Social Development

Social Development, Culture,
and Participation:
Toward theorizing endogenous

development in Tanzania
PhD thesis submitted to the Graduate School of

Asia-Pacific Studies, Waseda University (GSAPS)
October 2002
(April 2003 Revision)
Kumiko Sakamoto
Acknowledgements
First of all, I would like to thank the villagers of Mbekenyera and Naunambe
villages (Mbekenyera Ward, Ruangwa District), Naipanga Village (Nachingwea District),
Rutamba ya Sasa and Rutamba ya Zamani villages (Rutamba Ward, Lindi Rural District),
Sudi and Mchinga II villages (Lindi Rural District) to have contributed their knowledge and
time for this research. This thesis, especially Chapter 4, is a consolidation of their
knowledge, and although I have left the original papers that noted down the discussions
in the respective villages, I would like to dedicate this thesis back to the people.
Secondly, I would like to thank the facilitators and interviewers for their effort: Mzee
Issa Mapua for facilitating, and Mr. R. Nakumbya and Mr. A. B. Katoto for co-facilitating
the field research in Mbekenyera and Naunambe villages; Ms. S. Malunda, Mr. I. Matola,
and Ms. E. Kamagenge for facilitating in Naipanga Village; Mr. A. T. Bubelwa for
facilitating, and Ms. K. P. Liveta and Mr. R. J. Kwai for co-facilitating in Rutamba ya Sasa
and Rutamba ya Zamani villages; and Mr. Omari Mchalaganya and Mr. Issa Kalenga for
facilitating in Sudi and Mchinga II villages. Interviews were done by the same facilitators
in the respective locations; and by Ms. Farida Kangesa in Dar es Salaam, by Mr. D. M.
Masasi in Kilwa District, and by Mr. A. Chale and Mr. H. Mapua in Lindi Urban.
Thirdly, Tanzania Commission for Science and Technology (COSTECH) kindly gave
me their permission to undergo this research (Permit No. 2001-185, File No. RCA 2001-29,
“Social Development and Culture: The Case of Tanzania”) and Prof. S. B. Likwelile has
recommended, supervised, and advised me in Tanzania. I would also like to thank the
village, ward, district, and regional officials for their understanding and support, and for
sharing their knowledge of their locality. Special thanks to Mr. N.J.E. Mnguli for
introducing contacts within Lindi Region, and giving relevant advices in the process of
the field research. RIPS staff have shared their diversified knowledge with me: Dr. J.
Wembah-Rashid, Ms. Julie Adkins, Mr. Deodatus Babili, and Mr. Bright Msalya for sharing
their knowledge and experiences; Mr. O. Kinyero for making Map 1; Mr. Dunford Kunnola,
Ms. Kerstin Smetz, and Mr. Francis Mdembwe for sharing their documents; and Ms. Maria
Notley for duplicating their video. I received valuable comments and advices from Prof.
Marjorie Mbilinyi, Dr. E.P.A. Mihanjo, Dr. Max Mmuya, Dr. S. Mesaki, and Prof. C.S.L.
Chachage of University of Dar es Salaam; Prof I. Kikula of UCLAS (University College of
Land and Architecture Studies); Prof. Juhani Koponen, Prof. Jun Ikeno, and Prof. Yasuo
Takamura. My ex-colleagues in UNDP (the United Nations Development Programme),
UNICEF (the United Nations Children’s Fund), and Vice President’s Office have also been
helpful in inspiring my research through sharing their experiences and information. I
would like to thank Ms. Mio Takada, Ms. Simrin Singh, and Mr. Andy Hurd for their
hospitality in Dar es Salaam; Annie of Concern in Lindi; and Ngwegwe family and
Ndarage family in Mtwara. The list of people whom I appreciate toward extends to
Appendix A. Many of them have provided comments and advices on the research
proposal and draft interview questionnaire. Mwalimu Esta has been extremely kind to
April 2003 i
translate the first draft of the English questionnaire into Swahili on short notice. Although
the questionnaire changed drastically based on the various comment received in
Tanzania, the first Swahili questionnaire enabled a great starting point. Mr. Timo Voipio
has also been extremely generous in giving prior tips that enabled me to maximize my
field research in southeastern Tanzania.
This thesis was not possible without the supervisions of my advisor Prof. Jun
Nishikawa and my deputy advisor Prof. Yoshiaki Abe of GSAPS (Graduate School of
Asia-Pacific Studies), Waseda University. They have gone through various versions of the
draft thesis and articles, sat through presentation rehearsals, and provided precise
directions and advices. I would also like to thank my classmates for commenting in such
occasions. The research was possible financially with sponsorship of Waseda University
Grant for Special Research Projects (Individual Research) entitled “Culture and Social
Development.”
The introduction and the structure of the thesis were presented in an interim
presentation on 25 February 2002, in GSAPS, Waseda University. Prof. Nishikawa chaired
the presentation and professors Abe, Takeshi Hara, and Glenda S. Roberts provided
valuable advices.
A part of this thesis (mainly reformulated in chapter 4) was presented at the 12th
Annual Conference of the Japan Society for International Development in Hiroshima,
Japan on 1 December 2001 as “Culture and Social Development in Tanzania: From the
case of Lindi Region” and received comments from professors Junzo Kawada, Kyoko
Kikuchi, and Jin Sato. A draft article on the subject has been shared with Mr. Stephan
Dondeyne, Mr. Jozef Serneels, Ms. Chika Hyodo, Ms. Babette Pfander, and Ms. Mio
Takada, and received their criticism, inspiration, and encouragement.
A different part of this thesis (latter part of chapter 3) was presented in the 39th
Annual Conference of Japan Association for African Studies in Sendai, Japan on 26 May
2002 as “Is Swahili Culture Social Development Unfriendly? Historical formation of poverty
in Tanzania” and received valuable comments from professors Shunya Hino and Chizuko
Tominaga, and encouragement from Dr. Tadasu Tsuruta.
The thesis was presented and defending in an oral examination on 6 February
2003, in GSAPS, Waseda University. Professors Nishikawa, Abe, Hara and Makoto Sato
have scrutinized and examined the thesis, and indicated areas of necessary revisions.
The thesis has been revised based on their advices.
Although this thesis was possible through dialogue with so many people including
those I have been able to acknowledge, I am solely responsible for the interpretation of
the knowledge that I have received and written down. Lastly but not the least, I thank
my husband Katsunori Tsuda for his logistical and moral support during the fieldwork, and
his understanding during the writing of my thesis.
Kumiko Sakamoto
April 2003
April 2003 ii
Social Development, Culture, and Participation – Summary (Kumiko Sakamoto)
Summary
This thesis aims at theorizing endogenous development through re-conceptualizing

the role of culture and recognizing the importance of diverse agencies participating in
the development context. Tanzania aimed at harmonization between “development”
and “culture” through the Ujamaa concept, but there were conflicts between
development and culture in its top-down policies. Furthermore, present development
perspectives perceived “culture” as a tool for development - either as an obstacle or a
facilitator. The alternative perspective proposed in this thesis is to recognize culture as the
basis for development: Conflict between development and culture hints resistances of
the people toward the development processes; and harmonization between
development and culture prevails endogenous development (Chapter 1).
A case study of Tanzania illustrated that culture was created based on ecological
systems, structured based on the historical social processes, and selected based on
endogenous agencies (Chapter 2). Within the different natural environments, societies
mingled, interacted, and selected - creating layers of basis for their cultural identities. The
layers created were the “Swahili culture” originating from the interactions between
Africans and Arabs on the coast that spread along the caravan route, “tribal culture”
frozen during the colonial rule, and “national culture” based on Ujamaa. Lindi Region is
one of the coastal areas with the strong “Swahili” influence, but analysis showed that
identities were diverse and consisting of multiple layers.
The evaluations of social development in Tanzania at the macro level in more recent
policies indicated that endogenous perspectives should be considered as a condition
for social development (Chapter 3). Firstly, time series analysis indicated that both
state-led (Ujamaa) and market-led (structural adjustment) policies were predominantly
exogenous for the people, and social development have not been sustained.
Furthermore, the period lacking relative social development corresponded to the period
lacking endogenous nature. Secondly, analysis of geographical disparities indicated that
the regions with strong Swahili influences were lagging in terms of social development
and that it was a result of marginalization forced by exogenous factors. Therefore, the
thesis proposes people’s endogenous perspectives as an essential condition for social
development.
Through the case study of Lindi Region, diverse agencies realizing endogenous
development at the micro level were assessed (Chapter 4). Perspectives of
development and culture were analyzed differentiating between women and men,
young and old, based on the understanding that women and youth were excluded from
participating in formal institutions of governance. According to the analysis, women
utilized “development” against “culture” that violated their welfare, and they also used
“cultural” networks as space for participating in social processes. On the other hand,
youth denied traditional “culture” and found space outside existing village networks. This
analysis indicated the importance of diverse agencies and their mutual dialogue for
endogenous development.
Summarizing the discussions, the following conditions were proposed for
endogenous social development: (i) Recognizing culture as the basis of development;
(ii) Recognizing ecology, structure, and agencies as creator of culture; (iii) People’s
endogenous participation including self-reliance in development processes;
(iv) Dialogue between diverse agencies; and (v) Structural change and empowerment
of agencies.
April 2003
List of Abbreviations and Acronyms
ADB African Development Bank NCCR-Mageusi National Convention for
BHN Basic human needs Construction and Reform-Mageusi (A
CCM Chama Cha Mapinduzi (The political party),
Revolutionary Part - ruling party) NGOs Non Governmental Organizations
CHADEMA Chama Cha Demokrasia na NER Net enrolment rate
Maendeleo (A political party) NESP The National Economic Survival
CUF Civic United Front (A political party) Programme
DANIDA Danish Development Assistance NPES National Poverty Eradication Strategy
DED/O District Executive Director/Officer NPV Net present value
DFID Department for International ODA Overseas Development Agency (U.K.,
Development (U.K.) renamed DFID)
DPT Diphtheria, pertussis, and tetanus PAR Participatory action research
EC European Commission PFP Policy Framework Paper
ERP Economic Recovery Programme PPA Participatory poverty assessment
ESAF Enhanced Structural Adjustment PRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper
Facility RPFB Rolling Planning and Forward
ESRF Economic and Social Research Budgeting
Foundation SWAp Sector side approach
EU European Union TAS Tanzania Assistance Strategy
FGM Female genital mutilation TFC Tanzania Fertilizer Company
FINNIDA Finish International Development TSh Tanzanian Shilling
Agency U.K. United Kingdom
GAPEX General Agricultural Product Export U.S. United States
Corporation U5MR Under 5 mortality rate
GDI Genderrelated development index UCLAS University College of Land and
GDP Gross domestic product Architecture Studies
GER Gross enrolment rate UNDP United Nations Development
GTZ German Technical Cooperation Programme
HBS Household budget survey UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific
HDI Human development index and Culture Organization
HIPC Heavily Indebted Poor Country UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for
IDA International Development Association Refugees
(the World Bank) UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
ILO International Labour Organization UNU United Nations University
IMF International Monetary Fund UPE Universal primary education
IMR Infant mortality rate v.a. Valid answer
JICA Japan International Cooperation VED/O Village Executive Director/Officer
Agency WDC Ward Development Committee
LGRP Local Government Reform Programme WED/O Ward Executive Director/Officer
MLYD Ministry of Labour and Youth WFP World Food Programme
Development
MMR Maternal mortality rate
MOE Ministry of Education and Culture
Jan. 2003 xii

Frequently used Swahili Words
Adabu Good manners harvest), originally in groups
Chumba Room. Used in specific of ten (kumi) within the
context as marriage. community
Fundi A person skilled in any art, Mila na desturi Customs and practices
crafts, or profession Mtoto Child (plural watoto)
Fundisha Teach Mzee The elderly, with respect
Heshima, heshimu Respect (noun, verb) (plural wazee), cf. ukubwa
Jamii Community Mzimu Medicine man (spirit shrine
Jando Adult initiation rites for boys, keeper)
although the villagers Ndoa Marriage
frequently use it Ndonya Wood ornaments worn by
interchangeably with women on the face between
unyago. The ritual itself is the nose and the mouth
done separately by sex every Ngoma Festivals in general, normally
year around August in with drums and dance. (The
southeast Tanzania when the original meaning of ngoma is
parents decide to send them, drums)
frequently around children Pima Measure, test
around 10 years of age. The Tabia Behaviors, habits
boys have a longer ritual Tambiko Making offerings to the spirits
staying in the “bush” for of the dead (e.g. oxen,
circumcisions. goats, fowls, beer, clothes
Kabila Ethnic group etc.)
Kazi Work Tunza Bring up, care
Kinu Wooden mortar, hollowed Ujamaa Extended familyhood
out in the center, used for Ukoo Clan
pounding and cleaning grain, Unyago Adult initiation rites for girls
and crushing and mixing although the villagers
vegetable foods. frequently use it
Kitongoji Hamlet (plural vitongoji) interchangeably with jando.
Ishi Live In southeast Tanzania, girls
Kujitegemea Self-reliance have a shorter period of
Maendeleo Development unyago staying within the
Maisha Everyday life village.
Matanga Formal mourning lasting from Utamaduni Culture
three to ten days, where Zaa Bear children
friends sleep in the mourner’s
house.
Mchinga Street venders (plural
machinga)
Mganga Medicine man (Witchcraft
eradicator) (plural waganga)
Mikumi Villagers participating and
helping each other to do
agriculture (e.g.: cultivation,
Jan. 2003 xiii

Map 1:
Source: Created by Soil Service Mtwara project and Rural Integrated Project Support programme, Naliendele Agricultural Research Institute (for the author)
Introduction: Social development,
culture, and participation
1. Background
2. Definitions of Key Terminologies
3. The Setting of the Subject
4. The Field of the Research
5. Sources and Methodologies
1. Background
1.2 Background of the Research
In search of better understanding and improved well-being for people, there have been
various theories in social science over many years. As one of these attempts, the importance
of social development has been emphasized especially since the 1990s, learning from the
past development experiences. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP)
promoted the concept of human development from the 1990s by redef ining development as
centering on people rather than simple material growth and as a process of enlarging
people’s choices (UNDP 1990), enriching the concept of social development (Nishikawa
1997). In 1995, the World Summit on Social Development (WSSD) put the agendas related to
social development such as education, health, employment, and involvement of civil
societies as global priorities (UN 1995). However, conceptualizations of human development
have not been enough to grasp the messages from the reality level based on people’s
culture (Kawada 1997).
On the other hand, the influences and importance of “culture” have been recognized at
least for a decade. During the colonial time, “culture” was recognized both as an obstacle
and as a facilitator for development. Recognition of “culture” as a tool for “development”
has continued in the recent discussion of social capital.
Other schools of thought have interpreted the same phenomena differently. Conflicts
between “culture” and “development” are recognized as “resistances” (Scott 1985; 1998) or
struggles of people toward external and upper power by school of thought with influence of
the dependency theory. On the other hand, “development” internally blooming from the
people’s own culture is theorized as endogenous development, as an alternative way of
development (Tsurumi 1996). These two schools of thoughts can be described as different
paths or situations depending on the extent people are able to participate in the processes
of development.
Social Development, Culture, and Participation - Introduction (Kumiko Sakamoto)
This thesis will analyze the development processes of a country, which had development
policy objectives close to “social development” and “endogenous development .” The
interpretation of “development” in Tanzania since independence in 1961 at the conceptual
level has been very close to what we now call “social development .” Julius Nyerere, the first
president, emphasized that it was not “things” but “people” who had to be developed
based on their own self-reliance especially in agriculture (Nyerere 1973). He also emphasized
the importance of basic health and education services (with Swahili as the national
language). With self-reliance for agriculture and provision of basic health and education
services as supporting elements, villagization was pursued with the Ujamaa (extended
familyhood) concept representing African socialism (Nyerere 1966, pp. 162-171). The Ujamaa
concept was based on Nyerere’s stance that “culture was the essence and spirit of any
nation” and on his enthusiasm “to seek out the best of the traditions and customs of all our
tribes and make them a part of our national culture” (Nyerere 1966, pp. 186 -187), which can
be related to “endogenous development .” This path that Tanzania indicated attracted some
development specialists’ attention as a model case for endogenous social development,
such as being quoted in the Dag Hammerskj ö ld Report (1975) as an unique case globally. 1
In spite of the noble objectives, the Ujamaa policy on the ground has been repeatedly
criticized as a failure not only economically but als o socially and culturally. The Ujamaa
villagization process became far from the original concept of self-reliance with consideration
to people’s culture: The Government implemented villagization in a top-down fashion in
order to effectively move people into villages. Scott (1998) argued that forcing people to live
in villages disrupted the accumulated knowledge of the people and created them into mere
laborers.
1.3 Background of the Author

While working for development agencies in Tanzania, the author encount ered many
occasions that “culture” has been recognized as obstacle to “development .” This is the
starting point of the problem that will be dealt with in this thesis.
The author worked for UNICEF (the United Nations Children’s Fund) Tanzania, as a
community based assistant programme officer in the area of strengthening community
based monitoring system during 1994-1996, and as a consultant to strengthen district level
monitoring through district profiles during 1996-1997. The location of the duty was residi ng in
Dar es Salaam, but the duty required field trips to various districts supported by UNICEF. Within
the framework of the organization that had an overall objective of improving the welfare of
girls and women, the author observed that different actors mentioned various cultural
practices and beliefs as impediments for development. For example, districts mentioned such
perspectives within the district statistical profiles (UNICEF 1997) that the author was responsible
for.2 Similar perspectives were indicated in other qualitative researches of girls and women
that colleagues were involved in (UNICEF 1996). Within the conceptual framework of UNICEF,
culture was considered as an influencing element, but the author did not have an
opportunity to be deeply involved in the nature of this influencing element to the extent this
thesis aims at.
After the assignment with UNICEF, the author worked for the poverty eradication
programme funded by UNDP and implemented by the Vice President ’s Office (VPO) within
1 In the report, the term “another development ” is used, recognized as within the same category as
endogenous social development.
2 See Chapter 1 for details .
June 2003 2
the Government of Tanzania, as a monitoring systems consultant in 1997, and as a monitoring

systems expert during 1997-1999. In these assignments, the author participated in the poverty
monitoring task force, which was the spearhead to select relevant poverty monitoring
indicators within the context of Tanzania and designed the institutional framework for poverty
monitoring. In the process of selecting poverty indicators, the task force organized zonal
workshops involving district and regional experts and stakeholders, covering the whole
nation. One of the proposals from the districts and regions that caught my attention, which
was beyond the standard indicators that experts from the central and sectoral level
proposed, was indicators related to traditions and norms . In these zonal workshops, 9 regions
(Arusha, Coast, Dodoma, Iringa, Lindi, Mbeya, Morogoro, Mtwara, and Tanga) out of 20
regions considered people’s traditions and norms as one of the reasons for their poverty. The
results of the zonal workshop were consolidated to propose national poverty indicators and
to mention the regionally selected poverty indicators including the indicators related to
traditions and norms (Tanzania 1999). However, in spite of the recognition of the strong
influence of people’s cul ture on poverty, the nature of the influence was considered as too
complex and sensitive to be monitored through standard indicators or administrative
monitoring systems.
This is how the author nurtured one’s interest in the topic within the “development” context.
However, based on the decision that such subject needs to be re-examined independently
outside the “development” context, the author chose to investigate it as a research topic of
this thesis. The author recognizes her own background in international agencies in Tanzania
both as a comparative advantage and a bias, which will be elaborated in the section on the
limitations of the thesis.
2. Definitions of Key Terminologies

The key terminologies defined here are “development”, “endogenous development”,
“social development”, “culture”, and “participation.”
2.1 Development
“Development” has gone through various evolvements through the history. Although the
notion of “development” has existed for centuries, the global domination started to be
critical in the 19 40s after the World War II . A frequently cited benchmark is President Truman’s
inaugural address to “develop” the South. During this period, “development” was mainly
defined as economic development, eventually becoming a key word for the newly
independent countries. The word increased its dimensions of definitions in the 1970s with the
notions of basic human needs (BHN) Approach, the New International Economic Order, and
alternative development(s). In the 1980s, sustainable development became one of the key
points to redefine “development” with the recognition of the environmental degradations. In
the 1990s, UNDP proposed “human development” conceptually supported by Sen’s
capability approach. Corresponding to these evolvement the “development” definitions , the
concept of social development became refined, and its importance was confir med globally
in the Social Summit of 1995.
These histories of “development” diversified the word’s definitions based on the various
interests and perspectives. To understand the perspectives of people and villagers in
Tanzania, the definition of “development” is crosschecked with people of Lindi Region in this
thesis. The Swahili word used in this thesis for development is “maendeleo ”, coming from the
June 2003 3
verb “kwenda ” (or “enda” ) meaning “to go” (or “go”). This verb is categorized as a word from
Bantu, which is of African origin.
The first President Nyerere frequently used the word “maendeleo” since independence,
as the direction and slogan for the new nation. In a paper published by Nyerere on 16
October 1968 entitled “Freedom and Development”, accepted as a party policy paper, he
defined maendeleo (development) as increasing people’s freedom (Nyerere 19997, p. 60).
He specified this freedom as (a) national freedom , (b) freedom from hunger, disease, and
poverty, and (c) personal freedom for individuals (such as to live in dignity and equality ,
freedom of speech, and freedom to participate) (Nyerere 1997, p. 58).
Within the diverse concepts of “development” born from the history of “development”
including that of Nyerere, this thesis will focus on “endogenous development” and “social
development” as key concepts. The definitions of these terminologies are as following.
2.1.1 Endogenous development

The concept of endogenous development is a world vision and an academic
methodology in social science, defined by locally defined values, resources, and initiatives.
The concept has emerged as the third world gained voice against globalization of external
driven development based on the modernization theory, which was a crisis for regional
uniqueness (Nishikawa 2001b, p. 42).3
Endogenous development enrooting from diverse cultures has been proposed by Dag
Hammarskjöld Foundation and Tsurumi respectively. The three main pillars of endogenous
development or “another development” proposed by Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
Report, which was prepared for the Seventh Special Session of the United Nations General
Assembly in 1975, were
(i) Geared to the satisfaction of needs, beginning with the eradication of poverty;
(ii) Endogenous and self- reliant, that is, relying on the strength of the societies which
undertake it; and
(iii) In harmony with the environment.
(Hammarskjöld 1975, p. 28)
Based on the discussion around the above three pillars illustrating that endogenous
development is diverse processes incorporating cultural inheritance, satisfying BHN, and
considering ecological limits, it showed that
3 The endogenous development theory should be differentiated with the endogenous growth theory (or
the new growth theory). The endogenous growth theory is a modification of the traditional
neoclassical growth theory that credit economic growth to an exogenous technological process. The
endogenous growth theory provides a theoretical framework to explain why long- run equilibrium
growth can be positive and divergent among countries and why capital tends to flow from poor to
rich countries despite the formers low capital-labor ratios (e.g. why free- market reforms imposed on
highly indebted countries did not prompt higher investment , rising productivity, and improved
standard of living). It analyzes endogenous growth as persistent GNP growth that is determined by the
system governing the production process rather than by forces outside that system. Although
recognizing the cause of development as embedded within is common between endogenous
growth theory and endogenous development, endogenous growth theory rema ins strongly rooted in
the neoclassical economics in many ways (Todaro 2000, pp 99- 104), whereas the endogenous
development theory is not confined to the objective of economic growth or the discipline of
economics.
June 2003 4
(iv) Another development requires structural transformation; and

(v) Immediate action is necessary and possible.
(Hammarskjöld 1975, p. 28)
It recognized that “development” should not be simply an economic process but a

complex whole that has to arise endogenously from deep down inside each society. Inspired
by the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, the UNU (United Nations University) and the UNESCO
(United Nations Educational, Scientific and Culture Organization) further develop the
concept through research projects in the 1970s and the 1980s.
Also in the 1970s, Tsurumi defined endogenous development as foll owing:
Endogenous development has a common objective for all human being to create
enabling pre- conditions of all people and groups to satisfy basic needs and to realize the
possibilities as humans. This also includes the transformation of the structure that widens
the domestic and international gaps. The significance of endogenous development is that
the route to the objective and the model of society to be created is based on diverse
processes of social change. … The path to realize the objectives should take into
consideration their natural environment and cultural inheritance. (Tsurumi 1996, p. 9,
translated by the author)
Endogenous development considers diverse development patterns and pluralistic

values as a premise, and it aims not only at simpl e production of things but development of
humans and societies. It theorizes a development pattern that recognizes the importance of
satisfying BHN of every individual through valuing people’s free choice. Thus, endogenous
development is measured not simpl y by economic growth, but with satisfaction of BHN and
space for people’s participation diversified by local conditions (Nishikawa 2001, p. 43).
Nishikawa (2000, p.17) further analyzed the following four characteristics with
reference to the three main pillars of the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation Report and the
researches of UNESCO and UNU:
(1) Endogenous development necessitates a paradigm shift in economics and sets the
development of holistic humans as the overriding objective instead of “homo
economics .”
(2) Endogenous development denies external and dominated development and aims at
creating symbiotic societies with characteristics of sharing and human liberation.
(3) The organizational structure of endogenous development is related to participation,
co-operation, and self- management.
(4) Endogenous development is based on regional decentralization and ecological
systems, and characterized by self-reliance and sustainability.
Nishikawa 2000, p. 17, translated by the author
In reference to the previous researches, this thesis will propose the following points as
conditions for endogenous development . Firstly, culture should be considered as the basis for
endogenous development . Secondly, ecology and history should be considered as creator
of culture. Thirdly, these endogenous participations (including self-reliance) should be
incorporated in development processes. Fourthly, diverse agencies should be considered the
engine for endogenous development. These endogenous perspectives will be analyzed in
June 2003 5
relation to the satisfaction of BHN (especially in Chapter 3). Through the analysis of these
conditions, endogenous development in Tanzania will be theorized.
2.1.2 Social development

The original definition of “social development” during the 1960s and 1970s was mainly
the social infrastructure to support economic development. This corresponds with the
mainstream “development” during this period focusing on economic development. From the
end 1970s to the 1980s, social development starts to include satisfaction of BHN using new
development strategies with people’s participation. The conceptualization of human
development in the 1990s, to broaden the choices of people, is also closely related to the
foundation of the social development concept (Nishikawa 1997; Sakamoto 1997).
The 1995 Copenhagen Social Summit emphasized “social development” as a global
imperative. In the Report of the World Summit for Social Development, definition of “social
development” can be read from the following passage:
We gather here to commit ourselves, our Governments and our nations to enhancing
social development through the world so that all men and women, especially those living
in poverty, may exercise the rights, utilize the resources and share the responsibilities that
enable them to lead satisfying lives and to contribute to the well-being of their families,
their communities and human kind. To support and promote these efforts must be the
overriding goals of the international community, especially with respect to people
suffering from poverty, unemployment and social exclusion. (United Nations 1995, p. 3)
The objectives of social development can be summarized as ensuring poverty

eradication, full employment, and social integration. With these three main pillars, social
development evolves to include the following 10 commitments of the Social Summit:
1. Creating an economic, political, social, cultural and legal environment to enable social
development
2. Eradicating poverty in the world
3. Promoting full employment
4. Promoting social integration … based on protection of human rights,
non-discrimination, … and participation of all people
5. Equity between women and men
6. Universal education, … health; respecting and promoting our common and particular
cultures; preserving the essential bases of people-centered sustainable development;
and contributing to the full development of human resources to social development.
The purpose of these activities is to eradiate poverty, promote full and productive
employment and foster social integration
7. Accelerating the economic, social and human resource development of Africa and
the least developed countries
8. Ensure … structural adjustment programme … to include socia l development goals, in
particular eradicating poverty, promoting full employment, and enhancing social
integration
9. Increase … resources allocated to social development
10. Improved framework for international, regional and sub- regional cooperation for social
development
(United Nations 1995, pp. 8- 21)
June 2003 6
In reference to the above, social development can be defined as satisfaction of BHN

through and for participation. The objectives to reduce poverty, unemployment, and social
exclusion are emphasized with the recognition that special attention is needed in these areas
to satisfy BHN and to ensure people’s participation. These issues will be discussed mainly in
Chapter 3.
In the social development concept, the importance of culture is mentioned as the sixth
commitment, as “respecting and promoting our common and particular cultures.”
Furthermore, this is implicitly underlined by the emphasis of participation of civil society.
However, the role of culture can be more explicit and incorporated within the social
development concept. This thesis will propose considering development enrooting from
people’s endogenous culture as an essential condition for social development especially in
Chapters 1 and 3.
2.2 Culture
The word culture is originally from the Latin word cultura, which means “cultivation.” In
the middle ages, scholars cultivated ones heart and used the word culture as “development
of the heart.” This concept developed into “psychological culture” in the 17th century. The
meaning turns into “sophisticated mode of life” in the 18th and 19th century. In the 20th
century, the dominant definition of culture becomes “mode of life in the respective social
groups” (Tanase 1959, pp. 18-19).
Up to the present, numerous academics from various aspects have defined culture.
Kroeber and Kluckhohn reviewed the history of the word culture and categorized the various
definitions of culture. The categorizations are as following:
A: DESCRIPTION: Broad definitions with emphasis on enumeration of content

B: HISTORICAL: Emphasis on social heritage or tradition
C: NORMATIVE:
C-I: Emphasis on rule or way
C-II: Emphasis on ideals or values plus behavior
D: PSYCHOLOGICAL
D-I: Emphasis on adjustment, on culture as a problem- solving device
D-II: Emphasis on learning
D-III: Emphasis on habit
D-IV: Purely psychological definitions
E: STRUCTURAL: Emphasis on pattering or organization of culture
F: GENERIC:
F-I: Emphasis on culture as a product or artifact
F-II: Emphasis on ideas
F-III: Emphasis on symbols
F-IV: Residual category definitions
G: IMCOMPLETE DEFINITIONS
(Kroeber and Kluckhohn, 1952)
With the recognition of the diverse definitions of “culture”, the thesis will consider the
definition “the way of life followed by a community or society, based on a common value
system” under the “NORMATIVE” category as an entry point (with some reference to
June 2003 7
“DESCRIPTION” and “GENERIC” categories). However, it will focus on culture as manifestation

(which relates to “PSYCHOLOGICAL” category) in Chapter 1 , and it will focus on the
“HISTORICAL” and “STRUCTURAL” categories in Chapter 2.
Having said that, we will crosscheck the definitions of “culture” based on how the people of
Tanzania define “culture” i n Chapter 4. The Swahili word for culture “Utamaduni” used in this
research originates from an Arabic word tamaddun (ÉjÇW ) “civilization” or “refinement of social
culture” (Bosha 1993, p.242), with its original verb form maddana ( ÉkÆ ) “to found cities, civilize,
urbanize” and other commonly used forms madina ( UÊÖkÆ) “town” and madani ( ØÊkÆ) “urban,
civilized” (Cowan 1976, pp. 888-889). The word utamaduni has been used in this thesis due to
the reason that it is most commonly used in the present Swahili context in Tanzania for
“culture”, described in Swahili by the people as “mila na desturi (customs and practices).” The
author interprets this transition of the meaning from the original Arabic tamaddun to the
Swahili utamaduni that “customs and practices” were the major manifestation of civilization in
the Tanzanian Swahili context.
2.3 Participation
Recognition of the importance of participation
Participation started to be discussed since the 1960s or before, but it generally referred
to people’s involvement only in small scale such as in particular projects. The importance of
participat ion in holistic development processes has been promoted by school of thought
initially arguing that “culture” should be analyzed for people. This idea later transformed to
the idea that “culture” should be analyzed by the people for their own development
processes.
The initially proposed method in the 1970s to the 1980s was Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA),
which outsiders analyzed people’s culture mostly for specific projects. In the 1980s and the
1990s, this idea was replaced by Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Participatory Poverty
Assessment (PPA) with the argument that people or the poor should be the main analyzers of
their own situation and that outsiders should have a role only as facilitators or animators. Later
on, Participatory Action Research (PAR) has been sought especially in Latin America to
actively involve people in generating knowledge about their own conditions and how it can
be improved; it aimed at stimulat ing social and economic changes based on the awakening
of common people and empowering the oppressed. (Chamber 1997, pp. 107-115)
These transitions of ideas had time lags to be accepted in the global arena and on the
ground. However, “participation” gradually becomes recognized as one of the keys for
success in most international development organization including the World Bank (1996). In
Africa, theater becomes one of the methods for the people to express their situations (Dale
1999); theater was also utilized by development organizations such as UNICEF. UNDP (1993)
also took up “participation” as the annual theme in Human Development Report 1993 and
defined participation as people “closely involved in the economic, social, cultur al and
political processes that affect their lives” (p. 21). This will be the main definition of
“participation” in the discussions of Part 2.
The importance of participation has also been recognized in research methods. The
term “participatory research” was first used by Marja-Liisa Swantz in the early 1970s to draw
on the knowledge and expertise of communities when creating locally controlled projects in
Tanzania; later the term “PAR” was used by Fals-Borda to describe similar efforts with attention
to social change in Latin America (Brydon Miller 2001, p. 77). Survey and structural qualitative
researches, which experts undergo with objectives to efficiently extract objective facts, have
June 2003 8
been criticized as top-down and inflexible to empower the poor. Even within participatory
methods of research with more flexibility, “extractive PRA” tends to have a top-down decision
making structures in comparison to “empowering PRA” and participatory action research,
which are initiated by the poor with goals of social change (Mbilinyi and Rajani 2001).
Participation in what and by whom? The issue of agencies

As “participation” gained acceptance by various actors, differentiation of top-down
participation and bottom-up participation started to be emphasized. According to Mallya
(1998), participation can be top -down in “traditional participation” or “consultative
participation” with agenda set by outsiders , mutual in “partnership participation” with
agenda set jointly , or bottom -up in “partnership participation” with agenda set by
challengers. Kikula (1999) categorized seven typology of participation: manipulative
participation, passive participation, participation by consultation, participation for material
incentive, functional participation, interactive participation, and self-mobilization. The
question of “participation in what?” is paused, especially focusing on how the agenda is set.
Conceptually, this difference has been defined between PRA and PAR especially in Latin
America. However, in the global development context, this difference has not been digested
and need to be reemphasized.
Furthermore, people started to be recognized as active agents with subjectivity rather
than passive recipient of welfare. Although there are overlaps between the agency
approach and the welfare approach, the shift, which is seen especially in the women’s
movement, recognizes the dynamic promoter of social transformation that can alter their
lives (Sen 2001, pp. 189-192). The concept of agency regards people as responsible human
agents who can take action based on their free will, differentiating from simple behavior
(Taylor 1985, pp. 15-16; Bishop 1989, pp. 10-14).4 In consideration to the agency approach,
the diversities between agencies also become prevalent and lead to the question of “who
participates?” In this thesis, the agencies will be especially focused in Part 2 (introduction)
and Conclusions at the mezzo level, and in Chapter 4 at the micro level. On the other hand,
Chapter 3 will include perspectives of the welfare approach at the macro level.
There are also related arguments on the relationships between structure and agency:
Marxist (Callinicos 1987, pp. 9-12) and dependency theory over-emphasized the structure
within the making of history and did not recognize the power of agencies. Also in the context
of Tanzania, Green (2000) questioned the belief that change of methods (with participation)
will bring about social change based on people’s own knowledge, and she argued that
institutional structural change for participation is necessary for agency to be effected. This
thesis will take the stance that both structure and agency matter s: The model introduced in
Chapter 2 will illustrate how the two are inter-related. The structural elements will be further
elaborated in Chapter 3 within the context of Tanzania in general at the macro level. The
perspectives and strategies of the diverse agencies will be demonstrated at the micro level in
Chapter 4. The present institutional set up, which enable or disable these agencies within the
structure, will be introduced in Part 2, and recommendations will be made for an enabling
environment in the conclusions.
4 In this thesis, the word “agency/agencies” will be used to express the action based on their free will.
The word “agent(s)” will refer to the person(s) who act based on their free will. The word “actor(s) ”
may be used to refer to a person(s) in a neutral sense, regardless of their actions based on free will.
June 2003 9
Diagram 0-1: Problems, A ssumptions, and Structure of the Thesis
Objective: Toward theorizing social development with endogenous perspectives
The Problem
Recognizing culture as obstacle from the development perspective in Tanzania
Introduction and Chapter 1
Problem 1 Problem 2
The role of culture needs to be re-conceptualized in the development context Participation and diverse endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in development processes
Part 2 Part 2
Development and culture reconsidered in the context of Tanzania Social development with endogenous perspectives in Tanzania
Assumption 1 Assumption 3
Culture should be recognized as the basis for development Endogenous perspectives as condition for social development
Chapter 1 Chapter 3
Re-conceptualizing "development" and the role of "culture" Tanzania's policies re-examined: Impacts on social development
Assumption 2 Assumption 4
Diverse ecological system, history, and agencies create culture Diverse agencies realize endogenous development
Chapter 2 Chapter 4
Creation and diversities of "culture" in Tanzania Participation in development and culture
Condition 1 Condition 3
Recognition of culture as basis for endogenous development People's endogenous participation in development processes
Condition 2 Condition 4
Ecology, structure, and agencies as creator of culture D ialogue between diverse agencies
Assumption 5
Enabling environment and space for participation is needed
Part 2 and Conclusions
Condition 5
Structural change & empowerment of agencies are necessary
Conclusions
Toward theorizing endogenous social development
Source: Created by the author
June 2003 10
3. The Setting of the Subject

As mentioned through the background of the author, the starting point of the problem of
the thesis is that “culture” expressed by traditions, norms, customs, and beliefs of people are
recognized as obstacles to “development” (“The Problem” in Diagram 0-1). The Problem has
been demarcated in to two folds: Problem 1 is that the role of culture ne eds to be
re-conceptualized in the development concepts; Problem 2 is that participation and diverse
endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in the development processes.
Problem 1 is discussed in Part 1, and Problem 2 is discussed in Part 2.
In order to tackle these problems and with reference to the previous researches on
endogenous development , five assumptions have been made. Assumption 1
conceptualizes culture as “manifestation” instead of “tool” that culture should be recognized
as the basis of development. This assumption will be dealt in Chapter 1 by conceptual
reviews of literatures. Firstly, the author categorizes and conceptualizes schools of thought
discussing the role of “culture” through the literature review of “development” and the role of
“culture.” Based on the analysis, the author proposes an alternative way of perceiving
“culture” within the development perspective that relationships between “culture” and
“development” are manifestations of development processes: (a) A top-down process will
create resistances and conflicts between development and culture; and (b) a participatory
process will lead to endogenous development. The issue of diverse agencies and their
participation will also be paused as a key for social change. Thi s analysis points at a broader
framework of the problem: the insufficient recognition of participation and diverse
endogenous agencies in the development processes (Problem 2 in Diagram 0-1); and the
assumption that top -down processes would most likely to have discrepancies (Assumption 3).
Looking into the ecological and historical influences on culture, Assumption 2 relates to the
creation of the dynamics and diversities of culture and agency. With the case of Tanzania,
Chapter 2 will illustrate the dynami cs and diversities of culture with the assumption that
“culture” is created based on respective ecological systems, structured through exogenous
historical encounters, and selected based on agencies. Although a national identity as
“Tanzanians” generally e xists, the diversities of the “cultures” and identities between
geographical locations, sex, and age are also prevalent. Furthermore, the plural identities
even within one individual are also observed. Based on these analysis, recognizing the
ecological s ystems, exogenous structure, and endogenous agencies as creator of culture will
be provided as one of the conditions for endogenous development. These illustrations (and
the case study of Chapter 4) will provide examples of the diverse agencies. Chapters 1 and 2
constitute Part 1 with the objective to reconsider development and culture in the context of
Tanzania.
Assumptions 3 and 4 are related to considering participation and recognition of diverse
endogenous agencies as conditions for social development (Problem 2). As introduction to
Problem 2, space for agents’ participation in social development in Tanzania will be
introduced. At the macro level, the thesis argues that top-down or exogenous processes
cannot sustain social development and that endogenous perspective should be considered
as an essential condition for social development (Assumption 3). As discussion of Assumption
3, Chapter 3 will evaluate the endogenous nature of policies after independence and its
influences on social development. The anal ysis will be done both for time series trend
(analyzing state-led and market-led policies) and geographical disparities. As conclusion ,
top-down state-led processes nor exogenous market -led processes did not bring sustainable
social development but marginalizated of specific regions. The failure of social development
June 2003 11
was especially prevalent during the period endogenous nature was relatively lacking.
Therefore, people’s endogenous participation in the development process should be
considered as an essencial condition for social development.
Based on the assumption that diverse agencies realize development (Assumption 4),
Chapter 4 analyzes how people evaluate “development ” policies, through their
conceptualization of the relationships between “development ” and “culture.” The case is
from Lindi Region where it is typically believed that their “culture” is an obstacle to
“development .” The alternative perspective proposed through Assumption 1 and Chapter 1
was used to understand the relationships between “development ” and “culture”: (a) Where
there is conflict between development and culture , there are resistances of the people
toward the development processes; and (b) where there is harmonization between
development and culture, there are roots for endogenous development. This analysis will be
combined with differentiating agencies within the society between women and men, young
and old, based on the understanding that there are disparities in social exclusion and
inclusion. By applying these perspectives, this thesis will lead to conclusions on how
development processes succeeded in incorporating people’s culture into the development
processes and on how it failed to do so creating a gap between policy and the people.
Based on the analysis of diverse agencies, the chapter concludes that endogenous initiative
and dialogue between agencies should be considered a condition for social development
with endogenous perspectives.
Summarizing the discussions in Parts 1 and 2, the thesis will conclude on conditions for social
development with endogenous perspectives. Firstly, discussions on Assumption 1 in Chapter 1
provide a condition that culture should be recognized as a basis for endogenous
development. Secondly, the illustrations in Chapter 2 on Assumption 2 provide a case for
recognizing diverse ecologies, histories, and agencies as creator of culture. Thirdly, analysis in
Chapter 3 in relation to Assumption 3 concludes that people’s endogenous participation in
the development processes should be recognized as an ess ential condition. Fourthly, a case
study in Chapter 4 in relation to Assumption 4 indicates that recognition of diverse
endogenous agencies and dialogue between diverse agencies should be considered a
condition. Lastly, from the discussions and analysis of space for participation in Parts 1 and 2,
structural change and empowerment of agencies will be argued as necessary for
endogenous development .
4. The Field of the Research

The field of the research is Tanzania and Lindi Region (in southeastern Tanzania),
accompanied by general theory. The main reason for selecting Tanzania as a case study is
due to the reason that Tanzania has been putting emphasis on development and culture.
National policy of Tanzania since independence emphasized that development should be
based on people and their culture with emphasis on the social sector, which is closely related
to the concept of social development with endogenous perspectives.
The thesis will take up Lindi Region as a case study , which is one of the 20 regions in the
southeast , north of Mtwara Region (Map 1). Lindi Region has the following characteristics.
Firstly, it is considered as one of the poorest region in the present “development” context.5
5 Lindi region is considered as one of the “poorest ” among the 20 regions of Tanzania (Tanzania 1999).
However, the definitions of poverty are diverse and relative; therefore, there are eternal debates if
Lindi should be considered as one of the poorest or not. More on these poverty indicators in
Chapter 3.
June 2003 12
Secondly, in the 1970s, the southeastern regions including Lindi Region were regions that
“Ujamaa” villagization was experimented at the early stages in large scale.6 Thirdly, since the
year 1000, Kilwa, which is located within Lindi Region, was the important center of Swahili
Culture.7 These characteristics are interoperated differently depending on the perspective.
Development perspectives tend to blame the “Swahili” culture in Lindi for resisting
development and creating poverty. 8 On the other hand, previous researches on the
southeast argue that continuous top-down policies created poverty upon people and the
regions. These conflicting views of the relationships between development and culture are
the main reason for selecting Lindi Region for the case of this thesis.
Due to the diversities within Tanzania, this case is not representative of the county. However,
its characteristics are relevant to asses how “Swahili ” culture and Ujamaa policy played roles
(or did not play roles) in endogenous social development.
Lindi District existed since the German and British Colonial Rule (Mascarenhas 1971; Thomas
1971), but it became part of Mtwara Region after independence. Lindi became a region in
1971 when Mtwara Region was divided into two regions: Mtwara and Lindi. Presently, Lindi
Region consists of six districts: Kilwa, Lindi Rural, Lindi Urban, Liwale, Nachingwea, and
Ruangwa, covering 67,000 km2 . The 1988 national census indicated that Lindi Region had a
population of about 646,000 (Tanzania 1997).
Within Lindi Region, five sites in three districts were selected for the field research,
representing various characteristics indicated in Table 0-1 (locations in Map 1). In order to
complement the rural field research, additional interviews were done in another rural district
(Kilwa District), capital town of Lindi Region (Lindi Urban), and the largest city in Tanzania (Dar
es Salaam) to enable comparison with urban perspectives.
Table 0-1: Research Villages and their Major Characteristics

Region Lindi
District Ruangwa Nachingwea Lindi (Rural)
Ward Mbekenyera Naipanga Rutamba Sudi Mchinga
Villages Mbekenye Naunambe Naipanga Rutamba ya Rutamba ya Sasa Sudi Mchinga II
ra Zamani
Established 1974 1968 1974 1972 1977
Previously: Relatively new village* Individuals living apart Have been an old village as Have been a village since “Long time
Rutamba Village* ago”
Population (1988) 2132 2039 5066 2424 3666 2209 2254
Ethnic Mwera Makonde, Mwera, Mwera Mwera (Makonde & Makonde (Nyasa & Mwera +
group(s)** Makua (& Yao) Yao) Yao) Makonde
=Machinga
Religion** Muslim (& Christian) Muslim & Christian Muslim Muslim (& Christian) Muslim (& Christian) Muslim
Location Inland Inland Inland Coast Coast
Livelihood Farming Farming Farming Fishing Fishing
Food crops: Millet, Maize, Cassava, Pigeon Maize, Cassava, Rice, Millet, Cassava, Millet, Cassava,
pea, Kunde*** Millet Mai ze, Cassava Maize, Fish Maize Fish
Cash crops: Cashew, Cashew, Cashew, Fish, Cashew, Pigeon Fish, Cashew,
Sesame Sesame, Sesame pea, Sesame, Sesame,
Groundnuts, (Cassava) groundnuts, beans Coconuts
Note: *Due to the common history, the 2 villages are dealt as one village for sampling in this research ;
** ( ) In brackets indicate minority ethnic groups and religion in the village. *** Kunde is a kind of beans.
Source: Created by the author based on information from Village Governments and field research during July-August 2001; URT 1988.
6 The Ujamaa villagization was carried out as one of the earliest experiments in the southeast, as an
emergency measure for the Mozambican war situation (Voipio 1998, pp. 82-84; Swantz 1998, p.173).
7 The “Swahili” culture flourished along the coast and spread along the caravan route (Map 2;
Chapter 2).
8 For example, in the process of selecting poverty indicators in consultation with district and regional
officials and experts, all coastal regions (Tanga, Coast, Lindi, and Mtwara), which have strong Swahili
influence, proposed indicators related to traditions and customs as one of the poverty indicators for
the respective regions (Tanzania 1999) . More on this in Chapters 1 and 3.
June 2003 13
The scopes of the chapters are as follows. Chapter 1 is a review of theoretical concepts,
therefore, is not limited to Tanzania. Chapter 2 discusses about Tanzania in general ,
complimented with first hand information from Lindi Region. Chapter 3 discusses about
Tanzania in general with aggregated data, supplemented by disaggregated data by region
and district where available. Chapter 4 is based on a case study of Lindi Region. Conclusion
summarizes the discussions from all scopes: Lindi Region, Tanzania, and in general.
5. Sources and Methodologies

Sources
The research is multi-methodological, and both qualitative and quantitative approaches
through desk and field researches are taken. Desk research includes literature review and
data analysis using existing sources and primary sources. Field research includes village field
research in Lindi Region and interviews in Tanzania (Lindi Region and Dar es Salaam). The
village field research consists of group discussions, individual interviews, information collection,
and observations in villages of Lindi Region. Although not directly related to the research, the
author’s working experience in Tanzania has been beneficial in understanding the
development context of Tanzania. 9
Field researches
As preliminary preparation of the research, over 33 people were consulted and interviewed
(flexible) in Tanzania during February to March 2001. 10 After further preparation including desk
research, over 89 people were consulted and interviewed (flexible) during July to August
2001, mostly in Lindi Region.
The village field research took the style of Participatory Rural Assessments (PRA), emphasizing
people’s participation and ownership in the process of information collection, underlining the
importance of the people’s knowledge and mutual learning. In consultation with key actors
within the region, the author planned the contents of the field research and identified PRA
trained Tanzanian facilitators based in Lindi Region for the overall facilitation and parts of the
interview. 11 The author was present throughout the exercise, facilitated group discussions,
and interviewed individuals.12
For the village field research, about 40 villagers with consideration to their sex and age were
selected per site through the ward/village government. The village sample aimed at ten
9 The author worked in Tanzania with UNICEF during 1994- 1997 and with UNDP and Vice President’s
Office (VPO) during 1997- 1999, residing in Dar es Salaam. Short term consultancy was also done for
JICA in August 2000. The field research has been possible based on good working relationships
established, especially with Lindi Region and RIPS during the work with UNDP and VPO.
10 The author applied for a research permit from COSTECH during this trip.
11 The facilitators were mostly affiliated to the region or the district Government. In Ruangwa and
Nachingwea Regions, a senior facilitator (a retired regional agricultural officer, trained as a PRA
facilitator, retired and living in the area) had a network of “trained” facilitators in each district. In Lindi
Region, the Regional Government recommended “trained ” facilitators who lived in, and knew the
villages. The “training” of the facilitators differed according to the individual, and some were more
conscience about the value and ownership of the people’ s knowledge than others. The selection of
the facilitators was dependent on the availability in each area, and their sex could not be fully
considered as a condition. Even in consideration to the fact that villagers may consider facilitators as
part of the Government, it was useful to work with the facilitators due to their knowledge of the area
and their “training of PRA”, compared to an outsider (author) going alone un-introduced, or going
with an untrained government officer.
12 Except during parts of the interviews in Sudi and Mchinga II Villages.
June 2003 14
each for the four focus groups: older (above 50 years of age) women, older men, younger
(from 15 to 40s) women, and younger men. Total of 190 villagers participated and 187 were
interviewed in the five sites (Table 0-2). Both qualitative and quantitative information were
obtained through groups and individuals, but qualitative methods through groups were
emphasized to understand the context and dynamics. Due to this emphasis on the
qualitative aspects, sex and age differences were carefully considered, but the quantity of
the sample to enable statistical significance had secondary importance.
The actual field research in one site took about two days in average in August 2001 during
the dry season. After introduction of the research topic, about half a day was spent as focus
groups discussing daily time use of each sex/age group in dry and rainy seasons. Proceeding
presentations and discussions in a combined forum, seasonal calendar of crops, and cultural
festivals were drawn. The rest of the day and in most cases the morning of the next day were
spent on individual interviews. The individual interviews were (semi -) structured based on the
questionnaire including comprehensive questions to individuals about: the interviewee;
her/his family; everyday life; and perceptions on utamaduni (culture), maendeleo
(development) and participation.13
Table 0-2: Number of Women and Men Participated/Interviewed in the Research, by age
Participated in group discussions Interviewed (including participated)
Sex Female Male Female Male
Total Total
District Village / Age 15-40s 50- 15-40s 50- 15-29 30-49 50- 15-29 30-49 50-
Ruangwa Mbekenyera & 9 7 12 11 39 1 9 6 1 10 11 38
Naunambe
Nachingwe Naipanga 10 9 11 10 40 4 7 8 2 9 10 40
Lindi (R) Rutamba (ya 10 8 10 10 38 9 6 1 8 9 33
Zamani & Sasa)
Sudi 7 7 10 11 35 4 4 6 2 7 15 38
Mchinga II 10 9 10 9 38 6 4 8 9 11 38
Sub-total of 5 villages 46 40 53 51 190 15 33 34 6 43 56 187
Kilwa 3 1 2 3 1 10
Lindi (Urban) 14 1 5 8 28
Dar es Salaam 5 6 2 3 4 3 23
Sub-total (by sex and age) 46 40 53 51 37 41 36 11 55 68
190 248
Total (by sex) 86 104 114 134
Note: There is a lack of representation of older women, especially in the coast (Kilwa, Lindi Urban, Sudi, and Mchinga II),
which can be criticized as a bias of the sample. It also indicates the atmosphere that disable older women to speak in
public.
Source: Created by the author from the field research and interviews during July-August 2001
13 The questionnaire was reviewed and revised based on various comments. The first working draft of
the questionnaire was drafted in English by the author and translated into Swahili by Mwalimu Esta.
The Swahili version of the questionnaire was broadly shared, reviewed by experts in Tanzania
(especially Lindi Region) and revised accordingly. The interview was basically structured, but
semi- structured interviews were also done when the author was the interviewer.
June 2003 15
The main exercise of the second day was focus group discussions per four sex and age
groups on “maendeleo (development) and utamaduni (culture).” Fourteen out of twenty
group discussions were facilitators of the same sex as the focus groups. Each focus group
presented their discussions in a joint forum. 14
For additional individual interviews to 61 people in Kilwa District, Lindi Urban, and Dar es
Salaam, the author explained the intentions and the questions to identified interviewers and
delegated the work. The sample was selected in consideration to their sex and age (15 -29,
30-49, and above 50 years). Total of 248 people were interviewed (including interviews from
the five sites) as indicated in Table 0-2. Seventy-two percent of the interviews were done by
the interview ers of the same sex as the interviewee. The field research and the interviews
were crosschecked by second hand observations obtained through informal interviews ,
literatures, and the author’s observations and working/residing experiences (1994-1999; Aug.
2000).
Limitations
There are a few limitations to the field research in relation to the sample, the limited time,
and relationship between the research team and the villages. The population that
participated in the group discussions are 190 women and men in 5 villages of 3 rural districts
(out of 4 rural districts) in Lindi Region, and the population that were interviewed are 248
women and men in 5 rural villages and 3 urban centers in Lindi Region. The field research is
not meant to generalize for Tanzania, Lindi Region, districts, or villages but to provide one of
many perspectives in Lindi Region.
The limited time in each village (2 days per village during the dry season) is also a limitation
of the field research. The author evaluates some of the findings on qualitative and seasonality
influenced aspects in the questionnaire, especially income, as unreliable and have not used
it in the analysis of the thesis. On the other hand, the field research was relevant to capture
qualitative perspectives of the villagers, which was the main purpose.
Perhaps the largest limitation of the field research was the fact that findings relied on the
subjective arguments expressed by the villagers, which is likely to have been influenced by
the relationship between the research team and the researched. Firstly, as mentioned
previously, the author worked in UN agencies supporting the Government during 1994-1999,
and in spite of the knowledge and networks it enabled, it created a by-product to be
considered as a “development agent.” Additionally, the author went through legitimate
processes of obtaining research permit from COSTECH, resident permit from immigration to
allow research in the villages, letter of recommendation from the Regional Government to
the District Government, and introduction from the District Governments to the Village
Government s. Furthermore, the author is inevitably considered to be “foreign.” Therefore, it is
natural that the villagers perceive the author as a “foreign (ex -)development agent with
close relation to the Government ”, reserving their radical criticisms about “development”
and the Governme nt, or exaggerating their problems based on their interests.
Secondly, most of the PRA facilitators and many of the interviewers were affiliated to the
Government, most of them highly educated. The involvement of the Village Government in
the selection of participants would have probably limited radical criticisms toward the
Government in spite of the considerations made to avoid bias on particular social groups. As
14 The indicated order and timing of the exercise is a model plan and was flexibly organized to match
the village conveniences . Accessibility was drawn accordingto the availability of time.
June 2003 16
discussed in Chapter 4, some agitations of discussions by the facilitators were also observed. 15
Although it is possible to argue the benefits of the link to the Government administrative
system that it enables feedback of the research at various administrative levels as a diverse
form of bottom up process, it is also considered as a critical l i mitation to capture the
endogenous voices of the people. This relationship between the research team and the
researched is a possible limitation of the PRA methodology itself. This may have been
accelerated by the fact that the question or agenda was alread y set (although flexible) and
that it was not participatory action-oriented research. The author attempted to overcome
this deficit by including the analysis of the relationship between the researcher and the
researched.
Methodologies per chapter

Each of the chapter has different emphasis of the methodology according to the focus.
Table 0-3 summarizes the structure of the thesis along with the methodology.
Following this introduction, Part 1 (consisting of Chapters 1 and 2) will rethink about
“development” and the role of “culture.” Chapter 1 will re-conceptualize the topic within the
general and theoretical scope through literature review. Chapter 2 will review the creation
and diversities of “culture” in Tanzania through literature review supplemented by the field
research from Lindi Region.
Part 2 (consisting of Chapters 3 and 4) will assess the extent of endogenous social
development in Tanzania. Chapter 3 will evaluate the social development of Tanzania,
focusing on the impact of national policies since independence on social development. The
analysis will be mainly for Tanzania in general, supplemented with regional analysis through
data analysis and literature review.
Chapter 4 will analyze participation in development and culture from the people’s
perspective of Lindi Region. This chapter is based on primary information collected through
village field research (especially group discussions, complimented by flexible and
semi -structural individual interviews ) and observations (primary and secondary) i n Tanzania.
As conclusion of the thesis, the discussions will be summarized in order to theorize the concept
of social development with endogenous perspective.
Table 0-3: Structure of the Thesis

Part Chapter Title Scope/focus Method/source
Introduction Social development, culture, and participation 1. General
2. Tanzania
I Development and culture in the context of Tanzania
1 Re-conceptualizing “ development” and the role General (theoretical) Literature review
of “culture”
2 Creation and diversities of “culture” in Tanzania 1. Tanzania 1. Literature review
2. Lindi Region 2. Field research
(Interviews; observations)
II Social development with endogenous perspective in Tanzania
3 Tanzania ’s policies re -examined: Impacts on 1. Tanzan i a - Data analysis
2. Lindi Region
social development (Coastal regions) - Literature review
4 Participation in development and culture: From 1. Lindi Region Village field research:
2. Tanzania - Groups discussions
the people’s diverse agencies in Lindi Region
- Interviews
- Observations
Conclusion Toward theorizing social development with 1. Lindi Region
2. Tanzania
endogenous perspective 3. General
Source: Formulated by the author.
15 For example, there were a few incidents where facilitator(s) attempted to convince villagers that
excessive consumption in festivals or polygamy were negative for development.
June 2003 17
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June 2003 20
Summary and Conclusions: Toward
theorizing endogenous development
1. Summary
2. Role of Agents: Formation of development strategies with endogenous perspectives
3. Conclusions: Conditions for endogenous social development
1. Summary
Ujamaa was conceptually considered as harmonization between “development” and
“culture.” However, closer scrutiny disclosed conflict s between “development” and “culture”
in this policy through its top -down approach (The problem). Furthermore, present
development perspectives perceived “culture” a tool for “development”, either as an
obstacle or as a facilitator. In order to re-conceptualize the role of culture in the
development context (Problem 1), an alternative perspective was proposed through
Chapter 1. The perspective was based on the assumption that culture should be recognized
as the basis for development (Assumption 1), understanding the relationships between
“development” and “culture” as manifestations: Where there are conflicts between
development and culture, there are resistances of the people toward the development
processes; where there are harmonization between development and culture, there are
roots for endogenous social development. The analysis theoretically indicated that culture
should be recognized as the basis for endogenous social development (Condition 1).
Chapter 2 analyzed how “culture” of Tanzania was created from the diverse ecological
systems, endogenous and exogenous social processes, and diverse agencies ( Assumption 2).
Within the different natural environment s, societies mingled, interacted (or did no interact)
with the Arabs, became colonized, and then gained independence, creating layers of their
identities. The layer created from the interactions between Africans and Arabs on the coast
was the “Swahili” culture, which spread with the Islam religion along the caravan route and
trading towns, and then spread with the Swahili language nation -wide coating other cultures.
During colonial rule, Swahili language spread, but sensitive relationships with the Islam
population with strong “Swahili ” influence existed. During the British colonial rule, “tribal ”
culture was revived, but in an inflexible manner that had discrepancies with the fluid reality.
After independence, “national culture” was created. Lindi Region is one of the coastal areas
with the strong “Swahili ” influence, but analysis showed that identities were diverse and
consisting of multiple layers such as “Swahili”, Muslim, and national identities. Through this
illustration of cultural creation in Tanzania, recognizing ecology, social structure, and diverse
agencies as creator of culture have been identified as condition for endogenous social
development (Condition 2).
Social Development, Culture, and Participation – Summary and Conclusions (Kumiko Sakamoto)
In relation to “The problem”, Part 2 analyzed the problem that participation and diverse
endogenous agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in the development processes
(Problem 2). As introduction, the social exclusion and inclusion of agents in formal institutions
and other spaces at the mezzo level are introduced.
Chapter 3 analyzed the extent social development with endogenous perspective was
realized in Tanzania at the macro level, with the assumption that endogenous perspective
should be considered as an essential condition for social development (Assumption 3). 1 Firstly,
time series analysis indicated that both state-led (Ujamaa ) and market -led (structural
adjustment) policies were predominantly exogenous for the people, and social development
focusing on the BHN have not been sustained. However, relatively better performance in
social development was seen during the period when endogenous nature was relatively
prevalent . Furthermore, there are some expectations for the pr esent pro-poor reforms for
future endogenous social development with interactive dialogue between domestic and
external agents, decreased dependency, poverty focus, and people-centered governance.
Secondly, analysis of geographical disparities indicated that the regions with strong Swahili
influences were lagging in terms of social development and that it was a result of the
ecological systems and exogenous marginalization . The analysis indicated that endogenous
perspectives should be considered as a condition for social development, proposing
people’s endogenous participation in development processes as an essential condition for
endogenous social development (Condition 3).
Based on the assumption that diverse agencies realize endogenous development
(Assumption 4), endogenous perspectives of “development” at the micro level in Lindi Region
were assessed in Chapter 4. Perspectives of “development ” and “culture” were analyzed
differentiating between women and men, young and old, from the understanding that
women and youth were excluded from participating in formal institutions of governance.
According to the analysis, women utilized “development” against “culture” violating their
welfare, and they also used “cultural ” networks at the mezzo level as space for participating
in social processes. On the other hand, many young men denied “culture ” and found space
outside existing village networks. Relatively speaking, rural women and older people found
continuity between the ecological system and historical knowledge in comparison to
younger men or urban people. Based on Assumption 4 and this analysis, dialogue between
diverse agencies are proposed as Condition 4.
2. Role of Agents: Formation of development

strategies with endogenous perspectives
Through the analysis of the thesis, the possibilities of multi-lineal development based on
diverse cultures and agencies have been illustrated as alternatives to simplified lineal
top-down development model. Within this perspective, the participation of diverse women
and men, young and old, at the grassroots level in social development is essential in
incorporating endogenous perspectives. Furthermore, structure and institutional set up to
enable their participation become important. From this perspective, the roles of agents play
a crucial part in social transformation for social development with endogenous perspectives.
1 The endogenous nature was analyzed based on (i) culture considered as basis for development
(Condition 1), (ii) ecology and history recognized as creator of culture (Condition 2), and (iii) people’ s
endogenous participation in development processes (Condition 3) including self- reliance (e.g. from
food sufficiency, market dependency, and economic dependency).
April 2003 315

Women and men, young and old

The main actors of social development are women and men, young and old, within
households and extended families (clans). In Chapter 4, differentiated positions and roles
between gender and generation became prevalent in their daily life and conceptualization
of “development” and “culture.” For example, older men detested to foreign culture and
fashion that invaded their endogenous traditional culture. Work was shared differently
between men and women: Men did relatively more agricultural work, and women did both
agricultural work and household work ending up with more working hours. Furthermore, older
people, both men and women, did more agricultural and household work. Women did not
have equal rights for education, marriage, and inheritance, and they had to follow food
taboos during pregnancy.
However, not all women sat quietly as victims. They point at younger men that they are not
doing their duties. They complain about their rights being violated. And they sneer at the
food taboo that did not allow pregnant women to eat eggs, as if it is something of the past.
They maneuvered strategies within their situations for improved status and involvement in
social processes. Many of the gender relations change at the household level through the
agencies initiated by women and men. Other gender relations necessitate broader structural
change, which will be discussed later.
The relationships between the youth and the old, especially within men, were almost
alarming. Older men were attached to their traditional power as mzee, and young men
criticized the traditional “culture ” as backward and evaded to virtual urban life represented
by video and disco, or by actually moving out of the village. The conflict between the old
and the young will result not only in losing productive power within the village but also
disrupting continuity in the accumulated knowledge within their culture. As older men of
Naipanga suggested, improved communication between the old and the young, such as of
grandfather and grandchild within the family, may be one solution. However, the
communication should not only be one way for the grandfather to be talking and preaching
to their grandchildren. Mzee should also be ready to listen to their juniors to understand their
situation to find how their accumulated knowledge would contribute to the changing
situations in their common livelihoods. Endogenous development that women and men,
young and old, can share will be realized only with these dialogues .
The concentration of power by older men should not be considered inherent in people’s
“culture.” As discussed in Chapter 2, creation of culture is an ongoing process. The
concentration of power resulted as a consequence of social processes where older men
made allies with external powers such as religious organizations and colonial rulers, and
expanded their powers in the name of “culture” – “culture” defined on their conveniences .
Unless definitions of “culture” can be redefined based on a common ground between
women and men, young and old, cultural and development processes will fade out.
Formal institutions: Local and Central Government

As mentioned in Chapter 3, the Local Government Reform Programme (LGRP) has been
underway since the late 1990s. The main objectives to decentralize power from the Central
(Central and Regional) Government to the Local (District and Village) Government and to
improve the basic health services are extremely important. Therefore, the joint effort of the
Government and the donors indicate a meaningful path. However, caution is needed to not
only to decentralize responsibilities but also to decentralize power.
A more substantive concern lies in the area of giving the power back to the women and
men. The Village Democracy Initiative within the context of the LGRP reported important
April 2003 316

findings that women and youth were under-represented in formal government institutions.
Findings of the author from the fiel d research also underlined this perspective. The most
common formal institution that marginalizes women and the youth is the Village Government.
In order to include women in the formal village decision making, Shivji and Peter
recommended that a quorum for women in the village council should continue and that
quorum of women also for the Village Assembly should be set. This should be part of the LGRP
so that more women are formally given a voice. It was also recommend that a committee of
the Village Council should be established to cater for special interests of the village youth.
However, there was no support for stipulating special representation for the youth. 2
The relationships between the people, the Village Government, the District Government, the
Regional Government, and the Central Government were problematic in many cases that
messages and orders went through in top-down directions - from the Central Government to
the Region, from the Region to the District, from the District to the Village, and from the
Village Government to the people. However, voices were rarely heard in bottom-up
directions - from the people to the Village Government, from the Village to the District, from
the District to the Region, and from the Region to the Central Government . These
decentralized democracy are the expectations that the LGRP entails.
It has been reported in the PRSP progress report that an “encouraging move has been
made in the development of participatory planning framework at the local level ”. 3 However,
it was observed in this field research that even by using “PRA” techniques, uppers remained
“development agents ” to bring development, and villagers remained “development
beneficiaries”, having “culture” as their resort and conceptual weapon against external
development agents if need be. The LGRP should fully consider how uppers are recognized
and attempt to reverse the top-down governance structure toward a bottom-up system –
the bottleneck lying in the attitude and behavior of the uppers.
Civil society: Village based networks, local NGOs, religious organizations, and research
organization s
Civil society organizations at the mezzo level play important roles in providing opportunities
to participate in social processes, especially at the present stage when the formal structure of
governance is exclusive in reality. Village based networks such as burial societies, ngoma,
unyago, and jando were opportunities for villagers, especially women, to participate in social
processes. The importance of these village-based networks should be recognized so that they
can continue to function as an arena for women and men to take part in various social
processes.
Dependency of local NGOs on donors and the government was a concern (e.g. asserted
by Chachage), and the representat ions of actual civil societies are ideal. However, it was
also recognized that they have opportunities to play roles in bridging the gap of the formal
structure. Local NGOs should take into consideration the different aspirations of diverse
people including women and men, young and old, in order to support and empower the
marginalized strata within the village. For example, advocating the powerful within the village
may be an effective entry point. However, consciousness about power structure within the
village, and interaction with relatively deprived social groups will enable possibilities to
promote the social inclusion within the village.
2 See Shivji, Issa G. and Chris Maina Peter (2000) The Village Democracy Initiative, Dar es Salaam.
3 See Tanzania, United Republic of (2001) Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper: Progress report 2000/01,
Dar es Salaam
April 2003 317

Because religion plays an essential role in people’s identity, religious organizations are
influential reaching areas that formal institutions or other civil societies are not able to touch
upon. Christian organizations tended to have common grounds and action related to social
development and governance, coming from the same Western background. On the other
hand, Muslim organizations tended to be merged into traditional ways of living. These
religious organization are not only the basis for people’s belief, but also space for them to
interact and communicate. By broadening the space within religious organizations, it may
create an environment for endogenous aspirations for social development to bloom.
The relationships between research organizations and the people depend on the method
researches were done. Quantitative researches such as surveys often obtained data suitable
for analysis but left no space for dialogue, and they were often top-down in the method and
bottom-up only for the information that the researcher had interests in. Extractive qualitative
researches and extractive participatory researches had some space for dialogue, but the
topics of discussions are given in most cases. The bottom-up direction of information can
either be extractive or empowering depending on the space women and men have to
maneuver. Furthermore, the ethics of researchers to recognize t he ownership of knowledge
by the villagers and to at least provide feedback when necessary are tested.
Participatory action research, which women and men have the initiative in setting the
agenda, is ideal. One of the value systems that limit the capability of research organizations
and researchers are its funding sources and the academic demand. Researchers as well as
funding sources should shift their value system toward local values, where the overriding
objective of social research should be. Although research organizations are only one of many
actors in social development, its leverage within policy can positively be utilized for the
improved being of women and men, including establishment of systems where voices of
women and men, young and old, can be heard.
Donors, international organizations, and international NGOs

Donors and international organizations have been looking toward the Central Government,
and their dialogue with local partners have been limited. Firstly, donors, international
organizations, and international NGOs need to recognize the deficits of formal institutions that
it excludes women and youth from the decision-making processes. In the long term, support
for improving the formal government structure to enable voices of women and men, young
and old, are heard is essential and valid. In this aspect, the present process of support toward
improved governance (e.g. through the LGRP) is on the right track as discussed in Chapter 3.
However, in consideration to the fact that structural governance reforms require a long
period of time, diversification and decentralization of partners is necessary to ensure that
support to empower the deprived is realized. While maintaining support and dialogue toward
legitimate formal government, support toward civil organizations at the mezzo level that
represent or create space for the marginalized and deprived population (such as women
and youth among many others social groups) is also important. From this perspective, the
improved coordination of donor support toward the government, which is normally rated as
a positive trend, has the danger of blocking diverse channels of support to reach the
deprived. 4 On the other hand, the recent changes in the ways of support in southeast
Tanzania to diversify partners can be evaluated as relevant.
4 See Havnevik, Kjell J. (1993) Tanzania, Uppsala, pp. 22-24 on discussions on how “aid coordination” was
first promoted in the 1980s as an unified front facing recipient countries.
April 2003 318

3. Conclusions: Conditions for endogenous social

development
This thesis started with the perspective that recognizing culture as an obstacle in Tanzania
was a problem (The problem) and identified that this recognition was widespread throughout
history and places. Based on the recognition that the role of culture needs to be
re-conceptualized in the development context (Problem 1 discussed in Part 1) and by
conceptualizing “culture” as manifestation of “development” processes, two conditions for
endogenous social development were drawn out. Firstly, culture should be recognized as the
basis for endogenous social development. Secondly, ecological system, historical social
structure, and endogenous agencies should be recognized as creator of culture. It has been
observed that historical continuity between ecological systems, social structure, and diverse
agencies play a complex and essential factor in formation of culture and social development
with endogenous perspectives.
As another related problem, it was observed that participation and diverse endogenous
agencies were not sufficiently emphasized in the development processes (Problem 2
discussed in Part 2). From analysis at the macro level and micro level, additional two
conditions for endogenous social development were drawn out. Thirdly, people’s
endogenous participation in the development processes should be considered as a
condition for social development. Social development simply cannot be realized or sustained
through top-down processes. Fourthly, dialogues between different agents in society, such as
between women and men, and between the young and the old, along with dialogues
between domestic and external agents (e.g. government and donors through formal
institutions and civil societies), are necessary for mutual understanding and action, thus for
social development with endogenous perspectives.
Lastly, summarizing the whole discussion, there is a necessity to recognize both the structures
and agencies. Chapter 2 discussed from a historical perspective that natural environment,
past social processes (histories), and diverse agencies of individuals and social groups played
crucial roles in creating culture. Therefore, future social processes (“development ”) and
agencies of women and men are also factors that affect the future “culture.” Analysis of the
endogenous social development (Chapter 3) did indicate the “deprived” region, sex
(women), and age (youth); it also prevailed limited space in the structural/formal institutions
that disabled their participation to enhance their endogenous social development . These
structures need to be reformed in the direction to expand their space. However, it was also
observed that many of those that were labeled as “deprived” from the macro perspective
(e.g. women and youth) effected their agencies and found space at the mezzo level. As the
fifth condition for endogenous social development, structural change at the macro level and
empowerment of agencies to enhance people’s endogenous aspi rations and strategies at
the mezzo levels - as mutually influencing dimensions - are proposed. With the understanding
of these five conditions, transformation from simplified lineal top-down development to
multi-lineal endogenous social development can be possible.
April 2003 319

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Social Development, Culture,

Toward theorizing endogenous

PhD thesis submitted to the Graduate School of

This thesis aims at theorizing endogenous development through re-conceptualizing

Jan. 2003 xii

Jan. 2003 xiii

1.3 Background of the Author

the Government of Tanzania, as a monitoring systems consultant in 1997, and as a monitoring

2. Definitions of Key Terminologies

2.1.1 Endogenous development

(iv) Another development requires structural transformation; and

It recognized that “development” should not be simply an economic process but a

Endogenous development considers diverse development patterns and pluralistic

2.1.2 Social development

The objectives of social development can be summarized as ensuring poverty

In reference to the above, social development can be defined as satisfaction of BHN

A: DESCRIPTION: Broad definitions with emphasis on enumeration of content

“DESCRIPTION” and “GENERIC” categories). However, it will focus on culture as manifestation

Participation in what and by whom? The issue of agencies

Diagram 0-1: Problems, A ssumptions, and Structure of the Thesis

Objective: Toward theorizing social development with endogenous perspectives

Source: Created by the author

3. The Setting of the Subject

4. The Field of the Research

Table 0-1: Research Villages and their Major Characteristics

5. Sources and Methodologies

Methodologies per chapter

Table 0-3: Structure of the Thesis

Todaro, Michael P. (2000, 2002) Economic Development, Addison-Wesley, Reading, MA

2. Role of Agents: Formation of development

April 2003 315

Women and men, young and old

Formal institutions: Local and Central Government

April 2003 316

April 2003 317

Donors, international organizations, and international NGOs

April 2003 318

3. Conclusions: Conditions for endogenous social

April 2003 319

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