TEAM Lab - Photovoice Literature Review

Written by: Darrah L Goo Kuratani & Elaine Lai, 2011

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the evolving methodology and usage of

Photovoice in publications. Beginning with a description of the core construct of

Photovoice, this paper will explore its theoretical foundation and then critically review

and assess the impact of Photovoice on the type of research being conducted. Lastly, this

paper will review the planning and implementation process of Photovoice.

What is Photovoice?

Photovoice is a participatory research strategy commonly implemented in health

research as a mechanism for personal and community change. First introduced as Photo

novella by Wang & Burris in 1994, Photovoice has since become an empowering

methodology that allows individuals to reflect upon the strengths and concerns of their

community. Researchers also recognize Photovoice as a vital tool for Community-Based

Participatory Research (CBPR) because of its accuracy in gathering information

(Garziano, 2004). Not only does Photovoice establish a partnership among the key

stakeholders, it also equitably involves them in all aspects of the research process

(Streng, 2004). By capturing the needs of marginalized populations, Photovoice can

direct the focus of research for a community. Photovoice goes beyond facilitating

discussions for needs assessments, to a stage of action where change can occur at the

policy level.

What makes up the theoretical framework of Photovoice?

Photovoice is an overlap of three theoretical frameworks: empowerment

education, feminist theory and documentary photography. All three theoretical

theoretical frameworks begin by first directing change at the individual level,

transforming perceptions such as self-worth. The focus is then directed to the community

level to improve quality of life and then finally to the institution level to enforce change

through policies (Wang & Burris, 1994).

Friere’s (1970) empowerment education theory specializes in encouraging

individuals to become vocal about the needs of the community. Empowerment education

begins first with data collection. Individuals go into their communities and take pictures

of their concerns. Once completed, the individuals move onto facilitated discussions,

sharing with one another what the photographs mean to them. The group dialogue allows

the individuals to build upon each other’s concerns, helping shape the identified needs of

the community. As members become more passionate about improving the well-being of

their community, the individual’s self image will change as well. Residents will then take

on the role of community advocates and participate in policy changes (Wang, 1994).

Similarly, feminist theory seeks to transform thought processes to recognize and

appreciate women’s subjective role as researchers, advocates and participants (Wang et

al., 1996). This theory acknowledges the experiences of women as a catalyst for social

change and in turn, encourages women to share the knowledge and “know-how”

regarding their understanding of how communities and dominant institutions affect their

lives. Furthermore, feminist theory believes that as an act of honoring women’s

intelligence and value, women should be the ones leading and carrying out policies

changes rather than having the changes made on their behalf (Wang, et al., 1996).

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 The last theoretical framework, documentary photography, has been extensively

used to provide vulnerable populations with an outlet to express their stories and

perception of the world. Typically women, children and elderly fall under the category of

vulnerable populations as they have historically suffered the consequences of structural

violence. Photovoice places the control into the hands of the oppressed, allowing them to

become the decision makers and elect the themes that are represented among the photos.

As members of the community, these individuals are more imaginative and observant of

than even the most experienced photographers and photo journalists (Wang, 1994).

Researchers use the three theoretical frameworks of Photovoice to uncover rich

and descriptive information regarding the community and its members (Catalani &

Minker, 2009). There are however, slight differences in how researchers have interpreted

and implemented empowerment education, feminist theory and documentary

photography. The effects of such alterations will be further investigated.

How has Photovoice methodology been used to conduct research?

In the seminal articles, Wang & Burris used Photovoice as part of a larger policy

strategy concerning the health status of village women in rural China. The project

researchers relied on Photovoice to inform Ford Foundation of the effects associated with

the allocation of resources. While the needs assessment was under construction,

researchers also established relationships with key decision makers, identifying which

policy makers promoted or repressed women’s health. Traditional Chinese cultural

mores dictated that women were not as important as men. Rather, women were viewed as

disposable beings and treated with less worth (Wang, 1996). Photovoice paved the way

for policy change in the rural communities of China. In settings where women had no say

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in the decision making process, Photovoice allowed the rural women an opportunity to

communicate their burdens and their needs to the county-level officials (Wang, 1996).

The photographs depicted the dangers of leaving children unsupervised at home while the

mothers are gone working the fields. The pictures also confirm poor hygienic conditions

and lack of educational opportunities for women in the countryside, thus revealing the

feudal attitudes that continued to exist. Even among the wealthy families that could

afford the cost of education, daughters stayed at home to tend to the house. To rural

families in China, there was no logic behind investing in daughters since they would

move in with another family once married (Wang, 1996).

Photovoice created an opportunity for dialogue and empowerment. Women

gained access to knowledge, decisions, networks and resources (Wang& Burris, 1994).

The response of the Photovoice project included three major policy changes that were

made to support the well-being of the woman in rural communities. Policies mandated

child care provision, access to midwives for child bearing women and lastly, education

for all girls.

Planning and Implementation

Behind every successful Photovoice study is a team of researchers with a

carefully developed plan of execution for the project. The planning and implementation

process is pivotal to creating an environment of professionalism and trust. However, not

all planning and implementation processes can be recycled. Researchers must first form a

relationship with the community members. By engaging the stakeholders early on in the

project, researchers can then better understand the dynamic of the community. This

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knowledge can be used to shape the curriculum and infrastructure of the Photovoice

project so that it will mold around the culture of the community.

The basic components to be included in the curriculum of Photovoice include: an

introduction including the social action plan, photography training, facilitated discussion,

exhibition, and debrief (See Figure 1.1). Once the participants have been recruited and

brought together, ice breakers should be used to build familiarity within the group. After

the participants become more comfortable, researchers can then go over the agenda and

project goals. When planning the Photovoice curriculum, it is also important to begin

initiating the policy component. Researchers must have a social action plan ready as it

cannot be an after-thought. If there is no policy component to the project then the purpose

of the data collection must be made clear to the participants at the very beginning.

The next step is training the participants in the principles of photography. By the

end of the training session, participants should be familiar with the fundamentals of

photography, Photovoice ethics and safety (Catalani & Minkler, 2009). The length of

Photovoice training varies significantly throughout the literature. For some studies

training lasted an hour while for other studies the training was dispersed throughout the

photography time. However, Photovoice projects that emphasized training reported a

higher quality of participation from the participants (Catalani & Minkler, 2009). Projects

with the highest level of participation trained their participants to assume all roles within

the research study so that they may become proficient in using computers to record and

analyze data as well as balance the finances of their project (Lykes, Blanche & Hamber,

2003). In their study with elderly woman with HIV/AIDS, Gosselink & Mylykangas

(2007) opted to not include a training component as they wanted to keep the

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interpretation and work organic. As suggested by Harrison (2002), including a training

component may alter how participants’ communicate their concerns and feelings, thereby

limiting the cultural and social constructions of the data. Nevertheless, photography

training continues to play a crucial part of Photovoice projects.

Throughout the period of time that participants are taking photographs,

researchers should hold at least one group discussion based on the photos using

SHOWeD or a similar method to facilitate conversation. Not only does discussion among

the participants produce valuable and rich data, it also empowers participants and their

communities (Catalani & Minkler, 2009). Following the cycle of taking photos and

having discussions, researchers should prepare for a community exhibition of the

photographs collected. Maximum effort needs to go into promoting the exhibition and

inviting policy makers. A final debrief with the participant after the exhibition can help

prepare for the next steps of the project whether it be implementing the social action plan

or continue with the photography and discussion process.

For more information and to see examples of curriculums and consent forms,

please visit: http://teamlab.usc.edu/training/archived-webinars.html

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Figure 1.1 Photovoice Planning Process

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Critical Review of Theoretical Use

Although Photovoice has played a critical role in developing needs assessment

and evaluations for marginalized communities, and has been utilized as a catalyst for

awareness and political change, the theoretical framework of Photovoice has received

criticism for: (1) the lack of social action plan and (2) the lack of group process and

dialogue.

Lack of Social Action Plan

Social action is an integral part of the theoretical framework of Photovoice. It is

emphasized in empowerment education and feminist theory. Yet despite the importance

of social action within the two theoretical frameworks of Photovoice, there were six

studies reviewed (Short, 2006, Gosselink, 2007, Graziano, 2004, Nowell, 2006

Hergenrather, 2006 & Strack, 2000) that did not include a social action component. It has

been noted that neglecting to include a social action plan into Photovoice methodology

may negatively impact marginalized communities byleaving members of the community

to feel objectified because of the lack of follow-through. In a situation such as this, the

researchers may recieve beneficial rewards from the Photovoice project in the form of a

published paper or the rich data collected, which can be shared and disseminated.

However, the community has not gained from the project. Individuals within the

community may feel their efforts were made in vain since no advancement has been

made to improve the well-being of the community.

For example, a study lacking the social action component of Photovoice comes

from Strack and colleagues’ (2000) study with youth of South Baltimore. This study

collected powerful photographs, and provided a safe environment for the youth to share

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their concerns for the community (Strack, 2000). However, initiatives were not taken

beyond facilitated discussions among the youth to include all key stakeholders nor was

there a push for policy change. Rather, the lack of social action associated with this

Photovoice project may have been more detrimental to the well-being of the youth than

the benefits gained from the data collection process.

Another study neglecting to carry out the social action component of Photovoice

comes from Streng and colleagues’ (2004) study with newly immigrated Latino

adolescents. Researchers sought to identify how immigration experiences affected the

quality of life of adolescents. A goal of the study was to visually inform community

members of the worries of the youth regarding the present and future. Researchers held

an exhibition for the youth to display their work. However, decision-makers, teachers and

even the principal of the school were not present. The poor attendance to the youth

exhibition reconfirms feelings of discrimination and lack of opportunities. By failing to

following through with an action plan, the youth’s sense of self worth has diminished. In

essence, the researchers unknowingly objectified the Latino youth.

Additionally, a study conducted by Short and colleagues (2006) with teenage

youth from Botswana, Africa, also failed to carry out a plan of social action. Researchers

recruited youth to take pictures of positive influence of HIV/AIDS prevention within

their community. Though the study teaches the youth to be pro-active in their health,

researchers disregard how policy changes can make a difference in the community. As

Friere wrote in 1970, the purpose of education should be to transform lives and liberate

them from the status quo. For a difference to be made, the momentum created at the

individual level must continue onto the community level as well as the institutional level.

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 Lopez and colleagues’ (2005) study with African American breast cancer

survivors crossed into the community level of social action. The study encouraged the

participants to conceptualize steps toward addressing their needs. Researchers combined

Photovoice with grounded theory to ensure the participants experience of developing a

task force (to educate community members on how to support breast cancer survivors)

was ???. The participants were successful in educating others about the experiences of a

breast cancer survivor but did not branch out beyond the community level. For change to

occur and positively influence the lives of others, researchers must think broadly and

consider how Photovoice may benefit populations on a global level. As seen with the

rural village women in China, Photovoice can affect policies and ensure change to be

enforced.

Lack of group process and dialogue

Another deviation from the theoretical framework of Photovoice is the absence of

group process and dialogue. Facilitated discussions are a central component of

Photovoice as it allows participants to engage with people with similar backgrounds and

experiences. Group dialogue allows participants to build upon each others’ ideas. The

exchange of thoughts connects people, creating a support network to encourage one

another. Borrowed fromFreire (1970), group dialogue allows critical thinking to occur in

such a way that the participants must work together to uncover the source of

dissatisfaction (Wallerstein & Bernstein, 1988). Group dialogue inspires people to

believe in their ability to influence and control their environment. Without the group

component, participates are less likely to fully invest themselves in the Photovoice

process.

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 In the study conducted by Gosselink & Mylykangas (2007) with older women

living with HIV/AIDS, no group work or plan for social action was involved. After more

than a year of recruiting researchers were able to enlist four women for the study. The

participants were interviewed individually by researchers about their photographs on

leisurely experiences. When the researchers sought to do a follow-up with the women

after the study, each one declined to keep in contact. In contrast, the PLWHA participants

previously mentioned in Hergenrather’s (2006) study became a cohesive group and

worked together to develop employment-seeking strategies.

Another study that excluded group dialogue and social action was conducted by

Hussey and colleagues (2006), concerning the health care access of Female-to-Male

Transsexuals (FTM). The heavy stigma around this group of individuals made the

recruitment process difficult. As with Gosselink & Mylykangas’ (2007) study, Hussy and

colleagues chose to meet with the participants on an individual basis. The difference is

that the FTM participants reported being empowered by the experiences associated

Photovoice, indicating a desire to become advocates for their communities. If the

researchers had held a group dialogue with the FTM participant then they could have

used their collective effort toward creating an action plan to change policies.

Both Gosselink & Mylykangas’ (2007) and Hussy’s (2006) studies were focused

on the needs assessment of highly stigmatized groups yet neither study found it necessary

to have participants interact in a group dialogue. The participants did not have the

opportunity to share their photos or experiences with others in similar situations, nor

could they educate the community and key decision makers of their needs and concerns.

Freire (1970) emphasized the importance of collective knowledge in uncovering the

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personal and sociopolitical dimension of community problems (Wallerstein & Bernstein,

1988). Facilitated discussions in group settings create a sense of belonging as ideas are

consistently being formed and stimulated.

Who gets the credit, social cohesion or Photovoice?

As a result of Photovoice, several studies have reported an increase in group

cohesion. However, the question arises whether social cohesion is a byproduct of

Photovoice’s theoretical frameworks or if Photovoice’s success is a result of the natural

cohesion that occurs naturally because of the group process. There may not even be a

casaul relationship between Photovoice and group cohesion as confounders such as

associations made outside of the group dialogue sessions that may obscure any true

associations. Researchers noted in their studies how bonds between the participants began

to form as a result of group dialogues. By participating in the project, participants become

familiar with one another, building ties and friendships within the peer support group that

will prepare them to solve problems and work together (Wang, Cash & Powers, 2000).

Conversely, a popular belief is that social networks are positively associated to social

capital. As social networks increase, individuals become more invested and as a result

social capital increases. For example, group discussion increases social network as it

requires participants to interact with one another, therefore an investment of trust must be

made, thereby increasing social capital.

The Impact of Photovoice

Photovoice has significantly impacted the type of groups being surveyed,

increasing the level of participatory research being conducted and enhancing the depth of

information being collected. The number of Photovoice studies being conducted has

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multiplied drastically since the publishing of Wang & Burris’ (1994) first study. During

the period of 1994 to1999 the only publications on Photovoice were by the seminal

author regarding its methodology. To date (2011) there are 2,050 articles on Photovoice.

Researchers have discovered the ability of Photovoice to enable groups to overcome

social barriers. Groups are then able to communicate experiences, perspectives and

feelings to other community members as well as to policy makers. Moreover, this

powerful methodology provides researchers insightinto communities that would have

otherwise been inaccessible such as: women, PLWHA, minority youth, FTM and breast

cancer survivors to name a few.

Photovoice places the control in the hands of the participants to determine what is

important to highlight. As a prime example of community based participatory research

(CBPR), Photovoice empowers participants to take action and improve the well-being of

their communities. Participants gain a sense of awareness for their surroundings and are

able to cultivate leadership skills. Conversely, if components of the Photovoice’s

theoretical framework are not carried out, participants may not benefit from the study.

Rather, participants may be negatively impacted by the Photovoice study if the social

action and group dialogue components are missing. This can be detrimental to future

CBPR as the marginalized groups recruited are historically distrusting of researchers. To

ensure that future Photovoice studies are mutually beneficial to researchers and

participants, all findings must be brought back to the communities.

As a participatory research strategy commonly implemented in health research,

Photovoice is also a mechanism for personal and community change. Photovoice

supersedes traditional methods of facilitated discussion to visually capture the needs

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assessments for a community. Ultimately, Photovoice pursues social action at the policy

level to improve the quality of life and well-being of marginalized communities around

the world.

References:
1. Carlson ED, Engebretson J, Chamberlain RM. (2006). Photovoice as a social process
of critical consciousness. Qualitative Health Research, 16(6), 836-852.
2. Cataloni, C, Minkler, M. (2010). Photovoice: a review of literature in health and
public health, Health Education & Behavior, 37 (3), 424-451
3. Foster-Fishman, P, Nowell, B, Deacon, Z, et al. (2005). Using methods that matter:
the impact of reflection, dialogue, and voice. American Journal of Community
Psychology, 36(3-4), 275-91.
4. Freire, P. (1970) Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Continuum Publishing, New York.
5. Gosselink, CA, & Myllykangas, SA. (2007). the leisure experiences of older US
women living with HIV/AIDS. Health Care for Women International, 28(1), 3-20.
6. Graziano, KJ. (2004). Oppression and resiliency in a post-apartheid South Africa:
unheard voices of Black gay men and lesbians. Cultural diversity & ethnic minority
Psychology, 10(3), 302-16.
7. Hergenrather KC, Rhodes SD, Clark G. (2006). Windows to work: exploring
employment-seeking behaviors of persons with HIV/AIDS through Photovoice.
Health Promotion Practice, 18(3), 243-258.
8. Hergenrather KD, Rhodes, SG, Bardhoshi, G. (2010) Photvoice as Community –
Based Participatory Research: A Qualitative Review. American Journal of Health
Behavior 33(6): 686-698
9. Hussey, W. (2006). Slivers of the journey: the use of Photovoice and storytelling to
examine female to male transsexuals' experience of health care access. Journal of
Homosexuality, 51(1), 129-58.
10. López, ED, Eng, E, Randall-David, E, et al. (2005). Quality-of-life concerns of
African American breast cancer survivors within rural North Carolina: blending the
techniques of Photovoice and grounded theory. Qualitative Health Research, 15(1),
99-115.
11. Lykes, M. B., Blanche, M. T., & Hamber, B. (2003). Narrating survival and change in
Guatemala and South Africa: The politics of representation and a liberatory
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community places: stories of identity, history, and possibility. American Journal of
Community Psychology, 37(1-2), 29-46.
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thinking. Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B,
Biological Sciences, 361(1469), 811-20.
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Health Promotion Practice, Jan; 5(1):49-58.

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15. Streng, JM, Rhodes, SD, Ayala, GX, et al. (2004). Realidad Latina: Latino
adolescents, their school, and a university use Photovoice to examine and address the
influence of immigration. Journal of interprofessional care, 18(4), 403-15.
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Medicine, 42(10), 1391-1400.
18. Wang CC, Cash JL, Powers LS. (2000). Who knows the streets better than the
homeless? Promoting personal and community action through Photovoice. Health
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