough strips).
80
For the beginnings of the late Yorkist and Tudor Enclosure movement, see Blanchard,
‘Population Change, Enclosure’; Clay, Economic Expansion and Social Change, chap. 3, ‘Rural
Society’, pp. 53–101; and chap, 4, ‘The Progress of Agriculture’, pp. 102–41. See also n. 83 below.
336 John Munro
The second problem was one of capital (affecting both landlords and peas-
ants). Any extensive conversion of arable lands into pasture required very large
amounts of new capital to acquire and build up herds of cattle and flocks of
sheep. As already noted, real capital costs were rising with deflation (especially
with no evidence of any significant fall in nominal interest rates during the later
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries). By no means all manorial landlords had ready
access to capital, especially in an era when, according to both Pamela Nightingale
and Chris Briggs, supplies of credit were seriously contracting, in both the urban
and rural economies. Their research provides further evidence that credit instru-
ments were not a remedy for periodic coin shortages (at least in England) and
that, instead, access to credit diminished with the effective money supply, espe-
cially if lenders feared that they would not be repaid in coin.81
The third problem was, again, one of labour supplies. To be sure, livestock
raising required much less labour, per acre, than did arable cultivation; and,
as noted earlier, later medieval labour productivity in pastoral agriculture was
evidently rising.82 Nevertheless, in the Midlands zone of classic ‘sheep-corn’
mixed husbandry, many manorial lords, in first encountering manifestations
of crisis in the late fourteenth century, were unwilling to contemplate a total
abandonment of arable, especially because of the symbiotic relationship between
arable and pastoral agriculture (for example, sheep-folding on the post-harvest
arable), simply to save on labour costs.83 They soon found, furthermore, that the
problem was not just rising wages (nominal and real) but the actual supply of
available labour, even for pastoral agriculture. That was especially the plight of
those manorial lords who had previously relied on at least some customary labour
services on their demesnes. We hardly need now belabour the often cited point,
so well developed in the literature on the decline of English serfdom or villeinage,
during this era, that so many manorial lords found it more and more difficult
81
Nightingale, ‘Monetary Contraction’; Briggs, Credit and Village Society; and especially
Briggs, ‘The Availability of Credit’. In establishing ‘a substantial late-medieval decline in debt
litigation (evidently greater than the demographic decline), and hence in real levels of (agrarian)
credit’ (p. 23), Briggs suggests that institutional changes in courts that handled debt litigation
were also responsible, especially in between the two ‘bullion famine’ eras. See also Raftis, Peasant
Economic Development, p. 68; Munro, ‘Wage-Stickiness’, pp. 216–17; and Spufford, Money and
its Use, pp. 346–47, and n. 15 above.
82
See above pp. 322–23 and nn. 46, 49.
83
For other reasons why a shift from arable to pasture was not necessarily profitable (nor all
that labour-saving), before the 1520s, see Blanchard, ‘Population Change, Enclosure’, pp. 427–
45, esp. pp. 437–38; and Appendix A, pp. 443–45.
to exact labour services from their villein tenants.84 Kosminsky, having focused
on this particular problem, concluded that the lesser manorial lords, the gentry
small holders, fared better than did the great magnates, lay and ecclesiastical, in
this economically depressed era, because they had relied to a far lesser degree on
villein labour; but he did not take full account of the sharp rises in piece-work
rates for hired agricultural labourers.85
The Economic and Social Varieties of Demesne Leasing:

Benefits and Costs for Landlords and Tenants
Finally, more and more manorial lords, perhaps beginning with the greater
magnates, found that their simplest solution, and an increasingly popular one
by the 1390s, was to lease out more and more of demesne lands into leasehold
tenancies, and to convert vacant villein tenancies into leaseholds, with fewer or
no servile obligations. When they chose, finally, to do so, evidently depended on
their particular economic and social circumstances. Many indeed may have leased
their lands not specifically because of a price-cost scissor, or because of an actual
lack of capital and labour, but because of problems of personal indebtedness and
lack of ready cash.
Published studies by various historians indicate a very wide variety of lease-
holds, from short to long term; but the historical tendency by the early fifteenth
century was towards much longer leases: of thirty to forty years, and more.86
During the deflationary era from the 1370s to the 1420s, most landlords pre-
ferred a longer term over a short term lease, and as just indicated, came to insist
on longer term leases. Thus, a general fall in consumer prices ipso facto meant that
the real value of fixed annual leasehold-rents was steadily rising (even if rents on
new leases were lower). Consequently the burden of sustaining rising operating
costs in commercial agriculture generally had to be born by the tenants, especially
if they were unable to depend wholly on family labour and had to hire agricul-
tural labourers now in scarce supply.
84
See Hilton, The Decline of Serfdom, pp. 52–59; Hatcher, ‘English Serfdom and Villeinage’;
and other sources cited in nn. 1–4 above.
85
Kosminsky, Studies in the Agrarian History of England, ed. by Hilton, pp. 256–82.
86
Hilton, The Decline of Serfdom, pp. 45–46; Hare, ‘The Monks as Landlords’, pp. 18–21;
Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society, pp. 210–11; Kerridge, Agrarian Problems, p. 47:
giving examples of leases for forty, sixty, or even ninety-nine years, in the early sixteenth century.
338 John Munro
Table 27. The Commodity Price Index for England, 1300–1500, mean of prices for 1451–75 = 100
(a revision of the Phelps Brown and Hopkins (PBH) ‘Basket of Consumables’ Price Index)
Percentage
Metric Percent by Value in by value
Commodity Amount Unit Measure PBH weights d. sterling (Munro)
Farinaceous
Wheat 1.250 bu. 45.461 9.967 8.84%
Rye 1.000 bu. 36.369 6.279 5.57%
Barley 0.500 bu. 18.184 2.606 2.31%
Peas 0.667 bu. 24.243 2.947 2.61%
Sub-total 3.417 bu. 124.257 20.00% 21.799 19.33%
Drink
Barley (or malt) 4.500 bu. 163.659 22.50% 24.227 21.48%
Total Farinaceous 7.917 bu. 287.917 42.50% 46.026 40.80%
Meat, Fish, Dairy

Sheep 0.500 no. 0.050 8.532 7.56%
Pigs 0.500 no. 0.050 21.00% 15.418 13.67%
Herrings 40.000 no. 40.000 4.00% 6.595 5.85%
Butter 10.000 lb. 4.536 10.238 9.08%
Cheese 10.000 lb. 4.536 12.50% 5.341 4.74%
Sub-total 37.50% 46.124 40.89%
Industrial
Charcoal 4.250 bu. 3.813 3.38%
Candles 2.750 lb. 3.475 3.08%
Lamp Oil 0.500 pt 7.50% 0.865 0.77%
Canvas/Linen 0.670 yd 2.757 2.44%
Shirting 0.500 yd 2.718 2.41%
Coarse Woollens 0.330 yd 12.50% 7.023 6.23%
Sub-total 20.00% 20.651 18.31%
TOTAL 100.00% 112.801 100.00%

Abbreviations: no. – number; bu. – bushel = 36.39 litres; lb. – pound avoirdupois = 16 ounces =
453.59 grammes; pt – pint = 20 fluid ounces = 0.57 litres; yd – yard = 36 inches = 0.91 metres.
Sources: LSE Archives, Phelps Brown, Box Ia:324, J.IV.2a; Phelps Brown and Hopkins, ‘Seven
Centuries of the Prices of Consumables’.
The positive ‘trade-off ’ for such peasants, economic and social, lay in having
that much more land to work, and, if they were villeins by ancestry, greater
freedom, and especially dignity as well, and greater freedom to conserve their
labour for working their own lands: that is, if manorial lords who had abandoned
direct cultivation of their former demesnes had thereby reduced their demand for
villein labour services.
All these changes did not mean that there was ever a formal ‘abolition of
serfdom’, and did not necessarily mean the abolition of other servile obligations,
such as merchet and heriots.87 But they did lead to an inexorable erosion of
villeinage. Rodney Hilton commented that ‘as customary [villeinage] tenures
were turned into copyhold, as was general by the beginning of the fifteenth
century, the servility associated with them seemed […] to melt away’.88 But in so
many cases, what also ‘melted away’ was security of tenure for themselves and
their offspring, i.e. inheritance rights that applied when villeins and their offspring
were bound to the estate, since so many copyhold tenures were either ‘at will’ or
were held from one to three ‘lives’. As Eric Kerridge has observed, ‘twenty-one
years and three lives were regarded as equivalents and were of much the same
length in practice’, at least in the sixteenth century.89 If so, that change to copyhold
tenures meant a substantial loss of the inheritance and thus property rights
actually enjoyed by so many (if not all) villein tenants.90
The variety of these agrarian changes is far too great and far too complex to
be considered fully in this study, all the more so since the extant estate accounts
are so few, and often incomplete. But one very recent study of the Norfolk
Cathedral Priory’s Benedictine manors, for the later fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, does provide concrete evidence on prices, production costs, transport
and storage costs, and annual profits (and losses) to justify all of the conclusions
presented in this current study.91 At the risk of oversimplification, we may view
these changes in the English agrarian economy and society, from the 1380s to the
1420s, as almost the mirror image of the subsequent transformation of the east
87
See Hilton, The Decline of Serfdom, pp. 51–59 (‘The last profits of serfdom’).
88
Hilton, The Decline of Serfdom, p. 47. Also, p. 31: ‘Villeinage was never abolished; it
withered away’. ‘Copyhold’ means: tenure ‘by copy of the court roll according to the custom
of the manor’. See Tawney, The Agrarian Problem in the Sixteenth Century, p. 47. He cites
Norden, The Surveyor’s Dialogue, to note that ‘All copyhold land is commonly customary, but all
customary land is not copyhold’.
89
Kerridge, Agrarian Problems, p. 47.
90
Hatcher, ‘English Serfdom and Villeinage’.
91
Slavin, ‘Church and Food Provisioning’.
340 John Munro
German agrarian economy: from Grundherrschaft to Gutsherrschaft (from the

later fifteenth to early seventeenth centuries).92 The latter is a manorial economy
in which the landlord derived the bulk of his incomes from the direct commercial
exploitation of his demesne lands, using chiefly servile labour; and the former is
a manorial economy in which the landlord, with few demesne lands, derived the
bulk of his incomes instead from the money rents of a largely free peasant tenancy.
In this context, one might view the subsequent Tudor Enclosure movement as an
English reversion to a form of Gutsherrschaft (but with no servile labour). That,
however, is another story to be told.
92
Hagen, ‘How Mighty the Junkers?’; Brenner, ‘The Rises and Declines of Serfdom’; Blum,
‘The Rise of Serfdom in Eastern Europe’.
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Rekenkamer, 34,862 Rekenkamer, reg. nos. 34,862
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Part III
Trade and Industry
Selling Food and Drink in the
Aftermath of the Black Death
James Davis*
A
s John Hatcher’s work has shown, the years after arrival of the Black
Death, which struck down some forty to fifty per cent of England’s pop-
ulation, saw a transformation of the social fortunes of the lower orders.1
The Ordinance and Statute of Labourers, sumptuary legislation, chronicles, and
literature all complained about the new social, economic, and political realities
which the plague had produced, bewailing the demands of labourers and derid-
ing them as lazy and greedy. Those in the upper classes were discomforted by the
belligerence and assertiveness of their tenants. Within a few years of the Black
Death, lords and state had employed the full panoply of ‘religious, ideological
and legal weaponry’ in an attempt to keep down wages and to bolster seigneurial
revenues. However, such efforts to reassert the status quo were rarely success-
ful so that, even before the downturn in grain prices in the mid-1370s and the
revolt of 1381, common people managed to obtain ‘substantial improvements
in the rewards they obtained for selling their labour’.2 The peasantry had raised
their economic and social horizons and were prepared to challenge authority,
emboldened by heightened living standards and greater market opportunities.
The impact of the plague led to equally significant changes in the structure of
England’s markets and retail trade and in the patterns of demand, consumption
* I would like to thank Mark Bailey, Steve Rigby, Richard Britnell, Richard Smith, John
Lee, and Martin Heale for their invaluable comments during the writing of this paper. I would
particularly like to thank John Hatcher for all his unstinting support throughout my research.
James Davis is Lecturer in Medieval History, The Queen’s University of Belfast.
1
Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath of the Black Death’.
2
352 James Davis
and supply.3 As well as complaining about idle and greedy labourers, commen-
tators in this period expressed anxiety about the new-found wealth and asser-
tiveness of victuallers and petty traders, regarding them as upstarts who disre-
garded the common good.4 Just as wage-earners and peasant landholders were
confronted with a new economic landscape that shaped their attitudes to law
and authority, so too market traders had opportunities to grasp and barriers to
confront. This paper seeks to explore the changes experienced in the everyday
marketplaces of medieval England in the aftermath of the Black Death. A brief
survey of the broader commercial developments of the late fourteenth century
will provide the context for a more detailed examination of trends that can be
discerned in the small market town of Clare (Suffolk). In particular, this study
concentrates on sellers of food and drink and how their market practices and
opportunities were not only driven by changing patterns of consumption and
generally higher standards of living, but were also influenced by seigneurial in-
terference and court administration.
I
The demographic collapse following the Black Death reduced aggregate demand
for grain as the overall number of townsfolk, labourers, and smallholders
declined. However, there was also an accompanying shift in consumption pat-
terns and a redistribution of incomes down the social scale. It is generally agreed
that the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries witnessed improvements in the
standard of living for many ordinary people. This stimulated developments in
patterns of consumption for foodstuffs, with the diets of labourers now including
more meat, fresh fish, white bread, and ale. This was reflected in an expanding
pastoral sector, with animals now kept as much for meat as for milk, wool, or
traction. Archaeological evidence of faunal remains suggests an increasing con-
3
Bailey, ‘Trade and Towns in Medieval England’, p. 209; Dyer, Standards of Living; Bailey,
Medieval Suffolk, p. 264; Britnell, The Commercialisation of English Society, pp. 160–71;
Kowaleski, ‘A Consumer Economy’, p. 238; Dyer, Making a Living, pp. 298–313; Dyer, An Age
of Transition?, pp. 3, 128–32; Britnell, ‘The Economy of British Towns’, pp. 314–16; Campbell,
‘A Fair Field Once Full of Folk’; Campbell, ‘Land, Labour, Livestock, and Productivity Trends’;
Goldberg, Medieval England, pp. 171, 192–93.
4
Gower, Mirour de l’Omme, ed. by Wilson, pp. 341–46, ll. 25981–26353; Piers Plowman:
The A Version, ed. by Kane, A.iii.65–84; Piers Plowman: The B Version, ed. by Kane and
Donaldson, B.iii.76–94; Piers Plowman: The C Version, ed. by Russell and Kane, C.iii.77–122;
Lydgate, The Minor Poems, ed. by MacCracken, ii, 429–32, no. 9, esp. ll. 46–52. See: Bennett,
Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England, chap. 7.
Selling Food and Drink in the Aftermath of the Black Death 353
sumption of younger animals (veal and lamb), reared specifically for meat, dur-
ing the fifteenth century.5 Also, instead of the cheaper grains that predominated
before the Black Death, such as rye and dredge, grain production shifted towards
high-quality bread grains and barley.6 Bruce Campbell has argued that such agri-
cultural developments were suggestive of ‘a substantial per capita increase in ale
consumption’ or, at least, of stronger ale.7 Even if there was an absolute decline in
food consumption, better-quality bread, stronger ale, fresh fish, and meat may all
have been consumed at an increased level in per capita terms.8
In addition to these changes in the market for food and drink, there was a
greater demand for variety and better quality in manufactured durables and
clothing.9 More luxury goods were imported, increasingly through London,
and distributed through networks of chapmen and pedlars in the provinc-
es.10 Maryanne Kowaleski argued that, as these imported goods circulated, the
demand for commodities produced by occasional craftsmen and retailers fell
away and producers became more specialized. During the fifteenth century, they
operated in larger units of production and followed the fashions of a ‘nascent
consumer revolution’.11 Local, cheap manufactures were displaced and the archae-
ological evidence shows an increase in finds of dress accessories and of tableware,
such as drinking vessels and bowls.12 In general, goods with higher elasticities of
demand, rather than basic staple goods, benefitted from the new economic con-
ditions, including woollen cloth, cutlery, leather goods, wine, quality foodstuffs,
and pewterware.13
These changes were remarked upon by both legal and moral commentators,
who were in no doubt that consumption patterns had changed and that the lower
classes were eating and dressing above their station. In a well-known passage from
William Langland’s Piers Plowman, his labourers would not eat beans and bran
5
Astill, ‘Archaeology and the Late-Medieval Urban Decline’, pp. 228–29.
6
Galloway, ‘London’s Grain Supply’; Galloway, ‘Driven by Drink?’, pp. 97–100; Campbell,
‘Matching Supply to Demand’.
7
Campbell, English Seigniorial Agriculture, pp. 399, 430–35.
8
Dyer, An Age of Transition?, pp. 131–32; Dyer, ‘Did the Peasants Really Starve?’; Dyer,
‘Changes in Diet’.
9
Bailey, ‘Historiographical Essay’, pp. 299–300.
10
Dyer, ‘Small Places with Large Consequences’, p. 17; Davis, “‘Men as March with Fote Packes”’.
11
Kowaleski, ‘A Consumer Economy’; Bailey, Medieval Suffolk, p. 264.
12
Astill, ‘Archaeology and the Late-Medieval Urban Decline’, p. 229.
13
Bailey, ‘The Rabbit and the Medieval East Anglian Economy’.
354 James Davis
but wanted bread ‘bote cocket and cler matin, and of clene white’, while also
demanding the strongest ale that brewers could supply.14 Other late fourteenth-
century writers, such as John Gower, Geoffrey Chaucer, and Henry Knighton, all
commented disparagingly on dress and fashions whereby the lower classes sought
to enhance their status or emulate their betters.15 The sumptuary legislation of
1363 similarly railed against ‘the outrageous excessive apparel of divers people
against their estate and degree’.16
More generally, in the late fourteenth century, medieval markets became
subject to a flurry of royal and urban legislation, partly as a reaction against higher
labour costs and improving standards of living.17 The Ordinance of Labourers
(1349) and Statute of Labourers (1351) were swift reactions to the economic
changes wrought by the collapse of population. Not only did this legislation
seek to maintain the social status quo by holding back wages and controlling the
movement of labour, it also targeted the prices of manufactures and foodstuffs.
The Ordinance of Labourers thus stated that:
Butchers, fishmongers, hostelers, brewers, bakers, poulters, and all other sellers of
all manner of victual, shall be bound to sell the same victual for a reasonable price,
having respect to the price that such victual be sold at in the places adjoining, so that
the same sellers have moderate gains, and not excessive, reasonably to be required
according to the distance of the place from whence the said victuals be carried.18
Bailiffs and urban officials who were negligent in enforcing this ordinance were
to pay damages worth treble the sold items to the affected party. The legislation
itself suggests that the profits of market traders had risen in the immediate
aftermath of the Black Death.19
14
Piers Plowman: The B Version, ed. by Kane and Donaldson, B.iv.304–06.
15
Gower, The Major Latin Works, ed. by Stockton, pp. 210, 259; Gower, Mirour de l’Omme,
ed. by Wilson, p. 347 (ll. 26,449–60); The Canterbury Tales, ‘General Prologue, ll. 361–78 (The
Riverside Chaucer, ed. by Benson, p. 29); Knighton’s Chronicle, ed. by Martin, p. 509; Hatcher,
‘England in the Aftermath of the Black Death’, pp. 15–19. See also: Hatcher, ‘Labour, Leisure
and Economic Thought’, pp. 78–80.
16
37 Edw[ard]. III cc. 5–11 (1363): Statutes of the Realm, i, 379–81.
17
Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester, pp. 134–35; Britnell, The Commercialisation of
English Society, pp. 173–75; Britnell, ‘Price-Setting in English Borough Markets’, p. 4; Britnell,
Britain and Ireland, p. 356; Seabourne, Royal Regulation of Loans and Sales.
18
23 Edw. III cc. 1–7, at c. 6 (1349): Statutes of the Realm, i, 307–08. For the Statute of
Labourers, see: 25 Edw. III, st. 2, cc. 3–5 (1350–51): Statutes of the Realm, i, 312–13.
19
Further legislation over the next four decades reasserted a need to control
victuallers. In 1353, a statute proclaimed that many hostelers and regraters were
causing shortages of foodstuffs and needed to be punished by justices.20 The
Sumptuary Legislation of 1363 determined that the price of poultry should not
pass certain prices due to ‘great dearth’ in many places, and specific prices were set
out ‘as may be agreed betwixt the seller and the buyer’.21 A Statute for Victuallers
and Hostelers in 1389–90 similarly stated that victuallers should have reasonable
gains according to the discretion of the justices.22 However, much of the legisla-
tion merely reiterated older laws regarding forestalling, weights and measures, the
price of bread and ale, market hygiene, and the dimensions of cloth.23 The legal
apparatus for markets after the Black Death perhaps developed more in emphasis
and quantity than substance.24 Such laws can only provide glimpses of the poten-
tial changes taking place in retail markets after the Black Death.
The broader social and economic developments outlined certainly had the
potential to cause repercussions in local marketplaces. Markets from 1050 to
1330 had been chiefly geared towards the distribution of grain to a growing pop-
ulation, with standards of living generally poor.25 Richard Britnell has argued that
the level of specialization in the thirteenth century, particularly for food trades,
was low, with few specialist butchers, bakers, and brewers. Most were part-time
and engaged in mixed employments and casual work as a strategy for survival in
the prevalent economic conditions.26 This changed with a declining population.
Even though there was an overall reduction in retail activity and output, new
trades and specializations were encouraged by a higher per capita expenditure and
20
27 Edw. III st. 1 c. 3 (1353): Statutes of the Realm, i, 330.
21
37 Edw. III c. 3 (1363): Statutes of the Realm, i, 378–79. However, this legislation was
repealed in the next parliament. Rigby, ‘English Society’, p. 34.
22
13 Ric[hard]. II st. 1 c. 8 (1389–90): Statutes of the Realm, ii, 63, reiterated in 4 Hen[ry].
IV c. 25 (1402): Statutes of the Realm, i, 140. See also 2 Hen. VI c. 18 (1423): Statutes of the
Realm, ii, p. 225.
23
Laws against forestallers continued to be enacted: 25 Edw. III st. 3 c. 3 (1350–51):
Statutes of the Realm, i, 315; 27 Edw. III st. 1 cc. 5–8 (1353): Statutes of the Realm, i, 331; 27
Edw. III st. 2 c. 11 (1353): Statutes of the Realm, i, 337–38; 28 Edw. III c. 13 (1354): Statutes
of the Realm, i, 348–49; 2 Ric. II st. 1 c. 2 (1378): Statutes of the Realm, ii, 8; 6 Ric. II st. 1 c. 11
(1382): Statutes of the Realm, ii, 28–29 — repealed a year later: 7 Ric. II c. 11 (1383): Statutes of
the Realm, ii, 34. However, there were none after the 1380s until the early sixteenth century, e.g.
Tudor Royal Proclamations, ed. by Hughes and Larkin, i, 99–100, no. 66 and 172–74, no. 118.
24
Seabourne, Royal Regulation of Loans and Sales, pp. 160–62.
25
Britnell, The Commercialisation of English Society, pp. 171–72.
26
Britnell, ‘Specialization of Work in England’.
356 James Davis
generally less volatile demand and supply. Christopher Dyer notes how the vari-
ety of traders and artisans in Basingstoke rose from seventeen to twenty-eight
over the course of the early fifteenth century, to include more specialists like bra-
siers, haberdashers, and hosiers.27 Brewers became more professional in reaction
to developing consumer demand, but also diversified into selling other victuals or
goods. There is evidence of an increasing supply of bread and meat from outside
sources, as bakers and butchers sought to expand their commercial reach.28 Other
historians have argued that the late-fourteenth and fifteenth centuries saw more
trade taking place in shops, inns, taverns, and alehouses.29 In general, there is a
suggestion that retailing underwent a structural change in the century after the
Black Death, in reaction to changing patterns of consumption and living stand-
ards. Market traders were more likely to be full-time and professional, though
often diversifying in the products they sold as a way to meet both a declining
aggregate demand and a growing per capita consumption.30
However, the precise chronology of change in retail markets needs further
refinement. Some historians have argued, counter to John Hatcher, that improve-
ments in standards of living before the 1370s should not be overemphasized, while
others have suggested that the marketplace was not immediately reactive to the
upheavals of the Black Death. Prices for grain remained relatively high up to 1376,
and the disruption caused by heightened mortality, poor harvests, or an increase
in money supply per capita may have affected the market, thus ramping up food
and drink prices.31 Few had the resources to take advantage of available opportuni-
ties and any immediate improvements in living standards for labourers and small-
holders were marginal at best. Only in the late 1370s, when grain prices fell, might
increased wages have manifested themselves in changing patterns of demand.32
Equally, peasant farmers who had accumulated larger holdings were affected as
much as lords by high labour costs and fluctuating grain prices, and this tempered
their spending power.33 Alternatively, institutional restraints, such as the Statute
27
Dyer, ‘Small Towns’, pp. 513–14.
28
Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society, p. 349; The Bailiffs’ Minute Book of
Dunwich, ed. by Bailey, p. 20; Dyer, Bromsgrove, p. 32.
29
Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society, pp. 346–49; Rosser, Medieval Westminster,
pp. 121–23; Bailey, ‘Rural Society’; Hilton, ‘Lords, Burgesses and Hucksters’, p. 14; Carlin,
Medieval Southwark, pp. 192–200; Dyer, ‘Did the Peasants Really Starve?’, pp. 67–68.
30
Dyer, ‘Small Towns’, p. 529.
31
Rigby, English Society in the Later Middle Ages, p. 99.
32
Dyer, Standards of Living, p. 218; Farmer, ‘Prices and Wages, 1350–1500’.
33
Bailey, ‘Demographic Decline in Late Medieval England’, pp. 9–10.
of Labourers or the control of lords over market practices, may have worked in
keeping wages down and production costs up, thus hampering opportunities for
retailers until some years after the plague. Longer-term patterns of change into
the fifteenth century must also be considered, with some arguing that a ceiling of
demand was reached in the early fifteenth century, as well as an economic slump
exacerbated by problems of money supply.34 We should not assume that any struc-
tural changes in the market were a process of continuous evolution. There were
peaks and troughs in both demand and supply throughout the late fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, as well as varying constraints to market development.
II
This paper looks anew at the trade in food and drink in one small town — Clare
in Suffolk (in East Anglia) — in order to examine the immediate and longer-term
impact of the Black Death. The interweaving forces of falling population, supply
and demand, standards of living, seigneurial reaction and lower-class aspirations
are all encapsulated in this case-study, demonstrating varied influences upon the
livelihoods of market traders. Clare lies in the hundred of Risbridge in southwest-
ern Suffolk and had a population of about eight hundred in the late fourteenth
century.35 Despite its relatively low population, Clare’s urban character was
apparent in its prescriptive weekly market, its topographical layout of a market-
square and burgage tenements, and in the diverse, non-agrarian occupations of its
inhabitants. In the court rolls from 1377 to 1425, some fifteen non-agricultural
occupations are directly mentioned.36 The town also had nominal borough sta-
34
Bailey, ‘The Rabbit and the Medieval East Anglian Economy’; Bailey, ‘Demographic
Decline in Late Medieval England’, pp. 9–10; Hatcher, ‘The Great Slump’.
35
Four hundred and twenty-five people were listed in the 1377 poll tax. In order to convert
this number into a plausible population figure, historians have suggested multipliers anywhere
between 1.5 and 2.2, while Rigby argues for a multiplier of 1.9. Rigby, ‘Urban Population’,
pp. 398–99; The Poll Taxes of 1377, 1379 and 1381, ed. by Fenwick, ii, 500. For a history of
medieval Clare, see: Thornton, A History of Clare, Suffolk.
36
These occupations are: baker, barber, barker, brewer, butcher, cook, dyer, fisher, fuller,
maderer, merchant, miller, tailor, tanner, weaver. A further thirty-seven occupations are
indicated by surnames, but this is not a reliable guide since surnames had become increasingly
hereditary by this time: brasier, cardmaker, carter, chapman, chandeler, clerk, coalmaker,
cordwainer, cornmonger, cooper, currier, draper, fletcher, gardener, glover, goldsmith, lawyer,
maltster, mason, midwife, mustarder, quiltmaker, pedlar, porter, roper, saddler, spicer, skinner,
smith, sewster, taverner, thatcher, tiler, turner, vintner, woolman, wheelwright.
358 James Davis
tus, evident ever since forty-three burgesses were enumerated in the Domesday
Book.37 By the time of the plague it was still a small borough under the firm con-
trol of the lords of the Honor of Clare, for which Clare was the administrative
centre. The burgesses received some minimal concessions, such as burgage tenure,
exemptions from tolls and stallage, the election of some officials (bailiffs, consta-
bles, aletasters), and a few trading liberties, in return for an annual 10s. fine to the
lord. However, they never attained full autonomy and self-government through
a charter, and Clare was to remain a seigneurial borough. Clare’s lord from 1314
to 1360 was Elizabeth de Burgh, founder of Clare College, Cambridge, and she
spent much time in the town’s castle managing her extensive East Anglian hold-
ings, as well as the town itself. She was succeeded by Lionel of Clarence, earl of
Ulster, who died in 1369, and then the Mortimer family until 1425. The lands
then reverted to the young Richard, duke of York, and eventually to his son in
1460, who soon after became King Edward IV.
Clare was thus a well-established, but modest, seigneurial market town on the
eve of the Black Death. Its taxable quota of seventy-five pounds in the 1334 lay
subsidy put it amongst the middling market towns, ranked below thirty-five other
markets in the county. Suffolk was a highly commercialized county, with good
arable land, navigable rivers, numerous markets, and a high proportion of free-
men.38 There were numerous marketing opportunities and Clare was at the heart
of the developing Stour Valley cloth industry, though the number of its cloth-
workers never rivalled those of nearby Lavenham, Long Melford, or Sudbury.
Nevertheless, by the fifteenth century, there were several prosperous clothiers in
Clare, such as John Tryklowe and John Horold, who helped sustained a fairly
healthy woollen-cloth trade in the town.39 Like many small market towns, Clare’s
economy was highly dependent upon the sales and purchases of those who lived
in its immediate hinterland, with basic agricultural produce sold by peasant farm-
ers, and petty manufactures, food and drink purchased. The town thus served as
a local market centre for its hinterland, for travellers, and for resident aristocratic
and ecclesiastical households (including a house of Augustinian friars). As shall
be shown, a large proportion of the residents of Clare were involved in selling
food and drink, even if only intermittently.
Urban governments, whether in small towns or corporate boroughs, focused
heavily on the supply and sale of food and drink, monitoring brewers, butchers,
37
Domesday Book: Suffolk, ed. by Rumble, ii, 389b.
38
Bailey, Medieval Suffolk, chaps 2 and 3.
39
Thornton, A History of Clare, Suffolk, pp. 144–92.
fishmongers and cooks, as well as small-scale retailers such as regraters, hucksters,

tranters, gannockers, and tapsters. Many engaged in dealing foodstuffs on a part-
time basis, especially women. They would brew according to their available sur-
pluses, local demand and needs of the household.40 Market traders thus consisted
of people from a variety of social standings, including irregular and poor huck-
sters or well-off and regular retailers.41 The trade itself often determined whether
its practitioners were generally professional and specialized, such as bakers, or
whether they included greater numbers of part-timers and by-employment, such
as brewing.
The market trade of a small town can be partially tracked through court
rolls, via debt pleas or lists of offences against trade regulations. Court cases
demonstrate recurrent concerns about prices, supply, profiteers, weights and
measures, quality, debts, and hygiene. The manor court of Clare was ostensibly
run by the lord and the steward for the lord’s interests and income. However,
in most small seigneurial towns a group of local notables tended to control the
main court and town offices and thus the levers of administration.42 Indeed,
in addition to their few burgess privileges, Clare’s market was officially farmed
to the burgesses for six pounds a year from at least 1425.43 This meant that
they could manage the tolls, stallage, and other everyday matters to their own
benefit. However, the main trading infractions theoretically remained under the
supervision of the lords and their stewards through the private franchise of the
view of frankpledge, exercised in the leet court. Two leet courts were held each
year in Clare around Easter and Michaelmas, and a significant number of court
rolls survive (see Appendix). Capital pledges presented the infringements of their
tithingmen, while aletasters and jurors would judge the assizes of bread and ale
and other trading misdemeanours. The assize of ale crudely stipulated a standard
price of a gallon based on the price of barley and also monitored the quality of
the product. The assize of bread similarly sought to enforce price and quality
standards, though it was a little more sophisticated in varying the weight of a
40
Mate, Daughters, Wives, and Widows after the Black Death, p. 74.
41
Hilton, ‘Small Town Society in England before the Black Death’, p. 87.
42
Personal communication with Mark Bailey; Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England:
Towns, Commerce and Crafts, pp. 350–51.
43
Kew, TNA, DL 29/994/10; Thornton, A History of Clare, Suffolk, pp. 41–42; Thornton,
‘A Study in the History of Clare’, pp. 100–02. There was a market farm to unnamed lessees as far
back as 1325, becoming more regular after 1370. Kew, TNA, DL 29/992/15 and Kew, TNA,
DL 29/993/7.
360 James Davis
farthing loaf according to the current market price of wheat.44 Leet jurisdiction
also encompassed other retail trades such as the sale of meat and fish. We
consequently have lists of people who were presented before the biannual court
for breaking the assizes, but whether these reflected actual offences or functioned
as a system of licensing is a matter that many historians have discussed.45
The administration of market law in a small town like Clare was expected to
follow a conventional format. As regards the production and sale of ale, brewers,
often women, were ordered to place their broom or alestake outside their home
when they had a batch of ale prepared. This would theoretically summon Clare’s
elected aletasters to inspect the ale for price, quality, and measure, though it
is likely that brewers were also expected to send for them personally. Indeed,
brewers who avoided the supervision of aletasters were additionally punished.
The aletasters then supposedly presented at the leet court all those brewers
who had broken the stipulations of the assize. However, historians have long
recognized that courts commonly listed all brewers and not just those who
cheated.46 In many courts, particularly from the fourteenth century onwards,
brewers were charged a regular, unpunitive sum in lieu of potentially breaking the
assize. In other words, the lists of offenders were a legal fiction that maintained
the auspices of market control without the accompanying enforcement costs,
while also providing income for the lord. The same procedure seemingly applied
to bakers. Whether such ‘licensing schemes’ extended to other types of traders is
less certain and practice probably varied. Formulaic lists of regraters, butchers,
fishmongers, cooks, tanners, and dyers were not uncommon, with the same
names, standard amercements and non-specific accusations recurring in each
court. At other times, however, butchers and fishmongers might be presented for
very specific offences, such as corrupt meat or fish, which were outlined in more
detail than the usual generic phrases used for assize presentments. Nevertheless,
it was very rare for court rolls to record the use of corporal punishment, such as
the pillory or tumbrel, even though statute law stipulated that this should be used
for recidivists.
44
Davis, ‘Baking for the Common Good’.
45
Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England; Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester,
pp. 89–90; Postles, ‘An English Small Town’, pp. 15–16; Hilton, The English Peasantry, pp. 45,
104; Goldberg, ‘Women in Fifteenth-Century Town Life’, p. 116; Graham, ‘“A Woman’s Work”’,
pp. 140–41.
46
Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England, p. 4; Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional
Trade in Medieval Exeter, pp. 131–36; Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester, pp. 89–91,
195–97, 269–71.
This might appear to be a lax approach to market regulation. Indeed, a stat-

ute of 1389–90 ordered that no amercements should be taken for defaults of
the assize when the law ordained that the offender should suffer corporal pun-
ishment.47 Similarly, the London Liber albus, which was compiled by John
Carpenter in c. 1412, stated that ‘no sheriff shall take a fine from bakers or from
brewsters in lieu of the pillory or hurdle’.48 There were increasing concerns about
the enforcement of statute law in the marketplace amidst changing economic cir-
cumstances. However, the apparent laxity of assize enforcement in the towns and
markets often hid the pragmatic complexities of commercial practice. We should
not dismiss the assizes of ale and bread as lacking in any regulatory effect. The
continued presence of the assizes at leet courts reminded brewers and bakers of
their social duty to supply wholesome food and drink, while occasional indict-
ments of flagrant offenders ensured that the law was not a dead letter and market
users recognized the margins of acceptable behaviour. Indeed, in many markets,
the number of brewers meant that competition and informal constraints were
the main monitoring force, but flagrant fraudsters could still face the full force of
punishment in the pillory or cucking-stool.
In the aftermath of the Black Death, many markets struggled to maintain their
role in the new economic environment. Falling demand from rural neighbours
had a demonstrable effect on the prosperity of any market, and the stark loss of
population inevitably depressed the aggregate demand for agricultural produce.
It is estimated that two-thirds of village markets ceased to function in the century
after the plague.49 There was thus a restructuring of the commercial networks. If
any markets survived, and even prospered, it tended to be those of small towns of
medieval England, though they were competing strongly for the residual market
share. Much work has been done on the characteristics and fortunes of small towns
in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century England, particularly by Christopher Dyer
and Mark Bailey.50 They argue that small towns offered more choice than village
markets and responded better to the changing demands of the peasantry,51 but also
that they asserted less rigorous supervision than large borough markets. However,
47
13 Ric. II st. 1 c. 8 (1389–90): Statutes of the Realm, ii, 63.
48
Carrel, ‘Food, Drink and Public Order’, p. 192.
49
Bailey, ‘A Tale of Two Towns’, pp. 353–54; Britnell, The Commercialisation of English
Society, pp. 160–61; Masschaele, ‘The Multiplicity of Medieval Markets Reconsidered’.
50
Dyer, ‘Small Places with Large Consequences’, p. 23; Bailey, ‘A Tale of Two Towns’,
pp. 351–54; Britnell, ‘The Economy of British Towns’, pp. 331–32.
51
Bailey, ‘A Tale of Two Towns’, p. 354; Dyer, ‘The Consumer and the Market’, p. 325.
362 James Davis
competition was still very keen between market venues in this leaner marketing
structure, because although consumer demand per capita had risen for some goods,
this did not necessarily compensate for a decline in the total volume of trade.52
Clare was fairly well-placed in terms of its market access given its relative
location on both river and road networks and its relationship to the growing
cloth centres of the Stour Valley. In comparison with other Suffolk towns and
their taxable assessments in the 1334 and 1524/5 lay subsidies, Clare improved its
ranking from 58th (out of 387 assessed vills) to 24th (391) in 1524, but only 40th
(460) in 1525.53 Only a third of Suffolk’s medieval market foundations survived
into the sixteenth century, but this included Clare; the town was ranked 36th out
of 98 Suffolk markets in 1334, while its equivalent ranking in 1525 was 23rd out
of the 32 surviving markets. It could be argued that Clare’s economy was resilient,
but that the town did not take full advantage of nearby industrial developments,
perhaps due to strong local competition. In addition, Gladys Thornton has
argued that Clare was under close control by its lords, with little opportunity to
wrest extra privileges that might have aided its burgesses in developing the town
and its market. She suggested that this did not change significantly even when
the lordship of Clare reverted to absentee hands, because the steward remained a
visible and strong presence while administering the Honor lands from the town.
Although the burgesses gradually exerted more de facto control over the market,
Thornton considered that Clare’s ‘borough development was retarded’ during
the fifteenth century.54 Nevertheless, as will be shown, much did change in Clare’s
retail trade by the fifteenth century, and this was partly due to a shift in court and
market control towards the burgesses.
III
The Black Death struck Clare in early 1349 and the leet court of 28 April that year
noted that eight brewers were now dead from a total of forty-one offenders since
the last court. If this was a direct reflection of the death-rate in Clare it would
suggest that just twenty per cent of the town had succumbed, but the plague was
still ravaging the town and the ultimate death toll was surely higher.55 Indeed,
52
Britnell, The Commercialisation of English Society, pp. 158–59, 166.
53
The Lay Subsidy of 1334, ed. by Glasscock, pp. 284–96; Sheail, The Regional Distribution
of Wealth in England, ed. by Hoyle, i, 28–29; ii, 321–36.
54
Thornton, A History of Clare, Suffolk, pp. 31–46.
55
Eighty free tenants were recorded in the 1307 subsidy, but this is difficult to translate into
there is a striking difference in the names that appear in the brewing presentments
before and after April 1349. If we look at those brewers who appeared in the leet
courts of September 1348 and April 1349 and compare them to those in leet
courts from October 1349, only thirteen brewers appear again whereas twenty-
three brewers (whether husband or wife) do not. Two more brewers disappear
from the figures after October 1349. In contrast, thirty-three new names appear
in the presentments during 1350 and 1351. This included new wives for both
Thomas le Barker and Hugh de Godeston, whose previous wives are recorded as
dead in the April 1349 court. Not all these disappearances would have been due
to plague deaths and admittedly some brewers were sporadic in their appearances
in the court rolls even before the Black Death struck Clare. It is also possible
that a few found other economic opportunities, either within or beyond the
borough, and turned their back on brewing. Nevertheless, such a turnover in
brewer presentments was highly unusual and indicative of the disruption caused
by the extensive population loss.
A similar turnover is seen amongst Clare’s regraters, where at least seventy per
cent of the regraters listed in the April 1349 court do not appear again. This is
partly accounted for by a move into the more lucrative opportunities of com-
mercial brewing, such as by the wives of Walter Bory, John Curteys, and William
Fretheryk, but many others simply disappear from the record. Looking beyond
brewers and regraters, the court rolls do not directly record any deaths of Clare’s
bakers, but John Ailyth, Maurice le Mellere, Thomas Mone, and John atte Tem-
ple, who constituted the main backbone of the town’s baking industry, all failed
to appear in any courts after October 1349. They were replaced by a new gen-
eration of men like John le Baker, Nicholas le Baxstere, and, eventually, Thomas
Mone junior, after other members of the Mone family seem to have kept the
household’s trade afloat in the interim. This bleak picture can be supported by
the lucrative trade of butchers, where eight can be traced from April 1349 and
through the Black Death, but another eight are lost to the record. These are, of
course, only impressionistic figures and do not reveal those who had simply left
the trade. Nevertheless, seven of these ‘lost’ butchers had been presented at least
three times in the previous four leet presentments, so it is reasonable to assume
that the Black Death was instrumental in the change.
The figures from Clare’s leet courts thus suggest that the death rate was close
to fifty per cent and this was bound to have significant effects. The longer-term
economic upheaval for the market of Clare will be discussed below, but there were
notable immediate repercussions and tensions. In particular, the mortality crisis
an overall population figure. Thornton, A History of Clare, Suffolk, p. 36.

364 James Davis
of 1349–50 generated friction between the lady of the manor and brewers of
the town. During the ten years following the plague, the lady, steward, aletasters
and brewers became embroiled in disputes that imply that the Black Death had
greater ramifications than merely commercial disruption. The court rolls from
1350 to 1353 show more problems with brewers, including a refusal to send for
aletasters, than in any similar period of the court rolls between 1312 and 1482.
Many of these cases took place outside the usual leet jurisdiction and instead
fell within the remit of the manorial court. On 7 December 1350, John Medwe
and his wife, Amicia, was ordered to respond to the lord as to why they were
selling ale at 3d. and 2½d. per gallon without sealed measures, contrary to the
prohibition of the bailiff. In April 1351, John de Stoke was threatened with a fine
of 40d. for selling by cups and not by proper measures, before being pardoned by
order of the lady. In May 1351, the capital pledges were specifically warned by
the steward to ensure that all brewers were assized correctly, under threat of an
extensive communal fine. In September 1351, William Brokhole (a servant of the
lady) sold ale at 2d. a gallon before he sent for the aletasters, while in October,
the wife of Simon Shereman refused to sell ale to a servant of the lord and her
husband was ordered to be distrained. Both John Medwe and Simon Shereman
were in trouble again in early 1352 for not holding the assize and they forfeited
12d. and 7d. worth of ale respectively. In June 1352, John Medwe was not selling
by the correct measures and forfeited his ale, while Robert le Skynnere concealed
his ale from the tasters. In July 1352, Walter Bory and his wife Isabel, along with
Andrew and Matilda de Braundon, were presented as forestallers of malt and
amerced 12d. and 6d. respectively.
In this sample of cases over just a couple of years, social tensions after the Black
Death are evident. Individual cases presented outside the normal and formulaic
leet court lists of brewers can be confidently discerned as actual offences rather
than mere legal fictions. However, the underlying reasons behind such an unusual
flurry of infringements are more difficult to ascertain. It is possible that the
disruption and uncertainties of the plague had led to difficulties for brewers in
maintaining their livelihood and thus they reverted to malpractices beyond the
normal assize margins. Complaints from customers may have led the bailiffs and
aletasters to pursue malefactors more strictly. Alternatively, these cases could be
interpreted as a reaction to the stipulations of the Ordinance and Statute of
Labourers, which encouraged urban authorities to regulate prices according to
the notion of what was ‘reasonable’.56 The terminology of ‘reasonable price’ had
56
23 Edw. III cc. 5–6, Ordinance of Labourers (1349): Statutes of the Realm, i, 307–08; 25
Edw. III st. 2 cc. 3–4, Statute of Labourers (1350–51): Statutes of the Realm, i, 312. See also 28
500 50
450 45
400 40
350 35
Total Amercements (d)
Number of Brewers
300 30
250 25
200 20
150 15
100 10
50 5
0 0
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 2
ct 7
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ov 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
77
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
O 131
O 131
O 132
O 32
O 133
O 133
O 134
O 134
O 35
O 135
O 136
O 136
N 137
O 138
O 138
O 139
O 139
O 40
O 140
O 141
O 14 5
O 145
O 146
O 146
O 47
O 141
O 142
O 42
O 143
O 143
O 144
O 44
O 37
14
1
1
1
1
1
ct
O
Date
Total Amercements Number of Brewers Poly. (Total Amercements) Poly. (Number of Brewers)
Figure 38. Clare brewers and total amercements, 1312–1482

been used before, particularly in civic ordinances and royal commissions, but this
was another step forward in creating a national legislative framework. Many of
Clare’s cases imply that the brewers and alesellers were charging high prices,
perhaps reacting to market supply and demand. Wages were already on the
increase, but there had also been a bad harvest following the plague. An additional
factor could be the lady of the manor, Elizabeth de Burgh. She was a wealthy
landlord who undoubtedly supported the labour legislation during difficult times
for the nobility. The evidence shows that her household income had fallen
significantly, from c. £3500 per annum in the 1340s to c. £2300 in 1349–50,57
and she may have wished to see the new price and wage laws strictly enforced.
Edw. III c. 5 (1354): Statutes of the Realm, i, 345.

57
Bailey, Medieval Suffolk, p. 180; Thornton, A History of Clare, Suffolk, pp. 106–13. The
value of the manor had certainly fallen between the inquisition post mortem of 1314 and
that for Elizabeth de Burgh’s death in 1360, from £66 3s. 4d. to £34 11s. 6½d., though the
revenues of the borough had remained fairly consistent at about £10. Thornton provides further
information regarding the more general effects of the Black Death upon the manor, including
the mention of ‘chivagium’ (chevage), remittances of winter and summer works, and the gradual
change in tenures (copyhold) and tenants’ status.
366 James Davis
450 50
400 45
40
350
35
300
Number of Brewers
30
250
25
200
20
150
15
100
10
50 5
0 0
ct 8
ct 3
13
ct 8
ct 3
ct 8
ct 3
ct 8
ct 3
ct 8
ct 3
ct 8
ct 3
ct 8
ct 3
ct 8
ay 5
Ap 340
ay 0
r1 5
Ap 350
Ap 355
Ap 360
Ap 365
r1 0
Ap 375
Ap 380
Ap 385
r1 0
Ap 395
Ap 400
Ap 405
O 33
O 34
O 34
O 35
O 35
O 36
O 36
O 37
O 37
O 38
O 38
O 39
O 39
O 40
O 40
M 133
M 141
Ap 34
Ap 37
Ap 39
14
1
r1
r1
r1
r1
r1
r1
r1
r1
r1
r1
r1
1
1
ct
O
Date
Total Amercements Number of Brewers Poly. (Number of Brewers) Poly. (Total Amercements)
Figure 39. Clare brewers and total amercements, 1335–1413

Was the lady also assertive in ensuring that the assizes were kept in order to keep
up her income? Developments over the following years suggest that this may well
have been the case.
On 17 July 1352, matters came to a head and the aletasters, Edmund le Tailour
and Richard Pye, were presented before the steward, Thomas de Frobisher.
Although they were pardoned from any amercement, they were specifically
warned by the court, under a threatened penalty of half a mark, to check that the
brewers were undertaking their activities according to the statutes. 58 This
injunction, taking place between leet court sessions, was very unusual and perhaps
indicates that something was amiss in the aftermath of the Black Death. The
steward wanted normal services resumed and had instigated remedial action.
Accompanying this statement, eighteen brewers were amerced 2d. each for
unsealed measures, probably in response to the steward’s intervention. Two weeks
later, on 2 August, Thomas le Masoun (whose wife, Margaret, was a regular
brewer) was presented for verbally insulting Edmund le Tailour while Edmund
was undertaking his aletasting duties.
58
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/49.
The reasons for such a clamp-down become clearer when we examine the
total amercements derived from the assize of ale. The previous leet court in
April 1352 and the subsequent one in October 1352 took place as usual, but
both the average and total amercements had fallen sharply since 1349–50 (see
Appendix and figs 38–40). In April 1349 the court had still claimed some 311d.
(an average per brewer of 7.6d.), despite the ravages of the plague, but this fell
to 237d. (6.8d. average) in October 1349 and 203d. (6.8d. average) in October
1350. This probably reflected the harvests and grain prices of the previous year,
as highlighted by Henry Knighton, who stated in early 1349 that the previous
harvest had been so good that ‘there was such an abundance of grain that almost
no one cared for it’.59 However, after the harvest of 1349, Knighton was very clear
about the upheavals caused by the plague:
In the following winter there was such a want of hands, for every kind of work, that
people believed that the like shortage had never been known at any time in the past
[…]. And thus the necessities of life became so dear, that what in previous times was
worth 1d. now cost 4d. or 5d.60
Yet, a return of 342d. (11.4d. average) by May 1351 perhaps encouraged the lady
and her steward that the crisis had passed and that they could even benefit from
a new-found urban wealth among the survivors. Such hopes were dashed by a
massive drop in revenue at the next three courts, in October 1351, April 1352
and October 1352, where only 162d. (5.8d. average), 169d. (5.6d. average), and
146d. (5.0d. average) respectively were collected, despite the number of brewers
remaining almost constant (see figs 39–41).
The intervention by the steward in July 1352 was probably driven by finance,
in order to raise the lady’s revenue through a stricter enforcement of the assizes. It
could also be interpreted as an attempt by the lady to reassert her authority upon
the brewers, aletasters, and burgesses in general. Indeed, there is other evidence
that Elizabeth de Burgh was an assertive landlord in the post-Black Death period.
In 1357, she sent her servant, William de Brokhole to Barton (near Mildenhall)
in order to retrieve cattle ‘for customs and services due to her’, which were to be
driven back to Clare and impounded ‘according to the law and custom of the
realm’. However, de Brokhole faced resistance from the chaplains and men of
Barton and Mildenhall, who raised the hue and cry against him and put him in
the stocks. Elizabeth paid to have him released, but still obtained the payment
59
60
368 James Davis
500 18
450 16
400
14
350
Average Amercements (d)

12
300
10
250
8
200
6
150
4
100
50 2
0 0
O 348
O 420
O 3 12
O 3 18
O 3 60
O 3 24
O 3 30
O 3 36
p 2
ct 4
O 3 66
O 3 72
O 3 78
O 3 84
O 3 90
O 3 96
O 4 02
O 4 08
A p 4 14
O 4 26
O 4 32
O 4 38
ct 4
O 4 50
O 4 56
O 4 62
O 4 68
O 4 74
80
Se 4
4
13
13
14
14
r1
1
1
1
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
O
O
Date
Total Amercements Average Amercements Poly. (Average Amercements) Poly. (Total Amercements)
Figure 40. Clare brewers: Total and average amercements 1312–1482

due to her and subsequently a commission of oyer and terminer was issued after
she complained to the king.61 The lady’s desire to keep her revenues bouyant and
her seigneurial authority intact should not be underestimated.
The immediate impact of the steward’s admonitions was not obvious at the
October 1352 leet court, but thereafter the pressure of greater stringency began
to tell. In June 1353, twenty-two households (including eight of those presented
the previous year) were amerced between 1d. and 4d. for using unsealed measures.
That same month, Alice Pollard forfeited 10d. of ale because she had ‘prejudiced
the common town by selling ale’ at 3d. By April 1353 the total dividend from the
assize of ale had returned to 210d. (7d. average) and it continued to climb back
to c. 260d. and above for the remainder of the 1350s, reaching a peak of 420d.
(12.4d. average) in April 1361. The decline in average amercements had also been
reversed (see figs 38–40). Whether this was entirely due to the entreaties of the
steward towards the aletasters and affeerers or due more to a growth in demand for
ale, it appears that the pressure upon brewers had not let up. In 1357, the bailiffs
of Clare were ordered to repair ‘le Cuckyngstol’ in case corporal punishment of
61
Thornton, A History of Clare, Suffolk, p. 102; CPR: Edward III, x, 655.
brewers was required.62 On 26 February 1359, again within the manor court
rather than the leet, the bailiffs and alestasters dragged twenty-six brewers
before the court to answer to the steward why they were brewing ale against the
assize. This was repeated on 19 March and 9 April 1359 and each time a specific
examination was made concerning how well they had kept the assize. All brewers
were ordered to respond at the next leet court. The subsequent jump in total
assize amercements (from 265d. on 2 October 1358 to 382d. on 30 April 1359) is
perhaps unsurprising given this amount of persistent attention. In addition to the
basic assize amercements, they were additionally amerced 3d. each (eight shillings
in total) for using unsealed measures, adding yet more to the lady’s coffers.
Elizabeth de Burgh died in 1360 and the new lord, Lionel of Clarence, did
not live on the manor as his predecessor had. He was replaced in 1369 by the
Mortimers, who were also absentee lords. Although a permanent steward
maintained a residence in Clare, it appears that the driving impetus of the lord
declined. The total amercements for brewing fell again after their peak in April
1361, almost by half in the following year and just 101d. was received in October
1362 (see figs 38–39). This was largely due to a significant drop in the average
amercement for each brewer (see fig. 40). The totals never really regained their
former strength and oscillated between 94d. and 313d. to the end of the
fourteenth century, averaging 195d. for the next forty years. Nevertheless, the
steward initially responded in June 1363 by demanding that all brewers should be
distrained to respond to the lord why they broke the assize and were unwilling to
submit to the authority of the aletasters. In July, all brewers were amerced for
failing to call the aletasters when required. This pressure did appear to have an
effect, for the average amercement retained some of its former ground by April
1364 (see fig. 39). However, by 1367, individual brewers were back to showing
contempt to the aletasters and refusing to sell their ale to those who demanded it.
When the Mortimers took over in 1369, the tension between steward,
aletasters, and brewers appears to have relented. Concerns in the 1370s switched
to a few specific cases of brewers selling ale at excessive price. For instance, in
July 1371, Cristina Pacher sold a gallon of ale at 4d., while other brewers sold
theirs at 3d., which was itself deemed over-priced, and they were each amerced
2d. Brewers in Clare were probably expected to sell their ale at between 1½-2d.
for most of the early 1370s. In late 1351, when barley was at relatively high levels
of seven to eight shillings per quarter, several brewers were correctly selling their
ale at 2d. a gallon and John Medwe was attached by six gallons of ale valued at a
62
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/53.
370 James Davis
market price of 12d. However, brewers and alesellers presented to the court in
the 1370s were charging as much as a fifty per cent mark-up on the stipulated
assize price, perhaps serving a growing demand for ale by selling with mugs from
within alehouses. Nevertheless, ale was still cheap and readily available. Previous
presentments that accused brewers of not calling for the aletaster had all but
disappeared. The 1370s thus appear to mark a new approach to monitoring the
marketplace of Clare.
This pattern of post-Black Death assize of ale enforcement demonstrates
how amercements for both brewers and aletasters were as much the product
of social and political interests as of economic factors. Lords saw the assizes as
an important revenue source and also a means of social control, and Elizabeth
de Burgh was clearly trying to maintain her authority. Her efforts could be
interpreted as an example of a broader ‘seigneurial reaction’ to the economic
upheavals.63 In contrast, burgesses were asserting their new economic bargaining
power, while possibly seeking to reduce their level of expense during changing
and competitive economic circumstances. One might even argue that this shows
how the jurisdictional power of lords over their tenants was eroding in the twin
face of economic reality and local resistance. Clare’s residents were not adverse
to belligerent action; a number are known to have taken part in the Peasants’
Revolt of 1381.64 It is possible that the economic changes led burgesses to seek a
redefinition of their role in the community and court, as well as a relaxation of
assize amercements, even while the lady was seeking to bolster her income.
A new lord meant a different level of rigour or a new focus. After 1425, when
the manor reverted to the young ward, Richard, duke of York, the lord’s lack of
intensive involvement in market affairs is noticeable. For the first time, the lessees
of the farm of the market are formally identified as the burgesses, as the new lord
sought clarification of the borough’s resources. There then appear to be admin-
istrative changes, with the lord opting out of the daily running of the town. By
1431, the election of court officials has become entirely at the discretion of the
burgesses and there are no further entries in the rolls for the admission of burgess-
es.65 The townsfolk had seemingly gained de facto control of the market and court.
Often, in small towns like Clare, it was market traders who effectively ran
the court and market as bailiffs, capital pledges, constables, jurors, affeerers, and
63
See: Britnell, ‘Feudal Reaction after the Black Death’; Hargreaves, ‘Seignorial Reaction
and Peasant Responses’.
64
Ridgard, ‘The Uprising of 1381’.
65
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/68; Thornton, A History of Clare, Suffolk, p. 39.
aletasters. This occurred despite statutes in 1318 and 1382 that attempted to
prevent any victualler from exercising a judicial function in towns, though the
legislation exempted places where no other sufficient men could be found.66 Many
decisions were in the hands of bakers, brewers, and butchers, and the tensions
evident in the decade after the Black Death reflected a desire to assert their own
interests against those of the lord. Local officials increasingly recognized the
need to be flexible towards buyers and sellers in the new economic conditions,
while freedom from excessive feudal demands benefitted marketing efficiency
and lowered operational costs. This same pattern develops in Clare, where the
evidence suggests that the burgesses continued to struggle against seigneurial
authority, but eventually gained a significant degree of informal autonomy, aided
by the increasing absence and repositioning of new lords.
Marjorie McIntosh’s study of Havering highlighted the importance of relative
freedom from seigneurial control in allowing inhabitants to pursue their market
interests and profit without undue exploitation.67 These urban dwellers wanted
to buy and sell land freely, control their own time, movement, and resources,
and reduce the anxieties that came from arbitrary taxation. 68 In the absence
of excessive outside control, certain families dominated the manorial court
and encouraged market enterprise. They reduced the level of regulation upon
individuals, but also recognized that an orderly, communal environment was
needed for business to prosper. Indeed, traders might theoretically want to be
free of regulation, but they still want others to be regulated, whether vendors or
consumers. The authority of the court and, in turn, the status of the town elite,
had to be maintained. Similarly, seigneurial demands and local customs still had
to be met, because it was vital that the lord acquiesced in allowing the manorial
court to be used as a legal and coercive buttress for commercial endeavours.
The independence of the steward could be curtailed. Only through the
information of local jurors, capital pledges, aletasters, and affeerers could the
steward function effectively, and local people often channelled that information
to the community’s advantage. In particular, they would decide which offences
needed to be reported and the level of punishment required. 69 This was a
pragmatic amalgam of individual and collective interests in order to lay the
potential foundations for commercial success.
66
12 Edw. II c. 6 (1318): Statutes of the Realm, i, 178; 6 Ric. II st.1 c. 9 (1382): Statutes of
the Realm, ii, 28.
67
McIntosh, Autonomy and Community, pp. 51, 89, 136–38, 152–66, 176–78.
68
See Rigby, Medieval Grimsby, pp. 46–47.
69
McIntosh, Autonomy and Community, pp. 181–86.
372 James Davis
45
40
35
30
Number of Offenders
25
20
15
10
0
ct 9
ct 3
ct 6
ct 5
ct 3
ct 2
ct 1
ct 0
ct 8
ct 7
ct 6
ct 5
ct 4
ct 2
ct 1
ct 7
ct 0
9
p 44
r 8
r 2
r 1
r 0
ar 9
r 7
r 6
r 5
ay 84
r 3
r 2
r 1
r 0
r 9
ay 38
r 7
r 6
r 5
r1 4
O 138
O 144
O 132
O 133
Ap 134
O 135
O 136
O 137
O 138
O 139
O 140
O 141
O 142
O 143
O 145
O 146
O 131
O 147
47
Ap 131
Ap 132
Ap 133
M 133
Ap 135
Ap 136
Ap 137
Ap 139
Ap 140
Ap 141
Ap 142
Ap 142
Ap 144
Ap 145
Ap 146
Ap 147
Se 13
M 13
M 14
ct
O
Date
Bakers Brewers Poly. (Brewers) Poly. (Bakers)
Figure 41. Numbers of brewers and bakers in Clare, 1312–1482

However, the manipulation of court procedures in pursuit of the aims of leading

locals means that we have to be wary about the information contained within
court rolls.70 Presentments were often related to the priorities of capital pledges
and aletasters, and thus Clare’s leading men decided on the level of behaviour
conducive to the effective running and reputation of their market. It could be also
argued that Clare’s court gave traders a freer hand by the fifteenth century and
this was reflected in the pattern of presentments and amercements. The number
of brewers and total amercements began to fall after the 1390s (see fig. 38), but
was this a direct reflection of production and consumption or a consequence
of slackening seigneurial authority and more flexible market administration?
We need to be cautious in discerning whether the assizes were less an indicator
of moral disrepute or criminality than a testing ground between seigneurial
authority and tenant interests.
IV
Despite the demographic consequences of the Black Death, the number of
brewers presented at each leet court maintained a surprisingly steady rate for
70
McIntosh, Autonomy and Community, pp. 201–04.
some fifty years (see fig. 41). There was only a slight decrease in their number after
the plague, with the number of brewers presented in the ten (surviving) courts
before the plague averaging thirty-five, while in the ten after 1349 it was thirty-
one. Indeed, by the late 1370s the average number had risen back to pre-plague
levels. The concerted decline in Clare’s brewers took place only from the 1410s
onwards, but it was then quite stark. This is the same time that Keene noted that
the increase in quantity of ale brewed and sold in Winchester came to an end.71
There may have been wider economic reasons for the sudden drop in the number
of brewers, such as a decline in demand linked to the war in France, taxation from
1417, and the debasement of the coinage from 1412. It is also possible that the
continuing fall in population had come to outweigh increases in per capita
expenditure, while the lack of labour was taking its toll more widely in urban
economies. Alternatively, there may have been procedural changes in the way
brewers were presented at court, thus hiding a large number of producers, but
one would expect a change in the format or text used to accompany such an
adminstrative adjustment. Although it is possible that very occasional brewers
were no longer being monitored and thus escaped assize lists, the court rolls do
not give any indication of such a policy.72
From the early fourteenth century through to the fifteenth century, there was
a definite downward trend in total and average amercement levels for brewers (see
fig. 40), even if there were fluctuations within this time period. During much of
the fifteenth century brewers were amerced fairly consistently at just one to three
pence each, and the level of supervision appears to have declined. The number of
bakers also fluctuated slightly throughout the period, actually increasing after the
Black Death before falling again in the 1390s. However, from the 1420s to 1460s,
there were rarely more than four bakers and more commonly two or three, similar
to the 1330s. This means that there was no distinct downward trend over the long
chronological period. Indeed, there was a slight rally in the number of bakers to
between three and six in the 1460s and beyond. The total amercements for the
assize of bread tend to follow the number of bakers being amerced (see fig. 42),
except in the early fourteenth century when they were significantly higher. The
average amercement for bakers was fairly substantial before the Black Death and
rallied at times after the plague. However, after the 1360s–70s, there was a steady
decline in its value.
The post-Black Death patterns seen in Clare are broadly comparable to those
in nearby Sudbury, where the number of bakers briefly rallied in the 1370s but
71
Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, i, 268–69.
72
Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester, pp. 92–93.
374 James Davis
18 140
16
120
14
100
12
Number of Bakers
Amercement (d)
10 80
8 60
6
40
4
20
2
0 0
O 348
O 474
80
O 408
O 414
ct 0
O 426
O 432
O 438
ct 4
O 450
O 456
O 462
O 468
O 312
O 318
O 324
O 330
O 336
Se 342
ct 4
O 360
O 366
O 372
O 378
ct 4
O 390
O 396
O 402
4
5
14
14
14
13
13
1
1
1
1
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
p
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
ct
O
O
Date
Number of Bakers Total Amercements Average Amercement

Poly. (Number of Bakers) Poly. (Total Amercements) Poly. (Average Amercement)
Figure 42. Clare bakers and amercements, 1312–1482

fell again to low levels by the fifteenth century.73 The number of Sudbury brewers
was similarly sustained during the 1350s to 1370s at eighty per cent of the level in
the decades before the plague. Thereafter, the number of brewers steadily
declined, so that they were merely a fifth of the pre-plague level by the 1450s. The
population had certainly not declined to this extent, so the implication is that
either production was concentrated in fewer hands or the evidence of court
records does not provide a clear guide to the actual numbers of brewers. The
trends found in Clare and Sudbury tally with the findings of Marjorie McIntosh
in the five market towns of Minehead, Northallerton, Ramsey, Havering, and
Romford. She argued that this stemmed from a combination of increases in the
scale of brewing, population changes within market communities, and shifts in
per capita demand for ale.74 Across a broad chronological span, irrespective of
court procedures, it was wider economic trends that were instrumental in
determining the number of brewers and bakers.
The changing profile of assize enforcement can be seen by comparing the fre-
quency of different amercements in Clare from 1325 to 1482. Figures 43–47
73
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/112–15, Kew, TNA, SC2/204/3–20.
74
McIntosh, Working Women in English Society, pp. 152–54.
350
300
250
N u m b er o f O ffen ces
200
150
100
50
0
0d 1d 2d 3d 4d 5d 6d 7d 8d 9d 10d 11d 12d 15d 18d 20d 24d 30d 40d
Amercement
Bakers Brewers
Figure 43. Amercement levels for bakers and brewers in Clare, 1325–49
show a general movement from higher to lower amercement levels in Clare’s

court rolls, with a peak in offences in the late fourteenth century. In each chart,
the average amercements for baking were: 11.9d. (1325–49); 7.2d. (1350–77);
5d. (1377–99); 4d. (1399–1425); 2.3d. (1426–82). For brewing, the averages
were: 8.4d. (1325–49); 7.3d. (1350–77); 5.7d. (1377–99); 3.8d. (1399–1425);
2.1d. (1426–82). In brewing, the range of amercements for 1325–49 was quite
wide, with a significant number of nil amercements, but there was still a higher
average than in 1350–77.
What can this pattern of amercements tell us? Alfred May argued that a
decline in amercement rates in the late thirteenth century could serve as an index
of peasant impoverishment, including the introduction of a lower 3d. fine for
certain minor offences and for the poor. Consequently, assize amercements were
set according to a person’s ability to pay and many were pardoned because of their
poverty (‘quia pauper’). In other words, an amercement for a minor offence was
not expected to affect a person’s means to live.75 By contrast, J. B. Post was sceptical
about using amercements levels as a proxy for levels of peasant prosperity, and
certainly there were a variety of other factors that affected amercement levels.76
75
May, ‘An Index of Thirteenth-Century Peasant Impoverishment?’.
76
Post, ‘Manorial Amercements and Peasant Poverty’.
376 James Davis
400
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0
0d 1d 2d 3d 4d 5d 6d 7d 8d 9d 10d 11d 12d 14d 15d 16d 18d 20d 21d 24d 30d 40d
Amercement
Bakers Brewers
Seigneurial authority, tenant assertiveness, lordly prosperity, and the output and
frequency of production all informed the assessments of the steward and affeerers.
In Clare, there were several pardons of fines on the grounds of poverty, but
most occurred before the Black Death when perhaps economic conditions were
harsher for the average townsman.77 Occasionally, the court entry merely had
‘condonatur’ written next to the offender’s name, with no additional reason given
for the pardon. Several brewers also had their amercements remitted as a type of
benefit from the franchise holder because they were in office as bailiffs or
constables, or because they had provided hospitality and victuals for guests of the
steward and constable of the castle.78 This continued until 1389, when pardons
for office-holding and hospitality suddenly stop, while pardons for poverty
become extremely rare.79
77
Similarly, in Sudbury, the cases of pardons for brewing amercement due to poverty all
occurred before the Black Death. Kew, TNA, SC2/203/112–15, Kew, TNA, SC2/204/3–20.
78
The same pardons for amercements due to office-holding, or service to the steward,
occurred in Sudbury after the Black Death (1354–55, 1357–58, 1380, 1385, 1388–89, 1391–
92, 1396, 1405, 1430). Kew, TNA, SC2/203/112–15, Kew, TNA, SC2/204/1–20.
79
Similarly, in Ramsey from the 1380s there are no mentions of special considerations or
excused fines. DeWindt and DeWindt, Ramsey, p. 226.
250
200
N u m b e r o f O ffen c e s
150
100
50
0
Amercement
Bakers Brewers
Source: Kew, TNA, SC2/203/62, Kew, TNA, SC2/203/63 and Kew, TNA, SC2/203/64.
The assizes were used as an instrument of pragmatic market management, not as

a blunt tool for punishing miscreants. The system remained in operation because
it served a purpose as a basic revenue-raiser for the lord and as a potential support
for regulating the market. Aletasters thus highlighted occasional flagrant
offenders, outside the normal assize lists, as when Agnes Imberd sold falsely
weighed horsebread in 1400. But, more generally, levels of amercement were
related to either output, ability to pay or the extent of seigneurial pressure, rather
than actual offences. The higher individual amercements in 1350–77 probably
reflected both the output of victuallers and higher standards of living, though
admittedly no direct correlation can be proved. Employing assize figures as
evidence for production, output and consumption patterns is a task fraught with
difficulties, as already seen in relation to the vested interests of both lords and
leading members of the community. Indeed, the lords of Clare hoped to benefit
from their tenants’ new-found wealth after the Black Death and thus encouraged
higher amercement rates.
By the end of the fourteenth century, the decline in higher rates of amercement
suggests that the assizes were not linked to output or earnings in any systematic
manner, as well as implying a slackening in seigneurial interference. It is likely that
the fifteenth century saw a general decline in consumption and output after the
heady days of the late fourteenth century, and this may be broadly reflected in
378 James Davis
250
200
150
100
50
0
Amercement
Bakers Brewers
falling numbers of brewers and declining amercements. Indeed, other evidence

demonstrates commercial difficulties in Clare, with nine market stalls vacant in
1425, while Clare’s fair, held in nearby Wentford, ceased to function from 1421
due to lack of trade.80 However, Clare’s fifteenth-century assize ‘licensing system’
was also becoming more standardized, with lower fines and much less variation.
Aletasters levied standard categories of 1d., 2d., 3d., or 4d., into which nearly
all traders were grouped.81 This might have been broadly related to production
levels, but the level of amercements was also the result of institutional change.
Clare’s lords acquiesced with this lighter-touch approach, especially after Lady
de Burgh’s early struggles to keep her seigneurial authority and income intact.
It was more lucrative for a lord to stand back from direct control of the court
and the problems that entailed.82 The burgesses had successfully agitated to
achieve more flexible market arrangements and lighter supervision. Ultimately,
the low amercements in the fifteenth century equated to a proportionally lower
‘taxation’ of brewing and baking profits than Clare’s traders had faced in the early
fourteenth century.
80
Bailey, Medieval Suffolk, p. 265; Kew, TNA, SC2/203/67.
81
See also: Postles, ‘Brewing and the Peasant Economy’, p. 135.
82
Britnell, ‘Town Life’, pp. 157–58.
300
250
200
Number of Offences
150
100
50
0
Amercement
Bakers Brewers
V
The general trends for the fortunes and regulation of Clare’s brewers and bakers
are reflected in other medieval towns. In the larger borough of Colchester, Britnell
noticed that brewing recovered during the 1350s to a level of activity surpassing
that in the 1340s. He then charted an average 1.8 per cent annual increase in the
number of brewers between 1358 and 1406, but in an uneven pattern. The main
expansion occurred in 1351–56, 1375–80 and 1398–1405, interspersed with
setbacks in 1357–61 and 1392–98. This overall period of bouyancy in brewing
numbers was followed by an annual decrease of 0.8 per cent between 1410–14 and
1515–19.83 The fluctuations in Clare show a similar unevenness during the post-
Black Death era, while the general trend is very similar. Other studies have shown
a more concerted, long-term fall in brewing and baking after 1349.84 Dave Postles
noted that at Stoke Fleming (Devon) brewing gradually became concentrated in
the hands of a few, consistent and better-off brewers by the end of the fifteenth
century.85 Gwen Seabourne charted a general decline in the number of offenders
83
Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester, pp. 90–91, 194.
84
Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society, p. 347; Bailey, ‘Trade and Towns in
Medieval England’, pp. 207–09; Bailey, Medieval Suffolk, p. 267.
85
Postles, ‘Brewing and the Peasant Economy’, pp. 135–36.
380 James Davis
for both assizes of bread and ale in the Sutton court rolls after the Black Death.86
Mavis Mate looked at Battle, where the number of brewers halved from a peak of
eighty-eight between the 1400s and 1450s, while the number of hucksters of ale
increased from six to fourteen. There were just nine or ten full-time brewers (all
female) in the 1470s, married and from the middle ranks of society, with their
husbands usually butchers or bakers.87
There were structural changes taking place within certain retail trades. Several
historians, such as Judith Bennett, Marjorie McIntosh, and Mavis Mate, have
argued that occasional brewers largely disappeared, firstly in urban centres by the
late fourteenth century and then in rural centuries over the course of the fifteenth
century. Brewing became concentrated in the hands of more permanent profes-
sionals. This partly reflected an overall decline in the demand for ale, but also the
changing structure of the ale industry.88 In the thirteenth and early fourteenth
centuries, brewing was fairly widespread and many participants were unspecial-
ized and occasional. Women often entered the ale market with surplus produce
from their domestic brewings, alongside more regular and professional brewers.
Bennett argued that unmarried and widowed brewsters were gradually squeezed
out after the Black Death, with married women better able to gain capital and
credit.89 Brewing then became concentrated into fewer hands during the fifteenth
century and there was an increasing differentiation between brewing and tippling
(that is, selling ale). Although many brewers still sold direct to consumers, those
in larger towns were beginning to concentrate on the greater profits of wholesale
trade. In effect, there was a transition from a domestic, small-scale ale industry to
large-scale, professional production.90 Fewer brewers were serving a more reliable
86
Seabourne, Royal Regulation of Loans and Sales, p. 183. For a similar trend in Alrewas
(Staffordshire), see: Graham, ‘“A Woman’s Work”’, pp. 137–38, Table 5.3 and Figure 5.1.
87
Mate, Daughters, Wives, and Widows after the Black Death, pp. 62–63.
88
Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England, pp. 42–59; Mate, Daughters, Wives, and
Widows after the Black Death, pp. 59–60; McIntosh, Working Women in English Society; Bailey,
A Marginal Economy?, p. 304.
89
Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England, pp. 50–59, 95–97, 146–48; Bailey,
‘Demographic Decline in Late Medieval England’, pp. 3–14; Bailey, ‘Historiographical Essay’, p. 300.
90
Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England, pp. 43–47; Dyer, Lords and Peasants in
a Changing Society, pp. 346–49; Postles, ‘Brewing and the Peasant Economy’, pp. 133–44;
DeWindt, Land and People in Holywell-cum-Needingworth, pp. 235–36; Graham, ‘“A Woman’s
Work”’, pp. 136–44; McIntosh, Autonomy and Community, p. 228; Britnell, Growth and Decline
in Colchester, pp. 193–97; Keene, Survey of Medieval Winchester, i, 267–68; Bailey, Medieval
Suffolk, p. 267.
market demand for ale, while part-timers were displaced. As brewing improved
in status during the fifteenth century, and hops were introduced for beer, women
were often displaced by men and relegated to more humble tasks of retailing ale.91
These developments in the brewing industry may have been due to competition
and patriarchal intrusion, or simply because occasional production was no longer
the most attractive option when other work opportunities were available.
Can such trends be discerned in the small town of Clare? Were there just a
handful of regular, larger-scale brewers by the mid-fifteenth century, and were
women being squeezed out of the trade? There were certainly fewer brewers,
but generally declining amercements conceal the true nature of their output.92
There is also no indication that beer was being produced or sold to any great
degree in fifteenth-century Clare. In order to analyse these questions in more
detail, the brewers (and bakers) of Clare can be approximately divided into
regular, semi-regular, and irregular trading households. Socio-economic status
within the community is denoted by identification of the head of household as
a primary or secondary official (see Table 28). There are difficulties involved in
compiling these figures, not least the judgements of household reconstitution,
the identification of regular or semi-regular in each time period, and the cross-
over of certain households across two time periods. For instance, John Baker died
in 1405 having been a regular baker until then for many years; he thus appears
as a regular baker in 1377–99 but semi-regular in the chronological category
1399–1425. Comparing the number of households between each period is
also problematic given the differing time periods and survival of court rolls.
Nevertheless, some provisional comparisons can be made which indicate broad
trends in the structure of the brewing and baking trades.
From 1325 to 1349, 180 brewing households can be identified in the assize list-
ings. Of these, twenty-four (thirteen per cent) are counted as regular brewing
households and a further thirty-three (eighteen per cent) were semi-regular. This
can be compared to one hundred and fifty-seven brewing households in 1350–
77, which includes thirty-eight (twenty-four per cent) regular brewing house-
holds and thirty-two (twenty per cent) semi-regular brewing households.
Although the number of brewing households had fallen, more of them were
brewing consistently. Again, from 1377–99, seventeen (thirteen per cent) house-
91
Goldberg, ‘Women in Fifteenth-Century Town Life’, p. 117. McIntosh argues that the
change towards male dominance in drinks trades took place over a relatively short period from
1460 to 1490, and that it was linked to social anxieties over alehouses and difficulties for women
in obtaining credit. McIntosh, Working Women in English Society, pp. 140–81.
92
Bailey, ‘Trade and Towns in Medieval England’, p. 209.
382 James Davis
Table 28. Clare trading households and their socio-economic status, 1325–1482
Regular Semi-regular Irregular

Primary Secondary Other Pri Sec Other Pri Sec Other Totals
Bakers
1325–49 2 1 1 2 1 11 18
1350–77 4 5 3 3 2 2 15 34
1377–99 2 3 4 3 2 1 10 25
1399–1425 3 1 2 1 8 15
1426–50 3 2 7 12
1451–82 1 4 4 17 26
Brewers
1325–49 16 8 11 22 19 5 99 180
1350–77 13 1 24 5 3 24 9 4 74 157
1377–99 13 2 2 12 4 13 21 6 61 134
1399–1425 7 6 21 1 12 6 5 40 96
1426–50 2 6 10 5 1 27 51
1451–82 4 1 4 5 4 1 26 45
Regraters
1325–49 6 1 1 8 3 2 62 83
1350–77 1 10 4 15 3 3 34 70
1377–99 1 2 3 5 11
1399–1425 1 3 2 3 4 14 27
1426–50 1 4 3 12 20
1451–82 1 1 1 4 5 17 29
Notes: Households are reconstituted with husbands and wives counted together (and their servants).
Daughters and sons are identified as separate households. There are problems involved with such
household reconstitution, but identification is based on the internal evidence from the assizes where
names of husbands and wives are often given.
Primary office-holder designates bailiff, constable, capital pledge; Secondary office-holder designates
aletaster, affeerer, juror); Other is not an officer-holder.
For bakers and brewers: Regular (11 or more court appearances); Semi-Regular (5–10 courts); Ir
regular (1–4 courts). For regraters, who are often presented at only one leet court a year: Regular (6 or
more courts); Semi-Regular (3–5 courts), Irregular (1–2 courts).
Source: Kew, TNA, SC2/203/38–72. Number of extant leet court rolls: 32 (1325–49); 41 (1350–April
1377); 20 (November 1377–April 1399); 24 (October 1399–1425); 18 (1426–50); 21 (1451–82).
holds were regular and twenty-nine (twenty-two per cent) were semi-regular,
which means a slight fall in both the overall number and the percentage of regu-
lar brewers seen in the previous period. However, this is largely recovered in
1399–1425, with thirteen (thirteen per cent) regular and thirty-four (thirty-five
per cent) semi-regular brewers, meaning that nearly half of the brewing house-
holds were brewing on a frequent basis in the early fifteenth century compared to
less than a third just before the Black Death. The proportion of households brew-
ing irregularly had thus fallen by the fifteenth century.93 It should be noted that a
large number of households were still involved, particularly given the demo-
graphic fall after the Black Death, but that this number was starting to drop away
by the fifteenth century. Indeed, by the mid-fifteenth century the number of
brewing households had declined significantly to forty-five to fifty-one, with only
a third of these brewing regularly or semi-regularly.
In a town of c. 800 people, one hundred and fifty-seven brewing households
over twenty-eight years (1350–77) probably meant that at least fifty to sixty
per cent of the households in Clare were brewing at some stage and a quarter
of the town’s households did so fairly regularly.94 This included twenty-seven
households who can be identified as notable in their local community, with the
head of household involved as bailiff, constable or capital pledge, and another
eight households including a juror, aletaster or affeerer. Whereas twenty-seven per
cent were from the primary or secondary social rank before the Black Death, this
fell to twenty-two per cent in 1350–77, but then increased to forty-three per cent
and forty-one per cent in the succeeding periods. This settled at around twenty-
eight per cent of brewing households by the middle of the fifteenth century, with
perhaps just fifteen to twenty per cent of Clare’s households brewing during
this time. Brewing was thus conducted by households of different wealth and
status, but leading households were engaged more regularly in brewing from the
1380s to 1420s. Either higher-status members of the community, with greater
capital and credit, were getting involved as opportunities presented themselves,
or business was booming and more were becoming wealthier and respected.
However, the brewers of Clare were not specializing and profiting to the extent
seen in larger towns, where large brewhouses and brewers’ gilds were appearing
by the fifteenth century.95 Also, there may have been an initial movement towards
93
Similarly, Müller found that in Brandon before the Black Death, there were eleven
regular brewers and one hundred and thirty-six occasional, while after the Black Death there
were twenty-four regular brewers and one hundred and twenty-one occasional. For bakers the
equivalent figures were four regular and sixty-three occasional before the Black Death and sixteen
regular and thirty-seven occasional after. Müller, ‘Peasant Mentalities and Cultures’, p. 161.
94
This estimation is based on an average urban household size of four to five and a possible
fifty per cent turnover of brewing households over the course of twenty-eight years.
95
Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England, p. 48.
384 James Davis
regular, professional brewing by the more prosperous, leading members of the

community,96 but this seems to have stalled in Clare by the mid-fifteenth century.
By 1450, there were far fewer brewing households than in the decades immediately
following the Black Death, while the proportion of primary households involved
was not much different to the pre-1349 figure.
Care is needed in interpreting the court roll data. Clare’s clerks exercised little
consistency in their recording practices for the assize of ale, alternating between
different formula and whether they presented the wife, husband or both.
Nevertheless, there are indications that husbands were being presented more than
wives by the early fifteenth century, including less use of the formula ‘wife of A’.
In terms of all names presented, the ratio was 18:1 (female to male) in 1325–37,
5:1 (female to male) in 1338–49, and 1:1 in 1413–50. However, this was not a
consistent trend. It is noticeable that women were frequently recorded by name
in the courts from October 1352 to April 1384 and often between October 1406
to May 1413. In general, before 1352 they tended to be named in conjunction
with their husband, though the practice was not consistent. After 1384,
recording practices were more sporadic, though it was again common for women
to be identified directly or indirectly through their husband, unless they were
single or widows. Whether these trends were due to a change in clerical practice
or something more fundamental in the aftermath of the Black Death is difficult
to know. The period between 1352 and 1384 might have been a boom time for
women in Clare’s ale trade and large numbers were seemingly involved, despite
the fall in population. By the fifteenth century, the picture is less clear. Given the
difficulties in interpreting the presentment lists, the various alternatives are that
the husband was the brewer, it was a joint household work, or the wife undertook
all the brewing and her husband was merely her legal representative in court.97
Marjorie McIntosh looked at five market centres after the Black Death and
noted that women were often engaged in multiple commercial activities on an
occasional basis. They were able to play an increased market role in the years after
the plague, even in brewing. Such diversity of activity helped women to prosper
and it is interesting how many came from the leading families of their local
community: ‘there is no sign here that brewing was held in low esteem’.98 This
appears to be the case in Clare, at least until the end of the fourteenth century.
It is possible that the upheavals of the Black Death, with the loss of many male
96
For a similar trend in Brandon (Suffolk), see: Bailey, Medieval Suffolk, p. 267.
97
McIntosh, Working Women in English Society, p. 143.
98
McIntosh, Working Women in English Society, pp. 156–57.
breadwinners, had pushed many women into the marketplace, taking over their
husbands’ trade. These market changes were played out against a background
of lordly interests and tensions in the aftermath of the Black Death. Eventually,
however, the brewing trade did fall into fewer hands and it is possible that women
no longer dominated.
Similar questions can be asked about the baking trade, and whether a rump
of professional bakers dominated during the fifteenth century, producing bread
of decent quality for regular customers.99 Baking households show only a slight
change in their pattern over time from 1325 to 1425 (see Table 28): seventeen
per cent of bakers were regular practitioners in the period 1325–49; twenty-seven
per cent in 1350–77; twenty per cent in 1377–99; and twenty-seven per cent
in 1399–1425. Across the same time periods, thirty-three per cent, forty-four
per cent, forty-eight per cent, and forty-seven per cent respectively were either
regular or semi-regular baking households. These were comparable proportions
across the entire period, but the number of irregular bakers was slowly falling.
Baking had long required a higher capital investment, in its oven and equipment,
and its consumer base was perhaps related more directly to population levels.
Some occasional bakers did engage in the trade, but seemingly produced low-
quality bread or horsebread, which was probably less in demand after 1349. A
third of households were consistently from primary or secondary households
after the Black Death, but closer to twenty per cent before. However, these
figures do change again in the mid-fifteenth century (1425–82), with just eight
of thirty-eight (twenty-one per cent) bakers appearing in the courts regularly
or semi-regularly, and only six bakers from primary or secondary households.
These figures are distorted by the first appearance of eight outside bakers in the
mid-fifteenth century, who irregularly arrived from nearby Melford, Cavendish,
Stoke, and Poslingworth to sell their produce. If these are taken out, then twenty-
seven per cent of bakers are regular or semi-regular and twenty per cent are from
primary households.
The immediate post-Black Death conditions within Clare provided
opportunities as the number of bakers returned to just above pre-Black Death
norms, with the trade controlled by a small circle of prominent producers.
However, this pattern did not last into the fifteenth century as baking became
more dispersed and a number of outsiders infiltrated Clare’s bread trade. It should
also be noted that baking was generally a male profession, with few presentments
of women bakers. Matilda Mone and Agnes Curteys appear on their own account
99
386 James Davis
in the early court leets, but there were no further female bakers presented
between 1336 and the Black Death. There was, however, a spurt of female baking
presentments after 1358. Thirteen women were presented occasionally for baking
from 1358 to 1390. In addition, Katherine Baxtere took over from her deceased
husband in 1361, Isabel Baker from her dead spouse in 1380 for a couple of years,
and Katherine Cook was a baker’s widow from 1421. However, they all baked
on a much smaller scale than had their husbands, with much lower amercements.
Other than such widows, three further women baked regularly: Agnes Markaunt
(together with her husband John) from 1373–79, Cristina Sygor from 1367–75
and Sarra Cook from 1375–90. However, only five women can be identified
as baking after 1380 and only Katherine Cook after 1390. The resurgence for
women involved in baking had either ended or the baking of horsebread had been
relegated to non-assize matters. It is very possible that many of these women were
baking low-quality bread as part of a by-line for an alehouse, cookshop, or inn.
Again, court roll presentments present a picture that might hide the true practice
of commerce in Clare.
VI
Clare’s brewers and bakers made up a substantial proportion of the court leet
record, but other victuallers were also monitored. Regraters bought goods from
producers, such as bakers and brewers, and sold them on for a small profit. Many
regraters or hucksters were specfically amerced for selling bread, though other
products, such as ale, candles, fish, and meat, were also mentioned. They often
hawked their goods in the street, though there is evidence to suggest that they
were also selling them from cookshops, alehouses, and inns.100 The regrating of
ale was traditionally dominated by poor women, referred to as regraters, gan-
nockers, tapsters, or tipplers, depending on the form of sale. However, Clare’s
presentments hint at a structural change. The ratio of female regraters presented
in the courts, compared to male, changed from 6:1 (1325–49), to 3:2 (1350–77),
to 1:1 (1377–1425). These figures may be due to recording procedures rather
than the realities of change, with husbands being presented in lieu of their wives.
Nevertheless, like brewing, it is noticeable that the clerks were looking to identify
husbands more than wives in the court rolls by the fifteenth century, even though
this is a time seen by some historians as a golden age for women.101
100
Mate, Daughters, Wives, and Widows after the Black Death, p. 64.
101
See Rigby, ‘Gendering the Black Death’.
25
20
Number of Offenders
15
10
0
ct 7
ct 12
ct 17
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ov 2
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
ct 7
ct 2
77
O 37
O 32
O 32
O 33
O 33
O 34
O 34
O 35
O 35
O 36
O 36
N 137
O 38
O 38
O 39
O 39
O 40
O 40
O 41
O 41
O 42
O 42
O 43
O 43
O 44
O 44
O 45
O 45
O 46
O 46
O 47
13
13
14
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
ct
O
O
O
Date
Regraters Butchers Forestallers Poly. (Regraters) Poly. (Butchers) Poly. (Forestallers)
Figure 48. Number of retailing offenders in Clare, 1312–1482

Source: Kew, TNA, SC2/203/38–72 (see Appendix and Figures 49–53).
After the 1370s, the number of regrating households drops dramatically (see
fig. 48 and Table 28) and the average amercement becomes fairly static at two to
three pence. Whether the rate of amercements was related to actual offences or
the level of activity is difficult to determine. Certainly, the trend could be
accounted for by a change in court procedures and administration of the market
rather than an actual fall in the number of regraters or their activity. However, in
the longer term, it is possible to argue for a shift in the occupational profile within
Clare. For instance, there was an increasing proportion of primary or secondary
office-holders involved, though the low numbers suggest that this was not a major
development compared to the overall fall in those being presented (see Table 28).
Nevertheless, there were male regraters (perhaps presented in lieu of their wives)
such as Thomas Coupere who was both a capital pledge and an aletaster in 1383–
84. At the same time the proportion who were regular or semi-regular regraters
increases to between twenty-four to forty-three per cent from nineteen per cent
before the Black Death.102 This is all suggestive of a change in the composition
102
Helena Graham noted a similar trend in the village of Alrewas (Staffordshire), though
many were still occasional regraters, retailing as a sideline to their husband’s main income.
388 James Davis
and status for some regraters, who were seemingly no longer just occasional, poor
women scratching a living at the margins of the market.
There were still many engaging in regrating irregularly and on the margins,
such as Matilda Cornleder, Emma Joye, Margaret Chapman, and John Fynden,
but it appears that others were developing a more professional retailing business.
Certain individuals who were regraters in the early 1360s became quite successful
in business, such as Peter Colyrob, who went on to become bailiff in 1366 and
1370–71. There was perhaps less need for occasional regrating to make ends meet
after the Black Death and more made a permanent living from retailing food
and drink. A number of households were notable in this respect. We start to see,
for the first time, individuals identified specifically as cooks, who also appear in
the lists for regrating. William and Alice Gosenol were presented as cooks who
reheated meat and other victuals in the 1360s. However, they were also involved
in baking, brewing, and aleselling on occasion: William sold wine against the
assize in 1363–64 and Alice made and sold candles in 1371. Alexander and
Dyonisia Newton were also cooks who sold ale, meat and various victuals during
the 1350s and 1360s, as well as forestalling and selling fish, but they had not
appeared in court for any trade-related matters before the Black Death. There
were numerous other post-1350 examples of husbands and wives like William
and Johanna Norfolk, who sold fish, ale, and other victuals. In market towns
like Clare, women were part of a household or family enterprise with their
husbands, brewing and baking, and selling meat, fish, candles, cheese, and fruit.103
It is difficult to differentiate, on the basis of court presentments, between the
household tasks of husband and wife in such circumstances. It is likely that the
husband took financial and legal precedence in such a patriarchal society, but
women seemingly formed the backbone of local victualling trades.
It appears that there was a growing professional commitment to victualling,
driven by greater demand and turnover.104 Many Clare households, such as that of
John and Johanna Stonham, were brewing regularly at the same time as they were
regrating bread and other victuals. In 1474, all ten men and one woman named
as brewing against the assize were also identified as bakers. It could be tentatively
argued that occasional regraters were being pushed aside by new specialists, often
combining production with sale. Indeed, after a brief flurry in the years after the
Black Death, specific presentments for cooks stop after 1368 and they appear to be
subsumed within other categories. Brewers were not just selling ale, but also butter,
Graham, ‘“A Woman’s Work”’, pp. 133–34.

103
DeWindt, ‘The Town of Ramsey’, p. 79.
104
140
120
100
Number of Offences
80
60
40
20
0
0d 1d 2d 3d 4d 5d 6d 7d 8d 9d 10d 11d 12d 15d 18d
Amercement
Regraters Forestallers Butchers Fishers
Figure 49. Amercements for Clare retailers, 1325–49

candles, meat, fish, bread, and even wine. They were acting as shops rather than sim-
ply selling in the marketplace or streets, all to serve changing consumer demands.105
The proliferation of alehouses and small-scale inns is also apparent in Clare.
This is hinted at in complaints that tapsters would only sell certain types of ale to
customers in-house, and perhaps also in instances where brewers sold ale in cups
outside their front door. Johanna, wife of William Norfolk, was amerced 12d. in
March 1399 for ‘contemptuously’ selling ale in front of her home, perhaps because
she was using her own mugs and was avoiding the scrutiny of the aletasters. The
evidence suggests that most brewers and tapsters preferred in-house sales, where
they could use non-standard measures and charge higher prices.106 There are also
occasional references to alehouses or inns, such as ‘le Swan’ or ‘Quilters’, which was
mentioned in the 1361 court roll.107 Five Clare alehouses are definitely mentioned
by the late fifteenth century, such as in 1479 when two Clare men went to the ale-
house of Henry Barker and began a quarrel with Robert Colyngham.108 Alehouses
105
Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society, p. 349; Dyer, Bromsgrove, pp. 31–32;
Bailey, Medieval Suffolk, p. 268; DeWindt and DeWindt, Ramsey, pp. 164–67.
106
Rodney Hilton noted a similar trend in Thornbury after the Black Death. Hilton,
‘Lords, Burgesses and Hucksters’, p. 14.
107
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/57.
108
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/72.
390 James Davis
140
120
100
Number of Offences
80
60
40
20
0
0d 1d 2d 3d 4d 5d 6d 7d 8d 9d 10d 11d 12d 14d 15d 16d 18d
Amercement

were not new institutions, but they were becoming more common and popular.109
McIntosh charted a notable rise in the number of alehouse keepers in Havering
from the 1440s onwards, though this coincided with an increase in other victual-
lers too, including bakers, butchers, brewers.110 Several historians have pointed to
the increasing prominence of alehouses as retail outlets, even while production
became focused in fewer hands. It is also likely that tapsters sold and produced
food as well as ale, reflecting more sustained demand and new consumption pat-
terns.111 An increasing use of alehouses, shops, and inns may have made supervi-
sion more difficult and prices more varied. However, customers were seemingly
prepared to accept higher prices for the conviviality of the alehouse and for the
convenience of shops. If so, it is unsurprising that regrating fines in Clare fell to a
common, unpunitive level akin to a licensing system (see figs 49–53).
109
110
McIntosh, Autonomy and Community, p. 285.
111
Dyer, Lords and Peasants in a Changing Society, p. 348; Dyer, ‘Did the Peasants Really
Starve?’, pp. 67–68; Clark, The English Alehouse, pp. 31–34; Galloway, ‘Driven by Drink?’;
Postles, ‘Brewing and the Peasant Economy’, p. 134; Mate, Daughters, Wives, and Widows after
the Black Death, p. 62; McIntosh, Working Women in English Society, pp. 157–62.
50
45
40
35
Number of Offences
30
25
20
15
10
0
Amercement

In general, there was a noticeable increase in non-bread and non-ale retail offences
in the immediate decades after the Black Death. Fishmongers, cooks, vintners,
chandlers, and dyers all appeared in the Clare court for the first time. Butchers
were active in Clare before the Black Death (see Appendix and Figs 49–53), but
their numbers and presentments increased in the 1350s and 1360s. Amercements
against the butchers were also remarkably consistent until the early 1390s before
they fell away. Butchers benefitted greatly from the improvement in wages and the
strength of the pastoral economy after the Black Death. In Sudbury, Bailey found
that butchers comprised twenty-four per cent of food retailers in the 1340s, com-
pared with thirty-five per cent in 1390s.112 Presentments of butchers gradually
increased in Sudbury after the Black Death, but by the early fifteenth century the
numbers had dropped and they were no longer presented in the court leet after
1423.113 This was probably as much to do with recording practices in the court as
with the prosperity of the trade. After the late fourteenth century, more butchers
were amerced in the manorial court rather than the leet, suggesting a more targeted
approach to specific offences rather than listing them all in the manner of licensing.
112
113
392 James Davis
70
60
50
Number of Offences
40
30
20
10
0
Amercement
Regraters Forestallers Fishers Butchers

Fishmongers hardly appeared in the court rolls until after 1349. Thereafter, they
were occasionally amerced for selling corrupt fish or at excessive prices, especially
in the 1380s. For instance, Reginald Parker and Stephen de Melforde were
amerced five times each at respective averages of 3.2d. and 4.4d., while William
Norfolk was amerced eight times at an average of 6d. These trading malpractices
did not stop William from acting as a capital pledge, and becoming bailiff in
1391–92 and 1403, and constable in 1400, while his wife Johanna brewed ale on
a regular basis, seemingly selling it from an alehouse.
There were also cases where ‘fishers’ and their wives were punished for
forestalling, which probably involved loitering on the edge of town in the search
for bargains before goods entered the marketplace. Such middleman activities
were condemned in law, but most forestallers at Clare faced relatively minor
amercements, particularly after the 1370s.114 In 1386, William Darnel was
amerced just 2d. for forestalling victuals and fish, while an outsider, John Serle
from Honington, was amerced 6d. for forestalling victuals in 1389. It could be
argued that there was a greater disdain for forestalling before and just after the
Black Death. The town elected William Serle and Peter le Foner in October 1331
114
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/63, Kew, TNA, SC2/203/64, and Kew, TNA, SC2/203/65.
60
50
40
Number of Offences
30
20
10
0
Amercement

specifically to search for potential forestalling activity. In the 1340s and 1350s,
there are several instances where suspected forestallers in Clare were distrained to
respond to the lord and community and were then judged by an inquisition jury,
as opposed to being simply presented and amerced.115 Such activities were
considered harmful to the local community. John Baroun and William Parker
were accused of withdrawing their fish from the lord’s market in 1353 to the
damage of the common town, though they were only amerced 3d. each for
removing their supplies without permission.116 There were fairly frequent cases of
forestalling into the 1350s, though amercements were generally 3–6d. Only
Alexander de Newtone, a cook, appears to have faced consistently higher penalties
of 12–18d. for his recurrent forestalling of fish and other victuals into the
1370s.117 After the 1370s, forestalling appears infrequently and amercement
levels fell consistently below 6d. In a similar manner, significant numbers were
amerced in Sudbury in the 1350s for forestalling victuals to the prejudice of the
market. However, there were no such amercements just before the Black Death
115
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/45–49.
116
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/50.
117
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/57.
394 James Davis
and few after 1370.118 By the fifteenth century, forestalling was seemingly consi
dered a minor problem in Clare’s market, causing only moderate price increases.
Harvests were mostly plentiful after the 1380s and such market conditions
probably lessened the perceived threat of forestallers and regraters.119 In
Colchester, there were no amercements for common forestallers after 1412.120
Anne DeWindt and Edwin DeWindt also noted the disappearance of forestalling
cases in the court of Ramsey after 1412, stating:
it is possible that the Ramsey court concerned itself with only the more outrageous
examples of the practice, or that in the more commercialized atmosphere of the
town from the end of the fourteenth century, the practice itself got lost in the
crowd of an expanded marketplace.121
Questions again need to be asked about the use of court records in tracking eco-
nomic change and patterns of consumption. Amercement levels and numbers of
retailers in Figures 49–53 could be interpreted as indicating a peak for general
victualling in the three or four decades after the Black Death. This would concur
with the evidence for brewing and baking.122 After four decades of upheaval in the
marketplace, the numbers and amercements drop, but was this simply due to a fall
in producers, sellers, and buyers? There were many other potential factors that all
impacted upon these figures: a decline in the authority of the court or lord, increas-
ing burgess control and flexibility, changing market attitudes, the constraints of a
declining money supply, and the increasing concentration and professionalization
of victualling.
VII
The years after the Black Death saw a society and economy in flux. The court
rolls of Clare give a glimpse into the problems faced in the market, particularly
among sellers of food and drink. They demonstrate that commercial change
118
119
Farmer, ‘Marketing the Produce of the Countryside’, pp. 427–28.
120
Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester, pp. 131–32; Britnell, Britain and Ireland, p. 360.
121
DeWindt and DeWindt, Ramsey, p. 165, n. 56.
122
Similarly, debt cases in Clare’s borough court show an increase after the Black Death,
before they fall away sharply from the early fifteenth century, which may reflect a trend in
credit relations and commercial activity. However, this could be also attributed to a changing
institutional role for Clare’s manor court or a decline in money supply. Briggs, ‘The Availability
of Credit in the English Countryside’.
in the aftermath of the Black Death was not a linear or evolutionary process.
Nevertheless, some broader trends can be identified. There was a sharp expansion
in opportunities and regulation soon after the Black Death, lasting into the
1370s. Striking changes are then apparent between the 1380s and 1410s, as the
number of presentments and level of amercements fall away significantly. By the
fifteenth century, we see regulatory simplification in the marketplace, with lower
levels of amercement and seemingly less interference in everyday market affairs.
Behind these economic trends, there was a new social and political climate, with
the authority of the lords becoming strained as their tenants quickly reacted to the
upheaval of the post-plague years. The evidence of Clare’s court shows both height-
ened interference from the lord’s steward and defiance by the burgesses. Local bel-
ligerence, combined with persistent market forces, gradually provided traders with
more freedom of action and a lower ‘taxation’ of their profits. This does not mean
that the court and its regulation was lax or defunct, but it was less attuned to the
fiscal needs of the lord and perhaps more to the highly competitive market condi-
tions and demands of the post-plague era. Indeed, after the 1420s, Clare’s burgesses
had de facto control of the borough court and its regulation of market trade.
Long-term economic conditions were also shaping the way the market was
regulated and the number of retailers. There were noticeable structural changes
within the food and drink trades after the Black Death, including more butchers,
fishmongers, and cooks, driven by heightened consumption per capita. Consumers
were demanding higher-quality commodities, while vendors wanted flexibility
that helped decrease transaction costs. This led to increasing professionalization
in food and drink trades, particularly in brewing. After the 1380s, there were
fewer market traders but their individual output had possibly increased, even in
the midst of a fifteenth-century economic slump. We also see the emergence of
the more general retailer, often a joint household enterprise, operating from a
shop, alehouse, or inn.
Commercial changes after the Black Death restructured retailing in market
towns and how both men and women could make a living from trade. Informality
and flexibility were the way that market towns survived in the new commercial
environment, which in turn allowed more professional, permanent producers,
and retailers to prosper. Food and drink continued to be the mainstays of a small
town economy in the aftermath of the Black Death, but the structures of produc-
tion and sale were shaped by new economic, social and political forces. By the fif-
teenth century, the burgesses of Clare had fully grasped the opportunity to exert
greater control over the running of their town’s court and market. Costs of pro-
duction and competition might have risen, but reduced seigneurial intervention
and a steady consumer demand meant that certain retail traders could prosper.
396 James Davis
Appendix: Trading Offences in Clare, 1312–1482
Bakers Brewers Regraters Butchers

No. Amerc. No. Amerc. No. Amerc. No. Amerc.
1312 10 (2) 5.1d. 26 (1) 12.7d.
29 May 1313 9 8.0d. 23 12.8d. 5 3.0d. 9 6.0d.
10 Oct 1318 9 8.0d. 23 (2) 8.9d.
12 Oct 1319 4 5.3d. 19 9.2d.
19 Apr 1323 6 - 17 -
9 Oct 1324 6 6.0d. 18 (1) 7.0d.
23 Apr 1325 4 13.5d. 15 9.8d. 11 3.0d.
July/Aug 1325 6 10.2d. 7 9.0d.
14 Oct 1326 4 15.0d. 22 (2) 9.4d.
26 May 1327 5 8.4d. 26 8.1d. 8 6.0d.
4 Oct 1328 4 9.0d. 26 7.5d.
3 Oct 1329 5 10.2d. 25 11.4d.
6 Jun 1330 5 13.2d. 20 10.7d. 7 4.3d. 12 5.5d.
16 Oct 1330 5 12.0d. 25 (1) 11.2d.
14 May 1331 4 10.5d. 21 11.9d. 10 4.5d. 9 5.0d.
15 Oct 1331^ 5 - 23 -
16 Jun 1332 4 30.0d. 28 (3) 17.1d. 12 3.5d. 12 6.3d.
20 Oct 1332 2 9.0d. 22 (4) 6.0d.
4 May 1333 4 (1) 13.8d. 23 (1) 16.1d. 10 (1) 2.7d. 10 6.9d.
17 Oct 1335 4 9.0d. 32 (2) 6.9d.
23 Apr 1336 5 10.8d. 22 (3) 8.5d. 9 4.0d. 12 7.3d.
8 Oct 1336 4 13.5d. 25 (2) 7.3d.
29 Apr 1337 4 12.0d. 24 7.5d. 13 3.0d. 14 5.4d.
14 Oct 1337 4 11.4d. 28 (1) 6.7d.
6 May 1338 4 15.0d. 23 (3) 12.4d. 10 5.8d. 13 7.8d.
20 Oct 1338 3 9.0d. 27 (1) 6.7d.
20 Apr 1339 3 18.0d. 33 (5) 7.8d. 11 (1) 5.2d. 13 6.7d.
12 Oct 1339 4 (1) 7.5d. 34 (4) 6.9d.
9 May 1340 4 11.3d. 35 (5) 6.9d. 15 (1) 3.6d. 12 6.0d.
7 Oct 1343 3 10.0d. 33 (4) 6.0d.
30 Mar 1344 4 14.3d. 34 (3) 9.5d. 17 4.2d. 15 7.0d.
Oct 1344 4 8.3d. 37 (3) 5.5d.
18 Oct 1345 5 7.2d. 35 (3) 4.8d.

16 May 1346 4 15.0d. 34 (2) 8.5d. 9 4.7d. 18 6.9d.
17 Oct 1346 4 9.8d. 40 (3) 4.7d.
24 Apr 1347 2 7.5d.
30 Sep 1348 3 9.0d. 37 (4) 5.7d.
28 Apr 1349 4 12.0d. 41 (9)# 7.6d. 25 3.1d. 16 6.9d.
13 Oct 1349 3 12.0d. 35 (4) 6.8d.
5 Oct 1350 2 13.5d. 30 (3) 6.8d.
3 May 1351 3 14.0d. 30 11.4d. 20 4.1d. 17 (1) 5.5d.
18 Oct 1351 6 4.5d. 28 (1) 5.8d.
24 Apr 1352 4 6.0d. 30 (2) 5.6d. 19 3.2d. 14 (1) 6.9d.
9 Oct 1352 6 5.7d. 29 (1) 5.0d.
16 Apr 1353 5 6.4d. 30 (2) 7.0d. 15 3.6d. 16 (1) 8.6d.
1 Oct 1353 4 6.0d. 30 7.9d.
29 Apr 1354 4 12.0d. 35 7.6d. 10 4.5d. 17 8.1d.
14 Oct 1354 3 6.0d. 34 (2) 7.7d.
17 Oct 1356 3 7.3d. 26 7.6d.
25 Apr 1357 4 12.3d. 32 8.4d. 13 3.6d. 22 (1) 7.4d.
10 Oct 1357 5 7.0d. 29 9.2d.
15 Apr 1358 9 (1) 7.3d. 31 (2) 7.5d. 10 3.5d. 19 8.5d.
2 Oct 1358 5 10.0d. 30 (1) 8.8d.
30 Apr 1359 7 (1) 7.6d. 33 (2) 11.6d. 10 6.0d. 23 8.7d.
17 Oct 1359 3 10.0d. 33 (3) 11.3d.
20 Apr 1360 6 (1) 7.7d. 31 (4) 11.8d. 11 4.8d. 22 9.0d.
7 Oct 1360 7 9.4d. 33 10.8d.
13 Apr 1361 8 10.3d. 34 12.4d 11 6.3d. 15 10.7d.
19 Oct 1361 8 4.9d. 33 (2)+ 7.2d.
26 Apr 1362 8 6.0d. 31 7.6d. 12 3.2d. 18 5.2d.
11 Oct 1362 6 4.5d. 26 3.9d.
18 Apr 1363 8 3.6d. 26 (1) 9.5d. 8 3.0d. 18 4.0d.
9 Apr 1364 8 6.5d. 32 6.2d. 8 2.5d. 17 5.1d.
14 Oct 1364 11 6.6d. 33 6.5d.
21 Apr 1365 17 4.1d. 32 (1) 6.8d. 18 5.4d.
14 Apr 1366 8 8.5d. 29 8.7d. 8 3.8d. 16 5.6d.
20 Oct 1366 8 6.8d. 29 5.9d. 1 3.0d.
26 Apr 1367 6 11.0d. 26 9.3d. 10 4.6d. 15 6.9d.
398 James Davis

18 Apr 1368 6 6.2d. 28 6.9d. 8 2.5d. 15 5.6d.
8 Oct 1370 9 3.8d. 25 6.2d. 7 2.1d.
15 Apr 1371 8 5.5d. 26 6.5d. 10 2.3d. 18 4.7d.
30 Sep 1371 6 6.0d. 21 7.9d. 6 2.5d.
6 Apr 1372 8 5.0d. 28 5.4d. 7 1.4d. 20 3.4d.
4 Oct 1373 9 5.1d. 27 8.6d. 3 2.0d.
11 Apr 1374 9 8.0d. 24 7.2d. 4 2.3d. 19 3.5d.
17 Oct 1374 8 5.6d. 26 6.4d. 4 3.5d.
15 May 1375 10 7.9d. 33 7.8d. 2 5.0d. 14 5.0d.
30 Sep 1376 9 9.8d. 24 11.7d. 6 3.5d.
7 Apr 1377 9 10.2d. 28 9.8d. 3 4.7d. 11 8.0d.
13 Nov 1377 8 5.8d. 30 7.1d.
5 Oct 1378 7 6.0d. 42 (1) 7.8d.
12 Apr 1379 10 6.5d. 35 7.2d.
18 Oct 1379 8 6.8d. 37 6.2d. 3 3.0d.
3 Apr 1380 10 6.3d. 43 6.9d. 3 3.0d. 10 9.2d.
29 Apr 1382 8 4.0d. 33 3.2d. 2 2.0d. 12 3.3d.
6 Oct 1383 9 3.7d. 28 3.4d. 3 2.0d.
12 Apr 1384 8 5.6d. 29 (1) 6.6d. 3 2.0d. 14 3.4d.
10 Oct 1385 5 4.2d. 26 (1) 4.2d.
7 May 1386 7 3.9d. 41 (2) 4.8d. 3 3.0d. 18 2.9d.
14 Oct 1387 8 4.4d. 28 5.3d. 4 3.5d.
21 Apr 1388 9 4.2d. 38 (2) 7.4d. 4 2.8d. 15 4.1d.
6 Oct 1388 7 4.6d. 37 5.1d. 2 3.0d.
4 May 1389 7 4.6d. 35 (1) 7.2d. 2 3.0d. 16 4.9d.
21 Oct 1389 9* (1) 3.7d. 36 5.1d. 2 3.0d.
26 Apr 1390 9* 4.3d. 42 (3) 5.5d. 3 3.3d. 20 3.1d.
8 Oct 1397 5 3.6d. 26 (1) 4.2d.
Apr 1398 3 8.0d.
8 Oct 1398 4 8.0d. 24 (1) 5..5d. 4 3.0d.
15 Apr 1399 5 4.2d. 25 (2) 4.7d. 4 3.0d
Oct 1399 3 3.0d. 29 4.2d. 4 3.0d. 1 4.0d.
27 Apr 1400 5 3.6d. 40 (1) 3.7d. 7 3.0d.
13 Oct 1400 4 5.0d. 31 (1) 4.2d. 4 3.0d.
20 Apr 1401 4 3.3d. 31 (1) 3.7d. 7 2.1d.

9 Oct 1403 4 4.0d. 23 3.5d. 5 3.0d.
22 Apr 1404 6 3.0d. 25 3.4d. 6 2.5d.
7 Oct 1404 6 3.7d. 26 3.8d. 4 4.0d.
5 May 1405 4 4.5d. 27 3.7d. 8 3.0d.
10 Oct 1406 5 4.0d. 29 (1) 3.4d. 6 3.0d.
22 Apr 1407 5 7.6d. 30 3.8d. 3 3.0d.
20 Oct 1411 4 4.5d. 24 3.9d. 2 3.0d.
19 Apr 1412 4 4.3d. 23 3.5d.
6 Oct 1412 4 4.5d. 20 3.8d. 3 3.0d.
2 May 1413 4 6.0d. 21 4.0d. 2 4.5d. 3 12.0d.
14 Oct 1416 4 3.8d. 19 3.9d. 2 3.0d. 1 3.0d.
21 Apr 1417 4 4.0d. 19 3.8d.
10 Oct 1419 4 4.0d. 17 3.6d. 2 6.0d.
Apr 1420 5 4.0d. 16 3.8d. 1 3.0d.
14 Oct 1421 4 4.3d. 21 4.0d. 4 3.0d.
20 Apr 1422 3 4.0d. 20 4.3d. 1 3.0d.
6 Oct 1422 4 3.0d. 17 3.8d. 3 3.0d. 2 3.0d.
21 Apr 1423 6 2.7d. 14 3.4d. 1 3.0d.
17 Oct 1424 2 3.5d. 13 3.3d. 2 3.0d.
18 Apr 1425 3 2.7d. 13 (1) 2.7d. 2 2.0d.
4 Oct 1429 1 3.0d. 13 2.3d.
25 Apr 1430 2 2.5d. 7 2.7d.
17 Oct 1430 2 3.0d. 10 2.2d .
18 Apr 1431 2 1.5d. 10 1.7d.
12 Nov 1431 2 3.0d. 9 2.2d.
28 Apr 1432 3 2.0d. 11 2.1d.
15 Apr 1437 2 2.0d. 11 1.7d.
29 Apr 1438 3 1.7d. 17 1.8d.
8 Oct 1438 2 2.0d. 13 2.0d.
21 Apr 1439 2 2.0d. 12 2.0d. 3 1.0d.
6 Oct 1439 4 2.0d. 10 2.1d.
12 Apr 1440 4 2.0d. 11 1.8d.
7 May 1443 3 1.3d. 15 2.0d. 3 1.0d.
13 Oct 1444 1 1.0d. 12 1.7d. 2 1.0d.
13 Apr 1445 12 2.0d. 1 1.0d.
400 James Davis

17 Oct 1447 2 2.0d. 10 1.7d. 7 1.3d.
10 Apr 1448 2 2.0d. 12 2.0d. 6 1.3d.
13 Oct 1450 11 2.0d. 8 1.6d.
11 May 1451 11 2.0d. 8 1.6d.
17 Oct 1452 5 1.0d. 9 1.7d. 5 1.8d.
21 Oct 1453 6 2.2d. 8 2.0d. 3 5.0d.
10 Oct 1454 4 2.0d. 8 2.4d. 3 1.0d.
15 Apr 1455 3 2.0d. 9 2.0d.
19 Oct 1456 1 2.0d. 12 2.0d.
26 Apr 1457 2 4.0d. 10 1.9d. 3 1.7d.
27 Apr 1462 6 3.8d. 13 3.8d. 2 2.0d.
11 Oct 1463 4 4.3d. 14 1.4d. 6 1.7d.
10 Apr 1464 5 - 23 1.7d.
7 Apr 1467 5 1.8d. 10 1.7d. 6 1.8d.
26 Apr 1468 3 6.0d. 7 4.0d. 2 4.0d.
23 Apr 1471 3 2.7d. 8 2.9d. 3 1.7d.
7 Apr 1472 6 2.0d. 6 2.8d. 5 2.2d.
27 Apr 1473 6 - 6 3.0d. 6 1.7d.
19 Apr 1474 11 3.1d. 1 2.0d.
23 Apr 1476 4 2.0d. 5 3.2d. 3 2.7d.
20 Apr 1479 6 1.8d. 7 2.0d. 3 1.0d. 1 3.0d.
11 Apr 1480 5 1.6d. 6 2.3d. 6 1.4d. 1 -
1 May 1481 5 1.8d. 9 2.3d.
16 Apr 1482 5 1.6d. 3 2.0d. 5 1.0d.
Notes: In parentheses are given the number of pardons; * includes two bakers of horsebread; # includes
8 dead (year of the Black Death); + includes one dead; ^ no amercements listed this in this court
session; ‘Amerc.’ is the average amercement per offender for the court session (pardons are included
and counted as 0d, as are those where no amercement is listed next to the name). Bakers were presented
for breaking the assize of bread; brewers for breaking the assize of ale; regraters for breaking the assize
of ale or bread; butchers for selling corrupt meat and excessive prices.
Source: Kew, TNA, SC2/203/38–72. With particular thanks to Richard Britnell for letting me view
his own figures taken from the Clare court rolls.
Works Cited
Kew, TNA, DL 29/992/15 Kew (London), The National Archives, DL 29/992/15

Kew, TNA, DL 29/993/7 —— , DL 29/993/7
Kew, TNA, DL 29/994/10 —— , DL 29/994/10
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/38–72 —— , SC2/203/38–72
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/39–47 —— , SC2/203/39–47
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/43–67 —— , SC2/203/43–67
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/45–49 —— , SC2/203/45–49
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/48–61 —— , SC2/203/48–61
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/49 —— , SC2/203/49
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/50 —— , SC2/203/50
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/53 —— , SC2/203/53
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/57 —— , SC2/203/57
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/62 —— , SC2/203/62
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/63 —— , SC2/203/63
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/64 —— , SC2/203/64
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/65 —— , SC2/203/65
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/66 —— , SC2/203/66
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/67 —— , SC2/203/67
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/67–72 —— , SC2/203/67–72
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/68 —— , SC2/203/68
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/72 —— , SC2/203/72
Kew, TNA, SC2/203/112–15 —— , SC2/203/112–15
Kew, TNA, SC2/204/1–20 —— , SC2/204/1–20
Kew, TNA, SC2/204/3–20 —— , SC2/204/3–20
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The Role of Fairs in Late Medieval England
John S. Lee*
D
espite recent research on many aspects of marketing in late medieval
England, including studies of formal and informal markets,1 credit,2
consumption patterns,3 and regulation,4 the role of fairs in this period
is far from clear. Historians have focused relatively little attention on English
fairs between the mid-fourteenth and mid-sixteenth centuries, in contrast to the
importance that has been attributed to these institutions in both preceding and
succeeding centuries. The extensive foundation of new fairs and markets during
the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries is seen as an important indicator of
growing commercial activity, and the largest fairs attracted traders from many
parts of the country as well as overseas merchants.5 Fairs and markets both
expanded during the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, reaching a peak
in activity and attendance between 1600 and 1750, and it has been suggested
that in terms of trade, luxury goods, news and ideas, fairs in this period were
probably more important for most people even than London.6 The vitality of
fairs in Elizabethan England, the extensive network of early modern fairs that
served the horse and livestock trades, and the continued importance of fairs
* John Lee was awarded a doctorate at the University of Cambridge in 2001.

1
Britnell, The Commercialisation of English Society, pp. 155–78; Britnell, ‘Urban Demand
in the English Economy’; Britnell, ‘Markets, Shops, Inns, Taverns’; Dyer, ‘The Hidden Trade’.
2
Briggs, Credit and Village Society; Keene, ‘Changes in London’s Economic Hinterland’.
3
Threlfall-Holmes, Monks and Markets; Dyer, ‘The Consumer and the Market’.
4
Britnell, ‘Price-Setting in English Borough Markets’; Davis, Medieval Market Morality.
5
Langdon and Masschaele, ‘Commercial Activity and Population Growth’, pp. 43–44;
Moore, The Fairs of Medieval England.
6
Everitt, ‘The Marketing of Agricultural Produce’, p. 92, n. 1; Everitt, ‘Introduction’, p. 6.
408 John S. Lee
during the eighteenth century have also been highlighted.7 The prominence that
historians have attached to fairs before 1300 and after 1570 suggests that their
role in the later Middle Ages warrants further investigation, particularly as some
have portrayed this as a period in which fairs generally contracted: ‘Provincial
fairs were in serious decline even before the start of the fifteenth century: for
anything other than food and basic clothing, the well-to-do looked to London’.8
The word ‘fair’ can be applied to periodic trading events which varied sig-
nificantly in size and scope, which can be conveniently classified as local fairs,
regional fairs, and international fairs. Local fairs were small events found in both
town and country, which had little impact beyond their immediate locality. The
international fairs at Boston, Bury St Edmunds, King’s Lynn, Northampton,
Stamford, St Ives, Winchester, and Westminster, which had attracted traders from
many parts of England and Europe in the twelfth century, had also contracted
into small, local events by the fourteenth century.9 English merchants increas-
ingly diverted trade from these fairs to towns, particularly London, where they
could buy and sell the same range of goods throughout the year. These fairs had
also been heavily dependent on foreign merchants coming to England to collect
wool for export, and wool was increasingly handled by English merchants.10 The
major international fairs in the later fifteenth century were at Antwerp, Bergen-
op-Zoom, and Middelburg, frequented by English merchants like the Celys.11
Regional fairs, which form the main focus of this study, became part of the
trading networks that developed in the later Middle Ages as the redistribution
of income down the social scale led to increased consumption of better quality
foodstuffs and basic consumer goods. New mercantile networks linked consum-
ers with areas of specialized production, ports, and major towns, and were charac-
terized by trade over longer distances and the increasing dominance of London.12
This article explores the roles that these fairs played in the changing marketing
networks for cloth, livestock, fish, consumer, and luxury goods, as well as examin-
7
Hodgen, ‘Fairs of Elizabethan England’; Edwards, ‘The Horse Trade’; Mitchell, ‘The
Changing Role of Fairs’.
8
Ramsay, ‘Crafts’, p. 88.
9
Moore, The Fairs of Medieval England, pp. 217–22; Farmer, ‘Marketing the Produce of the
Countryside’, pp. 341–43; Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England: Towns, Commerce and Crafts,
pp. 170–76; Langdon and Masschaele, ‘Commercial Activity and Population Growth’, p. 44.
10
Titow, ‘The Decline of the Fair of St Giles’; Rosser, Medieval Westminster, pp. 97–115.
11
Britnell, Britain and Ireland, pp. 324–25.
12
Britnell, Britain and Ireland, pp. 160–61; Britnell, ‘Urban Demand in the English
Economy’, pp. 13–14; Epstein, ‘Regional Fairs’.
The Role of Fairs in Late Medieval England 409
ing the impact of London traders, and reveals how a number of fairs expanded
significantly to serve these sectors of growth within the economy.
Sources
While the transitory nature of fairs was never conducive to record-keeping, and
sources are often fragmentary and scattered, the later medieval evidence for these
institutions is particularly scarce, as many important types of records, including
manorial accounts and court rolls, become less informative or disappear
completely.13 Accounts, rentals, and inquisitions could record the income that
fairs generated for their owners, from tolls, stallage, picage, and fines,14 but such
details were not always included. This lack of material may reflect the tendency
to lease out these revenues in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, such as the
grant of the tolls of the two annual fairs of Newbury, together with a third part
of the tolls of the weekly market, received by Thomas Herbert in 1465.15 Many
recorded incomes were small, like the five shillings drawn by St Radegund’s Priory
from its Cambridge fair in the 1450s.16 Even with the low rate of tolls, often less
than a penny, charged on most transactions, these small totals suggest that many
fairs handled relatively low volumes of trade, although as certain traders and
goods were exempt, these revenues probably represented only a fraction of the
real volume of trade. Some towns, like Exeter, abandoned the collection of tolls
at certain fairs in order to encourage greater attendance.17 Trading disputes were
heard in fair courts, also known as pie-powder courts, although relatively few of
these records have survived.18 Other legal proceedings describe disputes relating
to trade at fairs, or to the ownership of fairs. These scattered references mean
that attempting to quantify volumes of trade conducted through fairs is rarely
possible and even the identification of trends over time is problematic.
13
The English Manor, ed. by Bailey, pp. 105–11, 184–89.
14
Stallage was the rent paid for ground on which a stall or booth was set and picage was
the payment for picking holes into the ground to erect a stall or booth: Morley, Memoirs of
Bartholomew Fair, p. 128. Laughton and Dyer, ‘Seasonal Patterns of Trade’.
15
Yates, Town and Countryside in Western Berkshire, p. 98.
16
The Priory of Saint Radegund, Cambridge, ed. by Gray, pp. 147, 156, 163, 167.
17
Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter, pp. 60, 65, 68.
18
Pie-powder courts were named after the dusty feet of itinerant merchants: Select Cases
Concerning the Law Merchant, ed. by Gross.
410 John S. Lee
Place-names and field names can provide evidence for the sites of fairs.19
Occasionally, street-names from booths or stalls in the fair survive. Grouping
traders in the largest fairs by their commodity or by their place of origin helped
both customers and those regulating the fair. St Giles’ Fair, Winchester, had a
Candlewick Street and an Exeter Street in the thirteenth century, and the six-
teenth-century fairs at Lenton, Nottingham, and Stourbridge, Cambridge also
had street-names.20 Another important group of sources are household accounts
of individuals and institutions which can detail purchases made at particular fairs
by consumers. Large institutions such as monasteries, colleges, and noble houses
required significant quantities of foodstuffs and hardware goods, plus smaller
amounts of more expensive and higher quality goods, such as imported spices or
luxury cloth — wants which larger fairs were more likely to be able to satisfy than
local markets and small towns.21
Like weekly markets, fairs were a royal franchise, usually authorized by char-
ter. The number of charter grants of new fairs, while falling sharply after the
22
mid-fourteenth century, did not decline to the same extent as the number of new
markets. By 1400, the cumulative number of fairs established up to that date had
exceeded the cumulative total of markets, and by 1516 this gap had widened fur-
ther, with over three hundred more fairs than markets having been recorded.23
However, these cumulative totals include many markets and fairs which were
defunct by the later Middle Ages as well as some that had been granted but may
never have actually operated. Determining how long fairs continued to function
beyond their foundation date can be difficult to ascertain, although their survival
can be traced through the lists compiled by early modern writers and travellers.24
Many fairs and markets contracted or were abandoned with the transformation
in economic conditions following the Black Death and subsequent epidemics of
the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It has been estimated that two-thirds
19
Such as Fairfield (1523) in Croydon (Surrey), Fairesteedes (1360) in Macclesfield
(Cheshire), Faircroft (1538–40) at Lyneham (Wiltshire), and Horse Fair (1349) at Reach
(Cambridgeshire); Field, A History of English Field Names, p. 237; VCH: Wiltshire, ed. by Pugh,
Crittall, and Crowley, ix, 99; The Place-Names of Cambridgeshire, ed. by Reaney, p. 137.
20
Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England: Towns, Commerce and Crafts, pp. 171–74; Greig,
‘The Layout of Lenton Fairground’; Lee, Cambridge and its Economic Region, pp. 120–21.
21
Dyer, ‘The Consumer and the Market’, pp. 306–12.
22
Gazetteer of Markets and Fairs.
23
Britnell, ‘Markets, Shops, Inns, Taverns’, p. 110.
24
Britnell, The Commercialisation of English Society, pp. 11–19, 81–90; Everitt, ‘The
Marketing of Agricultural Produce’, pp. 16–26; Hodgen, ‘Fairs of Elizabethan England’.
of the markets established before 1348 had been lost by the sixteenth century.25
A number of fairs though, remained in operation even where the local market
did not survive, including six locations in Buckinghamshire and, as the sixteenth-
century antiquarian John Leland observed, at Old Bolingbroke (Lincolnshire),
Ellesmere (Shropshire), and Stalbridge (Dorset).26 Furthermore, some fairs were
established in this period without royal charters, such as two country fairs in
southwest Worcestershire, and four in Exeter.27 Markets had often developed
around the local trade in basic foodstuffs and craft goods, for which demand con-
tracted in the later Middle Ages, whereas regional fairs, generally dealing with
goods of a higher value and supplying a wider hinterland, were able to serve grow-
ing areas of trade in the later Middle Ages.
Wool and Cloth

Although many wool sales were made outside formal markets, the thirteenth-
century fairs at Boston, Winchester, and Westminster had been important
wool marts serving merchants from Flanders and Italy. Even at the turn of the
fifteenth century, when Italian merchants were permitted to export directly to
the Mediterranean, rather than having to buy at the Calais Wool Staple, the
Orlandini and Cambini firms of Florence used the annual fairs at Burford and
Northleach to secure supplies for export. A buyer for the Orlandini wrote in
April 1402 that there was a great advantage in buying directly at fairs rather than
at ‘common markets’ as the wools sold there were of better quality and weight,
while a Cambini representative noted in June 1403 that the valuation of wools at
Burford Fair determined prices in the whole of the Cotswolds.28
The cloth industry in the later Middle Ages was characterized by two sig-
nificant phases of export-led growth, and fairs formed an important part of the
marketing network in both phases of expansion. During the first major period
of growth in the later fourteenth century, the cloth industry expanded in a num-
25
Britnell, ‘Urban Demand in the English Economy’; Masschaele, ‘The Multiplicity of
Medieval Markets Reconsidered’.
26
Reed, ‘Markets and Fairs in Medieval Buckinghamshire’, p. 575; Lee, ‘The Functions and
Fortunes of English Small Towns’.
27
Dyer, ‘The Hidden Trade’, p. 150; Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade in
Medieval Exeter, pp. 61–68.
28
Miller and Hatcher, Medieval England: Towns, Commerce and Crafts, pp. 172–74; Fryde,
Peasants and Landlords in Later Medieval England, pp. 88–89, 96–98.
412 John S. Lee
ber of established towns, including Colchester and Salisbury, which also became
centres for the collection and distribution of cloth manufactured in their sur-
rounding hinterlands. Colchester’s two fairs were reorganized in 1374 and their
duration extended to bring more merchants into the town to sell their cloth. The
ulnage accounts show that June and July, when the cloth fairs were held, was the
busiest period of cloth sales in the borough.29 The late fourteenth-century trend
for urban fairs to provide an important market for cloth produced in towns and
their hinterlands continued in the fifteenth century: in 1493 it was reported that
many drapers and other London merchants regularly came to the Lady Day Fair
at Salisbury. A fifteenth-century ordinance forbade clothworkers to sell their
wares outside Salisbury except at St Edmund’s Fair, held just outside the city.
Salisbury clothmakers also sold their rays (i.e. striped cloths) at London fairs.30
Fairs also provided outlets for the cloth manufactured in small towns and
rural areas during the second phase of export-led growth, from the 1470s. One
such area was the West Country, where a regional cycle of fairs drew cloth-makers
and traders from Wells and north Somerset and merchants from Bristol.31 In the
1530s, a clothier of Dulverton disputed the price of kerseys sold at St James’ Fair,
Bristol.32 During the same decade, John Gryffithe, a coverlet-weaver of Bristol,
sold coverlets, beds and other household things that he had made at fairs and
markets in Somerset, including Bridgwater Fair, where the bailiff confiscated
some of his leather cushions.33 Textile production also developed in the Lake
District, from where the two ‘kendalmen’ who held stalls at Stourbridge Fair in
1523/4 had probably brought cloth. Cloth from Kendal, as well as from the small
West Riding towns of Ripon, Leeds, Wakefield, Halifax, and Bradford, was listed
in the regulations of the Ascensiontide Fair at York in 1502.34 Fairs at Bradford,
Halifax, and Wakefield presumably provided an outlet for the cloth made in those
districts. Certainly, in 1540, John Stede of Norland near Halifax bequeathed 20s.
to his brother to assist his wife and daughter ‘to sell ther cloth in the faires in
Yorkshier’.35 Another area of growing cloth production was the Stour Valley of
Suffolk, from where clothmakers and weavers regularly attended Stourbridge Fair
29
Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester, pp. 68, 80, 102, 181.
30
VCH: Wiltshire, ed. by Pugh, Crittall, and Crowley, iv, 125–26; vi, 141.
31
Shaw, The Creation of a Community, p. 87.
32
Kew, TNA, C1/886/25.
33
Kew, TNA, C1/800/36–37.
34
York Civic Records, ed. by Raine, ii, 166.
35
McCutcheon, Yorkshire Fairs and Markets, pp. 51, 110, 131, 135; Heaton, The Yorkshire
Woollen, pp. 71, 75, 145.
in Cambridge during the 1520s. These traders were known as ‘Hadleigh men’ in
the rentals of the fair.36
Stourbridge Fair also attracted a range of other cloth sellers, including Coventry
merchants, usually drapers or mercers, who regularly paid rent for two booths
known as the Woolfleece and Horseloaf between the 1520s and 1550s. A tailor and
two hosiers of Westminster travelled to the fair in the 1480s to gather cloth as they
‘muste nedis occupye in thair saide occupacions’. In the 1530s, a London draper
stated that he had sold embroidery products from a booth in the fair for twenty-
four years. In the 1550s, fines were collected for the sale of broad cloths, caps,
feather beds, freize, hair cloths, kerseys, and mattresses, and the fair also attracted
drapers from York and Wakefield, and cloth traders from Ipswich and Bristol.37
Another important fair for cloth sales was St Bartholomew’s Fair, London,
first recorded in the twelfth century and held in the priory churchyard in West
Smithfield.38 Cloth could only be sold wholesale in London at the cloth market in
Blackwell Hall or at the fairs of St Bartholomew, Southwark, and Westminster.39
Sixteenth-century clothiers from Heptonstall, Halifax, and Huddersfield left
bequests in their wills for their booths at St Bartholomew’s Fair. In 1558 it was
reported that ‘dyvers clothiars of sundry partes of the realm’ came to the fair
with coarse cloths and kerseys, and the Privy Council conferred with men from
Halifax, Manningham, and Selby in Yorkshire, and Bewdley in Shropshire about
cloth statutes.40 The fair also attracted London buyers, such as Robert Tallmage,
merchant tailor, who would ‘bestow and paye grett sums of mony att the seyd
Feast of Seynt Bartholomew’ during his ‘great Besynes’ at the fair in the 1530s.41
In 1508, the fair received a trader from Knowle (Warwickshire), a settlement that
had only emerged as a trading centre during the preceding half-century.42 In a
letter to Thomas Cromwell in 1535, Sir John Aleyn suggested that about twenty
thousand pounds’ worth of goods would come to the fair even though this was
at a time when he expected cloth sellers to have very slack sales.43 According to
36
Lee, Cambridge and its Economic Region, p. 125.
37
Lee, Cambridge and its Economic Region, pp. 127–28, 132, 136.
38
Morley, Memoirs of Bartholomew Fair, pp. 1–64.
39
Johnson, The History of the Worshipful Company of the Drapers, i, 116; ii, 26.
40
Heaton, The Yorkshire Woollen, pp. 146–47.
41
Kew, TNA, C1/905/3.
42
Kew, TNA, C1/301/4; Dyer, ‘The Hidden Trade’, p. 148.
43
Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic […] Henry VIII, ed. by Brewer, Gairdner, and
Brodie, ix, no. 152, p. 44.
414 John S. Lee
the late sixteenth-century antiquarian John Stow, it had been a fair to which ‘the
Clothiers of all England, and Drapers of London repayred’.44 The prominence
which fairs like Stourbridge and St Bartholomew’s enjoyed in the cloth trade was
reinforced by a statute of 1554–55 which prohibited anyone living in the country
to sell by retail ‘wollen clothe, lynnen clothe, haberdashe wares, brocery wares,
mercerye wares’ in any towns except in open fairs.45
Livestock
A number of fairs acted as important marketing links in the livestock and meat
trades, connecting rural graziers, cattle drovers, and urban butchers. Many
of these trading networks expanded over longer distances in the later Middle
Ages, reflecting the shift from arable to pastoral farming, growing demand due
to higher standards of living, and increasingly specialized regional production.
A ring of fairs around London, including Kingston (Surrey), Stortford (Essex),
and Uxbridge (Middlesex), provided livestock and other produce to the capital.46
Essex fairs were specifically identified as a source of livestock by the London
butchers’ guild in 1439 which decreed that no freemen should ride to fairs in
Essex or elsewhere to buy cattle from drovers.47 Demand from Exeter in the late
fourteenth century stimulated cattle rearing in its hinterland as well as promoting
the development of the city as a centre for livestock trade. Exeter traders visited
livestock fairs at Lydford, Holsworthy, Chudleigh, and particularly Crediton,
which enjoyed a key geographical position on the edge of the Dartmoor, east
Devon, and mid-Devon regions.48
The fairs of Birmingham and Coventry drew Welsh cattle drovers and west
midland graziers.49 West midland buyers also went to Leominster Fair, where
over half the cattle sold in 1556 had come from Wales, with one-third from
Radnorshire, and others from as far as St David’s, Pembroke, and Carmarthen.50
44
Stow, A Survey of London, ii, 27.
45
1 & 2 Philip and Mary c. 7 (1553–55): Statutes of the Realm, iv, pt 1, 244–45.
46
Galloway, ‘Town and Country in England’, p. 113.
47
Jones, The Butchers of London, p. 99.
48
Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter, pp. 46, 294.
49
Britnell, The Commercialisation of English Society, p. 160; Holt, The Early History of the
Town of Birmingham, p. 10.
50
Bathurst and Cole, ‘Leominster Fair’; Hillaby and Hillaby, Leominster Minster, p. 245.
Coventry’s fairs attracted monastic households from outside the local region,
such as the receiver of Peterborough Abbey, who bought two consignments of
cows there in 1504/5.51 Coventry lay at the centre of a region which experienced
a major shift from arable cultivation to cattle and sheep rearing during the fif-
teenth century, leading to the depopulation of villages and enclosures for pas-
tures in many parts of Warwickshire, Leicestershire, and Northamptonshire. The
Forest of Arden developed a specialized beef cattle trade, with graziers supplying
London as well as local towns.52
Cattle were imported from northern England into Suffolk, where Halesworth
Fair was known for its trade in northern bullocks, and Woolpit Fair attracted
northern cattle drovers by the late fifteenth century.53 John Capell, farmer
of Porter’s Hall in Stebbing (Essex) bought ‘northern steers’ at the fairs of
Woolpit and Ely in the early 1480s.54 The Cambridgeshire fenland also provided
opportunities for pastoral farming, particularly cattle rearing and dairying, and
the fairs of Ely attracted cattle traders from significant distances. Henry Gyll,
servant of Lord Dacre of Gilsland, and residing at Cumrew in Cumberland, sold
twenty steers to John Girlinge of Stradbroke, Suffolk, on 7 September 1536, and
agreed to collect most of the payment on 17 October at Ely fair.55 The butcher
Richard Petrisburgh bought cows and steers through his agent at Ely in 1394,
sixty-seven miles (or 107 km) distant from his home of Colchester.56
The leather trades grew and diversified in the later Middle Ages, due to
improved living standards for many, as well as the greater supply of hides and
skins from an expansion in the numbers of cattle and sheep. Fairs formed part of
the expanding regional trading networks. A tanner from Milverton (Somerset)
travelled nearly twenty-five miles to sell calf skins at Lammas fair in Exeter, and
Exeter cordwainers travelled over thirty miles to buy goat skins at the fair in St
Decuman (Somerset).57 In 1462 the fair at Melton Mowbray attracted tanners who
had travelled between twenty-five and fifty miles, from Rotherham (Yorkshire),
51
Account Rolls of the Obedientiaries of Peterborough, ed. by Greatrex, pp. 181, 195.
52
Fryde, Peasants and Landlords in Later Medieval England, pp. 185–208; Britnell, The
Commercialisation of English Society, p. 201.
53
54
Britnell, The Closing of the Middle Ages?, p. 221.
55
Kew, TNA, C1/804/31.
56
Britnell, Growth and Decline in Colchester, p. 142.
57
Kowalski, ‘Town and Country’; Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval
Exeter, p. 306.
416 John S. Lee
Eckington (Derbyshire), Newark (Nottinghamshire), and Burton upon Trent

(Staffordshire).58 A Star Chamber case of Henry VIII’s reign concerned the
seizure of a boatload of calf skins intended for sale at Faversham Fair.59 By the
1540s, leather and hides were the main commodities sold at Southwark Fair.60
A national statute of 1533 restricted the sale of tanned leather to open fairs and
markets where the quality could be examined.61
A number of fairs specialized in the horse trade, which increasingly developed
on an inter-regional basis between areas of horse breeding. 62 These included
the Yorkshire fairs of Howden, Northallerton and Ripon, the latter described
by John Leland as ‘much celebratid for byenge of horses’.63 The fair at Woolpit,
sited on the main road from Ipswich to Bury, and a popular pilgrimage centre,
attracted John Howard, duke of Norfolk, in 1481, and the prior of Thetford, in
the early sixteenth century, to buy horses there. In 1586, William Harrison noted
that a ‘great plenty of horses and colts’ were bought and sold yearly at this fair,
and those at Ripon, Newport Pond (Essex), and Harborough.64 The distance
which some traders covered is illustrated by the petition brought by John a Man,
a girdler of London, who had bought a white gelding from the vicar of Olveston
(Gloucestershire) at St James’s Fair, Bristol in 1533; at Stourbridge Fair in
September of the same year, Richard Wryght claimed that the gelding was his and
had strayed from him.65
Fish
Some fairs were major markets for fish, and served the increasing demand for a
wider variety of fish in the later Middle Ages. This was stimulated by growing
incomes among the lower and middle ranks of society, while the continued influ-
ence of the Church promoted abstinence from meat for almost half the days of
58
Laughton and Dyer, ‘Seasonal Patterns of Trade’, p. 181.
59
Kew, TNA, STAC 2/26/389.
60
Carlin, Medieval Southwark, pp. 123–24, 186.
61
24 Hen. VIII c. 10: Statutes of the Realm, iii, 417–19.
62
Edwards, ‘The Horse Trade’.
63
The Itinerary of John Leland, ed. by Smith, i, 82; Farmer, ‘Marketing the Produce of the
Countryside’, p. 380.
64
Amor, ‘Riding out Recession’, p. 135; Harrison, The Description of England, ed. by Edelen,
p. 308.
65
Kew, TNA, C1/722/5.
the year. The expansion of fishing in south Devon and Cornwall helped to pro-
mote Exeter as a regional fish market, and the city capitalized on this by establish-
ing an Ash Wednesday fair in 1374. As the fair was shrewdly timed to coincide
with the peak in seasonal demand at the beginning of Lent, and because there was
no competition within the county in the two months before or after it, revenues
from the fair increased rapidly. During the fifteenth century it became the city’s
most profitable fair.66
The fishing industry along the east coast was less buoyant than that in the
southwest of England, as it was damaged by the Hundred Years War, by competi-
tion from the Low Countries, and by the silting of several harbours, but some
ports benefitted by sending fleets into the cod fishing grounds near Iceland during
the early fifteenth century. The dates of fairs often reflected the seasonal migration
of herring along the coast, with a group of August fairs held in Northumberland
and Durham, late August fairs in Yorkshire, and September fairs in north
Lincolnshire.67 The herring fair at Great Yarmouth ran from Michaelmas to
Martinmas and coincided with the peak of the herring fishing season. The Cinque
Ports claimed rights during this fair and the borough had to share fines from the
fair court, arrangements which led to lengthy disputes.68 Other exceptionally long
fairs of between twenty-nine and forty-three days duration had been granted to
the Yorkshire ports of Scarborough, Hull and Ravenserodd during the thirteenth
century. Fourteenth-century customs accounts show that the fair at Scarborough,
held in August and September, coincided with imports of herring and salt. In
1310–11, the collectors only appear to have opened the port during the period of
the fair. The importance of the fair was stated in a dispute between Lowestoft and
Yarmouth over fishing rights and the sale of herring in 1378: ‘the great dearness
of herring that has now been in this year is because the fair of Scarborough and of
Whitby failed, as it well known to the people of those parts’.69
However, not all fairs that handled saltwater fish were located on the coast. A
mid-sixteenth-century letter outlining arrangements for supplying fish for Lent
noted that Lichfield Fair on Ash Wednesday ‘rewls the price in this contre’, and
66
Kowaleski, ‘The Expansion of the South-Western Fisheries’, p. 447; Kowaleski, Local
Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter, pp. 66–67, 311; Serjeantson and Woolgar, ‘Fish
Consumption’.
67
Kowaleski, ‘The Seasonality of Fishing’.
68
Tittler, ‘The English Fishing Industry’, pp. 49–52.
69
Childs, ‘Mercantile Scarborough’; Daniell and Bould, ‘Markets, Mills and Tolls’, pp. 17,
19–22, 36; Gazetteer of Markets and Fairs.
418 John S. Lee
Sir Henry Willoughby’s household at Wollaton Hall (Nottinghamshire) bought

fish there.70 The fairs of Ely and Stourbridge were important outlets for saltwater
fish from the east coast. Local buyers like the Cambridge colleges, St Radegund’s
Priory, and estate officials from the Cambridgeshire manors of Crowland Abbey
were joined by more distant consumers like Thetford Priory, Oseney Abbey,
Oxford, and the Willoughby family from Nottinghamshire. A statute of 1534
against forestalling and regrating of fish applied particularly to Stourbridge, St
Ives, and Ely fairs ‘being the most notable faires within this Realme for provysions
of fysshe’. This act was repealed in 1544 as it had apparently discouraged mer-
chants of London, Coventry, and elsewhere from purchasing fish at the coast and
carrying it to the fairs, and had consequently driven fishermen to seek out markets
for their catches, who had to pay the wages of their mariners and servants in their
absence. Two fairs that had been granted to King’s Lynn in 1537 were revoked in
1542, following their alleged damage to ‘the Provysion of Salt fyshe & Heryng’ at
Ely, Stourbridge, and other fairs in Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire.71
Household and Consumer Goods

Fairs were an important source of retail goods, providing bulk quantities of basic
necessities for households and farms, as well as a range of specialist consumer
goods. The redistribution of wealth that was a consequence of the population
decline of the later Middle Ages led to growing consumption among the middle
and lower classes of society, and to increased output of some goods, such as
pewter, even though overall demand for many basic commodities fell. Indeed
recent research has suggested that this period saw the beginnings of a consumer
revolution (more conventionally attributed to the early modern period) with
the appearance of new consumer goods, increases in the amount and range of
possessions, and the penetration of consumer demand further down the social
scale.72 Fairs provided an important means of distributing these products.
In the thirteenth century, the largest fairs had enabled large and wealthy insti-
tutions, such as Durham Priory and the royal wardrobe, to make retail purchases
on a very large scale, and Walter of Henley had advised buying wine, wax and
70
Catalogue of the Arundel Castle Manuscripts, p. 181; Report on the Manuscripts of Lord
Middleton, ed. by Stevenson, pp. 342, 351, 372, 380, 387.
71
Lee, Cambridge and its Economic Region, pp. 130–31.
72
Hatcher and Barker, A History of British Pewter, pp. 46–59; Dyer, An Age of Transition?,
pp. 126–57; Kowaleski, ‘A Consumer Economy’.
items for the wardrobe at Boston Fair and other purchases at Winchester, Bristol,
and St Ives.73 Although from the fourteenth century onwards, many of these
purchases were made in towns, larger fairs continued to offer the opportunity to
make bulk purchases from a wide range of traders. The 1512 regulations for the
household of Henry Percy, fifth earl of Northumberland, recommended purchas-
ing goods at fairs:
He that standes chargid with my Lordes house for the houill yeir if he may possible
shall be at all Faires wheir the grocie empcions shal be boughte for the house for
the houlle yeire as wyne wax beiffes multons wheite and maltie. And if he may not
thanne to apointe the clerk comptroiller with such oithur persons as he thinkis
good to go to the said faires for bying of the forsaid groice empcions.74
Similarly in the early sixteenth century, the prior of Royston shopped at

Stourbridge Fair, ‘for the provision & store of his said house for all the whole year
following’.75 Households used fairs in this way to buy fish, cloth, and hardware
products, as well as farm equipment such as horseshoes, nails, tar and sawn
timber.76 Even these basic products reflected local crafts and specialisms: the fairs
of Ely sold a wide range of basketry products produced from the reeds of the
fenland, and Thetford Priory bought leaps (baskets to catch and store fish), two
eared skeps (baskets without lids), maunds (baskets with handles and lids), and
saddle-leaps (baskets attached to the side of a pack-animal).77 Major fairs brought
traders and consumers from long distances. Melton Mowbray fair attracted a
craftsman who travelled forty miles from Salcey Forest to sell glass in 1437, and a
trader bringing wooden spokes from Rockingham Forest, thirty miles away.78 In
the 1420s and 1430s, members from the households of Sir William Mountford
of Kingshurst (Warwickshire), Thomas of Lancaster, duke of Clarence, at
Greenwich, and Burcester Priory (Oxfordshire) journeyed to Stourbridge Fair.79
At fairs these households could buy in bulk and direct from leading merchants,
and thereby obtain their goods at wholesale, rather than retail, prices.80
73
Walter of Henley, ed. by Oschinsky, p. 399.
74
The Regulations and Establishment, ed. by Percy, p. 407.
75
Kew, TNA, C1/438/33.
76
Farmer, ‘Marketing the Produce of the Countryside’, pp. 343–44.
77
The Register of Thetford Priory, ed. by Dymond, i, 93, 117, 149, 164, 191.
78
Laughton and Dyer, ‘Seasonal Patterns of Trade’, p. 181.
79
80
Dyer, ‘The Consumer and the Market’, pp. 308–10.
420 John S. Lee
The largest fairs though, also had a range of more expensive products, such
as spices and haberdashery. Sir Henry Willoughby’s household spent over ten
pounds on spices including pepper, maces, cloves, currants, sugar candy, almonds,
aniseed, sugar loaves, ginger, and prunes at Lenton Fair, Nottingham in 1524.81
The wife of Thomas Barneby of London, haberdasher, brought caps, hats, and
other haberdashery wares to be sold in Stourbridge Fair, worth over one hundred
pounds when seized for a debt in the 1520s.82 A London silkwoman held a little
booth in Stourbridge Fair in 1523/4, and another London silkwoman had died
whilst away at Stourbridge Fair in the late fifteenth century.83
Many of these goods, including saffron, were sold both retail and wholesale.
The late fifteenth and early sixteenth century saw the development of saffron
cultivation in north Essex and south Cambridgeshire, centred on Cambridge
and Saffron Walden. Saffron was used as a dye, a pigment in manuscripts, as
a flavouring and colouring in cookery, and possibly as a medicine. London
merchants used fairs to obtain saffron, including John Capon, stockfishmonger
of London, who contracted with William Elyott of Cottered in Hertfordshire
at Stourbridge Fair in the early sixteenth century.84 In the same period, Robert
Goldwyn of Hertfordshire, haberdasher, brought a plea against John Howsden
of Grantchester, yeoman, who had failed to deliver forty pounds in weight of
saffron to him, which he had planned to sell to a London grocer. The saffron
was to have been brought to ‘Colle fayre’, which was probably Cold Fair, held at
Newport, Essex.85 In the mid-sixteenth century, the treasurers of Walden took
forfeitures of saffron at the town’s Ursula Fair from traders from Walsingham
(Norfolk) and Suffolk.86
Wholesale and retail sales of specialist metalware products took place in
some fairs. As demand for fine tableware led to the rising use of pewterware, fairs
became an important method of distribution. Two partners in a York pewter
business visited fairs at Barnsley and Bedale (Yorkshire) in 1485.87 Pewterers
also used fairs to buy old or damaged pewter to reuse in producing new wares:
two Cambridge institutions, St Radegund’s Priory and King’s Hall, had vessels
81
Report on the Manuscripts of Lord Middleton, ed. by Stevenson, p. 372.
82
Kew, TNA, C1/471/12.
83
Dale, ‘The London Silkwomen’, p. 327.
84
Lee, ‘The Trade of Fifteenth-Century Cambridge’, pp. 137–38.
85
Kew, TNA, C1/809/45; Harrison, The Description of England, ed. by Edelen, p. 253, n. 9.
86
Clark, ‘Saffron and Walden’, p. 61.
87
Hatcher and Barker, A History of British Pewter, p. 253.
garnished or exchanged at fairs. There was a goldsmiths’ row at Lenton Fair

in 1516, and sites were specified for goldsmiths and jewellers at the York fairs
in 1502. Goldsmiths are listed in the fines collected in Stourbridge Fair in the
1550s, and York goldsmiths also travelled to the fair.88 Robert Barlow, mercer of
Mansfield, bought what he believed to be a silver saucer at Chesterfield Fair but
found it to be tin.89 Fairs were used to dispose of church ornament and plate at
the Reformation. In 1540 for instance, the churchwardens of Great St Mary’s,
Cambridge, sold a collar of gold and a relic of St Nicholas at Stourbridge Fair.
The fellows of Clare Hall, anticipating the dissolution of their college, sold the
college plate at the fair in 1549.90
Some fairs could offer a range of other specialist goods and services. At Oxford
and Cambridge, fairs catered for the academic market. John Dorne, an Oxford
bookseller, sold books in the fairs at the feast of St Augustine and St Frideswide
in 1520. Joyce Pykegrome of London, bookseller, sold law titles at Stourbridge
Fair in the 1490s. Wax, paper, and parchment could also be purchased at this
fair.91 The majority of fairs however, were much smaller affairs, and seem to
have had trading hinterlands that were not significantly larger than those of the
weekly markets held in small towns and villages. In 1508, the commodities traded
at Reach Fair, eight miles northeast of Cambridge, included a horse, a pair of
shoes, 10½ quarters of barley, and various lengths of woollen cloth, and these
were bought by local merchants, husbandmen, and labourers, rather than large
institutions, although King’s College and Thetford Priory occasionally purchased
horses there.92
Contemporary writers made complaints about some of the goods avail-
able in fairs, particularly imported wares and those that appealed to the lower
orders in society. In Piers Plowman, William Langland presents the character of
Covetousness as an apprentice who is sent to fairs at Weyhill and Winchester
with all kinds of wares, which can only be sold through guile.93 A school book of
88
Greig, ‘The Layout of Lenton Fairground’, pp. 130–34; Lee, Cambridge and its Economic
Region, p. 132.
89
Kew, TNA, C1/1197/9.
90
91
Kew, TNA, C1/218/2; Madan, ‘The Daily Ledger of John Dorne’, pp. 103, 124; Lee,
Cambridge and its Economic Region, p. 133.
92
Lee, Cambridge and its Economic Region, pp. 119, 130, 134.
93
Piers Plowman, The A Version, ed. by Kane, pp. 233–34 quoted in Davis, “‘Men as March
with Fote Packes”’, p. 150. The fair mentioned in Piers Plowman at Wy or Wych is usually identi-
fied as Weyhill (Hampshire) but may have been Wye (Kent); Gazetteer of Markets and Fairs.
422 John S. Lee
English prose passages with Latin translations, probably written by a teacher of

grammar at Magdalen School, Oxford at the end of the fifteenth century, warns
students about spending ‘all their fathers goodes in japys and trifulles’ at the fair,
lured by the deceitful habits of London traders. Other passages describe a pen
case and ink horn bought at the fair, and seeing friends at the fair wearing gold
chains and brooches with gold, pearls, and precious stones.94 The author of a ‘trea-
tise concerning the Staple and the commodities of this realm’, written c. 1519–35,
bemoaned the ‘quantite of strange merchaundise and artificiall fantasies brought
into the realme […] so many pedlars and chapmen, that from fair to fair, from
markett to markett, carieth it to sell in horspakks and fote pakks, in basketts
and budgetts’.95 As the treatise noted, chapmen and pedlars distributed manu-
factured and small-scale luxury goods, some imported, through fairs and mar-
kets.96 Payments were taken for packs of goods carried by pedlars at Stourbridge
Fair, there was a common house for packs at Lent Fair in Bridgwater, and a night
watch was arranged over the packs at St James’s Fair, Bristol.97
Entertainment, Recreation, and Other Functions

The rising income that many groups in society experienced after the Black Death
allowed some to choose recreational pursuits, and this trend favoured many fairs.
The literature produced in the wake of the Black Death included many complaints
about the idleness of peasants and labourers. This emerging leisure culture was
reflected in the growth of taverns and the social activities of religious guilds,
as well as in the popularity of games such as football or dice.98 Fairs provided a
range of recreational activities, coinciding with saints’ days and pilgrimages, and
offering entertainment, food, and drink.
Many fairs had their origins in church festivals, and the dates of many fairs
were tied to the dedication of a local church, such as Norton St Philip (Somerset)
with its fair on the feast of Philip and James the Apostles, to whom the parish
church was dedicated.99 The large crowds attracted by feast days provided poten-
tial customers and opportunities for trade, and fairs served as social occasions,
94
A Fifteenth Century School Book, ed. by Nelson, pp. 14, 22, 54, 90.
95
Tudor Economic Documents, ed. by Tawney and Power, iii, 109.
96
Davis, “‘Men as March with Fote Packes”’; Spufford, The Great Reclothing of Rural England.
97
Lee, Cambridge and its Economic Region, p. 124.
98
Hatcher, ‘England in the Aftermath’; Bailey, Medieval Suffolk, p. 251.
99
The Itinerary of John Leland, ed. by Smith, i, 139.
providing entertainment as well as commerce. In many towns these ties survived

to the Reformation. St Etheldreda’s Fair at Ely was linked to the feast of the patron
saint whose shrine was housed within the cathedral. The fair sold tawdry lace, silk
lace or neckties, which were held in veneration as having touched the shrine.100
The prior of Blackfriars in Cambridge reported that an image of Our Lady in
his house drew much pilgrimage, especially at the time of Stourbridge Fair.101 In
Bristol, the proctors of All Saint’s Church recorded income from pilgrims going
to St James’s Fair in 1434/5 in their accounts. Entertainment accompanied these
fairs, with the sheriffs of Bristol paying for wrestling at St Lawrence tide, together
with pears and wine there, and wrestling at St James-tide in the Marsh, the site
of the fairground.102 The Corpus Christi day fair in Coventry coincided with the
processions and mystery plays performed by the craft guilds on the same day. In
1485, the cappers paid 2d. to two harness men at the fair, and in 1534 the drapers
paid four men on ‘fere Freydaye’ bringing harnesses.103
The provision of food and drink must have helped to create a convivial
atmosphere at most fairs. Even for the very minor fair held by St Radegund’s
Priory in Cambridge on the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, the nuns
took on an extra cook at the time of the fair.104 There were three cookeries at
Lenton Fair in 1516, probably producing hot, ready-to-eat food.105 Stourbridge
Fair and Reach Fair in Cambridgeshire attracted brewers and petty traders
selling ale and victuals, including many women. The ale sellers and their booths
disappear from the accounts of Stourbridge Fair during the late 1520s, which
may represent the development of larger-scale production and increased demand
for beer. By the late sixteenth century, William Harrison complained that some
fairs had ‘little else bought or sold in them more than good drink, pies, and some
peddlery trash’.106
100
OED, ed. by Simpson and Weiner, xvii, 675; Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic
[…] Henry VIII, ed. by Brewer, Gairdner, and Brodie, vi, no. 1264, pp. 315–16; VCH:
Cambridge and Ely, ed. by Salzman and others, iv, 50.
101
Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic […] Henry VIII, ed. by Brewer, Gairdner, and
Brodie, xiii (2), no. 224, p. 85.
102
The Pre-Reformation Records of All Saints Church, ed. by Burgess, i, 65
103
VCH: Warwick, ed. by Page, Salzman, and Stephens, viii, 212–14, 219, 243, 247; The
Coventry Leet Book, ed. by Harris, iv, 856.
104
The Priory of Saint Radegund, Cambridge, ed. by Gray, p. 167
105
Greig, ‘The Layout of Lenton Fairground’, pp. 132–34. Carlin, ‘Fast Food and Urban
Living Standards’.
106
VCH: Cambridge and Ely, ed. by Salzman and others, x, 227; Harrison, The Description
of England, ed. by Edelen, p. 391.
424 John S. Lee
Fairs also provided news, recreation, and entertainment. Farmer suggested

that fairs ‘brought a touch of the exotic and a hint of the world over the horizon’,
and that these entertainments may have helped the lesser fairs to survive as social
events even when their importance in marketing produce had contracted.107 The
Pastons awaited news from St Bartholomew’s Fair, London, and bonfires were
lit at Stourbridge Fair to celebrate the birth of Henry VIII’s daughter, Princess
Elizabeth.108 Some of the diverse range of travelling entertainers who visited
noble and ecclesiastical households probably performed at fairs: the Thetford
Priory accounts include over ninety separate payments to visiting actors and
one hundred and fifteen to minstrels, nine visits by town waits, and six by the
king’s juggler, twenty-two references to bearwards, and a couple of appearances
of a man with a camel.109 While the religious changes of the Reformation ended
pilgrimage and abolished many major regional festivals, it is difficult to see any
resulting decline in fairs. In the late sixteenth century, William Harrison blamed
smaller fairs for ‘the corruption of youth, who (all other business set apart) must
needs repair unto them, whereby they often spend not only the weekdays but also
the Lord’s Sabbath in great vanity and riot’.110
The fear of disorder that Harrison expressed was not unfounded, as fairs could
provide a conduit for news and dissent during periods of wider upheaval. In
1395, for instance, Barnwell Priory feared great numbers of the commonalty and
university of Cambridge going to Barnwell Fair, and the sheriffs were ordered to
proclaim that no unlawful assemblies were to be made.111 This was only fourteen
years after the Peasants’ Revolt in Cambridge which had included attacks on the
priory. A proclamation announcing the suppression of rebels in Lincolnshire,
made at St Wilfrid’s Fair in Ripon in 1536, may have sparked risings in the
surrounding rural areas of Nidderdale, Kirkby Malzeard, and Masham, part of
the revolt known as the Pilgrimage of Grace.112 Kett’s rebellion and the associated
upheaval in East Anglia in summer 1549, which saw enclosures thrown down
and camps outside a handful of Suffolk towns and Norwich, seems to have been
organized through coordinated planning at local gatherings like the fairs at
Sudbury and Stowmarket.113
107
Farmer, ‘Marketing the Produce of the Countryside’, p. 347.
108
Paston Letters, ed. by Davis, i, 440, ii, 42; Annals of Cambridge, ed. by Cooper, i, 360.
109
The Register of Thetford Priory, ed. by Dymond, i, 47–52.
110
Harrison, The Description of England, ed. by Edelen, p. 391
111
Calendar of Close Rolls: Richard II, v, 426–27.
112
Hoyle, The Pilgrimage of Grace, p. 213.
113
MacCulloch, ‘Kett’s Rebellion in Context’, pp. 39–40.
Fairs also enabled the hiring of labour and the collection of debts. Legislation
in the wake of the Black Death established a national framework for employ-
ment contracts. The network of fairs and markets provided places at which hiring
could take place under public scrutiny, although households also found servants
through kinship, trading, and neighbourhood links. Coventry held a Good Friday
market ‘be which people were lette fro service’ in 1452, which may have been an
early example of the hiring or statute fairs that developed during the early modern
period. A number of fairs coincided with the traditional dates for hiring servants,
which were Martinmas and Pentecost in the north, and Michaelmas in southern
and midland England.114 Fairs also provided useful opportunities to settle debts,
such as those enrolled by merchants in fifteenth-century York, which were often
paid on feast days that coincided with fairs held in the city.115 Similarly, the courts
in Wells used the cycle of principal cloth fairs in north Somerset as convenient
times and places to pay debts.116 Stourbridge Fair was used by the Ipswich mer-
chant Henry Tooley to collect debts and by officials from Peterborough abbey to
collect rents.117 The mid-sixteenth-century ledger of the Bristol merchant John
Smyth included agreements to collect debts for Toulouse woad and sack, malm-
sey, bastard, and Gascon wine at ‘Caswstons’ fair, possibly Corston (Somerset),
iron at the fairs at Norton St Philip, and wool oil at Stourbridge Fair.118 Such
arrangements were a convenient way of ensuring that major traders would be pre-
sent, and that a large amount of cash would be available.
London
The later Middle Ages saw the growing commercial ascendancy of London. The
capital grew in size and wealth more rapidly than the leading provincial towns.
Overseas trade, particularly cloth exports, was increasingly handled through London
at the expense of other ports. London merchants competed successfully against
provincial merchants, dominated credit networks and stimulated production,
including knife-making at Thaxted, saffron cultivation in Walden, and cloth-
114
The Coventry Leet Book, ed. by Harris, ii, 272; Roberts, ‘“Waiting upon Chance”’, p. 127;
Goldberg, Women, Work, and Life Cycle, pp. 173–77; Bridbury, ‘Markets and Freedom’, pp. 106,
118; Kussmaul, ‘The Ambiguous Mobility of Farm Servants’.
115
Kermode, Medieval Merchants, p. 234.
116
Shaw, The Creation of a Community, p. 87.
117
Lee, Cambridge and its Economic Region, p. 136–37.
118
The Ledger of John Smythe, ed. by Vanes, pp. 23, 43, 56, 147, 164, 298.
426 John S. Lee
making from the West Riding to the West Country.119 The growing ascendancy of
the capital was reflected in the presence of Londoners at several prominent fairs,
and the increasing concerns of the London craft guilds to exercise powers of search
or restrict their members from attending a number of provincial fairs.
Several London companies tried to exercise control through searches of
goods made at fairs. Rights of search in London fairs could create disputes, like
that between the drapers and tailors at St Bartholomew’s Fair in 1441,120 but
the companies increasingly made attempts to oversee wares at fairs outside the
capital. In 1423, parliament was requested to allow the London embroiderers
to search the fairs of Stourbridge, Ely, Oxford, and Salisbury, and the wardens
of the Horners’ Company were given authority to search for defective wares in
Stourbridge and Ely fairs in 1464.121 The Skinners’ Company sent searchers to
Stourbridge and Bristol fairs.122 The Founders’ Company fined members for
going to Southwark Fair and Maidstone Fair ‘unsearched’ in the early sixteenth
century.123 However, surviving records suggest that, in practice, it was only
the Goldsmiths’ and Pewterers’ Companies that exercised their powers to any
significant degree. The goldsmiths agreed in 1372 to send wardens to fairs ‘held
both outside and inside towns’ and took fines at Winchester Fair. During the
mid-fifteenth century the wardens journeyed to Stourbridge and Bristol fairs.
The pewterers made extensive searches between 1474 and 1477 when they
visited thirty-six towns and, presumably expecting to be challenged, they took to
Stourbridge Fair their charter granting the right of search.124 The prime motive
for the searches appears to have been the profits received from the fines and the
sale of seized goods, but the guilds also tried to prevent the sale of poor quality
goods which would have undercut wares produced in London.
Several London guilds sought to pass the transaction costs of acquiring goods
over to provincial merchants by prohibiting their members from attending pro-
vincial fairs, as well as endeavouring to protect London prices.125 The mercers
119
Keene, ‘Medieval London’; Keene, ‘National and Regional Identitites’.
120
Barron, ‘Ralph Holland and the London Radicals’.
121
Rotuli Parliamentorum, iv, 254, v, 567.
122
Records of the Skinners of London, ed. by Lambert, p. 325; Veale, The English Fur Trade, p. 199.
123
Wardens’ Accounts […] Founders, ed. by Parsloe, pp. 51, 56, 58.
124
Wardens’ Accounts […] Goldsmiths, ed. by Jefferson, p. 157; Reddaway, The Early History
of the Goldsmiths’ Company, pp. 36–37, 59, n. 70, pp. 93, 133–34, 140–41; Homer, ‘The
Pewterers Company’s Country Searches’, pp. 101–03.
125
Britnell, ‘Urban Demand in the English Economy’, p. 14.
forbade their members from attending fairs or markets outside London in 1376
and reasserted this ordinance in 1404. The grocers adopted similar restrictions
during the fifteenth century. By the 1470s, however, the mercers felt that the hab-
erdashers had become too successful through their trade at fairs, and campaigned
to persuade the mayor, common council, and wardens of other companies that
no freemen should go to provincial fairs to sell goods. Seventeen London crafts
expressed willingness to refrain but eleven refused, and the mercers temporarily
abandoned their policy.126 In 1487 though, the common council forbade all free-
men of London, on penalty of one hundred pounds, from sending goods to pro-
vincial fairs and markets. However, a substantial number of other crafts opposed
the restraint, the ordinance was suspended a month later, and parliament subse-
quently annulled it.127
Some London companies continued to press for restrictions. In 1491 the
mercers prepared a parliamentary bill to reform ‘the great abusion’ arising from
members attending fairs, and the Founders’ Company paid for bills put to the
mayor ‘for goyng to fayres’ in 1497/8 and 1500/1.128 The goldsmiths prohibited
their members from travelling to fairs in 1498 and 1500 but a number defied
the ban and were fined at Bristol Fair. 129 The extent of disruption created by
these restrictions is difficult to quantify as some London merchants found
it more profitable to pay fines to their guild and continue trading: grocers for
example, went to fairs at Southampton, Winchester, Oxford, and Stourbridge.130
Cambridge Corporation, however, attributed a fall in the rent of a group of
booths from sixty to twenty shillings in 1499/1500 to the withdrawal of London
merchants from Stourbridge Fair, and for the same reason reported in 1500/1
that a large part of the farm of the chapel ground could not be collected.131
126
Acts of the Court of the Mercers’ Company, ed. by Lyell and Watney, pp. xvi–xvii, 100, 116,
138–39, 158, 160, 219–20; Thrupp, ‘The Grocers of London’, pp. 274–75; Sutton, ‘The Shop-
Floor of the London Mercery Trade’, pp. 34–38; Sutton, The Mercery of London, pp. 215–17.
127
Calendar of Letter-Books […] at the Guildhall, ed. by Sharpe, Letter-book L, pp. 240,
242; 3 Hen. VII c. 9: Statutes of the Realm, ii, 518.
128
Acts of the Court of the Mercers’ Company, ed. by Lyell and Watney, pp. 219–20; Wardens’
Accounts […] Founders, ed. by Parsloe, pp. 4, 10.
129
Reddaway, The Early History of the Goldsmiths’ Company, p. 194.
130
Nightingale, A Medieval Mercantile Community, p. 439; Thrupp, ‘The Grocers of
London’, p. 274.
131
Cambridge, CRO, Cambridge Corp. Arch., X/71/9, under Recepte Forinsece;
Cambridge, CRO, Cambridge Corp. Arch., X/71/10, under Reparaciones.
428 John S. Lee
Conclusion
Fairs in the later Middle Ages provided markets for a wide variety of goods. The
royal statute of 1487, which had annulled the ordinance preventing London
freemen from selling goods at provincial fairs, described the
many fairs for the common weal of your said leige People, as at Salisbury, Bristol,
Oxenforth, Cambrigge, Netyngham, Ely, Coventre & at many other places.
According to this statute, these regional fairs provided the opportunity

to buy and purvey many things that be good & profitable, as Ornaments of Holy
Church, Chalice, Books, Vestments & other ornaments of Holy church aforesd &
also for Household, as victual for the time of Lent, & other stuff, as Linen Cloth,
Woollen Cloth, Brass, Pewter, Bedding, Osmonde, Iron, flax & Wax, & many other
necessary things.132
Although some rural fairs were important trading events, such as Weyhill
(Hampshire) or Woodkirk Fair (Yorkshire), the largest fairs of the later Middle
Ages appear to have been urban. Some fairs in small towns, particularly those
serving the livestock trade, such as Crediton, Birmingham, and Woolpit flour-
ished. Cloth produced in small towns, however, tended to be marketed through
the fairs of London and of the provincial towns. The fairs of the major provin-
cial towns listed in the statute of 1487, together with others such as Exeter and
York, seem to have been among the most significant in linking a range of trading
networks. Whilst it is rarely possible to analyse trends in the volume of trade con-
ducted at these fairs,133 their continuing prominence at least merits consideration
in any reassessment of the debate over late medieval ‘urban decline’, in which the
leading provincial towns are usually seen as exhibiting the most severe symptoms
of decay.134
The largest fairs provided a number of key advantages. Search costs were
lowered when a larger number of producers, traders and consumers assembled
in the same place, and this concentration of people and goods helped traders
to negotiate more favourable exchanges. Enforcement costs were reduced with
secure surroundings, regulation of trade, and legal redress.135 Transportation
132
3 Hen. VII c. 9: Statutes of the Realm, ii, 518.
133
For trends in booth rents and transfers at Stourbridge Fair, see Lee, Cambridge and its
Economic Region, pp. 122–23.
134
Dyer, Decline and Growth in English Towns.
135
Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter, p. 179.
costs were minimized by road and water links which many regional fairgrounds
enjoyed.136 Fairs could be timed to coincide with important local and regional
events, such as periods for hiring servants, fishing seasons, and local feast days,
as well as key points in the agricultural calendar such as after harvest. Successful
fairs also depended on their reputation, as individuals and institutions made
decisions on where to make their purchases based on perceptions of the range,
quality, and price of goods available in different locations. Leland believed that
Great Torrington (Devon) had ‘the best fayr in al those quarters’ and described
the ‘great’ fairs of Uxbridge (Middlesex), Stratford-on-Avon, and Wye (Kent).137
Letters patent of 1589 from Elizabeth I described Stourbridge Fair as ‘by far the
largest and most famous fair in all England’ and its success was attributed to ‘the
laudable industry of the mayor, bailiffs and burgesses […] the convenience of the
place itself, the neighbourhood of the university, and the favourableness of the
time helping’.138
Fairs however, also had some limitations as trading events. Like periodic
markets, fairs were formal institutions which imposed transport costs and
restrictions on buyers and sellers, compared to informal trade which took place
in shops, warehouses, taverns, inns, and private homes.139 As annual events, they
provided a limited duration for trade in specific localities. Another disadvantage,
as open air events, was their vulnerability to bad weather. Wet weather reduced
profits from the usual 10s. to less than 3s. at the Lammas Fair in Exeter in 1377,
from 5s. 1d. to 3s. at Trowbridge Fair in 1383, and by more than half at the
September fair at Peterborough in 1459, when great torrents of rain fell.140 There
was also the risk of losing money or goods while travelling to and from fairs.
Robert Morehouse, a ‘pourser’ of St Mary-le-Strand, was asked at Salisbury Fair
to carry a bag of money for William Foster, a London stationer. As Morehouse
rode back from the fair to London, the money bag, ‘beyng in his cote sleyve
freated owte and fell from hym’. Morehouse was unable to find the bag and Foster
136
Hodgen, ‘Fairs of Elizabethan England’, used Ogilby’s 1675 survey of roads to show the
concentration of fairs, particularly sites with two or three fairs each year, at road intersections
or along major routes.
137
Lee, ‘The Functions and Fortunes of English Small Towns’, p. 7.
138
The Charters of the Borough of Cambridge, ed. by Maitland and Bateson, p. 97.
139
Britnell, ‘Markets, Shops, Inns, Taverns’.
140
VCH: Wiltshire, ed. by Pugh, Crittall, and Crowley, vii, 143–44; Kowaleski, Local
Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter, p. 65; Laughton and Dyer, ‘Seasonal Patterns
of Trade’, p. 180.
430 John S. Lee
entered into an action against him.141 In the later fifteenth century, William
Bastwik, a haberdasher of London, sent a fardel (a bundle or parcel) with various
wares worth ten pounds to Lenton Fair, but a waterman of Ely delivered it to
Cambridge by mistake.142 Nonetheless, we must assume that fairs were generally
a secure means of trade, or the largest events would have been unlikely to attract
goldsmiths, silkwomen, and pewterers.
Traditional models of retail development saw fixed shops replacing fairs,
markets, and itinerant tradesmen, as economic development and urbanization
transformed retailing from being primitive, local, and fragmented to large-scale,
integrated, and modern. The basis of these assumptions has now been challenged
by the early presence of fixed shops such as those found in twelfth-century
London and Winchester, as well as the continued importance of markets, fairs,
and itinerant retailers into the eighteenth century. Retail circuits of formal and
informal trade complemented each other, and late medieval fairs co-existed
with the presence of specialized fixed shops and the growth of London, as they
continued to do throughout the early modern period.143
The greatest advantage of fairs was their capacity to respond readily to
changes in the character, pattern, and intensity of trade.144 Fairs could be quickly
established to meet specific opportunities, as well as adapting to longer term
changes in market networks. This meant that fairs were well placed to respond to
the growing consumption demands, particularly among the middling and lower
classes, a consequence of improving standards of living after the Black Death.
These consumption demands led to the development of new trading networks
which regional fairs adapted to serve, including cloth production in urban and
rural areas, the livestock trade between urban butchers and country farmers, the
fishing industry of Devon, and saffron cultivation in Essex and Cambridgeshire.
Fairs provided a recreational function at a time when rising incomes offered
opportunities for greater leisure time and a wider range of entertainment. The
importance of provincial fairs in distributing goods is also illustrated by the
attempts by London companies to exercise rights of search and to prohibit their
members from attending. By offering economies of scale and scope, and security
and redress for buyers and sellers, fairs were linked to the wider patterns of local
and regional production and trade in late medieval England.
141
Kew, TNA, C1/856/58.
142
Kew, TNA, C1/32/381.
143
Blondé and others, ‘Retail Circuits and Practices’.
144
Epstein, ‘Regional Fairs’, p. 470.
Works Cited
Cambridge, CRO, Cambridge Cambridge, County Record Office, Cambridge

Corp. Arch., X/71/9 Corporation Archives, X/71/9
Cambridge, CRO, Cambridge —— , X/71/10
Corp. Arch., X/71/10
Kew, TNA, C1/32/381 Kew (London), The National Archives, C1/32/381
Kew, TNA, C1/218/2 —— , C1/218/2
Kew, TNA, C1/301/4 —— , C1/301/4
Kew, TNA, C1/438/33 —— , C1/438/33
Kew, TNA, C1/471/12 —— , C1/471/12
Kew, TNA, C1/722/5 —— , C1/722/5
Kew, TNA, C1/800/36–37 —— , C1/800/36–37
Kew, TNA, C1/804/31 —— , C1/804/31
Kew, TNA, C1/809/45 —— , C1/809/45
Kew, TNA, C1/856/58 —— , C1/856/58
Kew, TNA, C1/886/25 —— , C1/886/25
Kew, TNA, C1/905/3 —— , C1/905/3
Kew, TNA, C1/1197/9 —— , C1/1197/9
Kew, TNA, STAC 2/26/389 —— , STAC 2/26/389
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The Coal Industry in the Later Middle Ages:
The Bishop of Durham’s Estates
Richard H. Britnell*
T
he topic of this paper relates to two of John Hatcher’s areas of research:
the early coal industry and fifteenth-century economic development. His
history of the British coal industry before 1700 contains many pioneering
observations on the medieval period, many of them deriving from work on the
Durham accounting material. His paper on the mid-fifteenth-century slump
carries a number of important implications for what to expect when looking
at an industry, like coal mining, that depended heavily upon mercantile trade.1
Examining the bishop of Durham’s income from coal in the late Middle Ages
brings these two concerns together in the context of a single lordship and its
revenues. After the Black Death, revenues from coal became a larger element in the
income of many northeastern landlords, and the bishop of Durham’s vast estate,
which was one of the most successful in developing coal as a significant source of
income, is well documented from this time onwards. Coal was not yet a matter
of prime importance for the bishop; at no point, to judge from contemporary
surveys of episcopal income, the so-called ‘valors’, did income from coal amount
to more than about seven per cent of the total (Table 29). There are nevertheless
numerous indications that during the two hundred years following the Black
Death the bishop’s officers were interested in the revenue to be obtained from
their coal reserves, and their accounts demonstrate how they responded to the
economic fluctuations that resulted from changing conditions of trade during
this period, prior to the rapid expansion of the later sixteenth century.2
* Richard Britnell, F.B.A., is Emeritus Professor of Medieval History, University of Durham.

1
Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry; Hatcher, ‘The Great Slump’.
2
Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry, pp. 45–46.
440 Richard H. Britnell
Table 29. Coal revenues as a proportion of the total valor of the bishopric of Durham
Total valor Coal revenues %

Year in pounds (£), shillings (s.) and pence (d.)
1463–64 £3052 5s. 10d. £139 11s. 4d. 4.6
(£220 5s. 4d.) (7.2)
1477–78 £3743 1s. 4d. £247 6s. 8d. 6.6
1508–09 £3226 2s. 4½d. £180 0s. 4d. 5.6
1528–29 £3386 15s. 6¾d. £240 10s. 0d. 7.1
Source: Durham, UL, CCB B/19/2, Durham, UL, CCB B/19/3, Durham, UL, CCB B/19/11,
Durham, UL, CCB B/19/12.
Note: An alternative estimate is proposed for 1463–64 because the total recorded in the original valor
includes only three month’s income from Whickham.
The bishop’s share of northeastern coal production is unknown, though it may

at times have been as large as a quarter.3 It would be hazardous to generalize
about the fortunes of the industry from his records alone, especially since they
show that those of different pits depended upon their location on the coalfield.
Nevertheless, the bishop’s mines at Whickham and Gateshead were probably
the largest on south Tyneside,4 and are consequently worthy of particular
attention as indicators of the changing opportunities for coal-owners created by
long-distance trade. At all times, some of the coal dug in the region travelled no
further than local households. By the fourteenth century, however, demand for
northeastern coal was growing rapidly, not only in London and eastern England
but also in the Low Countries and parts of France. Coal was used for iron working
by smiths, for other industrial purposes such as drying fish and lime-burning,
and as a domestic fuel.5 To access such markets depended on the shipping of the
Tyne and so, because of high overland transport costs, particularly benefited
pits located near the river. Customs records of coal exports through the Tyne,
even where they survive, supply only a very incomplete statistical profile of this
trade because they do not record shipments to domestic markets accessible by sea
further south in eastern England. It is fortunate, therefore, that we have direct
information about the performance of some major mining centres whose output
responded directly to commercial opportunities created by distant consumers.
3
4
Galloway considered this a certainty: Galloway, Annals of Coal Mining and the Coal Trade, p. 49.
5
Blake, ‘Medieval Coal Trade’, pp. 2–16; Galloway, ‘An Account of […] Working of Coal’;
The Coal Industry in the Later Middle Ages 441
Our understanding of the development of mining in the region as a whole is

also helped by the fact that the bishopric records allow a detailed examination of
the origins of the men who leased and managed coal resources. The social origins
of entrepreneurship in industry and mining since the sixteenth century have long
constituted a principal field for research in economic history, much of it engaged
with Max Weber’s hypothesis relating capitalist enterprise in Europe and America
to the Protestant spirit of committed asceticism and resolute virtue.6 However,
even if less committed, ascetic, resolute, or virtuous than their successors, there
were eager businessmen before the Reformation. The development of coal
mining on the bishop’s estates is sufficiently well documented, to permit enquiry
into the social origins of the men who took charge of it. Besides recording those
who leased and operated the bishop’s own pits, there are numerous references
to the activities of other coal-owners. There is every reason to suppose that the
evidence of the bishop’s accounts is representative of patterns of enterprise across
the coalfield.
The bishop most commonly leased his mines for fixed annual sums of money.
In the early fifteenth century, lessees normally paid their rents to the bishop’s mas-
ter forester, who then accounted to the receiver general; this was still to be the case
at the time of the first surviving master forester’s account from about 1437–38.7
By the last quarter of the fifteenth century the master forester’s accounts do not
contain any details of such rents which were now charged to the account of the
receiver general.8 This is fortunate since there are many more surviving accounts
from receivers general than there are from master foresters. These accounts are
conserved with other bishopric records in Durham University Library.
6
The sociological and economic rationale for these studies was set principally by two
works translated from German into English in the 1950s: Schumpeter, The Theory of Economic
Development, trans. by Opie; Weber, The Protestant Ethic. For the development of entrepreneurship
as a specialized field of historical research, see Hughes, ‘Arthur Cole and Entrepreneurial History’.
7
Durham, UL, CCB B/83/1. All Durham, UL, CCB references are to documents in
Durham University Library.
8
‘He does not answer here for the rent of the lord’s coal mines in the bishopric of Durham
during that time because they are charged to the receiver general’s account for those two years’
(De firma minerarum carbonum domini infra episcopatum Dunelm’ videlicet per tempus
predictum non respondet hic eo quod onerantur in compoto receptoris generalis pro duobus
annis predictis); ‘He does not answer for the rent of all the lord’s coal mines in the bishopric of
Durham during that time because they are charged to the receiver general’s account’ (De firma
omnium minerarum carbonum domini infra episcopatum Dunelm’ per tempus predictum non
respondet eo quod onerantur in compoto receptoris generalis): Durham, UL, CCB B/83/2
(1484–86), and Durham, UL, CCB B/83/4 (1492–93).
However, the mines were not invariably leased out. For reasons rarely stated
in the estate records themselves, they were sometimes in the hands of agents who
accounted directly to the bishop for the profits and received some appropriate
remuneration. A man responsible for the direct management of mines was
described as an appruator rather than serviens, the word that would be used in
manorial accounts for his agricultural equivalent. The word can mean ‘improver’,
but is perhaps best translated simply as ‘manager’, since mines were sometimes
under management (in appruamento) for purposes other than the implementation
of new investment; in some cases the lord had simply been unable to find a suitable
lessee. Mines in the hands of managers are recorded throughout the period before
1550. Though the income they generated was often in practice recorded in the
receiver general’s account, this was not invariably the case. Their accounts were
often drawn up for irregular periods, with conditions that did not fit well into
the bishopric’s annual accounting procedures. For instance, the master forester’s
account of 1437–38 begins by disclaiming responsibility for £112 13s. 4d. from
the Railey mines because William Askeby, the lord’s manager there, would answer
for this income in his account. In the later fifteenth century the sums arising
from directly managed pits were probably recorded each year in a register called
the book of great receipt (librum magne recepte), a series that has not survived
except for the year 1460–61.9 In calculating the bishop’s income from coal
mining, whether from individual mines or in total, years when the information is
deficient for this reason have to be omitted, since there is no independent means
of assessing the missing payments.10 It is not usually difficult to identify years in
which evidence is suspect; a receiver general would normally explain the absence
of particular sums from his account. In 1492–93, for example, he accounted for
only forty pounds from the Railey pits on the grounds that the mines were in the
lord’s hands in the second half of the year.11
Because rents for coal were variable from year to year, the receiver general
usually entered what he had actually received, and the problem of fictitious
receipts that often bedevils fifteenth-century accounts hardly occurs. There are
a few instances of his being allowed to write off sums credited to the account,
but they are sufficiently rare to make little difference to the overall figures. No
account has been taken of them in the following arguments. Some of the sums
written off in this way were retrospective, being uncollected arrears rather than
9
10
This explains why the data used in Figures 54–58 do not always represent the same years.
11
current income, and relate to years whose income is not in any case recorded. In
some cases it is unclear in which year or years the income in question was due. In
other cases the allowances in question ought not to be deducted from receipts
because they balanced expenditure deducted at source on the bishop’s behalf.12
Resources and Income

Coal mining on the bishop’s estate throughout this period was based in two parts
of the Durham coalfield, south Tyneside, and the southwestern Durham fells,
where coal measures were nearest the surface. None of the bishop’s other coal
leases, scattered around the Wear Valley, amounted to anything of significance;
they were mostly no more than small pits leased for a few pounds or less. A master
forester’s account for 1437–38, for example, records rents from leases of coal at
Chester-le-Street (£2), Ryton (£1 6s. 8d.), Iveston, and Newbigging (£1 6s. 8d.),
and at ‘Camehill’ (£1), to a total of £4 13s. 4d., at a time when the Whickham
and Gateshead mines often brought in nearly £100 a year and the Railey mines
were routinely leased for £112 13s. 4d. Such minor centres were liable to be
transitory. This account also records lost income from mines at Wooley Hill
(Brancepeth) and Chowdene (Gateshead) that were in the lord’s hands in the
later 1430s for want of a tenant, at Kimblesworth and Stanley Burn (Lanchester)
that were ‘altogether waste’, and at Frankland (St Oswald, Durham), Middlewood,
Benfieldside (both Lanchester), and Cong Burn (Chester-le-Street) that were
‘waste in the lords’ hand’.13 These small pits did not account through the receiver
general until the 1470s.14 Pits at ‘Camehill’ and ‘Brome’, from which the bishop
12
As in 1453–54: ‘And he is allowed £26 13s. 4d. accountable by Thomas Castell, lessee
of Gateshead coal mine for the said sixteenth year, because this amount of money was paid
to Thomas in part payment of a larger sum owed him by the lord for wine, various items of
merchandise and other things, as shown in an itemized list submitted by Thomas, delivered
and examined as an attachment to this account, and remaining in the Durham chancery’ (Et
(allocantur) eidem xxvj li. xiij s. iiij d. pendentes super Thomam Castell firmarium minere
carbonum de Gatesheuede de dicto anno xvjo vt pro tot denariis eidem Thome solutis in partem
solucionis maioris summe per dominum sibi pro vino ac diuersis marcandisis et aliis diuersis
causis debite vt patet per quandam billam de parcellis eiusdem Thome super hunc compotum
liberatam et examinatam et in cancellaria Dunelm’ remanentem): Durham, UL, CCB B/1/7.
13
Durham, UL, CCB B/83/1; Louis and Vellacott, ‘Mining’, p. 323. The figure for 1437–
38 in Figure 54 is an isolated one from this account.
14
This is deduced from the fact that the coal rents from minor pits recorded in the
forester’s account of 1437–38 are not recorded in the surviving receiver general’s accounts of
Figure 54. The bishop of Durham’s income from pits

away from the Tyneside and Railey groups, 1416–1540
received less than £1 a piece, occur in 1476–77,15 and from then on a scattering
from year to year of small ventures became normal, but the combined income of
all such ventures outside the core regions never exceeded £12 before 1540 in any
surviving account, and was usually much less (fig. 54).
By the later thirteenth century numerous coal workings were responding to
opportunities for trade; the prior of Durham was shipping coal by 1269, and
the bishop was receiving a small income from coal working by 1274–75.16 The
bishop’s Tyneside properties of Whickham and Gateshead had the advantage
of being the nearest parts of the palatinate to the River Tyne and the port of
Newcastle. From at least the earlier fourteenth century, a few residents of the
bishop’s borough of Gateshead were engaged in mining activities; the bynames of
Robert Hewer and John Collier suggest employment digging for coal, and some
Gateshead’s bailiffs engaged in the coal trade.17 Coal producers in Whickham and
Gateshead increasingly took advantage of such opportunities for water transport
as were available. When the bishop leased coal at Gateshead to John Plummer and
Walter of Hesleden in 1364, he allowed them timber from Gateshead Park not
only for work at the pit but also for constructing staithes on the bank of the Tyne.18
1434–35 or 1438–39 (Durham, UL, CCB B/1/5, Durham, UL, CCB B/1/6).
15
16
Blake, ‘Medieval Coal Trade’, p. 24; Louis and Vellacott, ‘Mining’, p. 321.
17
Britnell, ‘Medieval Gateshead’, pp. 152, 165.
18
Galloway, ‘An Account of […] Working of Coal’, pp. 189–90.
The importance of proximity to the river is demonstrable from the high cost of
overland transport, even from these favoured pits. The cost of carrying a unit of
coal to staithes on the Derwent from the Eastgrove pit at Whickham in 1457–58
exceeded the costs of hewing and extracting it, seven shillings a keel as against five
shillings.19 The keel as a measure, usually twenty chaldrons,20 was unambiguously
derived from the name of a type of boat.21 It was already in use for measuring coal
on Tyneside by the 1350s.22
The multiplicity of different operations in this part of the coalfield is indicated
by the bishop’s receipts of ‘wayleave’ rents from other producers who paid for
licence to carry coals over his land, recorded in the receiver general’s accounts from
the 1470s. In 1476–77 John Cook of Newcastle paid £20 for wayleaves across the
bishop’s land to carry coal from pits belonging to the nuns of Newcastle,23 and
the prioress herself was paying £10 for this right from the later 1480s.24 In the
later 1490s and early 1500s the master of St Edmund’s Hospital in Gateshead was
similarly paying the bishop for wayleave rights. 25 Other such rents occur from
the 1490s, but the income from this source was always erratic and showed no
upward tendency; the highest recorded total income from wayleave rents was
£30 in 1478–79 (fig. 55).26
The Tyneside mines were sometimes leased en bloc, but arrangements varied
almost from year to year; Whickham and Gateshead were often leased separately,
and new developments were likely to constitute separate ventures. In 1434–35,
for example, the Whickham mines described as ‘north of the burn’ were leased to
John Forester and his partners for £26 13s. 4d., and a new mine there was leased
to John Clerk and his partners for three years; the Gateshead mines were mean-
19
20
The sea chaldron was a volumetric unit equivalent to 6.5 quarters or 52 bushels, and was
about equivalent to 25 hundredweight (cwt) or 1270 kg by weight: Hatcher, The History of the
British Coal Industry, pp. 565, 567.
21
Oxford English Dictionary, under keel, sb.2, 1.b.
22
Kew, TNA, Durh. 3/30, m. 11d.
23
24
Durham, UL, CCB B/3/25, Durham, UL, CCB B/3/29, Durham, UL, CCB B/3/30,
Durham, UL, CCB B/3/32, Durham, UL, CCB B/3/33, Durham, UL, CCB B/3/34, Durham,
UL, CCB B/3/38, Durham, UL, CCB B/4/39, Durham, UL, CCB B/4/39A, and Durham,
UL, CCB B/4/41.
25
Durham, UL, CCB B/4/39, Durham, UL, CCB B/4/39A, and Durham, UL, CCB B/4/41.
26
Figure 55. The bishop of Durham’s income from wayleaves, 1472–1540
while separately leased by Robert Swynburn and his partners for £66 13s. 4d.27
However, the year 1434–35 was exceptionally lucrative. Frequent changes of
contractual arrangements, as well as unstable demand in markets served from the
Tyneside pits, meant that income from Whickham and Gateshead leases fluctu-
ated widely, though it rarely rose above £70 all told before the second decade of
the sixteenth century (fig. 56).
By the time of the earliest surviving receiver general’s accounts, meanwhile,
the principal area of activity on the bishopric estates lay across moorlands above
the Wear Valley in southwest Durham near Bishop Auckland. Mining activity
there is associated most commonly in the bishop’s records with Railey Fell and
Tofts in Etherley south of the river, but also involved other pits at Hargill to the
north and Grewburn and Cold Hurst to the west. There was coal working in this
area already by the later fourteenth century, and the practice of managing Railey,
Cold Hurst, and Hargill as a group was established at least as early as 1367; in
that year Bishop Thomas Hatfield remitted all legal claims for waste and trespass
in these mines against four men with whom he had been in conflict.28 The heart
of the Railey mining area was probably the burn marked on the Ordnance Survey
map as Railey Shank, where aerial photographs imply considerable disturbance
27
28
Durham, CRO, D/Lo/F 26, drawn to my attention by Liddy, The Bishopric of Durham,
p. 54. At this time, as in the earlier fifteenth century, the Railey lease of coal mines also included
Heatherycleugh in Stanhope parish, but this was off the coalfield, in the heart of the lead-mining
area, and can never have produced coal.
Figure 56. The bishop of Durham’s income from the Whickham and Gateshead mines, 1416–1540
of the ground surface.29 The name Railey is otherwise lost; it is not clear whether
it was ever the name of an agricultural settlement.30
The Railey pits were so land-locked that their prominence is problematic. The
greater importance to the bishop of the income from coal here had more to do
with the extent of his resources than with the commercial opportunities offered
by their location. Here he had sufficient control over the market to attempt
monopolistic tactics. This is indicated by the fact that in 1487–88 the bishop’s
council agreed to rent Finchale Priory’s mine at Softley in order to take it out of
production.31 Again, and more expensively, in 1490 they similarly leased mines
of the Earl of Westmorland for £22 a year, either to take them out of production
29
Ordnance Survey grid reference NZ 13432880.
30
Watts, A Dictionary of County Durham Place-Names, p. 100.
31
‘Likewise paid by agreement to the prior of Finchale for a coal pit at Softley, taken by the
lord’s council so that no coals should be taken from that pit by command of the chancellor and
others of the lord’s council […] twenty shillings’ (Item soluti priori de Fynkhaugh pro quodam
puteo carbonum apud Softle per concilium domini capto ex conuencione sic quod nulli
carbones extrahentur de dicto puteo per mandatum cancellarii et aliorum de concilio domini
[…] xx s.): Durham, UL, CCB B/3/30. ‘And paid on 5 December to the prior of Finchale for a
coal pit of his at Softley in order that he should not extract coal there to the loss or harm of the
sale of coal at Railey this year, through the said book (i.e. the Book of Great Receipt)’ (Et soluti
quinto die Decembris priori de Fynkelhaugh pro quodam puteo suo carbonum apud Softeley
causa vt nullos carbones ibidem traheret ad perdicionem siue lesionem vendicionis carbonum
apud Rale hoc anno per dictum librum): Durham, UL, CCB B/3/31.
or to eliminate price competition.32 This clearly implies a concern with the pits
here as a commercial venture whose profitability depended upon the price of coal.
Unlike the Tyneside area, there were no wayleave rents from the southwestern
fells. There is even evidence of the bishop’s officials having engineered obstructions
to the conveyance of coal by a rival interest: in 1476–77 Richard of Gloucester
organized on their behalf the blocking of a road in or near Escombe by which coal
had been conveyed from a pit belonging to the Earl of Westmorland.33
At least some output from the Railey group of pits went to supply the bishop’s
castle, five miles (about 8 km) to the east at Bishop Auckland; Sir William Eure’s
leases during the 1450s obliged him to supply the bishop at a fixed price with as
much coal as he required.34 The Eures presumably also supplied their own house-
hold at Witton Castle. Nevertheless, an account of the workings at Hargill for
seventeen weeks in 1460 records sales totalling 1234 chaldrons of which only fifty
chaldrons (four per cent) derived from sales to the bishop’s household and none
from supplying the Eures. The rest was sold to various local residents (diversis
hominibus patrie).35 The same expression is used in describing sales from Railey
in the same period. Between 2 April and 14 June 1460, the operators sold 52½
chaldrons to the dean of Auckland for the use of his household but no mention is
made of the use of coal by the bishop’s household, and 609¼ chaldrons 1 bushel
(609.38 chaldrons) are simultaneously recorded as sold to local residents; the
dean’s consignments were about seven per cent of the total. It is possible that the
coal sent to the dean was a fictitious sale, since later accounts show that he received
the coal tithes from Railey.36 During the following six months the workings at
Railey disposed of 2395½ chaldrons 3 bushels (2395.59 chaldrons) of which 47½
chaldrons went to the bishop’s household and 8¾ chaldrons to the dean of Auck-
32
Durham, UL, CCB B/3/29, and similarly Durham, UL, CCB B/3/31, Durham, UL,
CCB B/3/32. On this point, see also Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry, p. 76.
33
‘And paid to Thomas Merley, the duke’s personal servant, for his remuneration and
expenses when he rode at the duke’s command to Escomb to block and close off a road used by
various people as a short cut over the lord bishop’s soil with their carts carrying coals from the
earl of Westmorland’s pit called Wodefeld, 13s. 4d.’ (Et soluti Thome Merley valetto ipsius ducis
pro regardo et expensis suis equitanti ex mandato ipsius ducis vsque Escombe ad obstupandam
et recludendam quamdam viam pro diuersis personis indirecte vsitatam vltra solum domini
episcopi cum carectis suis cariantibus carbones a puteo comitis Westmerl’ vocato Wodefeld,
xiij s. iiij d.): Durham, UL, CCB B/2/23.
34
Pollard, North-Eastern England during the Wars of the Roses, p. 76.
35
36
Durham, UL, CCB B/79/10, Durham, UL, CCB B/79/12; Nef, The Rise of the British
Coal Industry, i, 137.
Figure 57. The bishop of Durham’s income from the Railey group of mines, 1416–1540
land, amounting together to only 2.3 per cent of the total. That large amounts of
coal could be marketed in this way is attested by accounts from the opening years
of the sixteenth century, which record sales over two years totalling £282 3s. 0d.
made from Railey and Grewburn pits entirely ‘to various people coming to the
said mine with their means of transport’, in other words at the pithead. The quan-
tity of coal in question was probably about 17,500 tons.37 A schedule of sales from
Railey between Christmas 1460 and 12 January 1461, a period of less than three
weeks, records sales of 23¾ chaldrons 7 bushels (23.97 chaldrons) to twenty-five
householders from Stockton, Houghton-le-Side, West Auckland, St Helen Auck-
land, North Auckland, Woodhouse, Evenwood, Eldon, Coundon and Escomb.
The consignments vary between five loads costing 5d. each and eight waggon-
loads costing 6s. 8d. each. The list gives no indications of industrial usage: one
buyer was Thomas Smythson of Escomb, but he bought only a single wagonload
whilst William Gregge of Stockton, who bought four waggonloads, was a chap-
lain. These sales imply dependence upon local household demand served by land
transport in this part of the coalfield; the pits never used the keel as a measure.38
Scattered though it was, the Railey group of mines was managed for the bishop
as a single lease, usually accounting for over half his total income from coal. The
37
Durham, UL, CCB B/79/10, Durham, UL, CCB B/79/12. These record sales from the
two pits of 292,630 corves, each of 2.5 bushels, so 91,447 quarters. This converts to 14,068 sea
chaldrons. For the conversion to ton(ne)s, see n. 20 above.
38
See too the observations by John Leland cited in Hatcher, The History of the British Coal
Industry, pp. 74–75.
income here was much more regular than from the Whickham and Gateshead
pits. In the second quarter of the fifteenth century the usual lease of the Railey
mines was for £112 13s. 4d. Between 1461 and 1470 they fetched £120 a year,
again by a single lease. The value of the lease then rose to new heights, and was
regularly over £175 a year between the 1510s and the 1530s (fig. 57).
We should expect commercial activity on the Durham coalfield in the Middle
Ages and later, to centre on Tyneside, and so it did. The fact that the inland pits
were more important to the bishops had more to do with the episcopal share of
available resources than with the commercial opportunities of the location. There
were many more landlords profiting from mining within easy access of the river
than in the land-locked southern Durham coalfield. The contrast between the two
regions helps to account for way the bishop’s coal interests developed in the late
Middle Ages. The Tyneside pits, following a severe long-term decline in income
in the early fifteenth century, paid the bishop less at any time before 1540 than
they had in the mid- and later fourteenth. A lease of 1356 reserves to the bishop
a rent of five hundred marks, or £333 6s. 8d. By fifteenth-century standards this
sum looks like wishful thinking, but according to Robert Surtees it renewed an
earlier twelve-year lease from Bishop Richard of Bury to the same lessees for the
same sum.39 Any such lease must have dated from before Bishop Richard died on
14 April 1345, which suggests that it ran it full term for the twelve years from
Martinmas 1344 to Martinmas 1356. The surviving rolls of Richard of Bury no
longer include this lease, but Surtees used these rolls sometime before 1820, over
thirty years before the records were submitted to the control of the master of the
rolls, and over fifty years before they were removed to the Public Record Office,
having long been in a bad state.40 The fact that Surtees gives no details of the lease
in question suggests that the record was already incompletely legible when he
saw it. If we accept Surtees’ testimony, as we surely should, the rent imposed in
1356 was not speculative. There are other indications that a rent of over £300
from the bishop’s Tyneside coal in the later fourteenth century was not out of
the question. In 1383, for instance, Bishop Fordham was able to give the king
three hundred keels of coal from Gateshead, that is about six thousand chaldrons,
worth £360 or more.41 In 1392 the Bishop Skirlaw was paid £312 by the mayor of
Newcastle for two hundred and sixty keels of coal, presumably from the Tyneside
39
Surtees, The History and Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham, ii, 239.
40
The archival history of the episcopal records is surveyed in Lapsley, The County Palatine
of Durham, pp. 327–29.
41
Blake, ‘Medieval Coal Trade’, pp. 23–24; Lapsley, The County Palatine of Durham, p. 284.
mines, and perhaps representing the vend for the year.42 All these sums are over
twice any recorded annual leasehold value of the Tyneside mines in the fifteenth
century. If they are any guide to the fortunes of the these pits in the later fourteenth
century they imply a severe fall in revenue between the 1390s and the earliest
surviving accounts in the second decade of the fifteenth century.
Table 30. Exports of coal from Newcastle, 1377–82 and 1454–1500 (documented years)
Period of the account Weeks Chalders exported

1377–82
Michaelmas 1377 – Michaelmas 1378 52 7,320
30 November 1390 –30 November 1391 52 4,893
1454–1500
29 September 1454 – 31 March 1455 26 83
20 November 1456 – 17 May 1457 25 52
10 May 1461 – 18 February 1462 41 94
4 March 1465 – 11 April 1466 58 2450
12 April – 20 December 1481 36 663
28 Oct. 1488 – 29 September 1489 48 575
29 September 1494 – 29 September 1495 52 881
29 September 1499 – 29 September 1500 52 1027
Sources: Blake, ‘Medieval Coal Trade’; The Customs Accounts of Newcastle, ed. by Wade.
The reason why the Tyneside pits took the full shock of the decline in coal rev-
enues between the late fourteenth century and mid-fifteenth can be explained by
reference to a collapse in coal exports, perhaps accompanied by a corresponding
contraction of coastal trade. The export figures for the years 1377–78, 1380–81,
and 1381–82 are over twice as high as the best recorded year of the later fifteenth
century (Table 30). The export trade collapsed to the point that in the 1450s and
early 1460s total annual exports through Newcastle were about equivalent to a
week’s output from Whickham in this period. This decline can be explained by
a reversion within a couple of generations after the onset of plague epidemics to
reliance on traditional, preferable and locally acquired fuels.43 The coal industry
42
Liddy, The Bishopric of Durham, p. 56.
43
‘Coal in the mid-fifteenth century was produced for a strictly limited market’: Pollard,
North-Eastern England during the Wars of the Roses, p. 76. For coal as an inferior good, see
had developed in the later thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, seemingly
rapidly, to meet regional fuel crises.44 South of the Tyne the increase in coal pro-
duction had seemingly been very rapid.45 However, this crisis passed, first as the
number of households was reduced by plague epidemics, secondly as woodlands
on the Continent, and England further south, regenerated during the second
half of the fourteenth century. This interpretation is consistent with the Durham
evidence that the Railey group of mines, which depended on a local market, per-
formed better in the mid- and later fifteenth century than the Tyneside mines,
much of whose output had once travelled further afield.46
Was there a mid-century recession on top of this earlier fifteenth-century
contraction? The surviving evidence is barely adequate to answer the question
but it does suggest that the low export figures of the 1450s and early 1460s cor-
responded to a trough in the bishop’s income from coal. Mining at Gateshead,
which had been in evidence since at least the 1350s, disappears altogether from all
the receiver general’s accounts between 1453–54, when the rent was £26 13s. 4d.,
and 1474–75, when a new pit there rented for £30. Possibly Gateshead pits were
accounting elsewhere, but the receiver general might be expected to have said
so; it is improbable that the records would contain no reference to Gateshead
coal in this period of about twenty years if it was being dug there. Even income
from the Whickham pit was low during the 1460s. In 1460–61, during the war
in the North, when the mine there was in the bishop’s hands, the receiver gen-
eral obtained nothing from the manager there ‘because he received no money
from him’. The mine was successfully leased to a Newcastle merchant in 1464–
65 for £66 13s. 4d., but in the following year there was again no income from
Whickham.47 Again in 1466–67 the receiver general received nothing from
Whickham except from a small lease of £6 to William Caunce and Thomas
Wakefeld; a large new pit there was in the lord’s hands and yielding no profit.48
Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry, pp. 39–40; Nef, The Rise of the British Coal
Industry, i, 12–13.
44
Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry, p. 21.
45
Bishop Bek’s receipt roll of 1307 suggests that the bishop’s exploitation of coal had
barely begun: Boldon Buke, ed. by Greenwell, Appendix, pp. xxvi, xxviii; Galloway, Annals of
Coal Mining and the Coal Trade, p. 24; Louis and Vellacott, ‘Mining’, p. 321.
46
This does not imply that there was no contraction of local demand: Dodds, Peasants and
Production, pp. 108–09.
47
Durham, UL, CCB B/2/11 and Durham, UL, CCB B/2/12.
48
‘He does not answer this year for any profit issuing from the mine of the large new
pit there because it lies in the lord’s hand and no profit derived from it during the period of
Figure 58. The bishop of Durham’s total income from coal, 1416–1540
This implies, though, that by this time the bishop was planning new operations.
The Wickham mine was duly leased and operational in 1467–68.49 The impressive
feature of this evidence is that the Tyneside pits continued to fare so significantly
worse than the inland Railey group of mines in the context of disrupted trade.
Figure 58 puts together the various sources of income from coal during the
fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, omitting years when there is missing data.
The totals before the 1470s may be slightly reduced by the omission of some
small pits from the receiver general’s receipts, but the figures nevertheless suggests
an increase in revenues from coal during the 1470s, and the another increase in
the 1510s, perhaps following a dip. Yet even the increase of the 1470s had nothing
to do with the bishop’s operations on Tyneside. The receiver generals’ accounts
show that though Gateshead resources were brought back into production in
1474–75 there was simultaneously a contraction of activity at Whickham that
left the overall level of income from the Tyneside pits no higher than it had been
before.50 The account of 1474–75 is specific that the £30 received from Gateshead
coal was from a new pit and that nothing was received from Wickham because
the mine lay unoccupied.51 The overall increase may be partly accounted for by
the account’ (De aliquo proficuo prouenienti de minera noui magni putei ibidem hoc anno
non respondet eo quod iacet in manu domini et nullum proficuum inde prouenit per tempus
compoti): Durham, UL, CCB B/2/13.
49
50
Durham, UL, CCB B/1/8 to Durham, UL, CCB B/2/21.
51
the transfer to the receiver general’s account of income from small pits and
wayleave rents that had previously been recorded elsewhere, although it is possible
that these were new sources of income. They derived chiefly, however, from an
increase in the rents from the Railey group of pits after about 1472. If the increase
in revenues in the 1470s corresponds to an improvement in trading conditions
following the end of the war in the North and the beginnings of recovery from
the mid-fifteenth-century slump, then that recovery owed more to local demand
than to coastal and overseas trade. The surge of the 1510s, by contrast, was
associated with a revival of activity on the Tyneside manors, both in Whickham
and Gateshead, as well as with increased rent from the Railey group. This recovery
was nevertheless halting. The peak income in 1528–29, which masks the fact that
total income was usually lower after 1521 than before, may represent a simple
quirk of accounting, since it is entirely explained by the fact that the receiver
general attributes twice the normal rent to the Gateshead mines. The entry is
unique, and may simply signify that the lessees, by an unusual contract involving
a London merchant, had contracted to delay payment of the previous year’s
rent.52 Alternatively, it may represent a temporary response to Wolsey’s urgent
demand for fuel for lime-burning to construct his doomed college at Ipswich.53
In any case, this and 1520–21 are the only documented years before 1540 when
the bishop’s total income from coal reached the sum he had received in the mid-
fourteenth century from Whickham alone.
Operations, Management, and Enterprise

The bishops accounts use the word ‘mine’ (minera) in a variety of ways, often
to refer to a particular mining location, so that it is not easy to know whether
activity involved one large pit or many small ones. However, there were some pits
that were large for their period in both principal mining locations. A single pit at
52
‘And he answers here for [‘nothing’ inserted] from all the lord’s coal mines at Gateshead
that are now leased to William Inskip of Gateshead for £133 6s. 8d. a year because this is to
be answered for elsewhere to the lord in London by [ John] Brake, merchant there’ (Et de
[‘nihil’ inserted] de firma omnium minerarum carbonum domini apud Gateshed que modo
dimittuntur Willelmo Inskip de Gateshed pro cxxxiij li. vj s. viij d. per annum non respondet
hic eo quod respondendum est inde alibi domino London per [ Johannem] Brake mercatorem
ibidem): Durham, UL, CCB B/6/61. The first name of John Brake or Brewke, left blank in
this account, is supplied from the next year’s account, where he is recorded as leasing all the
Gateshead mines for £66 13s. 4d. (Durham, UL, CCB B/6/63).
53
Galloway, Annals of Coal Mining and the Coal Trade, pp. 84–85.
Table 31. Summary of the accounts of the Railey group of mines, 1502–03 and 1503–04
1502–03 1503–04 Average

sales (tons) 8561 9397 8979
income (£) 282.15 314.25 301.20
costs (£) 135.96 153.38 144.67
surplus (£) 146.19 160.87 156.53
Source: Durham, UL, CCB B/79/10; Durham, UL, CCB B/79/12.
Whickham produced about 6500 tons in 1461–62.54 The largest pits in the Railey
group had shafts and underground workings, and so required hewers to dig the
coal, barrowmen to carry it from the coalface to the bottom of the pit shaft, and
drawers to lift it to the surface. In 1460 a labourer at the Railey mine was paid for
mending an underground wheelbarrow route that had been stopped up with a fall
of earth and stone, and this was not the only underground passage there.55 Of three
new pits in this part of the coalfield sunk in 1460, one at Tofts was of seven fathoms
(about forty-two feet), one at Hargill of twelve fathoms (about seventy-two feet)
and another at Railey of 17.5 fathoms (about one hundred and five feet).56
Accounts survive for two consecutive years in the early sixteenth century
when the Railey pits were being managed for the bishop by William Lee, who
is variously described as appruator, supervisor, computans, and ‘bankeman’. These
accounts show that a net surplus of £150–£160 could be generated by the
mining of about 9000 tons of coal a year (Table 31). The accounts record no very
significant heavy investment in the Railey pits, and seem to represent business as
usual rather than a planned investment programme. Several small new pits were
opened, but at no great expense, and Lee did not require any input of capital
from the bishop to fulfil the tasks he had been set; his costs were all met out
54
The pit produced 261 keels 5 chaldrons; the calculated weight of coal assumes that there
were 20 chaldrons to the keel as in 1460 (Durham, UL, CCB B/79/5) and that the chaldron
weighed 25 cwt, for which see n. 20.
55
‘And paid to John Harper. labourer, for one day, for restoring an underground
wheelbarrow passage in that mine, hitherto blocked with earth and stones, 5d. And paid to
John Taillour for restoring another wheelbarrow passage there, 2d.’ (Et soluti Johanni Harper
laborario pro emendacione vnius vie semivectorie subtus terram in eadem minera antea cum
terra et petris obstupata per vnum diem—v d. Et soluti Johanni Taillour pro emendacione
alterius vie semivectorie ibidem—ij d.): Durham, UL, CCB B/79/4. See, too, Louis and
Vellacott, ‘Mining’, pp. 324–25.
56
Durham, UL, CCB B/79/2, Durham, UL, CCB B/79/3, Durham, UL, CCB B/79/7.
Table 32. Summary of costs of production at the Railey group of mines, 1502–03 and 1503–04
1502–03 1503–04 Average Average

£ £ £ %
Coalworking 94.05 104.93 99.49 68.77
Equipment 15.31 17.82 16.57 11.45
New pits 6.95 10.06 8.51 5.88
Management 15.50 16.42 15.96 11.03
Tithe 4.15 4.15 4.15 2.87
TOTAL 135.96 153.38 144.67 100
Source: Durham, UL, CCB B/79/10; Durham, UL, CCB B/79/12.
of income from the mine (Table 32). One small subordinate mine was sublet to
Thomas Thomson during the first of the two years for a rent of £6, with licence
to mine 10,000 corves of coal (about 600 tons). The rest of the operations were
fully accounted for in Lee’s accounts, which show that in each year his surplus
of sales revenue over operational costs was about the same as the sum the bishop
expected to receive when the mines were leased. Lee’s remuneration as manager
was modest; a lessee would surely have required a larger surplus than this before
paying rent to compensate for greater risk, so a rent of £150 probably implied an
output somewhat above 9000 tons. But this is as close as we get to a representation
of normal operations.
Whether they were leased or managed directly, the bishop imposed a limit
on the amount of coal that operators could take. Such control of lessees was
required in order to prevent them from swindling the estate by uncontrolled
mining activity; the quantity they were permitted to mine was no doubt negoti-
ated along with the level of rent to be paid. For example, a twelve-year lease of the
Whickham mines in 1356 specified that the lessees were not to mine more than
a keel of coal a day.57 Stints were similarly imposed on lessees of the Railey mines;
an account from Hargill in 1460 shows a fixed output of fourteen chaldrons two
bushels of coal a day.58 Similar restrictions are apparent in the pit accounts of the
mid-fifteenth century, presumably as a check on the accountability of pit manag-
ers, even though these mines supposedly returned to the bishop any surplus of
sales over costs. Some accounts of the Moyr pit from 1500–01 state the allow-
ance there as ‘euery day xvj chalder of colles aftyr the pitt messure and aftyr the
57
58
wattyre messure bott xij chalder euery day’.59 This control explains an unreal fea-
ture of accounts for individual pits, which show the same team of pitmen operat-
ing every available work day, and producing a constant daily output; accounts
for Whickham pits from 1457–58, 1460, and 1461–62 record hewers produc-
ing regularly a keel a day, week after week.60 The point of such accounting was
to demonstrate that sales did not exceed the agreed limit, rather than to record
exactly what production schedule had been followed.
Given that the quantity of coal produced on the episcopal estate was subject
to tight seigneurial regulation, we might envisage the bishops managing coal
to increase their income for special purposes, or to make up income lost from
other sources, rather as some landlords managed their timber. As we have seen,
the changing level of the bishop of Durham’s income from coal is incompatible
with these possibilities, except perhaps in the short term. Though revenues from
coal indeed compensated for some adverse economic consequences of the Black
Death,61 they did not hold up for more than a few decades, and were seriously
depressed during the great slump of the mid-fifteenth century. The falling income
from coal at this time implies that those managing the bishop’s estate were obliged
to respond to declining commercial opportunities and the consequent unwilling-
ness of entrepreneurs to take risks in pursuance of profit.
Not surprisingly, the development of mining at Whickham and Gateshead
had attracted the interest of men of Newcastle, on the opposite bank of the River
Tyne, for whom coal was a regular item of trade during the thirteenth century and
became a major concern by the mid-fourteenth.62 John Plummer, who leased the
Gateshead mine in 1364, was a burgess of Newcastle, in partnership with a burgess
of Gateshead.63 In 1372 the bishop appointed Nicholas Coke of Newcastle as his
coal warden for Whickham and Gateshead, with responsibility for selling coal
and accounting for the proceeds.64 Newcastle merchants remained prominent in
the operation of Whickham and Gateshead leases from then on. When the mines
were in the bishop’s hands, the coal was likely to be sold to Newcastle merchants,
59
60
Durham, UL, CCB B/79/1, Durham, UL, CCB B/79/2, and Durham, UL, CCB B/79/3.
61
Dodds, Peasants and Production, pp. 85–89.
62
Galloway, Annals of Coal Mining and the Coal Trade, pp. 22–24; Fraser, ‘The Economic
Growth of Newcastle’, pp. 43–44, 53.
63
Galloway, ‘An Account of […] Working of Coal’, pp. 189–90.
64
Durham, UL, CCB B/204/244134 (a Public Record Office transcript from Kew, TNA,
Durh. 3/31, m. 4).
as in 1424–25,65 1427–28,66 1434–35,67 1458,68 and 1470–41.69 An account of

coal sold from Whickham between June and October 1500 lists twenty-three
buyers, of whom nine occur in the Newcastle chamberlains’ accounts of 1508–
11 as hostmen, who supplied foreign merchants with coal.70 Two more occur as
exporters of coal from Newcastle in late fifteenth-century particulars of customs
accounts, and another, Thomas Harrop, was shipmaster of the Ann of Newcastle.71
An account of the Moyr pit from November 1500 to July 1501 shows that all the
coal dug there, 1692 chaldrons, was bought in bulk by four Newcastle merchants,
Thomas Hill, William Wynship, John Snow, and Thomas Saunderson.72
Newcastle men also occur frequently as lessees, particularly at Whickham,
as Table 33 shows. Nine of those listed — William Alane, Henry Anderson,
William Bacon, George Bird, John Cok, George Davell, Nicholas Hanyng, Alan
Hardyng, and William Talbot — were demonstrably Newcastle merchants.73
Robert Rodes, a retained member of the bishop’s council ad legem in 1453–54,
65
Coal from Whickham was sold by indentured agreement to Robert Swynburn
(£21 9s. 7d.), John Wall, and William Stodhird (£11), and John Rodes and partners of Newcastle
(£18), sums implying commercial rather than domestic sales (Durham, UL, CCB B/1/3).
66
Coal was sold to John Joneson and Richard Hornese of Newcastle for £13 6s. 8d., and
to Richard Dalton and Thomas Hybburn of Newcastle for £44 (Durham, UL, CCB B/1/4).
67
The account for the following year records coal sold from Whickham to William Ellerby
of Newcastle for £16 13s. 4d., of which he still owed £5 13s. 4d. (Durham, UL, CCB B/1/5).
68
The account records £80 received for 82 keels of coal sold to John Stanford, William
Bacon, John Cok, and Thomas Castell, merchants of Newcastle (Durham, UL, CCB B/79/1).
69
The coal from Whickham, then in appruamento, was sold to John Cok and Nicholas
Hanyng (Durham, UL, CCB B/2/17). For Cok, see n. 68. That Hayning was a merchant is
attested in The Customs Accounts of Newcastle, ed. by Wade, pp. 18–19, 22, 24, etc.
70
Edward Baxter, John Brandlyng, John Doddes, Thomas Harrop, William Hayrbred,
Thomas Hyll, Edmund Jaklove, John Snow, William Wynship: Durham, UL, CCB B/79/8; The
Accounts of the Chamberlains of Newcastle, ed. by Fraser, pp. xxi–xxiv, 262–66.
71
The Customs Accounts of Newcastle, ed. by Wade, pp. 89 (Roland Sothern), 197 (Thomas
Saunderson), 219, 231 (Thomas Harrop).
72
73
For Cok and Hanyng see nn. 68 and 69 above. Other identifications are from Durham, UL,
CCB B/1/4 (William Talbot); Durham, UL, CCB B/79/1, Durham, UL, CCB B/79/5, and
Durham, UL, CCB B/79/6 (William Bacon); The Customs Accounts of Newcastle, ed. by Wade,
pp. 212, 214, 216–18, etc. (George Bird), pp. 181, 186, 203, etc. (William Alane); The Accounts of
the Chamberlains of Newcastle, ed. by Fraser, p. 145 (George Bird), pp. 9, 70, 150, 182, 228 (Alan
Hardyng); History of Newcastle and Gateshead, ed. by Welford, ii, 245–46 (George Davell, Henry
Anderson); Wills and Inventories, ed. by Raine and others, i, 164–68 (Henry Anderson).
Table 33. Recorded lessees of Whickham mines, 1474–75 to 1538–39
1434–35 John Forester and partners; John Clerk and partners

1438–39 William Talbot and partners
1453–54 Robert Rodes
1458–59 John Cok and William Bacon
1464–65 Nicholas Hanyng
1466–67 Thomas Wakefeld and William Caunce
1467–68 John Cok, Nicholas Hanyng and partners
1469–70 John Cok
1472–73 John Cok, Nicholas Hanyng and William Caunce
1473–74 John Cok, Nicholas Hanyng and William Caunce
1476–77 John Hoton
1490–91 George Bird; William Hall and Robert Blounte
1495–96 George Bird; William H(all?); William Alane
1504–05 Robert Blounte and partners
1505–06 Robert Blounte and partners
1508–09 William Inskip and partners; George Bird
1510–11 Robert Heworth and partners
1511–12 Robert Heworth, Nicholas Harryson and Alan Hardyng; George Bird
1513–14 Robert Heworth and partners; widow of George Bird
1517–18 Roger Lumley, esq.; Ann Davell
1518–19 Roger Lumley, esq. and John Lumley; Ann Davell
1520–21 Roger Lumley, esq.; Alan Hardyng; George Davell
1523–24 Henry Anderson; Richard Hedworth and partners; George Davell and his wife
1524–25 Henry Anderson; Richard Hedworth and partners; George Davell and his wife
1526–27 Henry Anderson; Richard Hedworth and partners; George Davell
1529–30 Henry Anderson; Richard Hedworth and partners
1531–32 Henry Anderson; Richard Hedworth and partners; William Tomlinson
1532–33 Henry Anderson; Richard Hedworth and partners; William Tomlinson
1534–35 John Lumley and partners; Richard Hedworth and partners; William Tomlinson
1537–38 John Lumley; Richard Hedworth and partners; William Tomlinson
1538–39 John Lumley; Richard Hedworth and partners; William Tomlinson
1539–40 John Lumley and partners; Richard Hedworth and partners; William Tomlinson
Source: Durham, UL, CCB B/1/5 to Durham, UL, CCB B/7/71.
Note: The names of Newcastle merchants are in italics. For these identifications, see notes 66 (William
Bacon, John Cok), 67 ( John Cok, Nicholas Hanyng), and 71 (William Alane, Henry Anderson,
William Bacon, George Bird, George Davell, Alan Hardyng, William Talbot)
was from Newcastle, but was a lawyer rather than a merchant.74 Henry Anderson,
George Bird, John Cok, George Davell, and Nicholas Hanyng all served as
mayors of Newcastle at various times.75 Robert Blount, lessee of Whickham mines
in 1490–91, 1504–05, and 1505–06, was also a merchant, but from Durham. He
was paid by the bishop’s receiver-general in April 1491 for 4½ stones of Spanish
iron supplied during the previous three years.76
Yet even in the operations of the Gateshead and Whickham coalfields, the
Newcastle interest was not always dominant. Both there, and in other parts of the
coalfield, the exploitation of the bishop’s coal also occupied an entrepreneurial
group that we may term ‘ministerial’. The bishop was particularly likely to use
his own men as appruatores. In 1416–17, for example, all the proceeds from the
mines of Whickham and Gateshead were accounted for by John Newton, Bishop
Langley’s receiver general, who is described as appruator there.77 Bishopric officers
also contracted for mining leases. William Inskip, who headed the partnership
leasing the Whickham mines 1508–09 was the bishop’s clerk of works between
1503 and 1506.78 Between 1513–14 and 1520–21 the Gateshead mines were
leased to a consortium headed by William Adthe,79 the bishop’s clerk of works
throughout the period 1511–34,80 and clerk of his iron and lead mines in Wear
74
The Durham Liber Vitae, ed. by Rollason and Rollason, ii, 610: F.75; Durham, UL, CCB B/1/7.
75
Bourne, The History of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, pp. 216–24; History of Newcastle and
Gateshead, ed. by Welford, i, 431–32; ii, 524.
76
77
Durham, UL, CCB B/1/2; Storey, Thomas Langley, p. 74.
78
Durham, UL, CCB B/75/9, Durham, UL, CCB B/3/33, Durham, UL, CCB B/3/34.
He was the tenant of eight closes in Gateshead in 1509–10: Durham, UL, CCB B/69/8.
79
and Durham, UL, CCB B/5/48.
80
Durham, UL, CCB B/31C/220204/4, Durham, UL, CCB B/76/10, Durham, UL,
CCB B/76/11, Durham, UL, CCB B/76/12, Durham, UL, CCB B/76/13, Durham, UL,
CCB B/76/23, Durham, UL, CCB B/76/24, Durham, UL, CCB B/76/25, Durham, UL, CCB
B/76/26, Durham, UL, CCB B/4/46. Adthe also leased a pit at Findon between 1509 and 1512
(Durham, UL, CCB B/4/38, Durham, UL, CCB B/4/39A, and Durham, UL, CCB B/4/41),
one at Brasside between 1517 and 1521 (Durham, UL, CCB B/4/46, Durham, UL, CCB
B/5/47, and Durham, UL, CCB B/5/48), one at Tow Law between 1523 and 1528 (Durham,
UL, CCB B/5/50, Durham, UL, CCB B/5/52, Durham, UL, CCB B/5/5, Durham, UL, CCB
B/5/60), one at Urpeth between 1529 and 1540 (Durham, UL, CCB B/6/63, Durham, UL,
CCB B/6/65, Durham, UL, CCB B/6/66, Durham, UL, CCB B/6/69, Durham, UL, CCB
dale between 1517 and 1519.81 One of his partners, William Tomlinson, sub-
sequently enhanced his career as an episcopal servant. Between 1520 and 1528
he received an annual fee as supervisor of all coal mines within the bishopric of
Durham, and was reappointed jointly with his son in 1529.82 He managed mines
in Gateshead as the bishop’s appruator in 1526–27 and 1528.83 Throughout the
period from 1531 to 1540 he was the bishop’s bailiff of Gateshead, and during
that period leased coals in Whickham.84 Bishopric officials are similarly found in
the affairs of the Railey pits and elsewhere, both as appruatores for short periods
and as lessees for longer ones. John Kelyng, clerk, who in 1476–77 accounted for
£140 from the revenues of the Railey Fell group of pits, rose from being the stew-
ard of the bishop’s household in 1459–6085 to being his chancellor and receiver
between 1476 and 1490.86 Robert Sympson, clerk, who leased the Railey pits
between 1509–10 and 1523–24, also served the bishopric; between 1504 and
1521 he was bailiff of Stockton.87
This ministerial group overlapped with entrepreneurs from the Durham
gentry, many of whom served the bishop in various capacities. William Blakeston
of Blakeston Hall, one of a four-man consortium that leased mines at Evenwood
for six years from 1383, was simultaneously retained as a councillor by Bishop
Fordham.88 The importance of gentlemen entrepreneurs, represented amongst the
B/7/70, Durham, UL, CCB B/7/71).

81
Durham, UL, CCB B/4/46, Durham, UL, CCB B/5/47.
82
Durham, UL, CCB B/5/57, Durham, UL, CCB B/5/60; Galloway, Annals of Coal Mining and
the Coal Trade, p. 85.
83
84
UL, CCB B/69/15, Durham, UL, CCB B/69/32, Durham, UL, CCB B/69/33, Durham, UL,
CCB B/69/34, Durham, UL, CCB B/69/35, and Durham, UL, CCB B/69/36.
85
Durham, UL, CCB B/1/9; Durham, UL, CCB B/79/2; Durham, UL, CCB B/26/1,
fols 29r, 47r.
86
Durham, UL, CCB B/2/23, Durham, UL, CCB B/2/24, and Durham, UL, CCB
B/3/30, Durham, UL, CCB B/13/10, Durham, UL, CCB B/13/11, Durham, UL, CCB
B/13/12, Durham, UL, CCB B/13/13, Durham, UL, CCB B/13/14; Fasti Dunelmenses, ed.
by Boutflower, pp. 71–72.
87
Durham, UL, CCB B/3/33, Durham, UL, CCB B/3/34; Durham, UL, CCB B/4/38,
Durham, UL, CCB B/4/39A, Durham, UL, CCB B/4/41, Durham, UL, CCB B/4/45, and
Durham, UL, CCB B/4/46, Durham, UL, CCB B/5/47 to Durham, UL, CCB B/5/48.
88
Bishop Hatfield’s Survey, ed. by Greenwell, p. 266; Liddy, The Bishopric of Durham, p. 112.
Whickham lessees by members of the Lumley family89 and by Richard Hedworth,

the bishop’s bailiff of Whickham through the 1520s and 1530s,90 comes most
clearly into prominence in the Railey group of mines (Table 34). This, though the
largest unit amongst the bishop’s coal interests, is not recorded ever to have been
in the hands of merchants. The Eure family of Witton-le-Wear who managed
the lease from at least 1416 up to the 1460s, and again for a while in the 1470s,
was one of the wealthiest families of the palatinate; they were lords of the only
large estate in the western part of the bishopric.91 Ralph Eure, who seems to have
initiated the lease, was steward of the bishopric estates under Bishops Skirlaw
and Langley until his death in 1422.92 The coal mines of Railey, Tofts, and Cold
Hurst are known to have been leased together again to Sir William Eure for nine
years from 1424, and again twenty-one years from Michaelmas 1442, though in
the event the lease did not run full term, was renewed a couple of times, and
collapsed for some reason in January 1459.93 The Eures must have subcontracted
the working of the pits to teams of colliers — it is difficult to see what else they
could have done — but in order to bear the risk they or their estate officers must
have carried considerable responsibility for accounting for costs and sales of
coal. It is interesting that the family chose to give up the lease during the 1460s,
when opportunities for profit were probably lower than usual, even in the region
around Railey.
89
Surtees, The History and Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham, ii, 163.
90
CCB B/7/70, and Durham, UL, CCB B/7/71. For his status, see Surtees, The History and
Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham, ii, 197. His will (1565) is printed in Wills and
Inventories, ed. by Raine and others, i, 227–28.
91
Durham, UL, CCB B/1/1; Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry, p. 74; Liddy,
The Bishopric of Durham, p. 47.
92
Storey, Thomas Langley, p. 102.
93
Louis and Vellacott, ‘Mining’, p. 323; Storey, Thomas Langley, p. 117; Pollard, North-
Eastern England during the Wars of the Roses, p. 76. Sir William Eure paid rent only up to
8 January 1459, after which the Railey mines were in the hands of a manager (steterunt in appru
amento): Durham, UL, CCB B/1/7, Durham, UL, CCB B/1/8. They were managed by John
Baker in 1459–60 and by Roger Wotton in 1460–61, leased by Roger Wotton from 1464–65
or earlier until 1471 or 1472, were managed by John Mullok in 1472–73 and 1473–74, leased
by Richard Moreton in 1474–75, managed by John Kelyng, clerk, in 1476–77, before the lease
was temporarily taken up again by Sir William Eure in 1478–79. For this lease, see Nef, The Rise
of the British Coal Industry, i, 137.
Table 34. Recorded lessees of the Railey group of pits, 1416–17 to 1539–40
1416–22 Sir Ralph Eure

1424–59 Sir William Eure
1464–c. 1471 Roger Wotton
1474–75 Richard Moreton
1478–79 Sir William Eure
1487–88, 1490–95 Thomas Witton or Wotton
1509–24 Robert Sympson and partners
1524–40 Richard Bellecys and partners
Source: Durham, UL, CCB B/1/5 to Durham, UL, CCB B/8/71.
Even as the value of the Railey pits increased in the early sixteenth century, lessees
from the gentry class remained predominant. Amongst them was Richard Bellasis,
who headed a consortium to lease the Railey pits under Cardinal Wolsey in the
later 1520s for the sum of £183 10s. a year in 1524–25 and then at the reduced
rent of £178 10s. a year between 1526–27 and at least 1529–30.94 His business
enterprise and other activities established the family of Bellasis of Houghton-
le-Spring.95 He was deputy sheriff of Durham, 1518–19,96 bailiff of Stockton
between 1524 and his death in 1539,97 constable of Durham Castle between 1527
and 1539,98 and deputy bailiff of Auckland between 1529 and 1539.99 He also
had a minor role between 1523 and 1539 as collector of Morton in Houghton-
le-Spring, where he leased a manor and grange.100 Wolsey commissioned him with
94
95
Surtees, The History and Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham, i, 202.
96
97
CCB B/6/69; Durham, UL, CCB B/7/70. His widow succeeds him as collector of Morton in
the Receiver General’s account of 1539–40 (Durham, UL, CCB B/7/71).
98
UL, CCB B/6/69, Durham, UL, CCB B/7/70.
99
Durham, UL, CCB B/6/66, Durham, UL, CCB B/6/68, Durham, UL, CCB B/6/69; Durham,
UL, CCB B/7/70.
100
William Strangways, another trusted estate officer, to survey and improve all mines
within his bishopric.101 Richard’s brother Anthony was a lawyer of sufficient stature
to serve the Council of the North.102 Richard Moreton, the lessee of 1474–75, was
perhaps from the family or families that held the lordships of Morton Tinmouth
in Gainford parish and Morton Palms in the parish of Haughton le Skerne.103 The
Wittons were neither Newcastle merchants nor major Durham gentry, but seem
to have been a little-known family from Witton-le-Wear.104
Such engagement in coal-mining by landlords of every status was no new
phenomenon of the fifteenth century. It goes back well into the ‘boom’ phase of
development in the decades following the Black Death. The Nevilles were directly
interested in coal mining at their manor of Winlaton at least as early as the 1360s,
and acquired coal-bearing property at Colepike Hall in 1388.105 In 1378 the
earl of Northumberland leased a mine in Whickham from the bishop for seven
years at £30 a year, and the Hatfield Survey records that he leased a coal pit at
Fugar House in Whickham for £26 13s. 4d.106 An interest in coal also occurs at
a very early date amongst gentry families. The earliest known large lease on the
bishopric estate, that of Whickham in 1356, was to Sir Thomas Grey of Heaton
and to the parson of Whickham, who was perhaps no more than Sir Thomas’s
local agent.107 This is another example of the overlap between the ministerial and
gentry groups; Thomas Grey was steward of the bishopric at the time.108 Other
CCB B/6/69, Durham, UL, CCB B/7/70; Surtees, The History and Antiquities of the County
Palatine of Durham, i, 202.
101
Galloway, Annals of Coal Mining and the Coal Trade, p. 85. Strangways was Receiver-
General in 1526–27 and 1528–29 (Durham, UL, CCB B/5/57; Durham, UL, CCB B/6/61).
102
Surtees, The History and Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham, i, 202n.
103
Surtees, The History and Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham, iii, 269–70; iv,
23. See too Storey, Thomas Langley, p. 260, which relates to Morton Tinmouth: Liddy, The
Bishopric of Durham, p. 159.
104
In 1478–79 the sheriff ’s sub-bailiffs were paid expenses for travelling twice to Witton-
le-Wear ‘to distrain upon the chattels of Thomas Wotton for unpaid sums of money owed to the
lord for a coal mine (or for coal mines)’ (pro districccione catallorum Thome Wotton pro dena-
riis de minera (or mineris) carbonum domino debitis non solutis): Durham, UL, CCB B/2/24.
105
106
Bishop Hatfield’s Survey, ed. by Greenwell, p. 93; Liddy, The Bishopric of Durham, p. 54.
107
108
sources of evidence, recording the involvement of Durham and Finchale priories

in the exploitation of coal, demonstrate that religious houses were another source
of investment by the mid-fourteenth century. Durham Priory began mining
operations at Rainton in the 1350s, and at Ferryhill in the 1360s; Finchale
Priory was mining at Lumley in the 1340s and at Softley by the 1360s. Although
representing much smaller interests than that of the bishop’s, and more concerned
with supplying their own needs, the priories’ activities deserve to be logged, albeit
briefly, into this analysis.109 By the later fifteenth century the involvement of even
some small religious houses is demonstrated by the bishop’s wayleave rents.110
To complete the entrepreneurial scene, it is also necessary to add that some
entrepreneurs in coal came from below the social level of the gentry. Three partners
who mined at Chowdene, and acknowledged a debt of £40 to Bishop Langley in
1436, were named as John Mayson, yeoman, Robert Horner, franklin, both of
Lamesley, and Robert Preston, franklin, of Durham.111 Some entrepreneurs were
local men with technical knowledge of mining operations. William Caunce, also
called William Bankemen,112 an early manager and bankman of Whickham pits,
was one of the bishop’s tenants at Whickham.113 With his son he was paid in 1460
for carrying stone at Whickham, where his son worked as a hewer at Estgate and
Westgate pits.114 In 1466–67, together with Thomas Wakefield, he took the lease
of a small residue of coal in an old Whickham pit for £6, and to that humble extent
entered the list of Whickham leaseholders. The two men bought six keels of coal
from the bishop’s Whickham mine in the following year.115 Then in 1472–73 and
1473–74 William was in partnership with John Cok and Nicholas Hanyng, in
leasing the mining operations of all Whickham for £66 13s. 4d. In the latter year
the three men also leased a mine from Sir William Lumley, paying the bishop for
a wayleave to carry coals to Redheugh on the Tyne.116 It seems likely that William
109
Dobson, Durham Priory, pp. 278–79; Galloway, Annals of Coal Mining and the Coal
Trade, pp. 52–54; Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry, pp. 75–76; Lomas, North-
East England, pp. 199–200; Louis and Vellacott, ‘Mining’, pp. 322–24.
110
See, too, Louis and Vellacott, ‘Mining’, p. 323.
111
Kew, TNA, Durh. 3/37.
112
Durham, UL, CCB B/79/5. He was bankman at Estgrove pit in 1457–58 and at Middle
grove pit in 1460 (Durham, UL, CCB B/79/1; Durham, UL, CCB B/79/5).
113
In 1461–62 he carried coal amongst other tenants of the bishop in Whickham (Durham,
UL, CCB B/78/6).
114
115
116
Durham, UL, CCB B/2/19, Durham, UL, CCB B/2/20, and Durham, UL, CCB
operated as the local manager to Cok and Hanyng, who were both Newcastle
merchants. Thomas Wakefield, his partner in 1466–68 was another technician; he
was paid in 1460 for structural work at Whickham around a pit head, for felling
and carrying timber, for carpentry work on an underground carriage system, and
for drainage work.117 Knowledge of drainage operations was perhaps particularly
valuable for such men. John Baker, the appruator of the Railey pits between
14 June and Christmas, 1460, was simultaneously responsible for maintaining
a drainage pipe across Palace Green in Durham.118 Coal management, in other
words, was offering local mining experts, even without significant capital, the
chance to engage in entrepreneurial activity. Doubtless many such men served
the bishop’s lessees as local managers or, in a more exalted capacity, as junior
partners with special responsibilities.
Conclusions
The evidence so far examined allows several conclusions relating to the bishop’s
coal interests during the late Middle Ages. First, the marketing pattern of the two
principal areas of mining on the bishop’s estate was very different. Sales depended
on water transport in Whickham and Gateshead but on land transport at the
Railey mines. The bishop’s control of resources, and ability to dominate the mar-
ket, were considerably greater in the latter group. His income from coal suffered
severely in the fifteenth century, chiefly because of a collapse in the demand for
coal in distant locations previously supplied with fuel from northeastern Eng-
land. Because of these problems with distant markets, the Tyneside pits were
more adversely affected by commercial problems than the inland pits through-
out the fifteenth century and declined in relative importance. In fact, economic
recovery did not benefit the bishop’s Tyneside mines until the second decade of
the sixteenth century, and even then his total income from coal on Tyneside was
not as large as it had been in the later fourteenth century. This conclusion, well
supported by the evidence of coal exports, is of relevance for the coalfield as a
whole during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.
Observations from the bishop’s estate also allow several conclusions relating
to the social contexts of development in the early northeastern coalfield. The
entrepreneurship needed to launch coal mining in the Durham coalfield
B/2/21. For Cok and Hayning, see nn. 68 and 69, above.
117
118
He is described as ‘warden of the (underground) channel of the aqueduct between the
castle and the abbey’ (custus fistule aqueductus inter castrum et abbatiam) in 1459–60 and
1460–61: Durham, UL, CCB B/1/9, Durham, UL, CCB B/2/10.
between 1350 and 1540 was broadly based, involving Newcastle merchants,
episcopal administrators, ecclesiastical bodies of all sizes, gentry families, other
lay landowners of varied status, and local tenants skilled enough to serve as pit
managers. In this kaleidoscope of talent, merchants were no more prominent than
men from other social groups, except in the Tyneside mines. Indeed, the greatest
and most complex leases on the episcopal estate, those of the Railey group, were
never taken up by merchants. Furthermore, this variety of social origins amongst
those involved in the getting of coal was already apparent in the period of rapid
growth in the later fourteenth century, and there is no evidence that members of
any particular social group acted as pioneers. The commercial attitudes, processes
and skills needed to develop the coalfield after 1350 were already available among
merchants, landlords, administrators, and manorial tenants, by the time of the
Black Death. This must be attributable to earlier economic developments that
had inculcated normal practices of commercial rationality in the northeast,
and encouraged the adoption of advanced systems of accounting and estate
administration. The commercial development of coal was already compatible
with local culture at all social levels by 1303, when in response to a petition of
grievances to Edward I, Bishop Bek had granted the commons of Durham that
they could mine coal and iron on their own land.119 Partnerships, large rents, and
correspondingly large outputs in the 1350s are well represented by Sir Thomas
Grey’s impressive commitment to Bishop Bury in 1344 and Bishop Hatfield in
1356; he needed to extract and sell 10,000 tons of coal simply to pay his rent, and
the lease permitted three times this amount.120 To judge from the evidence of the
Durham bishopric estate, therefore, there was no observable growth in the scale
or the complexity of enterprise between the 1350s and the 1540s.
119
Registrum Palatinum Dunelmense, ed. by Hardy, iii, 42, 62; Records of Anthony Bek, ed.
by Fraser, no. 89, p. 94.
120
Hatcher, The History of the British Coal Industry, p. 29.
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Durham, UL, CCB B/4/39A —— , CCB B/4/39A

Durham, UL, CCB B/31C/220204/4 —— , CCB B/31C/220204/4

Durham, CRO, D/Lo/F 26 Durham, County Record Office, D/Lo/F 26
Kew, TNA, Durh. 3/30, m. 11d Kew (London), The National Archives,
Durham 3/30, m. 11d
Kew, TNA, Durh. 3/31, m. 4 —— , Durham 3/31, m. 4
Kew, TNA, Durh. 3/37 —— , Durham 3/37
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Fraser, Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle upon Tyne, Record Series, 3 (Newcastle
upon Tyne, 1987)
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of Thomas de Hatfield, Bishop of Durham, ed. by William Greenwell, Surtees Society,
32 (Durham, 1857)
Boldon Buke: A Survey of the Possessions of the See of Durham, Made by Order of Bishop
Hugh Pudsey, ed. by William Greenwell, Surtees Society, 25 (Durham, 1852)
The Customs Accounts of Newcastle upon Tyne, 1454–1500, ed. by John F. Wade, Surtees
Society, 202 (Durham, 1995)
The Durham Liber Vitae: London, British Library, MS Cotton Domitian A. VII, ed. by
David W. Rollason and Lynda Rollason, 3 vols (London, 2007)
Fasti Dunelmenses: A Record of the Beneficed Clergy of the Diocese of Durham down to
the Dissolution of the Monastic and Collegiate Churches, ed. by Douglas S. Boutflower,
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History of Newcastle and Gateshead, ed. by Richard Welford, 3 vols (London, 1884–87)
Records of Anthony Bek, Bishop and Patriarch, 1283–1311, ed. by Constance Fraser,
Surtees Society, 162 (Durham, 1957)
Registrum Palatinum Dunelmense: The Register of Richard de Kellawe, Lord Palatine
and Bishop of Durham, 1311–1316, ed. by Thomas D. Hardy, Rolls Series, 62, 4 vols
(London, 1873–78)
Wills and Inventories, ed. by James Raine, and others, Surtees Society, 2, 38, 4 pts (Durham,
1835, 1860)
Secondary Works
Blake, J. B., ‘The Medieval Coal Trade of North East England: Some Fourteenth-Century
Evidence’, Northern History, 2 (1967), 1–26
Bourne, Henry, The History of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, or, The Ancient and Present State of
That Town (Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1736)
Britnell, Richard, ‘Medieval Gateshead’, in Newcastle and Gateshead before 1700, ed. by
Diana Newton and Anthony J. Pollard (Chichester, 2009), pp. 137–70
Dobson, R. Barrie, Durham Priory, 1400–1450, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and
Thought, 3rd ser., 6 (Cambridge, 1973)
Dodds, Ben, Peasants and Production in the Medieval North-East: The Evidence from
Tithes, 1270–1536, Regions and Regionalism in History, 7 (Woodbridge, 2007)
Fraser, Constance, ‘The Economic Growth of Newcastle upon Tyne’, in Newcastle and
Gateshead before 1700, ed. by Diana Newton and Anthony J. Pollard (Chichester,
2009), pp. 41−64
Galloway, Robert L., ‘An Account of Some of the Earliest Records Connected with the
Working of Coal on the Banks of the River Tyne’, Archaeologia Aeliana, n.s., 8 (1880),
167–210
—— , Annals of Coal Mining and the Coal Trade (London, 1898)
—— , The History of the British Coal Industry, ed. by John Hatcher and others, 5 vols
(Oxford, 1993), i: Before 1700
Hughes, Jonathan R. T., ‘Arthur Cole and Entrepreneurial History’, Business and Economic
History, 12 (1983), 133–44
Lapsley, Gaillard T., The County Palatine of Durham: A Study in Constitutional History,
Harvard Historical Studies, 8 (London, 1900)
Liddy, Christian D., The Bishopric of Durham in the Late Middle Ages: Lordship, Commun
ity and the Cult of St Cuthbert, Regions and Regionalism in History, 11 (Woodbridge,
2008)
Lomas, Richard, North-East England in the Middle Ages (Edinburgh, 1992)
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Durham, ed. by William Page and others, 4 vols (London, 1905–2005), ii, ed. by
William Page (1907), pp. 319–56
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Tabula Gratulatoria
The following scholars and institutions wish to mark this volume by entering
their names in a Tabula Gratulatoria in honour of John Hatcher.
Martin Allen Kay Lacey

Mark Bailey John Langdon
Jacques Beauroy Érik et Yvolène Le Maresquier
Ole Benedictow John S. Lee
Wim Blockmans James Masschaele
Richard H. Britnell Erin McGibbon Smith
Bruce M.S. Campbell John Munro
Jan Capoen Kate Parkin
Christine Carpenter Anne Reiber Dewindt
James Davis Stephen H.Rigby
Ben Dodos Miri Rubin
Colette Dufour Bozzo Phillipp Schofield
R.A. Fierst van Wijnandsbergen Richard M. Smith
Paul Freedman Martin Stephenson
Mark Gardiner David Stone
Richard Goddard The Royal Swedish Academy of
John Hare Agriculture and Forestry
P.D.A. Harvey Erik Thoen
Tommy Heyman Penelope Upton
Jennifer S. Holt John Watts
R.W. Hoyle Masahiko Yamada
Stuart Jenks Margaret Yates
Maryanne Kowaleski
The Medieval Countryside
All volumes in this series are evaluated by an Editorial Board, strictly on academic
grounds based on reports prepared by referees who have been commissioned by
virtue of their specialism in the appropriate field. The Board ensures that the
screening is done independently and without conflicts of interest. The definitive
texts supplied by authors are also subject to review by the Board before being
approved for publication. Further, the volumes are copyedited to conform to the
publisher’s stylebook and to the best international academic standards in the field.
Titles in Series
The Rural History of Medieval European Societies: Trends and Perspectives, ed. by Isabel
Alfonso (2007)
Eva Svensson, The Medieval Household: Daily Life in Castles and Farmsteads. Scandinavian
Examples in their European Context (2008)
Land, Power, and Society in Medieval Castile: A Study of Behetría Lordship, ed. by Cristina
Jular Pérez-Alfaro and Carlos Estepa Díez (2009)
Survival and Discord in Medieval Society: Essays in Honour of Christopher Dyer, ed. by
Richard Goddard, John Langdon, and Miriam Müller (2010)
Feudalism: New Landscapes of Debate, ed. by Sverre Bagge, Michael H. Gelting, and
Thomas Lindkvist (2011)
Scale and Scale Change in the Early Middle Ages: Exploring Landscape, Local Society, and
the World Beyond, ed. by Julio Escalona and Andrew Reynolds (2011)
José Ramón Díaz de Durana, Anonymous Noblemen: The Generalization of Hidalgo Status
in the Basque Country (1250–1525) (2011)
Settlement and Lordship in Viking and Early Medieval Scandinavia, ed. by Bjørn Poulsen
and Søren Michael Sindbæk (2011)
Britons, Saxons, and Scandinavians: The Historical Geography of Glanville R. J. Jones, ed.
by P. S. Barnwell and Brian K. Roberts
Ferran Garcia-Oliver, The Valley of the Six Mosques: Work and Life in Medieval Valldigna

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What is the book about?

What is the book about?

What topics are covered in Part I?

What topics are covered in Part I?

Town and Countryside

Editorial Board under the auspices of Yale University

Paul Freedman, Chair, Yale University

Isabel Alfonso, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientifícas, Madrid

Mark Bailey and Stephen Rigby

© 2012, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

List of Illustrations vii

Part I. The Medieval Demographic System

New Perspectives in Medieval Demography:

Measuring Adult Mortality in an Age of Plague:England, 1349–1540

The Demography of Maritime Communities in Late Medieval England

Part II. Landlords and Peasants

Grain Yields on English Demesnes after the Black Death

Risk and Capital Formation:

The Black Death and its Immediate Aftermath:

Court Rolls as Evidence for Village Society:

The Arundell Estates and the Regional Economy

The Late Medieval Decline of English Demesne Agriculture:

Part III. Trade and Industry

Selling Food and Drink in the Aftermath of the Black Death

The Role of Fairs in Late Medieval England

The Coal Industry in the Later Middle Ages:

Tabula Gratulatoria 473

Figure 9, p. 73. Life expectancy of monks at age twenty-five and tenants-in-chief of

Table 15, p. 262. The lord’s rights

Map 1, p. 219. The East Anglian fenland in the Middle Ages

subject of this Festschrift. This epidemic stands unchallenged as the greatest

In a tightly argued and sophisticated paper, Richard Smith constructs a wider

scattered widely around England. Kowaleski’s conclusion is that the demographic

McGibbon Smith uses the example of crime and misbehaviour to demonstrate

The recent publication of a series of fifteenth-century rentals for the Arundell

The demographic and economic expansion of the twelfth and thirteenth

which are generally considered to be central to the formation of a specific pattern

The ‘Demographic Transition’ and Feudal Society

Western Europe.1 Accordingly, the Dictionary of Demography defines ‘the demo­

The Emergence of the Concept of a Medieval Demographic System

of the demographic system of northwestern Europe in the early modern period

A key paper in the development of medieval demography was published by

birth of around thirty-three years.19 Consequently, Ohlin’s assumption on this

at marriage in London for heiresses, mostly of artisan families, which suggested

overall demographic regime, forming the structures of life-expectancy, fertility

Resources’, p. 191; Smith, ‘Demographic Developments in Rural England’, pp. 36–49; Hatcher

trophe. However, in 1349, the number of registered marriages was eighty-six, a

they succeeded in pointing out weaknesses and uncertainties inherent in Razi’s

Unfortunately, in the debate generated by Razi’s work, the remarkable

tance were the studies of monastic communities in Westminster, Durham, and

workers could obtain in this period.80 However, Bennett herself is reluctant to

preceding medieval high pressure system before the development of substantially

If the Middle Ages was characterized by its own high-pressure demographic

Medieval Osteological Demography and its

about twenty-three to twenty-four years. Biraben’s innovative and pioneering use

marriage of around twenty-five years which was characteristic of early modern

The Final Establishment of the (Concept of a) Medieval Demographic

At one point, in describing the demographic structures of the sixteenth century

Western Europe.1 Accordingly, the Dictionary of Demography defines ‘the demo

—— , ‘Pigs and Prostitutes: Streetwalking in Comparative Perspective’, in Young Medieval

but nonetheless revealing data from some sixteenth- and seventeenth-century

Most maritime historians consider fisher-farmers as part of the maritime world,

Kew, TNA, E122 —— , E122

Abreu-Ferreira, Darlene, ‘Fishmongers and Shipowners: Women in Maritime Communi

—— , ‘Hythe Wills: Abstracts.—II’, Archaeologia Cantiana, 30 (1914), 94–126

hardiest of grains but sown in diminishing quantities, showed an improvement in