The Particle From The 2nd To The 1st
The Particle From The 2nd To The 1st
The Particle From The 2nd To The 1st
CNR
ISTITUTO DI STUDI SUL MEDITERRANEO ANTICO
II
INCUNABULA GRAECA
VOL. CV, 1
Direttori
Marco Bettelli · Maurizio Del Freo
Comitato scientifico
John Bennet (Sheffield) · Elisabetta Borgna (Udine)
Andrea Cardarelli (Roma) · Anna Lucia D’Agata (Roma)
Pia De Fidio (Napoli) · Jan Driessen (Louvain-la-Neuve)
Birgitta Eder (Wien) · Artemis Karnava (Berlin)
John T. Killen (Cambridge) · Joseph Maran (Heidelberg)
Pietro Militello (Catania) · Massimo Perna (Napoli)
Françoise Rougemont (Paris) · Jeremy B. Rutter (Dartmouth)
Gert Jan van Wijngaarden (Amsterdam) · Carlos Varias García (Barcelona)
Jörg Weilhartner (Salzburg) · Julien Zurbach (Paris)
AEGEAN SCRIPTS
Proceedings of the 14th International Colloquium on Mycenaean Studies
Copenhagen, 2-5 September 2015
Volume I
IV
V
AEGEAN SCRIPTS
Volume I
edited by
Marie-Louise Nosch
Hedvig Landenius Enegren
edizioni
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche
ISSN 11267348
ISBN 9788880802754
CONTENTS
Volume I
Contents .........................................................................................................VII
Abbreviations ................................................................................................. XI
Preface and acknowledgements .............................................................. XXVII
List of participants .................................................................................... XXXI
Scripts, Palaeography and Research Tools
M. Del Freo, Rapport 2011-2015 sur les textes en écriture hiéroglyphique
crétoise, en linéaire A et en linéaire B ....................................................... 3
M. Egetmeyer, A. Karnava, H. Landenius Enegren and M. Perna,
2011-2015 Report on the Cypriot Syllabic Inscriptions .......................... 31
M. Egetmeyer, A. Karnava, H. Landenius Enegren and M. Perna,
IG XV 1, Inscriptiones Cypri Syllabicae: the completion of
Fasciculus I, Inscriptiones Amathuntis, Curii et Marii ............................ 45
R. Firth, The Find-spots of the Linear B Tablets from the Archives
Complex at Pylos ..................................................................................... 55
F. Aurora, pa-ro, da-mo. Studying the Mycenaean Case System through
DĀMOS (Database of Mycenaean at Oslo) ............................................ 83
T. Meißner and P. M. Steele, Linear A and Linear B: Structural and
Contextual Concerns ................................................................................ 99
H. Tomas, From Minoan to Mycenaean elongated tablets: defining the
shape of Aegean tablets ...........................................................................115
V. Petrakis, Figures of speech? Observations on the Non-phonographic
Component in the Linear B Writing System ...........................................127
J. Weilhartner, Les idéogrammes archéologiques: Does variation
matter? .....................................................................................................169
A. P. Judson, Palaeography, Administration, and Scribal Training:
A Case-study ...........................................................................................193
Y. Duhoux, Aides à la lecture à l’âge du Bronze : Égée, Chypre et
VIII Contents
Volume II
Philology and Linguistics
O. Panagl, Einige Paradoxa und Paralipomena im Dialekt der Linear
B-Tafeln ................................................................................................. 517
A. Bernabé and R. Pierini, What, When, Why: Tablet Functions and
o-te Expressions in Context ................................................................... 523
J. M. Jiménez Delgado, The Particle ἄρα from the 2nd to the 1st Millennium ....... 537
I. Serrano Laguna, ma-ka .............................................................................. 549
Contents IX
Abbreviations
I. Journals
AA Archäologischer Anzeiger.
AAWW Anzeiger der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Wien, Philos.-Hist. Klasse.
ABSA Annual of the British School at Athens.
AC Antiquité Classique
ACD Acta classica Universitatis Scientiarum Debreceniensis.
AD Αρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον
AE Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς.
ΑΙΩΝ Annali dell’Istituto universitario orientale di Napoli.
AJA American Journal of Archaeology.
AOF Archiv für Orientforschung.
AR Archaeological Reports.
ArchAnAth Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα εξ Αθηνών.
ASAA Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni
Italiane in Oriente.
BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique.
BIBR Bulletin de l’Institut historique Belge de Rome.
BICS Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of
London.
BSL Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris.
CArchJ Cambridge Archaeological Journal.
CPh Classical Philology.
CQ Classical Quarterly.
CRAI Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
Ergon Τό Eργον τής εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας.
G&R Greece and Rome.
IF Indogermanische Forschungen.
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies.
XII Abbreviations
IG Inscriptiones Graecae.
IG2 Inscriptiones Graecae, editio minor.
KT1 E. L. Bennett, Jr., J. Chadwick, M. Ventris, The Knossos Tablets. A
Transliteration (1956).
KT3 J. Chadwick & J. T. Killen, The Knossos Tablets. A Transliteration.
Third Edition (1964).
KT4 J. Chadwick, J. T. Killen, J.-P. Olivier, The Knossos Tablets. A
Transliteration. Fourth Edition (1971).
KT5 J. T. Killen & J.-P. Olivier, The Knossos Tablets. Fifth Edition,
Minos Supl. 11 (1989).
MT II E.L. Bennett, Jr., The Mycenae Tablets II (with an introduction
by A.J.B. Wace & E.B. Wace; translation and commentary by
J. Chadwick), TAPhS 48:1 (1958).
MT III J. Chadwick, The Mycenae Tablets III (with contributions from
E.L. Bennett, Jr., E.B. French, W. Taylour, N.M. Verdelis &
Ch. K. Williams), TAPhS 52:7 (1962).
MT IV J.-P. Olivier, The Mycenae Tablets IV. A Revised Transliteration
(1969).
PTT I E. L. Bennett & Jr., J.-P. Olivier, The Pylos Tablets Transcribed.
Part I. Text and Notes, Incunabula Graeca LI (1973).
PTT II E. L. Bennett & Jr., J.-P. Olivier, The Pylos Tablets Tran-scribed.
Part II. Hands, Concordances, Indices, Incunabula Graeca LIX
(1976).
Schwyzer E. Schwyzer, Dialectorum Graecarum exempla epigraphica
potiora, (1923), 2nd ed. (1960).
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum.
SM I A. J. Evans, Scripta Minoa I. The Hieroglyphic and Primitive
Linear Classes (1909).
SM II A. J. Evans, Scripta Minoa II. The Archives of Knossos. Clay
Tablets in Linear Script B, edited from notes and supplemented by
J. L. Myres (1952).
Syll.3 W. Dittemberger, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum, 3. ed. (1915-
1924).
TAM III.1 R. Heberdey, Tituli Asiae Minoris III. Tituli Pisidiae linguis Graeca
et Latina conscripti. 1. Tituli Termessi et agri Termessensis (1941).
TITHEMY J. L. Melena & J.-P. Olivier, TITHEMY. The Tablets and Nodules
in Linear B from Tiryns, Thebes and Mycenae. A Revised
Transliteration, Minos Supl. 12 (1991).
TMT C. Consani, M. Negri, Testi Minoici trascritti con interpretazione
XX Abbreviations
1
Bennet 2014.
2
Chadwick 1999, 36.
XXVIII Marie Louise Nosch and Hedvig Landenius Enegren
in Sèvres in 2010 were the first to convene special events on comparative studies
of the Mycenaean palatial economy and Near Eastern palatial economies.3 We
believe this to be a particularly important yet challenging endeavour and we
are happy that several colleagues took up the challenge and publish stimulating
comparative studies in the present volume.
Since the Paris colloquium in 2010, we have lost colleagues who will be
missed for their scholarly contribution as well as for the friendship that unites
us: Pierre Carlier (1949-2011), Emmett L. Bennett Jr. (1918-2011), Petar Hr.
Ilievski (1920-2013), Martin S. Ruipérez (1923-2015), Anna Morpurgo-Davies
(1937-2014) and Margareta Lindgren (1936-2017). We would like to take this
opportunity to dedicate this volume to one our discipline’s first ladies, historical
linguist Anna Morpurgo-Davies, a world-leading figure in the study of ancient
Greek and Anatolian, and as such a role model for what it takes to conduct
comparative analyses. We corresponded with Anna Morpurgo-Davies until
a few months before she passed away in September 2014. She was trained
by Gallavotti and was editor of the first lexicon of Mycenaean, published in
1963. In Oxford, she worked closely with professor of Comparative Philology,
Leonard Palmer, and Hittitologist and epigraphist David Hawkins. In 1971, she
succeeded Palmer as chair at Oxford.
In this volume we also wish to remember the very first female scholar in
Aegean scripts, Alice Kober (1903-1950), and thus highlight her significant
contribution to the field of Mycenology. Alice Kober who received an MA and
PhD from Columbia University became assistant professor at Brooklyn College. It
was with a Guggenheim Fellowship that she was able to immerse herself full-time
to the study of Linear B.4 Her methodological approach to the study of the Linear
B signary, in which she established that the Mycenaean script shows an inflected
language, ultimately influenced Ventris’s final decipherment of the script.5
We also wish to commemorate our Scandinavian colleague, Margareta
Lindgren (1936–2017). A pupil of Arne Furumark, she continued the Linear
B scholarly tradition at Uppsala University with her publication on the
prosopography of Pylos, a fundamental work within Mycenaean Studies.
As head of the Department for Maps and Prints at the Uppsala University
Carolina Library for many years, she kept in close contact with the Department
of Archaeology and Ancient history as an immensely appreciated lecturer in
Aegean Scripts, who really knew how to engage her audience with her keen
sense of humour. On a personal note, she was the thesis advisor to the co-
3
Zurbach et al. forthcoming.
4
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alice_Kober
5
https://repositories.lib.utexas.edu/handle/2152/15875
Preface and acknowledgements XXIX
Bibliography
Bennet, J. 2014 ‘Literacies’ – 60+ Years of ‘Reading’ the Aegean Late Bronze
Age, BICS 57:2, 127-137.
Chadwick, J. 1999 Linear B: Past, Present and Future. In Floreant, 29-38
Carlier P. †, Joannès, Fr., Rougemont, Fr., Zurbach J. (eds), Palatial Economy
in the Ancient Near East and in the Aegean. First steps towards a
comprehensive study and analysis. Acts of the ESF Exploratory Workshop
held in Sèvres, 16-19 Sept. 2010, Pisa – Rome, F. Serra, 2017.
XXXI
LIST OF AUTHORS
Greek particles are poorly attested in Linear B texts, especially if the variety
of particles documented in Mycenaean is compared with the list of items known
from Classical Greek. Notwithstanding, one must keep in mind that particles are
considerably more numerous and variegated in literary texts than in epigraphic
inscriptions.
Be that as it may, Mycenaean texts do document particles, particularly
-de δέ and -qe = Class. Gk. τε, but also other elements whose interpretation
is fairly more difficult. This is the case of ἄρα which is only found as part
of two sequences of particles, o-de-qa-a2 and o-da-a2, of which analysis is
controversial.
Occurrence and internal analysis
o-de-qa-a2 and o-da-a2 are attested in Pylian tablets: o-de-qa-a2 only in
PY On 300.8; o-da-a2 in PY Aq 64.12, 218.1.9, Ed 317.1, 847.1, 901.1, En
74.2.12.21, 609.4.11, 659.2.9.13.16.19, Eq 36.4.6.10.12.15, 146.1.3-5.9.11,
213.3-6, Ma 90.2, 120.2, 123.3, 124.2, 193.3 bis, 221.2, 225.2, 365.2, 378.2,
393.3, 397.3, Un 718.7.11. On 300 is a tablet attributed to the scribal hand
S300, whereas the o-da-a2 tablets belonging to the E- class are attributed to the
scribal hand 1, those belonging to the Ma series to the scribal hand 2, Aq 64 and
218 to the scribal hand 21 and Un 718 to the scribal hand 24. Another related
sequence, o-a2 (PY Vn 20.1, scribal hand 25), does not contain the particle ἄρα.
The sequences under consideration consist of the same elements according
to their formal similarity: o-da-a2 is the basic one and o-de-qa-a2 is an extended
form.1 There are quite a number of possible interpretations, although no similar
collocation is found in Classical Greek. Nevertheless, Jean-Louis Perpillou
*
The financial support of the University of Seville (Fifth Research Programme 2013-2016) is gratefully
acknowledged.
1
Cf. Duhoux 1998, 28-31.
538 José Miguel Jiménez Delgado
2
Cf. Perpillou 1978.
3
Cf. DMic. s.v. o-da-a2; Duhoux 1998, 29.
4
See the alternation jo- / o- yω(ς) / hω(ς), the instrumental of the relative pronoun, which is used as an
introductory particle, cf. KN Fp 14.1b, Gv 863.1, Og 4467.1, MY Ge 602.1, Ue 661.1, PY Cn 3.1,
608.1, Jn 829.1 / KN Le 641.1, Wb 8711.1, MY X 2.2, PY An 37.1, 435.1, 657.1, Aq 64.2.5.6.7a.13-
16, Eq 213.1, Nn 228.1, Pn 30.1, Ta 711.1, Un 10.1, 443.3, Vn 10.1, 130.1, Wa 917.1.
5
Cf. Perpillou 1978.
6
Cf. Dunkel 2014, 346 n. 1. Moreover, the interpretation of -qa- as κwᾱι (= Att.-Ion. πῃ) entails that
the indefinite particle precedes ἄρα; this goes against the word order of these elements according to
Wackernagel’s Law, cf. Hom. Il. 2.419 οὐδ’ ἄρα πώ οἱ, 3.302 οὐδ’ ἄρα πώ σφιν, 7.433 δ’ οὔτ’ ἄρ πω,
16.60 οὐδ’ ἄρα πως, 22.279 οὐδ’ ἄρα πώ τι, Od. 11.139 μὲν ἄρ που, 13.207 δ’ οὔτ’ ἄρ πῃ, etc. See Wills
1993.
7
Cf. Duhoux 1998, 30. Duhoux excludes the possibility that -a2 belongs to the paradigm of the relative
pronoun, especially because the scribe 2 writes jo- the only time he employs this relative form (PY Jn
829.1). On the other hand, he compares the Mycenaean term with the correlative structure hᾶι μὲν…,
hᾶι δὲ… documented in the Tables of Heraclea (IG XIV 645.81). Nevertheless, hᾶι is more often
interpreted as a case of the demonstrative use of the relative in the Heraclean example (Buck 1955, 101
& 280; Monteil 1963, 40-41).
8
Cf. Dunkel 2014, 314.
9
Cf. García 2010, 27. See the following examples: ἆδ’ ἔϝαδε πόλι “Voted by the city as follows”
(BCH 61, 333-348; BCH 62, 194-195; see also Bile 1988, 29; translation as in Buck 1955, 313), ἇδε
Δελφοῖς Φασελίτας τὸν πελανὸν διδόμεν “Que le gens de Phasélis versent le pelanos aux Delphiens
conformément au tarif suivant” (CID I 8.1 = FD III.4 369.1; translation as in Jacquemin, Mulliez
& Rougemont 2012, 52-53). Furthermore, these instrumental forms gave birth to subordinating
The particle ἄρα from the 2nd to the 1st millennium 539
-da- can only point, if a regressive assimilation κwε > κwα and δέ > δά before -a2
is excluded,10 to two possibilities: ἄν, a modal particle whose appearance in the
contexts in which the sequences under consideration are found makes no sense;
ἄρα, from which an elided form ἄρ is attested before consonant and vowel, in
the cases at issue before h-.11
In other words, the sequences of particles o-de-qa-a2 and o-da-a2 contain
an anaphoric adverb hώ(ς) (‘thus, likewise’) and the connecting particle δέ (‘on
the other hand’).12 An additive particle ku̯e (‘also, furthermore’) follows these
elements in o-de-qa-a2, and its 1st millennium correspondent τε is also attested
in association with δέ.13 Nevertheless, it is still possible that o-de- corresponds to
the adverb ὧδε,14 in which case -qe- would be the coordinating element (‘and’).
Be that as it may, -d(e)- in o-da-a2 must be the coordinating element,15 and it
should be stressed that the collocation δ’ ἄρα is highly frequent in Homer.16 The
final element -a2 is a form of the relative pronoun with cataphoric reference. As
previously analysed, the sequences under consideration most likely contain the
particle ἄρ(α) before -a2, although its function is more difficult to determine.
The main aim of this paper is, indeed, to establish the function of ἄρ(α) in these
sequences.
Contexts of appearance
The sequences under consideration are used to introduce paragraphs or
thematic sections.17 From a syntactic perspective, their main characteristic is
that they are never used to introduce the first section of the record, but they
always connect with a previous section.18 An example is PY Un 718, in which
In this tablet o-da-a2 introduces every section except for the first one
19
Cf. Del Freo 2005, 104.
20
Eq 36, 146, 213.
The particle ἄρα from the 2nd to the 1st millennium 541
PY Ma 124
1. a-pu2-we *146 23 RI m 23 KE m 7 *152 10 O m 5 ME 500
2. o-da-a2 , ka-ke-we , o-u-di-do-si *146 1 RI m 1 *152 1 ME 20
PY En 609.3-8
3. wa-na-ta-jo-jo , ko-to-na , ki-ti-me-na , to-so-de˻˼p̣ẹ-mo gra 2 v 1
4. o-da-a2 , o-na-te[-re] , e-ko-si , ẉạ-na-tạ-jo-jo , ko-to-na ,
5. a-tu-ko , e-te-do-mo , wa-na-ka-te-ro , o-na-to , e-ke , <to-so->de , pe-mo ‘gra v 1’
6. i-ni-ja , te-o-jo , do-e-ra , o-na-to˻˼e-ke , to-so-de , pe-mo gra t 2 v 4
7. e-*65-to , te-o-jo , do-e-ra , o-na-to , e-ke , to-so-de , pe-mo gra t 2
8. si-ma , te-o-jo , do-e-ra , o-na-to , e-ke , to-so-de , pe-mo gra t 1
These two examples consist of two sections each: the first one is general,
respectively the contribution of a-pu2 (a-pu2-we is dat.-loc.), a place name, and
the extension of the plot of wa-na-ta-jo (wa-na-ta-jo-jo is gen.), a man’s name;
the second one is a specific section, in which on the one hand a tax exemption is
granted to the ka-ke-we (‘metalworkers’) from a-pu2 and on the other the o-na-
te-re holding a lease on the plot of wa-na-ta-jo are recorded (a-tu-ko, i-ni-ja,
e-*65-to and si-ma).
As a general conclusion, the particle ἄρ(α) is documented in Mycenaean
texts within sequences of particles that function as connecting devices putting
their discourse unit in relation to the previous one. Furthermore, this relation
is obvious, since the sections form enumerations or a specific section is added
to a general one. In order to determine the function of ἄρα in these texts, its
etymology is reviewed from a comparative perspective in the next section of the
paper, and the functions attributed to it in the 1st-millennium texts are compared
to the contexts in which it appears in Linear B texts in the penultimate section
before the conclusions.
Etymology
As usually occurs with these kinds of elements, a comparison within the
IE linguistic family does not elucidate the function of ἄρα in Ancient Greek.
21
En 74, 609, 659, Ma 90, 120, 123, 124, 193, 221, 225, 365, 378, 393, 397.
542 José Miguel Jiménez Delgado
22
Cf. Dunkel 2014, 288-289.
23
Cf. LIV s.v. 1.*h2er-.
24
Cf. Kühner-Gerth 1904, 317; DELG s.v.; Beekes 2010 s.v.; Kloekhorst 2008 s.v. āra, who explains the
lack of initial laryngeal in the Hittite cognate as the result of an o grade, i.e. *h2or-.
25
Cf. Egetmeyer 2010, 116 & 445.
26
Cf. EDG s.v. On the etymological problems posed by this particle, see also Ruijgh 1971, 433-434.
27
Dunkel 2014, 337, reconstructs *h2í-r for Lith. ir̃, Latv. ir.
28
Cf. Dunkel 2014, 289 n. 6. From an etymological perspective, it should be added that the Mycenaean
sequence o-de-qa-a2, which contains the combination of ku̯e with ἄρ(α), does not support the existence
of a particle τάρ in Ancient Greek (Katz 2007), but rather the collocation of τ(ε) + ἄρ (Denniston
1954, 43; van den Besselaar 1962, 230; Dunkel 2014, 791 n. 64, who considers τε to be “epic” in this
collocation despite Ruijgh 1971, 804-809).
29
Cf. Hartung 1832, 422.
30
Cf. Baümlein 1861, 19-39; Kühner-Gerth 1904, 317-326.
31
Cf. Denniston 1954, 32-43; Ruijgh 1971, 434-438; Cooper 1998, §§69.8. Furthermore, Bakker 1993,
16-23, who only takes into account Homeric examples, considers that ἄρα has a visualising function
related to epic performance and reenactment, stating that “a speaker using ἄρα … makes an assertion
that is prompted by evidence before him, a statement that is uttered in a situation and therefore warranted
by that situation”; Oréal 1997, 239-242, suggests that the particle indicates that the speaker does not
assume the statement but rather attributes it to another person.
The particle ἄρα from the 2nd to the 1st millennium 543
not Aphrodite, daughter of Zeus, been quick to see, and to his cost broken in
twain the thong, cut from the hide of a slaughtered ox”. (Murray’s translation as
available in the Perseus Digital Library).
It is worth quoting Cornelis Ruijgh on this passage: “Il est évident que le fait
marqué par ἄρα est surprenant : l’intervention divine détourne le cours naturel
des événements, exprimé à l’irréel dans la principale qui précède. Ceci prouve
que Hartung et Denniston ont raison : ἄρα ne signale pas qu’il s’agisse d’un
fait qui suit de façon naturelle le fait précédent (cf. Kühner-Gerth et Schwyzer-
Debrunner, § 351) ni d’un fait bien connu (Grimm, § 351 n. 80)”.32
Likewise, when the particle is used with the imperfect, it expresses that the
speaker becomes aware of a preexisting situation:33
S. Ph. 978 ὅδ’ ἦν ἄρα | ὁ συλλαβών με “It was he, then, who entrapped me
(now I realise it)”. (Jebb’s translation as available in the Perseus Digital Library
with an added gloss in brackets).
On the other hand, ἄρα is also used as an inferential particle to indicate
that its discourse unit can be inferred from the previous one.34 This function
developed in Classical and Postclassical prose,35 to the point that it became the
only one in Late and Modern Greek:36
Pl. Cri. 49b οὐδαμῶς ἄρα δεῖ ἀδικεῖν “Then (as it follows from what has
been said) we ought not to do wrong at all”. (Fowler’s translation as available
in the Perseus Digital Library with an added gloss in brackets).
The function as a transitional connective is also attributed to ἄρα and
included in dictionaries,37 even though it is too vague and applicable in passages
in which the aforementioned functions are difficult to perceive. The relationship
between both uses, as a pragmatic marker of interest and as an inferential particle,
is not straightforward. Nevertheless, both John Denniston and Cornelis Ruijgh
consider that the first one is original and that the second developed out of the
former.38 Another point in question is the similarity of this particle to δή, pointed
32
Cf. Ruijgh 1971, 436.
33
Cf. Cooper 1998, §53.2.6; Crespo et al. 2003, 259.
34
Cf. van den Besselaar 1962, 239, 241, 254 & 258; van Ophuijsen, in Sicking & van Ophuijsen 1993,
101-139, considers that the inference is made on the basis of the previous context / or the situation; see
also Mulligan 2007, who agrees with van Ophuijsen.
35
Cf. Denniston 1954, 41; Schwyzer-Debrunner 1950, 559.
36
Cf. Blomqvist 1969, 128-129; Lexiko s.v. ἄρα.
37
Cf. LSJ s.v. A.1; DGE s.v. II.
38
See Denniston 1954, 40: “A particle that marks realization or enlightenment is half-way to becoming a
logical connective particle, since enlightenment naturally results from something that has just been said
or done: ‘Hullo, you’re here’ : ‘So you’re here!’”. Cf. Ruijgh 1971, 435.
544 José Miguel Jiménez Delgado
out by ancient grammarians, cf. Apollon. Lex. 43 Ἄρα. ἀντὶ τοῦ δὴ παρ᾽ Ὁμήρῳ
διὰ παντός, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐν τῷ βίῳ συλλογιστικὸς σύνδεσμος and Sud.
Ἄρα. συλλογιστικὸς σύνδεσμος. καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ δὴ, καὶ ὡς ἔοικεν, καὶ ὡς φαίνεται.
οὕτως Πλάτων. This similarity allows the conjecture that ἄρα marks its discourse
unit as expected or known.39 In this respect, Christiaan Sicking observes that the
particle indicates that what is said is based on indisputable facts, albeit surprising
for the speaker himself.40 Jan van Ophuijsen arrives at the conclusion that, in
Platonic texts, the particle does not signal what is said as self-evident but as
deducible from external facts.41 A compromise is proposed by Elena Redondo:
“Diacrónicamente considerada, se constata que Homero hace de esta partícula un
uso muy abundante, pero que en época posthomérica tiende a ser reemplazada
por δή, de valor muy semejante. A la vez que la frecuencia de su uso se restringe,
se desarrolla otro valor, el de señalar el carácter interesante y nuevo de un hecho
que es la conclusión sacada de un hecho precedente, hasta llegar a ser puramente
conclusiva en las obras de Platón y Aristóteles”.42 Nevertheless, Ruijgh insists,
corroborating Denniston’s description, on the fact that the Homeric usage “semble
marquer en principe des faits qui surprennent ou qui suscitent un vif intérêt”.43
In epigraphic texts the particle is only attested, to my knowledge, in literary and
poetic compositions. I have found no instance in inscriptions containing records similar
to those characteristic of Mycenaean tablets. However, it is noteworthy that Homer
uses ἄρα in contexts that can be compared to the Mycenaean ones: particularly in the
Catalogue of Ships (Il. 2.494-759) where the particle is found introducing sections
corresponding to the description of one of the contingents (2.546, 615, 676, 716), as well
as subsections inside the description (2.620, 650) or even members of an enumeration
(2.522, 584).44 Some examples are the following:45
2.546 Οἳ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ Ἀθήνας εἶχον ἐϋκτίμενον πτολίεθρον … “And they that
held Athens, the well-built citadel”. (Introducing the section corresponding to
the Athenian contingent).
2.650 τῶν μὲν ἄρ᾽ Ἰδομενεὺς δουρὶ κλυτὸς ἡγεμόνευε | Μηριόνης τ᾽
ἀτάλαντος Ἐνυαλίῳ ἀνδρειφόντῃ· “Of all these was Idomeneus, famed for his
spear, captain, and Meriones, the peer of Enyalius, slayer of men”. (Introducing
39
Cf. Grimm 1962; van den Besselaar 1962, 247 & 253, who considers this a Posthomeric function.
40
Cf. Sicking 1986.
41
In Sicking & van Ophuijsen 1993.
42
Cf. Redondo 1995, 47-48. See also van den Besselaar 1962, 233-234: “… à idéia de ligaçâo espressa
por ἄρα è inerente à nuança de preciçâo ou de exatidâo; a nosso ver, esta conotaçâo explica também o
fato de ἄρα revelar interêsse, atençâo, vivacidade, etc.”.
43
Cf. Ruijgh 1971, 434-438.
44
Ruijgh 1971, 441, attributes these two instances of ἄρα both to variatio and to metric imperative. On the
Homeric usage of ἄρα as an exclusively metric particle see Visser 1987, 91-92.
45
The English translations are those by Murray as available in the Perseus Digital Library.
The particle ἄρα from the 2nd to the 1st millennium 545
46
The classification of ἄρα as a connective poses some problems (Sicking & van Ophuijsen 1993, 71-88).
Be that as it may, it apparently functions as a connective in Mycenaean texts regardless of its usage in
the 1st millennium. Furthermore, the function as a pragmatic marker of interest or surprise has been
called into question by Coulter George in the ICAGL 2015.
546 José Miguel Jiménez Delgado
Conclusions
The particle ἄρα is documented in the 2nd millennium with an inferential
function that only became fully developed in Classical and Postclassical Greek.
It is not documented as a pragmatic marker of interest, even if this sense is
considered characteristic of the particle in Homeric texts. It can be argued that
the particle implies that the relation it sets up is obvious, although the contexts
are too limited to be more precise.
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548