A STUDY OF THE COMPANIONS OF THE PROPHET:

GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRlBUTION AND POLITICAL ALIGNMENTS

Fu'ad Jabali
institute of ïslamïc Studies
McGill University, Montreal

A t hesis
submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research
in partial fùlfiiiment of the requirements of the degree of Ph. I)
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For m y mother: Siti Nurrahmat
For my father: Amun Ma'mun
 ABSTRACT

This dissertation deais with two aspects of the history of the Companions of the

Yrophet: the pattern of t heir geographical distri bution and t heir political alignments-

taking as its test case the Battle of Siffin. Based on biographical dictionaries of the

Companions written by selected Traditionists (Le., Ibn Sa'd, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn al-

AtEr, al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar), and on the Traditionist definition of what constitutes a

Cornpanion, an attempt wiii be made to identi@ on the one hand the Companions who

settled in Iraq, Syria and Egypt, and on the other those Companions whose Loyalties

during the Battle of Siffin are known. Based on an analysis of the background of the

g each of these groups and on a comparison between the two, it

Companioris a p p e a ~ in

is argued that reiigious ideals played a signifiant role both in the Companions'

movements after the death of the Prophet and in their behavior during the Battle of

Siffin.
 Cette dissertation traite de deux aspects de L'histoire des Compagnons du

Prophète: Le motif de Leur distribution géographique et de leurs alignements poiitiques,

s'appuyant sur le cas de la Bataille de Siffin comme exemple. Basé sur les dictionnaires

biographiques des Compagnons écrit par des Traditionistes choisis (Le. Ibn Sa'd, Ibn

'Abd al-Barr, Ibn al-AthTr, al-Dhahabi et Ibn Hajar), et sur la définition Traditioniste de

ce qui constitue un Compagnon, on tente d'abord d'identifier les Compagnons qui se sont

établis en Iraq, en Syrie et en Egypte, pour ensuite identifier les Compagnons dont les

loyautés durant la Bat aille du Siffin sont connues. Basé sur une analyse du contexte et du

passé des Compagnons apparaissent dans chacun de ces groupes, ainsi que sur une

comparaison entre Les deux, il est argumenté que Les idéaux religieux ont joué une rôle

significatif à la fois dans les mouvements des Compagnons après la mort du Prophète et

dans leur comportement durant la Bataille de Siffin.

 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................ iii

NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION vii

viii

TABLES ..................................................................................................... ix

CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION
1. Aim ...........................................................................................
2. Stage o f Current Research ..................... . ................................
3 . Sources and Method
A. Sources .....................................................................
B.Method .....................................................................

CHAPTER II : THE GENESIS OF THE COMPANIONS

1 . Llefinition ................................................................................
2. Mushm Views on the Cornpanions ............................ .... .......

CHAPTER III : GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION

1 . Expressions of Geographical Location .....................................
2. Motives for Sett Lement ............................................................
3 . Centers of Geographical Distribution ......................................
A. Basra ........................................................................
B. Kufa ..........................................................................
C . Syrîa .........................................................................
D. Egypt ........................................................................

CHAPTER N :CENTERS OF DISTRIBUTION DURING THE FITNAH

1. The Arena ...........................
....... .........................................
2. The Fitnah ...............................................................................
3 . Attitudes ..................................................................................

iii
CHAPTER V :CONCLUSION ..................... .
.........................................

BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................................................................

APPENDICES
Preface to Appendices .................................................................................
Appendix 1 : The Companions Who Lived in Basra ................................
Appendix ii : The Companions Who Lived in Kufa ..................................
Appendix iii :The Cornpanions Who Lived in Syria ................................
Appendix IV : The Companions Who Lived in Damascus ........................
Appendic V :The Companions Who Lived in Hims ...............................
Appendix V I : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Palestine ..........................
Appendix V U : The Companions Who Lived in Egypt ..............................
Appendix V U : The Cornpanions Whose Attitudes
during the Battle of Siffin are Known ............................ ...
 In 1992 L was accepted as a Yh.U. student at the institute of Islamic Studies

under the supervision of Prof. Donald Y. Little. Thus began a long journey in which he

generously helped me to set down my scattered ideas-embracing, demolishing, and

reshaping them again and again-so that in the end the best possible result could be

obtained. With all my gratitude 1 thank him. His constructive criticism and patience

kept me fiom taking wrong turns on many occasions.

There are many institutions which have contributed to making this course of

st udy possible: the Canadian lndonesian Project , which provided me wit h a scholarship;

the lALN (State institute for Isfamic Studies) Ciputat Jakarta, which aliowed me to

leave my duties there to pursue my degree; McGill's institute of Islamic Studies for

awarding me a travel grant in 1998; and the Institute's exceilent library, which aiiowed

me to open the door to an imimaginable rich array of resources. Nevertheless, it is the

people behind such an institution who make ali the diffaence. 1 thank all those who

worked so tirelessly on my behalf and who were always ready to assist me on so many

occasions. They are so many that it would be impossible to thank one without doing an

injustice to another, and so for reasons of space let me açknowledge here my

indebtedness to ali for their efforts.

There are, however, several people who on an individual basis made a significant

contribution to this study. Among them 1 wouid like to mention Gerald W. Hawting,

Ulrich Kratz, Nigel Phiiips and the Anderson family, who, in one way or another,
ensured that my research in London bore fruit. Etan Kohlberg was kind enough to lend

me a copy of his dissertation. My coiieague Abdul Muthaiib heiped me stniggle t hrough

German texts, while Caroline Richard very kindly agreed to provide a French translation

of the abstract. Above ail, if my readetç find before them a fluent Engiish text, it is due

to the patient iabor of my fnend Steve Millier, who edited this work and provided much

sound advice on style and technical matters. To these and m a . others I acknowledge

my profound indebtedness.

Then there are m y Indomesian Fiends here in Montreal to whom 1 would tum

when homesick for Indonesia. Ta them I would tum as well on moving days, when I had

so many boxes of books to be carried! To all of them i say, ''Thank you again and I hope

to see you all there."

Finally, I would Like to thank my cheerful sons Ausaf, Owej, Rayhan and their

mother the beloved 'Anak Kutu' who, in their own way, make this Life so beautiful.

Without t h m this dissertation would never have corne into being.

And yet, despite the contribution of so many peopie to this project, let me

acknowledge that any shortcomings in thesis are my responsibility and mine alone.
 NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION

Except in the appendices, whae 'ayn is transliterated ('), ~ ~and

~ B L L Z Z(') aEf

maqgEa.&(i),the Library of Congres system of transliteration has been followed

throughout the thesis. Familia. place-names, however, are anglicized. These include

Mecca, Medina, Basra, Kufa, L)amascus, Hijaz, Syria, Hims, Palestine and Fustat.

vii
 ABBREVIATIONS

BuUetin d'études onentalès

trdetin of the School o f On'ental and Afi.rcm Studies

Eacyciopaedrg ofIsI', First Edition. 9 vols. Edited by M. Th. Houtsma

et al. Leiden; New York: E. J. Brill, 1987.

Emyciopaedia ofIsIam, Second Edition. In progress. Edited by K. A. R

Gibb et al. Leiden: E. J, Brill, 1960- ..-.

hternatiooal Journal of Mddle East S

f &es

Journal of the Economë aad Social History of the Orjeat

Shorter Encycfopaadia ofI s f m . Edited by W. k R Gibb and J. H.

Kramers. Leiden: E. J. Brili; London: Lozac & CO.,196 1.

The Muslim World

viii
 TABLES

Table 1 Number of Companions Whose Attitudes during the Battle of

Siffin Are Known According to the Five Writers
Table 11 The Population of the Companions: Those whose Tribes are
KnodUnknown

Table iii The Expressions of Geographical Comection of the Companions

in Basra, Kufa, Syria and Egypt

Table I V The Tribe~of Companions in Basra

Table V The Tribes of the Companions in Kufa

Table Vf The Tribes of the Companions in Syria

Table VU The Tribal Affiliation of the Companions who Resided in Mm,

l)amascus, Palestine and al-Urdunn

Table V i ü The Tribes of the Companions in Egypt

Table IX The Attitudes of the Companions at Siffin

Table X Political and Geographical Alignments of t he Companions at

Siffin

Table XI Tribal and Political Alignment of the Companions at Siflin

1. Aim

N o other generation of Mushms has received the attention that the Cornpanions of

the Yrophet have. The Companions constituted what is betieved to have been the best

society ever to have existed in the history of Islam, such that whatever they said or did

was worthy of observation and emulation by al1 Muslims. It is logical to assume that,

aven their elevated status, the Companions would have exercised coasiderable influence

over any major events occurrïng during their Lifetime. Their involvement in a cause

would have given it added weight as weli as have attracted a certain foliowing.

But the involvement of a Cornpanion in a particdar event would depend on the way

he saw it. Since there were a great many Companions, there must have been several

different ways of seeing particular problerns. Given their position in society, which they

themselves must have recognized, their decision to espouse a certain cause would have

profound significance for those who looked to them for guidance.' This, in turn, created

groupings within Muslim society. Mushm who had similar ideas and interests would

gather around the Companions whose i d e s and interests were similar to their own. Each

group then had its own Leader among the Companions. Sometimes the ideas and

interests of two different groups could not be reconciled, making conflict inevitable-

This was what happened for example at the battles of h a 1 and Siffin.
 in spite of the importance of the Companions within the Islamic commimity, we still

know comparatively littie about their lives. There are at least two reasons for this.

First, there is the overall scarcity of information surviving fiom the early period. At the

death of the Prophet, it is said, there were more than 100,000 ~ o r n ~ a n i o nAs
s.~we shaU

see, this is a complex issue, involving both the definition of the term Companion and

the tendency of medieval historians to guess at numbers and statistics. However only a

few Companions, relatively speaking, are known to us. Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, who

wrote in the 15th century, was only able to collect facts about 11,000 of them

(including those whose Companionship was disputed). Ibn Sa'd, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr and

Ibn al-Athir, al1 of whom lived earlier than f i n Hajar, included in their respective works

fewer Companions' Iives than the latter did. If we consider Ibn Hajar's al-I$hli as the

most complete biographical account of this group available to us, we still have

information, presumably, on less than one third of the Cornpanions (unless we are to

follow one scholar's recommendation that we divide medieval estimates by one

hundred.') More than two thirds of them are therefore lost fiom the histoncal record.

Second, discussion on the Companions tends to be partial and rather Lirnited- It is

partial because they are usually discussed within the context of the Yrophet's life,

-- - -

Ibn Hajar, ai-Ig&& 1: 2; Tbn al-Salâh, 't%ltEnal-&?i&&, ed. Mdpmmad 'Itr (Medina: al-Maktabah
al-'IlmZyah,1966), 268. According to AbU Zur'ah, there were 1 14,000 of them (ibid., 1: 4; al-Bihc,
Kitib M d l a m al-Thuba ([Caire]: al-Maf ba'ah al-I-$saynZyah al-Mi@yah, 1908), 2: 121-2). Ka'b ibn
M U S said that at the Battle of TabÜk, the last battle of the Prophet, there were so many Cornpanions
that the dwào would not be able to record them (Ibn vajar, al-Ip-baa,1 : 5; al-Suy@l, TednTb &-Râwi 17
Shu@ Taqn'b d-mwewi ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab ' A M al-Latif (Medina: al-Mafba'ah al-IsiMyah, 1959),
406). There were thirty thousaad Companions present at Tabük, Ibn Sa'd reports, but those who were
not there were many more than that (Ibn Sa'd, a/-Ta68qa't, 2: 377).

See p. 37 kW.
 where the main issue is the Prophet's Iife, and the Companions are treated as incidental,

although stiU important figures. It is also limited because the discussion usually focuses

on the most important amonp them such as 'Uthmiin, 'Ali and Mucâwiyah, while

others, who together number in the thousands, are neglected.

The objectives of this dissertation are limited by the data to be found in the sources.

This information nonetheles aliows us to focus on three interrelated issues: (1) the

settlement patterns of the Companions in the newly conquered lands; (2) the attitudes

of the Companions during the Fitnah; and (3) whether it is possible, once we have

det ermined the pattern of the geographical and political alignments of the Companions,

to see if there is any relation between those two factors.

The Fitnah referred to above is the period that began with the murder of 'Uthman

and culminated with the Battle of iff fin.' M e r the death of 'Uthmih in DhÜ al-IJijjah

36/June 656, 'Ali was appointed as caliph in Medina. This appointment, however, was

not wholly accepted by the Muslirn community at the tirne. Some important figures

among the Companions, including 'A'ishah, Ta&ah, al-Zub ayr and Muciwiyah, openly

opposed 'Ali on the grounds that he was linked, directly or indirectly, with the

murderers of 'Uthmh. In J:unidii al-Akhirah 36/December 656 'AIi met 'A'ishah,

Ta&& and al-Zubayr on the Jamal battlefield at Khuraybah, outside Basra, fiom which

encounter ' f f i emerged the winner. Six months afier Jamal, however, 'Ali was engaged

4
For further discussion on the meaning of Fitnah see L. Gardet, "Fitna" in EI'; G.H. Hawting,
foreword to al-TabaxT, The WI3fox-yof al-T'ban: vol. 17, 7ae FUsr Cird War,edited and annotated by
G.H. Hawting (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), xii. On the emergence and
development of the word "Fitnah9*see G.H.A. Juynboll, "The Date of the Great Fi~7a,"Arabica 20
(1973): 142-59.
in another battle, this time with Mu'awiyah, the most powerfal Cornpanion in Syria

This battle, known as the Battle of Siffin, ended with the arbitration agreement in

which 'a,
through manewering by Mu'iwiyah's delegation, was deposed and

Mu' iwiyah proclaimed as the new caliph.

While the attitudes of the Companions throughout the various stages of the Fitnah

wiil be discussed, the test case which is used to show the political alignments of the

Companions in our study will be the Battle of Siffin. The reason for choosing this battle

is that it constitutes the most pivota1 and disturbing event in the history of early Muslim

society. Many of the most important surviving Companions, such as 'Ali, 'Ammir ibn

Ykir, and Muciwiyah, were intimately involved. The Battle of Jamal also saw the

participation of several outstanding Companions, but the scale of the battle and its

effect upon the Muslim community were not as great as those of the Battle of Siffin.

But this is not to Say that our investigation is limited to the most important figures

ody. On the contrary, great attention will be paid t o the attitudes, influence and

involvement of the less important Companions (or the 'mass' of the Companions)

during the battle.

The Companions in the settlements deserve to be studied for obvious reasons. First of

all, their number is much larger than that of the Companions who lived in Medina, the

center of political and religious authority.' If we are to understand how certain ideas or

beliefs were transfnitted by the Companions to the rest of Muslim Society the

* According to al-Shafi'i, at the death of the Prophet only about hdf of the Companions resided in
Medina (al-Dhahabi, TajnndRmtB'a l - S 4 a i ed. S$& ' A M al-HRliim al-Kutubi (Bombay: Sharaf al-
Din al-Kutubz 1969). 1: +).
settlements must certainly be t h e focus of our investigation. We will also observe that,

when there were disputes among the elite in Medina, the Companions in the settlements

seemed to exercise a great deal of power.

There are a number of reasons why more attention should be paid to the less

important Companions. First of au, it was their support that the more important

Companions, Iike 'AE,strove to win over in the cornpetition for power. Second, their

geographical spread gave the conflict a wider and more decisive nature. It is they who

had spread and settied throughout the new lands like Syria and Iraq, while the elite

Companions--such as 'u,
'A'ishah, Tabah and al-Zubayr--were based in Medina.

Hence during the Fitnah, the members of the elite were forced to leave and seek support,

for example, h m the local people in Basra and Kufa.

The dissertation is divided into five chapters.

Chapter One deals with the scope of our study, sources and method.

Chapter Two discusses the corps of the Companions. After a discussion focusing on

who the Companions actually were, how this question was addressed by a variety of

MusIim groups and above all what drove the debate, we will Iook especiauy at ' a d i 2 '

(impartiality) and how Muslims saw this quality as applying to the Companions.

Different views and the issues underlying the controversy will be put fonvard.

Where the Companions chose to reside will be the object of investigation in Chapter

Three. Two variables in particular will be discussed. First, we look at the number of the

Companions who settled, or used to reside, in the conquered lands. Second, we considef

the involvement of their inhabitants in the Fitnah, particularly during the Battle of
Siffin. Using these two variables, Iraq, Syria and Egypt are our inevitable pnorities, for

it was in these lands that the majority of the Companions lived. It was the inhabitants

of these regions who played an important role in the murder of 'Utbmk, the Battle of

JamaI and, finally, the Battle of Sifin. Factors which motivated the Companions to

choose a particular geographical base will be the object of inquiry in Chapter Three.

Among other factors, the question of motives may help us to determine whether the

Companions who Iived in a particular place shared the same characteristics.

Chapter Four features a discussion of the relation between the geographical

distnbut ion of the Companions and their political inclinations. Several questions will be

r a i d here. Why did 'AIi choose to go to Iraq when his position was in danger? Why did

he base himself in Kufa and not Basra? Why did Mu'iwiyah decide to remain in Syria

and use it as his power base? The background of the Fitnah and the relations between

centers of settlement before the Fitnah will ako be discussed in Chapter Four.

The discussion is concluded in Chapter Five.

2, Stage of Current Research

So far no single monograph has appeared dealhg either with the geographical

distribution of the Companions or with the attitudes of the Companions at the Battle of

Siffin, let alone with the relations between these two. However, there are some works

which, in one way or the other, have raised the relevant issues. petersen6 analyzes the

6
E. Ladewig Petersen, " ' ~ ~ a~ au 'di w i ~ ainbEarly Arabic Tmdition: Studies on t6e Genesis and
Gmwfh oflsiamrc Hston'cal Wn'Ciag util t&e Ead of the Niarb Gmtuty (Kopenhagen: Mimksgaard,
1964); idem, '"Ail and Mu'Zwiyah: The Rise of the Umayyad Caliphate 65661," Acta Onéatdia 23
(1959) : 157-96; idem, "Studies on the Historiography of the 'AIi-Mu'iwiyah Conflict," Acta Orieatalla
27 (1963) : 83-1 18.
conflict between 'Ali and Mu'iwiyah in relation to historiography. He tries to show that

the genesis and growth of Islamic historical writing was closely related to politico-

religious developments within Muslim society. Tayob, likewise concerneci wit h

histonography, studies the Companions of the Prophet as they are presented in al-

Tabari's T'ikb.Focusing in this instance on the election of AbÜ Bakr as caliph and the

Battle of Jamal, he discusses how al-Tabd tries to preserve the moral and spiritual

integrity of the Companions by presenting their role in Islamïc history in such a way

that contradictions between the paradigm of the Companions projected by religious

traditions and the accounts recorded in histoncal reports (akbb* are reconciled.'

ICohlberg8 concentrates his study on the attitudes of the Imami7-Shi% to the

Companions. in order to show these attitudes clearly, he draws a cornparison between

the latter and the attitudes shown towards them by other Muslim groups such as the

Sm&, the Mu'tazilis and the Zaydis. He also discusses the views of the Shic%

regarding the battles of Jamal end Sifiin, including those touching on the Companions

who opposed 'Ali during these events.

In his dissertation, published in 1973, ~ u r a n investigates

~ i ~ the nature of the

Companions, their hmction in early Islamic history and their position in Muslims'

7
Abdulkader Içmail Tayob, "Islamic Historiography: The Case of al-TabGbsTa'* al-Rusul wa 'l-
M u l a on the Companions of the Prophet Mulymmad'' (Ph. D, Temple University, 1988), 6 7 .
8
Etan Kohlberg, "The Attitude of the 1--SS% to the Cornpanions of the Prophet" (Ph. D.,
University of Oxford, 1971); idem, "Some Imami SWi Views on the Sa&i-ba," JSM 5 (1984) : 143-75;
and idem, "Some Zaydi Views on the Companions of the hophet," BSOAS 39 (1976) : 91-8.
Y
Miklos Muranyi, Die Pmpbetengenossea ia der ~ ~ I d l p l c h e Geschichte
ea (Bonn: Selbstverlag des
Orientalischen Seminars der Universitat, 1973).
religious awareness. He aLso discusses the attitude of the Companions toward the

Fitnah, but only in so far as it applied to the murder of'Uthmih. In this respect Muranyi

finds that when 'Uthmb came under criticism and was besieged by the rebels in

Medina, the other Companions chose to remain aimf. This attitude allowed the rebels to

move and act fieely in ~ e d i n a . " Nonetheless, Muranyi Limits his discussion to the

Cornpanions in Medina and to the great figures there, notably 'Ali, 'Ammir, Tabah and

al-Zubayr. Thus, three issues are absent fiom Muranyi's study: flrst, the attitudes of the

Cornpanions outside Medina during the siege and subsequent murder of 'Uthiin;

second, the attitudes of the Companions during the battles of Jamal and Siffin-

important events which followed the murder of 'Uthiin; and third, the attitudes of the

Cornpanions other than the most important ones during aU these events.

Another scholar whose works deal in some ways with the object of this dissertation is

''
~ i n d s . Relying on evidence contained in the earliest Islamic historical sources, not ably

those of al-Balâdhuii, al-Tabaii, Ibn Sa'd, Ibn A'tham al-KZ, KhaIifah ibn Khayyit

and Nqr ibn Muzahim al-MinqG, he tries to define the role of K d a in the political

schism of the seventh century as follows:

[Tlhe explosive situation which developed in the early thirties A. H stemmed

directiy fiom a reaçtion on the part of relatively large proportion of eatly-corners
of minor tribal stature to increased central control and to a waning of their own
influence vis-à-vlS the growing influence (mainly as a result of the arriva1 of
newcomers) of some of the traditional tribal leaders ....12

Il
Martin Hinds, "KSm Political Alignments and their Background in the Mid-Seventh Century
AD.," IXW3 2 (197 1) : 3 6 6 7 ; idem, "The B m e r s and the Battle Cries of the Arabs at S i f h (657
AD)," al-AbQirb 24 (1971) : 3-24; idem, "The Murder of the Caliph 'Uthiin," IXkZES 3 (1972) : 450-
69; idem, ''The Siffin Arbitration Agreement," JSS 17 (1 972) : 93-1 29.
 Thus, wording to Hinds, there were three major parties involved in the political schism

in seventh-centtiry Kufa: the early arrivals, the Medinans (particularly, the caliph)

whose control over Kufa was increasing, and the traditional tribal leaders whose

influence was also on the rise. The conflict of these three parties played an important

role in the murder of 'Uthman and the war between 'Ali and Mu'iwiyah.

Ends pursues the conflict back to the time of 'Umar. Aiming to neutralize the

influence of the traditional type of clan and tribal leadership, which reemerged at the

time of Abu Bakr, 'Umar promoted a new kind of leadership in which one's position

was not detennined by tribal relationship but by the prïnciple of pnority in conversion

to Islam (sibiqah).The consequence of this was the formation of a new elite of the early

converts, Le., the Muhijirh, Ansk and other Companions. At the time of 'Uthrniin,

however, the privilege that this elite had enjoyed was threatened by the rise of later

converts with strong tribal sentiments. Thus 'Uthmân's caliphate "was characterized

both by the declinhg influence of an elite which had been promoted by 'Umar and by

the increasing power of tribal aristocracy of the pre-Islamic type."13

Ends's reference to the elite, Le., the Muhijinin, Ansir and other Companions, as

well as to the early arrivals in Kufa-whom as we shall see in our study of the

estabüshment of Kufa included a significant number of the Companions-underlines the

importance of the latter in the conflicts that led to the murder of 'Uthmiin and the

battles of Jamal and Siffin. In spite of this, however, Hinds pays little attention to them.

He Eows, for example, that Kufa was an important location for 'Umar because, besides
its he<erogeneous composition, about t hree hundred and seventy early Companions lived

there.14 But he does not tell us how deeply those Cornpanions were involved in the

conflicts he describes. His discussion of Siffin likewise fails to take into account the

fact that so rnany Companions took part in the battle on either 'Ali's or Mu'awiyah's

side.

What is more, an understanding of the involvement of Companions in the Fitnah is

important, for it can give us a different appreciation of the nature of the conflicts. in our

view, given their status as defenders of lslam and the Prophet and bearers and

transmitters of lslam after the death of the Prophet, the Companions surely took

religious ideas into careful consideration when deciding whether or not to take part in

any conflicts and in choosing which of the contenders they would support. This is the

thing that Hinds fails to see. To him, people supported 'AIi because they wanted to

ensure their Local political and social positions, not because they were prepared to die in

the fight against ~ u ' i w i ~ a This

h . ~claim
~ c m hardly explain facts like: the presence of

'Amr ibn Ykir and his followers among the Cornpanions at siffin;I6 the neutrality of
prominent Companions like Sa'd ibn Malik 'Abd Allah ibn 'Umar, M ~ a m m a dibn

Maslama., Usamah ibn zaydL7and U h b h ibn al-~ayfi;" the instruction (wipeab) of

" Hinds, "Political ALignments," 351.

'' Hinds, "Si& Arbitration Aggrement," 97

16
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,d-Isti'a3 fiMa *n%t ai-A@%, ed. 'Ali MuQammad ai-Bajav6 (Beinit: Diïr d-Jii,
1992). 3: 113740.

" Ibid., 1: 77;3: 1377.

l8 Ibid., 1; 116.
Hudhayfah ibn al-Y-& to his two sons to support ' f f i ; 1 9 the case of the two sons of a

prominent Cornpanion, Kh&d ibn al-Wilid, one of whom was on Mu'iwiyah's side

while the other was on 'Ali's;" the deep regret of 'Abd AU& ibn 'Umar and Ma- at

not havhg joined 'Ali?' or the fact that Jâbir ibn 'Abd AU&, as well as other people in

Medina, was threatened with death by Mu'iwiyah if he did not give bis support to the

latterSn Reading these scattered data we cannot fail to see the strong religious color in

whatever decisions t hose Cornpanions took

3, Sources and Method

A. Sources

It was said earlier that there are two importent variables which are used to analyze

the roles of the Cornpanions included in this study: the places where they lïved and their

attitudes during the Fitnah. Other information such as tribal alignments and their date

of death, as well es their relation to the Prophet, are important in helping us to

understand how the two variables relate to each other. The most important sources for

these kinds of information are biographical dictiona~ies?~

These works, which reflect

Ig Ibid., 1 : 335.

20 Ibid., 2: 829.

' Ibid, 1: 77.

23 The nature of the biographical dictionaries and their importance to bistonca1 studies has k e n
extensively studied See W. Heffening, "Tabal#,** ~ r '(Supplementh H . A R Gibb, "Islamic
Biographical Literature," in HIstonatls of the Md'e Edst, ed. Bernard Lewis and P. M. Holt (London:
Oxford University Press, 162). 54-8; Tarif Khalidi, "Islamic Biographical Dictionaries: a Preliminary
Assessment," me Muslem World 63 (1973) : 53-65; idem, Anobic HiStoncal Zîiougbt m the Classicd
P e n d (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 204-10; 1. Hafsi, "Recherches sur le genre
Tabqiit dam la littérature arabe," Arabica 23 (1976) : î27-65 and Arabica, 24 (1977) : 150-86; Malak
the conception that the history of the Muslim commimity was essentidy the

contribution of individual men and women in transmitting a specific culture and that

these individual contributions were worthy of being recordeci for future generations,24

provide us with basic information on certain Companions, including their names, when

and where they lived, their reptation, and so on. With the kind of information they

contain, biographical dictionaries hold great promise for the social history of ~ s l a m ; ~ ~

they are iikewise sources which are neglected both by Hinds and Peterson-

There are other points which should be considered in support of the claim that

biographical dictionaries are a promising source. Scholars have long argued over the

motivations behind their composition. Gibb beiieves that it was chiefly for purposes of

Ha&t&criticism that these biographical materials were written.26 This view was later

confirmed by ~ o u n ~The
. ~ fact
' that the biographical dictionaries dealhg primarily with

the Cornpanions were written by the Traditionists, as will be shown, supports this

argument. Heffening on the other hand believes that this kind of literature did not &se

~.

Abiad, "Origine et développement des dictiormaires biographiques arabes," Bulle- d'Études Onentales,
31 (1979) : 7-15; M.J.L.Young, "Arabic Biographical Writmg," in Religrun, Leamiag andScience uI the
'Abbasid Penn& ed. M.J.L. Young et ai. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 213-28;
Wadad ai-QEG "Biographicai Dictionaries: Ixmer Structure and Cultural SignScance," in me Book m
Lde IsZamrc WorZd the Wnltar Worrl and Commrmr'cafioa ia the Mdde Est, ed. George N.P. Atiyeh
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 93-1 22.

''Gibb, "Idamic Biographical Literature," 54.

2s Richard W. Bulliet, "A Quantitative Approach to Medieval M u s l i . Biographical Dictionaries,"
ESHO 13 (1970) : 195. The richues of information contained in biographical dictionaries is a h
acknowledged by Gibb and Young (Gibb, "isiarnic Biographical Literature," 58; Young, "Arabic
Biographical Writing," 176.)

26 Gibb, *'Ta'iikh,'* in ~f (Srrppfement.)

27 Young, "Ar~bicBiographical Writing," 168-9.

out of the necessity imposed by yadttbcnticism; ratber, it owes its origin to the interest

h ~ . ~ ' belief is certainly based on the

of the Arabs in genealogy and b i ~ ~ r a ~Heffeningys

assumption that Tradition is independent of genealogy and biography so that anything

derived fiom Tradition must be différent fkom any other thing deriving fiom genealogy

and biography. This is exactly what Abbott does not agree with. She argues that Islamic

Tradition and history are twin, though not identical, disciplines. Even, she says, the

term akab*, which includes not only history proper but also historical legends and ali

sorts of histoncal and biographical information relative to the intellectual disciplines,

used to be interchangeablewith the t m ~ a d i f b ?So

~ even if it is true that biographical

dictionaries derive fiom Ha&t&riticism, it would still be closely related to history.

This might be what Gibb means when he States that the composition of biographical

dictionaries developed simultaneously and in close association with histoncal

composition.30

The relevance of this issue to our discussion is the fact that, in any discussion of

Islamic history, the biographical dictionaries carmot be neglected. Like other hist orical

sources such as maghef, sTr& and chronicles, biographical dictionaries hold rich

valuable data for historical reconstruction. What is more, early biographical materials

''Heffening, " Tab&&."

l9 Nabia Abbott, Studies in Arabic Literary Papp; vol. 1, Histoncal Texts (Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 1957). 4,7-8. As far as the relation between @,dt&i% and history is concemed, Khalidi
distinguishes two periods: the first is between 3 d 9 t h century and StWl 1th century, and the second is
between 8th/14th and 9tW 15th centiary. It was during the k t period that fla& and history were most
closely connected (Tarif Khalidi, Arabic UIs~oncalT;bougbr,17).

'O Gibb, "islamic Biographical Literature," 54.

were compiled fiom oral tradition^.'^ This means t hat biographical dictionaries might

contain historical data not to be found in other historical sources.

As f a as the Cornpanions are concemeci the following biographical dictionaries were

consultecl for this study: E t a 3 &rabagit al-Kubraby Ibn Sacd,al-1stI"ib fiMa 'rifat al-

As& by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Usd al-Gbibab fi M a 'R%Z al-$&aaa6 by Ibn al-Athir, and

TbjZid Asma" al-.$à&&& by al-Dhahabi and al-1siba.h fi T w y Z al-$&ibab by Tbn

Hajar a l - ' ~ s ~ a The ~ ~ of these works belonged to Traditionist circles. Ibn

l ~ .writea

Sr6d (bom arouod 168/784 - died 230/844)," was a much respected scholar of

~raditions? His book al-Pbsqit was praised by the great Traditionist Ibn al-~aldj."

Like Ibn Hanbal, he was among the Traditionists who were summoned by al-Ma'mun to

Ibid., 57.

32 These works, according to al-Qw's dennition, wodd f d d e r the category of "restricted

biographical dictionaries," that is "dictionanes which contain biographies of individuals who share one
common, yet specific, trait" (Wadiid al-Qi@, ''Biographical Dictionaries," 95).
33
Ibn al-Jazafi, GOdyat al-Nibiyab 6 T a b ~ q i al-Q-'
t (Cairo: Maktabat al-Sab5dah, l932-5), 2 :
143; h3jji KhaIifah, Kas6fal-Zmtïiz 'm AsainrTal-Kutub wa-&-Fm& ed. Mulpmmad Sharaf al-En
Tàtaqiïyiî and Rif at Balqah al-Kiiis'i (Istsnbul. Wakalat ai-Mab&f, 1941-31, 2 : 1103; Ibn KhalliLan,
Wafiyit &-A y8n W B - A UA~h' i ' al-Zameed. QsSn 'Abbas (Beirut: D& Sadi., ad.), 4 : 352; Khatib
al-Baghdadi, T a Bagûd'd aw M&BC al-Sd'(Cairo: Maktabat al-RhanJ?, 193l), 5 : 322; al-
SuyiitL Tabagil sl-@WZ (Cairo: Maktabat al-Wahbilh, 1973), 183; al-Dhahabl, Ta&&ar al-flfl&
(Hyderabad: Di'irat ai-Ma'ârif al-'UthrnGGyah, 1955), 2 :425. It is said that he died at the age of sixty-
two (Ibn KhalliLan, Wahyit? 4 : 352; Kham al-BaghdBdi, T a Ba@dBd 5 : 322; al-Safadi, W abi-
al-Wdayit, ed. Helmut Ritter, Sven Dedering, et al. (Leipzig: Deutsche Morgedandische Gesellschaft,
1931-), 3 :88; aI-Dhahabi, T a m t al-HuiT-a2; 2 : 425). If so then 168/784 would have been bis date of
birth. However, &Safadi says that the date of Ibn Sa'd's death could be the year 222/836, which wodd
make the year of his birth l6Wï76.

''
"K]athk &&a%%'' (Kham al-Baghdadi, T S Bagbda 5 : 322; al-Safadi, W& 3 : 881, *'&a&?
al-@di%''(Ibn Khallikan, Wafayit, 4 : 35 1).
35
Zbn al-Sal* 'Urbd@ad?tù, ed. NÜr al-% 'Itr (Beirut: De al-Fikr al-Mu'a2;ir; D-scus: Dar
al-Fikr, 1986), 398.
 state their convictions on the creaiedness of the ~trr'Zn.'~Ibn 'A%d al-Barr (boni

368/978 - tlied 463/1070),j7was an Anaalusan. Pufhough he never once in his life lefi

~ ' ~fame went far beyond the borders of Spain. In Andalusia he was the
~ n d a l u s i his

IIis commentary on the al-Muwalla ' of

most weU-versed in Traditions of his ti~ne.'~

Malik was highly praised by AbU Muhammad ibn H- the ~ a h i n . Ibn

4 ~ al-Athir (boni

% Y I 160 - died 630/1232),4' the famous historian, was also a Traditionist

AL-Dhahabi (boni 673/1274 - died 748/l 347),43 was one as well, having
(~.addth).*
begun learning Traditions at the age of eighteen years." According to al-Tij al-Subfi,

he was "the Traditionist of his era (Miad& al-ce).''4s Ibn vajar al-'Asqalani', boni

36 But d i k e Ibn Hanbal, he confessed that the Qur'ari was created, probably in order to avoid trouble
(al-Tabe T . k h al-Urmam HZ-&-Md* ed. Nukhbah min al-'UlamZ' al-Ajilla* (Beirut: Mu'assaçat al-
A ' l d lil-Matbü'it, 1989), 7 : 197).
37
A l - S e i , Tabaqit al-&flE 432; al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat a l - f l f i q 3 z 1128, 1130; Ibn
Bashkuwa Kjta3 a/-SiIab fi Tk&i A'Unmat al-Andalus wa-'Uma'ilirin w a - M i a d d m wa-
Fuqahi'ibh va- Wdaba'ihiq ed. 'Izzat al-'At{& al-Husayn (Cairo: Maktab Nashr al-ThaqZfah al-
IsliÜ~Gyah,1955), 2 : 642; Ibn FarhUn, al-Da$ a/-Md&ab fiMa 'n%C A ~ E 'Vratlta' I al-Maaab
(Cairo: Ma!baCat al-Masahid, [1932]), 359. According to al-Dabbi, he was boni in 362/972 and died in
460/1067 (al-Dabbi, Bugbyf al-Mdtamrs fiT a &@id Ahi al-Aaddiq ed. ibriibim al-IbyZ (Cairo:
DG al-Kit& al-M.@?; Beinit: Diir al-Kit& al-Lubnarii, 1989), 2: 66û,661). Others however claimed he
died in 458/l O65 (Ibn al-'Imiïd, Sb~d2ZmBiral-Dhabab f7Ak6b~Üman Dhahab (Cairo: Maktabat al-Qudsz
[1931-1932]), 3 : 316).

" Al-Dabbi, B u d y a t d-Mdtami's,2: 660.

39 "[Ljam -
y bi-al-hdaius m*thfAbr' 'Umar ibn 'Abd &-Barr 6 al-~afiiû'*(Ibn al-'hiid,
Sbadbm1 al-Dbabab, 3 3 3 15; Ibn Bashkuwâi, al-Sil& 2 : 641; al-DhahabK T a M t a l - ~ 3~ :Z
1129; Ibn Farhün, al-Da$, 357).
40
Ibn Bashkuwal, al-SiI& 2 :641; Ibn aLbIm%d,
Sba&m-t al-Dbaliab, 3 3 331; al-Dabbi, Bughyaf al-
MdfizariS*2: 660;al-Dhahabl, Ta-t q: 1129; Ibn FarhÛn, al-Da@,357.
sl-@i&i&3

*'Al-SqÜ@, Tabaqif al-fluiTZ 492; al-Dhahabï, T~d&katal-w&& 4 : 1399,1400.

" AI-S&?, .bat$ d - W u f f q 492.

" Ibid., 5 18; Ibn aLbIniid,SOadhm-t al-Dhabab, 6 : 154.

"Ai-S uyüti, Tabaqi~al-@d&.; 5 18.

45 ibn al-'hiid, Shadalm-f al-Dbabab, 6: 154.

in 773/1371 (d. 852/1448),4~was one of the students of al-'Iriïqi, a great Traditionist

who died in 806/1403. He started tearning Traditions beginning in 794/1392, and

became well-known in the discipline. When d-'Iraqi was asked which Traditionists

should be respected d e r his death, he pointed to Ibn Hajar as the f i r ~ t . ~ ~

The Traditionists' interest in scrutinizing the descent of the Traditions necessit at ed

recording biographical detaiis on those who had been involved in their transmission. The

most important of these transmitters were the Companions. The Traditionists tned to

record whatever information was availabie, and yet the length and contents of the

notices in the biographical dictionaries of the Companions Vary fiom individual to

individual. Sometimes only a name is mentioned while at other times a person's life is

explained in great detail, ineluding the color of his beard and his headgear4' Some

examples of the contents of biographies wiil be given in the last part of this

introduction.

There are at least two explanations as to why the extent of information varied so

much fkom individual to other. First, it was in proportion to his or her contribution to

Islamic society. Biographies of the first four caliphs, Le., Abu Bakr, 'Umar, 'Uthman

and 'AIi, are very long for obvious reasons. They were viewed as the founders of Islam

after the Prophet. Other Companions were considered important for different reasons.

A l - S m ? , Tahqaf al-HuiT.; 547, 548; al-Sakhâui, a/-Qaw' al-Laeu" fi-AH al-Qam al-Tisi*
(Beiruî: Dir Maktabat al-Hayàh, 1966), 2: 36.40.

47 A l - S e i , Taba@ al-@uf@az, 547. Ab'Iriiq'i aclmowledged that Ibn Hajat was the rnost weU-
versed in Traditions among his students (al-SakhiG, a/-.)aw' d-Lcemi',
2: 39).

a Compare for exemple the biography of 'Abd AU& ibn HubsH and 'AG ibn Abi Talib in Ibn Sa'd
(al-Tahqit* 3 : 19; 5 :460).
Abu Hurayrah and 'Abd Allah ibn 'Abbk, for example, were significant not because

they were poiitical figures, but because they were among the most active Cornpanions in

preserving and transmitting the Prophetic Traditions. Second, it depended on the

availability of somces. It can safely be said that the later the biographer iived, the more

sources he had at his disposal. Let us take Ibn 'Abd abBarr, Ibn al-Ath3 and Ibn Hajar

as examples. Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, who lived in the 4th-5tW10th-1 lth centuries, was able to

collect infomation on about 4200 people. Ibn al-Athir, about a century later, was able

to include around 8,000 in his dictionary. Ibn Kajar, three centuries later, managed to

gather more than 12,000. Not all the people in these works were Companions, however,

so the actual number of Companions record& is necessarily lower than the above

figures.

In order to underst and how particdar elements of information made t heir appearance,

it is ais0 necessary to see the biographical dictionaries in their context. As fat as the

Fitnah was concerned, it was a subject which the Traditionists basically did not want to

discuss. The wish to protect the Prophetic Traditions, as we will see, seems to have

motivated them to shield the Cornpanions fiom any cnticism. This attitude wes strong

particularly at the time when the threat to the existence of the Prophetic Traditions was

most real. Hence it is understandable that Ibn Sa'd, who wrote his al-rabaqit when the

Mu't aziE t eaching was the official state doctrine, sbould have avoided mentioning

information conceming the Fitnah of the Companions. The existence of such

information in his works could have been used by the Traditionists' opponents, ix., the

Mu6taziIis,in justification of their criticism of the a61 a l - ~ a & t b .In

~ ~later works, when

49 See pp. 106-9.

the threat was no longer immediate, information of this type found its way into the

Traditionists' works. Thus in the writings of later writm such as ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn

al-AtKr, al-Dhahabi and Ibn vajar, information on the attitudes of the Cornpanions

during the Fitnah is included. As part of the Traditionist circIe, these writers shared the

long established view that the Companions should be protected fiom any criticism, but

distant as they were from the threrit poseci by the Mu'taziIis, they did not see it as being

hannful to discuss the Fitnah in their works.

Another factor which might explain the increased information on the Fitnah in the

biographical dictionaries was the background of the writers themselves. For one thing,

the stricter Traditionists basicaily did not trust the historians (akabnS). Al-Wâqidi's

identification of the Companions for instance was rejected by some Traditionists on the

. ~ ~contrast, Ibn Sa'd, Ibn 'Abd &Ban, Ibn al-Athir,

grounds that he was e h i s t ~ r i a n By

al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar, who were ail Traditionists, were historians as well. Ibn Sa'd

was a close associate of the historian al-Wiqidi. He even worked for a time as the

latter's secretary, thus earning his nickname, '?the secretary of al-Wiqidi (karib sl-

~i~id;)."~'Ibn 'Abd &Barr, it is said, had a s c a t interest not only in religious

sciences, but also in genealogy and history (kbabai)? Among his works is a book of

history entitled E f i b sl-Dlaar G B t i g i k d-MaghiZ WB-al-siyaqs3

ofien simply called

'O See pp. 77-8.

'' Ibn Khallikiiu, Wafayit,4 4 351.

53 Al-Dabbi, Bugbyut a/-Multamr's, 2: 660; Ibn al-'irnad, Sfia&m1 al-Doahab, 3: 3 15; Ibn Fa@h, al-
&%@, 358.
Etab a l - ~ & i Z " or d - ~ a g & Z i ~ Ibn
' al-At Er was also a historian ( a k b b k ~ ; his
'~

works inchde al-ThTkb (Le., alalKanUrfi al-TiSTkh) and the unfinished Tk7kb al-

~ a w & ' Al-Dhahabi composeci historical works bearing the titles TbTkb al-Isle al-

Th7& al-Awsat, and (al-T=&) a l - ~ a g h ~ . Through

.'~ bis works d-Dinar al-KEImiaabfi

A 'yan al-M'ah al-ZIiaminab and hbZ al-Ghrma, Ibn Hajar too showed his interest in

. ~ ~ these writers were Traditionists and historians at the same time made
h i ~ t o r yThat

people like Ibn al-Salàh, a strict Traditionist, feel uneasy. Ibn al-Sala's judgments on

Ibn Sa'd's and Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's works, for example, are ambigmus. As a trusted

disciple of al-Wâqidi, Ibn Sacd inherited most of al-Wiqidi's books." Later, when

writing his sl-Tabaqit, he consulteci these materials. On the one hand, Ibn al-Sali&

acknowledges that Ibn Sabd's al-pbaqit was of great help in the study of Traditions;

and yet on the other han4 he criticizes Ibn Sa'd for using matenal fiom historians tike

al-Wâqidi, whom he mistnisted, as did m a . other Traditionists. Thus, while he praises

the work as "a copious (ha61) book and full of benefits," and Ibn Sa'd himself as

"trustworthy (hiph)," he at the same time wanis his readers that it contains many

"Al-Dhahabï, Tadlikirar ai-f f%@u 3: 1129.

55 AM@?, p6aqii al-&.f?Z.; 433.

56 Ibid., 492; al-Dhahabi, Tacibi2mt a/-@uff-q 4 : 1399.

''A i - S e ? , n6aqii a i - w ' q492.

Ibid., 518.

s9 F. Rosenthal, art. "Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalani," in EF-

Ibn Khallikin, Wafeyal &-A'y& 4 : 351.
reports h m authorities judged to be weak, including a l - ~ i i ~ i d iAs
. ~ far
' as Ibn 'Abd al-

Barr's al-lsti'ib was concerneci, Ibn al-Sali& said that it was the best work of its kind,

except for the fact that it referred to conflicts between Companions and relied on

Ibn al-Sali& was fifty-three years old when Ibn al-Athir

historians, not ~raditionists.~

died. He may have known of Ibn al-AtMr's Usd al-Gbibab. He certainly did not know

al-Dhahabi's T'n7d and Ibn Hajar's dIga3i?i&,for these works were written after his

time. But since his objection to Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's al-IstiC&5focused on its disclosure of

the Companions' confiicts, any book containhg this infoxmation, including Ibn al-

Athir's, al-Dhahab?'s and Ibn Hajar's, might be expected to have eamed his displeasure-

Reading some of the works referred to above, one can hardly fail to note that the

number of the Companions refmed to as having been involved in the Battle of Siffin

increases with time. While Ibn Sa'd mentions 19 Companions, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr refers to

85 Companions, Ibn al-Athir 121, al-Dhahabi 47 and Ibn Hajar 131. Al-Dhahabi' s lower

figure can be explained by the fact that his work is an abridgment of Ibn al-AtMr's and

that one of the events he omits is the involvement of the Companions during the Battle

of S i f i itself.

Since these writers lived at different times, one might assume that the later writers

would t ake their information fiom earlier ones. This sometimes happened, but it was not

always a cumuIative process. This is to Say that not all the Companions whose attitudes

Ibn al-Sali& ' C n h d-Hadi& 398. Ibn Hanbal also read ai-W8qidibsTraditions fiom a book that
he had borrowed h m Ibn S a b 4but it is not clear whether Ibn Hanbal used these materiais in his works
(Khatib al-Baghdadi, 7 ' 'Bagbdii 5 : 322;al-Dhahabi, Tad6hiat a l - @ i i q 2 :425).

62 Ibn al-Sal* ' M kd - ~291-292.

~ ~ ,
during the Battle of Siffin were lcnown and who are mentioned by Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, for

example, are also mentioned by Ibn al-At&. Nor are all those mentioned by Ibn 'Abd

al-Barr and Ibn al-Athir included by Ibn Hajar. These writers worked independently and

had no intention of building up a bank of accumulated information. Thus only four

Companions whose attitudes during the Battle of Sifin wete known are mentioned by

all five writers. The rest are either mentioned by only one writer, or by two, three, or

four of them.

Table 1
Number of Companions Whose Attitudes ditring the Battle of Si& Are Known
Accordîng to the Fîve Writers

writers 1 SB-A-D-H 1 SB-A-H 1 SA-D-H 1 SB-H 1 SA-H 1 S-A 1 S-H 1 B-A-D-H I RA-D 1 ELA-II
Number ( 4 1 7 1 1 I l 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 21 1 4 1 1 7

Wnters 1 B-D-H 1 B-A 1 EH 1 B 1 A-D-H 1 A-D 1 A-H 1 A 1 D-H 1 D 1 H

Naber 1 1 1 22 1 3 1 5 1 8 1 4 1 1 8 I l I I 1 1 3 1 4 5

Note:
S = Ibn Sa'd, B = Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, A = Ibn aI-At*, D = ai-Dhahabi, H = Ibn Hajar

These figures raise some interest ing points. First, as was mentioned earlier, al-Dhahabi's

work is an abridgment of Ibn al-Athir's. However, of the 121 Companions mentioned by

Ibn al-AtEr only 4 are referred to by al-Dhahabi, who inciudes several other

Companions besides. Instead of merely copying Ibn al-AtEr's selections, therefore, he

availed himself of other sources. Thus in the end he provides information on 47

Companions in ail, 3 of them never once mentioned by either Ibn Sa'd, fin 'Abd al-

Barr, Ibn aEAthir or Ibn Hajar. Second, each of these other writers was able to obtain
additional information, probably fiom independent sources. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr refers to 5

Companions who were not mentioned by others, Ibn al-AthTr 11, and Ibn Hajar 45.

Wnting on the attitudes of the Companions during the Battle of Siffin, these writers

relied on a variety of available sources. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr is often refmed to by Ibn al-

~ t ~ a lr- ~ h, a h~a b ~i and

~ ~ Ibn ~ a j a r ? 0th- like Khdfah ibn ~ h a y y i t ,Abu
~~

~ i k h n a fa; l~- ~ h a ' b iare

~ ~ais0 consulted. However, the most important sources are Ibn

al-Kalbi and 'Ubayd AU& ibn Ab: Ri& Their writings (see below) were heavily used-

directly or indirectly-by Ibn 'Abd al-~arr,~'Ibn al-~thir," al-~hahabi" and Ibn

~ aar?j

For examples, see Ibn al-At*, Uid al-Ghaiab fi Ma6&t al-S@aah, ([Cairoj: ai-Sha'b, 119701-
1973), 1: 273; 2: 116; 3: 41,374,439,442; 4 : 77; 5,29,442.

a For examples, see al-Dhahab'i, TaJi54 1: 21,63,269.

65
For examples, see ibn Hajlu; al-Isa-bah, 1: 64, 153, 195; 2: 29, 142, 189,355,429,435; 3: 261,458.

For examples, see Ibid., 1:249, 48 1;3: 4, 114,490.

67
For example, see Ibid, 2: 35.

" For example, see ibn 'Abd al-Barr, &stl"ab,3: 872.

69 On Ibn al-Kalbi, see for examples ibid., 1: 2 0 ;2: 43 1, 669;4 : 1574, 1577. It seems that Ibn 'Abd
&Barr did not use 'Ubayd Allah ibn Ab? Ra6' as his source.

'O On ibn al-Kalbi, see for examples Ibn al-Athir, Uid af-GO~h&, 1: 233, 3 13, 362; 3: 429; 4 : 349,
441; 5,86, 158,442,486; and on 'Ubayd Allah ibn Ab7 R i S b see 1: 317, 322, 319; 2: 68; 93,204,205,
216,

''
On ibn al-Kalb'i, see for examples al-Dhahabï, Ts/il;d, 1: 75, 154, 247; 2: 24, 28. 136; and on
'Ubayd AU& ibn AE Rafi', see 1: 77.

On ibn al-Kalbi, see for examples ibn Hajar, al-Ip-bd, 1: 219, 307, 313, 415, 422; 2: 92, 530; 3:
193, 274, 389, 614; and on 'Ubayd AU& ibn Abi Rafi' see 1: 150, 202, 222, 224, 225, 227, 291, 335,
361,403,450,453,499,503; 2: 168,253,388,439,483,517; 3: 31,35,281,443.
 Ibn al-KaM (d. 204/819 or 206/821)-" was a great scholar. His oeuvre, it is reported,

amoanted to more than 150 title~.'~

The book that was most often consulted in writing

on the activities of the Cornpanions during the Fitnah was his KItâb s i ~ n . ~
As' far as

Traditions alone were concemed, however, the Traditionists were unanimous in

rejecting him. Al-DiÜq@ni for one declared that he was woahles~.'~

Ibn 'Asâkir and

Yahyii ibn Ma% furthmore considered him untrustworthy (laysa bi-tbiqh or g m

thiqab):7 while al-'Uqayli, Ibn al-Jlrud and Ibn al-Sakun judged him among the weak

" Hanbal did not think that anybody would accept Traditions
sources ( a l - ~ u ~ f i ' ) .Ibn

The reasons cited by the Traditionists for their mistrust of Ibn al-Kalbi
fiom hi~n.~'

were, in the first place, because he tried to leam so much that he forgot a great d e a g 0

and second, because he was a ~afi@.''The mere fact that Ibn al-Kdbi was mainly a

71 YiqÜt, Mufiam ai-Udabi: ed. D.S. Margoliouth (Cairo: Maktabat ai-Hindiyah, 1923), 7 : 251; Ibn
.-
KhalliLan, WefayBt al-A'yii~,6 : 84; Ibn fIajar, Lbik d-Mtzàa (Beirut: Mu'ssasat al-A'lanU lil-
Matbu'it, 197 l), 6: 196; Ibn aLbhid, ShadBaraf al-Dhabab, 2: 13; al-Yâfi?, i, ' &al-Jmaà wa- 'finit
flawiditli a/-Zam& (Beirut: Mu'assasat al- A'lanii iiI-Mat bü'it ,
al- Y a q . fiMa 'nfar M C YU' t a k m ü ~
1970), 2 :29; Khatit, al-Baghdadi, TikiBi Baghdii 14 : 46.

" Al-NajGhi, RijiZal-Nh~Z& ed. M- al-Shab'iri (Qum: Mu'assasat al-Nash a l - I s l ~ 1986).

, 435;
Agha B m g wihrani, el-Dhd4& di T-Tal-SWaO (l3ein6: DZr ai-A@viV,1983). 15 : 205.

''
ibn Hajar, L i e IPI-Mhh,6: 196. AlSO al-YZfici, Mu'&! al-Jma 2: 29; Ibn al-'ImGd, Sha&&f al-
Dhabab, 2: 13; YZqïit, Muyam al-CMsh-', 7 : 250.

Ibid., 196; Ibn al-'ImZd, Shadbanit d-Dhabdb,2: 13. The SE% considered him as a respected
member of their school ( k h a yak&teu bi-macilibabmii), who had a special relationship with Ja'far ibn
M-d (al-Najishi, RiIrEl, 434).
genealogist and a historian (akbbtk?) may have been suficient reason for the

Traditionists to suspect him.

Unlike Ibn al-Kalbi, 'Ubayd Allah ibn Ab? Ra' (d. afier 37/657)was accepted by the

Traditionists. He was in fact considered as a reliable authority by Ibn Qibbbb~i.~*

'Ubayd

Allah's family had been closely attached to the Prophet's. AbÜ Rafic, his father, was a

m w 2 ' of the Prophet who participated in aU the Prophet's battles except Badr. The
Prophet m e e d him to Salm4 another of his mawG and their son was 'Ubayd Allah.

Abü RZfic himself was one of the closest associates of 'Ali (fiaww&&u)." He was

also the secretary of and wmte a book TksmTyat m m Shahida Ma's Amu- al-
Mu'mini 'dayhi al-Salàin al-Jmd wa-al-$iîï% wa-ml-Nmlirawàk mia a l - ~ ~ i b Ra&
ah

A U ' 'dm."
This is the book to which-directly or indirectly-Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,Ibn

al-Atlllr, al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar refer when they are describing the attitudes of the

Cornpanions during the Battle of Siffin.

Of these writers, only Ibn Hajar shows m y resemations with respect to the

information provided by 'Ubayd AU& ibn Ab? Rafib's work He repeatedly wams his

readers that its chain of transmission is weak (@'a Here Ibn Hajar does not question

82 Ibn wbbin, Kit& al-mqit fi d - $ @ d i w-a-a/-T'% wa-Ath-' el-TZbiFq ed. ' A M al-Khaliq
a-lMghS
i and ai-Qa?i Mutpmmad Zihh al-Diu Sharafi (Hyderabad: al-Majma' a l - ' h i , 1968), 147.

Ibn 'Abd aEBarr, al-Ist.&, 1: 84-85

Al-NajisE, RÏjair ai-NwB&I 4; algUçi, &JaI al-Ti&ii ed. Jawâd al-QB- ai-Isfahaiii (Qum:
Mu'assasat al-Nash al-Is18imi3, 71; al-Mubmad, a l - K a , ed. Muipmnmd Alpid ai-DaIi (Beinit:
Mu'assaçat al-Risala, 1986), 2: 618; al-TG5 al-Fianst, ed. M-ad Ramyiir @p.: Mashhad
University Press, n.d.), 202; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Isti'a3 I : 84.
the integrity of 'Ubayd Allah himself, only that of the people who were involved in the

transmission of 'Ubayd Allah's work According to al-TÜsi the transmission went as

follows: al-DÜd - AbÜ al-I$usayn Zayd ibn M@smmad al-Kiifi - a m a d ibn MUsa ibn
Ishaq - Dirk ibn Surad - 'Ali ibn HaShim ibn al-Burayd - Muhammad ibn 'Ubayd
AU& ibn Ab? REG' -- 'Awn ibn 'Ubayd AU& -- his father." Ibn Hajar points to Qirk

ibn Surad (d. 2291843) as the weak ünk in the chah ( 4 a d al.ucdi3.89Among the

Traditionists themselves Dirâr ibn Surad was controversial, giving rise to many

confiicting opinions. He was a liar (kadbdbib) according to Yahya ibn ~ a ' h ? '

untnistworthy according to al-Nasa-r91

i (hence reference to him was a c t d y

forbiddeng2), weak (da74 according to a l - ~ & q u 9 ï i , ~and

~ his Traditions better

abandonecl altogether (matni&, according to al-BukhS and al-Nasa 1.94 On the other -9-

hand there is Abc Hiitim who praises Qirik. He says Wrir was a man of the Qur'ân

(meaning that he knew how to recite the QUI'& according to the reading (qiraah)of al-

90
Al-NawavYi, T d & i alalAsmi'wa-al-lughif (Damascus: fdârat al-Tibi'ah al-MurSyah, n.d.), 1:
250; al-Dhahabi, MG& sCI'i3dstlfiN.d al-&,Iér, ed. 'AG M d p m m d al-Bsjawi (Cairo: 'fsa al-Babi al-
Wlabi, 1963), 2 :327; Ibn ShiXn, KIta-b TiÜZWi Asai*a/-&WafZ w+al'Ka&&a3k, ed. 'Abd a 1 - w
Mdpmmad A@ad al-QashqaÏi (n.p, : mp., 1989), 113; Ibn Abi Qitim a 1 - m Kit83 d - J i wa-al-
Ta 'dil (Beirut: DG al-Kutub al-'Wyah, 1952), 4 :465; al-Miz7, T'dlir'b al-Kama7 fi Aszni' al-fiya,
ed. BahhiÜ MabNf'Awwâd (Be- Mu'assasat ai-Risalah,1980-92). 13 : 305.

93 Al-Dhahabi, &?&inal-I'tida 2 :328;a 1 - u T&&% a i - K m 3 13 : 305.

9* Al-Dhahabi, M h ï n al-I'tid&r,2 : 327;al-.=, Ta&&% aï-Kama,

L 3 : 305.
Kisi'i and Yahyzi ibn Adam9'), possessed knowledge of inheritance ( a b Qu'riowa-

farZidJ and was truthful (yd&)).96 He ww &O considered tnistworthy and pious

(~&?ih)~~' and devoted to the service of G d (muta'abbid)?'

The paradoxical attitudes of the Traditionists toward Dirir ibn Surad, in that they

questioned his integrity on the one hamd and accepted some of the Traditions he

transmitted on the other, are not easy to explain. Ibn Abi Hiitim writes, 'TIe (i.e., Dirk)

narratecl a Tradition fiom Mu'tamar fiom his father fiom al-Hasan fiom Anas from the

Prophet on the virtue of a certain Companion which was negated by the Traditionists

(rawa ha&h 'an Mu'tamar 'an ab;& 'a0 81-Hsan 'an Anas 'au al-NabT saUa AU&

Cdaybi wa-sdama 6 f a & i ' li-ba?j al-$a&&& y r m k i d i abl al-ma'n'faa bi-al-

But who was this "certain Companion"? Ibn IJibbin fortunately provides the
full body of the Tradition: he (i.e., piriif) narrated h m al-Muctamar fiom hîs father

fiom al-Hasan fkom Anas that the Prophet said to 'Ali, 'You will make clear to my

ummali what they disagree upon afier m e ( h t a tubayy'nu fi-ummatl'miikbtdafùafùfibi

mio ba 'd'j."LW
Ibn ljibbin's information is helpful in determining that the "certain

95
ibn a l - I d , Gliiyac ai-Nibàjya 1 : 337.

97 Ibn al-J-, GhByat al-Nï&&& 1 :337.

99
A l - R a al-Jk@ wa-&-Tas&, 4 : 465-6. At-Nawaw5 quotes this information without mentioning
the chah of transmission (al-Nawaw5, T&&i d-Asai', 1: 250).

' 0 0 Ibn W b & KIta3 ai-Miyn;.Ur mio al-M'adüitb& wa-d-Qu'8fi' w a - a f - M a m ed. 1briiïE.m
Ziyid (Aleppo: DG al-Wa'y, 1396 H.), 1 :380. AI-Dhahabi quoted this Tradition fiom Ibn Ejibbiïn with a
longer chah of transmission. He adds some names before Qrir ibn Surad (al-Dhahab?, MEGz al-I'fidàI,
2: 328).
Cornpanion" was none other than 'AG. It is iikely that the objection of the Traditionists

was based on their belief that Qirâr loved 'AIi so much that he fabricated Prophetic

~radition."' It cannot, however, be argued that because the objection of the

Traditionists was to Dirar's inclination toward 'Ali (tashayyu3,that his Traditions on

other subjects were welcomed by t h m . The Traditionists' attitudes vaned in this

regard. Al-Bokhâfi, who suggested that Dirar's transmission should be abandoneci, in his

Xaalq MaI al-'ibadaccepted WrEr's ~radition.'" AbÜ Zur' ah ais0 accepted Traditions

fiom him. 'O3 Al-TirmidbT, on the other hand, consistently refused any Traditions coming

fiom Dirir. Once for instance he refused a Tradition on pilgrimage because Dirâr was a

link in the chah of t r a n ~ m i s s i o nIbn

. ~ ~WbbZn's judgment may weil express the views

of the Traditionists who refused to accept Traditions fiom Qirâr. Ibn IJibbân

acknowledged that D i r k was a faqzh who was weil-versed in fma'i'Qjbut aIso that he

narrated maqiübit fiom the trustworthy people,'05thai his memory was not good, and

that he made a lot of mistakes.' O 6

1OL
(Ibn 'Mi, al-KBmi/ fi Qu 'ZG'
"/Wjb-Iruwa fijdat m m yrursabh diai-carbayyu' bi-a/-KüX!àltb"
al-&jirE/, ed. Suhayl ZakkZr (Beinrt: Dir al-Fik, 1988), 4 : 151).

lm Ai-Mipi, T&&i a l - K m 2 13: 303; ai-Bukhiii, m a l q APaI el- ' n i d w d W d 'dg ai-
3ahrmîah wa Ashi6 d-Ta:tL/, ed. AbÜ M@mmad Salim ibn -ad ibn 'Abd al-HSdi al-Salafi and AbÜ
Hijir Mt@ammadal-Sa?d ibn B - al-Ibyaru' (Cairo: Maktabat Turith ai-IslinG, ad.), 42.
103
Al-NawauC, TaOdEu'b al-Asma', 1: 250; ai-RaP, al-Ji@ we d'Ta 'm.4 4 465. On AbÜ Zur'ah see
pp. 56-7.

'" Al-Tin6dH, Janu" &-Sa@ WB-WuwaSmm al-TkmZdari ed. M d p m m d Fu'ad 'Abd al-BGql
(Cairo: Mu.$afa al-Bibi al-Haiabi, 1937). 3 : 189-91.

los Ibn 'i!$ibbi& d-Majh@& 2: 380. Maql&Bt is the terni applied when people attribute the chah of
transmission to the wrong mah and vice versa, or attribute a Tradition to the wrong people (imidhidbà
8f-@a&Io 'dimetn CEkbar, wa-rakebümaiuhidbâal-&i&hi 'diisnida a r , wa-qdabü *da@ m i huwa
rnin hafith Sa/im: 'an NiFfi; wa-mihuwa mil, ha&%NZfi': 'm Salim)(Ibn KatEr, d-Ba'ith a/-&iathrti
f i I k b t i e 'UÜmal-&dith (J3eirut: Dàr al-Filu, n.d.), 44).
 Ibn Hajar sometimes provides examples of how one should be careful with the

information coming fiom Dirik Jabr ibn Anas, according to a report fiom 'Ubayd Allah

ibn Ab1 Rifi', was a participant at Badr who later joined 'AIi at the Battle of $iffin.

This report was quoted by Mqayyan, then by al-Tabrk7. Ibn Haja. suspected the truth
of the statement, and therefore points out that none of those who had written al-

works mentioned Jabr ibn Anas as a participant at Badr. They mentioned

Jubayr ibn Iygs, instead- The chah of transmission of information fiom 'Ubayd Allah

ibn Ab: R a b was weak, he stressed.'" Jabalah ibn Thabiabah al-Ansari, according to

'Ubayd AU& ibn Ab? R W , was among the participants of Badr who were also with

' f f i at Siffin. This report was quoted by w a b r s n i , Abu N a ' h and others Erom

MNayyan, who narrated the information through a chah of transmission that went back

to 'Ubayd Allah ibn Ab: Rafi'. Quoting Ibn al-Athk, Ibn Hajar states that this Jabalah

ibn Tha'labah was actually Rukhaylah ibn KhPlid ibn Tha'labah. When the " of

Rukhaylah ( -2 ) was dropped (and " t" was thought as " " and " 4 " as " + ") it

became Jabalah ( üLS )-it is to be remembered that in Arabic writing " i>' can be easily

mixed up with 'h" and " q" with " "-and when the name of his father Khilid was
dropped fiom the lineage it became Jabalah ibn Thablabah. Based on Ibn al-AtGr's

explanation, Ibn Hajar allows that it is possible that Jabalah and Rukhaylah were

actualfy two different persons. Ibn Hajar acknowledges that Rukhaylah was indeed

among the participants at ~ a d r . ' ~From

* these two examples, i.e., the cases of Jabr and
of Jabalah, what may have happened--and this could be what Ibn Hajar believed-was as

follows. First of aL1 there was a list of those who had participated in Badr which Dirk

presetved. Then there was a list of the Companions who had participated in Siffin with

'AG,compiled by 'Ubayd AU& ibn Ab1 Rifi', which was also in Qirir's hand. Then
somehow these two lists were mixed up. Some of the participants in Badr and those in

Siffin were believed (or were made) to be the same. Jubayr ibn I y k was thought of as

similar or made similar to Jabr ibn Anas, just as Jabalah was to Rukhaylah. This was

done either intentionally '* or by mistake. The Traditionists' insisteme that DirG felt

sympathy for 'Ali and that he suffered fiom a weak memory could allow for these two

possibilities.

It is for methodological reasons that we do not include biographical dictionaries

written by Shi'is among our sources. Like the Simnis, the SEb7s have also been

The will to preserve

composing biographical works since about the 3rd/9th ~entury."~

the teachings of the Im& had motivated Shi? scholars to write biographies of their

disciples who were responsible for preserving and transmitting these teachings. Thus,

while motivated by the same interest, the Su-s and Shi% differed in the niaterial with

which they dealt. Whereas the Srmni7sconcentrated on those who were involved with the

transmission of the teachings of the Prophet, starting with the Companions of the

Prophet and then moving on to next the generation (i.e., the Followers, the Followers of

109
It wiU later be shown that the presence of the Companions, particularly the more important ones
like the veterans of Ba&, codd easiiy strengthen the religious claini of a party.
II0
Liyakatali Nathani Ta- "The Rijàl of the SE5 I m b as Depicted in ImkG Biographical
Literature" (Ph. D., University of london, 1990). 216,218.
the FoZbwers, and so on), the Shi% were more concerned with those who had been

involvecl in the transmission of the teachings of the Irnkns. Hence the major

biographical dictionaries, ones considered primary by later SZ'I scholars, written by al-

BarqT (d. 274/887), TÜs? (d. 46O/ 1067) and NajisY (d. 450/1U58-Y), are mainly about the

cornpanions of the IxnZm~.~'~

Since out concern here is with the Companions of the

Prophet, who iived in the lstnth century, we are justified in lïmiting ourselves to

sources written by airthors who concentrate on this period, and these happen to be

S d .
While the biographical dictionaries constitute the main sources of this study, other

sources were also consulted. Chief among the latter are the historical works such as al-

Tabaii's Thi7& al-Umam wa-al-Mul* al-Ba1iidhMLsh s i b al-As-af and Fut* al-

BuldG, Ibn A ' t h h id-KS's Etàb al-Fut*, Sayf Ibn 'Umar's Etab al-Riddab wa-al-

Fut@ wa-Kllab al-Jmal wa-MsTr %'..shah wa-'AEand al-Minqari's Waq 'ar S'fin. As

explained above, it is the goal of this study to reveal the Companions' geographical

distribution and conesponding attitudes during pffin. It goes without saying that to

achieve this goal one must first understand how these Companions spread throughout

the empire and how the settlwents were estabiished, as well as the context in which the

Battle of Siffin was fought. This kind of understanding can hardly be achieved if we rely

merely on biographical dictionaries. For while it is correct to Say that much of this kind

of information can be fomd in the latter, it must be remembered that since the main

concern of the biographical dictionaries is to record facts on individual Companions in

"' For a discussion of these scholars and their works, see ibid, 8-14.
so far as they shed light on the transmission of the Prophetic Traditions, such

information as applies to the conquest of new lands and political allegiances is usually

fiagmentary and can only be read between the lines, so to speak There is no detailed

account, for example, of how the Battle of al-Qâdisiyah came to pass or the reasons

behind the Battle of Siffin.

The reliability of the information provided by these medieval historians however has

also been subjected to study by modern scholars. Sayf, an Iraq: historian fiom the tribe

of Tm7m, bas been charged with showing bias in bis treatrnent of Iraq and TaSm; thus

a-abarl's heavy retiance on him for the events which took place during the twenty-five

year period extending fiom the death of the Prophet to the Battle of JamaL has also been

questioned.112Al-Bdidhuii has been criticized for not aiways citing the original words

of his sources,113while Ibn A'tham al-Kiifi's decision to create a connected histoncal

narrative result ed in an inconsistent approach to his sources.114 Al-MinqtS' s Shi'i

tendency, on the other hand, renders suspect his acwunt of the activities of ' f f i and

Mu'iiwiyah. But once we integrate statements fiom these works with the information

collected fkom the biographical dictionaries we fhd that much of the information given

by these historians inspires confidence. For example, al-Tabaii States that Kufa was

more important than Basra Now because al-Tabancs information on Iraq was largely

derived fÏom Sayf, a K u h , we might be led to conclude that this st atement is biased

For fimther discussion on this subject see George Martin Hinds, "The Early History of Islamic
Schism in Iraq," (Ph.D.,University of london, l969), 7- 11.

C.H.Becker-p.Rosenthal], "al-BalZdM," in &.

"* M A Shaban, "ibn A'thk al-KS," in E?.
and therefore untrue. But, comparing the list of the inhabitants of Kufa with that of

Basra, we find out that there are some grolmds for accepting his version.1LSThe case of

Siffin could provide another example. It is reporteci by al-Minqd that 'Ali was

supportai by more important Companions t han was MU'â ~ i y a h . ' ' Given
~ the source,

one might be tempted to reject this statement on the grounds that al-Minqd's

sympathies would have clearly been with 'Ali. Nevertheless, a cornparison of the

Companions who supporteci Mu'awiyah and 'Ali shows that al-Minqaii was justifieci in

making the daim that he did.

The other category of sources that we consultai for this study is that of works

written on the science of Traditions ( 'diinal-Hadth). These sources are highly useful

particularly when discussing the emergence and development of the t errn "Cornpanion"

and in determining the views of various classes of Muslims on the Companions. Thus

works such as Ibn al-Salah's 'UIIrm al-Ha&& al-'Iriqi's Fa@ al-Mugoita ShmQ Ferb

M y a t al-Haadh, Ibn al-Kathir's d-BiWi al-Hath7tb BlMtis& 'UGn ai-@adth, al-

Nawad's al-Tà@ wa-al-Taysii fi-TaCziXitSman a(-Bashi al-Na&f fi L@dal-

al-KIfiyd 5 '1Zm al-Riwayd and al-Nisab~'sMa 'n'fat 'Ln@
Hadtb, al-Baghd6diidi's

al-Wadith were constantly consalted, especially for Chapter Two, where the term

"Cornpanion" and the views of Mudims on the Companions as a group are discussed.

'lS See pp. 200-5.

'16 See p. 236.
B. Method

The Companions' pattern of settlement and their political aligments-as well as the

relationship between the two-can only be understood fully if we take their numbers into

account. In other words, qwstions such as, "How many Companions actually settled in a

particular place?" or "How many Companions supported 'Ali at Sifin?" are important.

In trying to answer these questions, the Companions will be classified according to the

answers we are Looking for: the pattern of settlement reqriires for instance that they be

grouped geographically, while political alignment requires that we identifjr where their

loyalties were. Needless to Say, the Companions whose geographical base or whose

alignment during Sifiin are unhown will not be inclded in this analysis. This explains,

for example, why so few women Cornpanions are included in this study. There is d e r

all no questionhg the rote they played in building the Islamic commmity. Ibn Sacd

devotes a separate section in his biographical dictionary to record their contribution to

Islamic history. So do Ibn 'Abd &Barr, Ibn al-Athir, al-Dhahab?, and Ibn Hajar.

However, wheo it cornes to their geographical distribution and political alignment

information is scarce. Out of 335 Companions who resided in Basra, for example, only

7 women are mentioned, while none is referred to as having been among those involve-

in Siffin.

The quantitative approach to the study of biographical dictionarks proposed here has

already been used by scholars to understand Islamic history. Cohen's study on the

secular occupations and economic background of the religious schol~rsin the classical
p e n d of ~ s l a r n , ~Bulliet's
~' on social life in a medieval Islamic city (Le., ~ i s h a ~ u r ) " '

and on conversion to Islam in different parts of Islamic world in the medieval period,llg

Petry's on the civilian elite of cairo,lzOand Donner's on the tribal settiement in

~ a s r a , ~ *show
' well how this method can make a significant contribution to the

understanding of Islamic history. For whereas Cohen's research, for example, reveals the

way in which the early Muslim scholars supported themeIves economically and, thus,

the extent of th& participation in the economic development of Muslim society,

Bdliet's is invaluable for determinhg when MusLims actually became the majority in

the conquered lands. Indeed, despite the fict that answers to the problems that Bufiet,

and Cohen have tried to address c m also be sought in sources other than biographica1

dictionaries, t heir findings, as well as those of others, provide valuable documentation

for those answers.

There are of course limitations to such an approach. The fact that the data were

already preselected by the authors of these dictionaries (t hus limiting present -day

scholam to only those data judged worthy of preservation by other scholars living

117
Hayyim J. Cohen, "The Economic Background and the Secuiar Occupations of Mulim
Juriqmuknts and Traditionists in the Ciassicai P e n d of Islam,"JESU0 13 (1970) : 16.6 1 .

Richard W . Bulliet, The Patricians of Nishapuri A Stuc& in Medieval Islamic Social History
(cambndge: Harvard University Press, 1972).

I l 9 Richard W . Bullieî, Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Penod: An Essay in Quantitative History
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979).
120
Car1 F. Petry, The Civillian Efite of Cdro in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 198 1).

12' Fred M. Domer, "Tribal Settïement in Basra During the First Century AH.," in Land Tenure and
Sbcial Transfomation in the Middle East, ed Tarif Khalidi (Beinit: Amerkm University of Beinit,
1984), 97-120.
 centuries agoL22)y
joined with the fact that scholars face many difficulties in extracting

information fiom the dictionaries (sometimes even having to read between the Lines to

do SO), are only two examples of such limitations.IY Thus, it is not surprishg when

scholars sincerely warn their readers that the findings and statistical data deriving fiom

such an approach shodd be considered as "heuristic," "heuristically valuable,"

'Y ent atire," "suggestive," "rough indication" or even "somewhat ~~eculative."~"

That

this approach is still comparatively rare in Islamic tud dies'^* is another factor that

should be kept in mind in this regard.

Using the same method and the same kinds of sources (Le., biographical dictionaries),

our study is boimd by the same problems and limitations that Cohen, Bulliet, Petry and

Donner faced. In our study there are even times when, because the information given by

the sources is insufficient, we have to draw conclusions based on small nimibers, such as

in the case of the background of the Cornpanions at iff fui.'*^ These figures are

statistically insignificant, but can still be used as a rough indication of facts which are

othenvise unobtainable. Finally, while we do not claim that our statistical data are

IL For example, if, based on biographical dictionaries, a scholar attempts to quant& the inhabitants of
a certain city, he cannot count a person who is latom-fiom other sources-to have lived in that city but is
not mentioned by the dictionaries king useci

For further discussion on the Wtations and difnculties of this approach, see, for examples, Cohen,
c%nomic Background," 20-1; Bullieî, "Quantitative Approach," 199-200; and DOM^^, " T n i
SenIement." 100-1; see also Humphreys's critical r e v i m of the works of Bulliet, P e e , and Cohen
(Humphrq-s, Islaniic Histov, 198-9, 2056, 206-7, 281-3). For weaknesses and problems relative to ou.
study, see pp. 44-52 below-

"' BuEet, Conversion, 3; idem, "Quantitative Approach," 195; Petry, Civillian Elire, x k ; DOM€!^,
"Tribal Settlement," 100; Humphreys, IsIamic History,205,206,281.

"BBulliet, Conversion, 5; idem, "Quantitative Approôc4 195.

'" See pp. 2 4 0 , 2 4 4 below.

absolute, the arguments that they give rise to may be useful in understanding fully the

historical significance of the Cornpanions in the first century of Hijrah.

Another positive aspect of this approach is its usefulness in verifiing statements

made by present or past authors. in some way or another authors frequentiy try to

quanti@ the information they provide. Hence the desire to give evidence where none

exists, or to reduce or increase numbers for whetever reasons Led these autbors to make

inaccurate statements. Even Ibn KhaldÜn (d. 865/1406) was aware of this problem.

Commenting upon the works of previous scholars, including historians, Ibn Kaldüu

states that they committed fiequent mors due to their tendency to accept information

uncritically. This occmed especially in the case of numbers:

W henever contemporaries speak about the dynastic armies of t heir own recent times,
and whenever they engage in discussions about Muslim or Christian soldiers, or when
they get to figuring the tax revenues and the money spent by the government, the
outlays of extravagant spenders, and the goods that rïch and prosperous men have in
stock, they are quite generally found to exaggerate, to go beyond the bounds of the
ordinary, and to succumb to the temptation of sensationahm. When the officiais in
charge are questioned about their armies, when the goods and assets of wealthy
people are assessed, and when the outlays of extravagant spenders are looked at in
ordinary Light, the figures wiii be found to amount to a tenth of what those people
have said. The reason is simple. ït is the common desire for sensationalism, the ease
with which one may just mention a higher figure, and the disregard of the reviewers
and critics. This leads to failure to exercise self-criticism about one's mors and
intentions, t O demand for oneself moderation and faimess in reporting, tO reapplay
oneseif to study and researçh. Such historians Let themselves go and made a feast of
untrue st atement.12'

One example of this tendency is al-Mas'iidi. Ibn Khaldün reports that al-Mas'Udi

claimed that the army of the lsraehtes under Moses numbered more than 600,000

'21 Ibn KhaIdim, me Mqaddimab: an htrodruction to Mstory, translated by Franz Rosenthal (New
York: Pantheon Books, 1958), 1 : 19-20.

36
troops. This, Ibn Khaldun asserts; is unacceptable. According to Ibn KhaldÜn, al-

Mas'Udi had failed to take into accomt geographical and military considerations

(''whether Egypt and Syria could possibly have held such a number of soldiers") as well

as practical ones ("an army of this size cannot march or fight as a unit'').'28 To

emphasize his point stronger, Ibn KhaldÜn points to the Persian Empire which was much

greater than the realm of the Israelites. The greatest concentration of Persian army at al-

Qidisiyah, Ibn Khaldin contends, only amounted to between 60,000 and 120,000

(according to different reports).12gIn other words, how could it be that the Israelites,

whose nation was much smaller than the Persians' ,should have had an army five to ten

times the size of that boasted by a much greater power?

Modern historians have also expressed the same concem. Juynboll, for example,

asserts that the numbers that Sayf reports are inflated. He also questions S a y f s

information, for example, on the BattIe of al-Qadisiyah-which was likely accepted by

Ibn Khaldün. As Ibn Khaldun had done with al-MasLüdi, Juynboll compares these

numbers with military considerations: the numbers do not accord with how the battle

~ ' render them more conceivable, Juynboll, uniike Ibn Khaldun

was actually f o ~ ~ h t . 'To

who proposes ten as the divisor ("the figures wiLl be found to amount to a tenth of what

those people have ~ a i d " l ~ proposes

~), that every number given by Sayf be divided by

'21 Ibid., 16.

'21 Ibid., 17.

'jOGautier H. A. JuynboII's foreword to Al-Taba.5, n e Uisforyofal-Taban; vol. 13, Iae Conquesr

of fia% Southwestern Penh, md E m t , trandated and amotated by Gautier H. A. Juynboii (Albany:

State University of New York Press, 1989), xv,

"'See quotation from Ibn Khaldun above.

one hundred, or, if it is lower than one thousand, by t e d " Although Juynboll claims

this method works very well in making these numbers more plausible, it is still not weil-

grounded for it is a mere guess.

From the perspective of the problem of numbers discussed above, our approach might

help us to suggest some answers. The data that we have collected fÎom the biographical

dictionaries can throw light on some of the issues raised in literary sources like al-

Tabin. Our figures on the Cornpanions who settled in Basra, K u . Damascus, Hims,

Palestine and Fustat c m give us rough idea of the Muslim population of these places

during the first centus, Hijrah or that of the early mobilization and distribution of

Muslims there. The same may be done with respect to the =ber of Companions who

participated in the Battle of S i f i . Any staternents on the pütical alignments of

Companions at the Battle of Siffin codd be compared with out approximate numbers,

and th& historical significance thereby assessed.

In order to give some idea as to the nature of the biographical dictionaries and m y

approach to sources, some sample biographical entries for Mu'iwîyah ibn Hudayj, taken

fiom Ibn Sa'd and Ibn vajar, are given here.

Mu'iwyah ibn H r d a ~ s* e b a al-Nabz salla AU& 'dayfi wa-saUrna, wa-rawi

' d q w a q a d I'ya 'Umar ibn d-KIaaf?a3 wa-rawi ' d u badth 6 alalmaso, wa-
kika 'uthmaiui A k b b a r ~ i'AilSm ibn Musfim q k Eaddathani flimmid ibn
Salam& qala: Akbbarmi lZa3it 'sa S a& ibo @ujayr wa-huwa AbÜ g * a y 'an
Mu'iwyah ibn Hud.y qda w a - k ~ aIt d u $eh&,qiEla: Mm @asda rnaw-t wa-
kafmabu wa-ittaba 'sou wa-waliyajaaanabu r@ 'a magbfia.an 1 ' (Mu'iwiyah ibn
Hudayj accompanied the Prophet, peace be upon him, and narrated fkom him. He had
also met 'Umar ibn al-Khalf and narrated h m him a Tradition on wiping (shoes?),
and he was a supporter of 'Uthmh. '- ibn Muslim informed us, saying: Thabit
had informed us fkom Siw ibn Hujayr, tbat is Ab6 Hujayr, fiom Mu'iwiyah ibn
Hudayj-he ( S i l o ibn Hujayr) said that he (Muciiwiyah ibn Hdayj) has

''' Juynbll, 7i5eH s f o ~13, : xiv.

Companionship-who said: "Whoever washed a corpse and dressed him for the grave
and followed him (to the grave) and took care of his tomb, he went home
forpjven.''133

gbazwat al-NUbab maCaIbn S@ walrya gbaw al-Mehib mrr&an akairabi smat

khamsin wa-mala s m t ithatayo wa-kb~tll~&~ wa-akhyi~Zhu AbÜ Dawud wa-d-
NasiCi hadith fi al-sahw fi a/-@Zh wa-id-NàsZi &&th fi al-tadawa bi-al-&Jiinah
wa-al-gfiisl wa-al-Bagbawi &tditb qda fiBi sami 'tu R a d Il&saUa Audi 'dayhi
wa-sal~amay q d u ((Ghadwah 6sabil AU& aw n w @ dkaayr mia ddunyi w k
fiha>, wa-&ha@ @nad al-@i&th al-thal'hah wa-kuUa6â rmi> ?an'q Yaa'd ibn
@bib 'an Suwaydibn Qays ' d e wa-qad akbraja ayQao mio !mi ?hibit al-BmàZ
'an $&?id& ibn &ïu/dp' d u@,&th M m ' fid& al-mayyit wa-m'n.&an% Ibo La6rT'ah
'an d-@arth ibn Y d 'an 'Mibo Rab.$ ' d u gala 6a)'anti'di 'ahd Ab; B a b fa-
baymia&nu 'indabufa-dbakrvahu qigat 2-w &a a l - A t h 'an a m a d faysat
Mu wa-dhakardu Ya 'kübibn Su@dur wa-lbo m b b h fial-TibiYn Z&M Ibo
W b b G dbakmabu fi al-Sa@bab aydm, qda al-BukibàZ mita qabi Abi ' A .
(Muciiwiyah ibn Hudayj-without diacritical points and then j f i in the form of a
diminutive nom-ibn Jafnah ibn Najib AbÜ Na'kn, also called Abu 'Abd al-Ralpnân,
al-Sakuni7 or, according to al-Bukhan, Khawloni7. Al-Zuhn gave his lineage. He was
counted among the people of Egypt. Al-Baghawi said, "He was a govemor of
Muciiwiyahin Egypt." ((1 said)): "Mu'àwiyah oniy appointed him as the leader of the
army which he sent to Egypt, where Mdpmmad ibn Ab: Bakr al-Siddiq was to be
found. After having killed the latter they gave their aUegiance to Mu'awiyah. Later
Mu'âwiyah ibn Hudayj became the emir of Egypt for Y.Pd." Ibn Sa'd mentioned
Mu'iwiyah ibn W a y j among the Cornpanions who used to be governors of Egypt.
Ibn YÜnus said, "He (Mu'iiwiyah ibn Hudayj) is given the sumame Abu Na'im. He
came to the Messenger of G d peace be upon him and his family, participated in the
conquest of Egypt (Misi), and then he came to 'Umar, informing hïm of the conquest
of IskandaSyah. He lost one of his eyes during the miütary expedition in Nubia with
Ibn Sa*. He led several incursions into al-Maghrib, the last of which was in the year
50, and died in the year 52." Abu Diwud and al-Nasa'i nurated a Tradition fiom
Mu'iwiyah ibn Hodayj conceming negligence during prayer, while al-Nasa': nurated
a Tradition conceming medical treatment with cupping and washing, and al-Baghawl
a Tradition in which he said that he heard the Messenger of God, peace be upon him,
133
Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqit, 7 :503.
 say, "Going back and forth in the path of God is better than the world and what is in
it." Alpmd narrated the three Traditions, aU of which were through Ya5d ibn Ab1
Habib fiom Suwayd ibn Qays fkom him (i.e. Mu'awiyah ibn Hudayj). He (Aipuad)
a h narrated through Thibit al-BunhTnom Silih ibn Hujayr fkom him (Mucâwiyah
ibn Ejudayj) a mdu"Tradition on the burial of the dead, and through Ibn Lahicah
nom al-Harth ibn Yaiid fkom 'AG ibn Rab* fiom him saying, 'We emigrated during
the reign of AbÜ Bakr, and while we were with Abii Bakr he mentioned the story of
Zamz8m," Al-Athram said h m Alpuad, "He (Mucàwiyah ibn Hudayj) did not bave
Cornpanionship." YacqÜb ibn SuQin and Ibn IJibbân mentioned hirn among the
Tibi'h, but Ibn ljibbân also mentioned him among the Companions. Al-Bukhan said
that he died before Abc '~mar.)'"

The biography of Mu'iwiyah ibn Hudayj as it is presented by fin Sacd and Ibn Hajar

is chosen because it shows us three imposant points. First, since Ibn Sa'd is the earliest

source in our study and Ibn Hajar the latest, comparing S o m a t i o n h m these two

scholars may give some idea of how the information concerning a particular

Cornpanions tended to increase with thne. Second, it also shows us the extent to which

information related to the Prophetic Traditions (such as which Traditions this

Companion narrated and who took them fiom him) dominates such entries. This is not

surprising because the biographical works on the Companions were composed precisely

for this piirpose.13' Third, there are some contradictory statements in Ibn Hajar's entry.

This exemple offers us an opportunity to show how such contradictions c m be

reconciled .

Ibn Sa'd, Living in the 3rd/9th centiny, provides a shorter entry for Mu' iwiyah ibn

Ejudayj than does Ibn Hajar, who lived in the hWlSth century. What information is

missing fiom Ibn Sa'd (or what information is added by Ibn Hajar) can clearly be seen.

134
Ibn Hajar, a i - I s a i 3 :411.
135
See pp. 134,17.
While Ibn Sa'd gives Mu'awiyah's name without any tribal affiliation, Ibn Hajar traces

Mu'iwiyah's name back to his great grandfathet and even gives two possible tribal

descents, Le., S a m and Khawlani. Other idormation as to his various careers and the

date of his death, as welL as the fact that his Companionship was questioned by some

authors, is also provideci by Ibn Hajar. The Traditions attributed to Mu'awiyah are &O

mention4 in more detail by Ibn Hajar, who gives their number, the way they were

transmitted, and where these Traditions codd be found. Living six centuries later than

Ibn Sa'd, Ibn Hajar clearly had more sources available to him. The coUections of al-

Bukhan, al-Baghawi, Ibn YÜnus, AbÜ Dawud, al-NasG'Z, -ad ibn Qanbal and Ibn

W b b h are among Ibn Hajar's sources, none of which were avaiIable to Ibn Sa'd,

having appeared after his death. With such a wide range of materials at his disposal, Ibn

Hajar is, uasurprisingly, able to furnish more idormation.

It can be seen fiom Ibn Hajar's contribution that there were often disagreements

about particdar biographical details. First there was disagreement over whether

Mu'âwiyah was fiom the tribe of Sakim or from that of Khawlin. Second, authors

apparently disputai his inclusion in the ranks of Companions. How should we deal with

these kinds of disagreement? There are different ways to do so. First, we can accept Ibn

Hajar's statement fkom the outset that Mu'awiyah was fkom the Ba6 Sa* and

disregard the the information given by aEBukhaii, or vice versa. In taking this position

we are faced with a historiographical problem: Why should we p r e k the information

given by Ibn vajar to that given by al-Bukhan? Are we saying that Ibn Hajar is more

reliable or trustworthy than al-BukhZ? Why? Another option is to admit that there
could be two Mu'âwiyahs, one from the Bani Sa& and the other from the Bani

Khawlh. But to which do these Traditions apply: the Mu'awiyah of the Bani S a h or

the Mu'awiyah of the Bani Khawlh? There is of course a third option: that of

accepting all the information given by both Ibn Hajar and al-Bukhan without

questioning which one is right and which one is wrong. This is also the case with his

Companionship. We do not question whether W d ibn Hanbal, for example, was right

when he said that Mu'iwiyah was not a Companion; or whether al-Baghawi was right

when he said that Mu'iwiyah was governor of Egypt under Mu'iwiyah ibn Ab1 Sufj6n.

Our position is to acknowledge that there was a certain man named Mu' Zwiyah ibn

Hudayj who might have been fiom the Bani Sa& or fiom the B d Khawl&, who

might have been a Companion and govemor of Egypt for Mu'iwiyah.

It is the third position that we take here. The reason is pragrnatic. We are dealing

with more than one thousand individual Companions. This means that since we take

three variables into account, Le., tribal affiliation, regional loyalty and the date of death

as the bases of our analysis, we are actually dealing with about three thousand items of

information. It is beyond the scope of out study to establish the historicity of every

single report. It is also to be remembered that our method is quantitative. Each piece of

information will be treated equally and each assigned the same value. Thus, returning to

the example mentioned above, we wiil add Mu'awiyah ibn Qudayj to the list of the

Companions who resided in Egypt (i.e., Fustat, see below). We will also include him in

both the k t of B d Sa& and in that of B a 6 KhawlZn. When we are dealing with

those among the Bani Sa& who settled in Fustat, MucEwiyah will figure in OUI
evaluation. We shall do likewise when we are deaiing with those of Ban: Khawlin who

resided in Fustat. Of course people like Mu'âwiyah constitute a gray area in our

analysis. This is the natural bias of our method.

The information taken fiom writers such as Ibn Sa'd, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn al-Athir,

al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar does not always reflect their own opinions. As we have

already pointed out, t hese aut hors often quote widely diverse materials. Thus different

views on certain Companions-regarding t heir reiat ionship wit h the Prophet, t heir

involvement in different events, their tribal alignment, etc.-are presented. Sometime

our sources reveal their own position on these issues and sometimes they do not. Our

practice is not to accept the final judgment of these authors, but to coiiect the

information they present and include it in our survey. No effort has been made to

scrutinize its validity. Needless to Say, the existence of a certain piece of information

cannot negate the existence of other information; nor does one piece of information

depend on another for its existence. Each is self-sufficient and autonomous. We can

take as one example 'Amr ibn G h a y h . Ibn ~ a r r . 5 'says

~ ~ ~that he was a Follower

(~iai'i)
of the dl alalShiin.The fact that he was a Follower and that he was a Syrian

are independent facts. Ibn Sami' may be wrong in saying that 'Amr was a Follower, but

this does not countervail the fact that 'Amr was a Syrïan. Thus 1 wiii include 'Amr in

the figures for Syria, even if no other source confirming the Cornpanion status of 'Amr

declares that he was a Syrian.

 To gain a clear understanding of the nature of the sources and also the bias of this

kind of approach, certain other points should be mentioned:

1. The oisbah is highly useful to researchers. From the nisbab one can detennine, for

instance, the occupation of a given individual in a certain period.137For our purpose the

nisbah can reveal the tribal alignment of certain Cornpanions and the pattern of their

settlement in some places. But often the m'bah creates confusion since it does not

always indicate that a person originally belonged to a given tribe. 'Abd AU& ibn KhZlid

ibn Salamah al-Makhzumi7 is a case in point. He was a Qurashi by birth but was also

called al-Rkibi, not because he was related by bIood to Bani RGib, but because he

resided among them when he migrated to ~asra."' AbÜ Sa'id, Abu al-Hajjiïj and Abu

Sulaymiin, although they were not of B a s Dubi'ah, were nonetheless called Duba'i

because they lived with this tnbe in ~ a s r a . ~Zuhayr

~' ibn 'Amr, although he dwelled

amongst Bad Kilâb, was not bom a member of this tribe.l4' 'Abd Allah ibn Waqdin, a

Qurashi, was known as Sa'di for he was breast-fed by a woman of Banl Sa'd ibn

~ala.l~ ' individuals can be rnistakenly attributed to more t h a . one tribe. In these
Such

examples we are fortunate in that we know which is the original tnbe and which one is

not. But what happens if such information is not available?

137
Cohen, "Economic Bacground," 16-61.

13' AI-Sam'i6, ai-Ansib, ed. 'Abd AU& al-Birüdi (Beirut: DG a l - J i e . Dâr al-Kutub al-'Umiyah,
1988). 1: 25.

140
Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqil, 7 7 80.
141
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, a/-IstI'*8b,3 3: 1000.
2. The other problem with the nisbab, which results in the same difficulties, is the

practice among the Arabs to change their own genealogy. It was common for a person to

trace his own genealogy to the brother of a . ancestor if the brother was more fa mou^.'^*

Al+akam ibn 'Amr was the son of Nu'aylah ibn Mulayl, but, although it annoyed the

genealogists, he preferred the m'Sb& al-Ghi=. Ghifk ibn Mulayl was the brother of

Nu' aylah ibn Mulayl and the more noteworthy of the two.'"

3. Sometimes a person bore two nisbabs because of different levels of attribution. Anas

ibn Milik (not Anas ibn Malik, the famous Cornpanion) was sometimes called al-

Qushayri, and sometimes called al-Ka'bi. This was because Ka'b was the father of

Qushayr. So calling him al-Ka'b; al-Qushayii was like calling someone 'Abbasi Hâshind

or Sa'& T&~.'& For those imfamiliu with genealogy this seems contradictory.

4. Sometimes a person's lineage is traced directly to his grandfather or even to his great-

grandfather, instead of to bis father. Jundab ibn 'Abd AU& ibn SufjGn is sometimes

c d e d Jundab ibn 'Abd AU& and at other times Jundab ibn ~utjriin.'~~
The same is true

in the case of Jibir ibn Tariq ibn Ab? T S q ibn 'Awf Sometimes he is calied Jabir ibn

Ab1 T&q and sometimes JIbir ibn ' ~ w f .Other

' ~ ~ examples include Jundab ibn 'Abd

'42 Ibn al-At: Usdaii-Gbaih&,1: 123.

'*' Ibid, 2: 40.

lu Ibid., 1: 150.
145
Ibn Hajar, al-I~aab,
1: 320-

Ibid., 1 : 213.
AU& ibn s~s>Z.II'~' and 'Urwah ibn 'Iyâd ibn Ab1 al-~u'd.'~'There is always a risk of
counting such persons as two different individuals.

5. It quite ofken happens that the writers disagree with each other. There are some

points which are inevitable sources of disagreement. First there is the meaning of certain

words. The word "makoaQram" for instance is used to describe people who have lived in

two eras, such as the time of the JahiEyah and the time of the Prophet. In the discussion

surromding the identity of the Coinpanions of the Prophet, the word is sometimes used

by authors to decide whether a person was or was not a Companion. If he was a

mukha&~at, chances are he was a Companion. But, having this in minci, authors are

sometimes trapped into mderstanding that the word "rnukoa&~m"is used by default to

describe those who knew the time of the JahiIiyah and that of the Prophet. They forget

that this word was used to describe those who experienced two eras, and that this could

also apply to the time of the Prophet and that of Bani ~ r n a ~ ~orathe ~ ~of~Bani
h ,time

Umayyôh and that of Bani 'Abbas. Thus Abu Hayyah aENumayr was thought of as

belonging to the Cornpanions because he was descnbed as mukoa&am, when in fact he

did not. He was described as mukba&am not because he knew the time of the JahiIiyah

and that of the Prophet, bui because he lived mder both BatG Umayyah and Bani

~ ~ of the same type that led scholars to disagree over whether

' ~ b bIt ~was. a~mistake

"'ibid., 1 : 250.

'' Yusayr ibn 'Amr was a mz&a&m. When the Prophet died he was only ten or eleven years old.
Since he certeinly did not experience the timc of Jahiliyah, we can safely say that in this case (although
Ibn al-Atm does not saty it explicitly) m & a ~in his case could ody mean knowing the time of
Islam and that of Bad Umayyah (Ibn aï-Athir, Usdal-Ghaih&,5 : 520).

IS0 See Ibn Hajar, d-Isaaab, 4 :49.

'Uqbah ibn 'Amr should be count ed as a participant in Badr because he was described as

"Bad'" Some scholars, including al-Bukhiiri, AbÜ 'Utbah ibn Salim and Muslim,

a f f i n that Bad5 means that he participated in Badr. The majority of scholars agree that

Bad6 simply means that he resided in ~adr."' Al-Aghlab ibn Jusham was thought by

some to have performed the Hijrah, which might have put him in the class of

Companions, but in fact it is known that his Hijrah was an ordinary emigration, not the

Prophet's famous depax-ture fiom Mecca for ~ e d i n alR.

There is also the problem of wntten transmission. Leaving aside entirely the

problems raised by oral transmission, the difficulties inherent in the manuscript tradition

were considerable. In addition to the time involved and the expense, there was the factor

of errors in copying. Exhaustion or inattention often led to words being incorrectly

written or left out. f i n Hajar said that 'Abd Allah ibn YaZd was a Khatnïi, not a

Nakha'i, but that a scribe had changed ( t @ ~ ~ ~ a fita )fiom Khafmi to ~ a k h a ' i . 'Al-
~

Hasan ibn Malik was said in some accounts to have died in 74 (arba <ah wa-sab %)/693,

which Ibn Hajar corrects to read 94 (mba 'ah wa-fis%)/7 12. Thus what should have been

written was +not _ 154

These kinds of mistakes were cornmon at a time when

the writing of Arabic was still in the process of evotving. At this stage, for example, no

diacritical points were used. The letter ta could only be differentiated fiom ba or tha by

'IL Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, a l - I s ~ 1 "

3~: 1074-1075; 4 : 1756-1757; ibn Ejajar, al-Ig&& 2 :484.
1SZ
Ibn vajar, al-Iga3a&, 1: 71.

lS3 Ibid., 3: 144.

'51 ibid., 3 : 323.

reference to the context, if at au. The verb "fa-h@ar.. ( )" to give another

example, was read in one instance as Mubijir ( /sb) which resulted in the name

Muhijir being added to the range of ~ o r n ~ a n i o n sGharaf'ah

.'~~ ibn al-IJarthcould be read

as Ghaiiyah ibn a14&th,'s6 Hibis ibn Sacd as Hibis ibn ~ a ' ~ d and
, ' ~ Hubayb
~ ibn

MughafEl as Hunaydah ibn ~ u ~ h a f f i l . ' ~ ~

6. Sometimes the name of the original person who heard a Tradition direct1y fiom the

Prophet in a chah of transmission was Iost- The result was that the second person in the

chah was taken to be the first person and it was therefore thought that it was he who

had heard the Prophet speak If he heard anything fiom the Prophet's lips he was a

Companion by definition. Those writers who were not aware of this sometimes included

this second person in the range of Companions. This is what happened with Shabib ibn

Dhi al-Kali' AbÜ Rawh. It is reported that AbÜ Rawh said that he prayed behind the

Prophet. Since the Tradition begins with "1 prayed (pu!laytu),'' the first person who

repeated it must have been a Companion. Ibn Hajar however found out that "someone,"

fiom whom AbÜ Rawh had heard the Tradition, had fallen out of the chain, changing it

fiom "Abu Rawh fiom someone fiom the Prophet" to "Abü Rawb fiom the ~ r o ~ h e t . " ' ~ ~

Some other examples of this confusion are 'Abd AU& ibn al-~ukl,'~*' h i r ibn

155
Ibid., 3 : 505.
156
Ibid., 3 : 190, 182.

'" Rid, 1: 272.

lS8 fbid., 3 : 588.

Is9 Ibid, 2 : 165.

Ibid., 3 : 13 1.
~ u d a y n ' and
~ ~ Sùabib ibn DhÜ a l - ~ a l i ' . ' Sometirnes
~ the mistake seems trivial: the

connecting word "ad' ( h m ) , for instance, occasionally fell out. The chain of

transmission of a Tradition which, according to Ibn Hajar, shoutd be "from KurdÜs from

a Companion of the Prophet h m the ~ r o ~ h e became

t" " b m KurdÜs, a Companion of

the Propbet, fiom the Prophet.9,163 Whereas in the first c h a h of transmission KurdÜs is

oniy the second person who narrated the Tradition (which could mean that he was a

Follower or a T'bi'l), in the second one (that is in the wrong one, according to Ibn

Hajar), KurdÜs becomes the first person, i.e., the Companion himself who heard the

Tradition directly fiom the Prophet.

7. Sometimes it was said that the Tradition of a certain Companion is murs4 meaning

that he did not receive the Tradition directly from the Prophet. Based on this fact, one

might argue that since he did not take the Tradition fkom the Prophet he could not have

been a Companion. This is not always the case, however. Some of the Companions took

Traditions fiom other Companions. Examples of this are al-Musawwar ibn Mukhramah

who accepted Traditions h m a l - M u g h . ibn ~hu'bah,'" and Anas ibn Malik who

took some fiom J&r ibn 'Abd Allah.lQ AbÜ MG& AbÜ R Z C ,Abu Shurayh, Abu Sa'id,

Jiïbir, Anas, Ab6 Jubayfah, Abu U m k a h and AbÜ Tufayl-al1 of whom were

16' Ibid,3 : 126.

Ibid., 2 : 165.

'61 Ibid., 3 : 302.

16* Ibid., 3 :432.

'61 Ifln 'Abd al-Barr, al-IstI'a3, 11: 240.

Companions-took Traditions from 'Abd Allah ibn as' id? Some Companions

accepted the Traditions both from the Prophet and fiom other Companions as well. AbÜ

Mika al-AshcaÏi, for instance, Iearned Traditions fiom the Prophet and also from the

four Caliphs, MuC%dh,Ibn Mas'üd, Ubay ibn Kacb and 'Ammiir. Some of the

Companions received some Traditions from Abu Mûs& AbÜ Sa'id, Anas and T Z q ibn

Shihab are just some e ~ a m ~ l e s<pishah,

. ~ ~ ~ Ibn 'Abbis, Ibn 'Umar and Jabir ibn

Samurah are reported to have taken some of their Traditions from Sa'd ibn Ab?

~ a ~ S~ & zaydX6'
a l d ibn ' ~ is~another example of one fiom whom other Companions

took Traditions. Even some Companions, like Ma'mar ibn ~azm,'" did not narrate

Traditions at all, and yet no one denied the fact that they were Companions. Tariq ibn

Çhihàb saw the Prophet but he never heard anything from him. His Traditions fa11 under

the category of m m d Based on this some writers have doubted lis status as a

Companion. Ibn Kajar, defending this status, says that if it could ever be proved that he

had met the Prophet then we could M y establish that he was a Companion; and even

if he had not, then his Traditions wodd simply become mumal maai;which wodd not

. ~ ' ' means that even if it is proved that his

change the s t a t u of his ~ o m ~ a n i o n s h i ~This

Tradition was m d tbis is no reason to reject the possibility that he was a

166
Ibn Hajar, sl-I$i&z&, 2 : 326.

Ibid., 2 : 351.

Ibid., 2 : 30.

169 Ibid., 2 :44.

Ibid-, 3: 428.

17' Xbid., 2 : 211.

Companion. This is one of the grounds used by Ibn Hajar to establish that Qabisah ibn

WaqqG was a Cornpanion. Al-Dhuhabi, considering that QabGah did not use the phrase

"1 heard (samiVu)" in his Tradition, casts doubt on his Companionship. He insists that

it is mmal and that therefore we cannot establish that he was a Cornpanion. Ibn Hajar

challenges al-Dhahabl's conclusion, saying that Qabisah 's case was not unique. There

were a lot of people who did not use '4 heard" and therefore their Traditions might be

m m 4 but they were still ~ o r n ~ a n i o n s . ~ ~

Another example may suffice to dari@ all of this. UhbG ibn Aws was an euly

couvert ( q a d m al-IsIh) and prayed in two directions (~aflzi

al-~ibhtayn),i.e., to al-

Masjid al-Aqgi in Jerusalem and al-Masjid a l q a r k in Mecca. As far as I am concerned

no single scholar has ever doubted these facts, let alone his Companiomhip. However

no single Prophetic Tradition has ever been attributed firmly to him. Al-BukhiZ in his

S&i, arccrding to Ibn vajar, only mentions one ~adir6mawq273 (i.e., a Tradition

~ ~al-T'*Mi
about the sayings and the deeds of the ~ o r n ~ r n i o n sIn) .his ~ al-Kab2 al-

Bukhjin mentions a Tradition which reports Uhbik's own story of how he became a

Muslim. The chah of transmission of this Tradition, al-BukhZ maintains, is not sound

(I'ysa b i - d - ~ a mThat
~ . ~is~because
~ the chah includes 'Abd A U 1 ibn ' h r a l - A s l d

AU of these points demonstrate that, first, the

who is considered weak (&~i'fl.~'~

'" See lbid., 3: 215; al-Dhahabi, Tun'i 2 : i 1.

ln h Hajar, a/-Iyhh,1: 9 1.

"* Ibn a l - S a l a ' L n k alr-Ha&th, 46.

175
Al-Bukhaii, &?a% al-ï"&ai-KabU.(Beinit:D& al-Kutub ai-'UnGyah, n.d.), 2 : 45.

176 Ibn Hajar, al-IjShh,1: 9 1.

existence ( or the non-existence) of a Prophetic Tradition cannot be used to decide

whether a transmitta was or was not a Cornpanion;''' and that, second, even if it is

found out that the Tradition related by a Companion contains a questionable link in its

chain of transmission, this stiii cannot destroy the credibility of the Companion, nor c m

it be used to question his status as such.

'" Other examples of Cornpanions who did not narrate Traditions are Jibarah ibn Zurarah (Ibn 'Abd
al-Barr, al-Isti'ai, 11: 278) and Ab6 Jundan al-'Utaqi (labu&bao wa-Iaysa labu &uZ& see Ibn gajar, al-
r ~ ~4a:34)
a
 CHAPTER II

THE GENESIS OF TRE COMPANIONS

1. Definition

Authors who mite about the Companions seldom bother to ask themselves who

the Companions actually were. Joseph schachtL and Fazlur ~ a h m a dare just two

examples. In one way or another, especially when they are dealing with the Prophetic

Traditions, they speak of the Companions without ever explainhg what they mean by

this word In his Mmhn Studi-, Ignaz GoldPher gives a detinition of "Companion"

which is taken fÏom al-Bukhan: "He among the Muslimin who was in the Company of

the Prophet or has seen him, is to be coimted among the ~ompanions.'" But Goldziher

qwtes al-Bukhiki as an exemple of how theological motives caused variant readings of

texts (in this case, "or (sw)" can be read as "and (wa)").Like Schacht and Rahman,

Goldziher assumes that the Companions are so famous that no finther definition is

needed. As will be shown later this kind of thinking is misleading. Defining a

Companion is not as easy as one might think

i ' rather exceptional in this regard. They

Etan ICohlberg4 and Miklos ~ i a a n ~are

discuss how the term "Companion" is defined by Muslim scholars. This is mainly

Joseph Schacht, ï2e OR@ of Mubarnmedan JmMsprudence

(London: Oxford University Ress,
19'79),3,4,5,9, 11, 13, 14ff.

Faziur Rahman, Islam (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979), 43,48, 5 1, 52,53 K

Ignaz Goldziher, M d Studile4 e d S. M. Stem and translated fiom the Geman by C. R. Barber
and S. M. Stem (Chicago: George Allen and Unwin, 1971). 2 : 222.

Etan Kohiberg, "The Attitude of the Im--Shi% to the Companions of the Prophet" (Ph. D,
UniversityofCbcford, 1971). 2-3,21-2.
because the main focus of their research is the ~ o r n ~ a n i * o nMuranyi's
s.~ discussion of

thïs topic is the more elaborate of the two. He explains how the term was defined and

expanded by Muslims over generations. However, he fails to give the context in which

the tenu expanded in meaning, thus leaving its essential definition uaclear. It is this

point to which we will devote our attention in the first part of this chapter. We wiil

begin by arguing that the meaning of the term "Companion" was closely linked with the

emergence of the Prophetic Traditions as the second most important source of Islamic

teachings next to the Qur'ka,process which depended in large part on the efforts of

the Traditionists (dlal-Ha&@. Next it will be shown that the development of the

term "Companion" also owes much to the criticisrn advanced by the Traditionists'

opponents, that is, the Mu'tazilis. The latter's approach to revelation had led them to

minimize the importance of Traditions, partly by reducing the number of Companions

through a definition so strict that the number of Companions (and therefore the

Traditions they narrated) was seriously reduced. Holding the opposite view, the

Traditionists did exactly the converse. Full discussion of how the term "Companion"

was developed by the Traditionists is a necessity for two reasons. First, the main

sources of this study are the biographical dictionaties written by the Traditionists; thus

the inclusion in or the exclusion of a person fiom the class of Companions in our

Miklos Muranyi,Die hphetengenossen io der W s l - , b e n Geschichre (Bonn: SeIbstverlag der

Orientalischen SeminRrs der Universitat, 1973), 12-21.

Sometimes even though e writer's main concem is the Companions, a definition is not given. One
example is AWuikader 1. Tayob, "Islamic Histonography: the Case of af-.ban'% Ta'* al-Rusul wa
'1-Muliîk on the Companions of the Prophet Mdymmad" (Ph. D., Temple University, 1988). Nowhere
does he mention what he means by the term "Companions."
analysis wiU be heavily influenced by the Traditionists' definition. Second, the

emergence of these biographical dictiondes can only be understood if we perceive the

context in which the authors of these works worked.

We can start the discussion by viewing the position of the Cornpanions in

relation to the Qur'ân and the Sunnah. Needless to Say, the Qur'h is the most

important source of all Islamic teachings. But many detailed nùings (&k&) and other

religious matters (mu& a l d n ) are found not in the Qur'h but in the Sunuah. The

Sunnah is based on the knowledge of those who were involveci in its transmission, the

most important of whom were the Companions. Hence one's faiIure to know the

Companions is a failure to establish proof (hW)

for one's religious deeds,' and it is

to be remembered that every action of a S& Muslim must have its reference either in

the Qur'En or in the Sunnah. Hence Muslims who are unaware of the identity of the

Companions are condemned. Knowing nothing about them is considered to be wiWd

ignorance and the greatest denial (mhddujabian wa-8@ m u i&ik.).' But those who

discredit them are guilty of even worse. Abu Zur'ah al-RiS (200-64/815-77)' (see

below) declares that anyone who disparages one of the Companions is a Zindiq. This is

because, according to him, the truth of the Prophet and the Qur'ih was handed down to

'Ibn al-Ath%, Usd al-Ghah&fiMa 'n'fat d-Seau([Caire]: al-Sha'b, [1970]-1973), 1 : 18.

Ibid., 1 : 18.

AI-Mid, Tsb&'b al-K.lnl fiAsmi' d-1PIJs7ed. , BashshEr Ma'& 'Awwiïd (Beüuî: Mu'assasat al-
Risalah, 1980-92), 19 : 96; Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalaai, al-Isuasb fi Tm@ d-S4abah (Be-: DG &Kit&
al-'Arabi, n-d.), i : 18; Kha. al-BaghdSdi, d - u y a h tT 'L?m a/-Riwiyd (Hyderabad: I d k t Jam'iyat
Di'irat al-MaGarifal-kldyah, 1938). 68.
mankind by the Companions; therefore, those who contest the authority of the

Companions are similar to those who deny the Qur'in and Sunnah.

Abu Zur'ah's statement quot ed above is a good st arting point to understand the

development of the meaning of the term Cornpanion. The word "Zindiq" emerged for

the first time in 129742 in connection with the execution of Jabdibn ~ i r h a m . ~During
'

the Abbasid period, in which Abu Zur' ah lived, this term went from simply designating

the foilowers of Mani to acquiring a wider sense so that it included "not only those who

preached heresies deemed to be a threat to the state and to Islam, but also those who

exhibit ed irreverence toward the ShazFa6, and libertarian tendencies."' ' To the

Tradit ionists the Mubt aziIis were Zaniïdiqah, since t hey considered their views as

dangerous to ~slam.~'
Following Jahm ibn Safivin, who was influenced by the Christian

Zanidiqah (Zmidiqat al-~~iiki),~'

the followers of 'Amr ibn 'Ubayd, i.e., the

Mu'tazih, employed what was regarded as a faulty rational interpretation of the

Qur'h (ta 'awwda &Qzr7ik 'alighayr ta 'wilh) and gave the lie to the Prophetic

Since the term was also applied to the ~ u ' t a z i ~ s ,then

~raditions.'~ ~ ' Abu Zur'ah's

- --

IO Louis Massignon, "Zi.d&" in El'(.

11
Mahmood Ibrahim, "Reiigious Inquisition as Social Poiicy: The Persecution of the Zaoidiqa in the
Early Abbasid Caliphate," Arab Studies Quarterly I 6, no. 2 (1994) : 56.

l2 For the Traditionists*reference for this statement see ' A M al-I2aipnii1.1'Uinayrah's introduction in
-ad ibn Hanbal, al-Radd 'di a(-JhYd wa al-Zmidiqad, ed. 'Abd al-Fh@nin 'Urnayrah (Riyad:
DZi al-Liwi', 1977), 51-2. Thus the interest in attacking the Ziadiq was not solely propagated by the
state as is claimed by Watt (W. Montgomery Watt, The Majsty that was Islam (London: Sidgwick and
Jackson, 1974), 111) and Kennedy (Hugh Kennedy, The E d y Abbasid C-&~hate:A Politcd UIstoty
(London: Croom Helrn, 1981), 97-8).It was also the concern of Traditionists like Ibn Hanbal who wrote
a treatise on this subject.

l3 Ibn Hanbai, al-Rad4 103.

l4 Ibid., 104.
statements quoted above mus< be seen in the context of the controversy between the

Traditionists and the Mu'tazilis. For our purposes this means that the development of

the meaning of the temi Cornpanions may also have been influenced by the bitter

debate between these two camps.

Ab6 Zur'ah's own life and times show that this is not without grounds. He was a

grest Traditionist, a close associate of -ad ibn @anbal,16and was even considered as

This is not an exaggeration since at the time he had already

Ibn Hanbal's suc~essor.~'

long been recognized as a master of Traditions (the number of Traditions he learnt by

heart alone was reputed to be 100,000 or, according to another report, 200,000).'~Ibn

Hanbal praised him as the most learned of men (in ~raditions),'~

and even prayed for

hirn.2' Although there is no news that he suffered like Ibn Hanbal during the Mi@nah,

nevextheless we c m assume that he was among its targets. His statement quoted above

was one of the Traditionists' responses to the situation.

-
''Another clear accusation by Traditioaists that Mu'taziIis were Zanidiqah is found in al-BukhZ,
"man qda inna al-Qtd" makiif@ fahma &di'** (al-Bukhan'% Kbalq Rfa/ al-'IbBd: ed. Abü
Mdpmmad Salim ibn Aiqad al-Saiafi and Abu Hijir Maarnmad ibn al-Sa'ïd al-IbyK (Cairo:
Maktabat ai-Tirrath al-IsliÜd, ad-), 9.

l6KhaO al-Baghdidi, TZZkb BagbdZdawMadmat d - S d ' (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khkfi 193 1). 10 :
326; Abc Hitirn aI-Ra-ji, Kitai a/-Id wa-&-Ta '&(Beirut: DG ai-Kutub al-'Iluiiyah, 1953). 5 : 325.
 The Traditionists' response to the Mu'tazili challange was a reflection of their

attitude towards revelation ws-à-vl's reason. The Traditionists believed that revelat ion

is the only source fiom which al1 values derive. Everything must be decided by

revelation. Reason, on the other hand, has no power to confirm or deny revelation. This

is not to Say that the Traditionists disregardeci reason altogether, for without reason it is

impossible for man to deduce values fkom revelation and to extend its application.

However, reason is subadinate to revelation. Lts function is strictly limited. Faced with

obscurity in revelation, the Traditionists did not tum to reason to interpret scripture but

sought its meaning in the Prophetic Traditions. If it proved impossible to find it there,

they chose not to discuss the subject? Since Qur'anic reveiation especially is for the

most part expressed in general terms, the Prophetic Traditions play a vital role in

providing the practical guidiines for day-to-day life. It is in the Prophetic Traditions

that clarification of revelation and practical guidance are to be found. The role assigned

to Prophetic Traditi~nmeant two things: first, the science of determining their meaning

became the most important branch of knowledge of Islam and those who mastered this

knowledge the most respected men in societp (while those who opposed them were

; ~ second, the Companions, as the witnesses and the

labeled as enemies of ~ s l a m ) and

21 An example of this is the doctrine of bi-li k a* according to which one should accept the
description of God as contained in the Qur'in and the Prophetic Traditions without comment on how or
why. See Binyamin Abrahamov, "The Bi-i8Kayfa Doctrine and its Foundation in Islamic Theology,"
Arabica 42 (1995) :365-79.
22
t s the best of the people (kbayr alcl d-dmyi', k6ayr al-nis)," al-HR7rim al-
"The t r a d i t i ~ ~are
Nii%ini, Ma 'lifat ' U al-@ia&t6
. (Beirut: al-Maktab al-TijZ lil-Tiba'ah wa-al-Tad' wa-al-Nashr,
1977)* 5.

23 Once *ad ibn Hanbal was told about the people who characterized the Traditionists as bad
( q a m sÜ3. To this Ibn Hanbai replied. ''Zindiq, Zindiq, Zm&q!," a 1 - m d-Nkabiiii, Ma'n'fst, 4;
Fawwiz Aipnad Zamarfi. 'AqZid A 'immatal-Sal8f(Lebano~~' Dii alXith al-' Arabz 1411 H.), 54.
 transmitters of prophetic Traditions, came to be considered the most highly respected

generation in Islamic history. 24

AI-Shafi'i (d. 204/820) makes a statement which validates these two points. He

considered @ad ibn vanbal, the acknowledged master of Traditions in his time, as

the scale by which a person's commitment to Islam could be measured. Ibn Hanbal was

virtually a personification of the Sunnah. Thus whoever hates Ibn UanbaI, aCShifi'i

says, (automatically) hates the Sunnah, while whoever hates the Simnah makes the

Companions the target (of his hate). Targeting the Companions means hating the

Prophet, and hating the Prophet is infïdelity. By this line of argument al-Shafi'i

establishes that those who hate Ibn Hanbal are infidels (man abgoab A&md f a - h w a

The Companions and the Traditionists are hence the two pillars of Islam.
katir).2s

Ranged against these were the MuctaziIis who, arm in arm with al-MaYmÜn,

attacked Ibn Hanbal and other Traditionists through the institution of the -ah. The

Traditionists are slandered in writings dating fiom this period as "the worst of the

Muslim Community and the chief of errors," and as "vessels of ignorance, banners of

falsehood and the tongue of the ~ b ~ i s The

. " ~ Traditionists
~ for their part conceived this

attack as an attack upon Islam, not merely against themselves. The triumph of Ibn

'* "The most noble rellgious knowltdge," Ibn Hajar says. "is the knowledge conceming the Prophetic
Traditions ( 'hal-@adib d-nabaui) and the best way to know it is to know the Companions" (fbn
Hajar, I$i-b& 1 : 1)-

2S Ibn Abi Ya'lZ, Tabaqit al-@m&ila&, ed. Muhammad &miid al-Fiqi (Cairo: Matba'at al-Sunnah
al-MuQammadiyah, 1952). 1 : 13.

26 Ai-Tabaii, TiZBi al-Umam w.8.d-Mi* ed. Nukhbah min al-'UIami' al-Ajilii' (Beirut:
Mu'assasat ai-A'lanG li-ai-MafbÜbât,n.d.), 7 : 196.
Hanbal was regardai as the triumph of Islam. Thus Ibn Hanbal came to be seen as the

second savior of Islam after AbÜ Bakr, whose contribution during the Riddah wars was

pivot aL2'

The attitude of the Mu'tazïIis towards the Traditions is well-known. They

constituted the extreme wing of a faction that rejected the Traditions altogether.*' Their

attitude derived Fom their general attitude toward values. They maint ained that values

are independent of anyone's will, including God's, and c m be understood by reason

alone. The function of revelation is not to assign these values, but to indicate those

which had already existed long before revelation, and independently of revelation. This

is another way of saying that reason is an equal source, along with revelation, of values.

Since revelation and reason are equally snflGcient in this respect there was no need, in

their mind, to tum to the Traditions. Obscurity in revelation, which according to the

Traditionists must be explained by the Traditions, c m be clarified by reason. The

MuCtaziZiseven tried to show that the Traditions are so fiill of contradictions that one

cannot depend on them as a soiirce for religions doctrine.z9 There was no motivation

therefore for the Mu'tazifis to hold the Cornpanions in the same respect as the

Traditionists did.

27 Ibn Ab? Ya'la, Tabsqit al-@"&i/&, 1 : 13. It is even said that Ebn Hanbal is superior to Abu
Bakr for, M e Abü Bah- had fiends and helpers around him, Ibn Hanbal was alone; ibid, 1 : 17.

''Joseph Schacht, The Origuls; 41,258-259; Fazlur Rahman, Idam, 61.

The Mu'tazilis* criticism of the Prophetic Traditions can be seen in Ibn Qutaybah's Te *mi
Mukbfdafal-fladir0 @p.: ad.). The main aim of Ibn Qutaybah is precisely to show that there are no
contradictions whatsoever in the Traditions.
 The controversy between the Traditionists and the Mu't azilis stimulated the

Traditionists to corne up with a definition of who exactly was a Companion. As we

shail see, opposite views were held on this as weli: while the Traditionists extendeci the

definition so that as many people (and consequently, as many Traditions) as possible

would be included, the Mu'tazilis preferred to restrict it. However, since the opposition

of the Mu'taziEs was a later phenornenon-it emerged in the 3rdDth century-it would

be instructive to see how the term "Cornpanion" was defined in the early period, when

t his phenornenon was absent. in the following pages we will discuss the definition of the

Companions as it developed chronologicaLiy. This wiil reveal t hat the earlier definition

was simpler than the later one. Being simple, on the one hmd it was inclusive, but on

the other hand it failed to foresee the problems that would arise as a result of this

simplicity.

Anas ibn Malik, the famous Cornpanion who died between 90-3/708-11, provides

perhaps the earhest account of who the first generation of Muslims considered to be

Companions. Once MÜsa al-Saylani asked Anas ibn Malik whether there were

Companions other than himself who were still alive. To this question Anas answered

that some Arabs who had seen the Prophet were still alive, but they had not

accompanied him (baqiya ofi mi&al-a 'ras qad ra 'awhy fafaammimm

s&babu fi-14.~~

30
Ibn al-Sdiih, '~~ al-@adii&, ed. Niir al-D?n 'Itr (Beirut: Diir al-Fikr ai-Mubi&ir;Damascus: DG
al-Fïkr, 1 986), 294; aLbIrEqi,al- Taqyii wa-d-IQ@ S w M ~ q a d d i m l
~hr al-Sal@, ed. 'Abd a l - R w k
Mulymmad 'Uthiin (Beirut: DG al-Fikr, 1981j, 299; a l - S m ? , Tad56 a / - R B !fi Shi& Taq.6 al-
N'wami ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latzf (Medina: &Matbasah al-Islayah, 19591, 398; Ibn KatEr,
al-B8'ith aî-@iith?ih fiMtiszÜ ' W hd-fladiih (Damascus: DZr al-Filu; n.d.), 97-8. Another report gives
a slightly différent wording, "Qad baqzya q a w mù! al-s Yib, fi-anzmimia A&ibiai f i - m i &kair mm
baq~ya,"aLbIràiqi, Fa@ al-Mug&iVth Sh& Fa@ Alfiyat a l - ~ ~ & r b ,ed. Sa1& Mulpmmad 'Uwayc!ah
(Beirut: Dir al-Kutub al-'h-yah, n.d.), 4 : 336.
Here Anas makes a distinct ion between "to see (ra 'ay and "tO accompany (&iba))." He

clearly considered the name Companion to apply only to those who had been with the

Prophet for quit e a long time.

The implication of Anas's statement is that he did not consider those who only

saw the Prophet to be Companions. Although he knew that there were rnany who had

seen the Prophet, he still referred to himself when he was asked who was the last

Companion still alive. Anas was ammg the six Companions to receive the most

Traditions fiom the Prophet (arkfharu&um4adii-b or al-mukrrtotbi. min al-Sa.&ibah 'an

al-~ab&'' He was the Prophet's servant for the last eight or ten yeius of the latter's

~ f e . He
) ~ would surely have known those who had awompanied the Prophet during his

lifetime, and as a result he ought to have been aware that he was indeed the last

Companion still alive. So there can be no serious objection to his statement.

The Traditionists, however, did not regard Anas as the last Companion. For

them this honor was held by AbÜ alqufayl ( ' U r ibn Wâthilah), who died around the

Abu W d a y l himself made a statement to this effeet, saying* '9 saw

year 100/718.~~

the Prophet. There is nobody [who is still alive] on the earth who saw the Prophet

be observed, Abii al-'?'ufayl used only the word '%O see (ra 'a)," not "to accompany

33
Ibn al-Sal& 'CiIrOn al-fla&h, 300; al-'lriqi, Fa@ a l - M U , & 4 : 352; al-SakhâWi, Fat4 al-
[email protected]&S b t # Al'yat al-@a&& li d ' h 3 3 , ed. 'Abd al-ïùdpin Mdpmmad 'Ut* (Medina: al-
Maktabah al-SaIatZyah, ad.), 3 : 127;al-'Iriiqi, al-laqyiTci, 3 13.

A i - S e i , Ta&% al-Riwii 4 12; a h Ibn abAt& Usd al-G..aba&6 : 180.

(g&ba)," in describing his relationship with the Prophet. His daim differs therefore

from Anas's. Whereas Anas stated that he was the last man fo acwmpany the Prophet,

Abu al-Tufayl claimed that he was the last men to see the Prophet. Based on these

statements, Anas did not apparently consider Abu al-Tufayl t o be a Companion; nor did

Ab6 al-Tufayl himself, for that matt er. But although they saw themselves differently,

both of them seem to have agreed that 'seeing' was different £iom 'accompanying' the

Prophet. It was the later Traditionists, who included AbÛ al-Tufayl arnong the

Companions, who introduced a Iooser definition.

Some Traditionists admitted the difficulty and t r i 4 to solve it by

acknowledging both Anas and Abu al-Tufayl as the last Companions. So we read such

statements as, "The lsst Companions to die were Anas ibn Malik and then Ab6 al-

Tufayl '& ibn withilah,'"' or "The last Companion to die was AbÜ al-Tufayl, who

died in the year 100, whereas the last Companion to die before him was Anas ibn
Mak"36
Whether they mention Anas first or AbÛ al-~ufayl,"this does not hide the

fact that in the back of their minds they still achowledged the truth of Anas ibn

Malik's definition.

''AL-Nawa* al-Taqnb wa &-Tay& fi-Ta'kifiaC Sunm al-Basm al-Na& fi UsÜl d-&ï~di&

ed.
'Abd Allah 'Umar ai-BSwardi (Beirut: Diü a i - J i 1986). 83.

'' ActuaUy there is one other person who, by defulltion, should be considered as the last Cornpanion.
This is the Pmphet '%A (whose specinc Ratus will be discussed below). Since he is considered to be a
Companion and stiii alive (it is believed that on the eve of the Last Day he will be sent to kill the
Dajjâi), then he must be the finai Companion. Although the Traditionists agree on most of these points,
they do not as a d e consider him when debating the identity of the Iast Companion. Ibn al-Labbüdi is
an exception. He acknowledges that Abu al-Tufayl was the last Companion, but immediately after that
he says that the 1st Companion to die (or wiU die) is the prophet %si, Ibn ai-Labbiidi, d - N w k d-
Zaw- fi M t ~ ' al-AwgEair,
~ t ed. Ma'mün d-SZgharj7 and M&ammad Ad% al-Jadir (Dammus:
Majma' al-Lughah al-' ArabIyah, 1995), 73.
 Coming to the second generation of the Muslim commonity (the Cornpanions

king the tirst) we h d that its members shared this view. Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab (d.

94/713)~' is reporteci to have said that he would not regard anyone as a Companion

unless he had stayed with the Prophet one or two years and participated in the Prophet's

battles once or t w i ~ e . ' '&im

~ al-Mwal (d. 142/759)," who was responsible for &..bah

in Kufa and was a qi@ in al-Mada'in for Abu Ja'far, also reserved the name

Companion for those who had accompanied the Prophet. Thus he refuseci to call 'Abd

AU& ibn Sarjis a Cornpanion because he had o d y seen the Prophet and nothing more?
Anas ibn Malik, Abu al-TufayI, SaC7dibn al-Musayyab and '&im ibn rl-Alpal

represent the eady M u s h scholars who d e h e d Companions in a very limited way.

Since the intensity of association (the iength of the Companionship) counted for so

much, the number of the people who deserved the title of Companion was also limited.

This view may have not created a problem for those of Anas ibn Malik's generation, nor

even for Ab6 al-Tufayl's, but for the next. generation, when the Prophetic Traditions
- -

were being compiled and the issue of numbers bec& more and &ore important, the
>-

- nmnber of the Cornpanions determined the

limitation created problems. Restricting the

number of Traditions which could be accepted (as we shaU see below). Those who were
/

- - +

38 He was the most respected schola.at hiç time in Medina. See ibn Sa'd, al-Tabacpi?, 3 :381.

39 Ibn al-Sal& 'WÛm al-&?aci?t& 293; Ibn Hajar aLLAsqalaiii,Fa@ al-BiZfiSh.@ $ ..d ~ . u k & i Z
(Beirut: Dâr ai-Ma'anf, ad.). 7 :4; Khatib ai-Baghdadi, al-Krtayab, 68-9; al-'Ixâq; Fa@ al-Mu&-& 4 :
338; al-Sa k b - 6 Fà@ aMfi~@~i?& 3 : 94

" Ibn Hajar al-' AsqaliS, T-3 al-Ta&&% (Hyderabad: Majlis Dâ'irit ai-Mabarifal- ah,
1325-7 H.),5 : 42-3.

*' Khafib ai-Baghdadi, aiXiGy& 68; Ibn Hajar, Fa@ d-Biïïï 7 : 4; idem, al-I$iii& 2 : 308;- ai-.-.
Fa@ MU&^& 3 : 93.
SaLhaaLhau?', -- -. t
 most inconvenienced by this definition were those who engaged in collecting,

preserving, and spreading the Sunnah of the Prophet-i.e., the Traditionists.

The Traditionists' concem was to guard the Sunnah of the Prophet as one o f the

two most important sources of Islamic teachings. Since the most important

documentary record of the Sunnah was the body of Prophetic Traditions, guarding the

Sunnah meant guarding the Traditions themselves. Those regarded as having the fullest

knowledge of Traditions were the Companions who had themselves listened to the

Prophet and witnessed his actions with their own eyes. The greater the number of

Traditions that needed to be preserved, the wider the definition of Cornpanion that had

to be allowed. The view of Anas ibn Malik clearly did not support this end. Such a

view, were it to have became formal, would have applied to only a very limited number

of people, for a great number those who had only seen the Prophet would be excluded

and the s t a t u of their Traditions consequently downgraded fiom al-mzmad to al-

m m d " And since the majority of the Traditionists classified al-mzmsal Traditions as

weak, this meant that they could not be used as an authoritative source (~u@@ of

This was disturbing, for instance, to AbÜ Zur'ah al-Riizi who, in response to the

question: "Were not the Traditions of the Prophet only 4000 [in number]?" replied

angrily: "Whoever said that, may AUah shake his eyetooth! This is the saying of the

" As is weii known, when the chah of transmissions reaches the Companions without a break, the
Prophetic Tradition is caiied al-mmad But when the chah of transmissions o d y reaches the Foiiowers
(al-Taar"G)(i.e., the Fotlowers, who did not remember ftom wvhich Companions they received the
Prophetic Traditions), the Tradition is caiied al-mucsd

" For a discussions on various views of al-mmal as on authoritative source see Muigmmad Jama1
al-D'n al-Q5s-, QarvZid al-T'.di2 mio Fm& M F + & ' al-fladrta, ed. M ~ a m m a dBahjah al-Bayfir
(Beirut: DEr al-Nafa'is, 1987), 137-46.
Zanidiqah. Whoever coimts the Traditions of the Prophet, the Prophet died leaving

behind hirn 114,000 Cornpanions who took fiwiyab fkom him and heard fkom hirn.'*

This response is indicative of the resistance that Traditionists felt towards attempts to

lower the number of Cornpanions.

It was in order to maintain the soundness of these Traditions as much as possible

that the Traditionists worked hard to formulate a definition which fitted this purpose.

The definitions put forward by the early generation were revisited. Some words were

added and other changed. Expressions were carefidly chosen to avoid any possible

ambiguity.

Alpnad ibn Hanbal (d. 241/855) and 'Aü ibn abMadini (d. 258/871-2),~'

followed by their student Ai-Bukhari (d. 257/870), were among the scholars who

expended the greatest effort in revising the early generation's definition. In doing so,

they first of all explicitly included the word "ra'a (to see)" in their formal definition;

and secorid, they discounted the need to have accompanied the Prophet for any length of

time as a requirement for the status of Companion by introducing expressions which

indicated a shorter period of acquaintance. Hence a Companion is defined by Ibn

Hanbal: "Whoever accompmied(sa&ba) the Prophet within a year or a month or a day

- ~

u Ibn al-Sali@, ' U I e al-@adii 298. AL'IrZqT cnticizes this report, for it does not have any imad
and it is not mentioned in weil known historicai works. It is onIy mentioned by Abu MZisâ ai-Madixïi in
an appendix and without imid Ai-SuyÜfi however is able to produce its imidfkom al-Khatib (ai-S-i,
Ta&% a l - R i e 406).
45
Abü &Hasan 'Ail ibn 'Abd Ali& ibn Ja'far, one of the chief authorities for Prophetic Tradition,
died in S&m-6. Ibn Nadim, me Fianst of lba Naduni A Teot& Ceotrny Survey of M w h Cdtrue,
translated by Bayard Dodge (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 2 : 556.
 ... t h e or only saw (ra'a) him is one of his ~ompanions."~~
or a.+ort 'AG ibn al-Madini

defines one as "Anybody who accompanied the Prophet or saw him although for ( v q )

shoa time of the day ..?' and al-Bukhari as ''Whoever accompanied the Prophet or saw
4
him while he was a Muslim ....'"' Unlike his predecessors, i.e., Ibn -bal and al-

M a G , al-Bukhan felt the need to add the qualification %hile he was a Muslim (wa-

huwa Mmfim)," so that by his definition the non-believers who accompanied the

Prophet or saw him could not be regarded as his Companions. A great d e k t in his

predecessors' definition w as t hereby corrected.

Although al-BukhiÏicsdefinition, with a slight difference in wording, was then

adopted as the Traditionists' fomal defbiti~n,''~

the Traditionists needed time before

realizing that it still had some weahesses. First of aU, it effectively excluded blind

Companions like Ibn Umm MaktÜm who never 'saw' the Prophet. It also left unclear

the status of Companions wfio had apostasized. Could they still be considered as

46 "Man sa&bdrr sanatan a w shahan a w yawman a w sa'atan a w r a ' a u fa-hma min AsQaïis,"
Khafib al-BaghdacE, al-Kïifay 69; al-'Iriiqi, F& alalMuga131i,4 : 335; al-SakhiWi, Fa@ d-Muaf& 3 :
86; Faw* A f i a d ZamnarE, 'Aqa'id 28.
47
"MansaQba d-NabT a w ra 'abu wa-law sZatan mia ni&&- fà-hurva mul &aii&'*, ibn Hajar, Fa@
al-BiEi 7 : 5; al-SakhZWi, Fa@ al-Mugfu'th, 3 : 86.
48
mat% al-Baghdâdi, al-fiGyab, 69; ai-'Iraq:, Fa@ al-Mu&-& 4 : 335; al-SakhaWi, Fa@ ai-
Mu&-& 3 : 86.
49
Although this defhition found wide acceptance among the Traditionists, different expressions are
used. These expressions rnight describe a degree of acceptance perceived by different writers. Al-
Nawaw? used "&the Traditionists (sif'ir al-M@addrhio),)," al-Nawavcii, TA&% ai-Asma' wa-al-Lu&&
(Damascus: Tdarat al-TibZ'ah al-Miniiiiyah, ad.), 1 : 14; "&&e majority of our people (means, the
Traditionists) (aktbar&&inij," al-&ni&, 4 - m i i n B U$ al-A@aia (Cairo: Dir al-.dith, a d . ). 2 :
130, or ("aljLnn6& mul a/-Mi@addLaUI*3, al-SakhZWi, Fa@ al-MU--& 3 : 86; "a lot of the
Traditionists (kathu- min ahï al-fla&to)," al-'Iriqi, F e al-Mueré, 4 : 335; or simply %e
Traditionists" without giving any expression of quantity, al-Nawau5, al-Taqn'b, 21; al-S*i, Ta&%,
396; Ibn al-Sali& ' W hal-Ha&& 293. Sometimes other groups are included explicitly. "A p u p of
the jirnds uama'ab mirt al-fiqabi~"and %e majority of the UsiiFN (al$m&Ùkmia a.i-Ui;rrrH)'* are
firrther examples (al-NawaWi, Th&% a l - h i ' , 1 : 14; al-Sakhâvc;i, Fe@ al-Mu@rb* 3 :86).
Companions? To solve the first problem some later Traditionists introduced a more

neutral verb, i.e., 30 meet (laqiya)" as a substitute for the verb ''to accompany

(s@a)" or '90 see (ra'ai." %y using the word "0 meet (laqya)" the Traditionists were

able not only to eiiminate the problem of the blind Companions, but also to avoid any

ambiguity. To solve the second problem, (that is the case of Companions who

apostasized) they added the phrase "and died as a Muslim (wa-&ta 'aLi al-IsIiz~~)."
The

Companions who apostasized and died before returning to Islam are not therefore

counted as Companions. So the final definition reads as foilows: "Whoever met the

Prophet while he was Muslim and died as a ~ u s l i m . " ~To

* have met the Prophet, to

have been Muslim and to have died as a Muslim, were the three minimal requirements

of Companionship on which al1 the Tradit ionist s agreed.

Some riders were added to these requirements. First, since prophecy (aubUWa0)

was the only reason why Muhammad became such an extraordinary figure, it

automaticdy became the determining factor. In other words, to be a Companion one

had to have met or seen Muhammad after he became a prophet. Those who had only

seen him before that were not considered ~orn~a.nions.*~

Likewise, those who rejected

his prophecy after once having been beiievers would Lose the title of Companion.

Nevertheless any such apostate who r e t m e d to Islam and saw the Prophet before he

died couid regain the title. Une example of this was 'Abd AU& ibn Ab1 sa&.'*

ALbIrZqisays that this is the sound expression (of the definition) (al-' i b M a l - s a & ) . AI-'IrZqZ,
af-Ta4y1?4292; ibid, Fa@ al-Mug4iT& 4 :336.

*' An exarnple is TaW al-Ijimyaii.He was a guide ( d ' of the Prophet, but he refused to become a
Muslim when the Prophet called him. H e only becarne a Muslim in the t h e of AbÜ Bakr (Ibn .jar, al-
I s B ~ ~
i : 189).
However, the Traditionists disagreed on those who retumed to Islam after the Prophet

had dieci. Abu al-Hanifah refused to count such people as Companions, because

apostasy, he beiieved, canceled out all their previous deeds. In general, howevee the

Traditionists preferred to comt them as Companions. The reason for this is provided by

al-Shafi'i. For hun, apostasy could only wipe out their good deeds if they were to die

dirring their apostasy; were t hey to ret uni to Islam, however, their previous good deeds

(achievements, statu, etc.) would be restored, Thus al-Ash' ath ibn Qays and Qurrah ibn

Hubayrah, who apostasized and returned t o Islam after the Prophet died, are counted as

Companions and their Prophetic Traditions included in the rnasai~d. Another logical "
consequence o f the definition was that Companionship was opened up to anyone who

was made the object of Muhammad's mission, which included the Jinns. Like human

beings, some of them accepted the Prophet's teaching and became believers

(mu'mnraï}, while others did not and remained non-believers (ka%ruO).Those in the

first category who would have seen the Prophet and listened to him fulfilled the criteria

of Companionship as set by the ~ r a d i t i o n i s t s Angels,

.~ on the other hand, because they

54
A i - S e i , TadnTbal-RBw? 397; al-'Iriqi, al-Taey~i295; Ibn Hajar, Fa@ al-B.&?? 7 : 4; al-
Sakhiwi, Fa@ &AhH& 3 : 88. Muranyi declares that the theory of inclusion of Jinns among the
Companions o d y gained currency in the year 100 and therefore, he says, it is meaningless for histoxical
analysis. Mikios Muranyi, Die Pmpfietengenossen, 134. Murany-i, however, ctearly fails to rccognize the
sipiiicance of the inclusion of Jinns in the discussion of Companions. Its meaningfulness lies in the fact
that it gives us a better understanding of the historical development of the tenn Companion. It shows
that by fonnulating a more inclusive definition, on one han& the Traditionists successfidiy achieved
their piapose of preserviag the Prophetic Traditions by including people as many as possible in its
definition of Companion; whiie on the other, they had also to face the consequences of their speculation.
By their definition, Jinns could be also Companions and the Traditionists should acknowledge them,
regardless of whether could contribute to raising the number of the Prophetic Traditions.
were not creatures addressed by the Yrophet, were not eligible to be considered his

cornpanions."

Second, a person's meeting with the Yrophet had to have occurred in this real

world ('alam a l - s h d a ) . Those who met the Prophet in the other world ('d'am al-

ghayb), such as al-Rabi' ibn Malpuid al-Mirdini-, a Suti who met him in a drems6

could not be counted as ~ o r n ~ a n i o nThe

s . ~ ~same applies to the prophets (or to be

precise, their spirits) who met the Prophet in heaven during his M4r$ . The prophet

'khowever,
, is considered a Cornpanion. The reasons for this are: first, because it was
believed that he was still alive and that he saw the Prophet during his ha' iCii'rij(thus

the meeting was a real one); and second, although himself a prophet with his own

teachings which are in many ways different fiom Muhammad's, '!si was now bound by

the latter's new message. Hence he believed in Muhammad and was counted as one of

his f o l l ~ w e r s . ~ ~

Third, the legal status of those who saw the Prophet was a factor, Le., whether

or not they had reached puberty (bagh) when they met him. During the Prophet's

iifetirne some of the Companions did produce children. Their parents usually brought

them to the Yrophet and the hophet would pray for them, cut their hair and give them

- -

SS Ai-Qaspdliüi however acknowledges that the Angels could be also be defined as his Companions
since the Prophet was sent to them a h (though he does not give any reference for this statement). Ai-
Qasplliüii, I d B d al-SiZu'-SharQ S e al-S&àZ (Beirut: Dir al-Fïkr, lm),5 : 156. Ibn Ijajar akso
mentions the disagreement about the status of Angels among the UsÜ&G (Ibn Hajar, Fetb d-Bikii 7 :
4)-

s7 See al-SakhSWi, Fa@ d-Mu@SW&3 : 88.

their first food, and sometime give them their names. Yet when the Prophet died most

of these children had not yet reached puberty. Were they be counted as Companions as

well? On this issue the Traditionisits were bitterly divided. YaoyE ibn Ma%, AbU

Zurcah, AbTi Hitim and Abu Diwud were of the opinion that those who had not reached

legal majority when the Prophet died cannot be considered as ~ o m ~ a n i o n They

s.~~

insisted that these children enjoyed the privilege of "seeing" the Prophet but did not

have his "Companionship" (labu nr 'y& wa-laysat Zahir Su&&). Al-' ALa'i even denies

that they ever truly saw him (wa-Zi S@baia la6u wa-hi r u 'yata qaf Al-Wâqidi is

also reported as having held this view? The majority of the Traditionists however

disagreed. It was too difficult for thern to reject the ciaims of Companions Like al-Hasan

ibn 'Ali and his generation, who knew the prophetic era ( 'qal-oubüivd) and accepted

n'wiyah fkom the Prophet, but reached legal majority only after his death.6' Were tbey

not to be counted among the Companions, the Traditions reporteci by them wodd have

falien into the category of ai-zzîltrsal. Their position was by and large similar to t hat of

the Foliowers, although not exactly so. We saw above t hat the tenn al-mrnsd refers to

those prophetic Traditions whose chains of transmission reached back oniy to the

Followers. But the Traditionists had a special term for prophetic Traditions reported by

"m ahBks a i - Q i ï Y'gd 'an al-Wiqiiai m a 6 u yasbtan;tu b&&" ai-ShawkiS, Miid al-F@P
ili T.qr'q d-Faqq mio 'Lk al-Usd (Cairo: Mustafa al-Bab? al-fl[alabi wa-Awladuh, 1937), 70. See
footnote 84 for his complete definition.

62 Ai-Shawhv, M i d al-Fi@171 d i T&qZq ab&aqq min 'b a/- Usa (Cairo: Mug afa al-Bèbi al-
Halab?, 1937), 70; Ibn Hajar, Fa@ d-Biiï: 7 : 4; al-Suyïitï, T ' b al-RBwi 397. Ai-Hakim al-WisabX
assigned them to the lowest level of the class of Companions; see his Ma *.rat,22.
people who had not reached puberty when the Prophet dieci. This tenn was al-mmaI

al-Sa@ibLUnlike the other m m 4 this type was not weak and could be used as an

authoritative Given that the Traditionists insisted that those bom in the final

years of the Prophet's lifetime deserve the title Companions, it might have been

expected that they would include their Traditions in the category of almusnad That

they did not implies that the Traditionists did not see these younger Companions as

Companions in the fullest sense of the word.

From the above discussion we c m see that, for the Traditionists, membership

among the Companions was automatic. It is beyond anybody's control. Whoever met

the Prophet, like it or not, had to be included as Companions. Tbus men like awakam

ibn AG al-'& al-Qurashi al-Umawi, the father of Marwiin ibn al-Hakam, whom the

Prophet disliked and whom he expelleci fiom Medina, was nonetheless a ~om~anion."

There were other scholars who did not see membership as automatic. For them,

to be a Cornpanion meant more tban just seeing the Prophet. Within the Traditionists'

circle those who held this view were known as the UsÜ%Urn,The
,. Traditionists did not

bother to explain clearly who the Ur&?Fj& were, being mainly concemeci with their

views rather than with their identity. So while these views were widely quoted (in order

to be refuted), their names are barely mentioned in the sources. But the way they are

presented indicates that they must have been the opponents of the Traditionists whose

opinions they fought to reject. The U~ziiFjGb were not scholars whose expertise was

" Al-Qàsiml, Qawa"i4 148.

64
Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, a/-lstl"a3, 1 : 3359-60.
zqz2 al-fi@ or -Üf aldo, because Ibn IJâjib and al-BGqiUiÙïi, two of the scholars who

belonged to these two groups respectively, were in line with the Traditionists. The most

likely candidates were in fact the adversaries of the Traditionists, Le., the Mu'tazilis.

We have already noticed that the development of the term Cornpanion has to be seen in

the context of the debate between these two camps. 'aibn al-Madini, e m a d ibn

Hanbal, and al-BukhZ, who seem to have been among the first Traditionists to give a

formal definition of the Companions, found themselves in an awkward position when

the Mu'tazih openly attacked the Traditionists with the help of the d e r s al-Ma'mun,

al-Mu6teim and al-Wathiq (218-34/833-49).65Their definition was an effort aimed at

answering this challenge and at defending their position regarding the prophetic

Traditions.

The names of the U?tiEy&~which are occasionally cited by the Traditionists

support this assumption, in that they include Ibn al-Sibigh, Abu al-Husayn al-Ba& ai-

Kiya' af-TabaÏi, and 'Amr ibn Y-. Abü al-Husayn and 'Amr ibn Yahyzi were

Mu4taziEs; 'Amr ibn Yahy6, the Traditionists claimed, was none other than Abu

'Uthmin al-J* (d. 255/868 in Basra), one of the leading Mu'tazïIi s ~ h o l a r and
s ~ ~a

student of the MuCtiPEtheologian a l - ~ ~ i k dAbÜ

' al-Husayn was for his part a

famous Mu6taziIischolar, active in Baghdad, who died in 436/1044? Ibn al-Sibigh and

See 1. Goldziher, "-ad b. Muipmmad b. Hanbal," in SEI:

I3.k fatheCs name, Y- is a misreadiag of Bahr. See al-'Iraq?, F e al-Mu@' 4 : 338; al-
S a k h i e gives his father's name as Tajr (al-Sakhawi, F e al-Mu*& 3 :95).

Ibn-
.- Wafayit &-A 'y& ed. ilpiin 'Abbris meirut: Dk Sidir, n.d.), 2 : 471, 474; Ibn al-
Murta*, Etai & .?qat al-Mu'tazilab, ed Susanna Diwald-Wilzer (Beùut: al-Matbasah al-
Kathiililayah, 1961), 68,70.
.-
Ibn Khalltkan, Wafeyit&-A'y& 4 : 271
al-Kyi' al-Tahari are not known, but it would not be surprishg if they were shown to

have had some conneetion with the MubteziIis. Accordiag to the aut hor of al- Wi@& 69

the leading figures (sbtryikb)o f the Mu'tazifis held views similar to those of AbÜ al-

In contrast to the Traditionists, the U,$ÛfiyCninsisted that the name Companion

be givea only to those who accompanied the Prophet for a long time, and who oflen had

sessions with him." Thus Ibn al-Sibigh is said to have asserted that the Cornpanions

were those who met the Prophet and stayed with him and followed him; those who

came to him and departed from him without accompanying and following him therefore

did not deserve this ~ i t l eAbÛ

. ~ al-FJusayn apparently said more or less the same thing:

To be a Companion, a person must have two qualifications: one is to have had

long sessions (majsuS) with the Prophet, because a person who only saw him,
like those who came to him (al-wifi&n) and others, and did not stay long, are
not to be named Companions; the other is to have prolonged bis stay with him,
to have followed him (al-?ab ' labu), to have taken (Traditions) from him (al-
aMd6 'sohu), and to have placed hirnself mder his autbority (al-itbi' '&)."

69
So far I have not been able to find the author of this book or its full title.

71
Ibn al-Sa!*, W7üm ~l-[faditb, 393; al-Ami&, al-@k&, 130; al-Na%id, d-Taqn3, 8 1-2; idem,
Tdd/rI'b d-Asmi', 1 : 14; al-ShawkZrïi, IibRd 88/-F~@a 70; al-BihZfi, K W M u s d f m al-ïliubü2
([Cairo]: ai-Matba'ah al-Husayniyah al-Misfiyah, 1 W8), 2 : 120.

73
AbÜ al-Husayn al-Ba*, al-Mu 'famad fi @Li7 82-Fiqh (Darnascus: al-Ma'had al-'Ilmi al-Firansl lil-
Dirisjlt al-' Arablyah, 1965). 2 : 666.
 The basis of the U~dijÜdsargument was that the meaning of the word S&b&

itself necessitates close as~ociation.'~Hence the phrase &Ras& (the people of the

Prophet) is similar to W b dqary..(the people of the village), asJi& al-Kaaf wa-al-

RaqZm (the People of the Cave and Inscription), qbib d - J w a b (the people of

Paradise) and q s i b alal4&adtli(the people of Traditions), all of which imply a close

association. Likewise it is obvious that one who only cornes to a person or sees him or

does business with him cannot be said to have been a cornpanion of that person.7s

The Traditiodsts, however, insisted otherwise. The word Mb&, they

maintained, never originaliy signifiai a long-term association. Al1 linguists agreed that

the word Sa&i&i is derived fiom the word al-Sz&bd. This word is applied, without any

restriction, to whoever associates h e l f with others regardless of whether the

association is long or not. It is just iike other words such as mukaIlim (speaker),

mukbatib (preacher) and Qanb (beater) which are derived fiom d-mukdamab, id-

mukb&ta&ahand al+arb, and which are applied to those who perform these acts (i.e., to

speak, preach, and beat) regardless of whether they do so once or many times in

succession.76

'' Al-&&, al-@krllrz, 133-4. See aIso al-BaM, ai-MuAtmtad,2 : -7. Compare the U ~ ~
argument with the Shi%'. They share the view that the titIe "Cornpanion'* should oniy be given to those
who were r e d y close to the Prophet. But, whereas the U f l - basicaily open the possibiiity of k i n g a
Cornpanion to every Musiim, the Iimit this title to the descendants of the Prophet. They divide
Companionship into two: the tme Companionship (al-Sebah d-&qI'qI).ah) and the extemal
Companionship (al-@@a& fi @& d-am).Udike the latter, the former is applied oniy to those who
complied fdly with the Prophet's comniands and prohibitions and followed him in everything that came
f3om him. A d this is only applied to the Imamc of his descendants (ai-8 'immdh mia d&tnnTyatih).See
Ibn HayyUn, T ' i ~ aml-Mu'mhi5
t or Te 'wEI Da'Zh al-kI& Ms.,School of Oriental and Afiican
Studies, University of London, Ms.25736, 20 recto.
 To strengthen their point, supporters of the Traditionist view made a careful

distinction between the original meaning (al-ma'na' al-igd) and the customary meaning

(al-ma 'na' al- 'zn5) of words. The meaning of $@bah, as the U~UFjGuunderstood it, feu

into the category of customary meaning, that is the meaning customarily used (fi 'rnf

al-isti'mal). In contrast to its customary meaning, the original meaning of Su&&

would be applicable to those who associate themselves with others regardless of

whether they do so often or not. The existence of the customary rneaning does not

negate that of the original meaning; they even argue that one can actudy negate the

customary meaning without negating the original one." Thus, "the negation of the more

specific (i.e., the customary meaning) does not necessitate the negation of the more

general (i.e., the original meaning)."78

The only trouble was that many within the Traditionists own circle disagreed

with this very definition. The view - of Anas ibn Malik and Sabidibn al-Musayyab have

already been mentioned. Their undetstanding of what a Cornpanion was reflected the

'Ali ibn al-MasuU,

customary meaning of the word $u@ah advocated by the L@&yimyim

Ibn Hanbal and al-Bukhan ako seem to have believed that the term $-bah did not

originally include those who had only seen the Prophet. If this is the case, then what the

later Traditionists c d the customary meaning (al-maki al-'uz@ of $.bah was

actually closer in spirit to the meaning assigned by the earliest generation of

Traditionists. And yet, how could Traditionists Like Sa'<d ibn al-Musayyab, whose

Ibn al-Hijib, Mmtaba al- Wu@ wa-al-'Amalfi ' h a y al-U@ wa-d-Iadal(Beirut: DEr al-Kutub
al-'Ilmiyah, I985), 8 1.
Prophetic Traditions are considered as the soundest of sl-mm479
be at variance with

other Traditionists over so fundamental an issue?

To solve this problem, the Traditionists had to do at least one of two things:

either reinterpet the past or negate it; they in fact tried to do both. They reinterpreted

Anas ibn M&k's statement, saying that what Anas meant by the word "saQiba9'(in "fit-

d m m - s e b a b u &-la") was a particular lrind of $u@M (al-Wba&d-kb&@).80

The views of Abu Zur'ah and Ab6 Dawud whose opinions on puberty tended to limit

the boundaries of Companionship-and therefore could be seen as sympathetic to the

position of the U$rZGyrOtr-were also interpreted in the same way. Thus what they meant

was that those who had not reached their legal majority when the Prophet died did not

enjoy the status of the special Companionship ($@bah kbii~ah).~'

They denied that

Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab ever made the statement attributed to him, insisting that it must

have had its origin among the L@üEyÜn.." They pointed for instance to the fact that its

chah of transmission included al-Wiqidi, whose reput ation among the Traditionists

79
The reason why his Prophetic Traditions enjoy such a high esteem is because he was the son of a
Cornpanion (his father ammg the M a 3 d - S b a j d and and was present at the Bay'at al-Rit$wh) and
because he wes one of the only two Successors who biew (Bdraka) and heard reports fiom the ten
Cornpanions to whom the Prophet promised Paradise. See a l - H h ai-Nidiai; M a 'Mat, 25.

Al-'IriqX Fa* d-Mu@iT& 4 : 338; al-SsLhawi, Fat4 al-M~@~kh,3 : 93. It seems tbat the
Traditionists often used this approach to interpret any statement coming fiom other Traditionists that
contradicted their view. Thus when Alpmd ibn Hanbal was reported to have denied MaslemRh ibn
Mukhallad's Companionship (Suirbsh)),Rm Hajar says that what Aipnad ibn -bal rneant was particultir
Comprrnionship (al-S@bab al-kb&sd) (Ibn Hajar, ai-l$i- 3 : 398). Likewise when Mdpmmad ibn
'Awf says that he does not know if M U c ibn fIubayrah had Companionship, it is interpreted by Ibn
Hajar to mean, once again, that M-ad ibn 'Awf is refening to the particular Companionship (Ibn
Hajar, a l - I + i 3 :337).
was not very soimdg3This claim may be accurate; yet it must be kept in mind that not

only did the Traditionists achowledge that al-Wiqidi‘ s own definition differed fiom

s o it is unlikely that he wouid have tampered with the

Sa'id ibn a l - ~ i r s a ~ ~ a b ' s - that

latter's definition for his own good-but also that, on other occasions, the Traditionists

did not hesitate to use information fiom a l - ~ â ~ i d iSometimes

.'~ the reason had nothing

to do with al-Waqidi. Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab's view was reckoned weak because it

necessitated the exclusion of Companions like Jibir ibn 'Abd AU& al-Bajali who only

became a Muslim in the year of the Prophet's death.86So the issue was not whether this

report truiy came fiom Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab. It was rejected because its content

contradicted the formal definition favored by the Traditionists. In ttùs case the

Traditionists relied on their definition, which was fomulated later, to evaluate Sa'id

ibn al-Musayyab's, which was formulated earlier."

83
d-'hiq& d-TawT4297; al-Suyi@, TaaM d-Rim: 398. The fidl imSd of Ibn ai-Musayyab's
view is aven by Khatib al-Baghdi& Sl-KifKyad,68-9.

Reading biographical dictionaries on the Companions, one c m see clearly the truth of this
staternent. The Traditionists* argument for differentiating between historical infoxmation and @iid(6
information (to make the point that, while we can accept al-Wiiqidi's information on history, we cannot
accept bis information on @a&t&) is pmbroblematic. How c m we decide that al-Waqidi's information
concerniug Saqd ibn al-Musayyab belongs to @dlt& and therefore should be rejected whüe his
infoxmation about other people belongs to history and therefore can be accepted?

" The Mme thing happens when they nulliw al-Wiqidi's requirement of legd majority. Al-Wiqidi's
reputation is not questioned. His definition is rejected because it excludes some Companions who are
included by virtue of a definition which was formulated Iater by the Traditionists (see p. 7 1).
 The result was that the Traditionists extended the meaning of the word $'@bah

to include those who were with the Prophet for only a very short time, or who had even

had no more than a giimpse of him, claiming this extended meaning to be the original

meaning. The U s ~ j & f swords, as quoted by AbÜ al-M~aKaral-Sambâni,express this

phenomenon correctly: 'The Traditionists assign the name Companion to everyone who

narrateci from the Prophet a tradition or a word, and they extend (the meaning) so that

they also count as Companions those who saw him only one time (rayabur~'yah)."'~

The Traditionists for their part reasoned that, because the Yrophet was so eminent,

anybody who saw him had been specially fa~ored.'~

To have spent with the Prophet

even a (very short) time (sa'arm) was an accomplishment superior to any other? Thus

'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Azi7z, the most pious Umayyad Caliph, lagged far behind in terms of

religious achievement when compared to Mu' iwiyah, who rebelleci against a legagally

appointed Caüph 'Ali. As it was expresse& "One of Mu'awiyah's days with the Prophet

was better than 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Anz('s lûetime) and his fa~nil~('s)."~'

89
Ibid.; h KatEr, al-Bd'ith, 98; al-'IriiqT, Fa@ al-MuflZh, 4 : 337. The Ugù7iyÙn have a different
way of seeing it. To them, the position of Cornpanion is so prestigious that not just anybody can easily
achïeve it. It must be more than just seing the Prophet. So the difference is that w M e the Traditionists
make the Prophet the starting point for defining the Companions (because the Prophet is so eminent that
everyone who saw hirn deserves the respected title. Le., Companion) the U ~ f i - give more weight to
the hi& position of the Companions (because the position of the Companions is so eminent).
90
This is Ibn 'Umar's statement, al-Bayhaqt al-l'tiqid wa-al-HIdByab id, SebEI al-RdBd 'ala'
Mad6oab a.bSalaf w w b al-Hadith, e d Alplad *I@nal-KZtib @kirut:Diü al-&iq al-Ja&dah, 1981).
323.Ibn Hanbai says almost the same; see Faw* @ad Zamarly, *Aqa'ii.( 29.
91
Ibn Katiïir, al-BZirb, 98. There are others who refuse to pass judgement on who was superior,
Mu'iwiyah ibn Abi Su- or 'Umar ibn 'Abd aL9Aiiz. The reason given is that because Mu'iiwiyah
was a Cornpanion, possessing *ad'&, the issue cannot even be discused (Ibn ' A M al-Bar?, /amibBay&
al- 'Lh wa-Faflïhi wa-mi Y a o 6 ~ ~ f i R i w i y a t iwu-@mzM,
ûi ed. 'Abd al-Rahman M&ammad 'Uthiin
(Medina: al-Maktabah al-Salafiyah, 1968), 2 : 227). Since however Mubiwiyah is king compared with
'Umar ibn ' A M al-'& who was not a Companion, c m the refusal to pass judgement be interpreted as
an irnpiicit acknowledgement of the infenority of ii4ubZwiyah?
 Tuming to the biographical dictionaries, one might expect to find there an

elaborate discussion of the definition of the Companions. hdeed, as authors of

biographical dictionaries of the Companions, Ibn Sa'd, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn aEAtEry

al-Dhahab? and Ibn Hajar should have decided fkom the outset what kind of definition

to employ. Only a clear definition would have allowd these authors to decide whom to

include in their works and whom not. The previous discussion on the development of a

definition indicates that the term Cornpanion had been subject to a wide ranging

discussion among Muslims. Hence, since Ibn Sa'd was a contemporary of Ibn Hanbal,

' f f i ibn al-Masinl and al-Bukhan, the three scholars who played a significant role in

establishing the Traditionist defînition of ~ o r n ~ a n i owe

n , ~may assume that he would

have been aware of what they were proposing and why. Around the 1lth century, when

Ibn 'Abd al-Barr was wmposing his dictionary, he must have had many more possible

definitions fiom which to choose. Likewise with Ibn al-AtG, two centuries later, and

Ibn Hajar, writing four centuries after Ibn 'Abd al-Barr. This is why it is reasonable to

expect that, since they belonged to the Traditionist circle, the definition anived at by

these latter would have found its way into their works. But that is not the case.

Of the four authors referred to above, it is only Ibn fLajar who states his working

definition clearly at the beginning, as we shall see. Still, neither does he elaborate, as

one might expect, on the definitions available to him, nor does he show us how he

finally came to choose a particular definition. It is nght that he should mention the

variety of definitions, but he seems unwilling to show his readers the complexity of the

92 See p. 66.
problem. He mentions, for example, the view of Sa'ld ibn aI-Musayyab, without naming

its author. Had we only Ibn Hajar's book at our disposal we would never have known

that this view belonged to (or was attributed to) Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab. Consequently

-
we would not have knowrt that it presented a problem for the Traditionists, the group to

which Ibn Hajar belonged. Yet, compared to Ibn 'Abd d-Barr and Ibn al-AtEr, he is

far more open.

While ibn Sa'd does not bother to set forth his own definition, Ibn 'Abd al-Ban

only discwses in passing what is meant by the term Companîon and fails to state clearly

what definition he himself adopts. Out of the twenty-five pages of bis introduction he

devotes only one paragraph, at the very end, to stating bis definition indirectly. He

mentions, for instance, in hierarcbical order, the persons included in his work First he

states that he wiil not limit hirnself only to those whose Comganionship is sound

(scat Sujibatubu wa-muja!&ratdu).Thus he wilU also include those who had only

met (Ikq~ya)
the Prophet once; those who had only seen (ra% i him; those who had heard

fiom him; those who were born of Muslim parents at the time of the Prophet; and

finally, those who believed in the Prophet and gave him sadaq8& even though they had

never met What does this tell us of his definition of a Cornpanion? His ikst

statement (that he would not limit his book to o d y those whose Companionship was

sound) hplies that had he decided to limit bis book, he would have only nientioned

those whose Companionship was sound. This implies that Ibn 'Abd &Barr did not

actually regard any of those comprising the last five groups to be a "sound"

93 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-ïsfls'rb,1 : 24

 By reverse logic we know that those whose Companionship was sound
~om~anion."

were the people whose reIationship with the Prophet consisted of more than just

meeting, seeing, or hearing him, or in being taken to the Prophet when they were born,

or in believing in him and giving him ~adaqa0without ever into bis presence.

Does Ibn 'Abd al-Barr count those whose Companionship was not sound as

Companions? It is weU-known that he considered legal majonty to be a requirement for

this status? In 0th- words, he did not count as Companions tbose who were bom in

the time of the Prophet and who were stiU children when the Prophet died. As'ad ibn

Sahl &Ans%, who was born two years before the Prophet died and whose name was

given him by the Prophet, is considered a ~&ii29%

If this is so, then we cannot think

that Ibn 'Abd al-Barr actually wunted the last p u p , Le., those who believed in the

Prophet but never met him (like al-Aswad ibn YaPd ibn Qays al-~akha'i,~'
Asid ibn

~afwiin,~'and alalAlpaf ibn Qays al-sa'@) as Companions. Buî we might also

conclude that he had no objection to acknowledging those who only met the Prophet or

saw him as Companions.

'* For example, Ibn 'AM al-Barrrefuses to use the verb "p+ihl'in comection with 'Ubayd AU&
ibn Ma'mar, who was stdi a Little boy when the Pmphet died. He only says that he saw (m ' i )
the
Prophet, 'k.a-I,yuYu~aqu'ala mrmrt/l/ibi +.@&a al-Nabi @if
dll~la&u AU& 'alaybi wa-sdama Li-su&i&
w ~ - I ~ r e (ibid.,
' ~ ' 3* : 1013).
95
Ai-'Iraq;, ai-Taq& 293.

97 Ibid, 1 : 92.
98
Ibid, 1 : 97.
 If Ibn 'Abd al-Ban does not count as Companions those who were born at the

time of the Prophet and those who only believed in him but never met him, why should

he even have mentioned them in this book? The motive was theological. He wished to

sanctify the space and thne in whicb the Prophet lived. Those who did so and shared the

same beiiefs as the Prophet did were blessed. He even believed that the Companions

who died at the t h e of the Prophet were more excellent than those who were stili alive

d e r the Prophet died.'" The foundation for this opinion is a Prophetic Tradition: 'The

best of my community is my time, and then those who came after them and those who

came affer them."'O'

However, most surprising is the absence of the phrase "and he died as a Muslim

(wa-mi& 'aLi al-lsh)?'fiom Ibn 'Abd al-Bm's definition. Does this mean that he

achowledges as Companions those who later apostasized? 'Abd AU& ibn Khafal

Rabic& ibn Umayyah and Muqays ibn Subibah, al1 of whom apostasized, are not

mentioned in his books. This means that he did not consider them to be Companions.

But how about those who returned to Islam ? These he does accept, making no

distinction between whether they retunied to Islam at the time of the Prophet, Xke al-

Hirith ibn ~ w a y d , ' *or

~ after the Prophet died, like ai-Ash'ath ibn ~ a ~ s . " ~

As far as a dehition is concerned, Ibn al-Athir is more generous than Ibn 'Abd

al-Barr. He makes an effort to introduce to his readers the variety of definitions

100
al-NawaWi, Shi@ Sa@@Mwlirn, ed. Khalil al-Mays (Beirut: Dâr al-Qdam, i987), 15 : 157.

'O' Iim 'Abd &Barr, al-Isfl&, 1 : 11-2

'O2 Ibid., 1 :300.

'O3 Ibid, 1 : 133.

proposed by Muslims. He mentions Sa'ld ibn al-Musayyab, al-Wâqidi, -ad ibn

Hanbal and al-Bukhan. He also discusses the argument of the Traditionists that, based

on Linguistic analysis, the term Companion should be applied both to those who

accompanied the Prophet for a long time and those who did so for only a short time. Al-

Ghazali's definition, which by and large is in fine with the Traditionists', is also

quoted.LMAlthough he does not state clearly which definition he prefers, Ibn al-AtEr

nonetheless inclines to that of the Traditionists.

Ibn al-Athir shows his position by r e f h g to the historical events in which

these Companions were involved. According to him, more than twelve thousand

Muslims participated in the Battle of Hunayn. A great many Muslims came to the

Prophet seeking protection for theh wives and children. When the Prophet left Mecca it

was full of people, and so was Medina. Everyone who went to him was Muslim, and

each of them was a Companion. A lot of people also participated in the Battle of Tibuk

Ibn al-
and the Farewell Pilgrimage, and every one of them was also a Companion.LOS

At% is making two points by this statement. First, the tenn Companion is to be

applied to aU those peuple who only saw the Prophet, even fkom a distance (during the

Farewell Pilgrïmage, for example, when thousands of people gathered, it could hardly

be imagined that everybody had a chance to talk to the Prophet or to be close to him).

Second, with aU these people included, the number of Companions according to his

definit ion is enormous.

Ibn al-Ml.&, C r i al-Gh&& 1 : 18-9.

'O5 Ibid., 1 : 28.

 Like Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn al-Athir also refuses to elaborate on whom he would

exclude fiom the definition. The factors of apostasy and pubmy are not discussed. But

it is nevertheless clear fkom his writing that he employs the same definitions as Ibn

'Abd al-Barr. He does not count as Cornpanions those who never saw the Prophet, even

if they became Muslims in his lifetime.Io6 He clearly dislikes '&im ibn al-L&wilYs

definition and, quoting Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, tries to undermine its importance by saying

explicitly that only a small nimiber of scholars accepted it.'07 Moreover, he disagrees

with Ibn 'Abd al-Barr and other Traditionists who considered Jinns to have been eligible

to become ~orn~anions.'~~

Another thing which distinguishes Ibn al-Athir fiom Ibn 'Abd al-Barr is that the

former often uses historical data to support his identification of a person as a

Companion. 'Ubayd Allah ibn ~ a ' r n a r " is

~ a case in point. According to Ibn 'Abd al-

~ a r r , ' ' he
~ could not have been a Cornpanion since he was still only a young boy

( g h u ~ mwhen
) the Prophet died. (It is to be remembered that Ibn 'Abd al-Barr saw

legal majority as a requirernent for a person being accepted as Companion.) Ibn al-

AtGr, however, includes him-not because he had changed his mind about the bar of

the age of majority, but because he had evidence that 'Ubayd Allah ibn Ma'mar was a

mature man when the Prophet died. According to his information, 'Ubayd Allah was

'O6 ibid., 1 : 119-20; 6 : 288.

'O7 Ibid., 3 :256.

'O8 Ibid., 4 : 205.

'O9 Ibid., 3 : 531-2.

"O Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Ist3'&, 3 : 1013.

killed in Oakhir in the year 29/649 at the age of forty. Thetefore when the Prophet

died he mwt have been twenty-three @y Ibn al-Athû's count, twenty-one) years old,

making him more than old enough to be called a Companion. Using historical evidence,

Ibn al-AtGr is also sometimes able to add new names to the list of Companions or to

eliminate others. Thus he includes 'AM al-RalpnZn ibn 'Uthmân ibn ~ ~ ' i i n as
~ ' a'

Companion on the basis of the fact that his father died in Medina in the year 2/623,

while his mother was also there. In other words he miist have been more than eight

years old when the Prophet died. But he eliminates 'Uthmin ibn ~ d p m m a d fiom
' ~ ~ the

list of Companions because his father was kiUed at Jamal in the year 36/656, rendering

it Likely that his father was born only at the end of the Prophet's life. It is unthinkable

that 'Uthm& ibn M@ammad could have been old enough, or even born at all, at the

time of the Prophet's death.

Ibn Hajar provides the fullest dennition of a11 three authors. Unlike Ibn al-AtGr

and Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn Hajar elaborates clearly on what he means by Companions.

The soundest approach to defining a Companion, he says, is to treat "whoever met the

Prophet while he believed in him and died as a MUS^," as s ~ c h - ' 'This

~ was the

Traditionists' formal dennition as weil. Having said this, he immediately records who

should be included in and who debmed Erom this definition. He relies on three key

concepts for this piirpose: '90 meet," "to believe" and '%O die as a Muslim." Uoder the

['' Ibn ai-Athk, Usd d-Gba&& 3 : 473.

Ibid, 3 : 598.

"'ibn Hajar, ail-@M,1 : 10.

heading '90 meet" he includes those who had prolongeci sessions with the Prophet as

well as those who did not, those who narrated fiom him and those who did not, those

who participateci in his wars and those who did not, and those who saw the Prophet

once and those who did not-like Ibn Umm Mahiin, a bünd man.While the heading '%O

believe" includes everyone who was obligated to observe the precepts of religion

(mukaIl'',including human beings and Jinns, it excludes the non-befievers who met the

Prophet, even in spite of the fact that some of the latter, after the death of the Prophet,

became beiievers. FinaUy the hesding "to die as a Muslim" excludes those who believed

in him but then apostasized and died in apostasy like 'Ubayd Allah ibn Jash, the

husband of Umm Habibah, wbo migrated to Habashah and coaverted to Christianity

before dying there. However, those who retianed to Islam before they died, regardless

of whether they ever again met with the Prophet, are included.

He reject s the nonqraditionist definitions even when they come from within the

circle of the Traditionists themselves. These views he declares to be strange

(sbaabdhd).He refuses for instance to limit the Companions only to those who fidfilled

one of the following requirements: having had prolonged sessions with the Prophet,

having learnt his Rwiyab, having died in his presence, or having reached puberty before

the Prophet died. Furthemore, he persists in rejecting as Companions those who saw

the dead body of the Prophet, i.e., whose first sight of the Prophet was as a corpse. He

likewise criticizes Ibn al-AtEr for denying that Jinns could have been Companions. This

claim is groundless, he says.'14

 Ibn Hajar also offers at the outset some general principles on which he relies

when m i d e r i n g whether to include people in the range of Companions. First, only the

Companions were ever appointed as leaders of campaigns; second,h e ackaowledges that

every newbom baby was brought to the Prophet so that the latter codd pray for him;

and third, a l l the people in Mecca and Taif were Muslims and must have joined the

Prophet during the Farewell ~ i l ~ r i m a ~ eB

. ~a' ' d on these principles, he includes as

Companions whoever was appointed as leader of a campaign, was h m at the tirne of

the Prophet, or was known to have been living in Mecca or Taif at the time of the

Prophet.

Let us summarize what we have discovered so fa. The definition of a

Companion emerged out of the Traditionists' need to protect the Prophetic Traditions.

The Mu't azilis' criticisms helped the Traditionists establish their forma1 definition

either by negating the contradictory defmitions put fornard by Muslims in the past or

by reinterpreting them. The tendency was to move fiom a limited to a more open-ended

definition in order to include as many people as possible. For our own purposes, a more

open-ended definition will be adopted: "A Companion is any person who had any

personal contact at all with the Prophet while he was a Muslim and who died as a

Muslim, regardless of whether that person had reached puberty when the contact

'lS Ibid., 1 : 16. But later on in his @aab he points out that the first principle i
s only valid as far as
the conquest of Iraq was concemed, "qaddamtu annallrrm k a n u l ' y u ' m k a fiziunm al-fut* i(li
man k&a S&ai; Ià&n h a m ! i fa ' d G (nicplikfi f i r t d ai- 'hi" (ibid, 3 :459). He aiso cites another
principle: the appointment of a person to an official position (at the time of 'Umar) could be an
indication of bis companionship. Thus 'Abd AU& ibn Khaiaf may have been a Companion for he was
'Umar's secretary of the dwik of Basra, "weistikfaa'Urmarlàâuyu'daaaubi-anua llabu S@bab" (ibid,
2 : 295). But,Ibn Hajar asserts that m b b h ibn Abi Jabalah is a T'iii'i regardless of the fact that 'Umar
had sent him to the people of Egypt to teach religion, "ba 'atbabu 'Umarila' & M y fi-yufaqqibibaoma"
(ibid., 1 : 372).
occurred or whether he had ever heard anything from him." Basically this definition is

similar to Ibn Hajar's wit h some minor modification. While Ibn Hajar did not consider

t hose whose Traditions were mmai as Companions, we always do. Furthermore, while

he placed those who had not reached puberty at the death of the Yrophet in a separate

group-implying that he actually did not M y recognize them as Lompanions-we treat

them as such. By doing so, we are left with a greater statistical base for our analysis of

the pattern of tribal distribution and political alignments. But what is more, it helps us

to understand the most important principle underlying the Traditionists' definition of a

Cornpanion, i.e., that the Prophet was of such elevated status that whoever was

fortunate enough to meet or to see him, regardless of sex or age, came to be highly

esteemed by by those who were not. Accordingly, any information about the Prophet

from these people-including even those who had not yet reached puberty when the

Prophet die&-was wort hy of recording.

2. Muslim Views on the Companions

The Companions occupied a very important position in Islam. It was they who

lived together with the Prophet. Since the Prophet's deeds and sayings were controUed

by revelation or consisted in revelation itself, it was the Companions who knew best,

after the Prophet, what revelation meant and how it was t o be applied.lL6This being so,

'16 In the words of al-RaP, "fa-ammiA&& RasS AU& +& M I . 'afaytu wa-sallama f a h m
aUa& sbahidü al-waby wa-al-tami7 w a - o h a ral-tafsk
afU wa-al-ta'd wa-braa alallad% ikbtaiabrnn
AL453 'BZZB wa-jda fi-?&bat Nab;w sdii A U ,'al@ W B - d a m aWB-napatîhÎw8-iqzÜnat dini&..,'*
al-&-, fit86 d - J e WH-a/-Ta*&l(Beinit:DE al-Kutub al-'Ihvyah, 1952), 1 : 7 . See alço al-BEqïlih-,
d-@X fi mg YBj3bu i'tiqiduhu WB-i" Y a j k BI-Jaol bia, ed. 'hiid a l - I h -ad Haydar (Beirut:
' h m al-Kutub, 1986). 107- 1 1 .
the Companions then served as the bridge by which Islam was transmitted to succeeding

generations.'" No Muslim CM pronounce on Islam without relying on the Companions

as his or her primary authorities. The application of revelation in daily life required an

extensive knowledge not only of the Prophet's life but also those of the ~ o r n ~ m i o n s , ~ ~ ~

which provided the context in which revelation was delivered and applied for the first

t ime.

When the Prophet was still alive he was the central figure in his community.

Other Muslims would corne to the Prophet to seek guidance in solving problems. But

this was the only the case when Muslim society was stiU relatively small. Mer the

spread of Islam the number of believers increased considerably. This meant that the

Prophet had to rely even more on his Companions. Some of his political and religious

authority was as a result delegated to the Companions. It is recorded that the Prophet

ofien appointe- some of the Companions to meet the believers who came to Medina to

ask questions wncerning religious matters,'lgto lead the army agaimt their enemies and

to teach Islam in far-off lands.

After the death of the Prophet the Companions played a much greater mle than

ever before. AU the Prophet's fimctions, with the exception of receiving revelation,

were taken over by t h m . They became the central figures in Muslim society, exercising

full religious and political authority. There are several explanations as to why, after the

Il7
"fZjY-a~aOtnnal-wik@ab bupa d-N'hi wa-baya umrnabtib" (Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, aMstr"a3, 1 :
1Y).

lis This statement is cleaxly made by Ibn Hajar, al-Isaaab. 1 : 1.

'19 ibn Sa'd has a special section on the Companions who gave fitwzii in the tirne of the Prophet
(Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqit, 2 :334-50).
Prophet, the Companions enjoyed such a high position in Muslim society. Muslims

believed that if the Prophet was the only one on whom God could rely to spread His

truth, then he must have been trustworthy. To a degree this special status also appiied

to the Companions. If the Companions were considered to be the only figures through

whom Islam, as revealed to the Prophet, might be made known, then they too must have

been trustworthy.'" Whatever therefore that can be proved to come h m them had to

be considered true. Al-AwzZ'? even went so far as to Say that whatever came fiom the

Companions was knowledge (%) and that whatever did not come fiom them was

not.lZ1Sa'id ibn Jubayr said that whatever was not known to those who joined the

Battle of Badr is not religion ( ~ ) . L zFinally,

2 al-Shafi'i maintains that any mujlaoid

before performing his r/tihp(d:is forbidden to follow biindly the opinions of others

(taqE4; nonetheless, he is allowed to foilow the Companions .123

Needless to Say, not ali Muslims viewed the Companions with such high respect.

The S u d view was clearly different Çom those of the Mu4taziZiand the Shi'?. What is

more, differences also existed within the members of these groups. Different Suml

schmls like the Hanbalis and Hanafis, or different Shib: schools, like the Imamis and

Zaydis, for example, had different views on the Companions. Even among the

Mu'tazilis, the Basrans held opinions that differed fÏom those of the BaghdIdis.

"' ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, /runi' BayaLi al- '52 : 36.

@l al-Sbarf'& ed. 'Abd Aiiâh Dark et al. (Beinit: Diü

'21 Quoted by al-Smibi, al-MuwBhqaC IF U
al-Kutub al-'IhGyah, ah), 2 : 57.
 has made an extensive study of the views of these different Muslim groups

;the ~om~anions.'"To avoid repetition, the discussion here wiil concentrate

on the views of the Sua6 Musluns with special reference to the question of 'adalao

(the integrity of the Companions), which is briefly discussed by ~ o h l b e r ~ . There

' ~ ' are

various rezisons for this approach. To begin with, it was within Sunni' circles that the

works on the Companions of the Prophet first emerged. Anyone undertaking a

quantitativ.e approach to the Companions is obliged to r e f a to this literature. Before

doing so, biowever, we need to h o w precisely the S u d views (or to be more specific,

the views of the Sun5 Traditionists) on the Companioos. Second, the question of

'adad must itseif be addressed. Su- authors had to substantiate the 'adaiab of the

Cornpanioris because it is on this basis that the acceptability of their reports regarding

Islamic tei~chingswould be decided. The Fitnah, which saw the involvement of

Cornpanionis, is closely comected to this issue. Can we still accept the testimony of

those who were involved in the Fitnah? The issue of 'adalaa must then be addressed

before disciussing Fitnah itsellf.

The majority of ~ u s l i m s ' *believe

~ that al1 the Companions were legaliy just

('rrdUI). Thiis meant that their testimony (on matters related either to Hadttr or Fiqb)

Besides his dissertation quoted above, see also Etan Kohlberg "Some Imami Shi': Views on the
'21
JSM 5 (1984) : 143-75, and idem, "Some Zay& Views on the Companions of the Prophet,"
S&a?a,"
BSOAS 39 (1976) :91-8.

Kohlberg, ''The Attitude," 22-5.

lZ6 This majority is dexribed in different ways: "ahlal-s~~~d~ wa d-jama'ab" (ibn Kithir, al-BZirb,
98), "salafaf-umnab w~-j~maIiii- al-kbdaf ( a l - G h d , al-Mq.cta@î fi '& al-U$t2 (Beirut: DEr al-
Kutub al-'Eyah, 1983), 1 : 1 0 , "al-daf nw-juzd~inal-khdaf (al-ShawkG, Mid al-Fr&iZl, 69),
"d-J'um6io-mio al-e '~nmah*' (al-&di, a / - 2 :~1 28),~"ms&a& k a a t al- 'ulmi'wra-mmya 'taddu
bi-qawlihi min al-fuqaba" (Kh* al-EaghdacE, al-Kifiyab, 64). "al-~~1~13ah"(Ibn al-Sale, ' U h al-
@a&Uz, 295), or simply "al-akrOai(Ibn' al-Hàjib, Mmtaha; 80; al-Bihàn, Mwllam al-ThubuC, 2 : i 19)
mwt be considered as valid. Questioning their ad^^ was not alL~wed.'~~
Qur'anic

verses were quoted to support this view, among them 2:143, T h u s have We made of

you an umm& justly balanced (zunmatao w&ra!m), that ye might be witnesses over the

nations, and the Apostle a witness over yourselves" (w-m here means ' ~ d d a n . ) ~ ~ ~

Likewise, 3:llO reads, "Ye are the best of people." But how can we be sure that the

m&&b (the addressee), i.e., the ou," in these verses, refers only to the Companions

and not to others'? Al-S hiitjbl confirms that the mukbijab is particular ( 'dial-fi-@),

Le., it specificaiiy refers to particular group of people, the Companions. Those who

came after them (the Ta%'& and the T&'i al-T'bi'h)

c m only be included through

qiy& and oiher d&l Even if the view is accepteci that the mukb$ab is general

fmeaning Muslims in genetal), al-Shafibi continues, it still stands that the Companions

were the first generation included in the mukbijab. It was they and they alone who

completely lived up to the attributes expressed in these verses.L29According to al-

i , ' ~if the word is general the meaning is stiU particular. Among the other
~ a ~ h d i d even

127
Ibn al-SaI* 'Ln& al-Ua&rb, 294. See also G.H. A. Juynboll, The Autoeoticity o f Coe TraaYtion
Literattnir: Discussion io Modern Egypt (Leiden: E.3. Briil, 1969), 12-3, and Chapter VI (54-61) on the
modem discussion of the subject by Muslims. Juynboli believes that the doctrine of the ' a d ' of the
Cornpanions was established at the end of the 3rdBth centwy, G.H.A. Juynboii, Mrrslua Traditions:
Sfd e s io C'hronofo~, Pwenimce md Authorsolp of M y ~ a d i t h (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 19831, 199,201.
128
Al-&nidi, ai-&&aàr, 129; Ibn al-Hiïjib, Mmta&à al-W-üT, 80; al-Suyüti, Tadni al-R* 400; al-
Shawkaru', Mid al-Fr&% 69; al-Bibaii, M i i d a m al-Thu6Üt, 2 : 119. Others quote these verse without
explaining how they determine that it is the Companions who are k i n g addressed: al-GhazaIi, al-
Mc~sta~f& 164; al-TafiâzS, &Eshiiyaa '& Mukbragar al-Mïmtaba' fi al-Us$ fi-Ibn &-H@ib (Beirut: DGr
al-Kutub aL-'Iimïyah, 1983), 2 : 67;al-Nawav2, T
-3 'b-Asmi', 1 : 15. Investigating "the oldest f8hu
works available," Juynboll states that nowhere is it said that the word was~tmis meant 'ad/ as it is
understood in &&rb transmission (G.H. A. Juynboii, MwiUIll TraaYtion, 195).
verses cited by the Traditionists to strengthen this view, we find 48: 18, "Allah was well

pleased with the believers when they swore allegiance mto thee beneath the tree, and

He knew what was in their hearts, m d He sent down peace of reassurance on them, and

hath rewarded them with a near victory"; 9:100, "And the e s t to lead the way, of the

M u h i j i h and the Ansir, and those who follow them in goodness-Allah is weLl pleaseci

with th- md they well pleased wSth Him"; and finaily 5923, "And (it is) for the poor

fugitives wuhijiiin] who have beem driven out from their homes and their belongings,

who seek bounty fÏom AUah and heLp Allah and His messenger- They are the loyal."L31

However the argument that the mukb<tab refers to the Cornpanions alone does

not seem to be favored by the exegetes. Although alqabaii, a l - B a y m , Ibn Qutaybah,

Ibn Kathit, aLBaghawi, al-Farri' and al-Samarqandi all confirm that w m a means

'dgnone of'them share the view that the attribute of 'adldescribed in 2: 143 belongs

exclosively to the C ~ r n ~ a n i o nAU

s . ~of
~ ~the early authorities, among them Abu Sa'id

al-Kh&, Mujàhid, Qat idah, Ibn 'Abbis and 'Abd AU& ibn Kathir, a l l of whom are

cited by &?ab&, were of the opinion that the mukbiitab in the verse refers to the

urmnab of the Prophet in general, n e t the Companions in particular. Even the Prophet

"' There are some other verses which are usually cited: 56:11, 854, 4829, See ibid., 6 4 ; Ibn a1-
Sl ' C l T h al-@&&
a
a 294-5; al-Bayhaa d-Ptiq* 317-8; Ibn Abi Zamllllllyn, Riyg a l - J a ~ a hbi-
T-7 UgrZal-Smnab, ed. 'Abd AU& ibn Mdpmmad 'Abd al-Ra@hibn Husayn ai-B- (Medina:
Maktabat al-Ghuraba' al-Athanyah, 1415 EX), 263.

"2 M a b a n , Juiu" al-BayÜh 'an ~ a ' d À )al-~ur'iiqed Malpiid M@ammad S W and A@md
M-d Shàkir (Cairo: Dk al-hla'arifl nd), 3 : 145; ai-Bay@< Anwc d - T d weAsnÜ al-
Ta'@ ed. H.O. Fleischer (Osnabrüchi Biblio Verlag, 196û), 1 : 88; Ibn Qutaybah, Ghmi'ib d - Q u r ' e
ed. al-Sayyid Alpnad Saqr ([Cairo]: 'kial-B&ï al-Haiabt 1958). 64; Ibn Katfi, Tafk al-Qm'h s/-
'A@I (Beirut: DiÜ al-Ma'nfah, 1987). 1 : 196; al-BaghM, M a ' i i h d - T d eâ. Khàlid 'Abd el-
R m al-'Akk and MarwGn SawwZr (Beirut: DSr al-Ma'rifab, 1986). 1 : 122; al-Farrii', Ma'adr'd-
Qur'5, ed Alplad Yilsuf Najiit'i and Mdymmad 'AG al-Najjir (Cairo: Mafba'at Diîr ai-Kutub al-
w y a h , 1955), 1 : 83; Ab6 al-Layth al-SaunarqancZ, Ba& al- 'Ln@ ed. 'AI: M
- Mu'awwia et
al. (Beirut: DG al-Kutub a l - ' ~ y a h ,1993),1 : 164.
himself confimeci this ~iew.''~The reason why the ummab of the Prophet was called

w.f or ' a d was because that zzmmah stood in the middIe of two extremes: the

Christians who exaggerated their beiief in Jesus on the one hand, and the Jews who fell

short of the ideal because they had changed the book of Allah, killed their prophets, lied

to their God and did not believe in Him, on the other. Possessed of 'ad4 the mnmab of

the Prophet will be appointed by God as a witness on the day of Judgment. At that t h e

the ummah of the previous prophets will deny that their prophets ever conveyed God' s

message to them. To establish that these prophets discharged their task, however, the

ummd of the Prophet will be called to t e ~ t i f y . 'It

~ is also in this context that verse

3:110, which reads, ''Ye are the best of people," is seen by the exegetes. In contrast to

what Ibn al-Sali& s ~ g ~ e s tthe

s , exegetes
~ ~ ~ do not at a i l agree that this verse refers to

the Companions. It is true that "Umar,Ibn 'Abbis and ai-M&for example, are

reporteci to have believed that in this verse God is addressing the Companions-in other

words, it is only the Cornpanions who are characterized as the b e ~ t . 'But

~ ~ this

interpretation is not favored by the exegetes. Al-Taban' and Ibn KatEr, after

mentionhg the differences in interpretation, clearly date their preference: the verse

134 ïbid., 3 : 151; ai-Bay&Wi, AowG a/-T&; 1 : 89; Ibn Kat&, TafsU., I : 1967; al-Farri*,M B
el-Qw*& 1 :83; Abü al-Layth al-SamarqatuZ, Ba& d-'UIlnn, 1 : 164.
'=
135
Commenting the verse hmlzm k b a p uxntna6 (3: 1 1O), he says that the exegetes agree on that it
refers to the Companions (ittafaqa a l - m u f d *& anaab6 a d fi -8% Rasa AU');çee Ibn ai-
S al@ 'LnCaa d-~adïiol,294-5.
136
Ai-Taban, J d ' al-Baya 7 : 151-2; Ibn Kat&, T a f i , I :399; ai-Baghawl, Me 'à&n d-TanzE, 1
:341.
refers to the ummab of the Prophet. Both al-Baghawi and a l - ~ l m a r ~ a n d i ,d~ e~ 'r

mentioning both interpretations, neglect to st ate their own preferences. th ers'^^ do not

mention at all the possibility that the Companions may have been the ones referred to

the verse. These may be thought of as having shared the opinion of al-Tabaii and Ibn

KatEr.

Since the works of the exegetes cited above (Le., al-Tabaii, al-Baydiw7, al-

Baghiis, al-Farfi', al-Samarqandi, Ibn Kathir and Ibn Qutaybah) were commonly read

in Traditionist circles one might wonder why they did not align themselves with the

Traditionists' interpretation of the passage. One possible mswer is related to the

different natures of their respective fields. The Traditionists interpreted these verses in

en atmosphere of controversy. They had their opponents, i.e., the MuctaziIis, in mind

when they were elaborating their views on the Companions. We might even assume that

it is mainly to repudiate their opponents' view that they deveioped this particular

doctrine on the Companions. The exegetes on the other hand were not quite as

preoccupied with such problems. They did not have the MuctaziOs in mind when they

were interpreting these verses, and so were not motivated to use these verses as a

weapon agùnst their opponents. This argument makes even more sense whem we

consider that the same scholar could interpret the same verse differently on different

occasions depending on his pmcupation at that tirne. Al-Shawkani is a case in point.

As is weil-known, when he was defending the view that the Cornpanions were 'uds he
used verse 3: 110 as an mgument.'39 But when he was interpreting the same verse in his
T&&'" he did not connect this verse with the issue of the '8daabof the Companions.

Prophetic Traditions are also quoted to support the 'ad'& of the Companions.

It is infmed fiom one Tradition in particular that the Companions were the best of the

~mmah:'~'cc~a_yrukrrm
q d thumrna al-Ia&ir yd&>abum thzmma dalla&

yaliïi~abuzn(the best of you are those living in my era, and then those who will come

after the- and then those wiU come f i e r the~n)."~~'

Although the Tradition does not

use the word "Companions," the inference that it refm to the generation of the

Cornpanions is acceptable. One other ofiqmted tradition states that the Companions

were like a celestial compass guiding Muslirns on their joumey : "A&E ka-al-nqzkn bi-

ayyjhim iqt8ddytlmr ihtadaytum (My Cornpanions are like the stars; whichever among

them that you choose to follow you wiU be guided)." Despite the fact that this tradition

is known to be a forgay,'" it is stili quoted to support the vie^.'^^

Al-Shawkaoi, Fi@ d Q a & f Libanon: Dsir al-Fikr, 1983), 1 : 37 1.

14' K ha
o ai-Baghdad& 64-5; ai-Nawiivii, Ta&&% d-A..smZ, 1 : 15; al-GhaziG, d-
Mwt.fi 164; al-Suyï$Z, Tah'b &-Rimi: 4OQ; al-Bi-, Mwddm al-ï2ubul, 2 : 119; al-Bayhaqi, al-
I'tlqdi 3 19-20; ibn Qudamah, T e al-Nw fiKrdub AM ai-Kal&n, ed. George Makdisi (London:
Luzac & Company, 1962), 20.

'" Al-BukhZ, Sm (Cairo: Malctabat 'Abd a l - H d d Aiyuad m a f i , IL&), I : 8, 9; 3 : 17 1;8 : 91,

141-2. Sometirnes Ebaymhrn is subtituted by Ebayr d-a& al-B-, S- 8 : 91; ai-TimÜdfii, al-
/*' al-S@& ed. 'Abd ai-Wabha3 'Abd al-LafX (Beinit: DE al-Fikr, 1983), 5 : 357, or by B a y
~rmmafiai-Bukha;i Sa&?& 5 :2-3;AbU Dâwud, Siman, ed. Kamal Yüsuf ai-HÜt (Beirut: DiÜ al-Ji-
Mu'assasat ai-Kutub al-Thaqa'fiyah, 1988), 2 : 625-6). See elso Ibn Hanbal, d-MILrnad: ed. -ad
Mdpmmad S W (Caito: Dir a l - M a ' s , 1949) I :204-5,230-3 1.

'" M T
I**, Et& Sh@ d-T&s'rnij.ab fi ai-'Aqidah al-SSXy& ed. 'AM Auah ibn Hasan ibn
Husayn Al al-Shaykh et al. (Mecca: al-Malba'ah al-Salailyah, 1249 H.), 398. Al-Shaw= also
acknowledges that this tradition does not come fiom the Prophet. But he meintains that the argument is
stiU valid. See al-Shawkani, al-Qawl d - M d d fiAdiUaf d-Qtibiif w;b-al-TqEd ed. Shaykh M-d
Mur& (Cairo: Idarat al-Tibl'ah a l - M d y a h , nd.), 9-10.
 In their efforts to establish the doctrine of the 'adaidi of the Companions, the

Traditionists went t o disturbing lengths. First of al1 the relationship between revelation

and the context in which it was revealed could not be fully explained. God's message

was revealed partly in order to respond to the reality of the first generation of Muslim

society, a reaIity which was by no means perfect. The Cornpanions were ais0 human

beings who, by nature, sometimes committed sins and mors. This was the reality that

made the revelation meaningflll. Had the Cornpanions been fiee of such defects, the

revelation would have been memingless. The emergence of the '

ihasbib d - n d m a y

be seen as expressing on awareness the fact that as the objects of reveiation, the

Cornpanions were faliible hummi beings in need of guidance. An example is the

criticism expressed in the Qur'ik of those Companions who were involved in building

the Masjid al-I?irik.L4S TOpretend that that all of the Companions were 'diil therefore

seems to contradict the very pinpose of revelation, without which any understanding of

the Qur'ânic verses becornes difficult, if not impossible.

Another disturbing aspect in the discussion of the 'adaIab of the Cornpanions

was the ambiguity arnong the Traditionists themselves. The latter were a h trapped by

L
U
Ibn al-Hijib, MuntaOà, 80; al-TaftaInniT, @..y&, 2 : 67; al-Shawkani, M i d d-F@i$ 69; al-
Bihaii, Md' al-12iubÜf, 2 : 119; al-Shatjb'i, d-Mu~yifaqZt,65; Ibn Qudamah, - T al-Nq, 20.
There are also other s i d a r traditions with slightly different wordiags -ch are also known to be
unsouad (see al-Beyhaqi al-I'tiqBd, 318-9 and the editor's footnotes). Ibn Ha+ does not question this
Tradition, but he sees it differently. According to him this Tradition does not tak about the Companions
of the Prophet in generai, but oniy about the imemc of the Prophet's descendants (aAz'imma6 mia
&mfyatiar). Since those who are caiied Companions by the people-or the masses-(al- 'aimmab) were
in disagreement end k i k d each other, they cannot be foliowed. See h Ha- Thiyat d-Mu'hin.5.
20 recto.

j4' See Michael Lecker, M d h , lem aod Pagans: Studjés on Ea+ly Isfatluc Mediaa (Leiden: E.J.

Briil, 1995). 74-149.

this contradiction. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, for instance, tries to establish that al1 the

Companions were 'Ida and in support of this view, like his fellows, quotes the

Qur'anic verses and the Prophetic traditions. But how, after having estaMished this fact,

muid he report that BJayr ibn 'Abd Allâh,'" for example, stole a leather bag belonging

to the Prophet? On one hand he wanted to establish that the Companions were 'daso
that aU Traditions coming fiom them should be considered as true, yet on the other

hand he could not deny the fact that there were some Companions who were of dubious

morality. In other words, there is a gap between doctrine and historical reality.

But the most disturbing fact of all is that some of the most important

Companions, such as 'Ali, 'A'ishah, Tabah, al-Zubayr and Mu'âwiyah, were involved

in the Fitnah. This was an event that was devastating for Muslims, resulting in many

deaths and in a society that was badly tom apart. How did the Traditionists reconcile

the Companions' involvement in these civil wars with theh supposai 'addi&? How did

they explain t his apparent contradiction?

There were various approaches taken within Sunol circles in an effort to cope

with this dilemma The fird was to refuse altogether to discuss the involvement of the

Cornpanions in the Fitnah. Ibn Hanbal stresses that it is part of the Sunnah of the

previous generation (sala4 to refhün fÎom mentioning this dispute lmong the

~om~anions,'~'
(while 0th- said that it was even compulsory (w$ib) to do soM8).Al-

'46 ibn 'Abd al-Barr, ai-IsB'a3, 1 : L 50.

"' ibn Hanbal in Faw* A@mdZamarIi, 'AqZidal-Sd8if 39,41. Ibn Hanbal refused even to taik
about the bad àeeds of the genention following the Cornpsnioas. Once Ibn I&r~bdwas asked whether
God cursed Ya5d ibn Mu'iwiyah (the Umayyed Caliph who ordered the murder of al-Husayn). To this,
he answered that he jxefered to refrain h m discussing it. His reference is the Prophetic tradition, B a y r
L h u . a/-fa& yal&u&rna Iornnma al-I&
ïunmati qanuanu yalihahiaa. YaZd is not a Cornpanion,
Awza'i was also among those who held this vie^.'^^ "That wes the blood of which God
150
had purifieci our hands, so we should also purie our tongues of it," says al-ShS 6-
1.

Hence the only thing that codd be done was respect them, ask their forgiveness, and

talk about them in positive terms."' Another approach was to minimize, or even to

negate, the role of the Cornpanions in the Fitnah. In the case of the murder of 'Uthmin

Those who were present at

it was said that none of the Companions were invol~ed.'~~

the time had tried to stop the rebels, but were overwhelmed by the rebels' superior

forces."' The Battle of Jamal furthemore occiirred despite the best efforts of the

Cornpanions to avoid it;'" it was neither 'AG's idea, nor Ta&ah's, nor al-Zubayr's, but

~ the Battle of Siffin moreover, less than one

an initiative of the people of ~ a s r a . " At

but he belongs to fk t& L I I I I I ~ ~ &al-fa&a yalamabrnn m the Prophetic Tradition (FawwG Alpnad
ZamaIi, 'Aqi'id 53).

Abu Ya'lh, Kïtai d-Mu'rc~Bdfi UgÜZ d-D& ed. Wadi' Zay& Haddad (Beirut: Diir al-Mashriq,
1974), 261.

150
AI-@* al-Mawâqif fi '5 d - K a l h (Beirut: 'Alam al-Kutub, [1983]), 413. 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-
'&said about the same thing*"That was the blood fÎom which Aiiah has praified our swords, so we
should aot dye our tongues with it" (ai-ShawH, Wid a/-F@r?l;69; see dso Ibn Sa'à, al-Tahqal, 5 :
394).

"'
Al-Nawâw?, S .
$.
. MW& 7 : 158. In order to fiee the Companions fiom any responsibility
some maintained that the Companions really did not know tbat 'Utbmin had been surounded.

"* Ilm Katfi,al-B2i& 98.

155
This is Hisham al-F@i*s opinion. See al-Khayyit, Kltaia ai-hfi$Û wa-al-Radd 'ala Ibn al-
K ~ W I M a&l - M e d m i Qapda bi&ï & a l - K d a b '& al-M* wa-al-Ta 'n 'dayhîm (Beinrt: ai-
MaFba'ah al-KithUIiCByah, 1957), 50.
hundred Companions were involveci on both 'ffics and Mu'iiwiyah's sides. lS6 The third

approach was to recognize the involvement of the Companions in the Fitnah while ai

the same time exempting them fiom errors by introducing the concept of @tibrn<l. The

basis for this argument was the prophetic tradition according to which people who

exercise i j r i i d will always be rewarded. If their ij&d is correct the reward is

doubled, but even if it is not, it wiU not go unrewarded. At the time of the Fitnah

however the situation was so imclear that the Companions' ijtibd inevitably

wntradicted itself. One group of Companions saw that the truth lay with a particuiar

side and so they decided to help that side against the 0 t h . Another group of

Companions, however, saw things in exactly the opposite way, while the r a t , finding

themselves unable to make up their minds, withdrew fkom the two confiicting groups."'

Because dl groups had exercised their ijibi4 whatever position each decided to take

was valid and it did not affect their 'ada~ab.~~~

Muslims agree that the result of ijihid is &(relative), which means that it

may be either right or wrong. However, in the case of 'A& 'A'ishah, TaIlph, al-Zubayr

and Mu'iwiyah, who was to decide who was right and who wrong? The general opinion

of the S d s was in favor of 'Ali. But this did not necessarily lead to full blame being

laid on his opponents. Somehow, Sd authors tried to protect the reptations of the

other Companions as welL Hence they highlighted the fact that 'A'ishah and al-Zubayr,
realizing that the result of their Qtibid was wrong, withdrew fiom the battlefield, while

Tailph gave 'Ali his bay'd before he died.159The reason why Mu'iwiyah fought 'AIi
was also explained along the same fines: Mu'awiyah fought 'AEnot because he did not

accept the Tmiünah of 'AIi and claimed it for himself, but because he held 'AG to be

responsible for the murder of 'Uthmin and thought that he was right in this.16*The

language of expression was a h carefully chosen. A statement such as '"Ali was nearer

to the truth (haqq),"L6' recognizes that Mu'iwiyah also shared the truth and 'Ali the

fault. But even if the basis of the Companions' actions could not be discovered by

Qtihid and, consequently, they deserveci no reward for their actions, they would stiil be

forgiven. This was attribut4 either to their repentance and their early attachent to

Islam, or because they had performed a sdicient number of g d deeds (&simit) to

compensate for their faults.'"

Other views on the 'addidi of the Companions generally feu into one of the

following categories: (1) there was no difference between the Companions and the rest

of the Muslim Community anywhere or at any tirne; (2) 'addidi can only be applied to

Imim al-Haramayn al-JuwaytC Luma' ai-AdWh fF Qawa'id 'Aqi'id A H al-Szmd wa-d-

Iam8'& edFawqiyah Husayn M-Üd al-Khwyii (Beimt: 'Alam al-Kutub, 1987). 129.

'"The following Qur'anic verses are quoteci to support the view: 46:16 and 15:47. See Abu YabK,
ai-Mu6tdm& 261; Henri Laoust, La Pmfeswon de foi d ' h Taymrjya: texte, tradwtion et
comment& de la Wis[tima(Paris: P. Geuthner, 1SM),24 (Arabic text).
those who were close to the Prophet; (3) the 'adilab of the Companions had to be

decided on the b a i s of their involvement in the Fitnah,

Ab6 al-uusayn al-Qaftan held the first of these views. He grounded his

argument in the fact that some of the Companions wmmitted evil deeds, such as

WfisK, who kikd Hamzah, or al-WaIid, who drank wine. He proposed moreover that

any Companion who acted contrary to 'adalab should no longer be considered a

~ o r n ~ a n i o The
n . ~ Traditionists
~ refuted his argument by pointing out rightly that

W&IU:'s deeds before Islam could not be used to judge his status, although they could

not explain away the fact that the latter, even afier accepting Islam, still often drank

wine.'" In the case of al-Walid they a.fhnedthat evil deeds codd not affect his status,

basing their argument on his Companionship: the virtue of a Companion is so great that

nothing can change it. L6S

Their discussion reveals two different understandings of the nature of

Companions. The Traditionists insisted on the fact that being a Companion and being

'a<iil were inseparable concept. The Companions had to have been 'ud&. Their

foundation for this statement was th& view of the virtue of Companionship. The

'adilab of the Companions was not established on the basis of their daily activities, but

rather through self-&mation. The Companions were 'da because they were

Companions. Nothing they did could ever alter their status. Al-Qatth on the other hand

16' F@ al-Mu@Zgar'rh,
AI-Sakhaakhavr;i, 3 : 1034.

ibn 'Abd al-Bm, al-hd'& 4 : 1565.

'" Al-Smvr;i, Fa@ 3 : 104.

argued on the basis of the deeds of the Companions. He held that since the attnbute of

'&ah was instrinsic to being a Companion, those who had lost their 'adnlab would

also lose their Companionship. From this point of view, al-Qatfiin is more consistent.

The Traditionists were ambigmus about affirming the insepmability of '&ah fiom

Companionship. If the two w a e inseparable this would mean that one could not exist

without the other. But their affirmation that evil deeds camot n a & Companionship

meant that what was eternal was the title of Companiou itself. In other words 'ad$&

was not inherent in being Campanion. It could be lost, whereas Companionship could

not. Behind the consistency of al-Qagincsargument there is a hint of what it is that the

Traditionists feared. If Compaonship wuld vanish because of evil deeds, then the

most important factor in defiding 'adilah was to judge actual deeds. This may have

been what a l - Q a f ! ~sought to accomplish, i.e., establishing the high position of the
Companions by eliminating the evil-doers Etom their ranks. But the consequace of his

statement is obvions: that being a Companion has nothing to do with 'ad'ab . The

Comparions should be treated like other Muslims.

Among those wbo held the second view were Al-M-LM and al-~iwrdi.'"

They explained that 'addidi did not belong to those who only saw the Prophet or

visited him for a short while. The only ones who t d y possessed this attribute were

those who were closely attacheci to the Prophet and helped him- This could mean either

that al-Mazifi and al-Miwardi accepteci the Traditionists' definition of the Companions
as whoever met the Prophet and died a M u s h but refusai to apply the attnbute of

'adad to aU of the Companions, or that they rejected the definition of the Traditionists

and bestowed the attribute of c8d&?b only on those who were closely att ached to the

Prophet. It would be interesthg to know how al-MaPn and al-Miiwardi defined the

Companions. Based on their statements alone, however, we can see that their position

seems to have been closer to the Traditionists. They did not question their

Companionship, only t heir 'addab.

But as far as the 'addith of the Companions was concenied, what wss it that

determined the attitude of al-MaPn' and al-Mâwd: deeds (as in the case of al-Qafiân)

or status (as in the case of the Traditionists)? The fact that they excluded those who

only ssw the Prophet fkom possessing the quaiity of 'ad1 does not alone permit us to

Say that they were on the Traditionists' side. But neither c m we range them on al-

Qa$tGn's side, for they ackuowledged the automatic 'ad* of those who were closely

d in between the two positions. The Traditionists

attached to the Prophet. They f

resented this, since, if this view were to be acceptai then many Companions, who had

aever been closely connecteci to the Prophet, would have to be excluded along with the

Propbetic Traditions that they narrated.16gHence there was a clear connection between

the Traditionists' refusal of any attempt at restricting the definition of the Companions

and their determination to preserve the nimiber of the ~ r a d i t i o n s . ~ ~ ~

'61 It is iikely that ibn al-Anbz separates the issue of morality and the refusa1 or the acceptance of
Traditions out of the willingness 20 protect the number of Traditions. According to him the concept of
'adda0has nothing to do with afltimring the attrihte of 'rpaab to the Companions or with dowing
ma '@y& to them. It is related to the acceptance of theù xi~iysb (see al-Shaw- hsliida/-Fu@$70)
 The third view was held by the Mu'taziIis. Basically, they agreed that the

involvement of the Cornpanion in the E'itnah affecteci their Lompanionship, although as

to the extent to which it caused damage the MubtaziZis disagreed. The disagreement

ranged from a pro-Traditionist to an anti-Traditionist stance. As we noted earlier, the

Traditionists admitted in principle that the Fitnah had indeed happened, but they

maint ained that it did not have any influence on the status of the Companions. One

wing of the Mu'tazilis, however, went fiirther than the Traditionists did in asserting

that the Fitnah never happened. This view was attnbuted to the Hish&s, i.e., the

followers of Hishim ibn 'Amr al-Fwvali (d. between 2271842 and 232/847).L70They

maintained that, " 'Uthman was never surrounded and was never assassinated."171 Of

course it would have been naive to deny the historicity of the event, and this is not what

Hishiîm intended to do. It seems that bis aim was to undedine that the words

"surrounded" and "assassinated" were not appropriate to describe the events as they

occurred, for they impLied passivity on the part of other Companions. "'Uthmin was

never surrounded, certainly not in a twinkhg of an eye, because had he been

surrounded while the (ot her) Companions were present, t hese Cornpanions would have

been guilty of sinful actions (faaqii)in not defendïng TJthmiin."lR The motive is clear.

He wanted to Save the reputation of the Companions. The same motive Ied him to Say

that the Battle of Jamal was neither the wiU of 'Ali, nor that of Ta&&, nor that of al-

6 6 p y 8 - ~ a a / w~-a/-ficoua
- f i t ~ a/-wâqi 'ab b 8 p al-s&~b&
fe-a/-~isbrijllupdm-
ab ~u'a6e"
(ai-Tc, al-Mawiqic 413).

Ibid., 417.
in Al-KhayyEi, al-hti*, 50.
Zubayr; it was rather that of their f~llowers."~Hishâm lived during the reign of al-

Ma'mÜn (198-2181813-33),lT4during which tirne the Mibah against the Traditionists

was being intensively pursued. The similarity of Hishâm's views on the Companions to

those of the Traditionists is unique. For al-Ma'mun, who propagated the Mubtaziii

doctrine, he was an obstacle, but for the Traditionists he was a hero. H i s h b exercised a

great influence both among the kb&sab (the elite) and the 'ihwab (the people).17sThe

'iiimnahdid not favor the Mu'tazili cause for, in spite of official support, its adherents

were unable to win the sympathy of the people. The 'iinmab could only mean the

people who were under the influence of the Traditionists. The harsh attack launched by

the Mu4taziIiswith the help of al-Ma'mb was reason enough to explain why Hishih,

though a Mubtazili,was able to win the support of the people. While the Mu'taziIis

must have found it difficult to deal with Hishim, since he was part of their circle, the

people were able to appreciate him. His views on the Companions, as weLl as on

' ~ ~ not common amongst the Mu'tazlis. He was an anomaly. Inasmuch as he

o t h e r ~ ,were

was both a Mu'taziIi and a favorite of the Traditionist element, Hishani wieided

considerable influence. Al-Ma'mun was likely well aware of the threat his position and

popularity represented to the est abüshed 0r.dt2r.l~~

 This element in his thinking nevertheless showed a MubtaziE color. He

wncluded that the involvement of the Companions in the Fitnah endaugered their

Companionship. For if in fact they were ever involved in it, they codd be accused of

being Gsiqw, meaning that they were no longer believers. It was to prevent the

Companions from falling into this category that Hishim made an e f f to

~ disassociate

them fiom any involvement. The Traditionists, even though they attempted something

similar, would never even have considerd the possibility of applying the epithet

'unbeiiever' to a Cornpanion. To understand this point we have to see the views of the

generality of MubtaziEson the Companions and to situate them in the general context

of t heir d o c t ~ e s .

One of the Mu'tazilis' main doctrines was that of d - m w l a b bayo aï-

r n ~ d ~ f h t a y According
a. to this doctrine Muslims who comrnitted great sins were

neither believers nor inûdeis, for the Qur'anic description of believers and infidels codd

not be applied to them. Thus their precise position was in between these two

categories."' This soa of categorization was appfied to every Muslim who had

committed a great sin, including the Companions. But, when the great Cornpanions

came into codlict, it was certainly not always easy to decide which one was wmng and

which one right. Thus, what W@l and his foilowers did was admit that one of the

conflicting parties must have been wrong and that basically all of them were potentiauy

liable to be blamed. 'Uthmui, 'Ali and Ta~ah

may therefore have been wrong, and very

possibly faced etemal damnation as a re~ult."~

See W. S. Nyberg, "al-Mubtde," in SEL

'" ALI$, d-Mawiqig 4 15.

 The other Mu'tazilis did not hold such an intricate position. Instead of admitting

the possibility of mors in both parties, they blamed both groups or singled out

individuah whom they felt wete responsible for all errors. Hence while 'Amr and his

" O me 'AIi as the determining

foIlowers proclaim that both parties are % i q ~ , lothers

figure in this issue. Those who fought 'Ali were therefore not 'ud~rl,"~Behind this

st atement was the conviction that 'AG was in the right, and that those who had fought

him were wrong. The 'ad'ab of the Companions here is not decided by their deeds or

their virtue but by their closeness to 'Ali.

In spite of these difkences, dl of the views discussed above ultimately led to

the same consequence. The suspension of judgment, as in the case of Weil's view,

resulted in obscurity regarding the legal status of these Companions. Since it is not

laiown which one was right, we cannot establish with certainty that either of these

parties was therefore the testimony of both parties should be rejected. This is

similar to the finaljudgment of 'Amr ibn 'Ubayd: since both parties were Giqqint their

testimony must have been rejected.la The same c m be said of those who were agiinst

'Ali. In the eyes of the Traditionists, this was an insult to suçh an important figure.

In summing up we cm Say that the question of 'adaIab is important for several

reasons. First, it is the basis on which the acceptability of their transmission of Islamic

al-Hijib, Mmtaà4 80; al-Tafi-, @ ' y & , 2 : 68; al-BihE&

teaching (especially in the form of the Prophetic Traditions) is established. Second, it

has a decided impact on how one defines a Cornpanion. Questioning their 'ada;'was

seen as a threat to the status they enjoyed as Companions. In the case of the

involvement of the Companions in the Fitnah, the Traditionists tried to explain it in

such a way that their positions as Cornpanions were secured, (although their

explanations, as we will see in Chapter Four, do not always stand up to historicaf

ana1ysis)-

The controversy over the 'adalab of the Cornpanions certainly had an impact on

the writers of biographical dictiona&s of the Companions. As was discussed above in

Chapter One, these works were authoreci by Traditionists who were concerneci to

preserve the Prophetic Traditions. To establish their sound trmsmission, the

Traditionists had to engage in extensive research in order to give the best possible

accounts of these Companions, including their relation to the Prophet and their

contribution to the Islamic co~lllllunity.However, since this kind of project requires an

extensive kmwledge of history (familiarity with the events surrounding the Battle of

Badr itself, for example, is essential for establishing the number of Companions who

participated in it and what each of them contributed to winning it), only Traditionists

who were familiar with historical writings were in a position to discharge this task Ibn

Sacd, Ibn 'Abd abBarr, Ibn al-AtEr, al-Dhahabi and f i n Hajar ail fulfilled this

requirernent. But there was certainly a risk involved in citing such authorities. The

historiansy such as al-Wiiqidi and Ibn al-Kalbl, were not as concemed to protect the

addalr of the Companions as the Traditionists were. Thus in the hands of these

historians the involvement of the Cornpanions in the questionable events of early

Islamic history-the Fiinah beingone of them-was often discussed in great detail,

revealing behaviour and attitudes that the Traditionists might have preferred to ignore.

When the writers of biographical dictionaries consulted the historians' works in order to

give a fuller account of a particular Cornpanion, much information detriment al to the

'adiIàh of the Companions found its way into their writings. In other words the

biographical dict ionaries were a means t hrough which the historians' out100k on the

Companions entered the Traditionists' circle. The more these dictionaries were read by

the students of Traditions, the more widely these historians' views were spread. This

was a dilemma for guardians of the Traditions like Ibn a l - ~ a l @ . 'They

~ ~ were well

aware of the danger that the biographical dictionaries posed to the efevated reptation

that the Traditionists were trying to build for the Companions. Yet on the other band

they could not prohibit their students from using these dictionaries since they were

indispensable for studying the Traditions.

This dilemma seems to have confronted the writers of the biographical

dictionmies themseives. It has been said that the paradox of maint aining the 'ad& of

the Companions on one hand and the need to present a m e r account on the biography

of the Companions on the other created ambiguity. This paradox may help to explain

the lack of information on the attitudes of the Companions during the Battle of Siffin in

Ibn Sa'd's biographical dictionary. In other words had there not been such a paradox,

more names might have appeared in the latter's work

ls3 See pp. 19-20.

 CHAPTER III

GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE COMPA.NIONS

In Chapter Two we discussed the importance of the Companions to the

preservation of Prophetic Traditions. Assessing the correctness of these Traditions

depended at l e s t partly on the correct identification of the Companions; hence t h e main

task of the Traditionists was to account for the Cornpanions in such a way that

information on them could be easily accessed by those wanting to learn the Traditions.

In doing so the Traditionists had to overcome many impediments, one of the most

difficult of which was the wide range of the Companions' geographical distribution. The

latter had, aWer all, disperseci widely throughout the ~ m ~ i r eTheir

.' names and other

information conceming them were constantly in danger of disappearance.

If we want to know the settlement patterns of the Companions in the various

regions and other details on their lives we are faced with the same problem: the scarcity

of information. Thus it is fortunate that some scholars like Ibn Sa'd classified the

Companions on the basis of their geographical location. The Companions who iived in

Basra, for example, were placed in one group, as were the Cornpanions who lived in

Kufa, Syria and so on. But as soon we read his work we find out that his List is so

iimited that any comprehensive s t d y of the geographical distribution of the

Companions would be virtually impossible if based solely on his work To fili this gay,

we have to look at other sources. Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, Ibn al-AtEr, al-Dhahabi and Ibn

' Al-HR'kim AI-m&Ü& Me'riîàt 'Cntnla al-Ha&& (Beirut: al-Maktab al-TijS lil-TiWah wa-al-
T a w S wa-al-Nashr, 1977), 24-5; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqit d-Kubd(Beinrt: Dik ai-Si&, n-d.), 2 : 371.
Hajar al-' Asqalani did not arrange the entries in their biographical dictionaria

according to the Companions' geographical distribution. Nevertheless, information

relating to the whereabouts of individual Companions is sometimes ment ioned, although

ody in passing. When ail this information, however, is collected, a rather long list can

be produced. Of course the list is far fkom final, but it may shed more Iight on the

geographical distribution of the Companions.

1- Expressions of Geographical Location

First of al1 it should be pointed out that authors' statements on the settlements

in Iraq, Syria and Egypt varied in ternis of precision. In speaking of Iraq, for example,

they are often very specific about where these Companions actuaily resided. Thus t hey

never Say "sakm8 al-Chiq," buî rather "sakana alalBagrab'' or "sakana al-KÜikh,',"

depending on the city involved. in the case of Syria however these authors are less

consistent. Sometimes they use a general statement like "sakana al-Shik"' and

sometimes a more specific one such as "sakaoa m."As for the early Musüm

settlements in Egypt these authors consistently employ ''Msx"The cases of Syria and

Egypt, therefore, c d for some explmation before we c m fhally decide what these

expressions actually refer to. These issues will be discussed below when we corne to the

subject of settlement. For now it is snfficient to state that whereas in the case of Syria

each term wiil be accepteci according to its literal meaning, i.e., "al-S6Crm" as Syria,

"&as
!i Hims
i& ' so on, in the case of Egypt "Msr,''WUbe identifid as Fustat.
and
 How can we know that a particular Cornpanion îived in a particular place? There

are a number of words employai in the biographical dictionaries to indicate the

geographical location of the Companions. The most important ones are "nazd'"
b'sakana," "y$ nisb~"and"aM" Thus the fact that a Cornpanion Iived in Basra, for

example, might be indicated by the words "sakana al-Bg&,'," "nazida alalBeab,,"

"al-

B-"or "ah2 al-B~aO."Another question that mises is whether each of these words

gives any idea of the length of the time that a particular Cornpanion spent in a particuiar

place. To put it differently: did those of whom it is said "sakana al-B,?g~a.lt" Live longer

in Basra than those descnbed by the phrase "nazala ai-Bqab'? Does "a143~T"or"aol

alalBayrab''indicate that he was a native of Basra, and "sakana a l - B a g d imply that he

was onginaliy fiom another place and then came to raide in Basra? It is not easy to

answer these questions- But analyzing the use of these words in different contexts may

yield some clues.

'Sakma" is certainly one of clearest statements indicating the close relation

between a person and a place. Hence there is no doubt that those who are described as

"sakana a l - B a g d y for example, were indeed long-tenn residents of Basra. To see this

point clearer one can compare the use of " s s k d 9and that of "o~zala"

Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-hfi'ii5 fiMa 'nfat ai"As;liBa (Berut: Dir al-rd, 1992), 3 : 980.

Ibid, 2 : 535.
4
Ibn vajar, af-I@Zw& fi TampZ al-S&ai&d (Beirut: DZr al-Kit* al-'Arabi, n.d.), 2 : 203.
5
Ibn 'Abd al-Ban; al-Isfi'ib, 3 3 11085.
These kinds of statements all point to one interpretation: namely, that "sakana" was

used to indicate the permanent attachment of a person to a place. Unlike "nazali('

which is used to describe a beginning or an intermediary state (see below), "sakaoa"

points to the end of the process. A person ûrst took up residenee in ("nazala") a place,

then later decided whether he wanted to day, dwell (%hum") there or not.

The second expression used to indicate a close geogaphical attachment is the

'lys' oisbab." "SbanUT"for instance indicat es a resident of Syria. Of Abu al-Ghadiy ah al-

find three words used to describe al-Juhani's attachment to Syria: "sakana," "nazda"

and "yi' oisbah." "Sakana al-Sh&" and ' c d - S b ~ T r ' y ' here
y bring the same message

that Abu al-Ghidiyah permanently resided in Syria.

In 0th- places the " y 2 ois&&'' gives more information, Le., the place of ongin:

Ibid., 3 : 1127.

'Ibid.,l : 238.
a Ibid., 3 : 1075.

Ibid.,2: 618.

'O Ibid., 4 : 1725.

11
Ibn Hajar, al-I~a3&,4 4 74.

lZ Ibid,2 :417.
 "2b u R ubm - .. Kufi a m d a al-Shim." '
e: These sentmcn tell us that AbÛ R81ic, who was originally from Medina, resided in
# Basra. Likewise 'Abd al-Rahman ibn Ys'mar was originally from Mecca but resided in

Kufa. Tbis means that oot d l the people of Mecca ("MakE"), for example, resided

("sakaa8'or " n a d a " ) t h e . 'Abd aCR@m&nwas a Meccan but resided in Kufa. Al-

IârÜd ibn al-Mu'alli al-' Ahdi resided in Babrayn but was still counted as a Rasran ("qsd

kina s a k m B al-Babrayn wa-likinnahu yucaddu fi aH'?asn7jr'n').' OC YaZd ibn al-

Mundhir, Ibn Hajar says, "Basn sakana Mi$r thumma I ~ ~ fdumma

i y raja
~ 'a il.& al-

H e was originally h m Basra, then he resided in Egypt and then in Afnca

~ap-sb."'~

(Tunisia), before finally returning to Basra.

The same author however can somctime give rather arnbiguous information. Of

'Ubayd ibn Duhayy, Ibn 'Abd abBarr says, " ' m a y d i h Pubayy al-Ahdam< Bagi:

sakana a ~ - ~ a ~ a h ~
Since
" " usu~lly only one expression is used to describe the

geographical base, Le., in tbis case either "&szf"or "sakma aI-Ba&f," the use of both

expressions for a single persoa by the same author arouses curiosity. The statement

implies that there were people who were Basrrrns but did not reside in Basra. Thus t o

awid any misunderstanding, ibn 'Abd al-Barr underlines that 'Ubayd was a Basran and

still resided in Basra, not somewhere else. Ibn 'Abd abBarr's information on Ayman ibn

'' Ibid.,3 : 254.

l4 Ibid., 4 : 72.

l5 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istffïb, 1 : 263.

l6 Ibn ilajar, d-Igfiah, 3 : 625.

'' Ibn 'Abd al-Barr. d-islT*&, 3 : 1016.

Khuraym even explicitly supports the argument that the " y 2 mSba6" was used to

indicate "d'a& that is the place of origin: "Ruwa SbanU7al-@ rida al-~i~fab."'~
On

the other hand, in stating where Yazd ibn al-Akhnas resided, Ibn al-AtGr says "@Ibn

Sa 'd sakaaa al-KILfab, wwaqale &aynrOn s'&&."~~

For Ibn al-Athir to have used "y2

nisba0" opposite ''sakana'' in such a construction, he m u t have u n d e r s t d that "yi'

msbab" has the same meaning as ''sakana," Le., that both describe the permanent

geographical residence.

Having said t ha<,we stiIl have to remember that not all instances of "yi' oisbah"

indicate origin. There is a dispute among our authors as to whether Rabic& ibn Rawa'

al-'Ansi and Rabi'ah ibn Rawh al-'Ansi are actualiy one person. Ibn Hajax believes that

these two names actually refer to the same person. His argument is that there was a

tas&'f (misreading) of his father's name (Rawh being a mimeading of Rawi' or vice

versa). Lbn abAtEr however argues that the two names refer to two pefsons. For him,

Rabi'& ibn Rawa' is not the same as Rab:' ah ibn Rawh. After seeing the Prophet, Ibn

aLAthir continues, while the former returned to his country, the latter resided in Medina

and thus came to be called ~adani?' The relevant point for our discussion is that

although Rabi'ah ibn Rawh was not originally from Medina, nonetheless he is descrïbed

in the sources as Madani. Qays ibn al-Haytham is said to be "ShaW(a Syrian) and

V?ag2i7"(a Basran) at the same time.21 It is of course impossible that both Basra and

l8 Ibid., 1 : 129.

Jlm a b A t f i , Crsdal-GhàbahffMa2 f . f a l - S @ a i ([Caire]: al-Sha'b, [1970]-1973), 5 :474-5.

'O Ibn Hajar, al-Igi&&, 1 : 495.

'' "Qays ibn al-Hayt6am a/-Sb-d-B--" ( Ibn 'Abd M a r r , d-hfI"a3,3 : 1302).

Syria here should both refer to the land of his birth. One must be his place of origin,

while the other mwt be the place where he came to settle later on. It is not easy to

decide which one is which.

The third expression which fimctions exactly as "yi' msbab" is "&l"Like "y2

nisbd,'' ''Mm
indicates in the first place a close @emianent) relationship between a

person and a place, then also points to origin. It is said of Bila1 ibn al-Ijkith: "Bilaiian

t&amalii ili al-Bsqr.(Bila ibn al-HSth al-Mua& is a native of Medina ... he used

~ Malik ibn 'Atahiyah it is

to reside outside of Medina and then he moved to ~ a s r a ) . "Of

counted among the native Cornpanions of M@rZ1

and there he re~ided)."~~
On other

occasions " d 2 " is also used to indicate originality:

Ibn Hajar, al-&a& 1 : 168.

O n the meaning of see pp. 15 1-2.

24 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isttl"a%,3 3 1354.

25
Ibn Hajar, a i - f 4~: 136.
~

26 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, a/-lstI"Loa,2 : 630.

27 Ibid., 2 :486; "mia aa/ al-Ma&&, n a d . .d-Ba@** (Ibn al-At E, Crsdal-Gha%& 2 : 202)

Ibn &At&, WUsd d-G.8%ab9 2 : 473.

ïbid., 3 : 201.
Abu 'Aqrab who was originally fiom Mecca, SuQin ibn 'Abd AU& who was originally

fiom Ta'i5 and Rib* ibn &Rabib, Sahl ibn Sakhr and 'Abd AU& ibn al-Harith who

were originally from Medina, ail came to Basra to stay there.

Unlike "sakmiq" "y2 nisbd "and "4""nazala " is used to indicate several
different types of geographical attachent. M e n we were discussing the use of

"sakma"we noticed that "nwIa" is employed as an expression indicating a temporary

stay. However, Ibn Sa'd uses "n~aIa"in the heading of some sections of his book, al-

Tabaqit al-KuM For example, the Compnions who resided in Kufa are grouped under

the heading "Tmmiyr Mm Nazala al-KSd min Rasa A/I&.''~* Here the verb

" o d ~ ~ I ais" aven the same force as "sakma,"" y 2 msbd'and "ab1." Nevertheless we

read the following of al-Zibirqin ibn Badr: "kruia y ~ d a l uaqi Bani Tdm bi-bâ&'yat

al-Bagra wa-kha y d u al-Bq& kath>m."31The fùsî 'lyriazld' indicates that the

permment home of al-Zibirqin was in the desert ("bidiyre6") outside of Bssra, while

the second is used only to inform us that he ofien spent some time in Basra. Had it

meant that al-Zibirqân also resided in Basra permanently (so that he had two permanent

homes: one in the desert and the other in Basra) the word c'kath3m"would have not

been used here. The description would have been like that made of Tha'labah ibn al-

Hakam al-Laythi, "nazda al-Biqmhw a - d - ~ t t f i ' "

or~that of Abu Faimah al-Laythi,

"sakana al-Sh* wa-sakana M q ay~da,'"~or that of 'Umayr ibn al-Aswad al-'Ad,

30
ibn S ab&al-Tabaqâi, 6 : S.

''Al-Dhahabx TajfidAsma' al-S&a-b& ed. Siil* 'Abd a l - H a k Sharaf al-l% (Bombay: Sharaf al-
D% al-Kutubi, 1960-70). 1 : 66.
33 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istrr"a%,4 :1726.
explicitly t hat these people had two fixed cesidences.

Sometimes we are able to discover how long a person had to spend in a place in

order for the term "nazida" to be used in reference to it. This is the case with Ibn Hajar's

statement: "Shurayo ibn al-@Üffb ... n d a alalB~rmb

sabc sin51."~~Here we leani

specifically that Shurayh ibn al-Hârith resided seven years in Basra and that bis stay

could stiil be describeci as "nazala" In another instance this kind of information is

obtained indirectly. Ibn Sa'd counts Khuzaymah ibn Thibit among the Cornpanions who

resided in Kufa. His arriva1 in Kufa and the time of his death are both recorded.

"Xbazaymab ibn nibit mh al-AasG wa-yukai A b i 'Umrual, w a - h m D b u al-

Sbabidatap, waqa&ma al-küfiab ma'. 'AEibn AbT Taüb M m yazal ma 'du &?ta
qutjla bi-SiEn s m t sab' ws-16al'hi, wa-f-laou This is a l l the information that

Ibn Sa'd provides for Khuzaymah ibn Thibit. Since Khuzaymah was one of the Ans&,

we c m safely assume that he originally resided in Medina before going to Kufa with

'Ali.'M left Medina in the year 361656. He entered Kufa about a month afier Jamal,

which took place in Jimiida al-Akhir 36/656. viffin on the other band occwed between

DhÜ al-Wah 36/656 and Safar 37/657.If Khuzaymah was killed at the end of the

Battle of Siffin, this would have made his effective residence in Kufa one of only seven

or eight months, or perhaps men less since he had already left Kufa for Siffin before

.- - --..- . .

34
ibn Hajar, a ( - @ i 3 : 120.

'' Ibid., 2 : 144.

l6 Ibn Sa'd, el-T'baqüt, 6 : 5 1.
Dhü al-viaah 361656. For this length of stay, Ibn Sa'd considered the verb nazaIa

appropriate.

Thus as far as "am&' is concerned, we can Say that it was the most flexible

expression available to Ibn Sacd and others. It covers a wide variety of residential

concepts: a short visit, as in the case of Sahiin al-Farisi, "fa-kGaidtiinazala aI-Sh&

nazela ' d i A b i al-~10rdZ';""repeated short visits as in the case of al-Zibirqk ibn Badr

abuve and in that of 'Uuuân ibn al-mayn, "aslama qadfman ... wa-lam y d fi bilid

~ ~ W I L Z wa-ydaz121
I~IÙ il' d-Madinidi katbI'rm ila ao qubida al-Nabi (he converted to

Islam early ... yet he remained in the land of his tribe and often visited Medina untif the

Prophet died);'"' a seven or eight months' stay as in the case of Khuzaymah ibn Thabit;

a seven years' stay a s in the case of Shurayh ibn al-Hirith; and even an unspecified

permanent stay as in the case of those whose geographical status çould just as easily

have been describeci by the words "sekena," "ya' orsbab" and "dl"

Another due to an individual's geographical base can be found in references to

occupations such as those of w a and qi& occupations which led to many people being

sent to particula. regions. In such cases the length of the stay vatied. Shurayh ibn H s t h

held the office of pi& in Kufa for fifty-three ~ e a r sOthers

. ~ ~ held such posts for as Little

as a year. One of the recommendations in 'Umar's testament (w&y&) was not to

install someone in an office for longer than one ~ e a r . ~This

' was of course in order to

37 ibn 'Abd al-Barr, ai-Isti'iB, 2 : 637.

38
Ibn S a ' 4 d-?àbaq81., 7 : 9.

''Ibn Hajar, al-Is&ad, 2 : 144.

40 Ibid., 2 :352.
prcvcnt pcoplc fiom accumulating powcr, whcthcr political or cconomic. But no mattcr

how shoa a timc thcy rcsidcd in a givcn placc, it still givcs us clucs as to gcographical

distribution and pattcrns of alignmcnt. \Vas a pcrson who hcld an officc in a givm placc

act ually identified with that place, so much so that te- such as "sakt117a9'or "d'could

be applied to them? Of S a Z n ibn 'Abd Allah al-Thaqafi, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr says,

"ma S aal al-Ta'it f d u $t@bab wa-simi' wa-~*wiy&~

k . a 'amiI Li- 'Umar ibn al-

ma~!,&
'& al-mxwaUBiiru 'alaybi id& ' d a 'UtOmii~ibn Abr' al-'& '&& wa-

nagala 'Uiomii ibn al-'& hTna'idEn ila al-B&raynY yucaddu fi al-BagfyI'n (he was

coimted as one of the people of Tâ'if, he had Companionship, had heard something

(fiom thc Prophct) and narratcd (somcthing fiom thc Prophct), hc was a govcrnor of

'Umar in Ta'& appointed there as the govemor when 'Umar dismissed 'Uthman ibn Ab?

al-'& fiom thc p s t and movcd thc lattcr to Bahrayn, and was countcd among thc

people of ~ a s r a ) . ' ~Here

' Su.@& ibn 'Abd A U 1 is associated with two places Ti'if

("a61 al-s'if ") and Basra ("al-Bq'jiTnY').As for Ti'if two terms of description are

used: "ab19'and"wd&." From the text itseE it is not clear whether he was counted as

a man of TZ'if because he was the wiLF of Tii'if or because he was originally fiom

He might already have resided in Ta'if before he became its w a This cannot be

solved until information cornes to light as to where he was born, T6'if or Basra. Were

WC ablc to dccidc, for cxnmplc, that Basra was his placc of origin, WC could thcn

determine that in fact there is a positive relation between beiag a w&of a place and

bccoming an inhabitant of that placc. Or could WC dccidc that Basra was his

4' Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-Isfl&, 2 2: 630.

"hometown" based on the fact that bis tribe Thaqlf was one of the major tribes in

Basra? (See Table IV).

Some other expressions, though raxely used, indicate different degrees of

geographical attachment. When a person i s reported to have moved (tdawwala,

i o ~ a g d a )to~ ~a particular place, this new place might be considered as his new

permanent residence. The same is true of the word "mie," (meaning "part of' or

"lkbtigta" is another expression of geographical attachent. It has been

"fr~m'").~~

debated whether Mit!& is an expression used to refer to a well-planned city or a chaotic

and un-planned fity." Without going into t h e details of this debate, we would point out

that khi?!& also indicates the nght of a person to a piece of Land without involving

: ~ the time of the expansion of Islam this nght was given to persons who
o w n e ~ s h i ~At

had participated in the coquest." Hence, t h e existence of A&@ta6 dates back to this

It does not follow however that a person who was entitled to a

original c~nstruction.~'

42 Some examples of this are: Haml ibn Malik,"ta&nvale ila' d-Sa~ab** (Ibn Sa'd, al-Tahqit, 7 :
33); Ma'qil ibn Yasiir, "'r&aww-da d i al-B&** (ibid, 7 : 14); ThEbit ibn al-Dahbak, "iataqda iIZ id-
Ba+&* (h u,al-Iyaah,I : 27 1).
'Abd al-Barr, d-Isflai, 1 :205; Ibn Hajt
43
For examplle, Maysarah al-Fajr, who is described as ''ioa'& al-Basd* (al-Dhahabl, T'jkZd 2 :
99)-
For this discussion see Jamei Akbar, "Kha!ta and the Temtorial Structure of Early Muslim
Towns," in M q m - 6 (1989): 22-32, and the work cited there.

'' That there was a relation between the conquest and the distribution of Eai?&z4ccaa be seea in the
foilowing examples. Ka'b ibn 'Adi: "&&da l2@ MI+ w~-iEbtar.tabibi" (Ibn Hajar, al-I@i25& 3 : 283),
'Abd AU& ibn 'Udays: "dahida fi@ M g wa-Iabu bibi k6itfab** (Ibid, 2 : 336), Busr ibn : a
.
"shpaida fi@ MF weiEbt&ia bibi" (Tbid., 1 : 152), B e u r ibn l?ubuL:"&aaida fst. MF wa-I'kotatt~
bhi" (Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-IstI'ai, 1 : 189). However this was not dways the rule. Sometimes a k&t@&
could be bought, as in the case of YaPd ibn Asad who bought a W[tabin Kufa (Ibn Sacd,d-T&baq$, 7 :
428).

*' AR. Guest, "The Foimdation of Fustat and the Khittahs of that Town," Journal of the R o y d
- Bn'tah and kimd (ianuary, 4 9O7), 57.
Asiatic Society of G
k&&tab in a place necessarily resided t h t ~ e , ~or' even had a home t here." Likewise the

expression "aqfa 'a" Having an igtZ in a place did not necessarily mean that a certain

person resided in that place. Furit ibn Hayyin had an iqta' in B a a y n , but resided in

~ u f a'O .

So far we have discussed the expressions which positively relate a person to a

particular place. It would also be useful to know what expressions tend to indicate

geographical attachent but which in fact do not, or do not always do so. One example

~ (he has a house)." Having a house in a particdar place does

is the expression u l dd&

not always indicate that the owner of the house stayed there. So although Shaqrin had a

house in Basra, he resided (sakana) in ~edina." Zinbâgh ibn Salbah, although he had

a home in Damascusywas nonetheless counted as a ~alestinian? Also the place of death

cannot be used as an indication of domicile. Those who died or were buried in Basra

cannot be said to have lived there. (We do not include people like al-Harith ibn

48
Or vice versa: those who stayed in a place did not necessarily have a kf@,iahthere. Abu Musiim al-
Sadafi resided ia Egypt but he did not possess a &#di in that region (IbnHajar, a/-I$h&, 1 : 217).

*' Abu 'Abd al-Ralpniin al-Fihn had a k6i#Lnb in Egypt, but did not buiid anything except a fence
around it. He left for Syria and died there. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Fu@ MIS wa-AA&&&& ed. Charles C .
Torrey (New Haven: Yale University Press, ad.), 135.
50
Ibn vajar, al-Issu 3 : 195.

*'ibid., 2 : 150.
52
ibn Hajar, a/-I@iilpa,1 : 533. Thawbh ibn Bujdud had three houses-one in Egypt, one in Hims and
one in Ramadiah-but the house wtiere he Iived permanently was the one located in Ramailah (Ibn ai-
At=, Usdal-Ghai& 1 : 296).
Mukhshin in the list for Basra for this reas~n).'~
Ka'b ibn 'Ujrah died in Medina, but he

did not stay there. He resided in ~ufâ."

One might imagine that there would be a relationship between the place where a

person's Traditions circulated and the place where he iived. Those whose Traditions

circulated in Syria, for example, must have lived in Syria too. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's

account of AbÜ S a l d seems to support this idea According to him, Abu Salma was

Syrian because his Traditions were SHan, "yu'addu Abu .S'alma fi al-Sb&tGyLu fi-anna

fia(i?fb&u Sb& -m But this was not the case, or at least not an indication that we c m

rely on. According to Ibn abAthIr, both Ibn Mandah and Abc Nu' aym committed this

kind of mistake exactly because they thought that there was a relationship between the

piace where a Tradition was circulated and the place where the Companion lived. Ibn

Mandah and AbÜ Nu'aym reporteci e: Tradition from Hawshab containhg the Prophet's

pronouncement about the dead body of a boy. Learning that the Tradition of Hawshab

had been brought fkom Egypt, they thought that Hawshab himself must have been an

Egyptian (h?i$z$ and based on this, they decided that this Hawshab must have been

different from Hawshab DhÜ Zulaym, who was a Syrina (Sb&). Ibn al-Athir demurred.

He said that the boy had died in Hirns. m s h a b , who witnessed the dead body, must

also have been in Hims too. Tbn Mandah and AbÜ Nu'aym should not have thought that

there was another Hawshab who was an ~ g y ~ t i a nFor

. ' ~ a similar reason Ibn Hajar could

Ibn 'Abd &Ban, al-IsfI"&, 3 : 1321.

55 Ibid., 4 : 1673.
not establish firmly that 'Ariis ibn resideà in Syria merdy on the b a i s of

information that his Traditions had circulated in ~ y r i a . "

Io the third part of this chapter we will analyze not only tribal alignment but
also how various expressions were used to describe the cornation of the Companions to

three centers of geographical distribution, Le., Iraq O(ufa ami Basra), Syria (including

Damascas, Palestine and Hims) and Egypt. The purpose is to see the pattern of

distribution of the Companions, and to reveal the degree of connection of the

Companions to these places. The tribal alignment of the Companions a h allows us to

see the heterogeneity of these Companions in certain regions. Which tnbes were

dominant in a particular place and why? And later, in Chapter Four, the question

becomes: Who was supported by the dominant tnbes in a place like Kufa or Syxia-'AG

or MuCEwiyah?And why?

2. Motives for Settlement.

At least nine principal motives can be detected behind the settlement of

Cornpanions in different regions. First, the call for Hijrah; second, Jihad; third, socio-

economic reasons; fourth, social status; fifth, officia1 appointment; sixth, the death of
e

important figures; seventh, family; eighth, politics; and ninth, expuision. While the first

four are very important the last five are awdiary.

First, let us consider the importance of the call for Hijrah. To understand the

major impetus behind the spread of the Companions and their settlement in different
places we might start by iooking at how Islam emerged in seventh century Arabia. The

hostility that met the first appearance of Islam gave the Prophet and the Cornpanions no

other choice buî to migrate. Their 1oyaIt.y to the Prophet meant a change in foriune.

They found themselves hated and resented by their fnends and families. The treatment

was so bad that they were forced to leave Mecca and to migrate to Habashah, Ta'if and

finally Medina Hence migration-designated by the term Hijrah-was an important part

of Islamic history.

There are at least three reasons why the Prophet encouraged the new converts to

emigrate to and settle in Medina First of all their safety was ofien in jeopardy. To

become a Muslim was to break with the whole system on which pre-Islamic society was

built and it created enmity between them and their own tribes and families. Medina

represented a safe haven. Second, as new couverts of a religion, which was being

revealed, their presence in Medina was a necessity if they wanted to keep karning and

practicing Islam in their daily life. The final reason why the Prophet encouraged his

new followers to migrate to Medina was related to his long-term plans. The future of his

religion would lie in his success at building a strong and compact society on which all

bis mission would rely. This aim wuld hardly have been realized with his new followers

scattered all over the place. The call of the Prophet to migrate was heard by his

followers. A great niimber of new Musiims came to Medina either individually or in

groups. Thus we are told that the whole of the Ban6 'A& tribe, seventy men in al1 ("wa-

hum rab'& r+la9'), moved fiom Mecca to Medina, so that "nobody was left in

~ecca''~~

58 Rm 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istr"&, 1 : 294; Ibn al-At& U d d - G b a w 1 :408.

 The cal1 o f the Prophet to new converts to migrate was so strong that at one

time being Muslim and being a Muhijir (a migrant) were virtually the same thing. To be

a Muslim meant t o perform Hijrah. The Prophet himself explicitly says this. When al-

Kabbàb ibn 'Abd al-FazZ asked the Prophet what his command was ("Mi

ra ' m r n d " ) , the Prophet said, ''Be a Muslim and migrate! (Tuslmthumma t ~ @ ~ r ) ) . " ~ ~

This statement had been interpreted to mean that those who did not migrate could not

be counted as Muslims C ' f i lsl&a &-mm liHiirata ldd'), and therefore must perish
("mmlm halaka")." It is precisely this kind of thought that caused deep

worries for those who chose not to migrate after becoming Muslim. The problem must

had been widespread enough t o induce some of the new converts like SafwZn ibn

Umayyah al-Qurash7 and Fudayk al-Zubaydi to go to the Prophet to ven@ their

position. To S a m the Prophet said %bat there was no Hijrah after the conquest of

Mecca ("lé? Hijrata ba 'ci &-Fa@ '), while to Fudayk he said, "Pray, pay the Zakàh,

migrate fiom the bad things, and stay in the land of your tnbe as you wish (aqim ai'-

@Z& wa-ati al-z&& wa-ubjmal-si' wa-uskunmio a@ qawmik u shi 'ta)."61M a t

this telis us is that, first of all, the Prophet's command t o perfonn Hijrah elapsed after

the Conquest of Mecca; and second, fiom this time onwards Hijrah acquired a new

59
Ibn Hajar, al-I@i?kdi, 1 :30 1.

Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, d'Ist3'8a, 2 2 720.

Ibid.; 3 : 1268.
 Since the prohibition of Hijrah was declared at the time of the Conquest of

Mecca, we c m consider it a reaction to a sudden explosion of enthusiasm among

Meccans. It was said earlier that the wish of the Prophet to build a strong community

necessitated a large number of people who could be at his disposal at any time he

needed. Shortly before the Conquest of Mecca this t arget must have been achieved. His

success in conquering Mecca without a battle would have been unthinkable had the

Quraysh not been faced with a force too large to resist. In other words, the Prophet had

been able to gather in his hands so much manpower that the Meccans did not even dare

to challenge him. This meant that his previous command to migrate to Medina became

irrelevant.

Thus, a sudden migration in great numbers was not only no longer necessary but

would have in fact created social imbalance both in Medina and in Mecca QurasG

parents even cornplaine. to the Prophet because their youngsters want ed to perform

Hijrah to Medina when they did not want them to leave. This was quite a dilemma for

the Prophet. On the one hand he codd not simply suppress the youngsters' enthusiasm

for Hijrah, but on the other hand he also understood what these youngsters meant, both

economically and emotionally, to their parents. The solution was an extension of the

meaning of Hijrah. "No Hijrah &er the Conquest (of Mecca), now it becomes Jihad and

nrjd ( L i w a t a bacd al-fatb wa-inaama huwa al-JIï&idwa-l~l-miah).'~

Myab

(intention) was benceforth regarded as quivalent to Hijrah, and so was Jihad. This

psychologicd way out of a sudden emotional explosion does not seem to have

- - -

62 Ibn Hajar, al-&a- 3 : 183.

 invalidated the whole idea of Hijrah. That is to Say, in normal circumstances Hijrah

continued to go on in spite of official opinion. 'Ilaîmah ibn Abi Iahl ran away to Yemen

when the Conquest of Mecca occurred, but later he came to the Prophet with his wife

seeking to become a Muslim, and the Prophet addressed him as ~ u h i i j i r Thus

. ~ ~ while

the original Hijrah was maintained, its meaning was extended.

The inclusion of Jihad in Hijrah opens the vast subject area of the destination of

emigration. The original destination was certainly Medina. When Hijrah after the

Conquest of Mecca became a major issue and was thought to be an integral part of being

Muslim, some Ansir came to the Prophet to make him a pledge to perform the rite. Of

course the Prophet refised. 'You Ansir do not [have to] go anywhere to perform Hijrah;

in fact, others corne t o you in performing ~ i j r a h . "With

~ the emergence of a new

meaning of Hijrah, however, which included the obligation to perform Jihad, there was

no longer any reason for the Ansir not to pursue either duty. Frontier States like Syna

and gamson cities such as Basra and Kufa became the preferred destinations. Abu

Shurayh al-Khuzâ'i, a Companion, had moved fiom Medina to Kufa in order to be closer

to the campaigns Cc&-yadouamio al-ghazw').65

Second, there was the motivation of Jihad. Coupled with Hijrah, Jihad was the

second major drive behind the geographical distribution of the Companions. According

to early authorities like Mujihid, al-?al&Gk, Ibn 'Abbis, 'Unvah ibn al-Zubayr, Zayd

Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isfi'a3,3 : 1082

Ibn Hajar, al-Isaaah, I : 278; Ibn ai-Athir, Wsd al-Gh&& 1 :393; 2 :73.

'' Al-Tabafi, TZ%ii al-Umm ,va-al-Md* ed. Nukhbah min al-'Ularnâ' al-AjiilZ* (Beinit:
Mu'assasat al-A'lanG liI-Matbü'it, ad,), 3 : 326.
ibn Aslam, Muqiitil ibn Hayyb and Qatidah, the first Qur'kic verse allowing Muslims

to undertake Jihad is 22:39? "Sanction is given unto those who fight becanse they have

been wronged; and Allah is indeed able to give them victory." Aïthough this verse could

be interpreted as refemng to the universal right of people to resist oppression, no metter

when and where, the revelation of this verse was tied to the banishment of the Prophet

The ill treatment by the Quraysh of the Prophet and his

and his ~orn~anions.~'

Cornpanions had been going on since the first cal1 of the Prophet. But God's permission

to fight was only given after they had migrated to Medina. The reason is

understandable. It might have spelled disaster if the Muslims, who were at that time still

weak, had k e n encouraged to fight back So the moral of this verse is that the

permission to fight was only given, first of au, when the Muslims had been wronged,

and second, once they had sufficient strength to face their enemies. Strength was gained

through the institution of Hijrah.

Hence we could safely Say that during the early part of the Prophet's life the

triad Islam - Hijrah - Jihad was in some respects a crucial matter of doctrine. To

embrace Islam one had to perform Hijrah, while Hijrah was a necessity for Jihad. Those

who could not boast o f at least one of the three were not considered true believers. The

Q w ' h criticizes the Arabs who converted to Islam but refused to perform Hijrah and

consequently did not join in Jihad (49: 14-15, 8:72). B a once Medina was filleci with

Ibn Katfiir, Tafsii~&Qrn'Zbal-'@ (Beirut: Dir al-Ma'rifab, 1987). 3 :235.

67 See Ibn Kathir, T h .2 : 236-237;al-ShawW, Fa@ al-QadU, ai-fatni* hyna FBZLI~BYal-Riwt+wii

ws-al-Dinoid min 'Ilm &Ta& (Beirut: Dk al-Fikr, 1983). 3 : 456-457; al-Tabaii, 3 ,' al-Bay& 'an
T a ' d iy &Qur'&, e d MaipGd Mdymmad ShaLir and -ad Muipmmad Shakir (Cairo: Diir al-
Ma'iüiE, nd), 17 : 123; al-Qu$ubZ d-3&ni4Ir-&. al-Qw'G (Cairo: Dk al-Kit* aEbArabiyah,
1967). 12 : 69.
people, Islam ceased to be ideatified with FIijrah. One couid still be a g d Muslim

without moving to Medina but one stili had to answer the Prophet's call to Jihad. So,

although Islam ceased to be identified with Hijrah, it continued to be identified witb

Jihad.

After the death of the Prophet, when a series of military campaigns was

launched, the identification of Islam, Hijrah and Jihad came up again. 'Umar's

instruction to Sacd ibn Ab: WaqqG afier the Battle of JalÜla' (14/635) is instructive in

showing the close relation between these three concepts. "Establish for the Muslim the

place for Hijrah and Jihad (ittakaidb li-d-mmIim% d& Bjrb wa-maazll ~ i b i 4 , an
"~~

instruction which was Mer given substance with the establishment of Kufa. So the

people of Kufa, like those of Basra, who no longer participated in further conquests and

settled in the conquered lands, are called "people who left their Hijrah (taraka

' ~ ~ Muslims on the hntiers, moreover, were h o w n as ~uhiijiriin."

h T @ r a t d ~ ) .The

Thus aLNu$ayr ibn al-Harth, who went to Syria to perform Jihad, is described as a

Muhâjir, "kharaja il5 alalShiinrnUa&an wa-shabida Y u m a waqutila bibi"'' The

same is true of Jundab ibn al-NuCrniinal-Azdi ("hijara ila al-Shah fikhiI&t

and Jwvays ibn al-Nibighah al-GhanaWi ('%ha rnub&Xmh il' a l - S h h fa-kaoa maCa

69 Ibid., 3 :241.
70
For example ibid-, 2 : 607;3 : 262. See also Khaiid Yahya Blankinship's footnote to his translation
~ id-Taban< vol. 11, me Chdmge to the Empues, translated and annotated
of al-Tabarï, ZBe H s t o of
by Khalid Yahya BIsnlcinship (Aibany State University of New York Press, I992), 121.
71
Ibn vajar, al-I+ihh, 3 : 528.

* Ibid. 1 : 252.
al-uzuar8' '7." Although in the last two examples there is no explicit reference to their

participation in battles, the fact that Jundab went to Syria in the time of 'Umar and that

Juways was among the army's leaders ('mari')indicates that they were engaged in

Jihad. The fiontiers or the places whence the campaigns were lamched were called d&

al-HiErah Kufa was identified as a destination for Hijrah after the (Prophet's) Hijrah

("lil-EZlzh ba 'd al-~i]rd").'~ Now, as had happened in the early time of the Prophet,

those who perfomed Hijrah and settled in the new cities Like Basra and Kufa were

considered more faithful than the nomadic Arabs. Again the criterion was their

involvement in Jihad. Choosing to settle in these garrison cities meant committing

themselves to be sent to meet the e n d e s of I s l m at any time and anyvhere, whereas

the nomadic Arabs were not in the same position.

The third motive behind Hijrah-Jihad was socio-economic in nature. By

committing themselves to be sent to fight the enemy, those who settled in these cities

were certainly entitled to any booty acquired. The nomadic Arabs on the other hand did

not have this right. It is reporteci that whenever the Prophet sent an army, he instructed

them to give the enemy t h . choices, one of which was to convert to Islam and to

perform Hijrah, in the event of which their rights and obligations would be similar to

those of the MuhajirÜn; if they converted to Islam but refùsed to perform Hijrah, they

were to be considered like the nomadic Arab Muslims fa'rab al-Mmlim'o) who did not

74
Al-Tabafi, T .al-Umam, 3 : 160. Gautier. H.A. Juynboll sees the Grst "al-Hiid" in "H-fijra6
'd al-Hijrah" as "'the technicd term conveying that one enkaces the cause of Islam by giving up one's
links with one's tribe and throwing one's lot with the Musiims." See JuynbolZ's note in al-Tabd, me
HIsfory o f &Ta& vol. 13, n e Cunquest of hq,Southwestern Pemià, md E m t , translated and
m o t ated by Gautier H.A. Juynboll (Albany State University of New York Press, 1989), 95.
have right to share booty unless they participated in lihad.'' Sura 8: 72 says: "Lo! those

who believed and lei3 their homes [ha/mi and strove ÿabadcij with theV wealth and

their lives for the cause of Allah, and those who took them in and helped them: these are

protecting fiends one of another. And those who believed but did not leave their homes

[iiuaazi w a - 2 [email protected]& ye have no duty to protect them till they leave their homes;

but if they seek help fiom you in the matter of religion then it is your duty to help

(them) except against a folk between whom and yourselves t here is a treaty." The verse,

while basically giving fieedom to the new converts to choose between staying home or

leaving (to perform Hijrah), expIains the disadvantage of staying home: they might be

lefi unprotected. This meant that, economicaLly speaking, t here was no security for their

wealth. Once they were attacked, their possessions would become the booty of the

attackers. Even if they couid remain in safety they were still in danger of losing one of

their key economic rights: inlieritance. Interpreting this verse, AbÜ 'Ubayd says that

blood relatives who do not perfom Hijrah are excluded fkom mut ual i~heritance.'~

Success in opening up vast new lands meant the accumulation of great wealth in

Medina. Nevertheless an important question arose: Should the booty be distributed only

to those who performed Hijrah and to those who participated in Jihad, leaving the rest

of the Muslini community unrewarded? 'Umar rnust have seen it as an injustice, because

he decided to change the rule. Under his policy, ali Muslims, whether or not they had

- ''The other choices were to p a y j . & and to fight. See Ab6 'Ubayd, Kitai al-Amwa ed. 'AM al-
'Ali Muhanni (Beirut: Dâr al-Hadathah, 1988), 220.

''Ibid., 223-4.
gone on Hijrah or participated in Jihad, were entitled to 'a,&" However, as far as the

MuhijirÜn were concemed, his new policy did not change: they had more right to the

'afa' than other Muslims. 'Umar was report ed to have said "Whoever hastens to Hijrah,

he hasteas to 'ah? '' and vice versa ("Mao asra 'a ila aZ-Hi~raOarra 'a bi6i al-'afa' wa-

man akta 'a 'an d-UIjhdia&.a'a ' d u id- 'ara' meaning that the earlier one

performed Hijrah the more economic benefits one received. Thus according to the dlw&

that 'Umar established for the purpose of controlling the distribution of wealth, those

who migrated early to Medina (al-Mub$ihh al-awwdh), for example, is the second

group of Muslims (the first group being the wives of the Prophet) to be given prïority.'9

This was the policy that Abu Bakr had refused to institute. In the face of heavy

~nticism,'~AbÛ Bakr had decided to distribute the wealth equally among the people,

regardless of age, sex or soçiai status.

When the meaning of Hijrah was extended so that it included also those who had

moved fiom their homelands to the new cities like Basra and Kufà, 'Umar's policy

remained unchanged. He preferred the new MuhGjirÜn, Le., the inhabitants of the cities

(dlal-amstüor a61 a l - ~ i i r dover

) the nomadic Arabs. When one of these Arabs (rajul

mio abl d-biiiiydi) came to him to ask for his share (rizi),'Umar refused. "No, by God,

77 On the legal discussion surrounding why 'Umar chose not to foiiow literdy Qur'ànic guidance and
Prophetic Tradition in this case see ibid., 221-30.

78 Ibid., î30-3 1.

His critics argue that Abu Bakr should have taken into consideration the fact that they were a
people who had converted to Islam eariier (and thetefore should be treated differently). Abü Bakr's reply
was that while one should acknowledge their m ue , it is only AUah who should bestow on them a
reward. As fa.as daily life was concemed, equality was better. See Abü YuSuf, Ki'r3 ai-Kûmi (Cairo:
al-Matbasah al-Saiafiyah wa-Maktabatuha, 1352 H.), 42.
1will not give you it untilI have given all the people of the city (ab1 d-hâpirab) [their

share]."" The same thing happened when 'Utbah ibn Ghazwân, afier the Battle of ai-

Ubullah (14/635), went to Medina to see 'Umar. During his absence he ordered Mujishic

to take over his govemorship in Kufa. On leaming of this, 'Umar became very angry. He

said, "YOUare assigning a Bedouin (rqiu.2mia abl al-wa&& over city dwellers (aol al-

ma da^)?^' 'Umar then appointai al-MugtiÙah ibn Shu'bah to take over the psiiion of

Mujkhi' and c o n h e d him when 'Utbah died on the way back to ICnfag2
How c m n e

explain this policy? What was it that made 'Umar think that urban dwellers had more

right to the wealth than the nomadic Asabs? In the case of the first Muhijirin-that is,

those who emigrated to Medina at the time of the Prophet-we might easily understand

'Umar's preference for them. They were the k t people to answer the Prophet's call

and to suffer fiom the maltreatment of th& own tribes, the fîrst to be driven away fiom

their own homes. What was the achievement of the second Muhàjirün-i.e., those who

migrated to the new settlements-compared to this?

To answer this question, it must first of aU be remembered that those who

settled in these cities were basically warriors. The veterans of al-Madi'in had moved to

Kufa, Basra, Damascus, Hims, Jordan, Palestine and ~gypt." In the case of Kufa and

Basra,these cities were built especially for them so that they codd be easily mobilized
whenever needed. When they were sent to fight, the land that they conquerd and the

Abu 'Ubayd, Kit& al-Amd, 234.

Al-Tabaii, T~~ al-U m q 3 : 94.

Ibid., 3 : 110.
booty derived fiom it belonged to them. The precedent came from the Prophet, who

distributed the land of Khaybar among the Mwlims. When Iraq and Syria were

conquered, on the other hand, 'Umar did not consider it wise to redistribute the land.

The army that conquered the land was not the last army he sent. There would be other

waves of soldiers sent to open further lands. What would happen if the succeeding

annies found that the land, which was supposed to be placed at their disposal, had

already been divided among the first conquerors? M e r a long discussion with the

Muhijirün and the Mir,and after being opposed by the majority of Muslims, including

important Cornpanions like Bilil and al-Zubayr ibn al-'Awwim-the most ardent critics

of 'Umar in this case-'Umar prevailed. He declareci that the conquered lands belonged

to the state and were to be cultivateci under the supervision of the state. Its revenue

would be collected by the date and divided amongst the Muslim comrnunity."

When it carne to distribution of wealth the conquerors became the first priority.

Since the captured lands were originaiiy the property of its conquerors, it was they and

their families who ought to have received the 'a?Z in the first place, and then the

Muslims who came afier the~u.'~

Here we see clearly the idea behind 'Umar's answer to
the nomadic Arabs that he would not give them their share until he had given shares to

all the inhabitants of the city. The city dwellers were the warriors and their families?

84
Abü YUsuf, K i f a i al-Klbarax 23-7,

In order to raise sufncient troops to meet the Persians at Nihawand 'Umar wrote to the people of
Kufa and Basra asking them to sent two thirds of their forces to the battlefield (Ibn aEAthir, Usd al-
Gbabah, 5 : 342).
The nomadic Arabs, on the other hand, who refused to settle in the cities, had nothing to

do with the conquests, and did not therefore have any right to the conquered lands.

AIthough these nomadic Arabs were describeci as "the ongin of Arab and the root of

Islam (wI al-'mb wa-middat al-TsIiiin),)," in order of importance they were only ranked

in fourth place after the MuhijirÜn, the and the city dwellers."

With the new Muhiïjiriïn 'Umar basically adopted the same principle that he had

usai among the early Muslims: seniority. Like the early Muslims, the new MuhijirÜn

were ranked according to the time of their involvement in milit ary actions. Hence, those

who had fought in the Battle of al-Qadisiyah (14/635) received a stipend of 2000

dirhams (plus another 500 dirhams for those who showed outstanding bravery), while

those who had joined after al-Qâdisiyah, i.e., the late-corners, only received 1000

dirhams. The second wave of late corners (rawidis o d y received 500 dirhams.88Since

the time of involvement is taken into consideration, the social system that 'Umar

established was relatively static. Events could not be repeated. Those who had been

unlucb enough to miss the Battle of al-QEdisiyah had to accept the fact of their

oçcupying a lowa rank than those who had participated in it. The only thing they codd

do to raise their status was to join in future battles. This might explain why the late-

'' Al-Tabar?, T&%&d-Uiam, 3 : 109.

89
"I;K]&a a m ' a61 al-KCfi616 iIà db1ë1ïk (meaning, in answer to 'Umar's cal1 to join al-Nusmiin in
marching against Nihiwand) a/-nwi& fi-yab1uwa fial& w a - l r p d i i k ü ~ ~ ,ibid.,
' ' 3 : 2 13.
90
Ibid., 3 : 210.

'' Ibid., 3 :208-9.

* Ibid., 3 :221.
93
Tarif Khalidi, Arabie Hisfoncai 22iougbC h the Clami'caZ Penbd(Cambndge: Cambridge University
Press, 1996). 46.
comers in Kufa, for example, were so enthusiastic when summoned by 'Umar to wage

war against the Persians in ~ i h i w a n d . ' ~

It is not surprising that it was they who pressed

'Umar, who was at first reluctant to send the army any further, to let them pursue the

attack against these ~ersians*One of the reasons why the people of Kufa did not like

Sa'd, their governor, was, they said, because Sa'd did not wage c a ~ n ~ a i ~ nThis
s . ~ 'is

understandable because, were conflict ever to come to an end, the opportunities to taise

their status (social and economic) would cease as weU. After Sa'd was finally removed

fiom office, they fought an action at NihCwand and won. According to a l - ~ i i ~ i d i , ~ ~

'Umar placed those who were present at Nihkwand and the latecorners who fought

valiantly in the same rank as the veterans of the Battle of al-Qadisiyah. Now, like these

earlier veterans, they were entitled to two thousand dirhams.

But there was another reason why the city dweUers were in a special category.

The Prophet was bom among city dwellers. His center of activities was in the cities of

Mecca and Media. When he was forced to migrate to Medina he summoned all his new

converts to move and settle with him there. After the death of the Prophet it was the

inhabitants of Medina to whom the Caliphs would tum for advice. They tived with the

Prophet and, therefore, knew the Prophet's sayings and deeds. When the Caliphs vowed

to follow in the footsteps of the Prophet, the people of Medina, mainly the Muhijirh

and the Ansâr, naturally became the referees who watched over the Caliphs' policies to

make sure that all of them were in accordance with the Sunnah of the Prophet.

The function of the people of Medina as a reference was duplicated in other

cities, where govanors-the local representatives of the Caüphs-executed their duties

under the supervision and guidance of the local inhabitants. "... the Prophet's

cornpanions and their descendants act as guarantors of the true faith in the cities where

The nomadic Arabs wbo wandered aromd the cities, although tbey were
they settle~i.''~~

under the administration of the governors, were hardly ever involved in making

decisions. Thus when it is said that the people ( / d ' a b ) haci agreed on something, it did

not mean d the people had agreed, but only the people of the cities. Hence, going back

to the nomadic Arab who had asked him for a share of the wealth, 'Umar, after saying

that he would not meet this request until he had paid all the city dwellers, said,

"Whoever wants the middle of the garden, he hm to be part of the Jarna'& [meaning abl

al-&@h& the city dweiiers], for the hand of A l l a is with the ~ d ' a o . . " " The reason

why the people of the cities were considered as a J m a ' d is obvious. Like the people of

Medina, they were the ones who knew the Qur'h and the Sunnah of the Prophet and

who knew how to apply the laws of G o d s ( Q z K ? ~ .So it was they who took care of the

- '' Abc 'Ubayd, Kitai al-Amwal, î34. Ibn Qutaybah supports this argument. He cites a Tradition fiom
the Prophet as narrated by Abü Hurayrah. "You must be with the lamZa6 for the hand of AU& is above
fm+t<t( 'dyakrnn bi-al-Jama"& fh-inaa yad

fi T ' , f i w a - ~ ~ f i y 8ed.
'ala' al-fit$).)."Fwf& according to Ibn Q ~ a y b a h ,
means city. The Arabs were liable to c d any city t i ~ $ ~See
t . Ibn Duqmâq, sl-hti* fi- W8'sitat 'Aqdal-
i o ~ Iùyi' al-Turiith al-'Arabi (Beinit: DG al-Afaq al-
~ Lajnat
Jadidah, n.d.), 2; Ibn M W ,Li& al- 'Amb (BeirutDâr al-Sâdir, [1955-61);thus the tradition means
that Muslims have to follow the Jarna'& who are by definition city dwellers.
95
Abu 'Ubayd, Kitai d-Amwa, 235; al-Tabafi, T a al-Umauq 3 : 1 10. That the people who
resided outside the city did not dways know Islam is ülustrated by 'Urnar's experience. On the way fkom
al-Jiibiyah in Syria to Medina, 'Umar was presented with two legal cases. A man was brought to 'Umar
because he had manied two sisters at the same t h e . When interrogated, he explained that he did not
know that Islam forbade him to do so. The other case involved an old man who had aliowed a yomg man
to sleep with his wife in return for his service in grazing his animals. Again the man was ignorant of the
fact that this was forbidden by his religion See ibn al-A'thh a l - K S , Ki'ri al-Fut* ed. M&ammad
'Abd al-Mucid Khan (Be-: DE al-Naclwah al-Jadidah, a d ) , 1 : 299-301.

% Even the Prophet treated persons in accordance with this principle. Once Khalid ibn al-WaIid, who
had converted to Islam shortly before the Conquest of Mecca, argued with 'AmrnGr ibn Yâsir, who was
one of the early converts. Knowing tbis, the Prophet saîd to Khalid that he should not have argued with
'Ammar in such a fashion for, compared to Khàlid, 'Ammir was one of the people of Paradise and was a
combatant at Badr (Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-f~ti'a3~2 :430).
 . ~ ~ was knowledge of the Qur'in and the Sunnah concentrated
community's a E ' a i r ~Why

in the cities? Partly it has something to do with 'Umar's policy in sending the

Companions to teach Islam outside Medina, and mainly to the cities. This may have

been due to a scarcity of well-versed Companions available for the purpose.

Thus there are two important roles that the city dweUers played. First, they

acted as soldiers who were ready at any time to be sent on Jihad t a defend the faith and

Muslim territory against outside enemies. Second, they were a groirp of people on whom

the governors could rely in executing all aff'rs of state. These two roles automatically

brought theni an enormous economic benefit, another of the driving forces behind the

settlement of people in the cities.

Fourth, there was the motive of incteased social stat us. As was noted above,

after the death of the Prophet the status of peuple was decided on the basis of their

involvement with him during his lifetime. Those who had fought at Ba& were higher in

rank than those who had converted at the time of the Conquest of ~ e c c a . ' Tabaqii!
~

works are an excellent mirror of how this systern worked. The death of the Prophet had

seald off oppoaunities to raise one's status. Medina was a closed door, and social

stratification was fixed. That it was so can be seen fiom al-BukhZ's report: "The

MuhijirÜn and the AnsEr stood before 'Umar's door. They were given permission (to

enter the house) according to their ranks ('ala qadr m~&i6irn).''~'So those who

converted later had to win status somewhere else. The fiontier lands such as Syria,

where the war with the Byzantines was being waged, became a ppular place. On being
asked what later converts could do to win virtue (aAfadI), 'Umar said, " '1 lcnow of no

other way but this one,' and pointed om to them the Byzantine front.'"'

The following event gives a good idea of the widening gap between the early

converts and the later ones and the growing popularity of frootier regions like Syxia as

an asylum for later converts. It was reporteci that Suhayl ibn 'Amr, Abu Su@& ibn

Harb and other shaykhs of the Quraysh were standing at the door of 'Umar. While

'Umar gave permission to the people of Badr-Suhayb, Bilâl, and others-to enter, he

left these Quraysh waiting. Abu SufjGn was really angry. He saw that 'Umar had great

respect for slaves @ke BiIil), but not for the Quraysh. Knowing that his fellow Quraysh

were upset, Suhayl ibn 'Amr said:

O people, by God, 1noticed what was in your faces. If you want to be angry with
someone, be angry with yourselves. People were caUed (to Islam), and so were
you But while they hastened (to respond), you held back By God, the virtue
(&il) in which they preceded you is more powerful than the door in which you
are contending." Then he said: "O people (of Qmaysh), as you see, those people
have preceded you, and there is no way for you to make yourselves equal to
them. So look to the Jihad. Compel yourselves to it. Hopefully God wiU grant
you martyrdom." Then he dusted off his dress, stood up, and went to syriaQ9

What disturbed these later couverts was not merely the degradation of their social

statu, but also the decline of their economic interests. The economic distribution set up

by 'Umar was based on seniority in Islam (al-sabiqab fi al-M&). As a result, the

important figures of the Quraysh who had converted to Islam on the day of the

Conquest of Mecca received stipends less then those who had converted to Islam

99 Ibid., 2 : 671.
 earlier.loOThey protested to 'Umar,who simply replied that the stipend was not decided

on the basis of ancestral nobility but on senionty in ~slarn~~'~

'Umar's hostility to the Quraysh stemmed from his resentment of that tnbe's

enmity to the Prophet and the early Muslim couverts. But that was not alL 'Umar aiso

disliked the arrogance of the Quraysh. They deemed themselves to be so superior that

others were nothing but their subordinates. Once Muhammad ibn 'Amr ibn al-'& and

' A m ibn al-'& treated an Egyptian badly. On being appnsed of their action, 'Umar

said to them, "By God, you Quraysh, you do not think of others as being anything but

cabii?)."'02O f course he did not have aii the Quraysh in mind when he was saying this,

but men like Mu' iwiyah ibn Ab? SuS.in and the ot ber later converts who became the

t arget of 'Umar's anger.

A fifth motivation behind migration was official appointments. This factor is

apparent in 'Umar's poky to send Cornpanions to various cities, either to teach the

inhabitants about Islam or to hold religious offices such as qâ<-and w&! 'Umriin ibn

Hpayn was sent by 'Umar to Basra to teach religion to its inhabitants C'fi-yufapqiba

So was Mujammi' ibn &iyah.lo4 Yaiid ibn Mu66wiyah sent a letter to

a&1aW).103

'O0 They received three thousand dirhams, compared to the five thousand that the participants in Badr
had received (al-Tabafi, T a al-Umam, 3 : 109)

'". ibid., 3 : 109.

103
ibn Hajar, al-I*%& 3 :27.

'04 Ibid., 3 :346.

'Umar saying that the people of Syria were in oeed of teachers who could instruct them

in the Qur'in and enlighten them on religious matters ("yuC&m~rom

al-Qm'h wa-

In response, 'Umar sent Mucidh, 'Ubâdah ibn a-àmit

yuf(~qqibuûrrm'). al-Ansi6 and

~ ~ task of 'Ubidah is described as having been that of a judge and a

Abu a l - ~ a r d a ' . 'The

At his death, the Prophet lefi behind him a new

teacher ("qiiym wa-m~'aLCirnaa').~~~

Muslim commmity which did not yet fully understand what Islaïï was. The emergence

of the Riddah is a strong indication of how trivial was their understanding of the

message that the Prophet had tried to spread. One of the most important probIems that

'Umar faced was how to build a strong refigious foundation for the new commmity.

The realization of this idea was more difficult when he was faced with having to

mobilize this new community and send its members to the fiontier to fight. Who would

be responsible for making sure that the armies would stili pursue their study of Islam

when they were away fiom Medina for a considerable length of time? Who would ensure

that war and other related problems (such as which enemies could legally be killed, the

problems of booty, the property of the enemy, children, women, etc.) would be

conducted in accordance with religious prescriptions? This situation forced 'Umar to

instit ute a policy: besides giving clear instructions to the army, he a b sent those who

were weil-versed in religion to campaigu with the army or to live in the places where

t hese new Muslims resided either t ernporarily or permanent ly.lo7 Massive conversions

'O6 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'ab,2 2: 808.

'" Whenever an army of believers gathered the Commander of the Faithfbi appointed as their
imtiiediate c o d e r someone fiom the people of knowiedge and law (abl d'ilra wa-al-fiqh)(al-
Taba6, T ' al-Umm 3 : 260). One example was al-SS'ib ibn ai-Aqra'. He knew how to write and
how to count (kiitiban wa haciban)).'Umar asked hirn to join the army sent to Nihiwand and stay with
which followed the conquests and the settlement of nomads in the new cities also gave

'Umar cause to appoint those who were knowledgeable about Islam to a variety of

offices. 1' do not send them (the governors of the cities) except to teach people about

their religion, to distribute (the wealth) to them, to wage hoIy war against their eneniies

and io j udge their afXairs right ly ( i d lm ab 'atM uzn i U i fi-yufa@ Üal-naî fi dirnfllhim
wa-yuqassimü Calay&m wa-ylle&idU 'adtTwabmn wa-ya&umrU fifim bi-al-&aq4)."' Op

This is one of the most succinct expressions of what 'Umar expected to be the role of

the governors.

Sixth, people were motivateci to migrate by the thought of accompanying

important figures. These latter were of course surrounded by people for different

reasons. It was they who influenced, for instance, where some people chose to reside or

move. A good example was the Prophet himself. His call for Hijrah had caused

migration to Medina. But having been the main reason of migration in the first place,

with his death the reason to stay there elapsed. So many Cornpanions rnoved from

Medina, which meant another migration. w a k a m ibn 'Amr was one such example. He

accompanied the Prophet until the Prophet died, and then afterwards moved to ~ a s r a ' ~

Other figures had the same influence on the decisions of certain people to migrate fkom

one place to another. Taniikn al-Dkî moved (intaqrnls) fÎom Medina to Syria after the

them. He was given the responsibiiity of dividing the booty correctly (ibid, 3 : 204,213). For the people
who were sent to al-Qidisiyah, 'Umar appointed 'Abd aï-- iim al-Rabi'ah a i - B U as judge aod
supervisor of the spoils and their distribution, while Sal- ai-Fànsi was entnisted with the task of
calling people to prayers and with scouthg duties (ibid, 3 :9). For other examples see ibid., 2 :594.

las AI-Ki& al-Fut* 2 :84-85. See also al-Tabaii, Tiü%b al-Umam, 3 : 273.
la9
Ibn Hajar, al-Isc~iah,1 :346, 186.
 ~ * Mdpmmad ibn Maslamah went to
murder of ' ~ t h m i n , ~while al- aba ad ha..'" 'Abd

s l - R a l g u ~ibn ~ a l l "moved
~ fiom Kufa to Basra after al-Ijusayn was killed. The

conîlict between 'AIi and Mu'awiyah caused a lot of people to migrate, and infiuential

figures like Jibir ibn 'Abd Allah played a significant role in this process. 'l3

Seventh, family reasons often motivated emigration. A person who moved fiom

his home city was usually accompanied by his family. So when 'Utbah was appointai

governor of Basra his wife, Ardah bt. al-pirith, went with him, along wit h Abu Bakrah

and other relatives.l14 'Utbah ibn Suhayl al-Qurashi al-'Amin went to Syria with his

family (ab2 baytih) ddung the reign of 'Umar to perform Jihad. Al-varth ibn Hishim,

also with his family, joined him.'" Al-Nu'mh ibn 'Amr ibn M~qarrin,Ma'qil ibn

Muqarrin, Sinln ibn Muqamin, Suwayd ibn Moqarrin, 'Abd al-R- ibn Muqarrin

and 'Uqayl ibn Muqarrin were all brothers who resided in ICda.'16 'Uthmb ibn Ab1 al-

'&, al-E$tkam ibn Ab? al-'& and Hafs ibn Ab: al-'&, were brothers living in ~asra."'

Although we do not b o w whether these brothers ail arrived at the same time in Kufa

and Bwa, or whether one brother foilowed the others, it is clear that family or blood

1IO
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-IstJ'Ba, i : 193.
"' IbnHajar, al-&>ab, 3 :364.
"'Ibid., 3 :99.
'" See Chapter Four.
''* Rm Hajar, d-I4ebeb, 4 : 221.
Ibid., 2 :446.

II6 ibn Sa'd, al-PbaqSt, 6 : 18-9.

"'Ibid., 7 :40-41.
ties constituted an important factor in migration. Some other examples similar to this

case are the brothers Mu'awiyah ibn Haydah and M a ibn IJi~~dah,''~MujllShi6 ibn

Mas'Üd and Mujiilid ibn ~ a s ' i i d , " ~&Barri' ibn Malik and Anas ibn ~ilik,'*' and

T h a i t ibn Zayd ibn Qays and his son BasEr ibn Ab1 ~ a ~ d .AU
' ~ of
' them resided in

Basra.

Eighth, politics were an important factor. Other Cornpanions moved to other

places because of political conditions. The Banc al-Arqk refused to stay longer in

Kufa because they could not stand to hear 'Uthmin humiliateci. Tbey went to

Mu'âwiyah, who settled them in al-Ruhi' in JGrah. AbÜ Sburayh's r e t m fiom Kufa to

Medina also falls into this category. Since the time of 'Utbmin confiicts and treason

had developed in ~ u f aThis

' ~ meant
~ that for some people Kufa was no longer a good

place to live. Abu Khuzi'ah, &er witnessing one of bis neighbors being kiiled, took bis

f h l y to ~ e d i n a ' ~ ~

Ninth, expulsion was often a strong reason for migration. Some people were

forced to migrate because, for certain reasons, they were unwanted. The Prophet asked

'18 Ibid., 7 : 35.

Ibid., 7 : 30.

"O Ibid., 7 : 16-7.

12' Ibid, 7 : 27.

122
An example of this was the case of al-Walid, the govemor of Kufa. Regardless of the fact that al-
WaEd was ioved by the ordinary folk, he was b t e d by the elite. The latter in fact strove continuouçly,
using every means at their disposai, to depose him. The families whose sons had been executed by al-
WaIid and those who had been deposed by him joined the cause. The result was chaos, which ended with
the resignation of al-WaEd fkom office. See al-Tabaii, T a al-Umam, 3 : 325-34.
al-Hakam to leave Medina because, according to a report, he was suspected of being a

spy for the Prophet's enemy, and so he migrated to ~abashah.'" The Prophet also asked

W&shi to leave Medina because he codd not stand to be so close to the man who ki11ed

his mcle, Hamzah, at Q u d W*shi went to Live in Hï~ns.''~ 'Umar ssked N w ibn al-

eajjij al-Sulami to leave Medina because he had caused a woman to become so

attracted to him that she had almost made him ir'to an ido1.lZ6

To sum up, as far as the motives underlying the disposal of the Cornpanions were

concerneci, we c m make the following statement. The main drive behind their migration

was the call for Hijrah and Jihad. From the early history of Islam these two had became

indistinguishable fiom Islam itseif. At the time of the conquest, the call for these two

practices was revived and given a new impetus. Hence, in contrast to Richard BuIliet's

generalization,12' religious motives did play a significant role in the distribution and

settlement pattern of the early Muslims. Economic benefits were after all enjoyed only

by those who joined Hijrah and Jihad.

124
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-IstI"83,1 :359.

IZ5 I€mHajar, a i - I s a w 3 : 594.

'21 al-Kiifi, a&FutUo, 15-7.

'21 TOBuUiet the most important motive behind the settlement of the Arabs was econornic. Reiigioi
=al only played an auxil& role. See bis "Sedentariution of Nomads in the Seventh Century: The
Arabs in Basra and Kufa," in Philip Car1 Sallman (ed.), men No& SetIfe (New York: Praeger,
1980). 37-8.
3. Centers of Geographical Distribution

As stated above, the emergence of Islam was an urban phenornenon. That is to

Say, Islam first emergd in cities, Le., Mecca and Medina, and, after expansion,

continued to flourish in cities. Hence when we are talking about centers of geographical

distribution, we are not taking about villages. It was 'Umar's policy to keep the army

fiom becoming too scattered so that it would be ready any time he needed it. This

poiicy necessitated not only a large place where the army could settle in great numbers

but also good facifities for transportation and communication. Only cities could fulfill

these requirements. So it was perfectly reasonable for 'Umar to instnict his army not to

scatter in villages, but to stay in cities. 128

Soon after the conquests began the Muslims spread and settled in urban areas.

There were cities-like @ïms and Damascus-which were already there when the

Muslims came, while others were founded by the Muslims themselves--as in the case of

Basra, Kufa and Fustat . When the Muslims settled in the existing cities they lïved in the

houses which were given up by the local inhabitants in accordance with pst-conquest

agreements. This was what happened, for example, in ~ i m s . AS

' ~ ~for places

Muslims often re-used chiaches as rnosq~es."~This process of int egration

12' 'Umar actually instnicted the cornmrinders not to let the -y settle in the viuages, but to ensure
that they stayed in the cities. See TadKhalidi, "Tribal Settlement and Patterns of Land Tenure in Early
Medieval Palestine," in Tarif Khalidi (ed.), h d T e a m auci Social T d o m a t i o n in the Middie East
(Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1984). 182.
129
Al-Tabaii, T a al-Llmabn,3 : 97.
130
Henry Innes MacAdam, "Settlements and Settlement Patterns in Northem and Centrai
-
Transjordania, Ca. 550 ca.750," in G.R.D. King and Averil Cameron (eds.), Tlie B ' t h e and Early
Islanuc Nesr Easi D: Land Urse and Sertiement Patte- (Princeton: The Darwin Press, P 994)- 59.
Muslim and non-Muslim after the conquests evolved for the most part peacefdYY13L

There was no break in everyday Me.'" Where Muslims had to build their own cities,

they started by building Here three aspects are outstanding: " .. that they

occurred on new land, avoiding older urban settlement; that conversion to permanent

and sophisticated architecture was rapid and extensive; and that almost all these

fomdations were successful and e n d u ~ i n ~ . ' " ~ ~

"Msi' (the singular fonn of amsi?) literally means a borderline between two

things or two lands or two regions C6a@a/z we-al-&Id bsyn al-shay'ayo" or "al-Oadd

baya al-aqfayo" or "kuU mi bajaza b a p j i h ~ ~ t a ~ ' In

) . 'cornmon
~~ use ('"iad al-

'aw.'') it means any big city C'belsd ka&r j . 1 ' ) üke Rayy, Mawsil, and

~ a m a l l a h . But
' ~ ~ in a more specific sense, a place c m be called a m i ~ w h e nit fuuctions

as the place where a rder raides, where government offices are located, and where

officia1 dut ies--such as execution of canonical punishment s (4udEf), distribution of

booty and taxes-are perfomed.13' in other words, a is a center for religious and

Is2 See Ali Ziyadeh, "Settlement Patterns, A n Archeological Perspective: Case Studies fiom Northem
Palestine and Jordan." in h g and Cameron (eds.), Near E ' 2 :119, 131; also Robert Schick, "The
Fate of the Christians in Palestine D\Ping the Byzantine-Uinayyad Transition, 600-750 AD." in M.
Adnan Bakhit and Robert Schick (eds.), Iae F o r -latemationai Confenwce On Iae History OfBiiBdai-
Sh& îhe Umgyad Pen'od (Amman, 1989), 4 1;al-Muqaddasi @an al-Taqaj;im fiMa 'fiil al-
A q C Z e& M.J.de Goeje (Leiden: E.J. Briil, 1967), 3 :47.

Donald Whitcomb, "The MF of Ayla: Settlement at al-'Aqaba in the Early islamic Period," in
King and Cameron (eh.), Near E d 2 :161.

')4llm Maqür, LisZn ai-'Ara& al-Jawhafi, al-g@t@: TSj al-lughh ws-S@& al- 'Ambijyab , ed.
W d 'Abd al-GhafÜr 'At$k (Cairo: D5r &Kit& al-' Arab; 1955-7.)

"15 Al- LaytM defines mr$r as "kuU kÜra& tuqtknu 5i a/-hudd, WB-ympwanufloB al-fiy ' we-al-
Haq8lc min gbayrmu'rUa61a6 lil-kâalifab" (Ibn MarqÜr, Li& d-' h b ) ) .AI-Muqaddasi defines migras
administrative activities. So, compared to other cities, q i r mmt have been fairly

co~nmon.'~'In the first centwy of Hijrah, afier the death of the Prophet, it was mostly

the Companions who served as local nilers and who executed all officia1 tasks. So it is

not surprising that it was in the cities that the majority of the Companions lived.

The following is an effort to investigate the patterns of the tribal distribution of

the Cornpanions and the degree of their connection to Iraq (Basra and Kufa), Syria

(inclucling Hims, Damascus and Palestine) and Egypt. Before proceeding, however,

some points must be noted.

First, in the biographical dictionaries, as in any other type of source, a person is

often described as belonging to different tribes. If the tnbes to which a person was

attached were closely related, he will be counted only once in our tabulation. For

example, YÜnus Abu Meammad was attributed to three tribes: Ansir (see below), Aws

But 2afa.r was fiom Aws and Aws was nom Mir,so that YÜnm will be
and ~afar.'~'

counted only once, i.e., as an Ansin. But if a person was attribut4 to tribes which were

unrelated or not closely related, he will be counted in accordance with the number of

tnbes he is assigned to. For example, Qays ibn Ab1 Gharmah is said to have been

Ans",139 ~ h i f G i , 'J~u~h d , '41 and ~ a j ~ ~ Since

i . ' ~these
~ tnbes w a e not closely

"bru baiad &uX&u al-su&& al-a'- w8-jumuïPat i l a m al-dawâsik waqulLidat &u al-s 'ma7 wa-
@a ila@mrdun dil-iq&n*' A&m al-TaqSin, 47)
(al-Muqadrlasidrlasi9
137
This is why, 1 thinlr, al-JawhG gives the meanhg of as being "the weii-known city (d-
mBciulali &-ma 'krZàb)." See ai-Jawhant, alalSi@*.

140
ibn 'Abd al-Barr,a/-Isfi'ai,3 : 1297;Ibn al-At@, Usdel-Gba-b&4 :439; al-Dhahabi, TiyZd: 2 :
23;Ibn vajar, a l - I ~3i: 246.
related, they will be comted separately. In other words, Qays ibn Ab: Gharazah wiU be

counted four times. However, sotne tribes were actuaiiy related to others, but acted

independently and must be treated as such. ThaqTf and '&nh ibn Sa'sa'ah were

suhtnbes of Qays, but, because they were large and powerfa they can be considered as

having been autonomous. Likewise, Aws and Khazraj were a part of Azd, but for the

same reason must be counted as in&ependent tribes.

Second, when people are attributed to different places, they will ais0 be counted

twice. Accordingly, AbÜ Salm6 was a man of Kufa C'sakaoa al-KiTfa' or "al-KzX")

and, at the same t h e , a man of Syria ("fi d~h&u.?).143 He will thus be f o n d in the

list of the people of Kufa and in that of the people of Syria.

Third, some Cornpanions wercl recognized by a non-tribal identification. One

example was that of &Er, ' ~ name Mir,

the new name for Aws and ~ h a z r a j . The

which certainly constituted a symbol of high status and pride, often displaced the

original names, Le., Khanaj and Aws. Thus, of the twenty-nine Ansir who resided in

Basra, nineteen were knowa by this designation. Ttieir original tribe, whether it had
been Aws or Khazraj, is unknown t o OUI sources. In those cases therefore where the

original tribal affiliation has been lost, swh non-tribal designations wilI be considered as

14' Itin 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Isti'ab, 3 3 IZW; Ibn &At&, Usd &-Goa- 4 : 439; ibn Hajar, al-I$ihh, 3 :
246.
142
Ibn Hajar, ail-Isabab, 3 3 246.

ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, a/-Isti'Zb, 4 : 1683; also Ibn &At=, Usd d-Gbahdi, 6 : 153.

'&See W.Montgomery Watt, "ai-AqZr," in E f

tribal. In addition to Ansir (Ansan'?, therehe, we have the example of Yemen

Ormea.
Fourth, it is not known in some instances to which side individual Companions

belonged. This of course prevents us from making a more accurate analysis of tribal

representation in the various centers. The difference in nimibers between those whose

tribal affiliations are known to us and those for whom this information is unknown can

be seen in the following table.

Table II
The Population of the Companions:
Those d o s e Tribes are KnowdUnknown

Basra Kufa Syrïa 1 Egypt

Population of Cornpanions 335 337 441 260
Cornpanions d o s e tribes are uuimown 50 44 85 19
Cornpanions whose tnbes are known 295 301 356 162

While such Limitations should be acknowledged, the results of this kind of

approach ought not to be mderestimated. Among other things, the fiodings on the

distribution of the tribes in Basra, Kufâ, Syria and Egypt can be used to reaffirm or to

question some of the statements that have been made in relation to the tribal

composition or distribution in these places. Since our concem is solely with the class of

Companions, our findings have a limited validity. In staternent (a) below, to cite only

one example, our nndings do not confinn the claim made by Walidi. As far as Syria in

general is concemed it is acknowledged that the Azd were the largest group among the

newcomers there and our malysis of the Companions settled in Syria confinns this: they
were the largest group among the settlers in that region.14' But does this mean that they

were also the largest group in Palestine? Our information on the pattern of Azd

sett1ement in Syria does not confirm this allegation. Forty-six Companions of Azd

background settled in Syria, whereas only 5 Azd chose to settle in Palestine. The test

settled in Hims (13 Companions), Damascus (6) and al-Urdunn (l), while it is not

h o w n exactly where the remaining 21 settled (for their geographical location is only

vaguely indicated by our sources, who use expressions such as "sakaoa al-S.&d').

Unless we accept the suggestion that a l - S h equals ~ a m a s c u (raising

s ~ ~ ~ the number

of Azd who settled in Damascus to 27, hence making that city their pteferred

destination), the majority of the Azd must be aclcnowledged to have settled in Hims, not

in Palestine. But we should acknowledge that our objection is somewhat marred by two

weaknesses. First, we camot establish M y that ail the Companions of Azd in our list

were early amvals. (It is unfair to judge Khalidi's statement on early settlers by findings

related to later ones, for example.) Second, it is more than likely that not all the Azd

early-comers were Companions; hence it is inaccurate to make general comments on the

Azd in general on the basis of what is known of the Companions among them. However,

the fact that the number of the Companions of the Azd in our list corresponds to that of

early anïvals in Syrïa (in both cases the Azd were the lmgest group) may indicate a

positive relation between earlyamers and Companions. This methodology allows us

therefore to veriQ with some confidence statements on tribal distribution in the lstnth

century. The following are just some examples: (a) among the newoomers (to Palestine),

--

"* see Table VI.

146
See pp. 1734.
'Yhe Azd seem to have been the largest single g ~ o ~ ; " ' (b)
" in Fustat and Hims the

Yemenis represented the majority of the new settlers; in these places Kindah played the

major role;14' (c) there were only a few Azd Sarit (including Daws, Zahrin, Thumilah,

Ghâmid) amongst the first settlers in Basra and Ku& some having gone to ~ g y ~ t ;(d)
'~'

during the Muslim conquest the emigration of 'Abd al-Qays was mainly directed

towards Basra; in Kufa they were not strongly represented;lsO (e) under Islam the

emigration of Bahilah was predominantly directed towards Syria and the rest towards

~asra;"' (f) Dabbah seems to be missing h m the ûrst division of the population of

Kufa, while the bulk of the tribe emigrated to ~ a s r a ; "(g)

~ the bulk of T d m were

among the first settlers in Kofa and ~ s s t a ; ' (h)

~ ~"The Bajilah were one of the largest

tribal groups in Kiifah. They were approximately equal in nimibers to the Ansk ...;"'"

and lastly (i) "For the most part, the Bakr migrated to Baqra, but a certain number of

them settled at fa.''''^

14' Khalidi, "Tribal Settlement," 182.

14a
Mikhail B. Piotrovsky, "Late Ancient and Early Medieval Yemen: Settlement Traditions and
Innovations," in King and Cameron (eds.), New E& 2 :219.

W. Caskel, "Abd al-Kays," in EP

"' W.Caskel, "Bahila," in ~t

Is2 W.Caskel, "Dabba," in Ef
lS3 G. Levi Della Vida, ''Taxxiim," in ~f

' ~ 4 MichaeI G. Morony, liaq Mer the M u s l . Conquesr (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1984), 240.
 Now, based on our findings we can verie and in some cases modifjr the above

statements. (a) It is not correct to say that in Palestine Azd formed the largest single

tribe; they were only one of the largest (Lakhm and E n b a h being the others). (b) It is

right that YemenTs were in the majority in Fustat (Le., Egypt, see below) and Hims,

and it rnight also be true that, especially in Hims (where Kindah was the biggest tribe),

but not in Fustat, Kindah played the major role. (c) It is right that there were few Azd

Sarât amongst the first settlers in Basra and Ku& for, although Azd were one of the

major tnbes in Basra and Kufa, most of them were fiorn Khuzi' ah (especially Aslam);

and it is right that a few Azd went to Egypt. (d) In Basra 'Abd aEQays made up only

7% (21 out of 3 13) and in Kufa only 4% (14 out of 320) of the population; so, since the

difference between 'Abd al-Qays in Basra and in Kufa was insignificant, we can hardly

say that (that during the Muslim conquest) the emigration of 'Abd al-Qays was mainly

directed towards Basra; as for representation, they were not strongly represented either

in Kufa nor in Basra (e) There were 7 Bahilah (out of a total population of 313

Companions) in Basra, i (of 320) in Kufa, 2 (of 445) in Syria and 3 (of 187) in Egypt; so

we cannot really state that under Islam the emigration of Baftilah was predominantly

directed towards Syria and the rest towards Basra. ( f ) Dabbah is not missing fiom the

first division of the population of Kufa; and it is not right to Say that the bulk of the

tribe must have emigrated to Basra, for in Basra there were only 5 of them (a similm

number existed in Kufa). (g) It is true that the buk of TanSm were among the h s t

settlers in Kufa and, especially, in Basra. (h) It is not true that Bajllah were one of the

largest tribal groups in Kufa, nor is it true that they were approximately qua1 in
 numbers to the Ansgr (Bajilah were made up of only 12 and A q i r of 40). (i) It may be

that for the most part, Bakr migrated to Basra, and that a certain number of them

settled at Kufa.

What are the most common expressions used to indicate geographical

comection? To what extent do these expressions Vary fkom one place to another? The

following table may shed some light on these questions:

Table ïiI
The Expressions of Geographicd Connection of the Companions
in Basra, Kufa, Syria and Egypt

I 1 Basra 1 Kufa 1 Syria 1 Egypt I

others 23 46 41 f 27
Total 570 592 695 1 28 1

Except in Syria, "nazela" is the most common expression used to indicate

residence. And of Basra, Kufa and Egypt, it was mainly with respect to Basra that the

term " ~ B Z B ~ B 'is

' wed. It was stated above that " o d a " is an ambiguous expression. It

can be used to indicate a wide range of attachent, fiom permanent residence to a short

visit. If this generalization has any validity at dl.,then we could Say that the h u e n t

employment of the expression "nazala" in connection with Basra, Kufa and Egypt

indicates one of two possibilities. First, it could mean that the conimitment of a

considerable number of Cornpanions to these places, especially Basra, could not be M y

est ablished. That is to say, the authors of the biographical dictionaries, Le., Ibn Sa'd,
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn al-Athir, al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar (and the authorities fiom

whom they took their infornation) were not fully convinced that these Cornpanions

actually resided permanently in Basra, Kufa and Egypt and in the circumstances thought

it best to use "nezsls" Second, it could be said that the people in Basra, Kufa and Egypt

were highly mobile. In this case the problem has nothing to do with either the certainty

or the uncertainty of these authors, but with the nature of the population in these places.

The att achment of the Companions to these places-especially Basra-was apparently

unst able.

By contrast, the word "nazala" is l a s frequently used in reference to

Cornpanions who resided in Syria for any length of time. Perhaps this is because their

c o ~ e c t i o nwith this region was more permanent. Nevertheless, "oazaIa" is used to

designate residence in Syria on a nurnber of occasions. In fact, it is second only to "yi'

aisbali" in the number of times it is used and the difference between the IWO is slight.

But when we combine all the expressions that convey stability, i.e., "sakaaq" "'y2

oisbah," and "a"

the difference becomes significant. These constitute 59% of the total

number of expressions used regarding domicile in Syria. Compared to Basra, Kufa and

Egypt, where combinations of the same expressions amount to 44%, 54% and 57%

respectively, Syria is still the highest. In terms of stability of population, therefore,

Syria emerges as number one, followed by Egypt, Kufa and Basra.

The expression "a 'rd&?',Le., nomadic Arabs, is interesting in its own right, for it

is most often used in reference to Basra. Beyond this we find only one instance of its use

in comection with Kufa ("yu'addu fi a'rab al-KrZfab," in the case of Mujilid ibn
 and one other in reference to Syria ("fia'zdj b i i y a r a l - S h e " in the case of
~hawrl'~)

This seems to imply that-imlike in Syria, Kufa and Egypt-

'Awsaj ah ibn ~armalah).~"

in Basra there were still some Companions who chose not to stay inside the city limits

bm instead remained a'rab. It would be interesting to know why, in spite of the great

social and economic benefits bestowed by 'Umar on city dwellers, these Companions

chose to remain nomadic.

A. Basra

Basra was originally a base camp. It was founded by 'Utbah ibn Ghazwiin at

'Umar' s request in 14635. About five hundred people accompanied 'Utbah, including

a nimiber of nomadic Arabs (''qawm min al-s 'rsa wa-abla l - b a ~ a & " ) These
. ~ ~ ~ people

settled in 7 villages (dmB;kiz), 2 in Khuraybah, 2 in Azd, 2 in T a d m and 1 in

~âb&p.h.'~In the beginning they did not construct any permanent buildings, but irsed

'" Ibn al-At*, Ud d-Ga&& 5 : 62; or "mina 'dal-k$&" al-Dhahabi, TeJ'n'd,2 :5 1

157
Ibn Hajar, al-Ig.ib&3 : 43.

lS8 w a b a i i , TiZk;ual-Umam, 3 : 89, al-Balaidhirii, Fut* al-Buldad, ed. 'Abd Allâh A& al-Tabba'
and 'Umar Ailis ai-TabbG' (]Be-: Mu'assasat ai-Mabarif, 1987), 483. H o m e r , according to Sayf ibn
'Umar, 'Utbah founded Basra in the year 16. Alqabaii tends to date this to the year 14 and introduces
Sayf s opinion by "za 'ama Sayf ("Sayf claimed"). Some even maintain that it was foimded in the year
17, such as ai-Mas'Udi, Kitaï al-Taab2 we-al-Ishraf(Beirut: Khayyit, 1965), 357. Peiiat maintais that it
is possible that the Merence reflects the rivaIxy between the Kïifans and the Basrans. The Basrans
wmted to have their city built before Kufa. See Ch. Peiiat, Le mZeu 6+aîen et fa fornation de Ga&
-
(Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve, 1953), 2-3.

lS9 Ai-Tabtüi, TiZkb al-Umam, 3 : 90.The numbels were variously given as 300 (ibid., 3 : 92). "more
or less 500" (ibid., 3 :90), 800 (al-Balkiûinf, Fut. al-Bdd& 478,488). For fiather discussion on the
variety of n m k s see Peilat, M e 4 5; Siil& -ad al-'Ali, "Kbita! a l - B ~ a h , "in Sumer 8 (1952) :
72.
160
Al-Tabaii, TZ~WI
d - U m m 3 :90; al-Balidhuiï, Fut* al-Bdd& 478,488.
tents as their homes.L6LAfter a time they began to build houses, mosques and a

government building (d* d-imIprah).1

Judging
62 h m the materials they used, however,

it would seem that they never intended to settle there permanently.L63Thus it is reported

that when they went out to battle they pulled up the cane stakes that formed their

primary building material, tied them up and put them aside. Wben they retumed they

would mtie them once again and rebuild.la Only when more people came to Basra did

they use more solid building materials, like The progress fiom a temporary to

a permanent settlement was largely determined by the results of battle. When the army

defeated an enemy, it brought home considerable booty. The more enemies they had

defeated, the more booty they brought home, and in tum the more people were

attracted to corne to Basra to join in the military effort and settle there. mer Ubullah

(14/635) was conquered, 'Utbah ibn Ghazwk sent Anas ibn Kuj3yah to 'Umar. When

'Umar asked him to describe the state of the Muslim commmity there, Anas teplied,

Ibid., 483.

Ira M. Lapidus, "Arab Settlement and Economic Development of Iraq and han in the Age of the
Umayyad and Early Abbasid Caliphs," in ï 2 k Idarmc Mdde East, 7OYZ-900: Studrés in Eèonomic aad
SocialHstoos: ed. A. L. Udovitch (Princeton: 1981). 178. That 'Utbah's army originally did not plan to
Sw
settle c a . also be seen fiom the fact that they did not L - g a lot of women with them- See +ad
al-'Aï, al-Tm@nit al-lj&iniTyab ws-al-Iqtipüiïyab 17 al-B# fi d - ~ m (Beirut:
d-fi~if
DZr al-Tali'a, 1969), 38.

165
Ibid., 478,488; Yaqiit, Mul/'am al-Buld'(Beirut: Dir S i d i . wa Diïr Be*, 1955-1957), 1 : 433.
A.J. Naji and Y.N. Ali place the transformation of Basra fiom transient camp to a permanent urbanized
settlement as occuxing under the govemorship of 'AM AUah ibn (25-36/64657) (A.J. Naji and
Y.N. Ali, "The Suqs of Basrah: Commercial Organization and Activity in A Medieval Isiamic City," in
ES'UO 24 (1981) : 298-299). To them, the change of building materials h m reeds to mud and then
bricks is evidence of this transformation. They do not explain why they chose this date, however, since if
building materials are any indication, mud and bricks had already been used by Abu MüsZ al-Ash'axi (17-
29/638-50). the governor of Basra before 'Abd AU& ibn '&nir, "ws-MaaAbÜMud al-Ash 'rvi ai-msjid
wa-d& ai-imih.&bi-Iuh wa-@," al-Baliduii, Fut al-BddaO, 484.
"The wealth has overwhelmed them, they are drunk with gold and silver, and people are

so attracted to Basra that they corne there (intfiaIat 'alayhim al4mtya' fa-bim>yahi7ûinz

al-dbabab we-d-fiQdab,fi-ragoibs d-ni36&-Bq& f~-atÜlG)."'~~

How many people actually lived in Basra at the time of 'Umar? We know for

instance that those who fought aloagside 'Utbah ibn Ghazwin in the Battle of al-

Qidisiyah settled in Kufa and Basra. It is said that 30,000 of them settled in Kufa, whiie

only 5000 settled in Basra. These figures, like others found in the medieval sources, may

not be accurate. But it stiil t e k us that the majority of those who fought in aC

Qidisiyah settled in Kufa. For some reason, however, 'Umar later decided to end the

imbalance of population in these two cities by adding to the inhabitants of Basra those

who participated in al-Ahwe so that "their number should be similar to that of the
167
inhabitants of Kufa, 93
In other words the population of each city c m be estirnateci to

have been in the area of thirty t h o ~ a n d . ' ~ ~

Zn the foiiowing table we see a breakdown of the tribal affiliation of the

Companions residing in Basra.

Table i
V
The Tribes ofCompanions in Basra

1 'Abd al-Qays 21 eiir 29 Ka'b 1

In the 7th century, according to Massignon, there were about 300,000soldiers registered in Basra.
Massignon, "Explication du Plan de B w a (Irak)," in F. Meier (ed), WesîosiIicbe AbOd~~dcmgea Rudoff
Tschudi' (Wiesbaden: np., 1954), 158. With o d y 30,000 accounted for in the sources, Massignon's
estimation seems to be too high. For the development of the population of Basra see S w A. a t ' a
" K h ~ aal-Bauah,"
~ 72; Peilat, L e d e 4 5.
 *Amiritm
Sabsa'ah
Asad
Bahiiah
Bakr ibn
Wi'il
Dabbah 5 Jann
Hudhayl 6 Kalb
Kinibh 26 IKtiat'am
M*arib 3 Kindah
Muzaynah 16 T G ?
Qays ' ~ y l â n 39
Quraysh 19
Sa'd 1
Tanïim 51
TOTAL 238 TOTAL 72 TOTAL

Erom the above table, a nuniber of conclusions can be drawn.

1. The biggest tnbal component of the Companions of Basra was Ta&m with 5 1

members (16 % of the tnbal population). The second was Qays with 39 (12%), the third

Ansir with 29 (Y%), the fourtb Kininah with 26 (8 %) and the fifth Azd with 25 (8%).

As far as the split between northemers and southerners was concemed, the northerners

constituted the majority. They were 238 in number (76 %) compared to the southerners

at 72 (23%). The most important group arnong the northemers was Tami'm with SI

Companions (21 % of aii the northemers) foiiowed by Qays at 38 (16%). Ammg the

southerners two important groups emerged, the Ansâr at 29 (40%) and Azd at 25 (34%).

2. T d m had maintained close relations with Mecca since the time of the

~ahili~ah.~" ~ ~ nimiber of TanSm muid have been

Contrary to Watt's c o n c l i s i ~ na, ~great

'69 M. J. Kister, "Mecca and T h (Aspects of their Relations)," in ESHO 8 (1965) : 113, 130-
131,46-47. 157.

"O "SO far as M~arxunad'siifetime is concemed, then, there were probably few Muslimç h m
Taniim, ...", Watt, Muhdmmedat Me&a (London: Clarendon Press, 1956), 139.
amoi?g those who became Muslims during the lifetime of the Prophet. It is not

surprising that they should have been the biggest tribe in Basra since their traditional

tribal domain was close to that ~ i t ~ . ~ ' ' WBS among the largest groups to participate
Qays

in the Battle of al-Qiidisiyah, serving under Sa'd ibn AG Waqqe. According to al-

T a b G they were about one thousand in nimiber a l t ~ ~ e t h e rThe

. ' ~ Ma-j, however,

who exceeded the Qays in number (having some 1300 m d 3 ) , were not found in Basra.

This was either because none of them were Companions, and so the biographical

dictionaries do not have any record of the- or because they simply did not stay in

Basra. Al-Tabafi also reports that some 2300 men fiom Yemen gathered in Medina, haK

of whom were sent to Iraq with ~ a ' d . " Since

~ the Azd represented 35 % of the

southemers who settled in Basra, the Azd tribe members must have been the largest

group among these who were sent to Iraq.

3. There were five tribal divisions in ~asra:"' 'Abd al-Qays, Ah1 al-'Âiiyah,

Azd, Bab ibn Wa'il and T d m .But who exactly were Ah1 al-'ayah? There are two

possible explanations. The first is that the name offers a d u e to their place of origin.

'Utbah's army was mainly nom the upper Aijk i.e., Mecca and Medina. The people of

this region were known as the people of the l~i~hlends."~

The second explmation is that

171
F. M. Donner, "Tribal Settlement ia Basra ûraing the First Century AH.," in Khalidi (ed.), Land
Tirrre, f 03.

"* Ibid., 3 : 10.

'71 See Pellat, Le milieq 23-4; Massignon, "Bqa," 158-62.

176
Morony, ïZe Mu&n Conquest, 246.
the name refers to a hierarchical arrangement, designating the people of high statu, and

the prominent people of Basra (either originally ffom Medina or else~here).'~'The fact

that the Ansir and the Quraysh are not mentioned among the akhmG (the five tribal

groups)-although they were as large as T d m , Azd, Bakr, and 'Abd al-Qays-leads us

to conclude that Ahl al-'hYah were indeed those who come originally fiom ~ e d i n a . ' ~ '

The tenu "'hyah" would thus refer either to Medina and Mecca, which are the

highlands or the upper Ijijâz, or to upper Medina as opposed to Iowa Medina. Upper

Medina was important because it was here that the mosque of the Prophet was located.

This ais0 happened to be the most important agricultural area in the Medina region.

When 'Umar distributai the annual stipend, he asked Zayd ibn Thibit to start with the

people of 'AwiE (plural of ' ~ y a h ) . 1 7It9 has been mentioned that 'Umar's treatment of

his subjects was based on seniority in Islam. This meant that 'Umar's order to Zayd ibn

Thibit to begin the distribution of the annual stipends with Ah1 al-%Iiyah indicates the

important position of this group. During the campaigns against the Persians these people

must have been among those who resgonded to the call. Thus the Quraysh who settled

in Basra were not the Quraysh who had come fiom Mecca, but those who had migrated

at the time of the Prophet and settled in Medina. 'Umar's attitude to the later converts

h m Quraysh supports this interpretation. He also discouraged the involvement of the

later Qurasyh converts in campaigns. Once he even argued with AbÜ Bakr because the

"8 It is interesthg that in Kufa the quarter of the Ah1 al-'Ayah was also c d e d the quarter of
Medina. F. M.Donner, "Muzayna" in E f

On the importance of'aY&, see Michael Lecker, MmiUnS, Jews aadP~gms:St&es on Eer/y
~ Z à m i Medula
c (Leiden: E.J. B r u 1995). 1-3.
latter had summoned the later converts of Quraysh to become involved in the conquest

of ~ y r ï a . ' ~ ~

B. Kufa

Like Basra, ~ufa"' was established as a military base camp in the year

15/636.'" As such, 'Umar personally refused to let the first inhabitants of Kufa build

permanent buildings which would have made them less mobile.'" It was only because he

wanted to avoid open disagreement with them that he ever let them build t heir houses

fiom cane. A great fire however destroyed these houses and they asked 'Umar once

more to let them use bricks. Again 'Umar agreed.la

Kufa was first populated by those who had been settled before in d - ~ a d i ' i n . ' ~ ~

These people were Sa'd's army who had fought at al-Qidisiyati in the year 14/635. In

other words, the composition of the fmt settlers in Kufa was similar to that of Sa'd's

18' Alqabaii's accoirnt of Kufa is much more detailed than that of Basra. This is because his main
source was Sayf, who was a KUfan. Sayfwas therefore able to produce many more d e t d s regarding Kufa
than Basra. There is also the possibility that he wanted to express the superiority of Kufa over Basra.
The latter attitude can be seen in the way he subordinates Basra in the narration of Kufa. "When the
people destined for al-KUfah had arrived th-, &the people destined to populate al-Basra had settled
there, .... The people of al-KÜfah asked permission to use reeds as building materiai. The people of al-
Bwah put in tbe same request, ... The fies occurred in al-Ku'fa as well as in al-Bqah" (al-Taban',
T&2&al-lm- 3 : 147- 148. The translation is fiom Juynboll, I;ue Histoy, 13 : 67.Italics mine).

las Ibid., 3 : 147.

army at al-~iidisi~ah.~"
It was rcportcd that thc total numba of thosc who pirticipatcd

in the Battle of al-Qàdisiyah amounted to more than thirty th~usand.~~'

Thus if w c

accept that the composition of the early inhabitants of the city was similar to that of the

contingents at al-Qidisiyah then we might estimate Kufa's early population as being not

be more than thiay thousand. A few years after the death of 'Umar, that is in the time

of 'Uthmin, year 24/644, there were said to have been fourty thousand fighters residing

there.Is8

As far as the Companions were concernai, it is said that around 680 of them

participated in the Battle of al-Qidisiyah: about 70 of these had participated in the

Battle of Badr, a furth- 310 had been the Prophet's Companions since the Pledge of

Good Pleasures (Bay'at ai-Ridwin), and 300 others had participated in the Conquest of

~ e c c a ?Some
~ of these Companions, like other participants in al-Qidisiyah, Iived in

Kufa.

When we look at the division of tribal backgrounds in Kufa, the following

pattern emerges.

Table V
The Tri& of the Companions in Kufa

1 'Abd aEQays
2 'hiribn
Sa'*'&
3 Asad

'86 Fred M.Donner, T6e Early Islamrc Conpest (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 198 1), 227.

18' M a b a n ' , TILizE6 el-Umartt, 3 :7.

las Ibid., 3 :307.

'" Md., 3 : 10.

 4 Bahilah 1 BaJcilah 12
5 Balrribn 6 BaIi 1
wa*iI
6 Dabbah 5 Himyar 8
7 Huâhayl 3 Hamdh 6
8 KinZnah 12 Khathbam 2
9 Muzaynah 14 Kin& 12
10 Qays 'AylEn 28 Muriid 4
11 Quraysh 30 Q@a'ah 4
12 Tamim 27 Ta5 6
13 Thaqif 13

Several conclusions can be drawn from the above scheme:

1. The largest group of the Cornpanions in Kufa was that of the Ansir,

numbering 40 (13%), foiiowed by Quraysh with 30 (9%), Azd with 28 (9%), Qays with

) ~ d m with 27 (8 %), and Asad with 25 (8%). As far as tribal origins are
28 ( 9 % ~T

concemed, both the northemers and the southemers were almost equaily represented.

Whereas the northemers constituted 60% of the inhabitants, the southerners made up

39% (compareci to Basra where the northemers outnumbered the southerners by 75% to

23%). The most important southerners in terms of number were the AnsZr (32%), Azd

(22%), BaFlah (10%) and Kindah (10%). As for the northemers there were four

important tribal groups which were almost equal in number: Qutaysh (16%), Qays

(15%), T-m (14%) and Asad (13%). At the second level we find four other groups

which were ais0 alrnost equaiiy represented: Muzaynah (7%), 'Abd al-Qays (7%), 'b r

ibn Sa'sa'ah (7%) and Kininah (6%).

2. How did the Ansiir and Quraysh become the largest p u p of Cornpanions

represented at Kufa? This is interesting for there is no mention that they were ever a
part of Sa'd's army. Since of 27 known martyrs, 8 were from the Ansir, the latter mwt

obviously have participated in the Battle of a l - ~ i i d i s i ~ a h .Since

'~ they are not

mentioned as having been in Sa'd's axmy when it departed from Medina, when did they

corne? It is highly probable that they arrived in Iraq with the first army that had been

sent by 'Umar under al-Muthanni ibn al-Hirithah. The MuhajirÜn (meaning the

Quraysh) and the Ansk were ammg the first to poswer 'Umar's caU to undertake Jihad

against Persia. It is said that there were about four thousand MuhâjirÛn and Ansar who

They likely joined up with Sa'd once he had arrÏved in Iraq and
joined al-~uthann~i!~~

then participated in aLQSdis7yah. Eventually, when Kufa was built, they chose to reside

there permanently. But there are also some who came to Kufa later. Examples are Ab5

-ad " ~ ibn c%b,193 Qarqah ibn Ka'big4 and Mujammi' ibn
ibn ~ a ~ s ,'Ubayd

. ~ ~ 'were not in Sa'd's army but rather were sent to Kufa by 'Umarto teach
~ i r i ~ a hThey

religion and the Qur' En. As for the Quraysh, since only 1 of 27 martyrs of al-Qadisiyah

is fiom this tribe, it could mean that either they-like the A n s E r - f o d part of the

previous army that had survived and resided in Iraq but which-unlike the Ansir-did

' ~ ~that the majonty of t h w only arrïved in Kiifa

not take an active part in the b a t t ~ e , or

-
190
Donner, IsI'c Conques& 208.

lgl Al-Küfi, al-Fut* 164-5.

193
Ibid., 2 : 437; Ibn Sa'd, af-T8alpqtft, 6 : 17.

Ibn Sa'd,
lg4 ai-TabeqBI, 6 : L 7;Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, dIst7'~%,3 : 1306; Iim &At&, Usd s l - G h 8 i 4 :
400; Ibn -jar, al-&a- 3 :223-

lg6 Donner, IsIamic Cooq~est,208.

after the conquest. As for Taniim and Asad, they settled close to Kufa, and so it is

understandable to find them among the first to settle in Kufa Azd on the other hand

lived far away from Kufa. Their presence can only be explained by the process of

conques&as c m that of Qays.

3. As in Basra, in Kufa the Azd were one of the most important tribes. In spite of

their smaii number (only around seven hundred of the total number of Sa'd's army in al-

~idisiyah),'~'many of the Cornpanions came from this tribe. The Azd had aheady

played a considerable role in the history of the Prophet. Once the Prophet asked them to

undertake Jihad, against the polytheists of ~ e m e n . ~When

~' 'Umar summoned the

Muslims to return to Iraq to mdertake Jihad once again, the Azd irnmediately came

forward. They were part of Sa'd's army and so were among the first settlers in Basra

and ~ u f a ' ~ ~

4. According to al-Tabaii, these are the tribes who settled in Kufa with Sa'd:

Sulaym, ThaqiS Hamdh, BaFlah, Taym al-Lit, Taghlib, Bani Asad, Nakha', Kindah,

Azd, Ans&, Muzaynah, T d m , Muhirib, Asad, 'Àrnir, Bajalah, Bajlah, Jadilah,

Juhaynah, and Bani a l - ~ a k k i i ' There

. ~ ~ ~ are, however, differences between this list and

~ a b a r i ' sown cccount of the tribes who joined Sa'd at d-~idisi~ah.~O'

If the early

197
For the list of the participants in the Battle of al-QZdisiyah, see al-Tabac T&%h al-Umam,3 : S-
7.
inhabitants of Kufa were similar in origin to those who had peviously settled in al-

MadP'in, and the composition of those who settled in al-Madayin are similar to those

who joined Battle at al-Qkdisiyah, then the tribes who participated in the latter event

must have been among the first settlers in Kufa. But al-Taban's List leaves out a number

of tnbes who were involved in the battle. Qays, for example, who participated in al-

Qidisiyah, are not mentioned. Since Qays appears in the table-and their numbers were

quite significant-we cannot infer that they did not stay in Kufa afier the battle.

In contrast to the situation in Iraq and Egypt, in Syria t h e Muslims did not build

cities immediately after the conquest. This policy could be explained as reflecting the

wish of the Muslims to continue the existing Byzantine politicaL-military division of the

country. Accordingly, pst-conquest Syria was divided into four provinces, each of

which was called a jund These provinces were: Palestine, al-Urdunn, Damascus and

Drawing upon information supplied by the Arab chrcmïclers and geographers

~irns?'~

fiom the 3rd/9îh to 6tW12th centiiry, Haldon makes the foliowing statement on the

approximate boundaries of the four provinces:

... the jmd of Ey is the most northerly, having a border with that of Dimashq to
j
ï
the South nmning inland fÎom the wst j ust north of Tripoli in a more-or-less easterly
direction. .... The jrmd of Dimashq has a littoral reaching d o m as far as Tyre, at
which point it meets the boundary of al-Urdum. But it is important to note that,
according to the sources, it actually encloses the area of t h e juod al-Urdutm on the
- -

n Muhammad Adnan Bakhit and

202 Man Shahid, "The Jimd System in B i l a al-Shim Its Ongin," i
Muhammad Asfour (eds.), Pmeeediags of t&e Symposium on Bdâd alalShiinDrrriag the B ' r i a e Pen-&
(Anrman, 1986), 47; John Haldon, "Seventh-CenturyContinuities: the Ajnsd and the 'hematic Myth',"
in Averil Cameron (ed.), Iae B ' m e tmd M y Id-c New East m:Sdates, Resocnces and Annies
(Princeton: The Darwin Press, 1995). 379-80.
 desert side, including for example, the cities of Bostra and 'Ammin, before stretching
down to meet the border of Fila$ln, which covers the districts to the South,
stretching into the Negev, and West as far as the coast. Even with the tidying-up
carried out by the lat et geographers, these descriptions may be reasonable presumed
to refiect the approxîmate extent of the ajaarl in the seventh century, since the
203
evidence of the early Umayyad mints for the region fits in with these areas, .---

The writers of the biographical dictionarïes that we have consulted for o u . study lived

between the 3rd9th and 9tWl5th centuries: Ibn Sa'd died in the 3rd/9th century, Ibn

'Abd al-Barr in the StWllth, Ibn al-AtEr in the 7tW13th, al-Dhahab? in the 8tWl4th

and Ibn Hajar in the 9tW15th. If we accept Haldon's statement that the description of

the four ajnidmade between the 3rd/9th and 6tW12th centuries by the Arab chroniclers

and biographers reflects the approximate boundaries of these ajosd in the seventh

century, then we can assume that Ibn Sa'd's and Ibn 'Abd al-Barr' s statements on these

four ajoici; considering when they were wrïtten, also reflect the four afiid in the lstnth

century. As for Ibn al-AtSr, al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar, since they lived after the

6tW12th century, their statements on the four ajbid may not reflect the lst/7th century

reality. In other words, we do not know precisely, for example, what Ibn Hajar meant

when he said "sakana FiI'tI'n." Did his Palestine still occupy the same territory as the

Palestine of the lst/7th cent- or did it mean something different to him in the

9tW15th century? We cannot answer this question unless we assume that Ibn al-Athir,

al-Dhahabi, and Ibn Hajar ail shared the same sources as Ibn Sa'd and Ibn 'Abd al-Bam,

or that the iiykid after the 6tW12th century retained substantially the same borders as

they had severat centuries earlier.

203
John Haldon, "The Ajnid" 388-9. For more precise boundaries of these @id see map II (The
Ajnid according to Arab sources), ibid, Mi.
 Unlike the terms Palestine and al-Urdunn, which are used only to indicate

provinces, Damascus and Hims are also used to refer to cities. Al-Muqaddasi makes this

clear. While he introduces Palestine with the phrase c c w a Fias@i~

- ~ fa-qwabatuhi

al-~amlah"(as for Palestine, its capital city is Ramlah) and al-Urdunn with "wa-ammi

al-Urduno f a - q ~ a b a t dal-Ta&mTjaby'
i (as for al-Urdunn, its capital city is Tabdyah),

he introduces Damascus with "w a - d Dimas& fa-ism al-qeabab ayQad' (as for

Damascus, it is also the name of its capital city), and Hims with c ' w a - ~fa-hm
i ~

ai-qa~abbabayQmY9(as for Hims, it is also the name of capital Thus, when it is

said "sakimaFi28~[~"
this could mean that a Compaaion resided viauaily anywhere-or

in any city-in Palestine, whereas when it is said "sakana @ID$' it means that he resided

either in the city of Hims or in ot her cities in t hat province. Likewise "sakaoa Dimasbq"

could mean that he resided eithec in thecity of Damascus or somewhere else in the

province of Damascus.

This of course poses a problem when it cornes to interpreting the phrase "sakana

al-Sh&," the most fiequently vsed expression for the Companions' geographical

connection to Syria. Where exactly did the Companions live? Palestine, al-Urdunn,

Damascus or H ü u ? In early Islamic times morover "al-Sh&" could also mean

~ * ~ Damascus was referred to as either "Dimasbc&" "Dimashqal-Sl&"

~ a m a s c u s . Hence

or simply " a l - ~ b ~The ~ ~ that

. " fact ~ Damascus is the biggest city in Syria ( " a j d

Ai-MuqaddasZ, @sa &Ta4&&, 154.

'O5 C.E.Bosworth, "al-Shk" in &.

'06 N.Elisséeff, "Damascus,"~f .

ma(r1oah bi-al-Sbih )207 and even its capital city CLDmas6qaiya mi$r al-Shim )208 may
9 99

explain why it was identifieci with Syria (al-Sb&). But does this mean that when we

find the statement "sakma al-Sh&" we can generally assume that it is quivalent to

"sakana Dimmbq'? While it is certainly possible to hold this view, this is not the

position that we take here. There are some expressions which prevent us fiom assuming

that "sakana al-~htïiz~'~

automatically means "sakma Dimar;.~."It happens that the

sources use both "al-Sbclm~~

and its province, or even its cities, at the same tirne, to

indicate geog-raphical location. Examples are: "aWir m m mata bi-ai-Sain mio

&.ab RmÜI AU& (the last Cornpanion of the Prophet who died in Syria in ~ i r n s ) , " ~ ~ ~

"sakana mms nuh c~l-Sb& (he resided in Hims in Syria),99210 nazda al-Urdmn rmii al-
6'

Sh&u (he resided in al-Urdunn in Syria), 99211 crsakana al-Urdrma min aï-Shim (he

resided in al-Urdunn in syria),'"12 and "alladhiin nszdu al-S'am bi-Bayf al-Maqdis

~ ' ~ examples show us that al-

(those who resided in Syria in Bayt a l - ~ a ~ d i s ) . "These

S h h certainly does not equP1 Daas&. The expression "dadb3n oszalu a l - S k bi-

Bayt al-MaqdiS' tells us that the author (i.e., Ibn Sacd) fortunately knew in which part

of Syria these people ~esided,which allowed him to be specific. Had he not bown that

'O7 Ibn Hawkal, KI.& S b t d - M ed. J.H. Kramers (Leiden; E.J. Bri& l967), 174.
208
AI-Muqaddas' A&SIMal-T ' s E m , 1 56.
209
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isfla* 2 : 736, 3 : 847; Ibn Hajar, d-Isaia&, 2 :273;Ibn al-Athk, Usd al-
Gha'bab, 3 : 16,186;ibn Sa'd, al-Tahqit,7 :413.

"O Ibn &At& Usdal-GO&& 2 : 511.

211
Ibn Hajar, al-Isaadib,2 : 292; Ibn al- Atm* Usd d - G h a i 3 : 220.
212
Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti'a-b,3 3 1326.
213
Ibn Sa'd, al-pbaqit*7 : 424.
these latter had settled in Bayt al-Maqdis, he would have said "alIa&O aazdü al-

Shi&'' period. Thus, it codd be the case that when our authors write ''sakana al-Sh&"
they indeed only lmew that a Cornpanion resided in Syria but not the exact

whereaboutS.

How many Companions went to Syria for Jihad? Although we do not know the

precise answer to t his question, the following informat ion is suggestive. According to

Sayf, there were about 1O00 Companions who took part in the Battle of al-Yarmik and

about 100 of these had been participants in ~ a d r . A

~ 'group
~ of Companions is also

reported to have participated in the conquest of Cyprus in the year 27.2L5In KhaÜd ibn

al-Waüd's army in Syria there were about 500 ~ o r n ~ a n i o nWhile

s . ~ ~the
~ number given

by Sayf may not be accurate, it still gives us the impression that quite a number of

Companions went to Syrïa to undertake Jihad. How mmy of them survived and finally

came to reside there?

Further information which c a . also help us answer the question c m be derived

h m AbÜ Bah's insistence on sending an army to Syria It was his policy that when

people came to Medina asking him to send them on Jihad, Abi Bakr would direct them

to Syrïa. Some of them arrived with Abu 'Ubaydah while otbers accompanied Yazid

Any group could go with whomsoever it pleased?7 On another occasion, in order to

meet the Byzantine threat from Antakiya, AbÜ Bakr slnnmoned the Muslirns and urged

Al-Tabaii, TiSZh d - U m m 2 : 594.

'lS Ibia., 3 : 315.

216
Al-KÜfi, al-F~tùh,1 : 253.

'17 Al-Tabaii, TZiTkbal-Umm, 2 : 601.

them to help their brothers in Syria People from Hamdh, Adam, GhifZr, Muzaynah,

Murid, Azd and other tribes answered this cal.L21gIt is also said that Abc 'Ubaydah's

amiy consisted of Azd, IJimyar, Hamdân, Madhhij, Khawh, Khath'am, Kinânah,

Q-a'ah, Lakhm, Judhâm and Hadramawt. No one fiom the Taym or Rabi'ah tribes

joined AbÜ 'Ubaydah, for all of them were with Sa'd ibn Ab: WaqqG in 1raq?19 There is

no information on how many (if m y ) of these people were Companions. But they were

certainly oId enough to go to war and this means that they had been alive in the time of

the Prophet, Hence, we can assume that there must have been some Companions among

them.

The table below provides a glimpse of the Companions who were active in Syria,
broken down by tribe of origin.

Table VI
The Tribes of the Companions in Syria

1 'Abd al-Qays
2 '&ni.ribn
Sab+'ah
'Anz ibn Bayma'
wiVil
Asad Daylh
Bahif ah Dhimar
Bakr ibn Du'al
Wâ'il
Hudhayl Habsh
Kinanah Ha&
ML@arib Hudayba
Muzaynah Jap
Qays ibn Kuli'
'Aylan
Quraysh Lahb
Stdaym Laq*
 15 TarGm i l Jdmynah 14 Mdaykah 2
16 Thaqif 6 Kaib 3 Mut' 1
17 Khath'am 7 Bahriia 1
18 KhawIiin 8 Sa'd ibn Bakr 2
19 Khuzâ'ah 2 Sa'd ibn 1
Layîh
20 Kindah 31 Sama' 2
2i Lelchm 7 Shargh 1
22 Ma-j 1 1 Sibib 1
23 QudZbah 1 Subi& 1
24 Tai* 5 Sun&@ 1
25 TanÜkh 1 Tha'Iab 1
26 'Udhrah 1 'Utk 1
27 Yaman 3 Zuhrah i
TOTAI, 160 TOTAL 251 TOTAL 34

These figures ailow us to conclude the following:

1. The most important tribes in Syria were Azd, with 46 Companions (iO%),

Quraysh with 45 (IO%), Ansir with 37 (8%), and Kindah with 3 1 (7%). Sulaym with

24 (5%), Qays 'Ayliin with 19 (4%), Kinânah with 18 (4%), ' L r ibn Sa'sa'ah with 16

(4%) and Ash'ar 16 (4%) came next. The majority of the Companions belonged to

southem tribes (251 or 56%), as opposed to those who had affiliation with northem ones

(160 or 36%). So far 1have been unable to determine to which broad geographicai group

the remaining 34 Companions (8%) belonged.

2. The dominance of Azd in Syria can be explained by the fact that they for&

the largest group among the newly arrived tribes in Syria. At the Battle of YarmÜk, they

constituted one third of the whole Muslim army.uO

 Table VII
The Tribal m a t i o n of the Cornpanions who Resided in
Huns, Damascus, Palestine and al-Urdunn

t 14 'Akk -I 1 -
15 man 2 - -
16 Mir 10 7 4 1
17 1 Ash'ar - 2 - -
18 1 Azd 13 6 1 5 1
19 f Hatjramswt 6 - - -
20 HamdZn 1 11 -
-
21 Himyar 2 -
22 Jadhim 1 4
23 Iuùsynah 3 ' - 3 '
24 Kaib - 2 -
25 Khath'um - 1 1
26 Khawlh --
9 2 -
27 Khuza'aù 1 1
28 Kindah 15 1 1 1
29 LaLhm 1 - 5
30 M w i j 4 2 -
31 QudTaù - 1 -
32 Tali 2 1 -
33 Tanükb 1 - -
34 Yaman 1 1 1
TOT= 2 64 28 26 1 3
UMpecifieci 1 1
35 'Anz - - 11
36 'AM 1 1
37 Du'al - - 1
38 Fazàci - - I
39 Habsh
pp

1 - 1
40 H.arzin 1 1 -
41 Jsrsh 1 -
42 Kawu(?) 1 1 - -
43 Khashnah 1 -
44 Lahb 1 - -
45 bit - - 1
46 Sa'd 1 - -
47 'Utlu 1 - 1
48 Ya'mu 1 - - -

49 Yarà@(?) 1 1 - -
TOTAL 3 10 1 O 6
TOTAL 1.2.3 1 120 1 49 41 5
 3. As was stated before, Hims, Llarnascus, Palestine and al-Urdunn were the four

provinces that made up Syria in the time of Companions. As far as these 8/oKd were

concerned the information that we get is not always specific, so that we do not know

exactly where the Cornpanions mostly settled or what tnbes were dominant in each

region, But from Table V i l above we may be able to obtain a genetai idea of their

distribution.

In overall terms, Kindah, Azd, Quraysh and Ansir were the tnbes with the

largest numbers of Companions. The concentration of these tribes, however, is

interesting. Almost aLl the Kindah Companions resided in Hims (13% of ljims's

Companion population), while they formeci oniy 2% of L)amascus's and 2% of

Palestine's. Companions of Quraysh origin resided mainly in Hims and Damascus (9%

of Hims's Companion population and 16% of Uamascus's) while oniy a few lived in

Palestine (only 4% of the total). Companions of Ansir and Azd origin on the other hand

were almost equaliy present h Hims, Damascus and Y alesthe, ranging in each case fiom

slightfy more than 8% to slightly more than 14% of the total population of the

Companions in t hese regions.

D- Egypt

Ibn Sa'd, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Ibn al-Athir, al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar ail refer to the

Companions who resided in Egypt as having been inhabitants of Mi- Neither Fustat

nor Alexandria is ever mentioned.

 In the period between the Arab conquest and the foundation of Cairo, the terni

MF was understood to mean the settlement of 'Amr ibn al-'& and his armYY22L
As was

said earlier, the involvement of Companions in officiai administration led them to settle

in cities, where these activities were actively pursued. In Egypt the center of

administration, and the site where 'Amr ibn al-'& and his -y were for the most part

settled, was Fwtat. It was a city in the real meaning of the word ("migB kuLI gawl'),

or the city of Egypt (''m@ir~$').~"Hence when Ibn Sa'd, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,Ibn al-

Athir, al-Dhahabi and Ibn Hajar Say "sakaoe MI$' they most Likely mean " s a k m

FUS!^?$.'' The city was built in the year 20/640 or 2 L/64l, soon afier 'Amr ibn al-'&

h IJudayj al-TuFbi, Shurayk ibn Jibfil al-

conquered ~ l e x a n d r i a -~~u~' a w i ~ aibn

GhNayfi al-Muridi, 'Amr ibn Q a b a m al-al-Khawlani and Qaywayl ibn Nkhirah al-

Mu'ifin were appointed by 'Amr ibn al-'& to be responsible for settling the army.Y4

Needless to Say, not all the m y settled in Egypt. From the biographical dictionaries

used as sources for this thesis, we know that there were 151 Companions who

participated in conquering Egypt . Of that number only süghtly less thm half (Le., 66)

Companions are known to have stayed in Fustat.

In the table below we see the breakdown of the Companions' number in Egypt

arranged by tribe.

223
ibn Duqrniïq, al-hti@, 2-3. al-Kindi, KIta-b al-Wd& wa-KItc13 al-Q@kii, ed. Rhwon Guest
(Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1912), 9.
 Table Vm
The Tribes of the Companions in Egypt

1 'Abd al-Qays 2 'Akk 5 Abrahah 1

2 Asad 1 An+ü 20 Daylk 1
3 Babilah 3 &b& 2 Dubl 1
4 KiniTnRh 14 Ashbar 1 FSs 2
5 Mudar 1 Azd 7 Hamrawah 1
6 Muzaynah 3 Ba$& 1 JayshZn 2
7 Qays 'AylSn 3 BaE 21 Kt@ 1
8 Quraysh 23 Ija&arnawt 10 Mu'Zfir 1
9 Suiaym 2 Harndân 3 Saba' 1
10 Tanih 1 Hirnyar 3 'Utaq 2
11 Thaqif 1 Juhaynah 8
12 Judhâm 1
13 Khawlin 4
14 Khuzàbah 2
15 Kindah 12
16 Lakhm 1
17 Ma-j 3
18 Muri d 5
19 QuOagah 3
20 Tanukh 1
21 Yaman 6
TOTAL 54 TOTAL 119 TOTAL 13

A number of observations can be made on the basis of the above,

1. Qucaysh, with 23 (12%) Companions, Bali with 21 (1 1%), Ans& with 20

(11%), Kinhah with 14 (8%), Kindah with 12 (6%) and Hadramawt with 10 (5%) are

the tribes that had the highest concentration of Companions in Egypt. The majority of

Companions belonged to tnbes fiom the south (64%). The northem tnbes boasted 29%.

A fuaher 14 Companions, or 7% of the total belonged to tribes of uncertain origin.

2. One might think that, because the Quraysh and Ansir were dominant in

Egypt, there must have been many fiom these tribes who participated in the conquest of

this region. This was, however, not the case. As the biographical dictionaries tell us,
there were only 13 Companions fiom Qurasyh and 6 fiom A q â r who joined the

, ~ ~ only 10 of these (i-e., 8 nom Qurasyh .and 2 fiom A.u$k) who are
c o n q ~ e s tand

known to have settled or had a koittd there. This means that the majority of the

Quraysh and Ansir came to Egypt afier the conquest.

3. Contacts between Bali and the Prophet had been established since the early

days of Islam. U6 Some of them even lived in Medina, so that when a delegation of Bali

members went to the Prophet in order to accept Islam they stayed with a resident Bali,

Rufay' ibn Thabit al-~alawi.~'

A considerable number of BaIawis fought alongside the

Prophet at Badr and Upi."' When the Muslim nrmy went to Egypt they joined them.

They were closely attached to 'Amr,and were ranged on the right of his b a n n ~ r 'Amr
.~~

was in fact related to Bali through the rnarriage of his grandfather to a woman of that

tribeTO Of the 151 Companions who joined the expedition to Egypt, 17 were fiom BaIi,

1I of whom decided to reside there (of the other 6 there is no way of determining

whether they decided to reside there, or died, or went somewhere else). The total

"* When compare4 for example. to Ghiifiq. It is told that one third of the three thousand original
memkrs of 'Amr's army who conquered Egypt were from this tribe. Their settlement in Fustat was so
large that Ibn 'Abd al-Hakarn could not even describe it ail (al-Kin&, =ta% al-Wd& 8; Ibn 'Abd al-
Hakam, Fut. Miy,121,122).

226 But it was only the B a l d of mj& who suppoaed the Prophet. The Balawi of the north, who
resided in Syria, opposed the Prophet, and even fought alongside the Byzantines against the Muslims.
See Donner, Isfcuzllë Conquest, 101-102; W. M. Watt, Mti&mm8d st Media4 I l 1.
227
Ttm Sa'd, al-Tabaqd, 1 : 330.
228
For a list of the participants see IbnHazm, JdCPhmf Ansi3 al-' h b ,ed. É. Lévi-Provençal (Cairo:
DâÜ ai-Ma'iÜif, 1948), 413-4.

229 It was even claimed that 'Amr fought under the banner of Bail (Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam,. Fut& Misr,
62).

Ibid., 116.
number of Balawi Companions who went to Egypt was 2 1, meaning that the majority of

them (Le., 17) went to Egypt with the army. The other 4 must have gone there after the

conquest. It may well be the case that, among the tribes which settled in Egypt, Bali

was the tribe which had the highest representation in Companions ( " f i - d B a Gfa-

& h d i rajulin g&ba Rasa AU& ,,)231 Not d the people of BaIi who settled in

Egypt came at the time of the conquest however. For some unknown reason 'Umar

asked his governor ( 'amif)in Syria to send one third of the Quda'ah tribe to Egypt, and

since Bali constituted one third of Qda'ah, it was presumably they who were sentSu2

So far we have discussed the pattern of the distribution of Companions by tribe

in the main centers of settlement: Iraq (JCda and Basra), Syria (mainly Damascus, Hims

and Palestine) and Egypt (in this case, Fustat). From the discussion certain points

emerge. First, as far as the number of tribes was concernai, Syiia and Egypt were more

heterogeneous than Basra or Kufa were. Second, the southemers were in the majority in

Syria and in Egypt, whereas the northemers, on the other hand, formed the majority in

Basra and Kufa (although in Kufa the difference in numbers between northerners and

southeruers was not great.) Third, as far as representation is concernai, Qurasyh, Ansir,

Kin&&, Kindah and Azd were the tribes that boasted the greatest numbers of

Companions. In every center of settlement they were in the majority. Fourth, there

were tribes which formed the majority in a certain place or places but were in the

minority in others, examples being: Bakr ibn Wà'il (strong in number of Companions

only in Basra), Bali (strong only in Egypt), Qays ' A y h and Ash'ar (strong only in

23' Ibid., 77.

U 2Ibid., 1 16.
Syria), 'Abd al-Qays (strong only in Basra and Kufa), Sulaym (strong only in Basra and

Syria), ThaqZf (strong only in Basra and Kufa), and '&nh ibn S a'sa' ah (strong only in

Basra, Kufa and Syria).

In Chapter Four we will discuss whether the general pattern o f settlement in

Basra, Kufa, Syria and Egypt had any influence on the Battle of Siffin.
 CENTERS OF DXSTRIBUIXON DURING THE FITNAH

1- The Arena

Of the three main theaters of conquest (Iraq, Syria, and Egypt), Iraq traditionally

was the Least popular among soldiers. We see for instance that 'Umar's first initiative on

becoming caliph was to surnmon wamors to accompany al-Muthanna ibn al-Hirithah

(who had gone to Medina to request aid at around the time of Abu Bakr's death) on his

retuni to Iraq. 'Umar waited three days and yet nobody came forward. AlGaban

acknowledges that "the Persian front was among the most dislîked and difficuh of the

warfionts for them, because of the strength of the Persians' sovereignty, their military

force, their might, and their subjecîhaof the nations."' The same thing occurred when

'Umar was preparing to send Sa'd ibn Ab? Waqqk to Iraq in the year 14/635. Although

Sac& it is said, was able to gather 4000 men around him, of whom 2300 were from

Yemen and 700 from al-sarat: these recruits, much to the dismay of 'Umar, only

wanted to be sent to Syria. 'Umar insisted on sending them to Iraq but they still refused.

The final solution was that haif of them were sent to Iraq and the other half to ~yria.'

Al-Tabax?, Tank6 al-Umam rva-al-Md&, ed. Nukhbah min al-'Ulamii' al-AjillZ' (Bsirut:
Mu'assasat a l - A ' I d lil-Mafbü'it, ad.), 2 : 63 1. The translation is from lZie Hisfory of al-Taban: vol.
1 1 , The Challenge to the Empires, translated and annotated by Khalid Yahya Blankinship (Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1W2), 173.

"A mountain range parallel to the Southwestern Coast of the Arabian peninsula." Friedmann's note
in Ilie I t i s t o y ofal- Taban: vol. 12, The BaffleofaI-Qadisijah md the Cmquest ofS@ and Palesthe,
translated and annotated by Yohanan Friedmann (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992),
1 o.
3
Al-Tabar?, T&r'. al-&am, 3 : 5.
The Ba$& or, to be more precise, the scattered Baclis whom Ja6r ibn 'Abd AUah had

gathered together with the help of '~mar: also refusai to mach to Iraq with al-

Muthanni, insisting instead that they be sent to Syria. Thay paid no attention to

'Umar's explanation that the latter region was sufficiently gamsoned. Only after 'Umar

promised to compensate them with a quarter of the fifih part of the booty, in addition to

their own share, did they finally agree to go to liaq.'

The nature of the arena was of course not the only reason. The tribal

composition in the destination was clearly another factor. The Yemenis were inclinai

toward Syria on this account, while the Mudan's favored Iraq! This explains why Sa'd's

army insisted on being sent to Syria, since the majority of them were from Yemen. The

BajiIis made it clear that the reason why they prefmed to be sent to Syria was because

their brothers (&sIcllfmaiwere there.' Azd and Kinhah tendered the same reason before

finally abandoning Syria, at 'Umar's request, as their first choice.' Like the Yemenis

and the BajZs, the Azdis and Kinas only reluctantly went to Iraq.

The difficulty that 'Umar faced in recruiting troops on the one hand and in

meeting the immediate need to send an army to face the powerful Persian troops on the

other, forced him to take drastic measures. First, he recruited former apostates, a g r o q

J a f k had in fact already asked the Prophet's permission to coiiect the Baj?lis. But this was not
realized until the tirne of 'Umar (Ibn al-AtE, al-ka fial-Ta ed Abü &Fi&' 'Abd Ali& al-QZ@
(E3eirut: Dâr al-Kutub al-'Ilmiiyah, 1987), 2 : 288 - 9).
5
AI-Tabaxï, T 'al-Umaq2 : 644,645-6; Ibn al-At=, & - K a ,2 : 289.

'Ibid, 2 : 646.
Ibid., 2 :647.
fiom which AbÜ Bakr had never sought help in his wars against non-~rabs?'Umar had

no choice but to do so, although he never placed a former apostate in a position of

authonty. l0 The prohibition institut ed by Abu Bakr against recruiting former apostates

had in fact placed al-Mutham6 ibn Hirithah, his general in Iraq, in a very deiicate

position, especially when half of his army went to Syria with Khalid ibn al-WaEd (on

Abu Bakr's instructions). The situation he faced was actuaily so difficult that he, as we

have seen, was forced to go to Medina to infonn the Caliph of the objective reaiity of

the Muslims in Iraq and to ask his permission to recniit apostates, provided that they

clearly showed their regret. Al-Muthanna amved in Medina when Abu B a h was aiready

suffering fkom the illness which caused his death.LLThe pressure exerted by al-

Muthanna-with whom 'Umar finally discussed the matt er--mua have been

instrumentai in convincing 'Umar to abandon Abu Bakr's policy conceming the

involvement of apostates in campaigns. Once 'Umar allowed them to join the ranks,

these apostates quickly stepped forward fiom every dire~tion.'~

The second measure that

'Umar took was to ailow conscription, when necessary, as a means of raising troops.

When 'Umar sent Sa'd to al-qadisiyah he instnicted him to recruit any man of strength,

In one of his letters which he sent to Kh&d ibn al-Walid and 'Iyad ibn Ghanm (both of whom
having been sent to Iraq), AbÜ Bakr said, "No one among those that have apostatized is dlowed to
campaign with you until 1 give rny opinion*' (ai-Tabaii, T a al-Umara,2 : 554). Again, bis instruction
to Khâiid ibn ai-Walid, d e n he sent him to Syria, was "Accept (that is, to be part of his m y ) only
those who have not apostatized" (ai-Tabafi, T a ~ - U ~ B2I:~587; L , dso Ibn ai-At&, al-Kainil2 :
238, 252.

'O Al-Tabaii, TtÜ%h al-Cmam, 3 : 9. However, faced with a very difficult situation, and regardes of
'Umar's prohibition, Sa'd put Qays ibn al-MakshÜkh, one of the former leaders of the apostates, in
conimand of a mail expedition. This made 'Amr ibn MabdiLarib, a Cornpanion, angry. See ai-Tabaii,
T a a/-Umam,3 : 63-4.
" Al-Tab& Thanfial-Cmaim, 2 : 607; Ibn ai-AtE, a l - K a , 2 2 263.

'' Al-Tabaii, TZ5ika al-Umm 2 :634; Ibn &At&, al-Kàùd, 2 2 283,289.

courage and leadership, including non-Arabs, whom he encomterd on the way, adding

''if he refuses, just take him-"13~evertheless,in one of his letters to Sa'd on the way to

al-Qâdisiyah, 'Umar remindeci him to be cautious with his recr~its.'~

These reports on the reluctance of people to go to Iraq may be an indication of

the socio-political conditions existing t here. 'Umar's policy to use force andior offer

economic concessions ~uggeststhat the migration of people to Iraq was basically

involuntary. Nor shodd we be surprised to learn that those who were sent to Iraq and

finally settled there did not readily feel at home. This made for an unstable atmosphere,

at least when compared to the situation in Syria. It shodd be remembered here that the

settlement of the Companions in Iraq is most ofien described in the sources by the verb

nszsla, an expression which suggests impennanence.ls

The poor relations existing between Kufa and Basra are in many ways indicative

of the instability of Iraq. The two cities were not always in harmony. One source of

confikt was the distribution of tax revenues. The rule that the taxes taken fkom

conquered lands would belong to its conquerors had orïginally motivated the Basrans

and Kufans to compete with each other in conquering as much land as possible. Which

of the two actually wnqnered the land was crucial to deciding how much economic

l3 Al-Tabaii, T a al-Umm 3 : 28; 2 : 658. But when conditions improved 'Umar abandoned this
policy (al-Tabd, T S al- Umaat,3 :223).
'* m a b a i i , TarEkb al-Umatq 3 : 11. See also Ibn ai-At& al-Kamil, 2 : 295. Some of these men
emhaced Islam either before or aiter the fighting. Non-Arabs, and even non-Musrinis, as compensation,
were entitled to a payment of two thousand dirhams, just like other participants in ai-Qaclisiyah (ai-
Tabaii, Ta& al-Umm 3 : 28). Another measure that 'Umar t w k to encourage the people to fight the
Persians was to diow them to keep the spoiis taken fiom the men they killed (ai-Tabd, TZkW al-
Urndv~z,3 :71).
benefit either group would receive. Problems certainly arose when both Kufans and

Basrans jointly conquered certain regions. Each group tried to claim particular lands to

the exclusion of the other. The Kufans, for example, claimed that RhahunnUZ and

Ïdhaj were theirs since they had been conquered by them without any help fiom the

Bssratis, who had only joined forces with them once the two lands had been t a k e d 6 The

Basrans, who were facing serious economic problems due to an imbalance between their

numbers in Basra and the extent of the lands they possessed, proposed to 'Umar through

their govemor 'Umar ibn Suriqah that the problem be settled in such a way that the

Kufans would share their lands with them."

On another occasion the problem involved the conquest of Tust ar (2 1642). The

Basrans claimed the land for thernselves, but so did the Kufans. This might have erupted

into war had 'Umar not sent them a letter imposing a solution to the quarrel. Tustar,

'Umar said, was the rightful prize of the Basrans, but, because the Kufans had helped

them, the Basrans ought to share the booty with the Kufans.Everyone was satisfied

with the settlement, the Basrans returning home following their leader AbÜ MÜs6 al-

Ash'afi and the Kufans doing the same under 'Ammir ibn ~ i s i r . 'Later
~ however

Dabbah ibn Muhsan r a i d the problem again with 'Umar, questioning the involvement

of the Basrans in the conquest. He confionted AbÜ MG6 al-Ash'afi, accusing him of not

I6AlTaban, T a al-Umm, 3 : 240; Ibxi al-Athir, a l - K S , 2 :432.

" ~ 1 - ~ a b a i iT, ' i k o ai-Umm 3 : 240

'' Al-Küfi, Kit& al-Futa (Beirut: DSr al-Nadwah al-Jaiiidah, n-d.), 2 : 27.
having contributeci to the victory. 'Umar summoned both AbÜ MÜsa al-Ash'afi and

Dabbah to meet with him, but reserved most of his anger for Ab6 ~ i i s & ' ~

The rivalry between Kufa and Basra was damaging to the future of Iraq in its

struggle against Syria. When 'Aliled the people of Iraq in the year 36/657against the

Syrian challenge, be faced many difficulties in gaining control. The fact that he was 3

newcomer himself made the situation worse. Not only did he have to deal with local

problems, he also had to struggle to be accepted by the local people. The strong support

he received fiom the Companions, particularly fiom those settled in Kufa, was not

enough to overcome the intemal crisis that 'Ali had to face.

Tuming to Syria, a different picture emerges. Syria was a popular destination for

Jihad. It was mentioned above that the Azd, Kinhah and BaGlah tribes argued with

'Umar hoping that they wodd be allowed to be sent to Syria, only to be told that Syria

already had enough personnel. Syria's popularity may explain the heterogeneity of the

population there, since more tribes had corne to settle in Syria than in haq." When the

Muslims first arrived in Syria they chose not to build new settlements, but to reside in

already established co~lll~lunities.

Hence, whereas the people of Iraq were preoccupied

with building settlements and settling boundaries between their own peoples,

newcomers to Syria were quickly absorbed by their kinsmen who were established

locally. When the people of Iraq challenged the Syrians, Mu'iwiyah in Syria had no

difficulty in raising and inspiring his troops. For unlike 'AE, who had only arriveci in

l9 Ibid., 28-3 1.

See Table VI.

Iraq shortly before the Battle of Siffin, Mu'iwiyah had been in Syria for 16 years-4

under 'Umar and 12 under '~thmiin?' From the second year of the caliphate of

'Uthmàh, his control over Syria was not only fimer but also wider. 'Uthmin had

combined Hims and Qinnasiin, originaily administered by 'Umayr ibn Sa'd, and

Palestine, formerly ruled by 'Abd a l - R a b i n ibn 'Alqamah, under Mu'iiwiyah, whose

authonty at the time of 'Umar had been Limited only to Damascus and ord dan? Hence,
compared to 'AG,Mu'kwiyah had two advantages: a more cohesive community and

extensive experience in dealing with it.

But experience was not the only factor that enabled Mu'iwiyah to control Syria.

The presence in Syria of other Meccan aristocrats, who, like Mu'iwiyah himself; had

converted to Islam only at the last minute, must be considered- It was pointed out

earlier that the presence of later converts in Syria dated back to the time of Abu Bakr.

When he launched his campaign against the Byzantines, he needed a great army. The

early Cornpanions in Medina, Le., the MuhijirÜn and the AnsZr, htid already been sent to

face the apostates. Many of them were ais0 sent to Syria with Abu 'Ubaydah ibn al-

Jarri& The only people available to him were the Meccans and the Arabs living on the

outskirts of the holy cities. It was to them tbat AbÜ Bakr tumed in a moment of

desperation? menever Bedouin Arabs (wdd mia al-'arab) came to Abu Bakr,he sent

22 Ai-Tabd, TZi-Hi al-Umam,3 : 33940; Ibn al-Athir, al-K&nîI, 3 : 13 ; Sayf ibn 'Umar a
l-T&-,
Kitai al-Riddab wa- ai-Fufd wa-Kitai al-Iamaf WB-Masii 'pisba& WB-: ed. Qasim al-S8~1181~ai
(Leiden: Smitskamp Oriental Antiquarium, 1 995), 96

" AbÜ Bakr had already been faced with this shortage o f manpower at the tirne o f the Riddah wars.
To suppress the Kindah, who had apostatized under the leadership of al-Ash'ath ibn Qays, Abu Bakr sent
the Muhajhün and members of An+& under the leadership of Ziyad ibn Labid, 'rimil of the Prophet in
Kindah, who had k e n driven away by them. The Kindah were so powerfid that the Muslims needed
them to ~ y r i a "When a letter came fiom Syria to AbÛ Bakr asking for help, he cailed

upon the prominent members of the Quraysh in Mecca and asked their advice

concerning the Byzantines. On leaniing what Abu Bakr had done, 'Umar is said to have

been quite angry. He strenuously argued that Abu Bakr should not have involved the

Quraysh in the matter. To 'Umar these people were unworthy of fighting alongside the

MuhijirÜn and the An$i.r. Even to ask their advice was inappropriate.2s But despite

'Umar's harsh criticism, Abu Bakr sent these Quraysh to Syria and appointed 'Amr ibn

al-'& as t heir commander. The Meccans nevertheless resent ed 'Umar's host ility. Al-

H h t h ibn Hishih, 'Xkrimah ibn AbÜ fahl and Sahl ibn 'Amr actually went to 'Umar to

protest.26 On the night before he went to Syria 'Amr ibn al-'& also went to him for the

What made these later converts more willing to support Mu'awiyah was, besides

their blood relationship, their opposition to efforts of the older establishment to raise

'Ali to the caliphate. Again we must go back to the time of Abu Bakr and 'Umarto find
the root of the problem. AbÜ Bakr achowledged that the MuhijirÜn and Ansir did

indeed hold a high position in Islam. He even reminded 'Umar to respect the MuhijirÜn

and Ansir and seek their guidance.28But as far as practical needs were concenid, Abu

.- - -.

reinforcernents to overcome them. Abü Bakr sent 'Ikrimah ibn Abi Jahl, a later convert, with hXs Meccan
fellows to help ( a l - K a d-Fut* 1 : 59-83).

''Ibid., 1 : 119.
25 Ibid., 1 : 120

Ibid., 1 : 120-21.
27
Ibid., 1 : 122.
28 Ibid., 1 : 154.
Bakr believed, the later converts had be treated fairly and given an equal chance. To

'Umar, who resented the Meccans' late acceptance of Islam and their hostility to the

early cali of the Prophet, AbÜ Bakr said that having decided to convert, they had proved

themselves to be good ~ u s l i m sThus

. ~ ~ when Abu B a b distributed the wealth, he did it

equally among the people, regardless of the time of their conversion, sex, age or status

(slave or fiee~nan).'~

The appointment of 'Umar as caliph afier AbÜ Bakr signaled the beginning of a

reassert ion of the influence of the early converts. 'UthmGn' s appointment, conversely,

marked the return of the later converts to power. This also meant the return of the pride

and arrogance of the Quraysh. One example of this may be seen in the words of Sa'id

ibn al-'&, the governor of Kufa appoînted by 'Uthman. In an argument with al-Ashtar,

Sacidsaid, "AU the land of Sawid belongs to the Quraysh, so whatever land we Liked we

took, and whatever land that we didn't we left (fa-innaal-SBwgd kuk'iabi fi-Qzmaysh fi-

minmba'u m i d u akbadboa wa-minasha'u tarahi)'"' These words would have been

unthinkable for a governor of Kufa to express in the time of 'Umar. 'AIicsrise to power,

was therefore a threat to the later converts and consequently a triumph for the early

ones. 'AIi's attitude toward the early converts resembled that of 'Umar. When there was

a dispute between Ji& and a l - M u t h d over the leadership of the army in Iraq, 'Ali

suggested to 'Umar that he send somebody else to take over. This person however had

29 Ibid., 1 : 120.

30 Ibn al-At&, al-K&A 2 : 270.

3' Al-Kilfi, al-Fut&, 2 : 171; al-Tabaii, T a al-Umm 3 :371; also Ibn al-Athk, al-KcMiI, 3 :3 1
to be fÎom the MuhâjirÜn or Ansir and had to have participateci at ~ a d r . " Faced with

this powerful threat, the later converts had no choice but to support Mu'âwiyah.

The way the conflict was understood by the Quraysh may also help us

understand the closeness of their ties to each other and how they saw themselves as

justified in regarding the rise of 'Ali as a threat to their estabLished position (or at least

the establishment that 'Uthmin had created, at the centre of which the later converts

found temselves). We will see later how 'Uthman was constantly criticized as caliph.

But whereas his opponents couched their criticism in religious terms (foçusing on his

neglect of morality or religion), 'Uthmân's family viewed them as attacking the

Quraysh, and the real issue as being one of tribal sentiment." T o u are embittered

against the Quraysh," said MuC%wiyahto the Kufans who, because of their harsh

criticism against Sa'id ibn al-'& ('Uthmiin's govemor in Kufa), were exiled at

'Uthmân's order to s y ~ i a . 'What

~ Mu'awiyah meant here by the Quraysh did not include

all Qurasyh, since 'AE, the contender, was also of that tribe; yet Mu'awiyah would not

countenance him as a candidate for the caliphate. The Quraysh that Mu'awiyah had in

mind were the old Quraysh aristocrats.

It is interesting to note that both 'AG's army and MuCCwiyah'sare identified in

many of our sources by their geographical attachment: dl d-'liiq for 'AIi's army and

33 The two issues, i-e., morality and tribal sentiment, could easily be codused. Those who were
associated by the critics wit h evil-doing happened to corne mainiy h m the family of 'Uthman, Le., the
Umayyads. Accordingly, criticism of evii was automaticaily criticism of the 'Umayyads.

Al-Taban', TtkiXf~
ai-Umm,
3 3 362; Ibn al-At=, a l - K U , 3 3 3 2; Sayf, al-Riddab, 65.
dl al-Sb& for MU' iwiyah' S.^' This identification indicat es t hat geographical

sentiment played an important role in the Fitnah. This conclusion is strengtbened by the

fact that people from the same tribes often found themselves supporting the opposite

faction. It was 'Ali's strategy at Siffin to face certain tribes from Syria with the same

tnbes from Iraq. Accordingly the Azd of Syria would be faced by the Azd of Iraq, the

Khath'am of Syria by the Khath'am of Iraq, and so on. Only when there was no

correspondhg tribe among the people of Iraq would he alter this arrangement.36The fact

however that people from the same tribes supported opposing parties can only mean that

tribal affiliation cannot wholly explain the nature of the Battle of Siffin.

The identification of 'Ali with Iraq and Mu'awiyah with Syria wcis apparently

established only on the eve of the battle. Beforeband, the supporters of 'ffi and those of

MuCiwiyahremaineci divided between the two regions. It was only before the battle

itself that they moved to join the main body of the troops that they suppoad Thus

Mu'âwiyah's supporters left Iraq while 'AIi's hft Syria We are informed that the

supporters of 'Uthmin ( 'Utbm&'V;n) and, therefore the supporters of Mu'iiwiyah, in

Basra and Kufa, fled fiom these cities and came to reside in al-Jaiirah, where, especially

in al-Raqqah, the supporters of ' U t h i i n were strong." The Ban6 al-Arqim provide

another example. In Kufa, the city where they lived, they heard 'Uthman constantly

35
See for example Ibn ai-Atm, Usd al-Ghai& 3 : 184; al-Minqaii, Waq'at Si- ed. 'Abd ai-S a l h
Muipmmad Hkün (Beirut:DZr ai-Jil, 1WO), 228,229; ibn Sa'd, al- Tahqit a/-Kub6, (Beirut: Dâr SZdir,
n.d.), 3 :254, 255.

36 Al-Minqan', Waq4afS i e 229. See dso 263. Even two brothers having the same parents codd
~~
find themselves fighting each other due to their support of opposite parties (al-Minqaii, W q 4 a t
272).

37 Ibid., 12, 146; Ibn al-Athh, a l - K a , 2 : 432.

being humiliated. Unable to endure this, they fled to Mu'iiwiyah who then settled them

in al-Ruhi (stiU in al-~aikah).~~

'Ali himself encouraged those who would not join him

to migrate. Thus he asked the BBihiZis to move to DaylEm, acknowledging the antipathy

that they felt for each other. He did not expect them to join him at if fin.^^ Sometimes
the migrants did not have far to go. The Baru' Sa'd, who resided in Basra, moved to

Kufa in large numbers and gathered there wîth Thus the common perception that

the people of Mecca and Medina ( B I - @ ~ ~ . a y nBasra

), and Kufa (id-MIqayn), Hijaz,

Yemen, Egypt, ' A d , 'Umiin, B a a y n , and Yamhah had agreed on 'Ni* must be

qualifieci by the assertion that they were not unanimous in their ~hoice.~'

But here is the problem. Whereas 'AIi was supportecl by a wide range of people

spread over a vast temitory, Mu'awiyah was supported mainly by Syrians. When their

respective supporters gathered around them, however, the picture was totally different.

M e r e a s 'Ali's supporters, being so widely dispersed, were more loosely attached to

him, Mu'awiyah's supporters, dwelling for the most part in a single region, were more

loyal to their leader. Al-Hajjiij ibn al-Simmah's saying might well describe the

difference: "With you (Mu'iwiyah) are the people who do not Say anything when you

are saying something, and do not question you when you are asking something, while

''Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-lsri'ea fiMa kifet al-&aï, ed. ' f f i Mdynmad aï-Bajid ((Beiruî: DSr al-JiI,
1992), 4 : 16.
39
AI-Minqafi, Waq'at Siffrn, 1 16.

*O Ibid., 27.

" Hence when the words 'people' (inaa al-ni3 biya 'ü 'Au) or 'masses' (qad biya 'at a/- 'aaMah 'Au)
are used, it should not be rniderstood to mean 'al1 people' (ibid., 30-3 1),
with 'Ali are people who speak when 'AIi is speaking and who ask questions when be is

a ~ k i n ~Mu'âwiyah
.'~~ in Syria was sumounded by the leading figures of QahfPn and

Yemen, to whom be regularly tumed for support and advice? Shur-bil ibn al-Simt al-

Kin& (one of the most inîiuential figures in syria4') toured the cities of Syria to

mobilize the people by spreading the official doctrine of Mu'âwiyah: 'Uthman was

k i k i unjustly and it was the responsibility of ail Musüms to seek his r e ~ e n ~ e . ~ ~

One might ask: If Iraq was so unstable, why did 'AE move from Medina to Iraq

afier the death of 'Uthman? It shodd be remembered that for a variety of reasons,

which we have elaborated above in Chapter Three, the Companions left Medina and

settled in Iraq, Syria and Egypt. The number of Companions who emigrated must have

been so large that in reality Medina at the end of the caliphate of 'Uthman would have

ceased to be the center of religious authority. It was furthermore 'Umar's policy mt to

let the notables of the Quraysh who emigreted to Medina ( a 'lam Q m y s h mia al-

Mub~ink)go to the conquered lands except with his permission, and o d y for a set

p&od of time. This policy was abandoneci by thmi min.^' When these Companions left
Medina, therefore, the religious and political authority of the city was seriously

weakened. In the time of 'Uthmb, to cite AbÜ Dharr's words, "Wedina was] corrupt

*' Ibid., 78.

** Ibid., 44.

45 Ibid., 44

46 ibid., 50. For the officia1 position of Mu'iiwiyah see bis k6qtW in ibid., 8 1.
47
A l - T a b c Triir'kb ai-U m m 3 :426-427; Sa*, al-Ridd4 118-9, 120,121.
and aba~ed."~'The Fitnah, which started in the time of 'UthmEn, must have been an

additional factor in influencing the Cornpanions to leave Medina 'Amr ibn al-'&

actuaIly set the example for other Cornpanions in the city by leaving Medina with his

two sons, 'Abd AU& and Muhammad. Others, including @us& ibn Thabit, followed

Sa'd ibn Ab: Waqqis, TaQah and al-Zubayr also did the same. AU the

. ' ~ when 'AIi came

Umayyads who were able to flee likewise abandoned the ~ i t ~Hence

to power in Medina he effectively had not enough people there to rely on, especiauy at a

time when he was faced with a much greater problem: that of uniting al1 the factions

within the MusIim community. Al1 these considerations had forced 'AIi to try to restrict

the movements of the Quraysh. He forbade them fiom leaving Medina under any

Thus when 'Ali was informed that Ibn 'Umar had left Medina for Syria
~ircumstances.~'

he was very upset. Only after Umm K u l t h k assmed him that the news was incorrect

did 'AIi stop searching for hirn." Given this situation, instead of asking Cornpanions

outside Medina to corne back to the city, 'AIi decided to go to where most of them

were. Other factors may have had a role to play as well, since economic conditions in

Medina had drastically worsened- At the time of the murder of 'Uthman the Medinans

experienced the worst economic crisis they had ever faced since the drought in the years

" AIgabax%,TiEkb a l - U m e 3 : 354. (The translation is fiom The H1stoy of vol. 15,
n e Crisis of the Early Calphate, translated and annotated by R. Stephen Humphreys (Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1990), 101).
49
Ai-Tabari, T='. al-Umam, 3 : 558; Sayf, d-1PI'dd&20 1.

'O Ai-Taban, TZZTfial-Umam, 3 : 455, also 467-8; Sayf, al-Riddab, 236.

51
Al-Taban', T5if.Bai-Umm,
3 : 458.

ibid., 3 : 466.
17-8/638-9.53 Mu'iwiyah, his opponent, was in Syrïa, making it impossible for 'AIi to
consider that region as a base for bis caüphate. Egypt on the other hand was also not a

good choice for that purpose. Even if 'Ali had many supporters in Egypt, he could not

go there without first bnnging Syria mder his control- Thus, Iraq was the only choice

A further question imposes itself: Why did 'Ali choose to go to Kufa and not

Basra? Reading auabaii, we are impressed by Kufa's importance at that time. The

available information on Kufa is much more detailed than that on Basra, while the

people of Kufa are praised in the sources as being braver than those of ~ a s r a "If this

description is accepted as accurate, then ' M ' s decision to base himselfin Kufa was the

logical one, AlJaba6 reports that when 'Umar was preparing to do battle with the

Persians in Nihawand, 'Ali suggested to him:

write to the people of al-KÜfah, for they comprise the most eminent leaders of the
Arabs as well as those people who do not even pay attention to the others who
might have a more numerous following, better weapons and greater application
than they themselves. Let two-thirds of the people of al-KXah march on the

53
Ibid., 3 : 193. The drought of 17-8/638-9 was described as follows. "The Drought brought famine,
which affected ail the people in Medina end the surromcihg tenitory, and spread so much death that the
wild animals began to seek food in the settlements of human beings. People even started to slaughter
their sheep but then, disgusted with the loathsome appearence of (the meat of) the rinimals, they would
not eat it, although they were starving" (ibid., 3 : 192; the translation is taken fiom me HISCOIY of al-
Ta&& vol. 13, me Conquesr of hi, Southwesrern Persia and Egypr, trtranslated and annotated by
G.H.A. Juynboll (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989), 155). These conditions were
repeated when 'Uthman was murdered. "The inhabitants of Medina never saw snything like the drought
again after it was over, until their trading route via the sea was cut off at the time of the murder of
'Uthmk~. Then they became wedc, poor, and trodden" (al-Tabaii, T a al-Çrmam, 3 : 193; the
translation is fiorn TheHIsIory, 13 :159. See also Ibn al-AtG, &-Kami/, 2 : 397).

" However, compared to information on Syria, w a b e n ' s information on Basra is stiii better. Ai-
Tabaii is however not weU informed about Syria. Hugh Kennedy, 'The Towns of BilGd al-Shim and the
Arab Conquest,' in Muhammad Adnan Bakhit and Muhammad Asfour (ed.), Proçeediogs o f Ioe
Symposium on Bilid d-Sb& Duriag Iar B'tbe Pen-od (Amman:University of Yordan, Yannouk
University, 1986), 89.
 Persians, with on third staying behind. And write to the inhabitants of al-Ba@
to rcinforcc thosc of al-Kufah with somc of thcir men?

First of all it shouid be remembered that most of a l - T a b d s information on the

conquest of Iraq is t aken fiom Sayf ibn 'Umar (d. 15 1/767). Other sources, such as Ibn

Ishaq (d. 151/767), Ibn al-Kalbi (d. 204/8 19) and al-Wiqidi (d. 207/819), were of

marginal importance- The fact that Sayf himself was originafly fiom Kufà, however,

suggests that he may have been biased on at l e s t two levels. In the first place, when

talking about Iraq vis-à-visSyria, hc might bc cxpcctcd to havc favorcd ~ r a ~In

. ' thc
~

second place, even when taking about Kufa vis-à-visBasra, he would naturally have

prefmed Kufa. It is against this background that the report of ' M ' s advice ta 'Umar

quotcd abovc m u t bc sccn. According to Ibn A'thim al-~iifi,~'

on thc othcr hand, thc

letter was not directed to t h e Kufans, but to the Basrans. So it should not read ' W t e to

the people of Kufa," but rather 'wriwrit e to the people of Basra." Likewise according to al-

K a , 'Ali's advice was not t o send two-thirds of the Kufans and çome of the Basrans,

but to send one-third of t h e inhabitants of Basra and one-third of those of Kufa. The

reason he gives for the decision to send troops fkom these two cities was not because

they were "the most eminent leaders of the Arabs," but because, according to ' f f i , it

was only they, i.e., the people of Basra and Kufa, who muld be sent without fimther

endangering the M u s h commimity. Sending the Syrians to face the Persians could

after all have motivated t h e Byzantines to invade Musiim territory. Nor could the

55
Al-Tabaii, 3 : 21 1 (the translation is fiom ?Be Hisoq, 13 : 196).

56 Khalid Yahya Blankinship, foreword to Tbe History of a l - ~ b a n vol.

i Il, me Cbdenge &O the
Eiiaphr, by ai-Tabafi (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), xvü.
Yemeriis have been sent for they provided the bamer against possible attack by the

Ethiopians. Hence it was only the peopIe of Basra and Kufa who could face the Persians.

Bcsidcs, thcy wcrc alrcady femiliar with the way in which thc Pcrsians wagcd ~ a r . ~ '

KSayf s report must be questioned on account of bias, then another explanation

of why 'AG chose Kufa must be sought. First, it is to be remembered that 'A'ishah had

already chosen to go to Basra before the Battle of Jamal. In the latter confrontation, the

Basrans supported 'Âishah. Afier lamal, the Basrans remained opponents of 'ffi, or

perhaps even worse, since he was now viewed by them as the one responsible for the

Thw 'Ali rcally had no othcr choicc but

dcath of thcir family mcmbcrs in that batt~c.'~

to go to Kufa And yet there were other factors at work as weIl behind 'A'ishah's

decision to choose Basra and 'AfiCsopting for Kufa. 'AIi's reason was in al1 likelihood

independent fiom 'A'ishah's, meaning that even had 'A'ishah not gone to Basra 'AG

would still have gone to Kufa to find support.

Explaining why Kufa was more important than Basra, not to mention Syria

itseif, Hinds has said:

The answer to this seems to be that the system which 'Umar aspired to establish
was best served by the heterogeneity of the KÜfm population. .... In the Beran
territories, T d n u ' s and Bakn's predominated and only a handful of about 300
early-comers had come fiom fmther away. At KSa, on the other hand, such early
corners from a distance perhaps numbered 10,000 or more and were of a

See also al-Tabaii, TarEL6 al-Umm 3 : 212. Here, like al-Küfi, al-Tabaii produces 'Ali's reason
not to send the Syrians or the Yemeds.However, as far as the B a s r a were concerne& 'Ali's suggestion
was to send one-third of them to reinforce the Kufans. Thus, the Kufans were still deemed to be the main
actors. See also Ibn al-Atiiir, s l - K e I , 2 :413.

59 'Amr ibn al-'& saw this problern correctly (al-Tabiin, T&-M al-Umam,3 : 562). It was said that
there were ten thousand Basrans kiiled at the Battle of Jamal, compared to five thousand Kufans (al-
Taban', T(5ntkbd'Umm 3 : 543; Sayf, al-Riddd, 354).
 miscellaneous composition in which there was a relative absence of large
dominatiag clans or groups of clans.60

Furthermore:

The kh&t of Kiifa were therefore primarily intended for those who had corne from
further away. 'Umar's notion was that K S a should be d&ai/ra for the Muslims,
and these settlers were the mu#i$iZn of Küfah. .... The presence of 370 early
s&aba domicilcd at Klifa prcsumably fortificd him in that bopc.61

Bascd on thc composition of thc population of Basra and ~ u f a Hinds's

, ~ ~

asseaion can be verified. The existence of several large tribes in Basra (such as T e

' h r ibn Sacsabah,'Abd al-Qays, Kinhah and -Gr) makes it difficult to daim that

Basra wris dominated by one tribe (Le., Tdm). The same is true in Kufa. The fact that

Quraysh, Ans&, Asad and T

& for example, were equaily strong in Kufa did not

aLiow for one tribe to dominate others. Accordingly it would be difficult to accept that

'Umar's choice of Kufa as the site for his Islamic experiment was based on the absence

of dominant group in Kufa (for neither in Basra nor Kufa did any such dominant tribe

exist). Also, judging h m the way these early settlers came to Kufa, it cannot be said

that 'Umar intentionally asked them to settle there (therefore fixbidding them to settle

in ~ a s r a ) Thcrc
. ~ ~ is no cvidcncc to support this. That 'Umar callcd Kufa DG HiJrah

and its inhabitants Muba/irtm cannot be used as an argument to single out Kufa as more

Martin Hinàs, "Kifans Political Alignrnent and Their Background in the Mid-Seventh Century
A.D,," IJMES 2 (1971): 351,

ibid.

62 See Tables IV and V.

In fact we are informed othenvise, for 'Umar strongly urged people to settle in Basra (see p. 162).
important than any other place, for Kufa was not the only city regarded as venerable

enough for the purpose.MNor was the presence of 370 (or 337 in our List) Cornpanions in

Kufa essential to establishing the importance of Kufa, for there were also a great

number of them settled in Basra (335).

The only clue we have to the particular importance of Kufa is the fact that it was

more heavily populated by early converts than Basra. Veterans of the early army that

had been sent to Iraq resided mainly in Kufa. Five-sixths of the army report ed to have

fought at al-Qidisiyah under 'Utbah ibn Ghazwân-among whom were some that had

been sent to Iraq under a l - M u t h d - w e r e the main early settlers in Kufa (thus only

one-sixth of them resided in ~ a s r a ) . ~That

' there were positive relations between the

early settlers and the early converts can partly be seen from the presence of a great

number of Ansir and Quraysh in Kufa. W l e A q â r were the highest ranked among the

tribes there, the Quraysh were a close second. The AnsZr as we h o w were among the

earliest converts. As for the Quraysh, there were indeed later converts among them, but

the Quraysh who fought under al-Muthannsi and 'Utbah in Iraq were not the Quraysh

. ~is~therefore understandable that ' f f i

who had corne fiom Mecca, but fiom ~ e c l i n aIt

should have been pleased when he found out that 'A'ishah had chosen Basra for her

base, for as he admitted, "The Arab chiefs and leaders are in ~ufa.''~'
He must have

65 See p. 162.

66 See p. 166.

67 Al-nba.15, T a al-Umm, 3 3 493,494,477; Sayf, al-Riddali, 273,293. This report is again f?om
Sayf, a Kufan, but, based on o u anaiysis of the inhabitants of Kufa, S a y f s statement is believable. For
other examples of 'Ali's praise to the Kufans, see ilm al-At&, d'KM, 2 2 402.
thaught that had she chosen Kufa, the problem facing him would have been far more

difficult.

2. The Fitnah

, ~ ~for our purpose some

Much has been said about this sequence of e ~ e n t s but

points are worth repeating, particularly insofar as they are related to the Companions of

the Prophet. We have seen how 'Umar refied on seniority in accepting Islam as the most

important variable in deciding where to position people.69 Accordingly those who

converted late, either because they had persistently refused Islam until they had no

choice but to accept it or because they had only just been born in the time of the

Prophet, were marginalized. The rise of 'Uthiin to the caliphate c m be viewed as the

move of these marginalized people to the center. The retum of the family of al-&hm

ibn Ab? al-'& to Medina was symbolic of this. m e r being exiled to TZ'if by the

Prophet, he was refused permission to r e t m by AbÜ Bakr and 'Umar. Once 'Uthman

became caliph he was allowed t o corne back." Al-IJakam thereupon f o n d himself iii

Medina, at the cent er of Muslim affairs.

At the beginning of his caliphate 'Uthman appointed such marginalized people

to important offices. Doing so meant having to remove others, who, in terms of tbeir

religious achievements, were o f a higher rank The appointments of 'Abd Allah i k

See Martin Hindg "The Murder of the Caliph 'UthmEn," I W S 3 (1972): 451- 69.

69 See for example pp. 135-6;H e ,"Political Alignments," 348-9.

'O Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-IstPBZI~1 : 359; w a b a i i , T&Bi al-Umam, 3 : 342.
Sa'd, 'Abd Alla ibn ' U r and Sa'id ibn al-'& were cases in point. "'Uthmin removed

fiom office the Companions of the Messenger of God and appointed Sa'id ibn al-'&

and 'Abd Allah ibn ' G r , " complained Muhammad ibn Abu Balcr and Mdpmmad ibn

~ u d h a ~ f a h . "The contrast drawn here between the dismissal of Companions and the

appointment of Sa'id ibn al-'& and 'Abd AU& ibn ' k r suggests that the

complainants did not regard the replacenents as Companions; thus the issue was seen

not as one of dismissing early converts in favor of later ones, but of the removal of

Companions and the appointment of non-Companions. Nevertheless, the biographies of

Sa'id and 'Abd AU& ibn ' k r , as well as of 'Abd Allah ibn Sa'd, reveal that in fact

they were Companions, at ieast according to the definition off& above in Chapter

Two, i.e., "any person who had any personal contact at all with the Prophet while he

was a Muslim and who died as a Muslim, regardless of whether that person had reached

puberty when the contact oçcurred or whether he had ever heard anything from him."

Thus we are faced with a transfer of power within the Cornpanion class, but from those

with greater seniority to those with less.

Sa'id ibn al-'& was born in the year of the Hijrah or perhaps the year afier. His

father was among the infidels k i k i at Badr. Saqd was one of those who were later

appointed by 'Uthmin to write the officia1 mq&afofthe Qur'ik. He served as govemor

of Kufa, substituting for al-MugErah ibn Shu'bah, who had converted to Islam earlier

than he (Le., in the year of Khanda@." Eventually the Kufans came to resent SaLid,and

" Al-Taban, a / - U m q 3 : 342; al-Küfi, al-Fut..

Tàiiankh 2 : 151; Ibn al-Athk, a l - K a , 3 : 14.

See Iôn 'Abd ai-Ban, al-IstI"ai,2 2 621-2.

'Uthmân removed him in favor of another late convert, al-Walid ibn 'Uqbah, 'Uthmik's

brother by the same motber. He had converted to Islam at the time of the Conquest of

Mecca and was a mmro%q according to the original sense of al-Hujrah, verse 6.

Furthermore, he was once dru& while performing morning payer." On later deposing

al-WaEd, ' U t h i i n appointed Sa'id ibn al-'& for a second tirne, who again was rejected

by the ~ u f a a s . ~ ~

'Abd AU& ibn ' U r , the son of 'Uthmin's uncle, was bom in the time of the

hophet. In the year 29/649 'Uthmân removed Abu MÜs6 al-Ash'aii fiom his

governorship over Basra and 'Uthman ibn Ab1 al-'& fiom his over Persia and combined

these two regions under the stewardship of 'Abd Allah ibn ' G r . Abu MÜsa al-Ash'ad

and 'Uthmin ibn Ab1 al-'& were however f ~ more

r senior than 'Abd Allah ibn ' h r ,

both in terms of age and religious achievement.'' Abu M d had converted to Islam

when the Prophet was in the process of conquering whereas 'Uthmin ibn

Abi al-'& had been the Prophet's 'amiI at ~ i i ' i ~ ~ '

'Abd Allah ibn Sa'd, the suckling brother of 'Uthmib, converted to Islam before

the Conquest of Mecca Mer having migratecl to Medina and written down revelation

--

73 Ibid., 4 : 1552-3, 1555, 1447.

74
Ibid., 2 : 622, 609. According to h al-Atbir, the chain was not Ikom al-Mughirah ibn Shu'bah to
Sa'id ibn al-'& to al-WaEd ibn 'Uqbah then again to Sa'Td ibn al-'& but nom al-Mughirah ibn Shu'bah
to Sa5d ibn Ab1 Waqqis to al-WaGd ibn 'Uqbah then to Sa'id ibn al-'& (Ibn al-At* al-Kamil, 2 : 475-
476). However the difference does not affect the point that the succession was given ro those who
converted earlier rather than to those who had converted later.
75
'Uthmân is repoaed to have acknowledged the superiority of Abu Miki over 'Abd AU& ibn ' h i r
(Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqif, 5 :45).

76 Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-IsII"ii%,4 4 1763;Ibn al-AtE, al-Kainr/,49 1.

Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Isti6ii3,3 : 1035.

for the Prophet, he apostatized and retunied to the infidel Quraysh in Mecca. When

Mecca was conquered, he was among those whom the Prophet wndernned to death. He

ran to 'Uthiin, who then hid him. After the situation had cooled down, 'Uthman

brought him to the hophet asking him for his protection. m e r saying nothhg for a

long time, the Prophet finally agreed. He reconverted to Islam and in the year 25/645

was appointai by 'Uthman as governor of Egypt, replacing 'Amr ibn a ~ - ' & . ' ~

There are two important conclusions to be drawn fiom the above discussion.

First, 'Uthmiiu saw to it that aII the centers of settlement of the Companions, Le., Iraq

(Basra and Kufa) Egypt, and S@a, were placed under the control of members of his

own family. Second, ail those who controlled these areas belonged to the later converts,

who had been marginalized in the time of 'Umar. These two issues-together with

questions of religiosity (such as the fact that al-Walid was a mrma%q and a dnmk, while

'Abd AU& ibn Sa'd was an apostate)-were to cause difficuities for 'Uthman down the

road. And it is not surprising that his critics were chiefly those who did not belong to his

own family, were early converts and who were ostensibly fke fiom religious taint. Thus

'Aû ibn Ab1 Tâlib, 'Ammir ibn Y k i r and AbÜ Dharr al-Gh.if&--who met ali three of

t hese qualifications-became the most ardent critics of 'Uthmin. Other Companions, as

well as other members of Muslim society, often expressed their criticism through these

Companions. It is reported that a group of Coqanions made a written statement giving

details of 'Uthmin's miscoaduct, which they asked 'AmmiÜ to bring to 'Uthman's

attention," while the MuhijirÜn asked 'f f i to convey their message to the caliph."

'78
Ibid., 3 : 9 18; a l - K a , al-Fut* 2 : 13 1; Ibn d-AiEr, a l - K M , 2 2 482.

''Al-KÜfi, a/-Fuf~&2 : 153-4.

 When the criticism failed to let up, 'UthrnGn was forced to recalî his govemors

to Medina and to take them to the Prophet's mosque in the presence of the

~orn~anions."
Their promise not to treat anybody mjmtly seemed not to have had any

effect. Now, not only were more cornplaints coming to Medina but also more

disaffected Muslims. 'Uthman was soon surrounded. Some of the Companions in

Medina wrote to the Companions in other regions to come heIp them overcome the

The fact that the situation was getting rapidly worse while ' U t h i i n did not
pr~blern-'~

have the strength to deal with it frustrated the Companions. The arriva1 of the

Egyptians in Medina for a second tirne, after they had previously left there with

'Uthrnin's promise to meet their demands, only made the Companions angrier and they

almost gave The Egyptians however had been given a letter in 'Uthman's name to

the govemor of Egypt commanding him to execute them on their anivaLM When they

read this, 'Uthmin's fate was sealed. This was beyond the Companions' expectations.

They did not t hink at all that the Fitnah would cost ' U t h i i n his life."

'O Al-BalGdhu6, AdSB-b al-&* ed. S.D.F Goitein ( J e d e m : The University Press, 1936), 5 : 60;
al-Tabaii, T'&?-HI d-LTmant, 3 : 376.

" wabaii, - T al-Umw 3 : 375-6, 400-1; al-Balâdhiui, Aasai, 5 : 60. Some Companions did
come to Medina at the begining of the Fitnah. But pexhaps, seeing that the situaten was too
complicated, they went back to the garrison cities (8ntsdu). Among them were 'Amr ibn al-'& who went
back to Palestine, Hangaia &Kat% to Kufa, Abu U m h a to Syria and Samurah ibn funciah to Basra
(Sayf, al-Riddab, 167).

84
Ibid, 5 : 62,65,67; al-Tabaii, T a al-Umam, 3 : 395; Ibn Sab& d-Tabaqat, 3 : 65.
 It should be remarked that 'Uthmih's response was not calcuiated to improve

matters. Ill treatment, and even exile, were often the lot that such critics had to face.

Al-Ashtar and his followers were jwt one example. They were ail exiled by 'Uthmin to

syria? 'Ammir ibn YBsir, who brought the written statement fiom the Companions,

was reporteci to have been physicdy assaulted at 'Uthmin's order?' In Syria, Abü

Dharr witnessed Mu'awiyah seizing the property of Musüms in the name of God. By

declaring that public property was God's property, MubZwiyahintended, as Abu Dhan

*
saw it, to set himçelf up as owner of the property to the exclusion of other ~ u s l i m s . ~ ~

Fully aware of what had happened to 'Amm&,Abu Dharr nevertheless intensifiai his

criticism.8pMu'awiyah was no longer the only target of bis criticism. He also urged the

nch to pay more attention to the poor, even if they had already paid aùns tax (zaka6)).90

He was so insistent that the poor began making demands upon the wealthy. The latter

complained to Mu' Zwiyah, who then wrote to 'Uthmiin. The latter called AbÜ Dharr to

Medina to question him aiid then sent him into exile outside the city.gL

Ai-KiX, &-Fur% 2 : 172-3; ai-TabW, T W al-&- 3 : 365,367; Ibn aI-Atk, & - K a ,3 :

32.

''
See al-KÜfi, d-Futi& 2 : 155-60. He was exiled to al-Rabadhah. He was there until Ibn Mas'üd and
the Kufans foimd him dead (ai-Tabe T 'al-Umam, 3 : 354). However, according to another report
it was Abu Dharr himself who asked 'Wthmih to let him stay in al-Rabadhah (Ibn al-Atk, al-K&ni( 3 :
11). But the fact that exile was one of 'UthGh's policies seems to indicate that it was 'UthniRn wbo
forced AbÜ Dharr to leave Medina.
 'Uthm&'s il1 treatment of the Cornpanions created even more anger amongst the

people. The people of Kufa, when their govemor was recalled to Medina, asked al-

Ashtar to corne out of exile in Syria and go to Kufa. Mer asserting that 'Uthman had

deviated fiom the Sunnah of the Prophet, al-Ashtar explicitly refmed to 'Uthmkn's

mistreatrnent of the Companions as one of the reasons why he and his followers were

entitled to use military force against ' ~ t h m i ï n This

. ~ was also the justification of the

Egyptians who went to ~ e d i n a . ~ ~

3. Attitudes

h the following pages an effort will be made to classi@ the Companions

according to their attitudes during the Battle of Siffin and to see whether these attitudes

had any relation to their geographical base. These attitudes will be divided into three:

pro-'-, pro-Mu' iwiyah and neutral. Sometimes, however, loyalties were not apparent.

It is unclear in a number of cases just which cause certain Companions supported at

Siffin. In this case their loyalties may be categorized as 'unidentifid. At other times

the sources disagree over the facts. In this case the letter 'd' will used to indicate this.

Thus "Ali (d)' in the table means that the sources disagree over whether a given

Cornpanion favored 'Ali or not. When the sources disagree over whether a certain

Cornpanion' s loyalty was wit h Mu' Zwiyah or whet her he was neut ral, these Companions

wiU be classed separately under 'neutraVMuciwiy ah. '

92
Al-Tabaii, TSnTkbal-Umara,3 : 375-6.

93 Ibid., 3 :408.
 Before going any further, however, certain points should be raised. First, the

attitudes of the Cornpanions during the Fitnah were too complex to be classified into the

three categories mentioned above. Some Companions were neutral while 'Uthman was

being slandered, but died before the Battle of S i f i occmed. One example was ' G r

~ ~ remained neutral under 'Uthmân but took sides when the battle
ibn ~ a b l ' a h .Others

began, such as 'Amr ibn Some joined 'Ali in the beginning and then Lat-

r . ~ ~ supporteci 'AIi at
opposed him, examples of this being Tabah and a l - ~ u b a ~Others

the begiming then withdrew their support before the battle, such as, for instance, Jinr

ibn 'Abd AU& al-Bajali. He started out by supporting 'AIi,and was even entrusteci with

the task of persuading Mu'awiyah to acknowledge 'Ali's authority. But when bis

mission failed, and Mu' âwiyah persisted in rejecting 'Ali and even started mobilizing

against him, Jaiir's relations with 'AIics supporters took a tum for the worse. Al-Ashtar

for one criticized his failure harshly. Jafir withdrew to QirqTsiyi. His people fiom the

Bani Qast, a subtnbe of Bajilah, to which Ja& belonged, followed him so that only 19

of them joined 'Afi at Siffin, although some 700 fiom A l p m s , another subtnbe of

Bajilah, remained loyaLg7

There were also some Companions who were at first against 'Ali but then tumed

neutral or, at least, did not show support for 'Ali's enemy. 'Abd AU& ibn ' h r

belonged to this groq. He was the son of 'Uthmin's uncle. In the year 29/649 'Uthman

- -

Ibn 'Abd &Barr, a/-IstI"&, 2 2 791.

''Ibid., 3 :919.
96 Ibid., 2 :497-8.
97
Al-Minqaii, W a q 'aC Si& 60-1.
appointed hirn as govemor of Basra after AbU MG^^^ When 'Uthmh was murdered, he

was still the govemor of Basra. Knowing that 'A'ishah and Tabah were preparing wat

against 'AE,he took the wealth of the Bayt al-Mil of Basra and went to Mecca to join

'A'ishah and Tabah, and gave this treasure to them. He joined 'A'ishah at the Battle of

Jamal. In the aftermath of Jamal he went to Syria and nothing was heard of hirn until al-

Hasan gave up his claim to the caliphate to Mu'Ewiyah. At this point in time 'Abd

Allah ibn 'Amir went to Mu'awiyah and asked him to appoint hirn as govemor of Basra
in order to recover his wealth which he had abandoned when he left Basra before

~ a r n a lAlthough
.~~ his involvement in Jamal seems to have been motivated by his family

relations with 'Uthmik, he was not motivated strongly enough to devote himself to the

Umayyad clan's overall contest with m.What is more, before he died, he made Ibn al-
Zubayr his heir i 'Abd M a I I i6o a l - ~ u b a u r )something
( a w ~iL9 ,~~~ that he should not

have doue had he f d y supported the Umayyad family.

Second, it will be argued that the conflict between 'Ali and Mu'iiwiyah can be

viewed as a struggle between relgious ideas and worldly interests. Accordingly,

religious conviction played a significant role in the alignments. Nevertheless, while the

importance of religious ideas in the Companions' decision to act during the Fitnah has

to be acknowledged, this is not to negate the involvement of other factors. Blood

relationship was certainly an important factor. This means that a particular person

98
See p. 207.

99 Ibn ai-Atfiir, Crsdd-G6a3ab13 : 288-9; Ibn S a b 4al-Dbaqit,5 : 49.

'Oo Ibid, 3 :289.

might have joined a particular faction because his family asked him to do so, or because

blood relationship required him to do so. Safi& and Sa'id, both sons of Hudhayfah ibn

al-Yamiin, were instructed by their father to give their allegiance to ' M .Hudhayfah ibn

al-YamL however died when news of the murder of 'Uthman arriveci in ~ufa.'''

Hudhayfah certainly could not have known this murder would be followed by a the

Battle of Sifin in which 'AIi would become one of the key figures. Nevertheless, his

original instruction to his sons to give their allegiance to 'Ali meant that they were also

b o d to support 'Aliagainst Mu'iwiyah. At least this was how his sons understood it.

Thus they joined ' f f i at Siffin. Sometimes, however, people from the same family

supported the same party, though it is not known whether they did so in obedience to

instructions fiom their family or because they held the same views on that party.

Mikhnaf ibn Sulaym, the great-grandfather of Abu Mikhnlf &ih al-&bG, and his

brothers al-Sap'ab and 'Abd Alla, were among the supporters of 'AG.'" Sa'd ibn 'Amr

al-AnsZ and his brother aLHarith ibn ' ~ m r , ~ *Zayd

' ibn Jâriyah and his brother

h , ~ AU&
Mujamrni' ibn ~ i i r i ~ a 'Abd ~ ibn Budayl and his brother 'Abd a l - ~ * ~ d O ~ and

n ' ~supported 'AIi at S i f i .

AbÜ Lay16 and his son 'Abd a l - ~ ~ i i also

'O' Ibn 'AM al-Barr, al-Isti'Sa, 1 :335.

'O2 Both al-Saq'ab and 'AM Allah were killed at the Battte of Jamal. See ibid., 4 : 1467.

'O3 Ibid., 2 : 601.

'O* Ibid., 2 : 541.

'O5 Ibn al-AtE, Usd al-Ghaaah, 3 : 184,429-

'O6 h b ~ badl-B-, a/-isti'~a,4 : 1744.

 Needless to Say, it was also because of family ties that the close relatives of the

contending figures, i.e., MucZwiyah and 'Ali, chose to support their respective kinsmen.

Al+Iasan, al-Husayn, and M@ammad, sons of 'Ali; 'Abd Allâh and Qutham, sons of

'Abbis; and M@ammad, 'Abd Allah and ' A w ~sons

, of Ja'far ibn Ab1 Talib, were alI

with F AI^.'^' M&ammad ibn Abu B a b al-Siddiq too was the son-in-law of and

so it is not surprïsing to see him among 'Ali's supporters.

Family ties could also place certain people in a very delicate position. When one

was connectai by blood to either of the two parties, one was expected to give that party

one's support, but sometimes personal conviction made this impossible to do. The

solution was ofien a compromise, such as passive support for one's family. This was

what happened to 'Abd Aa ibn 'Amr ibn al-'&.

l
l 'Abd A i l 1 is described in the

sources as a good Cornpanion. He was weil-versed in the religious sciences and f d of

knowledge. He knew how to read and write (hence he is reported to have. read the

Qur'h gs well as other old books (qara 'a al-Qm'h wa-al-kutub d-muhqaddi~ab)).109

He leamt many of the Prophet' sayings, and even asked the Prophet's permission to

write them down. He fasted and prayed constantly, so much so that his father once

complained to the Prophet that his son's devotions were exessive. 'Amr obeyed his

father to reduce them. When Siffin took place his father, 'Amr ibn al-'&, sided with

Mu'iiwiyah. He subsequently asked his son 'Abd Allah to join him. 'Abd Allah could

- --- -

'O' ibid., 3 : 939.

'O8 Tbid., 3 : 1366.

'* Ibn al-At=, Usd al-G68&24 3 : 349. See also Ibn Sa'd, al-Tab~q81,4: 267.
not refuse. Later, when the battle was over, he repeatedly stated his repentance. He said

that he had joined Mu'awiyah at Siffin o d y because he did not want to disobey his

father. And while on the battlefield, he said, he did not even shoot a single arrow.'1°

This explains why al-Wiqidi, for example, states that 'Abd Allah did not fight (lam

yuqatif)at if fin."^ 'Abd Allah's situation, and his regret at having to join Mn' iwiynh,

mirrors well the two opposite worlds: the religious and the mundane. If it is accepted

that 'Ali was identified with the religious cause, then 'Abd Allah, having a strong

religious inclination, ought to have supportai 'Ali. His father, however, was a late

convert who had much more in cornmon with Mu'awiyah.

It should be pointed out that famiLy ties cannot always be used to explain the

alignment of the people at Siffin. Brothers could easily end up in a situation where they

supporteci both of the two opposing sides. One example was the sons of Khalid ibn al-

Walid. 'Abd al-R&m& ibn Khâlid was on Mub%wiyah'sside while his brother al-

Muhijir ibn Khalid ibn al-WaIid was on 'Ali's.LL2They were a c t d y related to 'AG's

family through their mother, Lubiibah bt. al-Hirith, who was the aunt of al-'Abbas ibn

'Abd al-Muttalib, for her sister was a wife of al-'Abbis. It was also their mother who

connected 'Abd al-Ralynik and al-MuhGjir to the Prophet's family, and hence to the Ahl

al-Bayt. She was the sister of MaymÜnlih, one of the Prophet's wives.'" Their father,

110
Ibib, 3 : 230-51; Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-lstI"aIb,3 3 957-8; Ibn Sa4& al-Tabaqit, 4 4 266.

'Il Ibn 'Abd al-Ban;al-Isti'&, 3 3 1375. But it is dso said that the banoer was witt h h at the
time (ibid., 3 : 958; Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqit, 4 : 266).

Il2 nid., 2 : 829; Ibn &At=, Usd al-Ghew 3 :440.

"'Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-IsrI"&, 2 2 427.

Khalid ibn al-Wiilid, however, represented the old Quraysh aristocracy. He was one of

the leading figures of the Quraysh before Islam. He converted to Islam only shortly

before or perhaps afier Hudayblyah. This kind of family background justified Khilid's

sons in their decision to support either 'AG or Mu'iiwiyah. In the end each chose

differently, 'Abd al-RaIpGn opting for his father's world, and Muhiijir his mot her' S.

KhZlid ibn al-WaIid di& between 21/64 and 22/642. Had he been as fortunate as

Hudhayfah ibn al-Yamin (who was able to give instructions to his sons before he died),

it wouid have been interesthg to see what he might have told 'Abd al-Rahman and

Muhijir to do.

Moreover, some Companions, although they shared the same religious

convictions as the supporters of one of the contending parties (in this case, ' M ) ,they

only shared in them indirectly. This is to Say, their support for 'Ali was not because t bey

identifiai 'Ali with certain religious ideas (us others did), but because a certain figure

who supported 'Ali was believed to be associated with the truth. This was the case with

the followers of 'Ammâr ibn Yisir. 'Ammiir was en early convert whose sufferings were

weil-hom. Once the Prophet had said to him that he would be killed by an unjust

party (fi'ab bighiYab).L14In a time of confusion, when it was not easy to decide who

was right and who was wrong, some people, basing themselves on belief in Prophetic

Tradition, tumed to 'Ammiir ibn YGir as a ~eference.~"

Whichever party was supported

"* Ibid., 2 :448; 3 : 1139; aEMinqaii, Wsq'at SZ?!&324,341, 343; Ibn ai-At&, Llsdsl-Gb~-b&4 :
133 ;Ibn Hajar, al-Isa%ah, 2 : 506; Mui~rrrnmiidibn Ab1 Shaybah, ai-Kit8-b al-M-f fi d i t wa-
d-z~rhai,ed. Knnal YuSuf al-I$Üt (Bellut: Dàr ai-Tâj, 1989). 7 : 548,552; Ibn Sa'& al-Tabaqit, 3 3 251,
252,253,254,259.

Abü MasbÜdwas told to give this kind of intsruction (Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, d-IsttlT6a3,3 : 1139; also
Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabsrqif,3 3 262).
by 'AmmiÜ, they believed, must be engaged in a just cause. Hence some Companions

joined 'Ali at Si& not because of 'AIi but because of 'AmrnEr ibn Ykir. During the

Battle of Siffin, these Companions watched ' A m Z r eagerly. They foilowed him

wherever he went, "as if he was a token for them.9 9 1 1 6 Some Companions even basically

remained neutral, although they were already on 'All's side, untif 'Ammk was actualiy

killed. Khuzaymah ibn Thibit was among 'ffi's army at Siffin, as well as at Jarniil. But

he only msheathed his sword after 'Ammgr was killed. He then fought on until he

himself fell.L'7

Since religious motives were appareutly important in the conflict between 'Ali

and Mu'iiwiyah, it might be expected that the Companions who felt strongly about

issues of faith would range thmeIves on one or the other side. Yet it was also the case

that some were motivated by the same considerations to remain neutral. One source

maintains that there w a c four Companions who were safe fiom Fitnah-Sa'd ibn Ab?

Waqqis, 'Abd Allah ibn 'Umar, M@smmad ibn Maslamah and U s b a h ibn Zayd-and

four among the Followeis ( Ts'biczik)-al-Rabi' ibn Khuthaym, MasrÜq ibn al-Ajda', al-

Aswad ibn YazZd and Ab6 'Abd al-Raip& al-SuiamLwho also feil into this

~ategory."~This may have been imderestimating the case. There were at least seven

Companions who were neutral during the Fitnah; and perhaps even more since there may

-- -

"'Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,ai-IstPiB, 3 1 138; Ibn al-At&, C/sd al-Gh&alZ, 4 : 134.

3

"'Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-lsff'àh,2 :448; Ibn al-AîE9 Usd a / - G b a i 4 : 135; rtrn Ab1 Shaybah, al-
M-af 7 : 552; Tbn Sa'd, al-TabqZt, 3 :259.
11s
Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-Istr"a3, 1 : 77; 3 : 1377. According to 'A& ibn Hiitim, three persons withdrew
fiom the fighting: Sa'd ibn Màlik, 'Abd AU& ibn 'Umar and Muipnrmad ibn MaslRmRh (al-Minqafi,
Waq 'at Si%* 65).
have been other Companions alive at the time whose attitudes are not lcnown to us. The

important question however is why these Companions chose to be neutral. M ~ a n m i a d

ibn Maslamah justified bis position by saying that the Prophet had made a sign to him

to do so. The Prophet, he said, declated to him that in the event of Fitnih, one should

only take up a mord that was made of wood. M ~ a m m a dibn Maslamah did literally

this.I19 So did Wuhbh ibn Sayfi, refming also to the same ~ r a d i t i o n . ' ~ ~

Other Companions were neutral for reasons that we are not sure of. Han@& ibn

al-Rabi' remained neutral at Jamal. It is said that he refused to fight t h e people of

~asra-l*'His refusal to fight the Basrans may be interpreted as mwillingness to fight his

relatives who lived there, but this is unlikeIy, since when he was asked to fight the

Syrians at Siffin he also declined. The pressure fÎom 'M's supporters forced him, and

his followers, to leave for Mu'Ewiyah's camp, although in the end he did not join

Mu'iwiyah either. He refused to support either

Even more interesting was the guilt felt by those who either remained neutral or

became involveci in the Fitnah. AII the regrets, as far as I have been able to determine,
were due to their failure to support 'AG,whether because of their neutraliây or because

of tbeir choice to support MuCEwiyah.No one expressed regret at having joined 'Ali

instead of Mu'iwiyah. 'Amr ibn al-'& and his son, 'Abd AU& ibn 'Amr (of whom we

have already spoken) regretted the fact that they supported Muciwiyah. 'Abd AU& ibn

Il9 Ibid, 3 : 1377.

I2O Ibid., 4 : 1568.

Iz1 n i d , 1 : 379.

lu Al-Minqaii, Weqb8rS i f i 97.

'Umar, as weil as M e q , one of the four FolIowers ( a h mentioned above), were also

sorry that they did not join AI^.'^^

The -following table shows a numerical breakdown of the attitudes of

Companions during the Battle of Siffin.

Table IX
The Attitudes of the Companions at Siffin

1 II JII IV V VI VII Vm To-

'AG 'AIi Mu'iwi- Mu'awi- Neutral NeutraV Unidenti- Unidenti- tal
(d) yah yah (d) Mu' a y a h fied fied (d)
Numberof lî3 12 1 7 2 9 2 187
Companions

As we saw in Criapter Two,the Traditionists tried to minimize or even negate

the involvement of the Companions in the ~itnah.'~'The above table howeva shows

that their assertions were quite groundless. Of the 187 Cornpanions whose attitudes

wae known during the Battle of Siffin, only 7-or 9 if group VI is included-cm be

said to have been neutral. The remaining 180 were involved, either on 'Ali's side (123,

or 135 if group II is counted) or on Mu'iwiyah's (3 1, or 32 if group IV is counted).

Nine other Cornpanions were known to have been involved, but it is uncertain as to

which side they supported.

The diffaence between Mu'âwiyah's supporters and 'AIi's among the

Cornpanions calls for f ' h e r explanation. The Companions occupied a high position in

Musüm society. Whatever they did would have a great impact on the other members of

'23 Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-1stId8'b,1 : 77; 3 : 95 1,953.

124
See pp. 99-101.
that society. "Both of you are the Companions of the Prophet, (so, be careful) you are

said Hkhim ibn 'Utbah t o 'Abd

wat~hed,"'~~ ibn Mas'ùd and Sa'd ibn AG

Waqq*, who were in the midst of a dispute in Kufa. When neither one agreed to back

down but instead began trying to convert others to his cause, the people of Kufa were

soon divided into two camps. Each blamed the other for this state of afEsirs.L26In the

context of the Companions' support for one of the two parties at Siffin, we can see how

their example was used to amass a following, as well as to justi@ a given party's

position.

One can hardly fail to notice that the Companions exercised great influence

within their society. When the people of Basra were tom apart over accusations that

t heir govemor al-MugGrah ibn Shu'bph was guilty of impiety, 'Umar sent Abu Mika al-

Ash'afi to substitute for al-MugGah and summoned the latter to corne to Medina to

appear before a tribunal. Knowing that 'Umar had sent him to heal the division in that

society, AbÜ M a asked 'Umar to send some Companions along with him. "O,

Commander of the Faithfa assist me with some of the Companions fiom the MuhijirÜn

and the Ansk for 1have found that in this co111113unityas well as in those areas they are

like the salt without which the food does not taste good." 'Umar agreed and asked him

to choose for himself which Companions to bring along. In the end, twenty-nine of them

went with Abu Miki to ~asra'*'The high expectations of the commmity placed in the

'21 See al-Tabaii, T a al-Umam, 3 : 31 1.

'26 Ibn al-A t E , &-Kamil,477.

'27 Alqabaii, TiZk6 ai-lm- 3 : 169;Ibn al-AtEr, a l - K M , 2 : 384-5.

Companions were not lirnited to the great figures only--in Abu Musa's case the

Muhiijirim and the AnsEr. The ordinary Companions also enjoyed this high estimation.

This was clearly demonstrated when Khilid ibn al-Wilid and al-Muthanmi ibn al-

Hirithah argued over which of the Companions was on his side. Infomed that the

Byzantines had gathered in YarmÜk, Abu Bakr urged his commanders, who were

scattered in différent areas, to bring their armies there, Khilid ibn al-Wâiid being no

exception.'28 Abu Bakr asked him to bring haif of his army from Iraq to Syria and to

appoint al-Muthanna ibn Harithah to remain in charge of the other half. Kh&d had the

Companions brought to him, as he planned to bring them all with him to Syria, leaving

al-Muthanna with not a single Cornpanion. Al-Muthanni protested to al-Wilid and

urged him to leave some of the Companions with km, for 'By üod,I do not hope for

victory except by them." Khalid responded by giving up as many Companions as it took

to satisf4 al-~uthanna.'~~
The Companions they were bartering over were not even

among the most important ones. In fact the expression used to describe these

Companions is "those who had corne to the Prophet in delegation (mmkina qadima 'ala

al-Nabis& Md Wayai wa-sdma wifidi~~l))."

Hence, those who had only even seen

the Prophet for a short time, let alone those who were closely attached to him, were

considered significant by both al-Muthanna and Khiiid.

Did their contemporaries see the Companions in this way? Since AbE M k a al-

Ash'aii, who described the Companions' role in the commmity as being like that of
"salt in the food," and al-Muthanna ibn Hirithah, who said that the victory of the

Muslims on the battlefield depended on the presence of Companions in the army, were

Companions them~elves,'~~
iit could be argued that their statements were nothing more

than self-promotion. In other words, their attitudes were not representat ive of how t heir

contemporaries saw the Companions.

In trying to answer this objection, one can go back to the biographical

dictionaries that treat of the Companions. These works were not written by the

Companions, and cannot therefore be said to be seEpromotion. It was the people who

came afier them who selected whatever information they considered worthy of

recording. Now, reading this information, one can sense how important the Companions

were to their generation, so that even matters like the state of their beards13' were

considered noteworthy. Had the Companions been thought of as unimportant,

information such as this would have been forgotten.

During the Fitnah, out of a belief that the Companions exercised great influence,

each group tried to convert these Companions to their cause. The attachment of the

Companions to particular groups wodd be emulated by other members of society (who

were under their influence). When 'Adi ibn 'Mrah could not stand to hear how

'Uthmin had been humiüated at Kufa, he went to Syria. Other members of Bani Arqim

who went dong with bim appeared to have been influenceci by 'Adi's d e ~ i s i o n . ''Amr
~~

''O Abc Misa went to Medina wtule the Prophet was in Khaybar (Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isti6a3, 4 :
1763). Al-Muthand ibn Hanthah went to the Prophet as part o f a delegation between the years 9 and 10
(ibid., 4 : 1456).

13' Thus 'Uthmin ibn 'h, who was AbU Bakr's father, was reported to have dyed his beard. He
was even the f k t person to dye his beard after Islam (ibid., 3 : 1036).

ibid., 4 : 16.
ibn Ykir, J d r ibn 'Abd Allah, SimZk ibn Makhramah (who will be discussed below)

are some additional examples. The leader of each party was of course happy to attract

so many Companions to his side. Even 'Ali, who was himself a formidable figure and

seemingly self s a c i e n t in terms of religious position, also needed the support of these

Companions and was pleased when he got it.

Mu'âwiyah was apparently less successfd. In terms of getting support fiom

Companions, the number who supporteci him was far below that of the Companions who

joined ' M . Why? Comparing the two figures, Le., 'AG and Mu'awiyah, may give us

some answers to tbis question.

There is no doubt that 'AIi was an important figure. He was among the first

converts,'" having accepted Islam at some time between the ages of eight and

He was the first one who prayed,"5 although some say that he was the next to
si~teen."~

"' The f k t converts were Abu Bakr, Khadijah and 'Ali (see Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istr"&, 3 : 1090).
As to who among the t h e was actualIy the the sources disagree. Ibn 'Abbk and Zayd ibn Arqam
Say it was ' f f i (ibid., 3 : 1090, 1091, 1093, 1094, 1095; Ibn al-Atk, Usd al-Gha%& 4 : 92,93). Some
say it was Khadijah (Ibn 'Abd &Barr, a/-Isti'aa, 3 : 11090, 1091). Ibrihim al-AnkhaCi says it was AbÜ
B a h (ibid., 3 : 1090; Ibn al-AtE, Usd al-Ghaïbah, 4 : 93). Some tried to solve this problern by
hannonizing the differences. So, according to Mujahid and others, Abu Bakr was the first who showed
his Islam ( a misIZna0~).Abü Bakr, acoording to Ibn Shitiib, M@ammad ibn 'Uqayl Qatidah and
Abu Ishaq, was the first to accept Isiam among men ( a d m a n asfama mia ~ J - I I J ~ ; ~And
. ail (meanhg
Mujahid, Ibn Shihib, M&arnmad ibn 'Uqayl, Qatadah and Abu Ishaq and others) agreed that Khadijah
was the fûst who betieved in Muhnmmed ( a d mm h m a bill& wa +ddaqahu f i i j i ' a
tblnnma 'Al?ba ' d ' $ (Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-Istr"a3, 3 : 1092; also Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqit, 3 : 2 1). The
various wordings are interestiag. The word ad'a is used to describe ' f f i ' s conversion, whüe the word
&usos is used to describe Khadijah's. It is to be noticed that always cornes before IsfZn. In so-
doing, the positions of ' f f i and of Khadijah as the fbt are rnaintained, while the difference (that
Khadljah preceded 'Al5 in conversion) is also stated The word al-njaserves the same porpose. This
is to say that 'Ali was the fIrst among men (see also ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-IstI"a3, 3 3 1093), while
Khadijah was the k t among women (nonetheles, both were stili rbe th&).As far as Abu Bakr was
concerned he was rbe fIrst man to show his islam, while 'AIX ûrst hid it (ibid., 3 : 1092).

The sources also disagree on the age of 'AE when he converted to Islam: 8 years (Ibn 'AM ai-
Barr,al-IstI"a3, 3 : 1092, 1093, 1094), 9 years (Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabsq&, 3 : 21), 10 years (Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,
d-IstI"a5, 3 3 11093; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd a l - G h a i 4 : 92). 11 years (Ibn Sa'd, al-Dhqàt, 3 3 22), 12 (Ibn
'Abd al-Barr, al-Ist3'&, 3 3 1093), 13 (ibid., 3 : 1093, 1094), and 15 or 16 (ibid., 3 : 1093, 1094)
 ~ ~was the one who washed the body of the Prophet when he
do so after ~ h a d i j a h . 'He

died and the one wbo buried km."' He participated in the battles of Badr, Uly~d,

Khandaq, Khaybar, Qudaybiyah and other eventS.'' The Prophet expressed his

closeness to his son-in-law ' f f i in explicit In Mecca the Prophet established

brotherhood among the Muslims (Le., arnong the MuhiijirÜn), and in Medina he did the

same among the MuhEjirÜn and Ans&. On both occasions the Prophet proclaimed that

he was the brother of In terms of religious knowledge 'AG was also quite

advanced. He was Gescribed as the door to the city of knowledge by the prophet,14' as

the most weli-versed in religious matters (aqdaaai by ' ~ r n a r , ' ~ and

* as the most

knowledgeable in Sunnah by 'A'ishah.'" In short, in tenns of blood relation and

-
135
Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-ikrFa3 3 : 1095; Ibn Sa'd, al-fibat.$, 3 :21.

137 Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-lst7'83, 3 : 1090.

Ibid., 3 : 1096-7. There is no dispute that 'Ali joined in every occasion of battle (mmhhad)once
the Prophet had settled in Medina, except TibÜk, for on that occacion he was asked by the Prophet to
remain in Medina to take care of the city and the Prophet's f d y (ibid., 3 : 1097; Ibn al- Athir, fici ai-
Ghaiah, 4 : 91; Ibn Sabd,d-TabaqBt, 3 : 24).

13' Some Traditions about this topic have been reported. For example, once the Prophet said to 'AG,
"You are to me lîke Hârün to Mlisa (anra minnrminnr b i - m d a t Hc;u.ia3 bi-MS8)" (Ibn ' A M al-Barr, al-
IrST'a%,3 : 1097, 1098; Ibn Sa'&&-Tabaqa, 3 : 24). On another occasion the Prophet said to 'AG,"You
are my brother and my close fiiend (mta w8-abI)" (ibid., 3 : 1098). However, the most famous
Tradition on this topic is the Prophet's declaration ia Ghadk Khumm on his retura fiom the Farewell
Pilgrimage, that 'Ali is the patron of those who are under the patronage of the Prophet ("Mm h t u
mawdabu fi 'AlFrnawl&") (see L. Veccia Vaglieri, "Ghadir Khumm," in ~f).

'40 Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, d-Istrr"a3, 3 : 1098-9; Ibn al-Attiir, Usd al-Gba3&,4 :9 1; Ibn S a b aal-Tebaqif, 3
: 22.

'*' Ibn 'Abd aI-Barr, al-Is13'a%, 3 : 1102.

'" Ibid., 3 : 1102
"'Ibid., 3 : 1104.
motional attachment, as weU as religious knowledge, 'Ali was a truly outstanding

figure.'"

With Mub%wiyah,we get a totally different picture. He was among the last of

the Quraysh to convert to Islam, doing so only at the Conquest of Mecca, when the

Qurasyh had no choice but to surrender to the ~ r o ~ h e tThis

. ' ~ meant
~ that in the battles

of the Prophet like Badr, Uyd, and Khandaq, which occurred before the Conquest of

Mecca, Mu'awiyah was still considered an enemy of the Prophet. However, once he

became Muslim, the Prophet employed him as one of his secreta15es.l~~

He was certainly

not known for bis knowledge of Islam. Compared to 'AG,whether in terms of family

relation or those of emotion and knowledge, Mu'iwiyah was f a .behind.14'

The struggle between these two figures, different in terms of both background

and personality, was nothing less than a competition between two different societies and

sets of ideas. 'AIics strength lay not only in his blood and rnarriage relationship to the

Prophet and his miütary achievments but also in his religious achievements and ideas,

and his supporters appear to have valued these qualities in him. A caliph, in their eyes,

had to be the rnost outstanding person in his community, and in 'ffi's case this was

made evident by his relationship to the Prophet and his achievements. Mu'awiyah, on

the other hand, had neither of these qualifications. So he had to find sornething else to

144
Al-Minqaii, Waq '8r Si& 102.

'41 ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-IstT'Bb, 3 3 1416.However, according to MubEwiyahhimself he was a Muslim
already d e n he met the Prophet (ibid, 3 : 1104).

Ibid., 3 : 1416.

'41 'Amr ibn al-'&*s statement describes weii the cornparison between 'AG and Muariiviyah(ai-
Minqaii, W a q 'at S i . 37-8).For similar cornparisons see also ibid, 85, 102, l 18-9, 150, l 87.3 l 8,
justa his position, and to find his support from those who did not regard religious

achievements, as well as blood relationship, as appropriate qualifications for leadership.

That 'Ali was associated with religious ideals can be seen from the way bis

position was justifiecl. It was al- asa an's opinion that 'Ali should not have accepted the

baycab of the Medinans before the people of the garrison cities (ec)
had given him

theirs. To this objection, 'AIi answered that the appointment of a caliph was the

~ ' indeed ail the Cornpanions in Medina were reported to

business of the ~ e d i n a n s . ~(And

have given their idiegiance to AI^.'^^) In other words, whatever the Medinans decided

regarding the caliphal succession had to be followed by those outside Medina. Thus if

there was disagreement over the succession, this disagreement would inevitably reflect

Medinan issues. When AbÜ Miki was under pressure fiom the Kufans to join in the

conflict between 'AIi and 'A'ishah, his suggestion was not to get involved at a l He

argued that this was the business of the Medinans and not of the Kufans, let alone

anyone else. So, according to him, the best thing to do was to ask these Medinans, Le.,

'A'ishah with her followers and 'Ali with his, to go back to Medina and settle the

matter among themselves. '"

If the Medinans were considered to be the ones most capable of selecting a

caliph, it is likely that the MuhâjirG and the Ansir fulfilled this role, and no other

group in Medinan society. If so, then any figure who was supported by the MuhijirÜn

- -

la al-Tabaii, T ' - f i ai--Umam,3 : 474; Sayf, 4-Ridd4 272.

and the AnsPr would be granted an almost unassailable legitimacy. This was exactly

what Jaiir ibn 'Abd AU& said to Mu'iwiyah when he was sent by 'Ali to Syria to ask

the people their b a y ' d J d r urged Mu'Ewiyah to give his bay'ab to 'Aû.According to

J&, 'Ali wcis the legitimate caliph since he was the one who was elected by the

MuhijirÜn and the Ansir. If the appointment of a caliph had to be based on consultation

( m w b i w d ) among Muslims, then it was the Muhijirùn and the Ansir who had the

most right to do for it was said "they are the judges of the Ummah (hum sl-

~ u k k i i n'ala al-na~)."'~
'Ali himselfcertainly used this argument to affirm his position

("Consultation (sh- belongs to the MuhijirÜn and the Anq%?')insisting that the one

appointed by them as Imam must be accepted and followed, and that a person who

refused to accept him must be forced to do so for he had deviated fiom the way of the

believers.ls3 Hence, ' f f i viewed the agreement of the MuhijirÛn and the AqiÙ es

equivalent to the agreement of al1 believers. And indeed, for the supporters of 'Ali, the

support of the MuhijirÜn and the -Er was a token of their nghteous position.1"

MubGwiyah, since he was not elected by the MuhZjirÜn and Ansâr, was not

regarded as a legitimate caliph by the rnajority and thus had no right to question the

legitimacy of 'AIics caliphate. Likewise his followers. They were neither MuhâjirÛn and

151
Al-Minqafi, W a q 'al Si&, 16,47. "The Jama'ah is in Medina among the MuhijirÜn and the
(inadmial-J'am8.abbi-ai--Ma&a 'ioda al-MubGUm wa-al-Assai)" (Ibn Ab; Shaybah, d-M&atmaf 7 :
45 1). When 'Abà al-Rdpnin ibn ' A d was entrusted to head the election after the death of 'Umar, it was
the Muhijïrün and the A* whom he asked (Sayf, al-Riddab, 5).

Is2 Al-Minqa6, Waq 'al Si@ 45.

lS3 Ibid., 29.

154
Ibid., 47, 65.
nor AnsEr, so their choice was not legitimate either.lss Based moreover on the principle

that the caiiph must be the best of Musiims and that the best could only be found among

the early converts, Mu'âwiyah would never become a caliph- Mu'iiwiyah was one of the

@faqi: a term used to refer to the people who had remained heathen mtil the time of

the Conquest of Mecca when they had no other choice but to convert to ~slam,"~
and it

was assert ed that '-zdaqi have no right whatsoever to the ~ a l i ~ h a t e . " ~Mu'
~ ' iwiyah' s

claim to leadership wes therefore unjustified.ls8 This is also what 'Abd Ail& ibn

Budayl one of the Companions who supported 'AG,b e l i e ~ e d . ~ ' ~

The view that 'Ali had more nght to the caliphate and that Mu'iwiyah's claim

to it was invalid can also be said to have prevailed amcing the Traditionists. In spite of

the Traditionists' doctrine that all Cornpanions were 'zdt$L60 the Traditionists could not

hide their inclination towards 'Ali. Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, for instance praises 'Abd al-

Ralynin ibn KhElid ibn al-WaEd al-QurasE for his bravery, virtue (fa@, right direction

(hady), excellence (&m) and noble-mindedness ( k m ) .Yet , Ibn 'Abd al-Barr admits

lss 'AqT1ibn Abi Talib, when he came to Mu'awiyah to support him against 'Ali, made the following
statement: "1 was in 'Ali's presence. I looked at the people who were there, and did not see except the
Muhijirün and e. Then 1 saw the people who were with you (meaning, with MuLiwiyah)-1 did not
see except the !ulaqB' " (Ibn Sha@ al-AE6b&, Mmuscript,School of Oriental and Miican
Studies, University of budon, Ms. 25732, parts 13-4, 20 recto)*See also Zayd ibn Hwjayn's statetement
in al-Minqat?, Waq 'at Si& 99.
156
Ibn M*, Lis& d-'86(Beirut: Dir al-Sidir, 11955-61).
157
In 'f f i ' s words, "l'hm m a k a (meaning Mu'iiwiyah) mui aî+dàqiT d a & li &&IhIa-hum al-
k6iIaab'* (d-Minqaii, Waqc8t Si%!& 29). Ibn 'Abbas says more or l e s ~the same thing to Mu'hiyah,
"wa-al-W&h lil-Mub@a al-aww& WB-JSYSB ai-tulaqi' mrnliifihy' " (ibid., 416). See aiso ibid.,
201,237.415.
158
See, fore example, Ibn ' A M al-Barr, A[-Ist3'a3, 3 3 873; also al-Minqaii, Waq'at Si%%, 63,

160
See p. 92.
that unfortmately he deviated from 'Ali and B a s Hkhim ( i H i annabu kdaa rnm&mT

'sa 'M ws-Bm7 ~ f i f i r n ) . This

~ ~ ~ implies that deviating from 'Ali or supporthg

Mu' iwiyah was considered as something ' d o r t mate', something t hat should not have

been expected of someone possessing the qualities of bravery, virtue, right direction,

excellence and noble-mindedness. In other words, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr implies, only those

lacking these character traits could be expected to support Mu'awiyah.

Mu'awiyah himself seems to have been aware of his own position. He h e w that,

lacking religious justification, he had to rely on other means to attract people to his

cause. In preparing for war with ' f f i , among other things, Mu'awiyah wrote to people

who, in his judgment, had something to fear from 'f f i or hated him, as well as to those

who thought that the murder of 'Uthmin was a matter for conceni and that 'Ali was

responsible for it.'" 'Ubayd Allah ibn 'Umar must have been among those whom

Mu'iwiyah had in mind. 'AIi was a threat to his lifelg due to certain events that went

. l ~ ~ 'Umar was killed, 'Ubayd

back to the succession of 'Uthmin to the ~ a 1 i ~ h a t eWhen

AU& did not hesitate for a moment in killiag al-Hurmuzin who was suspected of being
involved in 'Umar's death. This brought up the question of pimlshment among the

people of Medina. When 'Uthman became caliph the case was re-opened. 'Amr ibn al-

'& advised 'Uthman to let 'Ubayd AUih live, advice with which 'Uthman agreed. 'My

ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Isti'a, 3 : 829. See aiso Ibn ai-Atm, Usd al-Ghaiab, 3 :440.

'62 See alqabaii, TiEkh al-Uianz, 3 : 563.

MuLiwiyahhixnself is reported to have been aware that 'Ubayd Al[& 's reason to corne to him
was because he was afiaid of 'Ali (ai-Minqafi, Waq'at S i e 83).

164
See Ibn Hajar, d'&ah&, 3 : 76-7; Ibn 'Abd ai-Barr, al-Isti'a3, 3 3 1012.; al-Balidhmf. AdScri, 5 :
24; Ibn al-Atk, a i - K a , 2 2 466-8; Sayf, ai-Ridda 8-9.
however, was of the opinion that 'Ubayd AU& should be killed and he persistently

argued in favor of this policy. The appointment of 'Ali as caliph after the murder of

'Uthmân clearly was a threat to 'Ubayd Allah's life. In such circumstances Mu'iwiyah

was certainly the right person to be with.

Mu'awiyah took a number of measures to strengthen his position. First he tried

to protect the unity of his Syrian army by not allowing any outside forces to join it,

even if they came forward to support him directly or indirectly. During the Fitnah there

were people fiom Kufa and Basra who had resented the hatred shown toward 'Uthmin

in those cities, as well as those who did not want to join 'Ali's cause for whatever

remon. These people apparently went to Syria. Their choice was a great advantage to

Mu'awiyah, for at least they had not joined 'Ali and were in no position to cause any

trouble for Mu'âwiyah. But despite this fact, Mu'awiyah did not want to take the risk of

incorporating them into his Syrian army, even when they asked him to do so. He kept

them sepuate, creating garrison cities in which to settle them. Al-Qinna~~n,

which had

previously been a mere rural district of Hims, was transformed into a g h s o n town to

accommodate these people. Al-J&ah and Mosul were other areas where these people

The Bani pl-Arqam, for instance, who hated the situation in Kufâ, came
were ~ett1ed.I~~

to Mu'iiwiyah, who placed them in al-~aziirah.~~~

165
Al-Tabaii, Tdiiukb al-Çmam, 3 : 240-1.,339. Mu'âwiyah had even made an effort to protect the
mity of Syria since trouble had begun at the time of 'Uttuniin. At 'Uthman's order some Kufans were
exiled to Syria. But Iater Mu'iwiyah sent a Ietter to 'Uthman asking him to send these Kufans back to
Kufa. "If they remain in the midst of the Syrians, 1 wony that they may delude them with their sorcery
and depravity," wrote Mu' Zwiyah (ibid., 3 : 367; the translation is fiom i%e WIsto~y,15 : 1 24).
 The other step that he took was to try to convert Companions to his cause. The

srrival of 'Ubayd Allah ibn 'Umar in Syria was greatly welcomed by ~ u ' i i w i ~ a h . ~ ~ '

'Ubayd Allah was a Companion and any support given by any Companion strengthened

his position vis-à-vis 'Ali. The support of the Companions could be considerd as

reügious legitirnation of his claim. Ka'b ibn Murrah al-Sulanii, a Companion who lived

' ~ ~ said to have delivered a kbMbah in support of Mu'âwiyah in a

in Jordan ( ~ y r i a ) , was

mosque where about four hundred Cornpanions were present. On that occasion Ka'b

narrated a Prophetic Tradition in which the Pmphet foresaw the Fitnah and stated that

in that Fitnah 'Uthman was "on the nght path ('dial-b~d~)).'''~~

The claim of the

presence of four hundred Cornpanions and the report of the Prophetic Tradition on

'Uthrnin were both efforts at conveying the idea that Mu'awiyah was religiously

justifiai in his cause. Once this was established, Mu'âwiyah could gain the support of

the people without much difficulty.

Given their influence, the Companions' decision to support a particular group

was often emulated by other members of Society. Thus, once Mu' Zwiyah was able to

win support ikom any one of the Companions, that Companion would bring those loyal

to him over to Mu' Ewiyah's cause. One example of this was Simiik ibn Makhramah al-

Asedi, a Companion who lived in Kufa. It seems that he exercised an influential role in

Kufa, having been one of that city's delegates to 'Umar. One of the mosqnes in Kufa

--

'61 Ai-Minqafi, Waq'ar S i ,82.

Xlm 'Abd al-Barr, al-Isd'&, 3 3 1326.

Al-MinqiÜi, Waq 'at Si& 8 1-2.

was even named afier him.'" When the confict between 'AIi and Mu'awiyah broke out,

Sim* a supporter of 'Uthmih, fled fiom Kufa to al-Raqqah. With him came one

hundred men fkom Asad. From al-Raqqah he wrote to his people to join him mder

Mu'awiyah's leadership. Another seven hundred men, also fÎom his tribe, decamped to

al-~a~~ah. '"
The Cornpanions who were neutral were also summoned by Mu'awiyah to corne

and support him. Thus he sent letters to 'Abd Ala ibn '~mar,'" Sa'd ibn Ab:

waqqis,'" and Muhammad ibn ~aslamah.'" None of these latter, however, lent him

t heir support.

Nor did Mu'awiyah hesitate ,when necessary, to buy people's support. It is even

said that he strove to convert ' M ' s most valued supporters until they sold their religion

for fluente."* Those who openly declared their worldly ambitions were quickly

satisfied by Mu'awiyah, as can be seen in the case of the people of the tribes of 'Akk

and ~sh'ar." 'Aqil ibn Ab? Tilib--'AIibs brother--and 'Amr ibn al-'& were other

examples. 'Aqil decided to join Mu'kwiyah afier he realized that his brother ' f f i could

I7O Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-lti'à5, 2 2 652.

"' AI-Minqarl, Wsq'at S i f i , 146.

Ibid., 7 1.

'71 Ibid., 74.

'71 Ibid., 76.

175 Ibid., 436.

'76 Ibid., 435.

 not satis& his greed.'77 'Amr was responsible for the conquest of Egypt, and indeed was

appointed as governor of Egypt until 'Uthman removed him. He was angry with

'Utbmin and did nothing when 'Uthman was surrounded and murdered.'" He remained

neutral when 'AE was appointed as caliph. But when Mu'awiyah approached him, he

proposed that he be given control over Egypt in exchange for his support.L79It is not

without grounds therefore that we find Mu'awiyah identified with worldliness and those

who joined Mu'âwiyah accused of having placed personal advancement ahead of

The difGculties that Mu'awiyah faced in trying to win his struggIe with 'AIi

were caused in part by the fact that it seems no Cornpanion with a status that even

approached 'Ali's had settled in Syria by the t ime of the Fitnah. This issue is important

in reIation to the confiict between Mu'awiyah and 'Ali. It was right that the

appointment of a caliph had to be based on seniority in Islam. But there was another

variable which was also decisive, i.e., that a candidate had to be fiom the Quraysh. Thus

there were two important factors involved in deciding whether a person could

legitimately fill the post of caliph: he had ?O be f 1) an early convert and (2) a QurayshT.

" :Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, al-Istf'a-b, 3 : 1079. Tt is repoaed that 'Aqil even asked 'AG, who was in Kufa, to
give him the wedth that belonged to the Muslims. ' f f i tunied d o m his request (Ibn Ha- Sh& al-
AM& 19 verso.)

IT8 See al-Tabafi, TzEZb al-U m m 3 : 3 14; Ibn 'Abd &Barr, al-IsfI"a3, 3 :919; al-BalZdhuii, Ansib,
5 :74, 89.

Ibn SaL& al-Dbaqat, 4 : 254,258.

Al-Minqar?, Waq'at Si& 48,77.92, 102; al-Tabaii, T a al-Umm 3 : 460. 'Amr ibn al-'& is
reported to have acimowledged bis worldly interests in his decision to join Mu'iiwiyah (Ibn SaLd,al-
pbaqir, 4 : 254). A certain Abu Qays al-Awdi(a1-Ad?) said that people were divided into three groups
Crabaqit): the people of religion who loved 'ffi, the people of worldy Iife who loved Mu'iiwiyah, and
the Kharijites (Tba 'Abd al-Barr, al-Ist?a'-o, 3 : 1 1 1 5).
At the t h e of the Fitnah any support fiom early converts belonging t o the Quraysh was

of critical importance. Syria however does not seem to have been able to boast of such

personalities. This must have been one of the reasons why 'AIi challenged Mu'awiyah

on this ground. In one of Mu'iiwiyah's letters to 'Ali, Mu'iiwiyah, on the other hand,

claimed that the people of Syria were the judges of the people of the Hijaz (bzm al-

&kkikz '&a61 al-&iiiàz).181 The purpose of this auegation was to afGrm that the people

of the Hijaz (including the people of Medina) could not decide anything without the

consent of the people of Syria, and that since the people of Syria were the judges of the

people of the Hijaz, these latter had to impiement any decision amved at by the Syrians.

Thus MuC%wiyah'sown leadership, which was accepted by the Syrians, ought also to

have been accepted by the people of the Mjaz. Similady, the Syrians' view that

'UthmaO was killed imjustly and that 'Ali was (directly or indirectly) involved in the

murder ought also to have been accepted in their view. In answer to this allegation 'Ali

challenged MucEwiyahto present any one fiom the Quraysh of Syria who was eligible to

be consulted and who was allowed to hold the position of caliph (''hari rajzd mio

Quraysh al-Sb& yuqbaïu fi aï-sbd aw t&Uu lahu al-kbia~fab")."~

'Ali must have

known that there was no such individual living in Syria, let alone one who supported

Mucawiyah. Mu'iiwiyah in fact could not meet this challenge. Morover, not only was

there no such a figure in Syria, but Mu'awiyah also had a different sort of person in

mind when he made his original allegation. Unlike 'Ali, who associated the hu&k&

la[ Al-Minqaii, Weg %r SiB& 58.

lg2 Ibid.
with the early converts, Mu'awiyah associate. the h u k k h with the traditional tribal

hierarchy. Here again two different world views were in conflict: Islamic and pre-

Islamic.

An analysis of the backgrounds of the Companions who supported either 'AIi or

Mu'iwiyah might help us to decide whether the identification of 'Ali with reügious

ideas and that of Mu'awiyah with irreligion is valid. But first of ail it should be pointed

out that the sources disagree on the number of the important Cornpanions who were

involved in the Battle of Siffin. According to one report, eight hundred Companions

who were present at the Bay'ai al-Ridw~supported ' A E . ' The

~ ~ best Companions of

Mdpmnad, says another, were with 'Ali's army, seventy of whom had fought at

J3adr.l" Al-Ashtar, one of the most important figures in 'ffi's army, gave a speech in

which he stressed that 'Ali's forces were on the right path @y which it was understood

that those fighting for Mu'iwiyah were on the wrong one), since 'AG had the support of

almost one himdred veterans of Badr, in addition to other ~ o m p a n i o n sDhÜ

. ~ ~ ~al-Kali',

a Y e m d leader who supported Mu'iwiyah, acknowledged that there were indeed great

Companions in 'AIi's army.lg6While the above reports tend to exaggerate the number of

18' Ibn 'Abd aEBarr, al-Isttl"&, 3 3 1138; Ibn ijajar, al-Isa-bah, 2 : 38 1.

184
Al-Minqafi, Waq 'at Si& 23 6.

lS5 Ibid., 238.

'O6 Ibid, 239.

important Companions at Siffin, there is one which claims that no more than six, or

seven at the most, veterans of Badr were involved in the ~itnah.'"

Biographical dictionaries may help to clari& this issue. According to these

sources, as was shown in Table TX, 'AE was supported by more Companions than

Mu'awiyah. If it may be accepted that the support of Companions was a religious

endorsement for one of the parties to the dispute, then 'Ali was clearly perceived as the

more legitimate contender. The biograpbical dict ionaries confirm this int erpretation.

They also provide further det ails as to what kinds of Companions supported either 'AG

or MuCiwiyah.In 'M's camp we find the following breakdown: of the 123 Companions

supporting him, 43 were early converts who had fought aiongside the Prophet in such

early battles as those of Badr and mud; 23 were ordinary Companions, i.e., those who

were with the Prophet for only a short time or had converted to Islam at the end of the

Prophet's life; 11 were young Companions, Le., either they were bom in the time of the

Prophet or they were stiil young when the Prophet died; while the other 46 were

unknown even to our sources. The backgrounds of the Companions who supported

Mu'âwiyah were as follows: of the 31 Companions in his camp, one was an early

convert, 12 were ordinary Companions and 6 were young Companions. Hence,

comparing the backgrounds of both parties, the claim that 'AIi was supported by the

great Companions and that Mu'iiwiyah by the less important ones is clearly confirmed:

IS7w a b a i i , 7 ' ' al-Umara, 3 :467; Sayf, al-Riddah,254-5. It cannot be established whether Abu
A
- had already fought at S i f f i before participating in ai-Nahrawh. If he did then there were seven
paricipants fiom Badr involved.
the majority of 'Ali's supporters were early converts, while MubZwiyah's were later

converts or young Companions.

The same picture emerges when the analysis is extended to those whose

participation on either 'AEiCs side or Mu'awiyah's is still uncertain. Of the 12

Companions who may have fought on 'AG's side, 8 were early converts, 1 was an

ordinary Companion, 1 a young Companion, and the other 2 unhown. In this category

only one Companion is more likely to have been on Mu'âwiyah's side, and he was a

young Companion. Two were b o w n fiathemore to be either neutral or on Mu'Zwiyah7s

side. One of these was a young Companion, while the other was only an ordinary

Companion. So even if these two were to be included on Mu'awiyah's side, the picture

would still be the same.

How many of the Companions were actualiy stili alive in Iraq, Syria and Egypt

at the time of the Battle of Siffin? In Chapter Three it was pointed out that there were

335 Companions in Basra, 337 in Kufa, 441 in Syria and 260 in ~ g y p t . ~ ~ ' the dates
From

of their respective deaths it is known that some 250 Companions were stilï alive in these

places when the Fitnah occurred: 50 in Basra, 70 in Kufa, 90 in Syria and 40 in Egypt.

How many of them were involved in the Battle of Siffin? Table X may shed some Iight

on the question. Only 4 Cornpanions fiom Basra were known to have been involved in

the Battle of Si&, 23 (or 25 if category II is included) fkom Kufa, 18 (or 19) from

Syria, and 8 (or 10) fiom Egypt.

See Table II.

 Table X
Politicai and Geographical Alignments of the Companions at S i f i

I II III IV v VI vn VII
'f f i 'Ali Mu'iwiyah Mu'awiyah Neutra1 NcutraüMu Unidentified Unidentified
(d) (d) 'awiyah (4
Basra 4
Kufa 23 2 11
Persia 1 1
Syria 3 1 7
Hims 4
Damascus 1
Palestine 2
Urdun 1
Egypt 4 1 4 1 1
Yemen 1
Hijaz 1
Mecca
Medina 6 1
Wasit 1
Dawmat al- 1
Jandal
Total 42 3 22 2 2

Where were the r a t ? Since the involvement of Companions in the Battle of

S i E n was so important for both parties, it would be reasonable to expect that their

names would appear in the sources. The fact that the majority of the 250 Companions

who might be still have been alive in Iraq, Syria and Egypt during the Battle of Siffin

are not recordeci codd mean that in fact they stayed out of it. To put it differentiy,

whereas many of the Companions were actively involved in the dispute, the majority of

them stayed away. But there might be imother explanation for their absence. To later

generations any dispute between the great Cornpanions was a subject that was not

spoken about. The Traditionists were among those who propagated this attitude.

Accordingly, the number of the Cornpanions in the Fitnah may act ually have been larger

than we are told it was, but the reluctance of the Traditionists to discuss this issue,

whether in their writings or in their daily speech, gradually led to a curtain being drawn
over their involvement. This seems unlikely, however, since there were others besides

the Traditionists who would not have participated in this conspiracy of silence,

historïans like al-Tabaii among them. In his history, for example, he wntes about the

Fitnah in great detail. So it is most likely that the absence of most living Companions in

the Battle of Siffin only meant that they chose not to get involved in it .

The information given in the above table is insufficient to explain wholly the

relation between geographical attachment and political alignment on the part of the

Companions. Only a mal1 number of the Companions, whose attitudes were known

during the Battle of Siffin, can be identified with a geographical location. Of the 187

(see Table IX), the whereabouts of only 73 can be determined. Nonetheless this limited

information can help us to find the answers to certain specific dileminas.

First, there are some grounds to accept that the conflict between 'Ali and

Mu'awiyah was a confiict between Iraq and Syria, the Companions who supported 'Ali

having come fiom Iraq (4 fiom Basra, 25 f3om Kufa, 1 fiom Persia), and those who

supported Mu'iwiyah mainly fiom Syria (7 fiom Syria, 4 fiom Hims, 1 fiom Damascus,

1 from Jordan). This information may suggest that the sources were probably right to

call 'Ali's army the dl al-'kiq and Mu'âwiyah's the 161 al-Shi&. A comparkon

between the Kufan and the Basran Companions could further pinpoint this geographical

connection: since there were only 4 fiom Basra and 25 fiom Kufa, then it was mainly

the Kufans whom the sources meant by the term a6l al- 'Ir&

The relations between Syrïa and Kufa before the Fitnah confirm the assumption

that it was mainly the Kufans, not the Basrans, who were at odds with the Syrians.
Once Mu'awiyah asked 'Uthman to send auxiliary troops to face the Byzantines in

Armenia to reinforce the army which had been sent there with Habib ibn Maslamah as

commander. In response 'Uthmân asked al-W&d ibn 'Uqbah, the governor of Kufa, to

send ten thousand Kufans under the command of Salmin ibn Rabic& aL-BahiIi. On

learning of this, Habib ibn Maslamah reminded his feliow Syrians that if the city were

conquered after the amval of the K u h s then the credit might go to these latter- He

urged the Syrians to att ack before their amval. This they did successfully and won much

h t y , which they distributed amongst themselves. When the Kufans came, they asked

the Syrians to share the booty. The Syrians refused on the ground that the Kufans had

not been involved in the conquest. We are told that "a quarrel broke out between the

people of Iraq (a61al- 'lia< and the people of Syria (s61al-SbGzz), and then they fought

with each other ... the fight was the first enrnity between the people of Iraq and the

people of ~yria."''~The way the information is narrateci is noteworthy for. our

discussion. At first, "the people of Kufa" is the phrase used to identiQ the auxiliary

army sent to Syria, but later on, when the disagreement is being discussed, "the people

of Kufa" is replaced by the phrase "the people of Iraq." Hence the fight is not described

as a fight between the people of Kufa and the people of Syria, but between the people of

Iraq and the people of Syria As far as the Syrians wete concernecl, they were

consistently known as "the people of Syria."

The enmity between the Kufans and the Syrians on the one hand, and the poor

relations between the Basrans and the K u f m on the other, may have brought the

'" Al-Kiifi, ai-Fute 2 : 108- 10; al-Tabaii, TiZ'kh d-U m m 3 : 350- 1,3 53; Ibn al-Ai=, a l - K ' I ,3
: 26; Safi al-Riddab, 62.
Syrians closer to the Basrans. There may therefore be some truth in 'Abd Allâh ibn

' k r ' s claim that he had some influence in Basra when he suggested to 'A'ishah that

she go there fiom ~ e c c aThe

' ~ Umayyads
~ too must have seen more hope for support in

Basra than in Kufa. 'Uthmin's letter supports this assumption. When he was

surrounded, he sent Ietters to the Syrians and the Basrans asking them to help him. In

his Ietters, 'Uthman considered the Kufans, together with the Egyptians and the

Medinans, as his enemies (and therefore the Syrians and the Basrans as his allies).LgL

Here again is a further indication that it was mainly the Kufans whom our sources

considered to be the abi d-'hi$

Second, our study of the tribal distribution of the Companions in Iraq, Syria and

Egypt in Chapter Three showed that, as far as representation was concerned, Qurasyh

and Ansir were the most important groups. In evay center of settlement they formed

one of the major groups within the population. Again, the fact that it was only a small

number of those who participated in the Battle of Siffin whose geographical locations

are known to us makes if difficult to prove directly that, since Ansir and Quraysh

formed the majority in SHa, Iraq and Egypt, they must have exercised considerable

influence during the Fitnah. In other words, the relation between their number and their

role in these areas during the Fitnah can only be proven indirectly. To show this, we will

fitst list the tribal backgrounds of the Companions whose loyalties were lcnown in the

foIIowing table.

lgO Ai-Tabaii, TiSW ai-&am, 3 : 469; Ibn Sabd,d-pbaqit, 5 : 48.

19' Ibid, 217.

 Table XI
Tribal and Political Alignment of the Cornpanions at S i f i

1 Ir m IV v VI VII vm
'Ali 'Ali(d) Mu- Mu- Neutra1 NeutraV Unident i- Unidenti-
awiyah iuiyah Mu- fied fied (d)
cd) iwiyah
A Northenrtrs
'Abd al-Oavs
. a - 1 1
'Amir ibn Sa'sa'ah 2 1
Asad ibn Khuzaymah 1
Balilab 1 1

Qays ibn 'Aylk 12 1 1i 1 1 1

Sa'd 2 1
ThaqX 1 1 1 1
Tadm 5 1 1

Azd 1
BaGlah 11 7 1
Bali 12 13 I

Mauj 1 1 1 1
MUrad 12 1

'Awd 1 1
Dannab (?) 1
Dhihivàn 1
This table shows that it is correct to Say that both the Ansir and the Quraysh were

actively involved dirring the Fitnah. These two groups after all boasted the greatest

nimiber of participants. 1s there any way to establish the geographical connection of

these Companions? It was explained above that during the reign of 'Uthmui many

Companions had left Medina If this is so then it is likely that for the duration of the

Fitnah the vast majority of the Companions resided outside Medina. This is one

conclussion; the other is that these same Companions, and particularly the Ansir, were

clearly concerned about the Fitnah and did become involved in it.

Third, the question of which party was actuaily supported by the Ansir and

Quraysh remains to be answered. As for the Ansk it c m be said that most of them

clearly supported 'Ali. The Ansir saw themselves as the ones best suited to help 'Ali.

They saw ' M ' s situation as being similar to the Prophet's in that both had been

unjustly rejected.lg2It is reported that they were among the first to give their degiance

to 'AE,while others simply followed t h e d g 3Only a few of them refùsed to take this

oath.Ig4Their support meant a lot to the latter, especially when people fiom bis own

tnbe, the Quraysh, were not f d y behind him. Sa'd ibn Ab2 Waqqe and 'Abd AU& ibn

'Umar did not however declare their allegiance immediately. They waited until other

people had done SO.'~' T a a h ibn 'Ubayd AU& and al-Zubayr ibn al-'Awwim on the

193
Al-Taban', T&W ef-Umam, 3 : 450. At the death of the Prophet, some members of Azqir
apparently turned first to 'AG instead of Abc Bakr, especially when their leader Sa'd ibn 'UbGdah
decihed this position (Ibnal-AtE, & - K a ,2 2 189).

'91 Ibid., 3 : 451.

other hand are reporteci to have given theirs i n v o l u n t a ~ l ~The
. ' ~ ~fact that the supporters

of 'AIi were mainly from Kufa indicates further the importance of the Ansir in the

Fitnah. Kufa was an area where the Ansu were particularly strong.

But even more interesting is the background of those Ansir who joined 'Ali at

Siffin. Of the 64 who were present, we know the tribal origin of 41 of them and 27 of

these were Khanajis (see Table XI). Why did they become such enthusiastic supporters

of 'AG? Going back to the time of the Prophet, the Khazxajk were more ready than the

Awsis to accept the message of the Prophet. When the Prophet called the people of

Medina to Islam, the Khaaajis answered the call enthusiastically. Of the 12 participants

in the first 'Aqabah, 10 were fiom Khazraj and only 2 h m AWS.'~' Given their

contribution, the Khazrajis must have felt themselves thai they were highly placed, for

when the Prophet died they saw themselves as the most nghtfül group to assume the

Muslim leadership. They chose Sacd ibn 'Ubidah as their new leader. It was oniy afier

Abu Bakr, the close fnend of the Prophet and his tnistee, was nominated, that the

Khazlajis chose give up their ~lairn.'~'But not their leader, Sacdibn 'Ubidah, who, until

his death, refused to pay AbÜ B a k ~allegiance. Nevertheless, 'Umar's policy of relying

on seniority in Islam as the basis for the leadership of the Muslim commimity worked to

the benefit of the Khazrajis. The appointment of 'Uthiin as the next cafiph, however,

followed by the &val on stage of the later converts, must have been viewed by them as

Ig6 Ibid., 3 :452. It is even said that al-Zubayr did not give his aiiegiance to 'AIi at ail (ibid.), or that
he did ço only with his han&, aot with his heatt (Ibn Ai5 Shaybab, a/-MW& 7 :537).

lg7 Ibn Sa6d,d-Tabaqit, 1 : 220.

Ig8Al-Tabaii, TiZtkb ai-Umam,3 : 455-9; al-KUfi, ai-Fut* 1 : 3-5;Ibn al-At*, ai-KM,

2 : 1914.
a threat t o their position.199 'AIi, whose views on Islamic seniority were close to

'Umar's, was the right person for the Khazrajis to suppoa.

During the Battle of Siffin, unlike the Ansir who were unanirnous in their

support of 'AIi, Qirrasyh split over the issue. Of the latter, numbering 22 in ail, 13 were

with 'Ali while 9 were with Mu'awiyah. Thus 'AE and Mu'iwiyah each received about

an qua1 share of their support. The background of these Quraysh te& us something else

as weil. First, none of the early converts fiom Quraysh joined either 'Ali or Mu'iwiyah.

Second, the majority of the Quraysh who supported 'AG had much in common in terms

of their geographical attachment and tribal affiliation- They either resided in areas

which strongly supported 'M-i.e., M a (1 person), Egypt (1 person) and Medina (1

person)-or which belonged to the Hkhinii tribe (4 persons). Third, the Quraysh who

supported Mu'awiyah can also be explained partly through their geographicd

attachment, since 4 of the 9 lived in Syria The other 5 came either fiom Mu'iwiyah's

tribe (1 person) or had a (close) blood relationship with a particular person (2 persons,

Le., 'Armibn al-'&'s sons) or viewed Mu'iwiyah as an asylimi (2 persons, Le., 'Ubayd

Alla ibn ' ~ m d ' ' and 'Aqil ibn Ab: ~ a l i b ~ O ~ ) .

lg9See also Hînds, "The Murder", 465.

'Oo See pp. 230- 1.

See pp. 233-4.

 CHAPTER V

CONCLUSION

There was a close connection between the attitude displayed by the Muslim

community towards the Companions and its attitude towards the Prophetic Tradition.

The greater the respect for the Traditions, the greater the respect for the Companions,

and vice versa. The Traditionists, who protected and developed the Traditions,

demonstrated the most profound respect for the Companions of the Prophet, while the

Mu'tazilis, who were less inclined to rely on Traditions, had comparatively less respect

for them.

How one defined a "Companionyyand the quality of 'adalab were two issues over

which the different views of these two groups came to be expressed. The Traditionists,

wanting to Save sound prophetic Traditions (to be used as h u ~ a bin the application of

religions teaching in day-to-day life) tended to idlate the numbers of the Companions

by setting a lower standard for inclusion in this prestigious group. The MuLtaPGs,on the

other hand, who considered intellect the most important aid in interpreting revelation,

and therefore considered Tradition less important than intellect, tended to restrict the

number of Companions by setting higher standards, thus decreasing in turn the number

of Traditions and their role in establishing dogma vis-à-vis reason. The question of

'addah reduced even frrrther the already limited number of Companions. The view that

Companions were not automatically 'udd opened the door to the possibility of

rejecting some of the Traditions narrated by even the most respectai Companions,
including important figures üke 'Ali and 'A'ishah. This was the second barrier facing

Companions before their Traditions couid be accepted. The Traditionists tned to lift this

by establishing the doctrine that all the Companions were 'udtrl! Their integrity could

not be questioned and, thetefore, once it was estabLished that the Traditions reaUy came

fiom the Prophet through the Companions, these Traditions had to be accepted. How

this was est ablished was also dict ated by the Traditionists.

Whereas the various definitions of Cornpanion were only established fier the

third century, the importance of the role itself had been acknowledged ever since the

death of the Prophet. These Companions, the elite and the common alike, were

instrumental not only in establishing the basis of political and social order in Medina but

also in the early spread of Muslims outside Medina and their settlement in newly

conquered lands. Several factors were responsible for t his migration and settlement:

socio-economics, officia1 appointment s, influence of family or itnportant figures, politics

or expulsion. But the most important factor seems to have been the blend of Islam-

Hijrah-Jihad. One could not be a good Muslim without perfUrrning Hijrah to Medina and

performing Jihad agdnst Islam's enemies. This trinity of values was spelled out by the

Prophet himself in his early career when he needed to persuade new converts to stand by

him in Medina. After the conquest of Mecca, while Islam ceased to be identified with

Hijrah (to Medina), it could stiil be identified with Jihad. After the death of the Prophet,

particularly at the tirne of 'Umar, when manpower was needed to expand Muslim

territory, the blend of Islam-Hijrah-Jihad was revived. With this, the function and status

of Medina was duplicated elsewhere. Like Medina, the new settlements became the
destination for Hijrah and the base for launching Jihad. And like the Medinans, those

who migrated to the new settlements were considered as possessing a higher religious,

social and, therefore, economic status than those who did not. The social status and

economic benefits which accompanied the act of Hijrah and Jihad encouraged more

people to settle.

The creation of a Medinan model outside Medina made Medina even stronger.

As the model, Medina became the symbol of political and religious authority. As far as

the election of the new caliph was concerned, the decisions taken by the Medinans

would be accepted by the settlements. The fact that both in Medina and in these

settlements the early Companions became the key figures was a guarantee that good

communications and order were being maintained.

The situation began to change however in the tirne of 'Uthrnin. The strength of

the Islam-Hijrah-Jihad concept even encouraged the Companions who had sett led in

Medina to leave it for the settlements. Ifnlike 'Umar, who tried to control the spread of

these Medinan Companions (to make sure that he still had enough of them at his

disposal), 'Uthmin made no effort to restrain them. By the time of his minder, therehre

a completely d i k e n t situation had emerged: whereas the settlements housed many

Companions, Medina had hardly any. Thus the de facto religious, social and political

gravity had shifted fiom Medina to the settlements. The decision of 'a,
the next

caiiph, to leave Medina and go to the settlements to solicit the Companions' support

was not surprising in these circumstances.

 Since the Companions constituted the major actors in the history of the first

century-, the conflicts within the Muslim community at that time were often reducible to

disputes involving this group. Hence to understand the events of that time one has to

know fdly who the Companions were, their position in the Muslim community, the

stratification within their ranks, and their intenial relationships.

There are two points that are crucial to gaining an understanding of the corps of

Companions. First, the term "Companiod7owes its existence to the Prophet. Therefore

the position of Companion was decided on the basis of a person's relationship to the

Prophet. The closer a Companion was to him, the higher the rank he or she was

accordecl. Second, since prophecy was a religious office, that of "Companion," which

was linked to prophecy, was also a religious title. It goes without saying that religious

ideas or considerations are important to out understanding the conflicts among the

Companions.

From the above perspective the Battle of Siffin and the attitudes of the

Companions during this battle may be explained. The Battle of Siffin was a battle

between factions which were wide apart in terms of Companionship and religious ideas.

In other words, the battle was between those who had been close to the Prophet (either

in terms of blood relationship or in tenns of religious message that the Prophet brought),

and t hose who were less so.

The econonic and social factors undetlying the conflict may be explained

accordingly. 'Ali and his supporters, being close to the Prophet and having been

converted eariier, enjoyed high social status and economic beaefits. MuC&yah and his
supporters, by contrast, suffered socially and economically. Thus, a h o s t by default,

Sinin was a conriict between the rich and impovaished. The more amuent group

est ablished during the caliphate of 'Umar, was threatened with loss of pnvilege when

'Uthmh held the caliphate. Under 'Uthmin's policy the later converts graduiùly took

over the position fomerly held by the early converts. The death of 'Uthmin was the

beginning of a long struggle between 'M,who tried to return to the order that 'Umar

had imposed, and Mu'âwiyah, who resolved to maintain the momentum set in place by

'Uthmin. In this struggle the later converts lost.

Our anafysis of the tribal composition of the settlements supports this argument.

The tribal alignments of that time reveal that Iraq was dominated by northemers while

Syria and Egypt were controlled by southeniers. In view of their relations, it might have

been expected that, since ' f f i was associated with the abl al- 'kiqand Mu'awiyah with

the abl al-Shih, the northerners would be dominant among 'AG's supporters and the

southmers among Mu'&wiyahTs.However, this was not the case, since the majonty of

'Ali's supporters were southemers (they were almost three times as numerous as their

comterparts), while Mu'âwiyeh's forces reveal a ffairly consistent balance between

northerners and southeniers. Thus, a cornparison of the tribal composition of the

settlements and that of the conflicting parties ( Le., Mu'âwiyah's party and 'Ali's)

reveals that during the Battle of Si&, at least as far as the Cornpanions were

concemed, the southmers - northeniers division cannot be used to explain the political

alignmeat.
 The relative absence fiom the Battle of Siffm of major tribes fiom the

contending regions, Le., Iraq, Syria and Egypt suggests that tribal sentiment played an

insignificant role in this event. If it hed been a determining factor, we might have

expected that a large number of Cornpanions fiom Quraysh, Ansir, Kinbah, Kindah

and Azd (since these tribes had a large representation in every one of the settlements

discussed in our study) would have been amûng the most enthusiastic participants. But

this is not the case. Among them only Quraysh and @ir were greatly involved and

their involvement in the battle was not based on purely tribal sentiment. AnsG were not

after ail a tribe. They shared a name which had been bestowed on them in recognition of

their reügious achievement in supporthg the Prophet in his religious mission. It was this

achievement which gave them their common identity, not their tribal background. As

for Qurasyh, tribal sentiment seems to have been of secondary importance in

determining loyalties. In fact, the most important figures among the parties to the

conflict at Siffin came nom this tribe. Thus, the real issue was not rooted in tribal

loyalties, but in reügious achievement, and it was this that split Quraysh between those

who had been closely linked with the Prophet and his mission, and those who had

converted to Islam at a later stage,

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APPENDICES
 PREFACE TO APPENDICES

The first seven appendices iist in alphabetical order the names of the

Companions identified by our sources as having iived in eacb of the principal

citiedregions of the lslamic Middle East, Appendix 1 being devoted to Basra, Appendix

11to Kufa, and so on. The entry for each individual contains information on the sources

in which he/she is mentioned, followed by the specific phrases used to denote his/her

residence in the region, tribal affiliations, other relevant information, date of death, and

the sources for these- This information is divided over two successive pages.

The eighth appendix iists in alphabetical order t hose Companions whose

ailegiances are h o w n to us, without regard for geographical residence. Thus after

indicating what is known of their tribal affiliations and whereabouts, we List the various

references to t heir relations with the Prophet and then their connection with 'f f i andlor

Mu'Swiyah on or amund the occasion of the Battle of Siffin, and the sources for aU

t hese. This information is divided over three successive pages.

in order to familiarize the reader with how the tables operate, an example wiii be

given fiom Appendix 1 which can serve to illustrate ot her entries in Appendices 1-VU;

this will be followed by another example illustrating AppendV: Vm.Thus for Ab& al-

M*iribi, entry no. 1 in Appendix 1, the table rnay be read as foliows:

SOURCES S-H Abbreviations for the sources referring to hîs

residence in Basra (see list of abbreviations at
the end of preface to appendices)

EXPRESSION- 1 nazala ai-Ba@ Ibn Sa'd's expression for his residence in Basra

The sources for Ibn Sa'd's statement (vol. and

page)
EXE'RES SION-2 'idiiduhu fi ah1 a l - B a m Ibn vajar's expression for his residence in Basra

SOURCES-2 HI:X The sources for Ibn Hajar's staternent

-Remaining columns for expression of residence are left biank due to a lack of information

TRmE- 1 Ml&Grïb? One reference to his tribal affiliation

The sources for the aforementioned (Ibn Sa'd

and Ibn Hajar)

TRIBE-2 'AM Another reference to his tribal affdiation

SOURCES-2 S7:88; H1:25 The sources for the aforementioned

- Remaining columns for tribal affiliation are left blank due to a Iack of infonnation
OTHER No relevant information is available. In other
INFORMATION cases references wiil be made to residence in
other locations (wlt h mention of sources)

DIED No relevant information is available. ln other

cases the date of death or latest activity knoun
will lx given (with mention of sources).

For 'Abd Allah ibn al-'Abbas, entry no. 1 in Appendix VIZI, the table may be

read as follows:

SOURCES B-A-H Abbreviations for the sources referring to his

tnbd affiliations

One of the tnbes to which he is said to have

k e n affiiïated

SOURCES- 1 B3:933; A3:290; H2322 The sources for the aforementioned

Another of the trîbes to which he is said to have

been affiliated

SOURCES-2 B3:933; A3:290; H3:322 The sources for the aforementioned

- Remaining columns for tribal affiliation left biank due to a lack of information
RELATION TO THE wuiïda qabl al-Hijrah bi- The first of the phrases denoting his relationship
PROPKET-1 t hdâthat sinin to the Prophet

SOURCES-1 B3:933; A3:291; H2:322 The sources for the aforernentioned

RELATION TO THE qila bi-khams (siriin qabl al- Another phrase denoting his relationship to the
PROPHET-2 Hijrah) Prophet

SOURCES-2 ~12:322 The sources for the aforernentioned

- Remaining colurnns for relation to the Prophet contain other similar information
PRO -Ml Indicates the party to which he is said to have
k e n loyal (N.B., entries marked (d) indicate
disputed loyalty)

EXPRESSION-1 shahida ' A M Ailah ibn One of the expressions denoting his loyalty,
'Abbis ma'a ' f f i radiya taken in this case fiom Ibn 'Abd al-Barr
Allah 'anhumii al-Jamal wa-
al-S iffn wa-al-NahrawËin

The source for the aforementioned statement

EXPRESSION-2 shahida ma'a 'Ali Si- Anot her expression denoting his loyalty, taken
in this case fkom Ibn al-At&

The source for the aforementioned statement

- Remaining columnç for expressions of loyalty to the contending parties at Siffm contain information
where available

Abbreviations used in the tables:

S = Ibn Sa'd, Muhammad. KItSb al-pbaqit ml-Kub15..Y vols. Beirut: D i r al-Sidir, n.

d.
B = Ibn 'AMal-Barr, YÜsuf ibn 'Abd AU&. Al-1str"ib fiMa 'nfar al-Asbib. 4 vols.
Edited by 'AG M@ammad al-Bajiwl. Beirut: DG al-Xl, 1.Y92
A = Ibn al-AtGr, 'Izz al-Din. UEd al-G'bibd fiMa 'nTat al-S&Bbba 7 vols. LCairoJ : al-
Shabb,[1970] - 1973.
D = al-Dhahabi, Muammad ibn @ad. Tajsd Asma' sl+i@iibsb. 2 vols. Edited by
Sam 'Abd .alam Sharaf al-En. Bombay: Sharaf al-Din al-l(utubi, 1960-70.
H = Ibn Hajar al-'Asqal&ii, w d ibn 'Ali. Al-&abab fi Tmyizal-S&ibabab 4 vols.
Beinit: Dir al-Kitib al-'Arabi, n. d.
{dl = H i s h e r Companionship and or loyaity is disputed.

Brackets [( )] enclosing a reference indicate that the information is contained in a

chapter heaâing rather than in the entry for the Cornpanion himherself; this only

happens in the case of Ibn Sabd'swork

Appendix - I :The Companions Who Lived in Basra

IrjoJ~~ri ~ ~ ~ ~ I R C E S ~ I ~ X P R ~ S S I ~IN - I
'Abd hl-Ralpiik ihii 'Ajlhi

'Abd al-Rnhinitnihii

#- 33 K h ~ b m h
34 'Abd al-R@niiiti ibn Snhl
A---
S-B-II sakana al.l)iyrah 112:389 yu'addu fi al-Rqiiyln B2:83 1 .-----
;tniiiiallihu 'Umar 'nli nl-Bqrnh

i2
'

1 ('Abd nt-lnhrnb ibn 1

:{:S
'Abd a l - R ~ i rIbn
i ~Ynzld
iriy1~;ml;nli13 rnal-~qrnh

.-
...iW:835

37 a E d à ' ibn Khàlid S-R-A41 tiazala al-Eqrnh

S n m l a alBqrdi

1- i 'Abd 'Amr
3 9 i ' ~ l d libn IA-I .
R2:799;

-1
4 1 'Alàthdi ibn Shnjjàr
'Alqtu~idiIbn al-
-- -lluwa ri111
42
a d z n " i : 1
d-"21
rinzala al-13qrah ::,: Isnkana ~1l-Dqral1 A2326

- ----

1-4
43 -mal~ ibn S u f y ~ A-D nnzala d - D q r d i 1)1:391 sakmin al-Bnfrnh

-
-.
1"- ----i
- . - ilal11-
yu'addu 1 1i341
al-liasrali -
------
144 - -

- -- -----.. ---- . -...-----

;ni~ziiiinr? linil1'i'nii~liiihi-hndiyat nl-
.

1i-i! ---..---------.--,- -- -
1 49l'hir ibn Aiditab 1s-il Iiiazala al-Btqrdi ](~7:5) 1 1 nliu iiiasjid yunsabu 1bylii bi-al-Bwrali
Appendix - I :The Cornpanions Who Llved in Basra

h r ibn ArÜkah
^ t m l r i ûhayhi (dl
hrnr ibn Salamdi (d)

Amr ibn Sliarbl

2mr ibn Sufyb L-D yu'addu fi a'rib al-Dq!&

Amr Ibn Tagh li h

Amr ibn 'ümayr

Amr ibn Yaihribl

hnas ibn M i l i k

Anas ibn Malik 3-A-il sakana ai-Ba.ph

Anas ibn hiilik ; iiazala al-Byrnh

Aqfm ibn Shu'thum- ,.-- ---. ' -..--*----.---- ----..- .-- . ---- --.-- ..,
nr? I3ni11Tn~iiiinhi- hidlynt nl-
yrtt~rll~i
sl-c\qra' ibn ijàbts . -----.-. Ilnsrnli
- ----.
..-I .,.----- --,.._...-....
A'ras i b n ' h i r -
'ArfaJdi ibn &'ad -

h l i a u 'Abd al-Q?ys - -----I

i-D-A-D s_qkannal-13yraii
iiazala al-Dasrdi

'&ln1 AbÜ Nny ibn '&iiii

Appendix - I : The Companions Who Lived in Basra

1' " ~ a ' ibn ~ l i d k !Il-A Inmala nl-Rayah

73inl~Aswadibn Rabl'ah III-D Innzala al-Iiqrnh

74 al-Aswad ibn Sad' S-B-A-D nirzaln al-Bayah

75 'A~lyaliibn ' h i b (d) 11

76 Awf ibn al-Qa'qa' (d) A-D nazala nl-Bqrah DI:428 'ididuhu B a'ràb al-13qrnh A4:3 12

_ _ l y u ' t ~nu II-oqdyiii

77 Aw fi ibn hfawlah A-D
P I -

1,
+
81I!3ashlr ibn Ab1 2ayd S iiazala al-Bafrnh

I-- 82 l3ishlr Ibn al-Kliqi$ynh

83 Bcslilr ihii Zavd
1s-A
IS
sakana al-Rqrnh

I-i 84 Daylyrah ibn ' h r II Dqrah

Iol-
I J ~ l B i d ~ rAbÜ KhaMah
Pgpendix - I :The Companions Who Llved In Basra

SOURCES- SOURCES- SOURCES- SOURCES

NO. 4 TRIBE-I 1 TRIBE-2 2 'IRlnE-3 3
Appendix - I : The Companions Who Lived in Basra

niin sikiiil al-hlndlnnli in Ilie IImc of Y d d

(131:10S),~tiutiima(nmnln) (Dl: 185; 111:ISO), 63
-- ,.hIanv (I)l:4î; 111:150) (S7:k11 1:ISO) -

92 Dnbbl H l A69
S7:79;
 -
Appendix I :The Companions Who Lived in Basra

(SO~JRCES-1 1SOURCES-1 1SOURCES- SOURCBS-

rninfi-5 5 OTIWR 1NI;ORhlATlON DIED -

'Abd S7:88
D1:73;
Risibl A1:306 1 lsnknna BI-hlndli~ah( A I :3O6)
I
Appendix - I : The Companions Who Lived in Basra

1SOURCES-1
 -
Appendix I :The Companions Who Clved in Basra
- SOURCES-
I
El&----
133:1349;
A5:20;
151
- 113922

-
15; R3:1349
f33:1357;
-
15: A5:44

-
I5(

15'
-

151
-
IS!
-.

-
161

16
-
--
16:

--
16:

iii Ilic ciid of the limc

rnjn'n 111111al-ï3nyrnIi iiii ni- of Mu'nwiynh (S7:12;

16
--

--16: - _ . - --.----. .- ----- ...- -.--. .---.-. _-____ -.

-
161
I l I
yu'nddu ilal-Küfiyln (AS: 12R),
isia'riinlnliu 'An 'alë Asfihiin
Appendix - I :The Companlons Who Lived in Basra
Appendix - I : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Basra

1 1 1 1 1SOURCES-
-
OURCBS
No. NAhiE SOURCES EXPRESSION-1 1
196 Qiys ihii al-Uaythnm (d) 8-H 13: 1302
11 sakani al-Bqrah !13:251

S-B-A-D-
t 98 Qmrah ibn Du'mùg 1I

S-B-A-D- slnkhlnfahu Khiilld Ibn sl.Wafld ' d i al-

200 Q u l b Ibn
~ Qatidah ti nuala al-Raph (S7:5) Sasrah
201 Rab* Ibn al-Rabi' A nazala al-i3qrah A2:202
-,
202 Rabl'ah Ibn Ab1 il-Salat 11 nazala al-Blrah 111 :496
B2:482;

I.207~11zlnibn Anas -1---

- 1 1
R2:486;

1 2101Sa'd ibn 'Amr

1" 1
nazala al-BqraIi
1
H2:?9

(S7:S);
21 1 Sdd ibn el-A!wal SAD iiuala al-Bqrdi DI :21 1
Appendin - I : The Cornpanions Who Lbed in Basra

---.-. -

sakaiia nl-SIiPm (U1:205; 45 or in tlic tiiiie of

A1:271), n m l n nt-Sliim ltic ntnah o f Ibn al.
Appendix - I : The Cornpanions Who Lived ln Basra

SOURCES.
1 WBE-4 4 TRIBE-5 5 OTHER MFORMATlON DlED
S7: 12;
D1:29;
H 1:80;

I I l I I

(H2:448)
ista'malahu Rasiil Allah 'alà al- 50 (H2;453) ,
Ti'if (A3:579), ista'malnhu 5 l(H2:453), in the
'Umar sanat 15 'alâ 'Umk wa- t h e of Mu'ëwiyaii
269 S7:40 Thaqafi al-Ba!payn (A3:580) (B3: 1035)
1)1:373;
also in the caiiphato of
I12;452; sakana al-Küfali (H2;453; Mu'awiyah (H2:452;
Appendix - I : The CornpanionsWho Uved in Basra

s SOURCES :XPR.ESSION-1
u'addu li a'riib al-
Iqrbh
SOURCES.
1

7
!uha r ibn 'Amr d) S-B-I-H_ azala al-Bqrah

azda al-Bayah
azala al-Bayah
iakana al-BtqrRh

rakana al-Bqrah

4bÜ 'An (Talq ibn 'An) A-D nkana al-BasrRh

lbü 'Aqrab B-H akana al-Bqrah

4bü 'Adb ninwlà Rasül
azala al-Bqrah

&
4bÜ 'Azzah (Yosk ibn S-B-A-D-
akana al-Baqrah nazala al-Bqrah idëduhu fi ahiihë (al-Ensrah)

4bÜ Rakrali (Nafi' ibn al-

jbith) S-B-A-D akana al-Bnsroh nazala al-Bwrah min fudûlë' al-S&ibnh bi-alBagrah
Appendix - I : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Basra

SOURCES SOURCES- ;OURCES-

3 1 OTHER INFORMATION DIED

, .
S '80,
B4:1714;
D2:142,
186;
H3:627;
B4:1714; A5:5 17;
A 5 5 17 Hudhali A6:2 12

B4:1530, A6:39), 52 (A6:39),

1614; 32 (BQ:l615),Inthe
D2:152; callphale of
D?:152 Thaqefi A6:38
 -
Appendi II : The Companions Who Lived in Kufa

SOURCES-1 ISOURCES-1
NO, 5 5 TRIBE-1 1 TRBE-2
A3:151,
157;

qadima al-Ma&& fi 32 (S6:14;B3:993;

ktiilàfat 'Utluniin A3:390; H2:361), 3:

A3 :4O1
Madanl (H3:65),
sakana Makkah
tI3;65 (H3;65) 74 (H3;65)

73 (H2:332),74
-
S6:18;
_____l_l______.pl___l__p
()12:332)

B3:1001; waliya imrat Makkah in the t h a of Ibn al

A3:416; ...
ist amarra muqlrnan Zubayr (S6:18;
1-I2:375 Awsl Al4 16 bhi (H2:375) H2:375)
Appendi - II : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Kufa

1
No. NAME

'Abd al-Ralpiin ibn Ab1 i--

SOURCES EXPRESSION-1

43:452, ~'idàduhuil ah1 al-

-t-
1SSab-h B-A-H

1 llldl'Abd al-R+mh ibn Abzà

19 'Abd al-R-Bn ibn 'A'idh

8-A-H

H
sakana al-KÜfah

snkana al-Küfah
20 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Aqil S nazala al-KÜfah

S nazala al-Kifah

S nazala al-KÜfah

I
23 'Abd al-Rahman ibn Sabrah A

1
+
'Abd al-Ral;im&n ibn Umm al
2~Ijakam(d)

+l 25 'Abd al-Rahmb ibn Ya'mar A-D-H

26 'Abldah ibn KhPlid

nazala al-Kiifah

-t
27 '&bis ibn 'Abs nazala al-Kifah

' A d ibn 'Amirah ('Ad1 Ibn 1655; kina 'Adi Ibn 'Arnlrah
28 Fanvah) S-B-A-H nazala al-Kiifah I2:464 ibn Fanvah bi-al-K6fa.h

29 'Ad Ibn Ijëtim

 -
Appendix II :The Companions Who Lived in Kufa

EXPWSSION- SOURCES- SOURCES- SOURCES- SOURCES- SOURCES- TRIBE- SOURCES- Ol'HER INFORMA-
NO. 5 5 TRIBE-1 1 TRIBB-2 2 TRIBE-3 3 TRIBE-4 4 5 5 TION DIED
A 1:67;
32 SadÜsl Hl35

33

34 -----------
35 Hkhtrnl S6:12 40 (S6: 12)
36
37 Muzanl S6:48

A3i143;
Dl :289;
38 Qurashl A3; 143 JumaljI H2:25 1

A3:137;
39 Asli'ad H4:19
S6:28; kèna @ad 'ummül
B2:792; B2:792; B2:792; Rasil A l l a 'ali al-
4O Iianidànl A3:126 Bakln A3:126 Nii'ifl A3:126 Y aman (M:126)
41 Namd A3:135
S6:14;
B3:1135;
A4:129; B3i1135; 37 (S6;14; A4:135;
42 'Ans1 H2:505 Madi-@ji A4:129 B3:1140; H2:S06)
43 Anqarl B3:1141
44
S654;
45 Ansid H2:519
sakana al-Sham
(B3:l 174; H2:526;
S6:25; A4:217), lnlaqala llà 50 (B3:1174;
A4:217; S6:24; MQr(A4:217), A4:218; H2:526),
B3:1172; H2:526; intaqala min M$r 5 1 (H2:526), 63
46 Khuzi? H2:526 Kn'bl A4:217 (A4:2 17) (H2526)
47
 -
Appendix II : The Cornpanions Who Uved in Kufa

SOURCES-1

A
SOURCES- OTHER INFORMA-

40 days aftet 'AU

was killed (Al:llg;
H1:66),40 (81:134,
l25;Al:l l9),42
ista'malahu (B1:134;A1:119;
('Uthmk) 'ali H 1:66),when al-
Adharbayfën Hasan ibn 'AII was
I{~1:118) lin Kufa (S6:22)

57 Yarbü'i H1:57
58 Shablbi H2;476
59 Shaybl A4:41 Quntslii
A4 :46;
Appendix - H : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Kufa

SOURCES,
40, NAME SOURCES IWRESSION-1 1
B M ~
62 Ayman Ibn Khursym B-A iszala al-Küfah A1:188
S6', ,
8

B1:157;
A1:205;
D1:46;
M:189;
63 'Ammirah) B-A-D-H iazala al-Kifah H 1:147
64 Basfiir ibn al-Khayii$yali S iazala al-Küfah (S6:S)

&ib jabinat Bushr bi-al-

t-b-
67 Bushr ibn Rabl'ah KÜfah H1:175

wallèhu (Mu'àwiyah) 'alayhë B2:745;also

,
(al-KU fah) H2:199; M : 4 9

A2171;
I ~ h al-Jawshan
ü (Aws ibn al-1 D1:169;
70 A'war S-A-D iazala al-Küfah (S6:5)
71 Diràr ibn al-Azwar iazala al-Küfah (S6:S)
H1:465;

-t---t
72 Duka ibn Sa'id iazala al-KÜfah (S65)

73lal-~alatènibn '&lm 1S-B-A-H

t-t
1
74 Farwah ibn Musa k

75 al-Fu a ' ibn 'Abd Allah

76 Furit Ibn Hayyiin

4
S-B-A-D-H

S-B-H
.akanahâ(al-
Ciifah
B3:1261;
H3i200
-1
- 0 -
rn
si;.-2
0 6 - vi
"rrQ"5irr
m"2S-s?"$€G
-.
Appendix - II : The Cornpanions Who üved in Kufa
-
OURCES- SOURCES- OURCES- SOURCES- TRIBE- SOURCES- OTINR INFORMA-

-- 1 - TRIBE-4 4 5 5 'iïON DlED

--
- 3995
thumnia (riazala)
hiiqr (112372;
113:495), sakana Misr
5154; (A5:154), sliahida
2:72; fail! Miqr wa-lkhlaffa

--
3:495
1 lbihii fll3:494)-
rrazala ba'd dhalik al-
145 (lIk494)

3:1402;
,5:190
632

13542
--
6:44;
i5:370;
~6:246;
n:i15,
93
13553
--
16:29;
--
13522
--
Xi: 18
~ i ~ q a l t i lh4u'àwiyah
iu
riiin iiiirat al-Kufdi
il6 i l l l ~I!llllq
~t
(113529; S6:53),
ista'iiialahu
hlu'iiwiyah 'ali l,iiiiis
15926; (thwiiriia ' a l i al-
-
13529 Kufah) (AS i328)
 3a
-
1

y:
-f (D

5.5
x e
"y: - ..
35 s cc!-
t*
2 E?E

2
4
>-
a
4

+f
-
' O F
-
%2
E !

2
5
1
l
1
1

.
r

Ci
s=
<
m
:
C

I
 -
AQpendix II : The Companlons Who Lived in Kufa
-
SOURCES.
1

,(KM84)
50 (S6:13),5-
(D2:620),52
(112:620),ln the lin11
of h4u'bwlyah
(Sb:13)
I I I
Appendix - II : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Kufa

SOURCES.
SOURCES LXPwSSIONS 3 EXPRESSION4

@q lbii al-khyaiii (d) S-13-A-11-11 nazala al-KÜfah

@q ibn Sliarik u-n.n y u'addu fi al-KÜByIn

r ' q ibn Sliihib -- I

- D-A-t
rbiq ibn Ziyëd
Iliàhit ibn Wadi'di (TtiaMI
S --
-
bi, Y ~ Ü i dlhii Wadi'di) - S-Il-A

S-D-A-D
E
-
1
nazala al-Küfah (ISS;:
riazala al-Küfah y u'addu Ji al-KÜfiyLii
1
rüil A l :279

ihumnin t@awwala Ili al-

Küfdi
B1:212; also
Al:285

t-r
8-A-D riazala al-Kifah Dl:70 'idàdutiu ilah1 al-Kifdi
4 a d al-'ashardi al-ladtilii
wa~didiuin'Urnar lbii al-
Khallalb iiia'a 'kiwb ibn
1Jbaydibn ' k i b S-A-1)-H Y k i r iIà al-Kifdi

-=/
!Jbayd ibn Khalid S43-A-D Küfdt 113: 1016 nazala al-Kifah
k a y d ibn Miilid -A yu'nddu ilalXÜily4n

Ubayd ibn Na+h

A-D-f 1
@!!!'*O---
l h y d Alla11ibn Aslain A
P.

Jdliayndi ibn Salamdi (d) II

 -
Appendix II : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Kufa

-
n lhe Iinic of
wallahu 'Ail al- Mu'iwiyah
Bqrah ( B I : 1033; J33:1033; A3577;
A3:577; tl2:452) - 112:452)

ttiunima tatpwaln ifi

al-Raqqah fa-aqiinin
bilià (A5:427)

M (l13:606), in Ihc
amirale of I3ashr ibii
Mluwiui iti B a r s
(S6:64; A6:49), in
Ilie uiiiralcl of
Basht ibn Marwân II
&fi (A5;461)

isia'rnalahu al-Nabl hi Ihc finie o f

'alà al-aqyil ni111 hiu'iwiyali (AS ;435
l~adraii~awl (A5:435) 113592)

sakoiia aCl3qral1
---
Appendix - II : The Companions Who Lived in Kufa

JO. NAhlE

285 Yazid ibii Yu!)atinas (d)

2 8 6 1üius
I
~ Abü Mubarninad

-i-"-- P1 H1
290 Za d ibii Husn

291 IZaYd ibn S Ü h k (d)

293 Zlyiid Ibn AbUi fd)

294 Zuhnyr Ibn Abl 'Alqamah

302 Ab4 Burdali

303 Abü aC.19l(d)
SOIJRCES EXPRESSION-I

1\41

-IL-Il

A-D

-
A 41
13
iiazala al-Küfah

1-
SOURCES-
I

Aî:265;
D1:193

- yu'addu fi al-Kuliyln
-
nta ala Ili al-KÜCah

m l r al-KÜfah
C
1ntan suyyira (by ' I J t l ~ n i b )
iilri aiil al-Kifah ilà a l - S h h lll:566

- -t111563
11
ri-
5
YI
5
l.
'2
=I
rC)

*
1 0

f
-
ci-
a
Appendix - II : The Companions Who Uved in Kufa

SOURCES-1 ~somcas.~ SOUR CES^

1.4
333 ibn hluyrrlf

'idaiduhi ilah1 ai-

lu'addu fi ah1 al-

Xii
2
C-
en1
,<=,i i1
i!
S&"
sa:
" F 3 E
" C m

I i
 -
AppendiK 111 : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Syiia

.- -
In tho tiiim o f
'Abd al-Malik
(112i243) .

yu'addu fi nhl al-

Appendix - 111 : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Syria

OURCES 1 SOURCES

1 -"
185 Rd!niiIi (d)

----
akana al-Shain

iazala al-Slihi -

Rahl'di ibii 'Anir (al-ülibr) u'addu fl ah1 al- B2:493;

S-B-A41
--- iazala al-Slhn 11h !1\2:215
dëdlltlu fl dIl al-
iakaiia al-Shim

!Y..- Rifa'ah Ibn Zayd

-195 iazala al-Shâm
xkana a l - S h h
u'addu fi al-

-
198 Sa'd ibn al-hll@ïis
---. - - 11
-Sa'd ibti l r ~ ~ ~ l ~ ~13 i-
199

?O0 Sa'd ibn 'Ubklah S-B-A41 nazala al-Stihn

201 Sahl ibn 'Amr D iinzala al-Shaiii
Appendix - 111 : The CornpanionsWho Lived in Sfia

EXWBSION-2
Idàdiihu fi alil al-

A b ü ' h i r ('Abd AIIaI) ibn yu'addu fi aiil al-

I I i d or 'Cibayd iba \!'alib] %&----
yu'addu ii ah1 al-
-4-D .-

.A-D
--

I
266 AbÜ 'Aliyah (d) A -
----- n-D--..
---
yu'addu fi al-

-1
267 Abii al-A'war

B-A
yiamlyln -

S
---
azela blhi (01-Shhi:
S" I~anrn~a -
aJara ila alSham bal
vafil Abi Bakr fa-lm
AbÜ Dhm (Jundab lbii w a l biliii $ a l t i walij
Junidah) R-A- ,Iiliinin

-272 Abii Pà~iinaii -R-D-A41

Abii I:nwzati (or Abü
13-A-1)

yu'addu fi al-
13-A-il -
- Sbiunlyln
I--
yu'addu li al-
-.A-D Sliainlyùi
7- --
yu'addu fl al-
Sllamlylii
 -
Appendix III : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Syria
OUR CES^ OTIlER INFORMA-

1 the lime of
9bd al-Malik ibn
Aarwin (84:1706
L2:550; Ad:188;
I2:440;I14:123)

I
sakana Mifr
(R4:1726),Ml~d
(B4:1726;A6:242;
114:153),intaqala Ili
-- hli r (A6:242)
Appendi - 111 : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Syna
-
OURCES-
--.A-

--- ------
i Ilia timo of
Jlhmiin
UI:1767; A6:311i;
mo9)

rkma Ulm)
nazaln
,U:357),
 y
l

-<
or- u
s;
22
-
c
-
 -
Appendix V : The Companions who Lived in Hims

huwa fl 'Ikikh I,iini! li-'Abd al-

ibn S i l d

3:874;
2:736; also
2273

----
' A M Allah Ibn Lahy (Abü
Dm!?

'Abd Alliih ibn Nisikh (Nkij,

--
--l~l,4bd
-!3 'Abd
--Allili
ibn nlq
- ibn R a w d ~
l;-A-l ~ ~ ~ alJin1~
z a i ~ 112532
nazala IJirns 112:295
12350; ako wnllaliu Ahü'Ubayddi ibn al-
43:364 Jan* iiiiarralayn'ali I l i i i i o
3:97B; also
2350;
3:364

-_1->}-t
13-A-D-11 nazala Ijini! -- Il2915
lui:3is;

1-4 16 'Abd Al!& Ibn Sufyën

'AM al-RaIpnin Ibn Ab1 'Awf
~ , I I I ~112:3
I !11

1 1 9 1 ' al-Raipin
~ ~ ibn 'A'Idh (d)lll
I
lsakann I ~ i n q - H2:397

1-4 20 ' A M al-Rd!màn Ibn Iüiàlid

1 I'AM
21
A

al-Rai~mLiibii Qatidah ]A-II

~ a k m a l j i ~ ~1~3:440

1 1
i~
Appendix - V : The Cornpanions who Lived in Hlms

TRlBE4
- t t
SOIJRCES-4 O'IIIER INFORMATION
- ----

4 (81:218;HI:20S)

Iniu'alliman (B2:808),thuninin qara

'Ubadah bn'd iiP Filmlln (h3:l6O),
I ilic linle ûf Mu'awiyah (82:808;
2:261), 34 (R2;808;A3:161;

--ti
waliyn qadl Filasth (A3:160) .2:260),45 (A3: 161;112:261)

I tlic llnic of Mu'iwlyah (113:33),

I Ilic linic of'Cha (l43:34),
iii tlic
nie o f T J t l i n i ~(113:34)
---- --

-H kina unir 'ali Saii'i' al-Shin (H2:4541_

I I ,
 -
Appendix VI : The Cornpanions who Lived in Palestine

SOURCES-1 'IRlBE-2 SOURCES-2 'IRIBE-3 SOURCES4 TRIBE4 SO1IRCBS.I OTIIER INFORMATION - DIED -
A l:364 I.aytlil ----
- A1:364 --_ - ------
A4:462;
A34J22;2:8 'Akkl - 1R:28 - - -.
IIItlic iimc or ' i l b d x
hlallk Ibn Manvin
A5:32; D2 45 --p.--- - --- .
(A5:32)

M:213; Dl:180;
II1 : ~ Dutafi 111:496 *dl ~ 2 : 13
2 an ~ 2 : 213 - .-- --
A 2 2 13; lll:495 -- --- - . -- ---
-
-*-

H1:508
- - -p
-..
nhl al-SIiaiii (H 1509) 84 (111:509)

A2:379 'A~dtii A2379 - -------P.

A3 -
- :3 6 -- 'idid&u f i al-Shhlyin (A3:36) -
a (112:50), k h a amlr 'cila hiiqr-
i i ~ a l Migr
IJ2:50 (H2:SO) --
--.-- -
4 1 (B2:649), 58
132:694 - -
., - sakana l,iiin~(H2:138) - 64 (B33694)
(l32:694),

A2:488; 1)1:249;
H2:98 ------ - - --
yaskuriu al-Madiiiah thuniiiia iiilrqala 11à
al-Sliëni (AI:256) Inlaqnla ilà al-Stiaiii
-
Al:256;-
111:186 --- .-- --<-- -.(111:186) --
A3:157; D1;293;
112:259 -- -
--
p . -
-
35 (R2:808; A3: 161;
i32:807; A3: 160; A3:160; nqnlila hl-llliii) (B2:808), wallbhu (ALÜ 112:260),45 (A3:161;
--
112:260 ---Sàlliiii D2:807
- - Kliazraj! 112:260 -- 'llbnydali) inirat l'iiii$(1i2:260) --- H2:261) ,

ista'mala ('Uninr ILI~al-Kliallaib) 'llniayr

A4:292
-*-----
Aws'l A4:292 --- p.----- "
ibn Sa'd liailliii 'ali H h s (A4:293)
L i -
sakann al-Biya11 ,., tliuriiiiia sakana al- 83 (A5:429), 85
N:428 LayM N:428 ShSiii (115:428) (IV :429)
 LIa CI
0
ICI
i
t
"'3 k :=
1 A
Yl"
;1$cc: $14i!
1
0
.;I 9 p
44 w
1
5-
œ
 -
Appendix VI1 : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Egypt
SOURCES.
i 5 INFORMATION )IEll
n lhc time of
Abd al-Miiik ibn
h w i n (113: l6),
a Ihc lime of
Mu'iwiyab

---?
13:16 Quda'i II3 :16) -

Tujibi III :43

jm -
Quds'i

1111:51
 -
Appendix VI1 : The Companions Who Lived in Egypt
SOIJRC'BS-
- 5
No. TRrnE- 1

-. 67 Qurasbi

68 Muradi

--
n1 bcTmc0î-
Iltbmàn (A1 :52),
n t hc 1imc of 'AU
[A1:57)
 -
Appendix VI1 : The Companians Who Lived in Egypt
'XPRESSION SOURCES- 'XPRESS ION- SOURCES- XPRESSION
\ L-
,hbaida fath 44:73;
vlisr

l h u al-Qays ihn al-

81 F a i r

831'1~idibn Sufyin

851 aha al ab ibn 'Auu h a hi-Misr

ibnhida fatb

--1
B-A-D

--

Junidab ibn AM
Ilninyyah (or ibn sbahida fath
--.
'akana Mlsr AI:353
----- Misr-----
.-L

shabida fa1b
Appendix - VII : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Egypt
50URCES- (EXPRESSIOR
3 3
'1- shabida fath

---
shahida fat h

kkbia!!a biba A4:490; waliyn al-qadi D1:33; sbabidn fath

'--7--
99 Ka'h ibn Yask (d) A-D-II

t ibn AM Kathir 113-A-D-11 nazala Misr

l 0 0 l ~ abir
---
1 q ; 2 8 6
i(bl-Misr) (I13:286 ]M@

k ~ 'alia wa-lam yaznl

sbur!al 'hm B2:418; bi- Miy bniti

+-
bi-Misr (alsa, A2:83; shabida falh qai alabu @ad
qiidiyan DI :146; Misr wn- al-Khawirij al
Kbirijah ibn 1ludbiCah S-B-A-DI1 nmala Misr

nazala Misr
S7:496

(S7:493)
I Miplyin I ~ 2 : 4 1 6 ~'alaYhir) 1~7:496

12945
1
ikbtallr bi-hi
I .

sbabida fa@
ihàlaihah

min ah1 Misr A2:144 l[iy

m g ;
1)1:159;
----- min ah1 Misr A2135 :i;il , IIl A26

+il--
106 Kwayb ibn Abrabah d) 11

107ll.abid ihu 'Ifqbah 1A-])

P
A--

nazala Misr
-
1)2:38
Iskaudaiiyah ----113:2% jdrab (Misr) iI3:296
. .Misr
, - -
sbahid~fat baba
(Misr)
Appendix - VI1 : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Egypt
SOURCES
I --
1 IM.'ORMATION
wayrunmmym
gbazw Ifiiqlyab
(B2:504; DI :l87),
walliihu Mu'iwiyab
TarahUs (A2:239;
I13:507), huwn amlr
'alayhi (Rurqab)
(113507)

Tm=--.'
AM al-Malik
1I2:84), in Ibe
imiralc of 'Abd al
IZZ1z ibn Mwwb
t13:387,388)
 -
Appendu VI1 : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Egypt
EXPRESSION- ISOIJRCESiFXPRESSIOE

-4-
184 llahit ibn al-Nu'min
.-
--n=
- _ _A- al-

1
185
-- -
lliihit ibn Rail' (or
Rufay'
-- or Ruwayfi') (4)

4--
lla'labab Abii 'AM al- 111 :68; 'idàdubu fi ab1

+-
uazali Misr I12:203 Mip

--

-.A
189 ïbawbin ibn - -
Bujdud

'Ubayd ibn Mukbammru

190
- (or Mikhmar)

-4
192 'Ibayd
---- ibn 'llrnar

-- -
lahahida fat b 1
-.--
Appendix - VI1 : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Egypt

B3:1073;
rina wiiliyan H2:482;
alayhà (Misr) A454
ihabida faib - - x 4 r
'Uqbab ibn Kudayin Vliy Dl:385
ibnbidn fa4b ' K r -
&k- Dl :384
DI:371;

'Ut bab ('Ubayd) ihn

i-i----
202 'Utbah ibn Nifit (d)

203 Ilibr ibn al-Nuûdar

11

II
;hahida faih
Mlsr
;h&ida al-fath

i -1
waiiya qada'
-204
1 1
-205 Wabh ibn Ma'qil
A-II
-- Uibrnh ibn Qays- ---
A- 11 i u a l i Misr
- A -
/-
~ 2-
:132 Iaiqfirp;nm?
ibn al-'As
-
---
--- ----

Irbu\!ü li- ibn

'amninii iln
jan6i yuÏidu
W abh ibn
'Ilmayr 113:606
 -
Appendix VII : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Egypt
 O
m
Y?
2
0
à;
C S 9
S CX EI
=x 2-
u
-s
E-
=
'"
%
Appendix - VI1 : The Cornpanions Who Lived in Egypt
-- -
SOIRCESIEXPRESSION,
SOIJRCIiS
---- 4
shnbida fnlb
A-II
--- Miy

S-Il-A-DI1

t abnwwala ili S7508; shabida falb

-1----- s
23 5 Abu Jam'ab (d) S-II
---

A-D-Il
--
Ih<luIIII:U Miy

A-D-II
----

-t1
239 Abb MansUr (d)

240 Abü M@ammad --II

--
13-A-11-11
---

+-H
134:1762 sakana Misr 114: 186
yu'addu R al-
-
Miylyh

shahidn falb

shahida falb

-1
241 Abu MuMf -- A
--- - Misr

13-A-11-11
 - --

SOIIRCEL SOURCE! SOURCE RE1.ATIONTO SOURCE RELATIONpro TIIE

I 1-
- L- THE
- PROPIIET-3 1PROPI IET-5

ntin musliinal al-

FaIl! 112987
 SOURCES. W.ATION TO OURCES- RE1,ATION TO TIIE
[11E PROPHBT-3 PROPHET-4

3dr, Uipd, al-

Dadr wa al- 13:1136; min al-sibiqln al- Uiandaq wa-Bay'al
ko S3:2SO swwalin fi al-isliini II-Ridwb

ha'alka R a ü I Alla11
faIli Allai 'alayhi
wa-sallaiiia iuniran
'ala sarlyyah IIa
û t i i i al-Salàfil
slidiida Utpd wa-
1119ba'dahk
mslatna byii al-
I{udayblyali we-
Khaybar 1
i3;1185
d a m a saiirl thaiiib
qabl al-FaIll bl-siltat
iislitiur --
aslania m a t tlifiiiinii qabl
al4 1ijrah --

t-
hàjara ilial-Nabl bal aslania 'gin I!aJ
ba'd al-Iluda bl 12 al-Wada'

A l l d i s a I l i Allah
qadiiiia . , fi wafd a
Appendix - VI11 : l'hc Atiiludcs of thc Cornpanions at Sinin

SOURCES. SOURCES,
1
---- I

B4: 1467;
A5:128

AS :249;
l13:433

134:1445

f34:1453;
il-Muliajir ibn Khalid e278

-1 13ah
hlulpunad Ibii Ab1
1
h l 41 A3909

113953

B3:1375;
hiuhanunad Ibn ' k i ~ r A5:107;
100 Ibn al-'& B-A-II H3:361

hluhaiwiisd Ibii
101
-. nudnyl I ~ Iw-që'
I . I{

hluipmniad ibn la'far

103 ibn Ab1 TAnb H
Appcndix - VI11 : The Attitudes of the Conipanions nt Sinin

UiI.ATION 'TO 4
SOURCES. UXATION TO SOURCES
Il lE PROPHET-1 1I -
ME PROPHET-2 !

,hahida il-
nasliiihld Dadr wa
n i ba'dahi i1Ii
133:1376 jhazwnl Tàbük . 13:364

1 13:355

--
aqiya al-Yabi wa-
unnria bilii i\5:265
1--

---

sbahida fail) A5:322;

Khaybar wa fatt) also
Makka wa l!uiiayn Il3527
Appcndix - VI11 : Thc Attitudes of tbc Conipanions al Sinia

REI.A'TION TO SOI IRCES' EI.ATIO'J TO ELATION 'ro BLATION TO THE S ELATION TO ?1IE
1111: PROPl IET- 1 1 l'HE PROPlIB'r-2 fl1E PROPHET-3 ROPI1ET.I 4 IROPHE'r-5

Badr .------

il-'Aqabah wa-
saqiyai al-
@ahid
5iimëEw
LlJpd,wa-al-
Rsdr, Ukjud wa- sa'h Illiaiidaq, we-
al-mashidiid nia'a Say'at el-Ridwân,
RsÜI Allàh ?allà wi-al-niashbhld
Allah 'alayhi wa- kullahi nia'a Rasül
sallama - @Yi-- Allih

-. -
Appendix - VI11 : The Attitudes of the Conipanions at SiCfin
3t10GAPilI-
L'AL
LOCATION- RHATSON 'l'O ~ 1 , A T l OTO
~ SOURCE! RELATION TO OURCES- REIATION TO THE
1 lllE I'ROPHET- 1 lliE PROPHET-3

Bsdr

----
Badr
wafada 'ali RasÜl
Olàh

rnasliahld nia'a
Badr - Allah
RmÜI

nadr

Badr
Appendix - VI11 : Thc Attitiidcs of fhe Cornpanions ai SifTin

SOURCES SOURCES
lo. NMlE SOIIRCE! L-- 3

02535;
160 Zayd 1bii Arq nm -. tî2:276

A2:277;
11 1542

02540;
--:280
A2

A2:269;
163 Ziybd Ibn l!aiyalali tI 1539
m1721;
A6:230;
üî:190;
164 AbÜ 'AnirRh tI4:140

D4:1606;
AbÜ AyyÜb (Kliilid A2:95;
- R-A A6:25 A

A630
Appcodix - VI11 : The Attitudes of the Cornpanions nt Sifin

'

1
RELATION TO OURCES- RELATION TO RELATION TO TlIE SOURCRS
FIE I'ROPI IET- 1 TIIE PROPIIET-3 PROPI Iii'ï-4

ghazà RuüI Allah

jaIIi Allah 'alayhi
wa-sallmna tis'a
msharal giiazwah
ghazawlu ininhi
~ab'aasharat
ghazwali

Radr

ustygliira yawm
Ulpd Kiiay bar
ba'athahu al-Nabl
qalli Alleh 'alayhi
qad 'aniila li-RasüI wa.sallania Ili al-
Allah Zibirqin ibn Badr

i-
Ulpd wa al- 'Aqabah, Ba&,
Badr mashahid

Radr, \ l p d ,
Kiiandaq wa-si'ir Bdr, Ul!ud wa-
al-niashahid ina'a a 34:1606; mashahid kullahi
i\6:25 nida al-Nabl

Badr, Ulpd wa-al-

'Aqabdi II
Appendix - VIll : The Attitudes of the Conipanions nt Siifin

OURCES

9bÜ al-Çiliiidiynli
Tasir ibn Ssbu')

AbÜ Iiabbah
C-
- R-A-11

lSdl

Abü Ju~ayfali(Walib
Ibn'Abd Allnh) B-A

Abü 1.ayli (Yask ibn

AbÜ Mulpnunad 111

 -
Appeadix VI11 : Tbc Attiludcs of the Cornpanions al Sifia

OEOORMHI-
GEOGRN>III- (IEOGRAPJ11- CAL
SOURCES, SOURCES- SOURCES- CAL S0URG.S- CAL SOURCES- I.OCATION-

7-l-
NM4E SOURCES 'RlBE- l 1 TRIDE-2 2 TRIBEJ 3 LOCATION-1 1 LOCATION-? 2 3 SOURCES-3

84: 1696; B4 :1696;

A3:145; A3:145; A3:145;
Abu al-Tufayl B-A Kiniii - A6: 179 Layflil A6; 179 Kiifah A6: 180
S7:J Il; H2: 175;
- -
H2:175 Syrie (S7:384)
B4:1712 - -- -
l34: 1774; B4: 1774-
A6:328; 114:1775; 1775;
A6328 A6928 --- - -, -
B4:1776; B4:1776;
I'AN) D-A Ail@ A6:332 Sslarnl A6:332 Medina D4:1776
AbÜ Za'nali 11 Khazraj 114:76
 -
Appendix Vlll : The Altitudes of the Cornpanions nt Siffin

IGEOG APH I

I .1
SOURCES-RE1,ATIOY TO
IE PROPI!ET-2

adraka min hnyàt al.