Allchin 1978 Archaeology of Afghanistan
Allchin 1978 Archaeology of Afghanistan
Allchin 1978 Archaeology of Afghanistan
Edited by
Keri- Jersel., U .S . A.
i
ACADEMIC PRESS
ant1 t l i s t r i l ) i ~ t v t lI)\.
Ilnitcttl S t a r c s Ixlition ~)i~l>lishc.tl
AC'AI>I'MIC' I'KESS INC'.
l l l Fifth Avc.t~uc.,Nv\v Yol-k, Nv\v Y o r k 1003
All r i g h t s ~.cascr\,vtl.N o I).lrt 01' tllis I ~ o o knlay I>v r c l ~ r o d u c r t lin a n y f o r m I)y ~ > h o t o s t a t ,
1l1ic.rol11111,o r ~ I I Yot11c.r I I I ~ ~ I I\ Sv i, t l ~ o i ~\vrittvti
t p c \ r ~ i ~ i s s i ol ' ~r ol t ~ ~the\ p i ~ l > l i s ~ ~ v r s .
In producing this book w e o w e thanks t o many, and apologies t o a few,. O u r thanks arc clue t o
all those scholars, and their publishers, who have frcclv allowcd us t o use illustrations: thcv
are listed below, but should anv due acknowlcdgcment have been i n a d v ~ r t ~ n t omitted
lv \vc
shall include it in thc next printing of this book. W e thank cspcciallv Joscphinc. Po\vcll for
providing not only permission but her own excellent prints, and Lcn M o r l e ~for making man!.
of the other prints for us. The maps in Chapter 1 were redrawn from the a c k n o ~ ~ . l e d g c d
sources by Michael Walton, and many of the line illustrations \\.ere also reciraivn bv staff
artists at Academic Press, where Jane Duncan dcalt with all problems with \velcomc sanitv.
W e would also like t o acknowledge the help and encouragement given bv Louis and Nancv
Dupree, for ivhich we are specially grateful; also D r G . Djclani Davarv for his kindness in
allowing consultation of his unpublished list of pre-Islamic inscriptions of Afghanistan; D r M.
A. Hoffman; D r . Peter Jackson for undertaking the historical preambles t o Chapter 6 and 7;
Javed Husain for preparing the index and D r Peter Squirc for advising us on questions of
Russian transliterations.
As editors w e o\ve o u r authors an apology for insisting that a culture-historical rather than a
processual approach should be employed. Neither of us is opposed t o the latter, but in
presenting for the first time a synthesis of a region's archaeologv \ve felt that maximum
attention should be given t o the presentation of basic information. Had thc book been of
limitless length \i-e should have included \vith pleasure a processual discussion in each
chapter: as it \vas, w e were forced t o cut heavilv the length of sornt, chapters.
Acknowledgements
Every attcmpt has been made to obtain permission and ackno\l-ledge thc use of illustrations: if
there has been anv inadvertent omission the editors offer their apologies; and \\.ill rcctifv the
omission in the next printing. Thev \+.ish t o thank the follo\i.ing for permission to use
materials for the figures listed:
H . Bcrcns, Figs 7 . 9 , 7.10; R . Biscione, Figs 3.54-55; British Museunl London, Figs 7.29,
7 . 3 1 ; J - M . Casal, Figs 3.5-3.40; Dilkgation archiologique franqaise cn Afghanistan, Figs
5.24-5.27, 5 . 2 S 3 1 , 5.40, 5.41, 5 . 4 3 ; L . D u p r e e , F i g s 1.9, 1.10, 1.12, 1 . 1 3 ; 2 . 2 , 2 . 3 ,
2.14-17; 3.4, 3.50; W . A. Fairservis, Figs 3.52-53; Editor, .!jjhun Studies, Fig. 5 . 3 2 ; B.
Glatzer, Fiqs 6 . 3 6 3 8 ; W . Hcl-bcrg, Figs 6 . 2 G 2 2 ; J . Humlum, Figs 1.3-5, 1.7; India Office
. ..
Vlll PREFACE
Library, Fig. 7.17; M . Klinkott, Fig. 7.5; M . Lalande Figs 7.1, 7.2; J . Powell, Figs 6.7,
6 . ~ 1 4 6, . 1 6 1 9 , 6.23-27, 6.32, 6.40, 6.41, 7.3, 7.22, 7.24, 7.25, 7.27, 7.32; Kyoto
University, Fig. 5.60; Royal Asiatic Society, London Fig. 7.30; V . I. Sarianidi, Fig. 3.56; D.
Schlurnberger, Figs 4.25, 5.35; V . Thewalt, Figs 6.3, 6.4, 7.1 5; R . Wardak, Fig. 3.51; D .
Whitehouse, Fig. 4.34.
Other illustrations are provided by the authors and editors.
Raymond Allchin
Norman Hammond
Contents
Preface
List o f illustrations .
Introduction
NORMAN HAMMOND and RAYMOND ALLCHIN .
1
The Geographical Background
SOPHIA R. BOWLBY .
Climate and climatic change .
Natural resources for subsistence
The high mountains .
The mountains and foothills
The plains and lowlands .
The Amu-darva and Helmand-Seistan valleys .
The deserts .
Present patterns of subsistence .
Agriculture .
Nomads
Opportunities for trade .
Summary
2
The Palaeolithic
RICHARD S. DAVIES .
Brief history of palaeolithic research in Afghanistan
Initial occupation of A f s g h a n i s t a ~ T h eLower Palaeolithic .
Middle Palaeolithic .
Sites .
Carbon- 14 determinations .
Discussion
The Latc Palaeolithic .
Sites .
Carbon- 14 determinations .
Kara Kamar 111
X CONTENTS
Thc. Epi-Palacolithic
Sunilnary
Kcccnt finds .
3
The Later Prehistoric Periods
JIM G . SHAFFER .
Introduction .
Dc\.elopment of domesticates .
The "Goat Cult" Neolithic .
The sedentary agriculturists .
Development of stratified society
Ghar-i-Mar .
Southern Afghanistan .
Mundigak .
Said Qala Tepc
Deh Morasi Ghundai.
The Hclmand Seistan sites .
External rclationships .
Mundigak: Periods 1-11 .
Mundigak: Period 111.
Mundigak: Period IV
Mundigak: Period V .
Northern Afghanistan .
Akchanian sites
External relationships .
Later Afghan prehistory: a reflection .
4
The Early Historic Period: Achaemenids and Creeks
D . W . MAC DOWALL and M. TADDEl .
Historical background .
The Achaemenid Empire .
Alcxantler the Great and his successors
T h e Graeco-Ractrians
Yueh-chi and Saka invaders
The Indo-Parthians .
kpigraphy .
The Achacmcnids .
Inscriptions of Mauryan date .
Discojerics at Ai Khanum .
Early Kharoshthi inscriptions .
Numismatics . . 201
T h e Achac*mcnitls . . 201
Changcs tluc. t o Alexander . . 203
Mauryan and Graeco-Bactrian Coinage . . 204
Yuch-chi, Sakas and Indo-Parthians . . 212
Scttlemcnt, material culturc, architecture and a r t . . 214
T h e Grcck City of Ai Khanum . . 218
5
The Pre-Muslim Period
D . W . MAC DOWALL and M . TADDEI . . 233
Historical background . . 233
The Kushans . . 233
T h c Later Kushans and Kushano-Sasanians . . 234
T h e Hephthalites . . 234
The Progress of Islam . . 234
Turki and Hindu Shahis . . 235
Epigraphy . . 235
T h e Surkh Kotal inscriptions . . 235
T h e inscription at Dasht-i-Nawar . 238
O t h e r Kharoshthi inscriptions . . 240
Later inscriptions . . 241
Numismatics . . 245
The Kushan coinages. . 245
Sasanian influences . . 248
Problem of Shahi coinagc . . 253
Settlement, material culture, architecturc and a r t . . 255
6
From the Rise o f Islam t o the Mongol Invasion
K. FISCHER .
Historical background .
The Tahirids and Saffarids .
Thc Ghaznavids
Thc Ghorids .
The Khwarizm-shahs
Thc barly muslin^ period .
Ahbasid, Ghazna\,id and Ghorid epochs
Major monuments .
Summary of Ghaznavid art .
Thc Ghorids .
xii CONTENTS
7
From t h e Mongols t o t h e Mughals
K. FISCHER .
Historical background .
Later Islamic sites: Scistan
Herat .
Chazni .
Mazar-i Sharif .
T i m u r i d works of a r t .
Summary of T i m u r i d a r t .
Architecture .
Sculpture .
8
Conclusion
R A Y M O N D ALLCHIN and N O R M A N H A M M O N D .
Bibliography .
Index .
List of Illustrations
Introduction
1. The Great Buddhas of Hamivan .
Chapter 1
1.1. The location of Afghanistan within turasia .
1.2. Afghanistan: relief and drainage, sho\t.ing major rivers .
1.3. Annual rainfall .
1.4. January isotherms .
1.5. July isotherms .
1.6. Physiographic regions of Afghanistan .
1.7. Natural vegetation .
1.8. Bioclimatic zones .
1.9. Major cultivated areas
1.10 Principal tvpes of agricultural irrigation
I. I 1 . Four levels of canals above the Ghorband ri\.er, near Charikar .
Chapter 2
2.1. Locations of Palaeolithic sites in Afghanistan .
2.2. Middle Palaeolithic in~plements(Dari-i-Kur) .
2.3. Middle Palaeolithic implements (Dara-i-Kur) . .
2.4. Kara Kamar .
2.5. Implements (Kara Kamar le\,cl 11, Late Palaeolithic).
2.6. Implements (Kara Kamar le\.el 111, Upper Paleolithic) .
2.7. In~plements(Kara Kamar, le\.el Ill, Upper Palaeolithic) .
2.8. Implements (Kara Kamar, levt.1 111, Uppcr Palaeolithic) .
2.9. Plan of Aq Kupruk she\\-ing the location of the archaeological sites .
2.10. Vie\!- of Aq Kupruk from the Wcst .
2.1 1 . The Shelter of Aq Kupruk I1 .
2.12. Flint nodules ~n s i t u nc,ar A q Kupruk .
2.1 3. Implrments (Aq Kupruk, Epi-Palaeolithic) .
2.14. In~plements(Aq Kupruk, Epi-Palacolithic) .
2.1 5. Inil>lcments (Aq Kupruk, Epi-Palaeolitliic) . 62
2.16. Implenients (Aq Kupruk, Epi-Palacolithic) . 64
2.17. Iniplcments (Aq Kupruk, kpi-Palacolithic) . 65
2.18. Plan of Haibak vicinity showing the location of the Palacolithic sitcs . 66
2.19. Kok Jar Epi-Palacolithic surface site . 66
2.20. Implements (Kara Kamar, levcl I, Epi-Palaeolithic) . 67
Chapter 3
3.1. Neolithic and Bronze Agc Sites .
3.2. Comparative stratigraphy of select sites .
3.3. Radiocarbon chronology for Afghanistan and adjacent areas .
3.4. Neolithic material from cave sites in northern Afghanistan
3.5. Mundigak: gtmcral plan of ramparts and buildings of Period IV, .
3.6. Mundigak A: plans of structures 15, 1 1 2 and 1131,
3.7. Mundigak A: plans of structures Ill2, Ill5 and Ill6,,
3.8a. Mundigak: Mound A, 11, northern part of e x c a ~ a t e darea level 11, showing
\I ell at centre
Chapter 4
4.1. Afghanistan and adjacent areas in tht. earlv historic pcriod . 188
xvi LIST O F ILLUSTRATIONS
Chapter 5
5.1. Surkh Kotal: the great inscription from thc entrance t o the principal
staircase
LIST OF I L L U S T R A T I O N S xvii
Dasht-i-Nawar: the H a ~ t r i a ninscription .
Jagatu, Ghazni province: thc "Triratna" Hactrian inscription .
Jagatu, Ghazni province: the Hactrian inscription .
Uruzgan: the first Bactrian inscription .
Uruzgan: the second Bactrian inscription .
Copper didrachm of Nameless King "Soter Mcgas" .
Kushan gold dinar of Kanishka .
Kushan copper tetradrachm of Kanishka
Kushan gold dinar of Huvishka .
Kushan copper tetradrachm of the reduced standard of Hulrishka
Broad flan copper coin of Kushan King Vasudcva .
Copper Kushan coin .
Later Kushan copper coin .
Later Kushan copper coin .
Kushano-Sasanian gold scyphate coin .
Copper Kushano-Sasanian coin .
Kushano-Sasanian copper coin .
Sasanian silver drachm
Silver drachm of Napki Malik type .
Copper coin of Napki Malik .
Base S i l ~ f eGadhaiya
r paisa from the 1973 Kandahar hoard .
Shahi silver coin of Samanta Deva from the 1970 Shewaki hoard
T h e Begram Treasure: plaster emblema of an Ephebe .
The Begram Treasure: engraved crystal cup .
The Begram Treasure: painted glass vase .
T h e Begram Treasure: Serapis-Hercules in bronze .
The Begram Treasure: Harpocrates in bronze .
T h e Begram Treasure: ivorv relief of Indian u.orkmanship. .
T h e Begram Treasure: incised ivory of Indian workmanship .
T h e Begram Treasure: engraved top of ivory coffer, of Indian
workmanship
Kandahar: plan of the old city .
Kandahar: view of old towrn from ridge.
Tepe Maranjan: motifs decorating stamped pottery .
Surkh Kotal: plan of site .
Jagatu-i-Wardak: stamped medallion on a pottery jar .
Surkh Kotal: royal portrait sculpture .
Bamiyan: map of valley .
Bamivan: vielv from Shahr-i-Gholghola .
Bamiyan: the lesser Buddha figure
Ramiyan: \vall paintin in the cro\vn of thc niche of the lesser Buddha
tipre .
Bamiyan: plan of the octagonal room in sanctuary A
Kakl-ak: \\.all painting 0 1 ' t h e "kluntcr King'' . . 275
Shnhl--i-Zohak: plan o f palace ant1 fortilications . 276
Shahr-i-Zohak: \,ic.\v I'rom south of lo\vcr f;)rtificd c.nclosurc . . 277
T a p Sartlal-: G h a z n i plan 01' c-xcavations . 280
Hums\, (Jala: t h e Hutltlhist monastic cave c o m p l e x . . 281
Tap" Sartlar: malt, hcatl from c,arlier period . . 281
T a p A d a r : I>cartlctl hcatl from c\arlicl- ~)c*riotl . . 281
T a l ) A ~ l - t l a r :remains o f a r o w of standing Kushan clonors in
shrine 6 3 . . 282
T a p A ~ a l t l a r :\vall Facing of schist slabs, ~ ) i l a s t c r so f santlstonc . . 283
Hatltla: plan ant1 front view o f Stupa 121 a t Tapa Kalan . . 284
Hc.gra~n: schist stclc, o f t h c Hut1tlh;l pcsrfi)rming t h e grcat miracle, o f
Sravasti . 285
Hatltla: fragment of schist rc,licf . . 286
(Juntluz: fragment of relief in Gantlhal-an style . 286
Hatltla: plan o f t h c rxcavations at Tapa S h o t o r , 1965-67 . . 287
Hatltla: s t u c c o sc.ulpturc of' worshipper . . 287
1)albcrjin Kazan Tcpc,: lvall painting . . 288
Gartlcz: Ilurga Mohi.sosura-rnardini, inarblc . . 288
Tt'pc~Skantlar: Uma-muhe.sr.c~ro,s c u l l ~ t u r cin marl)lc , . 290
Fontlukistan: t h e royal couple in paintctl clay . . 291
Tapa Sartlar: r o w of clay stupas ant1 t h r o n e s . . 291
Tapa Sarclar: a detail o f t h e unbakctl clay s c u l l ~ t u r t in ' chapel 37 . 292
Tap3 Sarclar: a clc,tail o f t h e unbakctl clay Parinirvana Hutltlha in s h r i n e
63 . . 293
Tapa Sartlar: multiple moultl , . 294
Gutlul-i-Ahangaran: an inscribed miniature clay tablet . . 294
Aq K u p r i ~ k :ol>jccts f r o m early . . 296
Aq K u l w i ~ k :objects f r o m l a t c r I)c.riotl . . 297
Acl KUIII-ilk:grave* p o t t e r y . . 298
Aq Kulwuk: g ~ - a \ . c1x)ttc.ry . . 298
Acl K u p r i ~ k :graifc pottery . . 298
Chapter 6
6.1. Islamic sitc,s in Afghanistan . . 305
6.2. Plan o f tht. Abbasitl mosque at Halkh . . 306
6.3. Halkh: A1)lxsitl mosque,, view 0 1 i n t c r i o r . 308
6.4. Halkh: A l ~ l ~ a s i mosquc.,
tl clctail o f s t u c c o tlccoration . . 309
6.5. Lashkari Hazal-: grountl plan o f palace, . . 310
6.6. L.ashkal-i Hazal-: southc,rn palac(, . . 310
6.7. Lashkari Hazar: fl-agmc>nto f \call painting . . 312
6.8. Ghazni: palace, ot' Masutl Ill, gl-ountl plan . 314
6.9. Ghazni: palace. o f Masutl 111, w i t h clc,tails o f marl>lc clccoration . . 316
(ihazni: palaco of Masud Ill, f'ragnicnts ol' rnarhl(. clc.c.oration . . 317
Gliazni: palace* 01' M a w 1 Ill, niarl)l(. slab ~ v i t hhunting sc,c.ncB . . 318
Ghazni: minarc-t ol' Hahram Shah . . 319
Gliazni: coppcbr dish . . 320
Gliazni: glazc.tl bowl w i t h lustre. decoration , . 320
Hust: facatle of' niutl 11ric.k palace . . 322
I3al)a Hatini Ziyarat: t'acacle of' monumc*nt t o the. mc.morv 01' Salar
Chalil . . 323
Charkh-i Lohgar: \~fooclc.nniihrah in local niosquc- . . 324
Charkh-i Lohgar: zonc of transition in niihral, . 325
1)aulatabatl: minaret . . 326
J a m : t h e n-rinarc,t . . 332
J a m : clctail of clecoration ol' t h e rninarc.t . 333
J a m : mutl brick f;)rtific,ation . 334
Aana: lines of square ant1 round to\vc,rs . . 335
Malc Alau: mutl brick tow,cbro n stone base, . . 336
Male Alau: geometrical decoration o f tower . . 337
Khissar: fortification in t h e pass . . 338
Khissar: fortress seen 11-om abovc . . 339
Yahan: moclcrn villagc, surroundctl bv brick ruins . . 340
Yahan: line of t o w e r s of ancicnt fortification . . 341
Yahan: t o w e r in line of fortification . . 342
Chislit: m o d c r n settlcnic~ntn.ith G h o r i d d o m e d ruiris . . 344
Larwand: facade and c n t r a n c c of rnosquc, . . 345
H c r a t : "Great Friday" mosque . . 346
H e r a t : "Grcat Fridayw mosqucb, rcmains ol' Gliorid a r c h i t c c t u r c ~ . 347
Sliahr-i Masliatl: g r o u n d plan . . 349
Shahr-i Mashatl: south tbcatlc, . 349
Shahr-i Mashad: zonc ol' transitional in main d o m e . . 350
Shallr-i Mashad: niclic, \vitli inscription o n south tacadc . . 350
Dancstama: g r o u n d plan of ruin . . 351
G l i a ~ n i :moulded tcrr-acotta f r o m tlic Ghorid phase ot' tlic palace, ot
Masud 111 . . 351
Hust: so-called Z i ~ a r a tof Ghi! atli al-Din, ~ n s ribc.d
c tombstone . . 353
Bust: remains o f gl-cat arch bcforc rcstorat ion . 354
Chapter 7
7.1. Kol-tlu: rc%mainsot' m u d to11-crs near ruin fic,ItIs . 362
7.2. Qala Hauz: mucl 111-ick ruins of castlc . . 363
7.3. I'c~sIi\va~-an:multi-to\~.crc'dcitaclc'l . . 364
7.4. t'csh\varan: facadc of mosquc . . 365
7.5. KIi\vaja Siali Posh: plan of 11iinarc.t . . 367
Khwaja Siah Posh: mutl brick ruins o f t o w n w i t h remains of'hakctl brick
niinarc't
L>c.\\.al-i Khotlaydatl: groi~nclplan of i ~ / a nc o u r t y a r d houscs.
Got-i Safccl: air photograph of abantlonctl c i t y .
Gol-i Safctl: grountl plan of courtyarcl basc .
Gal-i Safctl: clccoratc5tl wall of i r o n
Gol-i Safctl: tloublc-storcxycd m u d brick t o w e r .
Qala-i C'hcgini: general vicw of t h e ruin g r o u p .
Qala-i Chcgini: rc>rnains of t h e main ;van
Nishk: castlc w i t h c o r n e r bastions
Nishk: fortilied gatc o f city wall .
Chcqini 11: facade of ivcln .
H c r a t : Kushk gatc in t h e fortific(1 city \vall .
H c r a t : niausolt.uni of Gauhar Shatl
H c r a t : mausoleum of Gauhar Shad
H c r a t : Musalla c o m p l e x , m i n a r e t .
H c r a t : Gazar (;liar, view of main ivon .
H c r a t : nioscluc o f Hauz-i Karboz, m i h r a b
H c r a t : mausolcum o f Shaikh Zatlch Abtlallah, g r o u n d plan.
Ziyarat Gah "Grc,at Fritlay" m o s q u e .
-
Livarat Gah: Khaniqah-i Mullah Kalan .
Kohsan: mausolcum, section
Kohsan: c x t c r i o r 1.icw of mausolcum .
Halkh: Shrinc of Khwaja Abu Nasr Parsa
Metal c w c r .
History of Rustam ant1 Divakwan, illustration f r o m m a n u s c r i p t of
Firtlausi's Shah-nama
Hihzatl: construction of t h e castlc of Khawarnaq, f r o m an illustrated
manuscript of Nizami .
H c r a t : C~hahrsuk,covc,rcd reservoir .
Recent Discoveries
Askarov, A . 1 9 7 7 . I ) r e ~ ~ r ~ c / t . m l c d c l ~ ~ I ~ A'ulturd
e s k ~ y o I:,,okhr Brorl/r ~ u g cI J / h e k r ~ r ~'T.lslik(-nt.
i~~.
I)ales, C;. F . , 1 9 7 7 . h ' c ~ I:xc~u~~orions
~. or h'od-i ,411 (.$orkh l ) o c q 1 ~.4/cql,onr\tor~.
) Ht.rkc.lc.v, C'alilOrriia.
I )otlonov, A. 1-.. & Itanov, V . A . 1978. 1 ~ ) r i m iins(-cliamc.nti u ~ n a ~I :~r l ti rt. lopetIra tlcllo . h r e n / ~c ~dclllr
7'cc,nico Morldodorr . Itomc,.
-
H c l m s , S . V . , in press. I h c British t-.xc.avations at O l d Kantlahar: t1rc.liminarv lic-l)c~rtol tht. w c ~ r k(11
7
1 9 7 7 . A l j h u n Srudies, vol. 2 .
Lyonnct, H. 1 9 7 7 . I)ccouvc.rtc. clc sites I'agc clu l)ronzcb clans Ic. N .I-.. dc. I ' Al'ghanistan: Ic-urs ral)port\
a \ v c la civilisation clc* L'lntlus. Annoli d e l l ' I s t i r u ~ oOrrcnrdl dl Nopolr. 37. Nal)lcbs.
Masson, V . M . ctl. 1 9 7 6 . Bokrryiskic flrcl~nosti. I-caningrad.
Masson, V . M . 1 9 7 7 . I'cchati protointlic~kovo typa i~ Alt!.~i-clc.~)c~. I'c\trrrk I)rc\ nzri I\rorrr, No. 4 .
147 1 5 6 .
M c N i c o l l , A. 1 9 7 8 . Exca\.ations at Kandahar, 1 9 7 5 . A/Hhon . S t ~ ~ d r c \\.()I. , l.
lianov, V . A. 1 9 7 7 . Polcockolo,qi,~~udrcvncgc~C c l o ~ . c k o M . osco\~.
Schluml>crgcr, 11. ct o l . 1 9 7 8 . L.ashkari Hazar. Unc- ri*siclcnc.c. rovalt. ghazn;~\.iclc~(-1 ghoriclc*. I A ,
1. 'archircctirre. Paris.
W h i t r h o u s e , D. H. 1 9 7 8 . Exc.a\,ations at Kantlahar, 1 9 7 4 . .1/,$hor1 S t u d r c ~ ,\,ol. I .
Introduction
Normarl Hummond and Rur:mond Allchin
I-isc OF the, Kushan cmpi~.cand continues througli the, successor d\,nastics t o tlic Hcl~1ithalitcs
and thc Toi.Ls, and the Aral) in\asions \vhicli hc~ral(lec1tlic start of Musli~iirnlt, i l i Afglialiistrn.
This clial>t('r ilicl~(1cstlic'r('t;)~-crc~f;~~-c-iic~c to tht' ca\.cs at Hami\.an ,1ntl allied m o n ~ ~ m c n tThcs.
a~-c.hacolo~!. of thc Muslim ~>crio(l is (lc,alt \\-it11in Clial,tc~~-s 6 ,3ntl 7 by Klaus Fisclicr. Tlic fil.st
olx'ns wit11 t h e Arab in\,asions and covers t h c cc.nturic.s u p 10 tl~c.Mongol iil\,asiolls, inc,lucling
tlic Gliaznavitl and Ghoritl clynastics; and t h e latter clcbals w i t h tllt. dvnastic.s \vhO suc.c.c.c.cl(.cl the.
Mongols, down t o t h c Timuritls. I-.ach lays strcss o n t h e (lisc~o\.c.ric~s ancl stu(lv ot rnonurncntal
r c ~ n ~ a i n\vIiich
s ha\,c. liithc.rto f;)r~nc,tla major asl)cbc.t ot' t h c arcliac-ologv ot' this ~ ~ e r i o in tl
Afghanistan, but incluclc~salso notice. ol'tlic o t h c r principal catc.goric.s ol'c\,itlc.ncc.. The. short
historical introductions which prcfacc~thcsc chaptc.rs w e r e kincllv s ~ ~ , ~ > l i cat. cshort l notic c- Ov
Pctc.r Jackson, Fcllo\\. o f Churchill Collcgc C'arnl,ridgc., (luring I'roh-ssor Fisc,hc.r's
tc,mporarv indisposition.
W i t h i n t h e wide scope o f t h e hook w e havc tried t o makc t h e c~nil)hasisarchac~c)logital
r a t h e r than historical. W c a r c all t o o conscious of tlic. rc'sultant gap I)c.t\\.c.c.n tlic
archaeological accounts o f t h c historical pc.riotl, ant1 full historical ancl archaeologic.al
svnthesis of t h e kind so brilliantlv achic.vctl bv Ghirsliman in his \\.ol-ks on Iran ancl
Afghanistan. O u r justification, if indclcd justiticat ion be rc.quircd, must I>(. that \r-c arc-
presenting so m u c h ncb\v material that t o have, included this sort o f s ~ n t h c s i must s Iia\.c. grc*atlv
e x t e n d e d tlic length of this alread!. considcrablc \.olumcx. For tlic rc.adc.r \s.ho \vishcs l o ha\.c.
f u r t h e r reference t o tlic h i s t o r ~\ve rccomnic~ndhim t o consult t h e I>il>liographics01' sue ti
w o r k s as Fraser-Tvtler ( 1967), Masson and Homoclin ( 1 9 6 4 ) , 1)uprc-c. ( 1973 1, ant1 more*
gc~ncrallv in t h e accounts of t h e historv of Afghanistan in t h c L~c.I-c.lopucdru o f 1sldr11 ant1
incidentallv in t h e Cambridge Histor). o f ' l r u n .
As e d i t o r s \ve lia\fc a t t e m p t e d , \i.ithin reason, t o atlopt a single s\.stc*ni01'translitcration
for all o u r authors, b u t \ve a r c a\varc that inconsistc~ncic.~ still o c c u r . U'lic.rc scvc~ralspellings
of a n a m e o r place n a m e a r e c u r r e n t , \i-e havc sonictimc.~allo\vcd dift;.rcnt IOrrns. hut \s-c a r c
conscious that in man! instances \vherc cvc liavc~t r i c d t o be consistcwt \vcb shall o t k n t l sonic In
o u r c h o i c e o f o n e f o r m o r a n o t h e r . As far as possiblc \vc ha\,<,oniittc'(l diac.ritic.al marks, c*\cbn
if r c g r e t f u l l ~ .W e have evolved and applied o u r o\im svstcm of conventions I-athcr than an\.
pul>lislicd schema, \i.ith t h e cmpliasis o n s i r n p l i c i t ~and accc~ssil>ilit\. t o the. gcmc'ral rcadcbr a5
~ v c l las t h e specialist, \i.ho n.c, h o p c \\.ill not IN. t o o critical. Katliocarl>on clatcs arct quotc.(l
e i t h e r as ra\v dates (Libby halflifc~unlc,ss othcr\\.isC s t a t c d ) L ) l l o \ s . c ~ t l I)\. I3.c-. I).]' anti the.
laboratory n u m b e r , o r bascd upon bristlecone pine calibration as datc,s in calc.ndar vcbars.The.
calibration tables published hv MASCA ( 1 9 7 3 ) havc bccn uscd. Most clatcs a r c l>ul>lislictlin
journal Radiocarbon and t h e reliabilitv and trchnicalitics of t h C original dating ma\- bc~
ascertained t h e r e . For t h e historical period datcs a r c q u o t c d in H.C. .A.D.
their \\.a\. t o \.isit holy places in north India, traversed t h e often hostile anrl uncornhrtahlc
lands o f c c n t r a l Asia and Afghanistan. Although this traffic must have begun at least by Kushan
times, the sur\.iving recorils which from our point of view are important only start with Fa-
Hsicn (c. . ~ . r > .400). The detailed account of the travels of Hiuen-Tsang in the mitltlle of the
sc\.enth century contains a number of references t o rnonumcnts, both living and ruined, just as
it provides us ~ . i t our
h earliest secontlary source for many of the Asokan sites and monuments
in In(lia. Among the places mentioned by Hiuen-Tsang are the "New monasterym (na1.o
sangharama o r nau bihar) at Balkh, and monasteries at Kapisa and Nagarahara. T h c tlescription
of the great Buddhas at Hamiyan, which in those days must have still been relatively new, is
particularlv interesting, and he informs us that t h e great Buddha shonc goltlrn in t h e sun (Beal,
1 906).
From the eighth century Arab and o t h e r Muslim travellers and geographers begin t o write
about Afghanistan, and in some of their works t o o there arc accounts of monuments. Thus the
Hudud al-Alam (c. A.D. 982) mentions Balkh and its famous, painted nau bihar, as well as
Bamivan and Nagarahara, also commenting on t h e great Buddha figures (Minorsky, 1937).
These attracted the attention of many subsequent writers, including Yaqut ( A . D .1461) \!.llo
gi\.es a description of the to1a.n ant1 some of its remains. He mentions the wall paintings at
Bamiyan, adding that they representcd "all t h e birds created by God".
W i t h European writings w e encounter for the first time not onlv the accounts of
travellers, but also coin collectors. As might be expected, much of this interest found its focus
in lndia o r Russia. It was the recognition of coins of Eukratides and Theodotus which
suggested t o Theophilus Bayer t h e plan of his history of the Greek kings of Bactria (Historia
Regni Graecorum Bactriani) in 1738, and thereafter further Bactrian coins found their way to
collectors in France, Britain and Italy. Indeed it seems that these coins led European scholars
towards Bactria and its Greek rulers. This interest received a special stimulus, as did that in all
other branches of oriental archaeologv, in India and in Europe, from the foundation of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal in Calcutta by Sir William Jones in 1784. T h e new spate of
researches which immediately began t o appear found thcir publication in the pages of the
society's Journal, while in the person of the society's librarian, James Prinsep, the stud\. of
Indian epigraphy and numismatics found a notable proponent. Prinsep undertook t o publish
and illustrate many of the coins and antiquities which travellers and others recovered, both
from the northwest of lndia itself and from Afghanistan. Among early travellers w e may
mention W . Moorcroft and G . Trebeck, whose Travels in the Himalayan Provinces (1 81 $25)
were published in 1841, and H . W . Bellew's Afghanistan and the Ajghans ( I 839). They noticed
liumerous monuments on the road from Peshawar t o Kabul and thencc t o Bamivan and Balkh.
Another earlv traveller was Sir Alexander Rurnes whose acute eye and keen intellect made
many valuable historical and archaeological observations on his way t o Hukhara in 1831 3 3
(Burnes 1833, 1839).
The 1830s saw a sudden outburst of archaeological w o r k , fed no doubt t,v the gro~vinq
British concern for Russian imperial rxpansion towartls Central Asia. Foremost among those
\vho contributed t o knowledge of the archaeology of Afghanistan was Charles Masson \vho
between 1834 and 1837 travelled witlely there. T o him wc, w e the first report of the old tit!.
olBegram, which he proposed t o identify with the city founded bv Alcxanc1c1-ant1 k n o ~ from n
cIa4\1('1l \oiil-rc'. a4 4 l c \ a n ( l 1 la at1 C ,iuca4um 01 41c \ a n ( l ~1'1 l ' a ~ol)ani~,a(lac (.11a.\011. I h 3 3 .
1863,a,I)) Hc-l-c*he. r o l l c t t c ~ ol \ c.1 the, n c \ t l e > \ \ \e*,at s 40mc 30.000 coin.. I I I C 1ucI111l:nlat)\ ( 1 1 c .!
a n d K u \ l i a n . It \ \ a \ 11114 hntl mol-c. t h a n a n \ o t l i c ~\ ~\ I i t c 11 t I ~ - r attc n t l o n t o t h t 111ipo1 t ~ t c i ot~
4 t c h a n t \ t a n lot- c la\\ical a r c h a c o l o g \ . Ma4\on t l ~ ~ c o \ c ~ t - cotl1c.t-
~cl .ttc.4 ant1 a n t ~ c l u ~ t ~at-ounclc*.
K a b u l , ant1 \ 1\1tc(l H a m ~ \ a n\I hcl-c lie. n o t ~ ctl c t h e charcoaI stafhtt I c It I)\ c,al-l~cl- l,ltor-.,
~ n c l u t l t n qM o o t - c r o f t a n d T1-cbccL (Ma.\on 1 X 3 6 c . ( I ) , a n d la( lc.lt 1114 o \ \ n (Iog~e't-c'Ic o i ~ p l ( ' t
( q u o t c t l a t t h e h e a d of t h i 4 c h a l ~ t c t -high
) 1 ( ~ a l > o \(. the hcacl 01 tlic 21 a t
ul) tn a n ~ n a cc ( ~ ~ . 1 1 ~11lacc . (
Hadakshan, and e l s e ~ h c r ein north Afghanistan. In 1970 George Dales carried out a survey in
Seistan and exca\rated at Nad-i-Ali.
The Soviet Union have rccently established cooperation in the form of a Soviet-Afghan
archaeological expedition which sincc 1971 has undertaken explorations and excavations at
several sites in the neighbourhood of Akcha, including Dashli, Tillya Tepe and Altin Tepr.
These excavations have ),ielded very promising materials, t o judge by the published results to
date. A Japanese expedition from Kyoto University have been working in Afghanistan since
1960; initially led by S. Mizuno it made surveys in the Haibak region, and m o r e recently in
collaboration with Afghan archaeologists has been excavating and surveying Buddhist sites in
the Hadda region.
Finally some mention must be made of the initiation of field work bv t h e Afghan
G o ~ e r n m c n titself. Since 1965 D r S . Mustamandi and subsequently D r Z . Tarzi have been
excavating at Tapa Shotor and other sites in the neighbourhood of Hadda, and thus laid the
foundations for a local school of archaeological research. In view of the number of ancient
sites already kno\vn and the magnitude of the work involved in their excavation, one can onl,
applaud this development, and look forward t o its future progress.
T o conclude this brief survey of the history of archaeological research in Afghanistan, we
\\-ould like t o point t o t w o trends which have become apparent during the past three decades.
The first is towards international participation. The Government of Afghanistan have
permitted and encouraged the presence of foreign' teams and archaeological missions, and
these have been able t o make a substantial contribution. T h e international authorship of this
book is one of the fruits of this tendency. The second, in t h e long run m o r c important, trend
has seen the beginnings of an indigenous pool of trained archaeologists, undertaking their own
researches. This was looked forward t o by one of us at the beginning of the period (Allchin,
1957, 141):
It is to be hoped that the time is not too far distant when the Government of Afghanistan will
recognize the tremendous interest of its ancient sites and institute its own program of research. If
the ark is to succeed it will do so best when local interest supports local \vorkers.
Through the harmonious progress of these t w o trends Afghanistan has made great strides, and
its past-once so tantalizing because unknown and i n a c c e s s i b l ~ h a sbegun t o gro\v more
distinct.
The Geographical Background
Sophia R . Bowlbv
Afghanistan lies at the heart of Eurasia within the vast belt of steppe ant1 semi-(lcscrt that
stretches from the Mediterranean t o China (Fig. 1 . 1 ). Routes from north t o south, wcbst t o
east criss-cross the country and through the centuries have carricd in a tliversitv ol'pcoples
Mongols, Greeks, Indians and Iranians during the historic alonc.. Man\. of th(.hc-
different groups can still be distinguished in the population todaj.. This varictv of ih
easily matched by the \.arietv of landscapes which range from the icv pinnacles of'thc tlintlu
Kush t o the blazing wastes of the Dasht-i-Margo, from drv, dustv stcppc-lands t o oases and
terraced valleys.
Given this variety of environment and peoples, thcre are manv forms of economv that the.
early inhabitants ma)- have adopted. The purpose of this chapter is t o reconstruct the naturc,
and distribution of resources available t o these settlers and t o outline the range o f cconomic
alternatives open t o them. This should help us t o understand the economv and socict\. that
each group created.
Any such attempt at reconstruction must consider \$.hat resources \I-crc rclcvant to the
peoples of the past. The archaeology of Afghanistan co\.ers a vast span of time and a great
variety of human groups, some \vith primitive and some ~ . i t hlairl\. advanced technologv.
However, most of them had t o gain the bulk of their food and their materials tbr tools, sheltcr
and clothing from their immediate localit!:, so that the distribution of natural resources must
have been of great significance t o their livelihood.
Perhaps the major influence on the distribution of natural resources \l,ithin an area is its
climate. The climate of Afghanistan todav certainly has a profound effect on its agricultural
possibilities, natural vegetation and wild life. Thus one of the first questions that needs t o be
answered is whether there have been significant changes in climate during the time period of
interest her-namely from around 70,000 B . C . t o the sixteenth century A . D . Before dealing
with this question, holvever, it is pertinent t o describe brieflv the major physiographic
features of Afghanistan, since these plav an important part in its past and present climatic
character.
Tlic g e o l oLq. ~01' Afghanistan is not \\-ell kn0u.n. The \\.hole country is part of the bclt
of recently folded mountains that strctches from the Pyrenees t o the Hinialavas and bevond
(Brice, 1966; Cressev, 1960). T h e Teth\.s sea once lav bet\\.een a large, stable continental
block t o the south (of which modern India and Africa \verc a part) and a similar stable block t o
the north. As time passed, tlic older rocks on the bottoni of the Tethvs sea becanie co\.ered
over ~ v i t hscdinients carried offthc neiglibouring land masses. Then, during the late Mesozoic
9
R
Land over 3 0 0 0 f t Inland lakes Afghanlston ---Approximate llmlts of steppe and desert
( ~ncludlnghlgh plateau steppe
and early Tertiary, the wholc sea bctl was folded upwards against the continental blocks to
north and south so forming a wholc system of mountain chains. These chains tend t o be
composed of series of parallel ranges and their directions w e r e partly determined by the
outlines of the resistant continental blocks. The mountain building activity was accompanied
and followed by volcanic activity, rifting and fracturing. Rivers and \veathcring agcnts have
further altered the landscape.
In thc Afghan area today there are t w o main sets of mountain chains, onc of jvhich s\+.ceps
south-southwest ti-om the Pamir knot along the Indus valley tojvards t h r Persian gulf; the
other splits into t w o branches, one running \vcstw~ardstowards Herat and t h e Caspian and
anothcr running south\vest, dccreasinq in hciqht until it vanishes into the Helmand basin. (Fig.
1. T H E <;EOGRAI'HICAI. H A C K G K O U N I ) 11
1 . 2 ) Within the highland arca there arc down-laultcd basins, ancl t o the. west thc. tIc.lmanrl
valley forms a great intcrmontanc basin between thc t w . 0 principal <.hains.
T h e core of thc mountainous arca, the Hindu Kusl~around Kabul, is f'ormc.cl of'a complc-x
of older crystalline rocks with metamorphics (tiansscv-, 1964). In Nuristan, t o the northcast of'
Kabul arc found gneisses, schists and granites and thesc. crystalline rocks can be trac.ccl t o thc
southwest. T h e part of the Hindu Kush running westwards from Kabul and cmnding ncar Hcrat
is also geologically complex with old crystalline and scdimentarv rocks. T h c crvstallinc rocks
of these t w o mountain branches are bordcrcd by large arcas of Mcsozoic rocks, which
comprise most of the remaining area of thc northcrn mountain rangcbs.Thcse rocks arc. largchly
sedimentary, for example much of thc northcrn foothills area is composed of limestone. Thc.
small basins within the highland area are often fillcd with late Tertiary sediments.
T o north and south of the Mesozoic highland arca Tertiary rocks arc found. In thc north
these d o not cover a very extensive area but in the south thev form a large part of'thc high
plateau brta.ern thc southern Hindu Kush and the second main range of mountains, the
Sulaimans. The Sulaimans are mostly outside the present boundaries of Afghanistan but,
although they are not as high as thc main Hindu Kush their strong folding has created a
formidable mountain barrier between Afghanistan and the Indus valley that is only breached
by a few principal passes. They are largely composed of Mesozoic and Tertiary rocks.
T h e d r y areas of the Helmand basin and t h e lowlands along t h e Amu-darya are covered
mostly with young Quaternary sediments and in the Helmand t h e Kuh-e-Sultan is a reminder
of the volcanic activity that is found along the lines of mountain building.
Fig. I .3: Annual rainfall: the data on xvhich thc map is based are poor and it should br regarded only as
a gcncral indication of rainfall amount and distribution (after Humlum, 1959).
Enough has been said t o indicate that in most parts of Afghanistan an important limit t o
the productivity of agriculture will be the water supply available during the growing season
and that high yields will depend upon the possibilities of irrigation. Moreover the natural
vrgrtation and fauna will also be strongly influenced by the amount and incidence of
precipitation. Thus, it is important t o establish ~ h e t h e and
r t o \vhat extent these conditions
pre\!ailrd throughout t h r archaeological period.
Just as data on the modern climate of Afghanistan are inadequate so too are the data from
which asscmmmts of thc rarlirr climatic conditions might be made. Most of the \rork on
climatic change in p r c h i s t o r ~in the Old World has been done on North Africa. Europe and
Fig. 1.4: Janilarv isotherms: thc. data o n \vhic.li thv map is hasctl arc poor ant1 some tcrnl~ct-aturcshaw
hc.c.n inf(.rrctl from clcvation ant1 arc. not I>asc(l o n ol~hcr\.ation(after Humluln, 1959).
Fig. 1.5: Julv isotherms: the tlata o n \\-Iiich tllc mall is 11asc.d arc Iwor ant1 some tcnilIcraturcs ha\.c bccn
~ I ~ I C ~ I - I -from
C ~ I the c\lc\.ation an(] arc* not haxctl o n obsc.rvation (aftcr Humlum. 1959).
\\.itliin t h e kill-asian land mass, \\.it11 mountains o r uplands t o n o r t h , \\.est and s o u t h . An\.
~ i i o i s t u r c - l > e a ~ air
- i ~ imass
~ has to cross an extcnsi\-c landmass and mountain o r highland
b a r ~ - i c ~that
- s \\-ill l~rol>abl\- causc precipitation t o o c c u r before its arri\.al in these areas. This
situation has rcniainctl unchanged throughout t h e pcriod so that although
t c m l > c r a t u ~ - cchanges ma\- lia\.c altered tlie cfkctivcncss of precipitation through t h c
c\.aporation r a t e , t h c r C is unlikely t o ha\-c been m u c h alteration in t h e a m o u n t o f precipitation
(Hutzcr, 1 9 6 1 a ) .
In t h e Near East and N o r t h Africa t h e r e is data t o suggest that t h e periods of glacial
a(l\.ancc \j.c~-ccorrclatcd \j.ith ' ' p l u \ ~ i a l "P ~ r i o in
d ~tlie lands o n t h e margins of t h e t r a d e \\.ind
clcscl-t arcas and this has bc,cn cxplaincd In. shifts in t h e pattern of circulation acconipanving
t h c glacial acl\-ancc (Hutzcl-, 1 9 6 1 a ) . Tlicsc changes in circulation in\.olved a
southwards shift in the climatic zones of the Sahara and corresponding changes in the flora and
fauna (Butzer, 1961a). It seems possible that similar changcs may have occurred in the desert
and steppe lands south of the Hindu Kush especially since some data from Iran indicate
increases in precipitation occurring simultaneously with those in t h e Near East. However,
there is considerable controversy over the correlation of pluvial and glacial periods and there
may be changes in moisture unrelated t o major shifts in the world's circulation (Butze-,
1961b).
During the interglacials the climatic changes appear t o have been even m o r e complex
than during the glacials. For much of the time the climate appears t o have been similar t o that
of today and sometimes m o r e arid although towards the end of t h e interglacials a warm, moist
climate may have occurred and it has also been suggested that t h e r e are pluvial integlacials.
About halfway through the last millennium B . C . t h e climate seems t o have shifted from a more
arid phase t o the modern pattern and subsequently showed only short-term variations. Butzer
has suggested the time scale shown in Table I for the O l d W o r l d . More detailed tables for
climatic changes in North Africa can be found in Smith (1975).
If the climate of Afghanistan followed the stages outlined above we can suggest the
following series of events. During the Upper Pleistocene t h e lowland areas of Afghanistan
would have been cooler than t o d a r m a y b e with summer temperatures 5OC low.er. In the
north they would have been as dry as today although evaporation would be less; in the
southern areas the rainfall was probably higher as well as being m o r e effective and some of the
Holocene
Sub-Atlantic
Present t o Prescnt-500 B . C Cooler, humid Slightly moister
c . 10,000 years ago Sub-boreal
5/8062500 ~ . c Warm, dryer Extremely arid
Atlantic
250@ 5600 B . C . W a r m , humid Moist warmcr
Postglacial period with Boreal
minor fluctuations 56OCb6800 B . C . Continental, d r y Arid
P r r - boreal
680&8100 B.C. Cool, d r y Extremely arid
Upprr
~ .- --
-
Pleistocrnc
- -.
--- -
Evic]cntlylye cannot simplv apply a reconstruction of African and Near Eastern climatic
histor, t o Afghanistan and a fuller understanding must await further investigations by
archaeologists and others. However, since most of the comments on Butzer's work hare
tended to minimize the size of climatic changes, the foregoing discussion may serve to
indicate the maximum frequency and extent of the variations in climate that may have
occurred.
Herat Faroh \
lowlands
II
Seistan Basin ond Helrnond Valley
Fig. 1.7: Natural vegetation (after Humlum, 1959). 1 . Glacicrs o r pcrmancnt snon.. 2 . High altitude
strppes. 3. High altitude grassland. 4. Woodetl steppes of North Afghanistan ~ v i t hgallcrv forcst along
\\-atercourses. 5 . Woodcd steppes of South Afghanistan with gallery torcst along \vatcrcourscs. 6.
Wootled sub-tropical stepprs with gallery fbrcst along watercourscs. 7. Sub-tropical stcppcs with
Salsolaceae . 8. Tempcrate steppes with Salsolaccar . 9. Tempcratc ant1 sub-tropical stcppcs. 10.
Tamarisk and other gallcry forest. 11. Stcppcs with Juniper thickets. 1 2 . Decitluous forcst. 1 3 .
Coniferous forest. 14. Irrigated arras.
1. T H E G E O G R A P H I C A L BACKGHCIUNI) 21
G l a c ~ a cl l ~ m a l e Hot o n 8 worm Impuh
T<o.olwys c l l m l r r (contm
t.Cr0
21 : 2 ; ; : : : monih. X l d h m
fE1 5 3 < . < 2 m
Cold and cold lernperoture cl~rnoles
T T C O durtnq port of ) l o r Tkrmand
\ -wn CoMo~arlc r
-b ?- 110~1
~ 1 0 4 9-llmonlhs
'
b t d wb-dmart#c
-
lrosl and dryparaod 9-l0monlhs
e: @gtlnortdrl-
j
W < s <I25
Cold sub-ozerac
fronl and dry per~od.2 - 4 months Llnandal
S~bdeHrllC
long dry seam
25Oc~C3W
M : Maror-l-Shatof
subdesert~c K = Kobulm K a h h o f
0 shorl dry woson
2 0 0 C n < 250 H s Herot
Scale 1 5000000
Fig. 1.8: Bioclimatic zones. (After FAO-UNESCO Bioclimatic map of the Mrditcrrancan rcgion.)
rivers--the Kabul, Helmand-Arghandab and the Hari-Ru&it does not have a high rainfall
and the natural vegetation is generally scanty and low.
In Table 11, taken from Dupree (1973), an indication of the natural vcgctational zones
within the Central mountains and Nuristan is given. In general, this chart \rould also applv t o
Badakshan and the Pamirs. The forest zones offer food plants for collection and animals for
hunting. In the Panjshir valley the forests were cut down during the pre-Islamic period
(Dupree, 1973). At the lower elevations cleared land could be used for crop cultivation. Thc
valley floors and river banks also offer !good land for cultivation as well as opportunities for
hunting and gathering. At the higher elevations there is good pasture during the summer
months and this whole region is one where herding and transhumance \r-ould be well adapted
t o the natural conditions.
Throughout the mountain zone there are places with mineral deposits of greater and
lesser extent. Some of these were certainly of potential value t o prehistoric man. For
example, iron o r e is found in the Devonian and Permian rocks of the northeast, especially
around Kabul; copper is also found in this area, as is lead. Precious metals and s t o n e s s i l v e r ,
jade, tourmaline and rub-are available in manv parts of the mountains but the most notable
resource which n-c know was mined by prehistoric man, is the lapis lazuli of Radakhshan (see
below, pp. 34-35).
22 S O P H I A R . ROWLBY
Altitude Charatrer~st~cs
305&3660 m Mountain scrub, grasses and seasonally flowering plants, small scattered
bushes (juniper, dwarf willow, rosebay, tragacanth, euphorbia).
Forcst zoncs of Nuristan Conifer forests of pine, cedar, fir, larch and yew with a few broadleafed
ant1 Paktyac' 2438 or 2743 trees ( w i l l o ~ l poplar);
, ivy found only in Nuristan.
in to 3048-3352 m
1371-1 528 nl to Hushes and broadleafed forests of oak (including holly oak) with well
2438-2743 m developed undergrowth, and some walnut, alder, ash, juniper; abo\e
154G1828 m conifers included to form mixed forests.
Vallc); floors and rivcr Plane trecs, poplar, willow and mulberr\ thickets; much bush growth
bank, \\here land not cultivated.
"Distinctive floral zones. Chart highly schematic. Becausc of the varied terrain n.ithin each zone,
man\. local 1-ariations OCCLII-.
In both the northern and southern mountains and foothills and especiallv in thc Kabul area
there are deposits of iron, copper and other minerals. Moreover these areas arc gcnerallv
within reach of the minerals of the high mountains and the salt deposits and gvpsum of thc
plains and locvlands.
In hot11 t h t ~ s earcax thcrc is pasture for animals though it is hartlly plentiful, only around
tllc rivers is thcrc morcXabundant vegetation and good conditions f;>r cultivation with the aitl
of irrigation.
The Deserts
The stony western descrt (Dasht-i-Margo) and the sandy southern desert (Registan) lie on
either bank of the Hclmand. They are both t r u e deserts with very little natural vegetation.
Camel grass is the most frequent plant found. T h e r e are great diurnal ranges of temperature
and despite cold nights the daytime summer temperatures reach 4SC'Co r above. In the south
there are dunes which constantly shift over the stony pebbles underneath. In t h e north therc is
little sand but vast expanses of black pebbles. At present neither of these deserts offers much
sustenance t o man o r his beasts.
Agriculture
As stated above s o m e 7S0, of Afghanistan's population a r e sedentary rural dwcllcrs and most
of these will gain their subsistence through cultivation. Thus a map of t h e major cultivated
areas is also a m a p of t h e areas with t h e densest population (Fig. 1 . 9 ) . T h e r e is n o accurate map
of t h e distribution of population since t h e r e is n o census and population tigurcs a r c based o n
t h e estimation of t h e government. It is n o surprise t o see, tirst, that these areas a r c largely in
t h e plains and lowlands o r mountain and foothill zones surrounding t h e mountainous c o r e and
second, that they a r e mostly situated along rivers o r at oases. T h e conditions for agriculture in
these areas a r e broadly similar--the most important condition bcing t h e need for irrigation.
Most sedentary agriculturalists in Afghanistan use some method of irrigation and t h e r e a r c
t w o principal methods in use today apart from t h e m o d e r n schemes along t h e Amu-darva and
Helmand.
T h e qanat o r karez system is widespread t o t h e south and west of t h e Central mountains
(see Fig. 1.10). Karez a r e long underground tunnels \vhich tap underground water near t h e
foothills of t h e mountains and channel it d o w n t o t h e oases ( H u m l u m , 1 9 5 9 ) . Some karez
extend for m o r e than 30 k m though 8-1 6 k m is m o r e c o m m o n . T h e tunnels a r e dug out by
hand using simple tools and their lines a r e marked o u t o n t h e surface bv a series o f holes
surrounded hy mounds of material t h r o w n u p from t h e excavation. Karez a r e ~ o u n t l
throughout Iran and also in Pakistan-Baluchistan. T h e i r antiquity is not Lno\r-n although the\
w e r e certainly used in Achaemenid and Sasanid times (English, 1966). T h e technoloc\ and L o
Fig. 1.9: Major c.ulti\atctl arras (ahcr Dul~rcc.,1973).
tools requirccl t o construct them are simple, relying on gravity ant1 manpo\vt.r ant1 tlir'ir
cfficacv in bringing water is consiclcrable. O n c c the water has rcachctl the oasis it is
tlistril>utcd t o the hcltls b y mcans of tlitchcs which arc breachetl antl fed into smaller channels
\\.hen bvater is rcquiretl.
The sccontl major mcthotl of irrigation is to use the rivers. W a t c r is divcrtcd into canals
( o r juj.sj bv means of small earth antl stone dams placctl upstream from the cultivatctl area, the
\ v a t u is then Ictl hv gravitv t o the fields. I11 the mountains thc fiel(ls are often elaborately
trrracctl and thc u.atcr is kt1 amongst them bv a complex svstcm of small tlitchcs (Fig. 1 . 1 1 ).
This mcthotl of irrigation is \vidcspreatl not onlv in the major lo\\.lantl ri\.cr valleys but also in
thc smallci- n~ountain\ , a l l c ~ sit; is fountl throughout thc Himalayan f;)othills ant1 cxtentls far to
thc cast. It \\.oultl ccrtainl\-ha1.e bccn possiblc for small groups of I,rcliistoric. pcoplcs living ill
ri\.c-r \.alleys t o irrigate in this way. Howc.\.c-r, in the. grcbat clc.sc.rr 01'thc. Ilt-lnlan(l th(.
s u c c c ~ s s h llargc, scale irrigation that o n c e existc*(l woultl have. rc.quirc.(l coopc.ration arnorlgst
Iwol>lc'living u p and clown t h e valley both t o maintain the. irrigation works an(l t o a(lrnini\tcbr
t h e tlistribution 01'thc w a t e r . Maintenance would have bccm important bt-c,ausc.ot' rive-r's
seasonal Hootling. In t h c n o r t h thc. Amu-(larva an(] its tri1,utaric.s arcb u s c ~ lc.xtc.nsi\c.lv I;)r
irrigation ant1 this is facilitated in areas with Iocss sincc. it is a matt-rial I'rom \\.hic.h it i h (.as\ t o
construct tlitchc-s ant1 d a m s and w h c n irrigated it fi,rms a t;-rtilc. soil.
T h e principal c r o p s that a r c groL5.n o n thcbsc irrigatc,O lands in the- soutll at prcscbnt arc-
K a r e z /qanat - Jui
Fig. I . I I : t o u r oh
1 ~ 1 ~ 1 4 ,111 canals a1101 c thc (;hc)rl)antl I-I\ CI-,near C'harikar.
\I hcat, I>arlc\, lentils, l>can\ antl mal;lc. T h c first t h r e e a r c har\cstecl in t h c \prlng and the last
t n o I I I t h c a u t u m n . A 3 ar1c.t) of c1thc.r 1c~gc~tal>lcs antl s o m e c o t t o n and oil plants a r c c u l t i ~ a t e d
along w ith 1 inc,, fruit trccs and melons. T h e \inch a r c particularly i m p o r t a n t as t h c dried
gralx,s form o n c of Afghanistan3\ principal exports. They a r c g r o w n in trc,nchcs t o protcct
t h c m from t h e hcat anrl t o facilitate w-atcring. In t h e arcas irrigatctl f r o m t h e ribcrs some rice
ma\ bc g r o w n and t h ~ c\ r o p is important in t h e n o r t h e r n irrigatctl lands along w i t h cotton,
wheat and sugar l ~ c t Vegetables . ant1 fruit t r c c s a r c groxvn in t h c n o r t h as in t h c south.
1-cntils, 11txasanc1bcans a r c found as an important foot1 c r o p throughout qfghanistan b u t whcat
1s untloubtctll) t h e most important single footl.
Although ~ r r i g a t i o nI S such an important k a t u r c of agriculture, tlr! farming is also
l c is fount1 c,\pcc.iall\ in t h e mountains. W h c a t i.s g r o w n \z ithout irr-igat~onhcrc as a
~ x ) s \ ~ hant1
\ u p to 3000 mc,tcr.s.
\ t a l ~ l cfoot1 c r o p an(I H u ~ n l u m( 1959) rc.port\ \c,r'lng ~tgrow n at a l t ~ t u ( l eof
The farmers work with the aid of vcry simplr tools. Humlum (1959, girrs an ex((.llt.nt
description of these along with line drawings and photographs. Hef'orc ploughing th(. lic.lrl may
be ~ r e ~ a r by e dpulling over it a heavy piece of'woocl drawn by o x m t o brc>akup lumps of %oil.
s also pulled by oxen and are made ofwoo(l with a mctal tip. Thrrr arc a varitstv
The ~ l o u g h are
of types, however none of them turn the sod but merely scratch a shallow furrow. Sowing is
usually broadcast and generally a sickle is used for harvesting, while thrrshing is ilonr 1))
simply marching cattle round and round over the heaped up grain o r occasionally by bc~atingit
bv hand with a flail. For winnowing the grain is tossed into the air with a wootlc.n Iilrk and the-n
sifted through a simple sieve. These tools, along with spades and sho\:c.ls, complrte the most
important mechanical equipment of the farmer. His grain may be millcd 1)). hand but morc
often this is done in gravity-fed water mills. The fertility o f t h c soil is maintaincad by 1c.aving
fields fallow for one o r t w o years in three. Whcn the ticlcls arc fallokv, animals arc. somtirnt-s
put t o graze on them thus providing manure which is later ploughed in.
The sedentary farmers in the oases, river valleys and mountains also keep livestock; thc-sc
supply not only food but also material for clothes, dung for fucl and motive pouxJr for
transport and farm work. Oxen are kept for ploughing and threshing and are also usctl as beasts
of burden over short distances. They are fed through the winter on lucerne which is groum tor
the purpose. Cattle supply some milk but this is also obtained from goats which, along with
sheep, feed on the natural scrub vegetation. Sheep are numericallv the most important
domestic animal in Afghanistan and, particularly in the north, supplv tint. pelts for trading.
Throughout the country poultry are found scratching for food around thc houses and thcir
eggs and meat supply a valuable addition t o the diet.
In addition t o cattle, horses are used for transport in the north and in the Hindu Kush hut
in the south donkeys and mules are more common. Camels are used cspcciallv tor long distance
movement; both the one and t w o humped varieties are found; the former predominantlv in
the south, the latter predominantly in the north.
In t h e mountains transhumance is common. The men take the flocks up t o high pasturcs in
the summer leaving the women and old men t o cultivate the fields, the men and flocks then
return t o the valleys with the colder weather.
T h e r e is thus a similar pattern of subsistence farming throughout the country, varying in
detail with altitude and the abundance of water but centred around kvheat and barlev as the
staple grain crops, with pulses and vegetables as further important additions t o the diet.
Livestock are an integral part of this farming system which also relies heavily on irrigation
techniques.
Crops are raised for exchange as well as for subsistence and nowadays cash crops arc
growing in importance and some processing plants have been established in the countrvside.
Cotton, rice, sugar beet and oil crops are raised in the north and some cotton, oil crops and
grapes in the south. Produce and livestock were traded before the modernization of
agriculture began and allowred the sedentary farmer t o acquire goods from far as-av. The
nomads play an important part in this trade today and mav well have laved a similar rolc in
prehistory.
It seems pertinent at this point t o consider what aspects of the farming system of the past
could be similar t o the modern situation. Certainly the tools used today are not more
30 SOI'HIA l i . HOWLBY
acl\ane.ecl tlldll tliosr tllat might havr b(>(-nusc*(l bv an iron Agc3 f a r n m r . S o m e 01' thv crcll)r
gro\\-n t(lclav\~olllclIla\,e l)crn unknown but many prol)al,ly grew as wild l ~ l a n t in s Alihaoistal
i l l tll(%I)'lst a:s tIlry (lo to(lav. V a \ i l o \ (195 I ) s u g g r s t c ~ that
l t h e ants ot' Afghanistan and I'akistall
t;)l-llls an intlc-l,c~n(I(,ntcl~lturallioarth ti)r a variety ofc,rol)s notal)ly the* whcat, chick peas
I,L-,lns that still Iilrm an important part of thc. thrniing system; morc.ovcr, most Aflhans still usc.
~ i tl i \ c~ f;)rnis of wheat. T h e silnplc riverinc systcm 01' irrigation WOUICI havc
~ > ~ I ) ir i m
~;~as;l,l(~ti)r most I)l-ctiistoric. farniing cornmunitirs but t h r k a r o system is technically nlorc.
tlill-ic.ult.
accel)t that t h e ~)rcsc,ntfarming system is not unlike that of t h e prc,historic farnlcrs
tll(bn (lala o n tllc \~ic~ltls that arc) obtainc,tl to(lay o r o n t h e ~ ) o p u l a t i o nsupl>ol-tc(I Ily a givc.n
C.lll~i\.atc(Iacreage ~ . o u l t lg i \ c s o m e indication ot' t h e p o l ~ u l a t i o n that coultl have. I,ccbn
s ~ ~ l , l ) o r t cin( l tlic past but unti)rtunatc,l\. t h c r c is little rc*liahlr tlata of' this n a t u r e . Howcvc~.,
IIillnli~rn,in stutlving the oasis ot'I'irza(1a ~ l h i c his irrigatctl by karcz, ti)untl that samples from
f;)ur ficltls s h o w c ~ la whc-at yicltl varying f r o m 4.7 t o 14.3 quintauxlha. A soil analysis
sucrqcstc(l
5, that these, lo\v vic.ltls ~ , c r l~rol>al,ly
c clue t o t h e primit ivc strains of'wlicat used ant1 to
tlihcbasc I-athc*rthan t o a poor soil ( H u m l u m , 1959, 1111. 229~-~23 1 ). It certainly s r c m s that thcsc
yicbl(ls ma\. I,c o f a similar o r d e r t o thosc that coultl havc been attainctl by prehistoric farmcrs.
In the, n o r t h , MichcI ( I 959) quotes whcat yieltls in Kataghan l'rovincc in 1956 of 1440 Ibs/acrc
( a l ~ P r o x i m a t c 13.2 l ~ quintaux per hectare). T h e s e yieltls w e r e gainetl on loess ant1 alluvial
soils using river irrigation ant] simple tools f i l l - cultivation but employing organic fertilizer and
a gootl rotation. Lastly, w h e r e tlry farming is used in t h e higher areas H u m l u m suggests that
t h c ~ , h c avic~ltls
t niav I)c only t w o t o t h r c c times t h e seccl sown although wheat g r o w n by dry
t h r ~ n i n gmcthotls is saitl t o havc a higher protein c o n t c n t than that g r o w n u n d e r irrigation.
Michcl (1 959) quotcs rc.sults f r o m t h e wheat varietal test station near Kabul w h e r c local
\,arictics 01' w.Iicat gave vic:l(ls of t h e o r d e r of 3G40 bushels p e r a c r e .
Nomads
Not all th(b rural of Afghanistan a r e setlcntary farmcrs: t h c r c a r e groups showing all
tlcgl-ccs of nomatlism from the. pure "hcrcling" nomatls t o thosc w h o c o m b i n e seasonal
noma(lisn1 with t h e cultivation ot' crops. Many groups adjust t h e i r tlegrec of nomadism to
fluctuating cconornic o r climatic circumstances. Some groups m o v e o v e r very s h o r t tlistanccs
~ ' h i l others
c migrate u p t o 1000 km b ( ~ t w c ~ cs un m m e r ant1 w i n t c r pastures. Fcrtlinantl (1 959)
(listinguish('s t w o main groupings of noniatls-those of t h e south ant1 west and thosc o f the
cast. Thcsc divisions corrcspontl t o broatl cultural clivisions as well as t o contrasts in the
environment . In both arras onet c.ncountcrs ' pure" nomatls and semi-nomads whilc in tlic
L
Fig. I . 12: Seasonal nio\.c~nc-ntsol'nomaclh (altc.1-I)uprc.c, 197 3 ) . Kc,\-: black lint.<:a1>1>rox1niatc.1 i ~ n i (11
t
ivintcr pasture lands; arrowccl lincs: tlirc.ction 01' spring migration I-outc.s; narrotr \c,rlic a1 11atc11ing:
grazing area of ~ v c s t c r nPushtun (mainly Ilurrani ); narro\\. 1101-izontalharc hing: graying '1rc.a 01 c . ~ < t c . r ~ ~
t'ushtun (main]\. Ghilzai); \\-itlrr crosshatching: Haluc,Ii 1r.intc.r cluartc5rs (otl1c1-Haluch nlirlglc.11 \ \ it11
l'ushtun in tlir n o r t h )
ant1 the, only o t h e r kno\\.n sourccs for suppl\,ing the‘ Mitltllc East a r c in t h e I'amil-s, Lakc, Haikal
Fig. 1 ,14: '1 IN. ,IIIC l t h l l t 1.0111~' t11ro~tg111 1 1 ~11111t111 K t l $ l l li.0111 I ~ , I I I I I \ ; \ I ~ 10 K~;dl,ul.
and a possible source in Iran in Azerbaijan and possibly in Kcrman as LVc.ll.'leh(.I,akc- Haikal
source stones o f ' a n inferior quality t o those of' Haclakhshan ant1 was prr,l>al>lv0 1 ' tar
lesser importance in antiquity than t h e Afghan source,. T h e Paniir clc.l)osit is at about 3 300 m
and is extremely difficult of access while the Iranian source, if'it cxistc-c), has csvi()c.ntlvt>(-cn
worked o u t . H e r r m a n n concludes, after rcvic.wing the. c.vidcncc, that t h e Haclakhshan lapix
lazuli was t h c principal source for an important trade with Mcsopotamia that flourished from
about 3 500 n . c . This is evidence of t h e extent of trading links that c.ould be cstablishc*tl in th(.
ancient \\.orld and t h e distance that \.aluablc gootls niiglit l>c transportc-d. It is I)rc)l)al>l(.that
this trade was not clircct and tliat the Afghans usccl Shalir-i-Sokhta as an cmt~-c-~,Ot \f,lic-rc-tli(.\.
exchanged t h e lapis lazuli f o r goods from ncarcr at hand than Mesopotamia. tlowc.vc.r,
Mesopotamian o r even Egyptian goods of valuc may ha\'c rcturnc.d I>\: t h c same- route-.
~ . ( b l l
T h e Badakhshan mines a r c hardly casy of acccss. T h e ones prcsc.ntl, knon-n lie at~o\fc* the-
Kcrano-Munjan valley at Sar-i-Sang, Stromby, Chilniak and Robat-i-Paskaran. T h e vallc\. is
narrow and steep with scanty vegetation and few permancnt sc~ttlcmc.nts.T h e mints can onlv
be reached by precipitous paths along which all materials for niining must I>(, carrictl. In t h e
past the mining was d o n e by firc-setting. Fuel and watcr \z.crc carricd up t o t h e mines, a fir(.
was lit beneath t h e face t o be quarried and then cold w.atcr \vas throwm o n t o t h e Iicatc.cl rock t o
make it crack. T h e lapis was then by using picks, haninicrs ancl chiscbls. T h e
provision of fuel and w a t c r for t h e mines must have invol\.cd grcat labour in amassing t h e fuc.1
and transporting it and this is suggestive of the valuc of the stoiic in tlic past. (-)nee quarriccl
the lapis could be taken south t o Kabul and beyond via the Anjunian pass and Panjshir vallcv, t o
the n o r t h and \vest \ria Faizabad o r t o t h e cast along t h e Wakhan c o r r i d o r .
T h e e\,idencc suggests that t h e prehistoric ~ e o p l e sof Afghanistan a r c unlikclv t o have
I x e n isolated from contacts with o t h e r peoples o r from t h e opportunity for trade dcspitc t h c
of tra\fel across desert and mountain barriers. Indeed its position \\.oulcl ha\.(-
encouraged such contacts and t h e development of trade.
Summary
A highland country surroundrd hv lowlands and lying at t h e crossing point of a n u m b c r of
iinportant natural routrwa\-s, Afghanistan had considcrablr arl~antagesin t h r past as a locale
k ) r trade and cxchanrjr. T h e products of t h e mountains could easily I>c cxchangctl for both
L
manufactured and primary products from t h e Indus o r from Iran and the \I-rst . T h e divcrsit\ of
I K O P ~at ( >~ x r s c inhabiting
~~t t h e country bear \\,itncss t o its opcnness t o migration anel in\.asion
in t h e past.
W i t h i n t h c country itself the aridity of tlic climate means tliat cultivated arcas a r c located
c i t h r r in t h e upland \.alleys o r along r i \ c r s in t h e Ion-lands. Irrigation t r c h n i q u r s arc .I
~ > a t - t i c u l a rinilx)i-tatit
l~ aspect of agriculture. H o n - c v r r , t h r r r a r e a grcat \ a r i r t r of natural
hahitats and a fl-aturr o f moclrm Afghanistan is t h e diversity of mrtho(ls of s u b s i s t t w c ~ ~
including noma(lism, hunting and and scttlcd agriculturc. Bccaust~of t h c strong
r c l i c f q u i t c d i f i r r n t cn\ir(,iimmts can be kmnd relati\cly close t o g c t h r r . This fc~aturc\ ~ . o u h I
liarr l>rcli particularly helpful t o Palarolithic groups \\it11 tlicir liniitcd tc~chnolog! and small
rile. ~t muat also harc b r r n important at times of climatic changr sincc groups could sluwl)
111o\ c from arcas M ith dctcriorating climatic conditions t o m o r e favourable ones, without
need t o m o \ e far. This bariety of habitats is a feature that is likely t o havc cncouragetl tratlp
and cxchangc ithin the country.
~ a s t l y ,it must be stressed that data on the nature and distribution of resources in
Afghanistan during the archaeological period are extremely scanty. T h e picture presented
al,oye may b r modified substantially as further research is undertaken.
The Palaeolithic
Richard S. Davis
Before 195 1 the Palaeolithic period in Afghanistan was almost unkown; Afghanistan was
blank space on the Palaeolithic map. It was never predicted, ol'coursc, that Afghanistan \voultl
prove t o have been unknown t o Palaeolithic hunters and gathcrcrs, and prol,ahlv most Asian
prehistorians in the early 1950s would have expected that evidence. for at lcast Mitltllc and
Upper Palaeolithic occupations would eventually turn up. The, tn.cnt\, ,vcars sincc. that tirnc.
have clearly established the presence of Middle and Upper Palaeolithic sitcs ancl vcrv rcccntlv
tentative evidence for the Lower Palaeolithic has bccn disco\.crcd. Ol,scr\.c.rs of thc
Palaeolithic scene, howeiler, could not have prcdictctl the nature of thcsc I'alacolithic
adaptations in Afghanistan, and this chapter is intended t o sur\.cv the, e\,i(lcncc~ and t o rclatc it
t o known Palaeolithic occurrences in surrounding regions.
In this presentation the Palaeolithic is divided into four succcssi\.c phasc,s: Lo\vc.r,
Middle, Upper, and Epi-Palaeolithic. The last t w o terms arc collectivclv r c k r r c d t o as the
Late Palaeolithic. This terminology eliminates the need for the "Mesolithic" \vhich has often
been an ambiguously used t e r m , and is used by few prehistorians in South\\.cst Asia. Although
the t e r m Palaeolithic had its genesis in the nineteenth century as a tcchnological and
chronological term (chipped stone tools from the Ice Age) its use hcrc is in thc c.cononiic
sense, i.e. all food is procured by hunting and gathering.
It must be made clear from the outset that the present boundaries of thc political cntitv
known as Afghanistan have no special relevance t o the distribution of l'alacolithic
~ ~ o p u l a t i o nIts .is the case that portions of South\\rest Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia meet
in modern-day Afghanistan, and the prehistorian, therefore, should bc a\varc of Palacv)lithic
dc\~eloprnentsin all three areas. In this discussion of the Afghan Palaeolithic it \\,ill bc
necessary, therefore, t o refer t o archaeological discoveries \\.hich have hcen made outside thc
boundaries of Afghanistan.
Currently, Afghan poses several ~ ~ r o b l c nareas
i and the solution of thcsc
I ~ n ' b l e m s\ \ s i l l continuc t o occupy for vcars t o conic. It shoulcl IIC. renicmhcrcd
that Palaeolithic studies in Afghanistan are at a very early stage, and future research cff;)rt>
should Ile organized and coordinated \r-it11 some purpose in niinrl in ordcr t o a\oid tilling c.\-en
11101-c s t o r c ~ r o ~ n \i ~
s . i t hthe I-emains of dcsultorv csca\.ations.
37
Brief Historv of Palaeolithic Research
in Afghanistan
'rlic- 111-st( l i s c ~ o \ . c ~ o~ ti '(l~ s~ i l , i c ~ o l i t Ir ici,c~~~ i , i ii~t ii sAt'gI~,itiist~i~i \ \ ~ c ~ t -t ci i~, ~ ( I c , i t i 1'15 I ( A l l ~ ~ l i i1953)
~i,
,11ic1 it1 ,Al)1.il 01' 1 9 5 4 C',it-lc,to~~ S. C'ooti, t l i c ~ ol'tlic~ ~i l l t i i \ ~ c r s i t \o~f l ' c ~ ~ i ~ i s \ ~ l \ . , A ~ ~~l,it.~.,itivc~
ii'i.
,ir.c.outlt ol'his t ~.,i\.c\ls,inti e ~ ~ c . , i \ . ~ ~i ltli ,4l'gl1,itlist,i11on is I-c,c~ot-tlctlin his I)ook, S c ~ , c('trt.cs r~ (C'ooli,
1 9 5 7 ) . C'oon tnotol-c>tl~ i o r t l t'l.om i K.il>t~Io \ . c , ~ . t h ( >I Iintlu Kusli t o tl,iil>,ik, ,I pro\.inc.ial c.al)it,il.
I ~ l i spc,ologist hael notc.tl ,i I,i~-gc,nr1rnhc.1. OF l i n i c s t o n c outc,~-01)sin t h i s ,irc~a,ancl it al)l)c.it.ctl to
IN- a gootl sc~,i~-c~li ,i~.c,iti)r I',iI,ic~olitliic~ c,,~\.c, s i t c s . C'ootl sooll loc.,itcxl ,I r o c ~ k s l i c l t etiamc~el ~ K,II.J
Kt1t11.i1- ;11i(I I)c,g,ln cbsc.,i\.,ilio~is. ( ' o o t i ~.,il,itll\-c~onll)lc~tc~tl his \\.ot.k at K,it-.i K,illiar ,inti ~.c'trtl.nc'cI
t o K ~ l ) t ~\\'Iic'~.('
l liis I',il,ic~olitliic. c.ollc~c.tioli\\..is tli\,iclcvl \\,it11 t l l c . K,il)r~lM t ~ s c w ~ i i .
111 t l ~ c , ,irtturnn 01' 1 9 5 9 I o u i s 13. I)ul)~.c,(., a m.ijol. I ; ~ L I I - ( ' i l l :\Igll,i~~sti~(lie's1'1.01il th('
l ' , i l t i c ~ o l i ~ l ~tioc ~ the* l>t-c-sc~~lt, ~ i i , ~ ( l,Ic ~gc~tic~t-'il, i ~ - c ~ I ~ , i c ~ o I o p~i c- ~( ,~~cI ~ o ~ ~ ~ ~ ~01'i i s~le)t.tllcr~i s , i ~ ~ ( ~ c ~
Alkli.inist,ll~,,i1ic1Ire, \\.,IS sr~c.c.c~sslitl i l l i(l(,ntil'\.i~~cr s c \ ~ ( ~ ~l',il,ic~olitliic~
.,il Ioc.alit it-s \ \ , l i i c . l l hex 1ate.1.
- 3
(~se.,i\~atc.el(I)i~l)rc'c' ,inel lIo\\,c., IC)h3). 111 Hatl,iklisli,i~i I ' ~ - o \ . i n c ~ cl i e~, Ioc.,it(~l ,I Mitlcllc
~ i ~ ~ slic~lt(,I. ( ~ , i l l c ~l )l , i r , i - i - K i ~\~\ ,.l l i ( , l ~I)(, e ~ ~ c ~ ~ i vi l i~ Ii t c ~ l111 l3,1lkl1 l ) t . o \ ~ i ~ i c x ~
l ) t i l c i ( ~ o l i t l1.oe.k
clisc,o\c.~x-cltI11.c>(' I ~ l ~ i - l ' , ~ l , i c ~ o l iIoc.,ilit t I ~ i c ic.s trc..rl- I I I ( ~ t o \ \ n 01' :\(IK u l ) ~ . t ~ 'I'hc~ k . sitc%sc,otlsistc-el
01' ~ ~ o c ~ k s l i e ~(Acl l t c ~K~t t~ps~ . r ~I k,iti(l 11) , i ~ l ( Ia11o p c \ ~ i - ~ isite- i ~ - loc~,itc~cl 011 ,I lo\\, t - i \ , e > t . t e ~ ~ * ~01'- , ~ c ~ c ~
t l l c . l3.1lkl1 (:I(I K ~ I I M I Ill). I ~ I'lic~sc~ sitc's \\.cst-c, c~sc.,l\.,lt('clin I ')(,? ,in(l l 9 ( 3 5 .
5. M . I'r~glisi,I ) i ~ . c ~ c . toI'tIl(\ o ~ . I n s ~ i t r ~ cll oi I ) . i l ( ~ o ~ i t o l oI~l ni i~\ ,c , ~ . s i ( o\ l ' l < o m c ~,111(1 , l)d1.1 01'
t11c. I t . ~ l i . r ~Gi~.(.ll,rc'ologie,~I
i I I I ~ S S ~t ~o I: I\ I ~ l i , i ~ l i s t ,c ~ ~ o~1 1~( ,I t 1 c . t c ~,I1 lS I I I . \ ( \ \ it] t11c' \ i c . i l i i t \ 0 1 ' 1 I,iil)s~k.
, ~ \ ~ ) ~ ~ ~ ~ o2 0s klil s~t K , I I ~ ~I,(>
i ~ ~s o~~~t t il ~t \c\ ~01'cl ~\K'II.,I < ~ lIo- c ~ , i t ~,I~~( .lo c . k s l l c ~ l ti cl l~t~l l -c , ( I t - \ . \\,,i(li I),lrGi-
CI ,S I I I J I Itt-st t - s c ~ ~ ~ vill
i - K , i l o l l , ,III(IIlk* I ~ I J ( I C l%5
~ ~ t i o t'1.0111
~ ~ c Ilk. rt-t o g l ~ i ~ (t-w
\ \ , I ~ i li ( Io ( I ~ \ t i r l ct
] -1 t i i s s ~ ~ i g sc s s i 1 I, 1967).
1 )LII)I.(Y> ancl 1 ~-c.\,isitcvlt l i c I4aihak I-csgion in t h t - si1111111t.r01 I %Y \vitJI 1' I[(.c~logist,
1 ,1111.k~11(.(~ 1 att111a11ol'tlic' I l l i i \ c-l.sitv o t ' C ' i ~ l t . i ~ ~ ~ Ui .) lc t- i Ioc,atc.cl
. on(. I - l ~ iI'al,ic.olitl~ic s i ~ r t , l cc. ,it,.
( K o k J a r ) al)out 3 k ~ l lI'IXJIII I ' u g l i s i ' s t t b s t . 1 ) u r i n g tilt. S.III~(. ~ I I I I I I I I ~ .lllcl ~ I . 111 1 1 1 ~ -I c ~ l l o \ s i ~ l ~
~ L I I I ~ I I Ias C ~\f,t'II,
I. I \.isite-cl ,111 01' tI1(' . ~ I ) o \ . t -d ~ . ( ~ l i . ~ ~ ~ o l osgi ti(c- s~, ~ I 111.1(1(. 1urt1lt.r
Dara-i-Kur
Ghar-i-Mordeh Gusfand
Hazar Sum valley
Kara Kamar 11, IV
Dasht-i-Nawar
Carbon- 14 Determinations
The material used was a variety of basalt which does not fracture well conchoidally. The ]ithic
collection has not been completely analysetl, and it is, therefore, impossible t o quantify tl,,
above observations.
A holninid incomplete right temporal bone was found associatcd with t h e lithic material.
This specimen has been analysed by J . Law-rcnce Angel at the Smithsonian Institution (Angr],
Fig. 2.2: Dara-i-Kur, Mitltlle Palaeolithic. 1 . Flakc col-c. 2 . Discoitla1 core. 3. Retouched blade. 4.
Lcvallois blade c o r c .
Fig. 2.3: Dara-i-Kur, Middle Palaeolithic. I . Levallois point. 2 . Triangular point.
1972). It represents the only known hominid material found in Palaeolithic contcxt in
Afghanistan. Angel compared the specimen t o both Neanderthal material and modcrn Homo
sapiens sapiens, and he concluded that it is nearer t o modern man than Neanderthal in terms of
the morphology of the tympanic bone, but that it would fit into a "partly" Neanderthal
population like the Es-Skhul cave specimens from Mt Carmel in Israel as well as into a modern
population (Angel, 1972, p. 56).
The Middle Palaeolithic laver revealed some faunal material which has been identified b\.
Dexter Perkins as sheep, goat, and possibly a large bovid. This is a significant discovcrv
because all known later Palaeolithic hunting and gathering groups also hunted these animals.
particularlv sheep and goat. It is possible, therefore, that a basic hunting adaptation t o
particular species existed in the Middle Palaeolithic, and it continued on until the end of thc.
Palaeolithic. It is interesting t o note in this regard that at the Middle Palaeolithic site of
Tcshik Tash in Uzbekistan S.S. R . , Siberian Mountain Goat (Copra srberica) accounted for 96",,
of the identified large mamnial bone (Movius, 1953, p. 399).
A verv different situation was found at a large rockshelter locally called Ghar-i-Mordch
Gusfand (Cave of the Dead Sheep) in northlvest Afghanistan. Here, preliminary excavations
b y Dupree in 1969 re\-ealed lvliat appeared t o be a Middle Palaeolithic industry niade out of a
11oorlv silicified limestone (Dupree er a]., 1970). The rockshelter itself \!-as enormous.
measuring approximately 300 m across the dripline and approximatel\. 100 m deep. There
n.as a tremendous rockfall at the front of the shelte-~resumablv the one responsible for all
the dead sheep! After the preliminary report \vas ~ u b l i s h e d a, large trench \vas excavated in
the summer of 1970 in the rear of the shelter. The results of that exca\.ation cast considerable
doubt on the original interpretation of the lithic tools as belonging t o a Middle Palaeolithic
industry. Although the tools )#,ereartifacts, their stratigraphic position does not indicate
.4ufficit.nt for an earl? Wiirm occupation. For the prescnt w e can rule out Char-i.
Mordch C;usfand as a confirmed Middle Palaeolithic locality.
In Balkh Province near A q Kupruk, C. B. M. McBurney of Cambridge Universitj has
recently reported the prescnce of Middle Palaeolithic material. H e made a trial excavation in
a deposit of "red cave earth" which revealed a "middle Muustrrian" type of industry
(McBurney, 1972, p. 25). T h e material has not yet been described in any detail, and it cannot
be commented on further here.
Further to the east, in the Hazar Sum valley near the town of Haibak, S. M . Puglisi has
notea the presence of surface material which he has described as Mousterian (Puglisi, 1963, p.
3). He found stone tools made from the locally abundant nodular flint which h e interpreted as
being manufactured according t o Clactonian, Levalloisian, and Mousterian techniques. None
of the implements illustrated in his report, however, w e r e necessarily manufactured by any of
the above techniques, and my own surveys in this area revealed no certain indications of
Middle Palaeolithic industries. T h e r e was, however, a tremendous amount of chipped flint
along several wadi terraces in t h e Hazar Sum valley. It consisted of t h e chipping debris of both
Palaeolithic and post Palacolithic peoples who utilized t h e nodular flint outcrops on the sides
of the wadi channels. No doubt Palacolithic hunters and gatherers, Neolithic farmers, and
recent nomadic pastoralists have all made use of t h e excellent nodular flint from this area.
At Kara Kamar (Afghanistan) Upper Palaeolithic material mav also cxist, situated bct\vcc.n two
Mousterian layers. . . . This information, however, lacks precision.
After an examination of the available material from layers two and four at the Kabul Museum,
it is clear t o m e that Pradel's last sentence is quite an understatement. There simply is no good
evidence that this material should be described as Middle Palaeolithic. The inventor" of the
existing components of the industries in question are given in Table 1, and Fig. 2.5 shows
several implements from Level 11.
The cores from Level 11 were multi-platformed flake cores, and none of them could even
remotely be described as discoidal o r Levalloisian. There were no Levallois points, flakes o r
blades in the collection. T h e collection was too small and the modified pieces too
undiagnostic for any definitive classification. The single Carbon-14 determination made from
a contaminated sample has such a great standard deviation that it is of no use in the
chronological placement of this industry.
Only ten flints were recovered from Level IV. There \vas one edge retouched flake, one
use retouched flake, t w o blades, five flakes, and one core fragment in the collection. Coon
(1957: 249) has observed that Levels II and IV are similar in flint lithology and in debitage
techniques, and my own inspection of the materials in the Kabul Museum yielded a similar
conclusion. It is evident that the collection from Level IV cannot be assigned t o the Middle
Palaeolithic with any degree of certainty. It simply remains an unkow-n.
In addition t o the Lower Palaeolithic finds already mentioned at Dasht-i-Nalr-ar, Dupree
also discovered some Middle Palaeolithic concentrations of tools on the ancient beaches of the
lake. He noted similarities between the typology of the Dasht-i-Na\r-ar material ~ r i t hthe
industry from Dara-i-Kur (Dupree, 1974). Further survey and excavation is definitely
indicated in this extremel) important region.
Discussion
The above descriptions of the various alleged Afghan Middle Palaeolithic sites must inevitably
leavc the reader with the inlpression that there is a high degree of uncertainty and lack of
knowledcje about this Palaeolithic phase. We may be quite certain, however, that the
prcsence of Middle Palacolithic populations is established; the materials from Dara-i-Kur
irrefutably demonstrate that. Of the other sites mentioned above, it is apparent that they are
either definitely not Middle Palaeolithic (Kara Kamar, Ghar-i-Mordeh Gusfand), o r need
Table I: Late Palaeolithic flint industries of n o r t h e r n Afghanistan
- -- -- --- -- -- - - - - . - .
Industrial divisions
- - - -- -- - - . .-
1. Nodules
11. Cores
flake
bladelet
111. Waste
core frag.
chunks
spalls
ret. flakes
''
scrap"
IV. Blanks
flakes
broken flakes
burnt flakes
blades
broken blades
burnt blades
V. Modified pieces
edge retouched
burins
Endscrapers
notched pieces
denticula tes
percoir/drill
carinated scrapers/
bladelet cores
use retouched
TOTALS
Microblade Component
--.--- - - -- - -- - - - -- . - -
MB cores 18 7 1 2 - -
1
MB 489 88 - ? - - 43
Ret. .MB 31 II -- - - -
Fig. 2.5: Kara Kamar, Le\el 11, Late Palaeolithic (Scale 1 1 ). 1 and 2 . Flake corrc. 3. Core
I C J U ! enation flake. 4. Edge retouched primary flake. 5 . Edge retouched broken blade. 6. Trang~erw
<c raper.
111uch fullcr investigation and description before they can be established as true Middle
I'alacolithic occurrences (Dasht-i-Nan-ar, Aq Kupruk, and Hazar Sum).
O n the basis of external evidence it is not at all unlikely t h a ~
Afghanistan \vould have been
occupied by Middle Palaeolithic peoples. The Zagros mountains in Iraq and Iran have revealed
numerous Middle Palaeolithic sites ( t h e earliest kno\r.n occupations in that area). In Soviet
C'cntral Asia the presence of t ~ p o l o g i c a l l Middle
~ Palaeolithic assemblages is \vcll
tlocun~ented.Similarly in Pakistan there is no doubt of a Middle Palaeolithic presence. It is
unlikely, therefore, that Afghanistan would be unoccupied during this period if all the
\urrounding territories \vere populated.
In a broad c\.olutionar\- perspecti\-e it appears that vast areas of South\\-est and Soviet
Ccntral Asia \~.cl-cuniiihabitcd until perhaps late in the Middle Pleistocene \\-hen Lo\ver
l'alacolithic populations began t o move into increasing]\- interior areas of the continent.
Exactly what con~binationof behaviour patterns and technology matlc this expansion possible
is as yet unknown, and it remains an exciting area for future research. U n f o r t u n a t ~ l thcx
~,
kl~o\r.ledgeof late Mid-Plcistocene e n ~ i r o n m c n t sin Afghanistan and surrountling rcbgionsis
cxtr'mcly limited, and hence thc a d a ~ t i v ccontext of the Lowcr Palaeolithic expansion
callnot be specified. It is known that the Middle Palacolithic inhabitants of'the Iranian Platc.au,
the Turan Lowlands, and Afghanistan were successful huntcrs. They appcaretl t o have
col~centratedon essentially modern ungulates such as the onager (Equus hernlonus), aurochs
(Bas prlrnlgenlus), shcep (Ol~rsorlentalls), goat (Capra hlrcus), red deer (Cervus elaphu.~),and
,gazelle (Gazella subgutturosa). T h e population density of the Middle Palaeolithic seems t o have
been much lower than in the Levant o r in Western Europe. Perhaps t h e combination of
aridity and the consequent low biomass did not provide the conditions for a denser
settlement. It is possible that the local Middle Palaeolithic population sizes w e r e subject to
marked oscillations.
O n a world wide basis during t h e Middle Palaeolithic adaptations t o several hitherto
uninhabited environments evolved. These included the mid-latitude tundras, equatorial
rainforests, and also many mid-latitude arid forest-steppes and highlands. It is in the latter
environmental zone that continued study in Afghan prehistory may be predicted t o make a
valuable contribution.
Carbon- 14 Determinations
Kara Kamar, Level I
P-53 10,580 & 720 b . ~ (Coon
. and Ralph, 1955)
Kara Kamar, Level 111
P-42 Older than 25,000 b . p .
W-224 34,000 & 3000 b.p.
P-50 Older than 25,000 b . p .
W - 2 2 6 Older than 32,000 b . p . (Coon and Ralph, 1955)
)
The Late Palaeolithic is the best known interval of' hunting and kthrring activity in
~ f g h a n i s t a n All
. of the known sites are found north of the Hindu Kush in the ~ r m i - ~ ~st'-ppe
icl
zone where t h e present mean annual precipitation is less than 2 5 0 rnm and t h r r r is an o p m
steppe vegetation. All of the known sites, with the excrption of' t h r Tashkurghan 40
discovered by Gouin, are within the northern foothills of the Hindu Kush at rlrvation ranging
from 700 t o approximately I100 m above sea level. (Tashkurghan 40 is located in thc
Turkestan plain at an elevation of approximately 370 m . ) The present-day vc-getation, beside
the irrigated village gardens and shimmering poplar stands, is charactc.rizc.d by low shrubs
and small and open stands of Pistachio trees (l'istacia Vera). Re1ic.f is considerablc in thc foothill
zone. For example, within a 10 km horizontal distance of A q Kupruk, the clc-vation rangcbs
from 700 t o 2000 m . The landscape generally consists of faulted and folded ranges which arc
separated by river valleys. These valleys vary in form from narrow and deeply incised channels
to open, terraced systems with flood plains. topographic all^, this is ideal terrain for sheep
and especially goat.
T h e late Wiirm and early Holocene environments are not well known becausc thcrc has
been little Pleistocene geological o r palynological investigation in this area. In general,
hou-ever, it is not unreasonable t o conclude that the late Pleistocene environment was
considerably colder and at least as arid as today's climate. In the Zagros mountains at similar
elevations but m o r e southern by altitudes t o the northern foothill region of Afghanistan, H .
E . Wright has interpreted the pollen and palaeolimnological data as indicative of a cool (but
not cold) steppe condition (Wright, 1968: 338). In Afghanistan the environment probablv
would have been even cooler and more arid; a combination ~ r o d u c i n ga rather sparse steppe.
The source of precipitation in northern Afghanistan today is the same as it w-as during
most of the Pleistocene. Storm tracks leading eastward from the Mediterranean bring the
\\.inter and spring rains. According t o H. Bobek, the Siberian high pressure system (a scmi-
pcrrnanent winter anti-cyclone) was intensified during the Late Pleistocene and thus served t o
reduce the penetration of the Mediterranean low pressure storms into the Iranian Plateau and
o n into Afghanistan (cited in Wright, 1961 : 157). General humidity (precipitation minus
evaporation) may hare been somewhat higher during cold ~ h a s e sof i h e Late Pleistocme.
because lower temperatures would have had the effect of reducing evaporation and thereby
increasing humidity. This had the effect of raising lake levels in some cases. T h e
drgree of cooling during Wiirm stadials in northern Afghanistan is not accurately known. ,An
o\.crall planetary reduction in the mean annual temperature of 5" t o 7'-C. has been calculatcd
I)\. \on Wissman (1 956: 28 1 ) . Evidence for a 700-1000 m depression of the snowline on the
northern slope of the Hindu Kush is cited by Charlesworth (1957: 652). This lo\vert.d
mowline clearly represents cooler temperatures, but it mav also reflect some slight increase
in precipitation. Palaeolithic studies \\-ill make few major advances until the Pleistocene
environments in Afghanistan are better known.
Kara Kamar I11
La\.c,r 111 at Kara Kamar (Figs 2.6--2.8) is pcrhaps one of thc most important PaIacolithic
disco\.eries in Afghanistan. T!pologically, the lithic industry from this layer is Upper
Palacolithic, and the chrc-)nological indications arc that it is a terv early Uppcr PaIaeolithic.
Level 111 is composed of loess mixed in with occupational debris. Its lowcr boundary is
marked by a contact M-itha "brown cave earth" according t o Coon, but its upper boundary
has no definite stratigraphic indication. Instead, the boundary between Levels I1 and 111 was
determined by Coon on the basis of lithic tvpologv and lithology. Loess deposition in northern
Afghanistan is not directly related t o specific climatological causes. It is definitely not the
result of the deflation of glacial outwash plains as is the case in parts of Europe. Rather, the
Afghan loess has its origin in the fine alluvium of the Amu-darya, and it is transported by the
prevailing north wind. Loess deposition in northern Afghanistan appears t o be a more or less
continuous phenomenon and is found in both glacial and interglacial periods.
The Kara Kamar 111 Carbon-1'4 determinations were made on charcoal fragments, and
they consistentl~indicated a age greater than 25,000 and perhaps greater than 32,000 years.
How much older is not known, because the determinations were made in the middle 1950s
with equipment the maximum range of which had been exceeded. In any case, the Kara Kamar
111 industry is at least broadly contemporary with the earliest phases of the Baradostian Upper
Palaeolithic of the Zagros.
The lithic industry of Kara Kamar 111 was manufactured from a homogeneous, locallv
abundant, nodular flint. The complete lithic industrv excavated in 1954 is no longer available
for study because a large number of unretouched flakes, blades and various forms of chipping
waste were discarded at the time of excavation, and some of the retouched flakes and blades
were subsequently lost. Nevertheless, the extant collection at the Kabul Museum and the
drawings and photographs made at the time of the excavation, give a useful picture of the
general level of technology and the type of major tool classes used.
The retouched artifacts were made primarily on blades. This is evident from an analysis of
the length and width dimensions of the retouched artifacts and the unretouched blanks. The
mean lengthlwidth ratio for all retouched artifacts was 2.3 and in addition there were several
unretouched blades in the Kabul Museum collection.
The lithic industry was classified into several components and major tool classes. The
result of the classification is shown in Table I.
No blade cores were found in the collection, but bladelet cores of the type illustrated in
Fig. 2.6 were present. There were a number of bladelets produced from these cores as well as
a number of small curved blatlelets which were the products of the carinated scaper
manufacture. Figure 2.6, Nos. 1 and 3 show bladelets which actually fit on thc core, sho~vn
alongside. Curiously, none of these bladelets of either variety which I examined were
retouched o r appeared to have any noticeable use wear.
The retouched artifacts have been cited in the literature as containing "~urignacian"
or Aurignacoid elements (e.g. Bordes, 1968: 198; Clark, 1969: 52 5 3 ; Coon, 1957: 248;
Garrod, 1966: 41 ; Oaklev, 1966: 161). The basis for this attribution is the morphologv of the
carinated endscrapers. Indeed, there is a resemblance between the carinated endscrapers
Fig. 2.6: K a r a Kamar, Lc\eI 111, Uppcr Palacolithic (Scale I 1 I . I Hladrlet c o r c and bladclet. 2
l ~ c t r ~ u c l i ch ~l al d c 3. Rladrlct corc and hladelct. 4. Unrctouchrd blade. 5 and 6 . Bladclct corc.
7 Kc~touchcdblade.
Fig. 2.7: Kara Kamar, Lexcl 111, Upl3r.r Palaeolithic (Scalc 1 / I ). 1-6 Carinatcd c n d s r r a p c r s ; l ~ l a ( l ~ ~ l c t
cores.
li.crm Kara Kamar and from t h e 1-c\.antine Aurignacian. For example fromMugllarrl e I - ~ a c la t
Mt Carmcl, Garrod illustratrs sc.vcuralsl,ccimcns which appear to rc.sc.mtllc c-lOsc.lv thOsc Irom
Kara Kamar Ill (cf Plate XVII. XIX, XXII. XXV, Layers 1) ancl t:, Mughartst r l - ~ a t 1 Garrtrl .
and Hatc, 1937). Similar carlnatcd enclscra~~c~rs, hoa.cvc.r, can 1 , ~liJun(l in non.Aurigna( inn
contexts. They appear in t h c Kcbaran, an Epi-Palac.olithic manif'cstalion in the. I,c.vant \rhic.tl
is at least 1 0 , 0 0 0 years younger than t h c Aurignacian. In o t h r r words, carinatccI c d s c rapt-rs
are a poor type-fossil becausc they have a widc distribution in time*and in spac.cm.Sc.v(.ral ()l'lh(.
carinated endscrapers f r o m Kara Kamar Ill a r c illustrated in Fig. 2 . 7 . It is t h e case that thc.
bladelet cores mentioned above and thc carinatcd entlscrapcrs h)rm an intc-rgrading series. This
fact makes t h e use of t h e carinatcd endscrapers from Kara Kamar as diagnostics I,)r
' <Aurignacian" c u l t u r e even m o r e problcrnatical because they a r c subject t o a great dc.grc.c*ol'
variation.
T h e r e a r e n o burins of any kind in t h e Kara Kamar III lithic industry. This is not an
expected characteristic of an early Upper Palaeolithic industry, an " A u r i p a c i a n -
like" o n e . In fact Kara Kamar Ill is quite simple typologicallv, It consists of t h e carinatccl
cndscrapers, marginally retouchcd and use retouchcd blades and a few notchcad picc,cs (Fig.
2 . 8 illustrates t h r e e additional endscrapers). No doubt the full typological rcpcrtoirc o f ' t h c
Kara Kamar 111 people is not represented at this sitc; it is that t h e tools in Kara Kamar
111 a r e related t o a few specific functions. Tablc I lists t h e frequencies of t h c major tool classcs
at Kara Karnar.
Kara Kamar 111 remains a unique find. Since its discovery in 1954, nothing similar in date
o r typology has been found in Afghanistan. Kara Karnar 111 is an early Uppclr l'alacolithic
industry based on blade technology, and it has n o parallels in Sovict Ccntral Asia, India o r
Pakistan. In fact Late Pleistocene, Upper Palaeolithic blade technologies a r c ~.irtuall\.
unknown in any of t h e just mentioned areas. In all of Soviet Central Asia only t\vo stratil;c.(l
Upper Palaeolithic sites a r e k n o w n : Samarkand and Shugnou. T h e Samarkand sitc is locatcd in
t h c Komosornol Park in t h e citv of Samarkand, and it is an open air s i t r (Lev, 1965a,b).
S h u p o u was found by V . A. Ranov on a terrace of t h e Yak-Su Kiver in Uzhekhistan at an
clcvation of 2000 m (Nikonov and Ranov, 1971 ). Both of t h e excavators have dcscrihed t h c
lithic industries as having a strong Mousterian element and as unrelated t o t h e Uppcr
l'alacolithic of n o r t h e r n Afghanistan and o t h e r regions in South\$-est Asia.
O n l y t o t h e west, in t h e Zagros mountains of Iraq and Iran has a roughlv contcmporarv
I'alaeolithic industry, t h e Baradostian, been discovered. Tvpologicallv, t h e r e is n o reason t o
conclude that Kara Kamar I11 is related in any direct \r-ith t h e Baradostian although their
environments and e c o n o n ~ i e s\vere somewhat similar. T h e r e is n o smooth t!.pological
transition between t h e Middle and Upper Palaeolithic in either area, and hence it is not
~ m s i h l et o conclude o n typological grounds that an U p p e r Palaeolithic industry originated in
cither area. T h e meaning of tvpological similarities and differences, ho\r-e\x=r. is often unclear
and at this point it would be foolish t o rule o u t an indigenous development of an Upper
I'alaeolithic blade industry in t h e Zagros o r t h e Hindu Kush.
Following t h e Kara Kamar I11 occupation t h e r e is a large temporal g p before t h e next
sites a r c r n c o u n t c r e d in t h e archaeological r e c o r d . A look at t h e C- 1 4 determinations 1istt.d
above s h o ~ v an s hiatus of approximately 1 5 , 0 0 0 radiocarbon years. It might be suggested that
this gap is an artifact of t h e relatively little a m o u n t of Palaeolithic survey which has been
c o n d u r t r d in this area. A gap of similar magnitude, h o w e v e r , apparently exists in t h e Z a g o r
~ ~ ~ o u n t a iandl ~ s ,lack of U p p e r Palaeolithic sites in Soviet Central Asia has already becn
mentioned. Ralph Solecki has attributed this scarcity of human population t o the
4
l Uppcl- Palacolithic (Scalr. 1 / 1 ). 1 3 . kndscrapel-s. 4. Notchctl flake.
Fig. 2.8: Kal-a Kamal-, L c ~ f eIll,
2. T H E PALAEOLITHIC 55
cletrrioration of climate during the main Wurm (Solccki, 1963). Although Frank Hole ancl
Kent Flannerv have indicated that there is evidence that the Zarzian developed "(lirrctlv out
~ f t h ~e a r a d o s t i a n "at t h e site of Pa Sangar in the Khorrarnabad valley, Iran, the continuity of
occupation is not well documented (Hole and Flannerv, 1967: I 5 3 ) .
It is clear that the mere depression of temperature would not have dislodged hunting and
gathering bands from the foothills of the Zagros and Hindu Kush. It is well known that by
Middle Palaeolithic times, Mid-latitude tundras \\-ere inhabited and by Upper Palarolithic
times severe sub-arctic en\-ironments were exploited. The technology for cold temperature
adaptation (fire, shelter, clothing and specialized hunting gear) was no doubt available t o the
Upper Palaeolithic denizens of highland Southwest Asia and Afghanistan. The highland habitat
under the cold and dry steppe conditions of the main Wurm stadia], ho~vevcr,perhaps [lid not
support sufficient numbers of the gregarious ungulates, and more critical t o human
populations, digestable vegetation was not at all abundant on the cold stcppe. It seems highly
Probable, therefore, that human populations had t o descend t o lower elevations and maybe
settled near the Amu-darya. The traces of their camps have not been discovered. This coul(l
b r a result of t h e limited amount of archaelogical reconnaissance in this area, and also t o thc
\.arious g e ~ m o r ~ h o l o g i cprocesses
al which can burv o r disturb surface occupation debris. It is
also quite possible that the entire region was uninhabited during the maximum of the W u r m .
A great deal of research will be required t o solve this problem.
The Epi-Palaeolithic
, - \ p p r o x i n ~ a t c15,000
l~ years after the Kara Kamar Ill occurrence, thc most abundant and \\.ell
knokvn finds from the Afqhan Palaeolithic are k n o ~ v n .Collectively, these sites may be
classified as Epi-Palaeolithic; a designation which refers t o the appearance of microlithic
elements in the late Wiirm and early Holocene. Indeed, in Afghanistan there appears an
rsceptionallv fine microblade technique at this time \vhich does not have anv known
~~rccursoi-s else\vhere.
Near the town of Aq Kupruk, Balkh Province, se\.eral Palaeolithic localities \\.ere
tliscovered and excavated by Dupree (Figs 2 . S 2 . 1 7 ) . Figure 2.9 show-s the location of the
tojvn in a \videned portion of the Balkh river vallev, and Fig. 2.10 the valley from the west.
130th north and south of Aq Kupruk the Balkh river is contained in a narroiv gorge whose
1-(XI-tical limestone \+.ails often exceed I 0 0 metres in height. The Palaeolithic sites are found
north of the to\\-n near the point \\-here the Balkh river re-enters the steep-sided gorge.
:-\q Kupruk III is an open-air site found in tlvo river gravels of the lo~vestterrace o f t h e Balkh.
.4q Kupruk I1 (Fig. 2.11) is a lai-ge shelter located a half a kilometre do\\-nstream tion1 Aq
Kupruk 111 and is \vithin the qorge (see Fig. 2.1 I ) . The shelter measures approximatelv 6 0 n~
L
\\.idc at the drip line and about 1 4 n~deep. The back of the shelter is 68 m from the river, and
a t thc surfacc, the back \\all is I 2 n~ above the stream level.
The, s t r a t i q r a p h ~of Aq Kupruk 11 \vas rather complicated, but mav be s u n ~ n ~ a r i z eas
L d
tOIlo\\,s. T h e deposit is composed of three elements: roof fa11 (lin~estone),loess and alluviun~.
Thc allu\.ium interfingrrs \\-it11the locss and roof fall on the slope outside of the shelter, but it
Fig. 2.9: Plan of A q Kupruk s h o w i n g t h c location or t h r archac.ological sitcs.
Fig. 2.1 3: Aq Kupruk, El~i-l'alnco~ithic.1 ancl 2 . Flnkc c o r r s . 3 and 4 . Uhr rctouchrcl hladrs.
Altlloupll t l ~ ct c c l ~ ~ l i q uofc ~t h c microl)ladc technology is fairly ~ c I k1 ~ l o w ~tlh,c fllnc'tioll
ol'tllrsc i111~)Icmcnts is not well clcmonstl-atcd at all. T h c most likcly intc.1-prvtatio11is that tllc,.
\j.crc 1)al.t o f a I>l-ojcctilcs ~ s t c m P('l-ha~)s
, all;l
s c w i n g as b a r l ~ so n a shalt. Both t h c mieroc.ol-c~s
I>]a(lc,s a r c foullcl in shcltcrs as \\'ell as in t h c t w o known opc.11 sitcs of thc. Alihan k- ,i
I -
ol'e.oursc, that the- chronologicaI hiatus discussccl carlicr I>ct\\.ccntlit-ni is quite, large.. ant! it is
c . o n ~ t . ~ ~ u cdif1icult
ntl~ t o dclnonstl-atc all\; c1ircc.t technological cxrlltini~itvI>ct\vcc~nt h e m .
Sniall m i c r o h l a d c c-ores and microhladcs a r c found in Mc.Hurncry1s site at A1i Tal)l)c-li o n
1 I l e , southt.rn s h o ~ - ol'thtx
c l t ~ at .4li Tal)pch.
Caspian sca (McHurnc.y, 1968). T h c ~ n i c r o l > l a t corc3s
I~o\\.(>\,c.r,arcx quite ({istillct f r o m tlic ones o f n o r t h e r n Afghanistan. At Ali T a l ) l > ~ h
111c' ~ i i i c r o l > l d (~l ~O ~I - \\.eXrC
~ S nladc o n the‘ ni;lrgi~lsoI' thic.k I1akt.s and gcnc-rallv (lid not ll.31.c
~ i ~ i c ~ r o l > ~l ~- ci ~ c l~~i i~o v, ai l~s- o i ~tlic
~ ~ cc,~ltirc,
l pcrinivtcr.
Anothcr m a j o r c.onll,onc.llt of tllc- .4q KuI,l-uk I1 too1 kit \vas t h c steel>-c.ndcclsc.ral)c-r (Fig.
.'. 1 5). Unlikc t h e Kdl-a Kanl,ir Ill carinatcd end s c r a l ) c ~ r s / l ~ l a c lc.o~-cs, ~ ~ I ~ ~the‘
t t'sarnl3lc's froni .4c1
Kul)t-uk I1 ha\.c short I>ladclc,t rcniov,~lseal-s and a stccl>cr mean cdgc angle. T h e r e is sonlc
( 1 0 o c l c \ . i ( l c ~ ~ cth,it
3 \v,is higlily sinlilar t o t h e l)rc,1i)r1ll
x , tlic, l ) r c f ~ ) r ~I ~l i) I -tlitx stc,c,p c,~i(isc.ra~>cr
for thc microblade cores. In addition t o the steep-ended scrapers, several standard
cndscrapers w e r e present, and four examples are illustrated in Fig. 2.16.
Dihedral burins, burins on retouched truncations and burins on snapped truncations
formed the second largest group of retouched stone artifacts. T h r e e dihedral burins and one
Table I1
Species Percent
-- - -. - -
TOTALS 90
Clearly, the overwhelming species represented \\.ere sheep and goat (89'" of the identifiable
bones). It seems evident that these t w o species were the predominant meat resources for the
Late Palaeolithic peoples in northern Afghanistan.
At Aq Kupruk 111 there are t w o distinct strata which have \ielded Epi-Palaeolithic
assemblages. T h e upper one (AKIII-A) is nearly identical typologically and dimensionallv \r.ith
the A q Kupruk I1 industry and it is inferred that they are roughlv contemporary. The lo\\ e r
\tratum (AKIII-B) however, presents a different picture. There, the microblade technique is
not represented nor are the steep-ended scrapers. The length and bvidth dimensions of the
retouched artifacts from AKIII-B are significantly larqer than either AKIII-A o r AK 11. Aq
Kupruk III-B is as yet undated bv Carbon-14.
In the Haibak region the Epi-Palaeolithic is represented bv the Kara Kamar I, Kok Jar, and
Ilara-i-Kalon sites (See Fig. 2.18). Technologicallv and chronologicallv all of these sites are
erv close t o t h e assemblages from Aq Kupruk with some slight ~ a r i a t i o n s None
. of them are
50 strikingly different in technolog). o r tvpology that thev should be included in a separate
archaeological ''culture' ' . Haibak is approximately 100 km from Aq Kupruk, is located in the
same foothill zone, and is not isolated bv any geographic barriers from A q Kupruk. The
location of the sites gives some indication of the settlement pattern. The Kok Jar surface site
(Fig. 2.19) consisted of a single concentration of artifacts which \\-ere being exposed from a
t h ~ nlaycr of soil on a mesa top. The mesa was an erosional remnant preserved by a freshxater
limestone caprock \vhlch was approximately 30 nl above the \alley floor. Figure 2.19 sho\vs
the mcsa and the arrow indicates the location o f t h e site. A large area of the \alley floor can be
Fig. 2.16: A q Kupruk, Epi-Palaeolithic. 1-4. Endscrapers.
sur\-c\cd from this vantage point. It would havc made an ideal observation post for a hunting
party.
The Dara-i-Kalon rockshelter, test excavatcd by Puglisi in 1965, is located in a dry wadi
channel which has cut into the limestone bedrock t o a depth of approximatelv 30 m . The
shelter is narrow and long and probably was only used as a transitory station by small hunting
groups. Puglisi has noted the presence of an earlier industry at the shelter which may
correspond t o the Aq Kupruk III-B manifestation.
Several artifacts from Kara Kamar, Level I are illustrated in Fig. 2 . 2 0 . The microblade
cores are similar t o thosc from Kok Jar, Dara-i-Kalon and A q Kupruk. Likc Kok Jar, Kara
Kamar is a good observation post and may havc been frc.qucntc.d by small hunting partic-s.
~t seems clear that groups of hunters ant1 gatherers cxploitc.cl thc broad intc*rlluvc.\
t o the Samangan river (luring the period of climatic. amelioration at thc. h c ~ ~ i n n i nofg
Holocene t i m e s . C o o n ' s preliminary faunal analysis of thc Kara Kamar I Icbvc-l inclicatcvl that
cvazclle
' was the primary species hunted along with wild sheep. The lack of hunted gazelle at ,4q
Kupruk mav be explained bv the qualitativel~different terrain described carlicr. It is simplv
unknown whether anv riverine resources w e r e utilized in the Haibak region, o r \vhcther the
llunting and gathering groups seasonallv moved further into the Hindu Kush during the
\ummer and out t o the Turkestan plains during the \r inter.
T h e most recent EPi-Palaeolithic site is kno\vn through the work of P. Gouin ( 1972) of
the Dblkgation Archkologique Franqaise en Afghanistan. His site is located o n the flat deltaic
plain just north of Tashkurghan and is designated Tashkurghan 40. It is a deflation site where
the artifacts are being exposed 011 top of a stabilized dune. Flint artifacts n-ere collcctcd offthc
sul-facc over an area of m o r e than several thousand square metres. No concentrations ,f
artifacts were reported, and Gouin has interpreted t h e widely dispersed artifacts t o have bern
locally transported by flooding of t h e Samangan River. T h e lithic industry from Tashkurghan
40 consists of over 3000 pieces of flint of which about four hundred w e r e tools. They all
s h o ~ e dweathering from both wind and water transport. This industry is quite distinct from
the Epi-Palaeolithic of A q Kupruk and Haibak and is probably from a later time period. This
conclusion is based on t h e following points. First, t h e microblade component included
backed elements, triangles, rectangles and lunates. Microburins w e r e also present which is
also indicative of microlith manufacture. Second, the microblades w e r e produced by a
different method than at A q Kupruk o r Haibak. At Tashkurghan, the microcores were made
on a variety of forms, some of which w e r e similar t o t h e microcores at Ali Tappeh, Iran. None
of the bullet shaped microblade cores, however, were found. Third, t r u e burins are almost
entirely lacking from this industry. Gouin has interpreted this site t o be representative of a
seasonal campsite, and he predicts o t h e r manifestations of this culture will be found in the
northernmost foothills of the Hindu Kush.
Summary
The above review of the Afghan Palaeolithic is m o r e tantalizing than satisfying for a number of
reasons which should be obvious t o the reader. Clearly, Afghanistan is an important
Palaeolithic area, and continued research there will be significant for prehistoric studies. To
date, however, t h e work has only been preliminary and has indicated fewer conclusions than
unresolved problems.
During the Lower Palaeolithic Afghanistan south of t h e Hindu Kush may have been part of
the South Asian world. T o thc north, it certainly would have fallen into t h e orbit of Central
Asia. No well tlocumentcd Lower Palaeolithic remains have yet been found in Afghanistan,
but thcre has bccn little concentrated effort t o find them. Search is made difficult because of
the rapid alluviation and erosion caused by tectonic uplift and also bv thick accumulation of
loess in the north. Despite thcsc ol~staclcs,Afghanistan is a promising source for thc ,441an
Lower Palaeolithic record in both cultural-historical and atlaptational terms.
By Middle Palacolithic timcs t h c r e is no question that Atghan~stanwas inhabited. During
this period there was a world wide expansion of human populations, and the movement into
the continental interiors of Asia is well documentcd. W h e t h e r Afghanistan received
populations from South Asia o r Southwestern Asia during this period is unknown, and the
typology of the Dara-i-Kur artifacts in northern Afghanistan give no definite indications either
way. T h e important fact is, however, that a sapienized p ~ p ~ u l a t i owas
n hunting sheep in the
north during thc Middle Palaeolithic, and this hunting adaptation continued in importance all
the way into thc Holocene.
T h e r e is no evidence f;)r a "smooth" typological transition from the Middle Palaeolithic
asseml)lagc of Dara-i-Kur t o the early Upper Palaeolithic Kara Kamar 111 lithics. The
distinctiveness of t h e t w o assemblages, howcvcr, is not adequate ground t o conclude that
there was no continuity in occupation tluring this time o r that Afghanistan I~lavcdno role in
Ii~und.The\ ivcre essentially lag deposits on a deflation surface. This is thc first known
occurrence of obsidian in Afghanistan in either a prchistoric o r historic context. The source,
of thc obsidian is definitelv local; trace element analysis at thc Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory,
I,v F. Asaro, H , Michel, F. Stross and N . Hammond has conf rmcd its distinctive compositio~.
The southern and eastern borders of the Dasht are formetl b\. several volcanic cones. French
geologists havc already reported obsidian in this area. The D a s h t - i - N a ~ . a rtherefore,
, should
be addcd t o the short list of obsidian sources in Southwest Asia. T o the west, the nearest
k n o \ ~ . nobsidian area is Lake Van in Turkey.
The t w o sites w e r e designated G . P . 2 and G . P . 4 (Ghazni Province). O n the basis of
technology and tvpology, they should be assigned t o t h e Epi-Palaeolithic. T h e collection can
be described as a bladelet and microblade industry with rare backed elements, geometries,
and burins. Slightly over 980/;, of the entire industry is obsidian, and t h e remaining fraction is
flint. The microblades w e r e produced from small cylindrical microblade cores (pencil or
bullet cores), and only T,, of them w e r e retouched o r backed. G . P . 2 and G . P . 4 are the first
Palaeolithic sites found south of the main divide of the Hindu Kush. Future survey and
cxcavation in this area will undoubtedly reveal several m o r e .
The Dasht-i-Nawar survey revealed n o further traces of the Lower Palaeolithic industry
earlier reported by Dupree (1974). It should, therfore, be regarded as still unsubstantiated.
Recent work by Soviet investigators has demonstrated bonafide Lower Palaeolithic sites
dated t o the end of the Middle Pleistocene in southern Tadjikistan only 100 km from the
Afghan border (Lazarenko and Ranov, 1977). Ranov's excavations at t h e sites of Karakau I and
Lakhuti 1 have revealed a pebble tool ancl flake industry with choppers, chopping tools and
irregularlv retouched flakes. The sites were found deeplv stratified in thick loess deposits.
This kind of deposit is lvell knobvn in northern Afghanistan and thus provides an excellent
opportunity t o search for Lower Palaeolithic remains on Afghan soil.
In 1976 A . V . Vinogradov of the Soviet-Afghan Archaeological Expedition located a large
number of surface EPi-Palaeolithic sites, Mesolithic in t h e Soviet terminology, between
Tashkurghan and Andkhoi on t h e lowland and arid Turkestan plain. T h e \.ast majority of these
sites lvere discovered near the contact of the sandy desert and the alluvium deposited by the
streams emanating from t h c Hindu Kush. T h e sites contain many geometric microliths and
small blade tools.
The Later Prehistoric Periods
Introduction
Like the Palaeolithic the later prehistoric periods of Afhanistan w r r c csscntiallv unkno\r.n
until the French initiated excavations at Mundigak in the late 1950s. The importancc of
Afghanistan in later prehistoric times had been clcarlv demonstrated bv the intchnsi\.c.
prehistoric research conducted in Soviet Central Asia, Haluchistan and the lndus vall(z\.
However, it has only been within the last tu.ent\.-fi\-e vcars that kno\vledgc about thc'sc
periods in Afghanistan has transcended the realm of mere speculation. F.\,c.n so, our
knowledge t o date hardly amounts t o more than a thumbnail sketch of what occurrcd at a 1;.w
sites (Fig. 3.1). Although limited, the available information clearlv indicates that the
prehistoric cultures which inhabited Afghanistan undcr\vent fundamental socio-cultural
changes and ecological adjustments that permitted thc two most important transformations in
later prehistory t o o c c u ~ t h development
e of an economv based upon domcsticatcd ~ ~ l a n t s
and animals; and the development of stratificd societies. These t\vo important
transformations, then, will be the focus of this discussion.
It is necessary, however, t o preface the discussion of the later prchistoric pcriods b\- rc.-
emphasizing a f e ~ vof the general, but verv important, aspects of the Palaeolithic presented
Da\-is (Chapter 2 ) . First, that human occupation of the modern arca of Afghanistan ha3 a
considerable antiquity. Second, that these indigenous hunters and gatherers \vcrc constantl\-
undergoing socio-cultural changes in response t o their ecological contingencies. Finall\., that
a n essential part of their ecological adaptation \vas the exploitation of domesticable animals,
and quite possibly plants. These are fundamental background factors \\.hich must be taken into
consideration i f the later prehistoric cultural developments are t o be explained in terms of
indigenous processes rather than simplv attributed t o the mo\.ement of peoples and traits fronl
areas in the West t o Afghanistan. It is o n .l ~
bv. attempting t o understand prehistoric cultural
clc,velopments in Afghanistan as resulting from indigenous processes and circumstances that a
h~llappreciation of its general theoretical significance for understanding human behaviour as
\\-ell as its on-n unique characteristics can be obtained.
Development of Domesticates
l'hc lxocess of domesticating plants and animals is considered t o be one of the most important
transitions in human technological and c ~ ~ l t u r development.
al As such, it is comparable t o
71
Fig. 3.1: Neolithic and Bronze Age sites. 1 . Ghar-i-Mar and Char-i-asp. 2 . Dara-i-Kur. 3. Tashkurgan.
4. Full01 (hoard). 5. Mundigak. 6. Said Qala. 7. Deh Morasi Chundai. 8. Nad-i-Ali. 9. Shahr-i Sokhta.
10. Helmand river sites. 1 1 . Dashli sites.
only three other such transitions: initial tool use by t h e earliest hominids; development of an
urban way of life; and, development of an industrial economy. Each of thcse transitions
represents fundamental alterations both in man's relationship with the physical environment
and in his relationship with fellow m e n . A detailed discussion of t h e theoretical and
methodological issues surrounding thc dt~velopmrntof domesticates is tangential to this
summary of Afghan prehistory (see Wright, 1971 and Harriss, 1971 for important
summaries). However, the Afghan material docs have some important theoretical
implications which will be discussed in t h e final scction.
Attempts t o summarize the prehistory of Afghanistan and neighbo~ .ng arcas (Allchin and
3. T H E LATk.14 PHI<HISTOHIC P)..HIOI)S 73
Allchin, 1968; Casal, 1969; Dales, 1965; Llyson, 1965; W h r e l r r , 1968, ha,.(.all rtatr(l that
rlomcsticated plants and animals w c r r the result of iliffusionary mrchanirms. Tht. most
recr.nt, and most cautious statement of this view is by Fairservis:
In other words, wild wheat may bv native to Afghanistan, li)r rxamplr; thus mrw,lithic rr i r t y
could havc domcsticatcd it there independent of the Wrst, but when a c.ultivatc.cl wheat i s f;puncl in
an early site in Afghanistan associatecl with domc.stic.atrd harlc) and goats (Ijoth not native to
Afghanistan) it is probable., but no mcans certain, that the wholc, complrx was difiusc-cl from
Western Asia, where all are found in domcsticatc.d form prcsumablv a t a n c.ar1ic.r clatc (1971 : 1 0 5 , .
The apparent willingness t o attribute primacy t o the Fertile Crcsccmt and diffusion as thc.
mechanism responsible for the presence of domesticates in Af haniktan is somc.what difhc."lt
to understand. The known data from three sites in Afghanistan schcbmscarcclv suf'fic.irnt t o
warrant such conclusions. Moreover, our knowledge concerning the natural distribution
zones of domesticable species is limited and, therefore, the boundaries in thc. dcfinition of so-
called "nuclear zones" is also called into question ( H i g s and Jarman, 1972). Thus, it is
precisely those areas of Soviet Central Asia and Afghanistan, continuously rc.fcrrcd t o as
representing important blanks in our knowledge of the distribution of domesticablc spccics,
~vhichare in need of m o r e detailed and extensive research ( Jarman, 1972 : 2 1 4 ) .Thc limitc.d
amount of data implicitly suggests the possibility of tiomcstication having occurred in arcsas
outside the Near East. Indeed, the recent realization that domestication represents a procchss,
a change in man-animallplant relationships, rather than a spccifc event in timc and space
increases possibilities that this important transition was occurring in more than one placc.
The processual explanations hypothesized by Binford ( 1968) and Flanncrv ( 1969) mav havc
been operative in m o r e than one region (see also Dupree, 1964), o r pcrhaps some as !ct
undetected complementary o r supplementary processes n.ere additionalv responsible for
such changes. W i t h these possibilities and conditions as a frame\vork, an cxamination of the
limited, but suggestive, data concerning this important transition in ~ f g h a n i s t a nis prcsmted
here.
The potential of Afghanistan as one of the areas which \vitnessed the domestication of
plants and animals was first recognized by the Soviet botanists Vavilov and Bukinin (1929).
Identifying several varieties of wild wheat in Afghanistan, thev felt it might have been one of
the original hearth areas for domestication. Yet in the last 45 years of prehistoric research no
s\.stematic investigation in this area of the Old World into domestication of plants and animals
has been conducted. Indeed, if one considers the tremendous efTorts expended on this
problem in other areas t h e singular lack of data concerning Afghanistan is deplorable. T o date
our knowledge concerning this problem is limited t o the results of excavations at onlv three
sites; Ghar-i-Mar (Snake Cave); Ghar-i-Asp (Horse Cave), and Dara-i-Kur (Cavc of the
Valley) (Fig. 3.2). These sites were excavated as a part of D u ~ r e e ' soverall research into the
Palaeolithic period of Afghanistan (for summaries see Dupree. 1972. 1973; Davis, 1972 and
Chapter 2 of this volume), and pro\-ide all the knoivn data about technological and
sociological changes indigenous in this area. Although the detinitive report has vet t o appear
on these excavations the preliminary results are very encouraging for further research.
All three sites are located in northeastern Afghanistan. O n the basis of stratigraphic
74 J I M G . SHAFFER
- ;El ZE
-
ca N41
"
--,I- a
-
Mund~gok
__
- =ad
%__
Sold Qola
--
-0 Ea Deh Moros~
S ~ t e s1-10 Doshl~
- El a KGM
- 0 8 Domb Sadoo~
-,I
3
C1 E ti! Gumlo
-,I
- tl Jol~lpur
- n Soro~ Kholo
-
- n ca Shohr- l Sokhlo
El 14 9 El
m
Yohyo
Dje~tun - W 8 a IQ a Nomozgo
evidence and associated changes in the artifact inventory changes, Dupree (1 972) defined the
following periods: Non-Ceramic Neolithic A and B, Ceramic Neolithic, and "Goat Cult"
Neolithic. T h e Non-Ceramic and Ceramic Neolithic periods w e r e identified only at Ghar-i-
Mar and Ghar-i-Asp while the "Goat Cult" Neolithic was found only at Dara-i-Kur. Because
of the late date and special nature of the finds the "Goat Cult" Neolithic will be discussed
separate]!. T h e Non-Ceramic and Ceramic Neolithic from Ghar-i-Mar and Ghar-i-Asp will
be treated as representing common cultural phases indigenious at both sites.
Since the crucial aspect of technological innovation is domestication of plants and
animals, it is appropriate that the floral and faunal evidence be presented. Unfortunately,the
floral evidence, including carbonized grains, has yet t o be a n a l ~ s e d ,and is not available.
However, the faunal data has been processed by Perkins (1972) and alreadv indicates that
some important revisions be made concerning the natural range of domesticable species. To
obtain a comprehensive picture of the situation it is necessarv t o review some of the evidence
from the Palaeolithic periods. At Dara-i-Kur a Middle Palaeolithic (Mousterian) cultural
complex was identified and dated t o approximately 29,050 b . c . (Dupree, 1972: 79).
Associated fauna included unidentified sheeplgoat species and possibly cattle (Bos prlmrgenlus).
Identification of these potentially domesticablc animals at such an early date in Afghanistan in
a context suggesting exploitation by man indicates that this area was indeed within the natural
grographical rangr of these species hefi)re ~ l o m c s t i c a t i o ~More . important art- the I i u n a l
remains found at Ghar-i-Mar and Asp in association with t h r Upprr I'alarc)lithic (Kuprukian A
ant] H) cultural remains (Perkins, 1972: 73; Ljupree, 1972: 7 6 7,. O n e carbon (late. ol' 14,665
b.c. is a\lailablc for the earliest phase, Kuprukian B. Fauna i(](.ntifc.tl with thtUsc.c.ultural
p]lases included: sheep (0l.i~ orirnralia yclocrros); goat (Capra hlrruS acgqrur); shc.cpgJat
( ~ ~ , i i ! C a ~ horse
r o ) ; (Equus s p ); dog (Canls aureur sp. ); C)x ( Itulpmr p ,; red clcrr (Ccrvurelaphus,;
and cattlcj'dcer (BorlCcrrus). It is quitc clear from cvcSn this lin1itc.d c.vidcncc. that \s.ilcl
of domesticable animals \vtarc present in this area and c.xploitc.d man.
Furthermore, the number of specimens for thcsc domcsticablr species (80 o r H4J0o f t h c total
identifiable remains; Perkins, 1972: 73) indicates some dcgrte of sc.lrcti\.c c.xplr)itatir)n of'
these animals. Similar contemporaneous patterns havt. been notrd at sc.vcral sites in So\irt
Central Asia (Masson and Sarianidi, 1972: 14- 32) \vhich dcmonstratc. that this is not an
isolated phenomenon. While the present data is not sufficic~nt to stat(. positi\.rlv that
indigenous domestication of animals took place in Afghanistan and adjoining arras, it is
sufficient t o indicate that previous assumptions asserting that such animals M.crc not fijund in
the native environment of these areas, and thercforc, that thcir prcsrncc in a domc.sticatcd
state must be explained as a result of diffusion from other areas is simply untcmablc.. Until
more accurate data is available concerning the presence o r absence of domcsticablc. plants,
similar assumptions about their diffusionary origins arcb unacceptable. The prcsrnt data
stronglv pleads for an expansion of the conceptual frame\\.orks explaining thc tc.chnologica1
and sociological changes \vhich may have innovated \hithin Afghanistan itself.
Fauna from the earlier Non-Ceramic Neolithic strata are rcfcrrccl to as domesticatc.(l I)\.
both Perkins (1 972: 7 3 ) and Dupree ( 1972 : 75--7). U n f ~ r t u n a t ~ lay discrcpanc\. c.xists
bet\\-een fauna listed for Non-Ceramic Neolithic B by Dupree ( 1972: 7 6 ) and Perkins ( 1972:
73 ) . It \vould appear that the fauna associated \\.ith the Ceramic Neolithic bv I'crkins is 1istc.d
as being associated with Non-Ceramic Neolithic B b\. Duprce. Ho\r.evcr, thc onlv
clomesticated fauna for which this discrepancy is relevant is cattle. Therefore, domesticatc~cl
shcep ( 0 t . i sp.),
~ goat (Capra hircus hircus and Capra hircus spp.), and unidentifiable sheep goat
( 0 1 - i s l C a ~ r alvere
) in association \vith all strata referred t o as Neolithic. The cattle (Bos sf.
bones are identified as being possiblv domesticated. ,4 complete listing of thc non-
tlomesticated fauna \vould include: red deer (Cer\.us elorhus sp.); gazellc (Gozcllo subgutturoso
.x,~/). ); and, horse (Equus caballus spp. and Equus spp. ) . Having identified \vild predecessors of
tlomesticates in an Upper Palaeolithic context and full\. domesticated forms in subsequt.nt
later strata (Neolithic), attention should focus on specific chronology.
The Non-Ceramic Neolithic has tlvo radiocarbon dates (Fig. 3.3 1, one of 8566 b.c. ant1
another of 6960 b.c. A larger sample of dates is available for the Ceramic Neolithic.: 2685
I3.c. , 501 8 b . c . , 4549 b . c . and 52 14 b.c. (Statistical errors are displayed in Fig. 3 . 3 1. Thus thc
cultural assemblages designated as representing Neolithic span six millennia! The confusion of
auch an extended time span is further complicated by the dating of a chalcolithic (metal using)
tultural assemblage at Ghar-i-Mar \rhich is stratigraphically later than hut chronometrically
c,a~-lier (5487 and 5091 b . c . ) , o r contemporarv ~ v i t hthe , Neolithic assemblages. Traditionally
t h e aberrant dates on both ends of the chronological spectrum might have been disregarded as
~rcprescntingcontaminated samples. H o \ r e \ e r , a more meaninplLl interpretation might be
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3. THE LATER PREHISTORIC PERIODS 77
pro\ided b!. examining what this complex data may indicate if focused on two basic, and
related, problems. What does this data mean in relation to: ( I ) an earlv indipnous proccss Icjr
don~estication in this area; and ( 2 ) the overall human adaptation t o changing
relationships brought about by domestication of plants and animals?
A single ninth millennium b.c. date for domesticated animals is not in itself suficiCnt
evidence for ~ o s t u l a t i n gan indigenous process of domestication. Certainlv domesticated
animals have been identified at earlier dates (9000 h . c . ) in sites located t o the West.
Ho\~.ever,this single date assumes new significance when considered with the identiti cation of
kvild predecessors of domesticates in the Upper Palaeolithic levels at the sanle sites. The
s i p i f cance of the Upper Palaeolithic finds has already been noted, that the necessary animals
\\-ere in the area and being exploited by man at an early date. The fact that fullv domesticated
fauna can be identified bv 8566 b.c. indicates that this process had alreadv occurred. Since
biological characteristics denoting domestication \rere identifi ed among these fauna then we
may postulate that even before this date the processes responsible Ibr such changes were
already in operation. In other words, this date may be interpreted as a terminal rather than
initial date demarking appearance of domesticated animals in this area. Therefore, one mav
expect with increased research that identification of transitional o r initial domesticates ( i f
such can be identitied) will date even earlier ( b e t ~ r e e n14,665 and 8566 b . c . ) . Identitication o f
domesticable wild species and one rather earlv date for fully don~esticatedspecies forms arc
sorne\vhat tentative bases upon which t o hvpothesize an indigenous domestication proccss.
Albeit tentative, it is still a foundation upon \\-hich t o construct a fuller understanding of the
prehistoric processes occurring in Afghanistan. Before addressing thc second problem of
e~.ologicalrelationships and t h e apparent long continuitv of these Neolithic cultures, it is
necessary t o examine the presence of other associated artifacts.
From the available information, there d o not appear t o be anv architectural remains
assoc-iated \vith either the Non-Ceramic o r Ceramic Neolithic. Because of sampling factors it
is difticult t o state that there \vas a positive absence of architecture. A possible signif cance of
this lack of architectural remains \\-ill he discussed helo\v. The major artifactual ditTerence
\\-hich distinguishes these cultural con~plexesis the presence o r absence of ceramics (Fig.
3 . 4 ) . Stratiqraphicallv and chronologicallv the Non-Ceramic Neolithic is the earlier
L
c.r)rnplex. It is the lithic implements which provide continuitv betbveen the Non-Ceramic and
~'cr,lnlicNeolithic, and also distinguish it from the Upper Palaeolithic. Besides lithic remains
~ l r conly o t h e r artifacts encountered \vere manufactured from bone. These bone artifacts
~ l l ~ , l u d esuch
d simple tools as polished points, plain and decorated needles, a\vls (punchrs),
. > ~ ~spatulas.
tl Ho\\-ever, it is lithic implements \rhich dominate the culture inventorv and must
1 ~ discussed
- in detail.
There is little distinction between the Non-Ceramic and Ceramic Neolithic lithics but
together they are 1-erv distinctive \\hen contrasted with the underlying K u ~ r u k i a nUpper
i'rl.~colithicassmlblages (Duprre and Davis, 1972: 28-30). This contrast is highlighted hv the
introduction of "sickle blades" \vith the characteristic sheen on the edges resulting from
utti~lgof CI-asses. O t h e r distinguishing artifacts \\.ere: one pressurc tlaked unifacial leaf-
.Jral"d point; a bifacial point fragment; many notched tlakes; hoes; ground stone qucrlls and
pr)undct-s; cclts; and stedtite hc)\vl fragnlents (Dupree, 1972: 76-7). Notched tlakes occurred
Fig. 3.4: Neolithic material from cave sites in northern Afghanistan: (a)-(b) Ceramic ~ e o l i t h i c
sherds; (c) "Goat cult Neolithic" sherds; (d) Bone needles, Ceramic Neolithic (?); (e) perforated
long bone, "Goat cult Neolithic' ' ; (f) Diabase point, ' 'Goat cult Neolithic' ' .
3. T H E LATER PREHISTORIC PERIOIIS 79
in the ~ u ~ r u k i aUpper
n Palaeolithic but were fewer in number. O t h c r artifacts which
clmlonstrated a continuity with the Kuprukian are: large hlacles; points; and dihrclral hurins.
The prcsrnce of sickle blades is extremely important for it demonstrates that populations who
were exploiting domesticated animals were also exploiting some sort of grasses. A similar
speculation might be presented for hoes, querns and pounders, but such artifacts have also
been identified in an Upper Palaeolithic context in other localities (wcstcm Iran). Until
botanical remains have been identified, it is impossible t o know whether o r not t h r grassrs
being exploited w e r e domestic. However, the total set of circumstances suggests that they
might w~ellhave been domesticates.
Ghar-i-Mar Non-Ceramic Neolithic A and H are basically similar but there are some
important differences. Dupree (1972: 76) describes Non-Ceramic Neolithic A as having a
smaller percentage of sickle blades and more closely resembling the K u ~ r u k i a nthan Non-
Ceramic Neolithic B. In addition Non-Ceramic Neolithic A did not have the stone hoes,
querns, pounders and steatite bowl fragments located with Non-Ceramic Neolithic B. Such
items were also lacking in the Non-Ceramic Neolithic complex defined at Ghar-i-Asp. The
lithics of Non-Ceramic Neolithic B are described bv Dupree as:
Sarnc as Ceramic Neolithic, but more sickle blades, plus cores, rnicroblades, end and sidc scrapcbrs,
points, burins, occasional backed blades. One pressure-flaked, unifacial point (1972.76).
Almost exactly the same description is used for the Ceramic Neolithic at both Ghar-i-Mar and
Ghar-i-Asp. It is interesting t o note that the Ceramic Neolithic at Ghar-i-Mar also lacked
stone hoes, querns, pounders and steatite bowl fragments. The overall impression of these
Neolithic assemblages is one of continuity. Furthermore, there is nothing in the available
information on the lithics t o indicate that radical new tool inventories \vere introduced \vith
the appearance of domesticates. There is also nothing t o indicate that these Neolithic lithic
ahscmblages did not develop out of the preceding Kuprukian.
Perhaps the most significant change, o r addition, t o the material culture inventory Lvas
lx'ttet-JJ (Dupree and Kolb, 1972). The ceramics have only brieflv been described in the
p1-c~lirninaryreport \vhich makes it difficult t o place this important cultural item in proper
1x1-spective.Dupree and Kolb give the folloiving short description of the Neolithic ceramics:
The major typc is a crude, soft, chaff, crushcd-liniestone and crushed-sherd tenlprred \\.are \vith llat
I)asrs simple rounded rims, probablv basins and globular jar types. . . . Another better tired \varc
\\-it11zig-zag incisions . . . ma\ also relate to this period, but more prohahi\. tits into the o\-crl!.ing
.4q Kupruk Chalcolithic or even later (1972: 33).
Ilupree (1972: 75) refers t o this potterv as black, but the illustration shows a light colour
l t ~ l ~ rprobablv
ic buff (Fig. 3.4a, b). No doubt a variety of colours lvere present due t o
tlit'fcl-ential firing. From the single illustration (Dupree and Kolb, 1972: 34, Fig. 1 18) and the
,~\sociateds t r a t i ~ r a ~ h i c (1972: 33) it appears that the designation of the harder
i11c.ised\val-e as belonqinq t o a later period is correct. Therefore, for the Ceramic Neolithic
C C
the. associated ceramic is a soft, heavilv tempered "crude" \vare which \vas handmade
( ~ u t h o r ' personal
s obser\-ation). However, one must be careful not t o assign antiquity simply
111)onthe basis of coarseness of manufacturing technique. More recent studies (Shaffer, 1972 ;
1974a) ha1.c sh0u.n that such "cl-ude" and basket-impressed pottery have a very long
persistence during the prehistoric period. The prcsence of such types in a ceramic assembl
age
appears t o be rclated t o two factors: vessel form-function and economics of manufacture.
These pottery types were very restricted in vessel forms when compared t o contemporary
types at the same site (Shaffer 1972: 109, 1974a). Vessel forms were usually deep straight
sided bowls, simple jars, o r very shallow bowls (plates). Quite often the vessels would have a
heavy coating of carbon on the exterior as if they were exposed repeatedly t o an open fire. The
limited vessel form, constantly present, but changing in frequency throughout the sequence,
and apparent useage near open fires (for many but not all examples), supports the conclusion
that such types were common utilitarian vessels. The simple method of manufacture would
have made them economical for such everyday use and, indeed, they could have been of
household manufacture. The persistence of such types then for long periods in antiquity
should not be unexpected and is, in fact, indicated by the present data. With this description
of material culture associated with these Neolithic complexes, a discussion of the second
problem of overall human adaptation t o changing ecological relationships resulting from
domestication of plants and animals can be considered.
Attempting t o interpret the Non-Ceramic and Ceramic Neolithic assemblages Dupree
(1973: 263) alludes t o the possibility that these archaeological assemblages represent
specialized pastoral nomads. However, it is not possible t o base such an identification of
pastoral nomadic on any specific artifact o r set of artifacts. Except for the presence of a
~ o s t h o l epattern suggestive of a tent-like temporary dwelling there is nothing in the artifact
inventory which is distinctively "nomadic". An argument might be made that the absence of
architectural phenomena in itself is suggestive of a nomadic interpretation. O n the other
hand, given the limited nature of the excavations it would be misleading t o ascribe the absence
of architecture as sufficient evidence in itself for the differentiation of a pastoral nomadic
assemblage. Similarly one cannot discount a pastoral nomadic interpretation simply because
of the presence of tools usually associated with agriculture (sickle blades, milling stones,
hoes, etc.). Some of these tools would be needed by pastoral groups t o process cereals
obtained by interaction with agriculturalists; o r they might be needed as part of their tool-kit
in compliance with providing a source of labour for agriculturists; they might have been
necessary t o enable the pastoral group t o take advantage of wild crops o r areas that could be
dry-farmed; or they might have been utilized in any combination of the above circumstances.
Perhaps the one ~ h ~ s i c factoral which does argue for a ~ a s t o r a lnomadic interpretation is
physical location in caves. Traditionally caves have been a favourite location for temporar!
encampments of pastoral nomads. Given the limitations of the available data it appears that
Dupree's interpretation of these assemblages as representing ~ a s t o r a lnomadic groups
certainly seems ~ l a u s i b l e .The existence of pastoral nomadic groups contemporaneous with
earliest sedentary village agriculturists significantly alters current interpretative models
about the socio-cultural and ecological contingencies surrounding the development of
domesticates and the development of urban centres o r civilization (Shaffer, 1974b; n . d . ) .
In light of the proposed nomadic interpretation for these early assemblages the presence
of steatite bowl fragments is extremely interesting. Steatite bowls have recently been singled
out (Lamberg-Karlovsky, 1972a; Lamberg-Karlovsky and Tosi, 1973) as an important trade
item throughout the Iranian ~ l a t e a uin later prehistory. The chronological contcxt of the
Afghanistan material indicates that trade of such itcmr has a great(-r antiquity than prrviourlv
Furthermore, their identification in a nomadic context might bc. intt.rprc.tc.(l a;
lndlcating that such objects (and by analogy other objects such as lapi\ lazuli, she-Ill obrirlian)
mrere focal points of an exchange system which facilitated svmbiotic interac.tionr bctwec.n
nomadic and agricultural groups.
O n e final factor which should be taken into consideration is the long chmnological
persistence of these assemblages. O n e must always be cognizant of an extrcrncly IimitrcI
sample, but nonetheless some suggestion of the continuity of these assrrnblagrs can bhr
proposed. If the assemblages represent early manifestations of a successful spccialimtion in a
pastoral economy than one might expect a rather high degree of consistency in t h r basic
aspects of the associated material culture. This would be especially the case given the rather
tool inventory that pastoral nomads must have had prior t o the introduction of
metal tools. A pastoral nomadic explanation is also applicable t o the contingencies
surrounding the "Goat Cult Neolithic".
cTofi,cattle, onager and horse. Wild fauna remains included: fox, marten, gazelle, birds, fish,
,"
The majority of lithic implements appear t o be of t w o basic types (Dupree and Davis,
1'172: 32; Dupree, 1972: 79):
. ( I ) excellent flint blades (some with fine alternate retouch), and possible sickle blades; ( 2 ) a
wries of relati\ielv large diabase points with thickened cross section and exhibiting extensive use
long both edges as well as the vertical ridge. . . .
( ) t h t . ~ -lithic implements included: celts, slate knife and pendant, a broken jasper point, slate
.( IAI>C"S, limestone blade and bead (cylindrical), steatite spindle whorl, obsidian bracelet
1 1 agment (?),basaltic hammerstones, and a series of quartzite pebble tools. Bone implements
included: awls, needles, gouges, spatula, polishers, polished sheep astragali (gaming pieces?)
and one perfc)rated long bone which may have been either an ornament o r amulet. There was
also located one shell o r "limestone" ~ e r f o r a t e ddisc bead. This inventory seems t o represent
a rather generalized collection of tools not very different from those delineated for the Non-
Ceramic and Ceramic Neolithic described earlier. T h e r e are, however, three new categories
of' artifacts associated with the "Goat Cult" Neolithic that d o make it very distinctive from
thc earlier material.
T h e first category is metal objects. T h r e e fragments of a low-tin bronze artifact were
associated with this assemblage (Caley, 1972: 45-6). T w o of these fragments appear to be part
of a pin while the third is a ' ' . . . tapered rectangular rod broken off at one end and having a
conical tip at the othcr" (Caley, 1972: 45). After making a component analysis Caley came to
the conclusion that these items are ~ r o b a b of l ~a local (i.e. Afghanistan) manufacture. The
second major distinctive category of artifacts is the presence of architectural remains in the
form of postholes which w e r e described as:
A wries of at least 80 post molds 2-4 cm in diameter was noted just under the lip of the cave, and
may indicate the use of culinary racks, windbreaks, other shelters, tethering posts, ctc. (Duprce
ant1 Kolb 1972: 35).
Presence of such post molds is highly suggestive of the possible presence of tents, especiall! in
light of the pastoral nomadic interpretation of this material presented here. The final
tlistinctive category of artifacts are t h e "goat burials" from which t h e assemblage got its
designation as the ''Goat Cult" Ncolithic. Unfortunately d u e t o t h e preliminary nature of the
available report the description of these burials is very brief:
Tlirre intentional pit burials of tlomcsticated goats werr uncovered. Two skeletons had been
tlccapitatctl; one had the skull articulated. . . . Directly underneath and possibly in association with
Hurial 3, skull fragments and scvcral long bones of one or two children were discovered (Duprec
and Kolb, 1972: 34- 5).
The Neolithic ceramics of Darra-i-Kur arc totally different from those found at A q Kupruk. The
niost clistinctivc ware, callrd Haba Darwcsh Black by Kolb, is a crude calcite-tenipercd type which
occurrcd in globular jar forms with medium necks and either slightly flaring or erect rims. Man>-oE
thc shrrtls arc rrtltlish grey in colour, probably becausc of differential f ring. Simple striated,
inciscd, punctatcd, and channelrd geometric decorations, such as chevrons, n~ultipleparallel lines,
outlined triangles, cross hatching, zig-zags, and latlclcr motit:.; arc common. . . . Srvc'ral sherds had
tingcr-inipl.cssion tlcsigns; somc interior bases had tcxtilr or baskctry impressions (Duprcc and
Kolb, 1972: 34).
\ iIlagcs ~ v i t h substantial architecture and associated artifacts. T o date in Afghanistan not one
c.,l(.ntary farmine \,illagc has been located which is contemporary w-ith the archaeological
C
.~\v~nlblages previouslv discussed. This lack of evidence is not unexpected considering the
l i ~ j ~ i t (sample
>d size, and the current state of prehistoric research in Afghanistan suggests that
4111 ~1 s i t ~ arc
s yet t o be discovered. In this respect a series of low mounds located immediatclv
~lol-thof' the Hindu Kush in the Tashkurghan region \'vhich are covered with microliths and
0 1 I l r \ l - artifacts is \.cry suggestive of the existence of such early farmers (Dupree, 1967: 1 2 and
p,'~-")~nal communication). No doubt future research \vill reveal such mounds in other areas,
< l ~ i (testing
I the lowest Icvcls ofsomt, of t h r thousands of mounds dotting the Afghan landscape
~ l ( , l - t and
h south of the Hindu Kush \\rill eventually define such earl!. sedentarv agriculturists.
IIon.cj.r.r, it is ncccssary at present t o look beyond t h c boundaries of Afghanistan for examples
( 1 1 (-arI\. farmrrs \\.hich may provide an analogous picture of such groups.
I'crhaps the most analogous cultural manifestation comes from Soviet Central Asia and the
ultural cc)mplcs rcfcl-reel t o as Djeitun (Masson and Sarianidi, 1972: 33-46). T h e Djeitun
84 J I M ti. S H A F F F H
cu Iturc. W'IS s c ~ l ~ c t cOII ~ d t llc' Imsis of gcogral)hic.al proximity , and ht.c.ausc of tile. wrll
r-(.c.ognilcd similarity in cultural rnatcrial and d c v c l o t ~ i i ~ e11otcd ~ ~ l t in latcr prehistoric, pcbrio(l!,
(Hiscionc, 1973; 1,anll)crg-Karlovsky and Tosi, 1973; Mcadow, 1973; I ' i g o t t , 1947, 1950
*rosi, 1969, 1973; Whcc.lcr, 1968). Givcw the. assumption ht.1-c that such latcr cultural
~i111ilaritic.sa r c 3' result of indigenous cultural I>I.OCCSSCS i~lvol\,ing this arcd a i d AIih,lnistan, it
is equally valid t o assunlcb that a ccrtain clcgrcc o f similarity cxistcd in carlictr pc,rio(is. ~ 1 , ~
t;)llowing hricf description o t ' t h c Iljcitun culture' is prc.sc~~ltc~d t o help till an i~lfornlatioll I
8P
crcatc-d hy lack ot' rcsc~arc.11o n c o n t c ~ ~ n p o r a rculturcs y in Afghanistan.
T h e IIjcitun c u l t u r e (surnmarizcd f r o m Masson and Sarianidi, 1972) has 1)c.t.n idcntificd at
scvcxral southern Turkmenia sitcs. Scvcral 1)hasc.s ol'dcvclopmcnt have. bc3c.n dctincd the latc>st
dating t o 5050 I1.c. and thcrcforc. roughly contemporary w i t h t h c Afghan Noll-C'c.ranlic and
C'cral~lieNeolithic. Grains of domc.sticattd harlcy and \vhcat as well as domcsticatcd sheep
an(l goat r c r t i a i ~ ~ s l ~ abc~cn
v c idcntitictl at 1)jcitun sitcs. H o ~ ! c v c ~in, t h e early t)llasc
clc~vc~lol)mc~~t hiintirlg continiic~dt o havc an i n l p o r t < ~ nrolc
t as inelicatcd 1)):t h e idcntitic,~tion
sc~vc.ral spc,cics of \\.il(l animals (gazc.llc, onagc,r, wild pig and shec~p,t;)x dnd n.olt).
IIjcitun houses \vcrc r a t h c r stantl,~rdizcdin proportions, dimc.nsio~ls,construction allel
l a ~ o u t .C'onstruction was of mud brick and the' ovc'rall shape. was basically rc~ctangul,~r or
sq11.11-c.Intc'l-nal hearth s t r u c t u r c ~ \vexre
s 1ocatc.d just t o t h c right ot'thc d o o r w a ~ Oftcn
. houscs
h,xl interior partitions, storage, bins and s i i b t c r r a n c ~ ~storage. n pits. In the, c;lrlicr phasc~shouse,
tloors and ~ ~ i ~w le rl es s o ~ i l e ' t i ~ n plastcrc(l
c~s w i t h a limc~mixture., o r a tine clay, and occasiotlaIIy
I ) , ~ i ~ ~ tTchde. avc,ragc size, ol' thcsc t1al)itations M~CIS2 0 30 squart' nlc\t~-c's.F.v~Y-YIIOUS~> h,ld a
c~ourtyarcl c.ontaining out-housc, striicturcs. These, courtvards varic~tl in sizc and \$.cxrc
a l l ~ b y two-dwc.llings. Hcsic1c.s hal)itatio~ls t r u c t u r c . ~anel c o u r t ~ a r c l sanother
o c ~ c ~ a ~ i o i lsll,~rc(l
t \ p c of struc.ture w ~ ,s~ l s otlc\scril>ctl 1)). M;lssor~ant1 S.II-i;lnitli:
i ~ l ( l ~ ~ s All
t ~ . yol'thc.
. e.c~ra~llic.sCII-~, c,itllc,r Il,~~l(l~lldelc~ o r ~ ~ l . l ~ ~ t ~ l ; l c O. tI Il ~J r\c. c~'cr ~?;lo\\. \\.I1c'c'1 ~ l l ( 1
~ r c ( ~Vcbss(*ls h r p r s inclu(l(.cl g l o l ~ u l a rjars, I)owls rn(l evrll smnll
lllr(lrli.om a c h a f l ~ - t e ~ n i l ~ c])art(,.
.
.
r s . (Iceoration c.011sist~dmainly 01' rvd gvo~rlc-tric.nic,tils
~ ) ~ \ ~ k c111c' 011 v c . l ~ ( ) \ ~ - h l l t l .
I ) ~ ~ . ~ ~ - (I)cc~oratc.d
) u ~ ( I s su~-t'acc>s wcbrc oltcn polishc.cl. Initiallv most clc'c.oratiol~consistccl o f
sinll)IrI ) a ~ l l r rl o w s of'wlavy linrs and vertical brackrt-lik(- linrs, \vitll trianplar pattrrlis
I>eillgr a r r . In t b c latcr phasrs t h r s r m o t i f s rlrclinr in l i r o u r o f inc,rvasrd u n p o t ' r c . ( ~ t a ~ , ~ u l a r
(]csiq~ls,d o t t e d pat tc'rnsand triangles. Finally t lic
. . ,p ~ t t c ~(lc-cor,~tio~~
y l ) c x ~ o ~~i ~
i i eo ~r cc~issc~ctc~cl
allel ( l i ~ l i i ~ ~ u itlil vt11c
t ~ ttlircl l~c*ri~)ci
wllcrl ( l c b b i g ~ l b
' ( l on tlir inner surlhcc trl'tllc pots. Tllc. tlc~rc)rationis in tllc Iijrrn c,I'unelulatillg
\I.cI.c. OI'IC-II p ~ i ~ i ~ (also
lillc's, \.cl.tical zigzags, a n d trcc-likc ~)attc.r~ls (Masson ancl Sarianidi, 1972 : 40).
O t h r r artclhkts w h i c h u r r c madc horn clay includcd: conical, disc and square l)ra(~s;
p n l i n g - ~ i c ' ~ c ' ~l ); r a c c I ~ t s , a ~ i d t i g u r i ~ ~ c s Figurirlcs . wc-rc I>otll . ~ l l t l l r o ~ o m ( , r ~ , hancl
ic
z o o m o r l ~ h i c .Z o o n ~ o r ~ ) h hi c) r m s includcd slic.c.p/goat and hovids. Hulnan figurinrs consistc.(l
ot'hunlan 1ace.s modcllcd in t h c flat and scatcd f g u r i n c s (fcnialc?). Thcsc fieurincs \,,ill he- an L
~ l l . i t ( x ~ . i dI>oth
l, \,,it11r ( , g ~ r dt o 111~tli0dof ~ s c a v d t i o n.lnd t1ic' fdct that C ) I I ~ Yan cxtrc.me.lv small
..1111~>lc l ;1v,liltll,lc,. Origi~l,lllyFairsc.rvis ( 1 9 5 6 , 1959) d i s t i n ~ u i s h c dK G M I h011iI1
o f n l , ~ t c r i a is
1111 the prcscllcc o f pottc.ry. T h c r c w,ls a c.onll)lc~tc~l>sc11c-c.01' ~ ) o t t c ' rin ~ KGM I and A
~ l ~ ~ , ~ ~ t i t , l illc.rc-,lsinq
ti\.cly L
.lmoullt 01' various pottex~-\. . .
typcs in K G M 11. S ~ I ~ S ~ Y di\,isio~ls
~.I~.II~
i h;\ ; M 11, 111 anti 1 ~ ()(tl1is ) c.ultlll-,ll conll>lc>x\.vc-r(. likc\visc. I>asc.d upon ccxramic- distinctions.
I '.II(>S( 19h5: 2hO I ) and MutIhal ( 1970: 2bI 8) \vhilc acx,cl)ting tlic \.'~licIitvot' KGM 1 as a
t I i., i~lc,ti\,cc.llltlll-dl pll,l~c~
01 ( ~ l - \ ( ~ l o l ) l l l c ~ h,l\c>,
lt o n t b c o t h ~ II.IILI.
r r ~ j c ~ c . tthet
c ~ is u l ~ s r q u r ~ l t
Iw~~.iotlizatioll 01' K(;M 11 .I\. H()th I),llcs ,llltl M i ~ ~ lIl,~\,r i ~ l ol>jc'c.t~dnot o11lv t o Fairscr\.is9s
I,,13ii e,(sl.,lllliet\.l")logic,h I N I ~ Ircl\c, ,i1so cli~c'stionc-(1\\hc~thcs~. t h e . tli\ixions I ) , l x t > t l "I)()"
( l ~ ~ c l ~]list~)l-ic,s
l t i ~ ~~ l '~t l ii c ~
,t\,pc,s
~ ~ i~ivol\.cvl
~ 1)oth ~1.g11c'
arc j~~stilic~(l: for a rc~tc~ntion oI'KGM 1
a Iceitinlatc c.ultuml t~ntityI>ut intc'rl)rct KGM 11 1V as rcbl)rc~scntinga singlc c u I t u r ~ Ipllasc of
( ] c \ ~ ~ ] o l ) I ~More
l ~ n t rrcc\ntl\
. Fail-sc,rvis ( 1971 : 1 37, 110. 29) has s l i g h t l ~re\.inb(lhis original
intcl-l)rctation.and tluc to the, \.cry small saml>lc of matcrial in\-olvctl no\r- consitlcl-s KC;M 1
anel 11 to I,(* a singlr I>hasc*r c p r c ~ w t i ~ icgs s c n t i a l l ~the same c.i~lturalasscml>lagc, \\-hilt-
retaining tlistinctions I>ct\\.ccn KGM 111 ant1 IV. TIic only resolution t o t l i ~ s ctliffcrcllt ~
i n t c r p r c t a t i o ~ ~iss aclditional cxc-a\,ations of similar material. Until f ~ ~ r t l i ccxcC1\'ations
r arc
c.()ll(Iuctc,d, it is a moot point \\.hie11 illtcrprctation one accc~pts, 'ln(1 a Y C ~difi'crcllt
intcrprctation is I ~ r c ~ s c ~ nIic~rc~: t c ~ d Fairscr\.is's rcxcc~ntcombining of KGM I and I1 into a single
cultul-al I)liasc is a c c c ~ p t c ~\\,hilt,
l, agrc,c.ing \\.it11 Ilalcs and Muglial that ~)crIiapsKGM I11 and I\!
sIioul(1 bc, colisitlcrcd as a singlc cultural pliasc~.Givcn thc \.el-\. small sample of material
in\.ol\.ctl i t is agl-cc,d \\it11 Fairscr\,is that the prcxscncc o r abscncc of ceramics in facc of tlic
sinlil,ll-it\ in all other artifact catc>gorics is not sufficient for tlcxsignating a separate cultural
cntitv; tlic important aspcXctof KGM 1 and 11 is tliat they represent a group of scdcntary
agriculturists tlcI~cndcntupon domc~sticatcs. Combining KGM I and 11 enipliasiscs thc
iml~ortancc usually plactd upon the' tlichotomy of handmade 1,s w l ~ ~ e l n i a dpottery. c
Tratlitional assumptions lia\.c, hcCn that liandmadc pottc'rv is chronologically earlier and
,'
rc'l)rcscnts a m o r c si~iiplc , technologically speaking, culture. Recent studies (DcCardi,
9 )
1970; Sliaftc,~., 1972, 1974a to citc a t;.\\.) increasingly indicated that handmatic \\-arcs,
cvcn haskCt-iniprc~sscdp o t t c r ~ have , an cxtl-emcly long chronological pcrsistencc and occur
simultant~ously\\.it11 \vhc~clmadcwares. Handniadc pottery apllcars t o be related more to
functional/cc01io11iic factors than \vith tliosc of cl~ronologicalitecli~iological sophistication.
Finally, \vc, have sexparated KGM 11 from 111 p r i i ~ ~ a r i lon \ . the occurrcncc of metal artifacts in
thc latter; tlic importance of these \\.ill be discussed latcr. A summary of tlie KGM 1-11
asscmblagc can now he, L' rlvcn.
ThC excavations of KGM 1-11 \vere so limited (a 1.75 ni square bv 7 ni deep) tliat it is
difficult t o clo niorc than note tlic presence of \,arious cultural items. Initial occupation
structurcs \\.crc constructed horn p i s i and ~ . a t t l cand dauh ~ l l i i l elater in KGM 11 structurcs
\2.crc of mud brick and p i s i . Scveral structurcs \$.ere encountcrcd but tlie limited size of the,
excavations 111-c,vcntcd dc,lincation of details. Stone tools consisted of ground stonc (milling
ston's and pestles) as wc~IIas cliipptd stone blades, sickle blades, cores, scrapcrs and clioppcrs
matlc from tlint/clicrt, jaspcr o r clialcctlon>~.Hone implcmc~nts\vcrc limited t o tlic usual
simple, aw.ls, points and spatulac. Faunal analysis indicatetl the prcscncc of not only
domc~sticatc~t1 slic~c~p/goat but also cattlc.
H \ far thc~most important artifact category is ccramics. Potter\, was confined t o KGM 11
Ic\-cls, in an c\.cxn marc limited sample (a 1 a 7 5 m square, I>\. 2 m dcc,p). An c~xtcnsi\.c-
tlc~scril)tionand cliscussion ofFairscr\.is's c~eramicanalysis is not I-clcx\.antt o o u r purposes Iicrc,.
It \ \ - i l l suffice t o mention tliat twelve diffcrcnt types arc' listcd for KGM I1 \\,it11 tliosc
q u a n t i t a t i ~ c ldominant
~ hcing handmatlc. O n c of thcsc typcs \\,as a 1)askct-iml~rcssedfabric.
ant1 another a smootlicd;l~olisl~cd s u r h c c \\.it11al~l>lic(l
I-cd paint and a clominant \.csscl form of
a11 open I,o\\.l. Almost all of tlicsc. types I~crsistctlinto thc Iatclr KGM Ill -lV l>c~.iods
tlcnionstl-ating a high rlcgrcc of cultul-a1 continuity.
~ ' h r o t ~ o l o g i c a l KGM
ly 1-11 is n1uc.h later than IIic-itu~l,but t h r n a l l oI'our c*l,iclc.ne c c.t,nlcSs
}rom a single sitcb. T h r e e c - 1 4 dates arc. availal,le li,r K(;M I (I-.airsc.rvis, 1971 : 396, \%hich
~1hc.ncorrcctc.cl f o r t h e ncw hall'-lift* arc, 34611, 361111 ant] 371 2 11 the 1lt.w M A ~ ( . A
cc,rrrction h c t o r is takcn into ronsidcration thcn t h r (late. f;)r K(;M I t.xt(-ncltrlas i b r
back as t h e niitltllc of t h c fifth millennium 1 r . c . . (1.. 4500 H . C . I)alc.s, 1973: 1 5 9 ) .
~ l t l i o u g ht h r data 11-omPakistani h l u c h i s t a n is litnitcd and I'ragnic.ntarr, it (lors inclicatc.,
\vhrn takcn into consideration with Sovict Central Asian m a ~ c r i a l tliat , tllrrc was ~ . i ( j c . r ~ , ~ d . ~ l l
occurrcncc of scdrntar!. ngric.ultura1 groups along tlir i)orclers 0 1 Afghanistan. .I.hert. is n o
rcason t o doubt that with h t u r r research similar, i f not clirc.ctlr rcIatr(I, cultural l,Iicnonit.na
will be defined within n ~ o ( l e r nAfghanistan. W i d c r , m o r e encompassing, cultural c.orrelatior~s
and affinities have been developed tor both t h e 1)jc.itun (Masson and Sarianicli, 1972: 45 6 ,
and KGM 1-11 (Dales, 1965; Mughal, 1970: 26 I - 92) cultures, hut tlirsc rclationshil~sa r c not
rclcvant h e r e . T h e r e is, ho\vc\.cr, o n e additional site loc.atccl in I'akistali \r.llic-I1 nlight
c~,c.ntuallyprove t o relate t o cleve1c)pmcnts in Afghanistan: Gurnla, (Ilani, 1970 71) Ioc.atc-cl
in the Goma1 valley, o n e o f t h e main routes b c t \ ~ r e r nthc. Indus \,allc\ and Afgharlistan in latcr
and historic times.
Gunila is included h e r e because t h e extensive collcction of fcnialc tigurincs and some o f
the ceramics f r o m t h e later periods (11--111) at this site have dircct parallels, if'not imports, in
Afghanistan. H o w e v e r , at this point in the discussion onlv Pcriod I, which has 1,cc.n c o n ~ p a r c ( l
t o KGM 1 by Dani (197Cb71: 168), need concern us. N o structures a r c associated with this
pc~-iodbut several large circular ovens, o r roasting pits, ha1.c bccn dctinctl. Faunal rcXmains
f;,und in association with these pits appear t o be those of d ~ n i c ~ s t i c a shccp,goat t~d and cattlc
( 1 9 7 G 7 1 : 41 ) . N o ceramics have been found from this period. T h e major catcgorv ofartifact.
that of lithic tools, includes cores, parallel sided blades, burins, Ilakes, awls and scrapers.
Sct\pcral examples of such tools have been identiticd bv llani as being microlithic. Ground
stone tools included: saddle querns, rubbing stones, stone balls and pc.stlcs. llani ( 1 9 7 0 71 :
41 2 ) suggests that this period represents an extremely mobile population, a notion relevant
t o the discussion earlier in this chapter. Unfortunately, t h e r e are n o C'- 14 dctcrminations 101-
this c o n ~ p l e x .
This brief summary of t h e Djeitun, KGM 1-11 and Gunila I culturcs provides a possible
~>ic.turc of early sedentary agriculturists in Afghanistan, although \vhen contcmporarv cultural
( oniplexcs a r e defined in Afghanistan, they will doubless present ditTc~rcnccs from as \\-ell as
hin~ilaritiesw i t h those groups. T h e transition t o a subsistence dependent upon utilization of
tlomc,sticated plants and animals resulted in t h e development of specialized nomadic and
< I ~ I - i c u l t u rgroups.
al However, this transition sti~iiulatedadditional proccsst.s of' cultural,
r~cononiicand ecological change which resulted in even niorc complex ecological and cultural
.~(ljustments,which in t u r n resulted in another cquallv important transitiom---the transition
1 0 a sociall\: stratified \vay of life.
ol)jc*c,tsw11ic.h spin ha(I ~ ~ r o n o i ~ n cc~fli~c,ts ~ c ~ ( I i11)on all scsc-tors01' soc,ial lilib ( I < c n l r c ~ w ,1 9 7 2 :
483). Finally, tlc~vclol~rnc-nt ol' t h ( * alloying I)roccbss 01' c.ol~l)c.r ant1 t i n ( o r o t h c r rnc,tals)
, I I ~ O W . (1i)r > ( ~the* , first tin)(-, a signilic,ant ant1 rlualitativc* inc,rc,asc, in the- rangc. o1'artifac.t~\~,llic.h
c.oi11(1 ~ ) r o t l u c , c ~i l ll tcrrrls o l ' u t i l i t a r i a n t o o l s , wc.al)ons an(l l u x u r y itc-nis, w h o s c ~1)ossc.ssion
t 11e'11 I ) ( * s t o w c ~11('w I Iebvc'Is 01' stat CIS,l)r('st i g c an(l c-l'lic~ic*nc.yu p o n the, ~ ) o s s c s s o r .M o I - ~ Y ) \ . ~ . I - ,
111(-tal a r t i l i c . 1 ~ c.an I o c . a t ( ~ lin a witlc. varicxty 01' c.uItural c~irc~urilstanc~e~s, arc' c,asiI\.
i(l(wtifial>l(% in the* nrc,liac*ologicnl r(~c.or(I, ,inti c*an I)(, sul)je~c~tc~(l t o cluantit;lti\cs , ~ n ( l
clistril~utionalstu(lic.s.
,A rc,l~ac-oI~gic,aI
restlarch in Alghanistan c.oncc-rnc-tl with hlralilic.(l soc ic.tics has in
n-gions, n o r t h and south ol'tllc Hinclu Kush. In north(.ro Alghanistan t l ~ t - ~arc. c . lilur
or groul)s 01' sitcbs, rcslrvant t o this cliscussion: ( 1 ) t h r (:halrolithic o r Hrclnzr ~ g ( i4.rt.lr . at
(;bar-iMar ( I ) u l ) r r r , 1 9 7 2 ) ; ( 2 ) th(. "Goat C:ult" Nc-olithic oI'1)ara-i-Kur tl)uprc*c, 1972,;
(3, l ) o ~ s i l ) l ysomc* matc.rial li-om t h e Tashkurghan arcaa ( ( ; o u i ~ l , 1972,; and, ( 4 ) tl~c.I)ashli
sctl-ic-sol'.sitcbs (Sarianicli 1971 a ) . In southc.rn Alkhanistan rc.sc.arc.h has c,c.ntrc.(l o n the. Kanclahar
rc*gion anel c.xc.avations at t h e sit(-s 01': ( 1 ) Muncligak (C'asal, 1961 ); ( 2 ) I)(-11 Morasi (jhunclai
( ~ > u l x c ~1*9 ,6 3 ) ; a n d , ( 4 ) Said Qala 'Tcpc (Shaflkr, 1971 , 1972). l'hc. mat(-rial from (ihar-i-
Mar is c41ronologically t h c earliest and will I>(. disc~usscclfirst. 7'hc.n t h e c.xtc.nsivc- rvrnains at
~ u n t l i g a kant] t h c c o n t e m p o r a r y materials from 1)c.h Morasi and Said Qala will fi)rm t h e I ~ u l k
ol'thc- tliscussion about this latcsr prc.historic. pcriotl. Finally, the. rc.maining sit(-s in thc. n o r t h
will he, cbxamincd t o complctc- t h e archacologic~alpicture..
~ . ~ ~ of o~r the' g I ic~ml>ossrcl clcsign t o hc I,rotluc~rlby hammetring o n a soft substance (\vood \r.hcn
t II(. ~iic.tal hcatc(l. Tllc rrconstructc.tl original composition of' these artilacts incjicatc. a
\ , * I - \ . high pel-ccntagr o f ~ o ~ ~w~ c - r 7',,tin and traccs o f iron and nickcl, a composition
i t h~ allout
,\I~ic,h,accorcling t o C a l r y , is characteristic o l the, early stages o f bronzc mctallurgv.
I.ithic a r t i h c . t s arc. sunini;\rily (jrsc,riI)cclI,\ 1)uprec- ( 1972: 7 5 ) as consisting ol'llint corc-s,
i c , k l c hlatlc\s, I)latlrs, possible, hurins, I)crtOl-ators ant1 end-scral)c,rs o n blades; n o g r o m r t r i c s
lllallvlllic,l-o-]>ladcs
\\-c~rc~ \\.it11 this lc,\.cl. This is identical t o thc lithic
~ l s oassociat~~tl
Illdtrrial'~cscril><~~] Duprcc for the Crramic Ncolitbic. &)nt, artifacts inclndrd poillts,
,,\\-ls, nc~cdlcs. fauna idcntitit~lat thc sitc included domc.sticatc.d sIlrc.p, goat, cattlc
and posSil>lr onagcr (Duprec, 1967: 26, 1972: 75), hut a dctailrd discussion has yet to
I>uhlis]lrdDupl-ee ( 1 967: 26) also notcs the possibilit~that I I ~ ~ I I U S might
~S havc been ofsomc
dictarj. importancrX.
.jvailablc c-eramic descriptions (Dupree and Kolb, 1972 : 33--4; Duprec, 1967: 25, 1972:
75) arc incomplete. O n e pottcrv. type, is described as being a soft \\.arc similar to that
thC Ct-ramic Neolithic, and the other as a hard ere\.\\-are much better fired than that of the
L O
Cc>ramicNeolithic \vith incised illotifs (zigzags) under the rim (Dupree, 1967: 2 5, 1972: 75 1.
Both types are characterized by coarse tempering materials including limestone, crushed rock
or chaff and crushed sherds. Vessels lvere made bv coiling, slab-building and
modelling \\.hich utilized either a do\\- \{-heel (tournette) o r an unpivoted turning slab. Rims
\\-c,~-emanufacturetl separate]\. and then joined t o t h e \,essel body. T h e vessels had \\.ell
smootl~edsurfaces but no evidence of a slip, self-slip, \\-ash, paint o r polish \\-ere found. Besides
the incised motifs the onlv other decoration occurred on a single sherd as a " . . button-node
appliqued . . . (Dupree and Kolb, 1972 : 34). Dupree (1 972: 75) notes that a few sherds have
"
Southern Afghanistan
At present our information for this area comcs from excavations at three sites-Mundigak
(Casal, 1961 ), Deh Morasi Ghundai (Dupree, 1963), and Said Qala Tepe (Fairservis, 1952;
Shaffer, 197 1, 1 9 7 2 F a n d three site surveys of the Seistan area (Fairservis, 1956; H a m n ~ o n d ,
1970; Dales, 1972). While limited the sample size is sufticient t o indicate that souther11
i\fqhanistan is an important '1tit.a for understanding the transition t o stratitied societies and for
comprehending the cultural processes which affected ncighbouring arcas. T h e Muntligak
scquence has for long been crucial to the entire area bet\\.cen the \vestern Iranian plateau and
the Inclus v a l l c ~ .More recent excavations at Tepe Yahya (Lalnherg-Karlo\.sk!., 1970) and
Shahi--i-Sokhta (Tosi, 1969) have greatly contributed t o our kno\\-ledge of this vast area, hut
thev too derive some of their importance from relationships estal>lisl~ed\\.ith Muncligak.
Mundigak and the supplenit.ntar~ information from Dell Moi-asi Ghunclai (hci-caftcr Dch
Mcll-jri)a ~ a Said
I Qala T r p c (hcrral'trr Saicl Qala 1, pro\ i(lr inlc~rnlnuontor untlc.r\tallcl~nethte
I x o c c s s e d i n k i n g t h c areas o f Haluchistan and thtb In(lus \aIIc\ t o So\ ict Cc.lltraI ,4s1a
an(l castern Iran.
G ~ . o ~ r a p h i c aFactors
l
Thr site of Mundigak is a series of mounds situatc~lin a nlountainous rc.gic,n al)pr(Jxinlatrlr 5 5
km west b\. n o r t h of' m o d e r n Kandahar, located in the upper tlraillage ( , f t h c ~ ~ r h k - ~ - ~ ~ L ; h
~ u \r.hich
d roughly ~ ~ a r a l l et lhse Arghandab river as it flows \vest past Kandahar. Tht. Kuhhk-i-
Nakliud Rud flo\trs s o u t h ~ t ~ e s eventuallv
t, joining the Arglia~ldal)al)l,roxin~atc.lv 1 1 0 krll
south\vest of Kandahar. Likc, most arcas of Al'ghanistan this rvpiorl i h arid. -rIlcb
,4rphanclab
t1o1j.s h o r n n o r t h t o south until it passcs Kandahar ~ v h c r cit turns w c . a t ~ ~ a rand
d joins tht.
elma and approximatelv 130 k m south\vest of' Kandahar at Hust. T h c Hclnland t h ~ nIlc,\r-s
south and west t h e n n o r t h until it reaches t h c largc. niarshv, but todav cxtrcmc~lvarid, arc-a ot'
Scistan o n t h e Iranian b o r d e r which has in Af hanistan onlv had surface survcv for prc.historic.
sites, and limited excavations. Before the Arghandab-Hcln~andstreams t u r n t o the south\\.cst
t h c ~ form
. t h e n o r t h e r n boundarv separating t h c cultivable lands t o t h e north I'ronl the. arid
Rcgistan desert. O n c e t h e Helmand begins its soutn.rst\vard coursc. it passes through somc ol'
thC most arid regions in t h e ivorld. T h e Helniand is actuallv t h e onl\. major pcrcnnial ri\.c.r
located between Mesopotamia and t h e Indus vallcv, and its irnportanc.~in prehistoric. cultural
de\.elopments throughout this vast area cannot be ovcrcmphasizcd ( f o r a good cn\,ironnlcntal
summary of this region see Fairservis, 1961 ; Iluprec, 1973: 1 54). T h e loc.ation of Mundigak
\\.ithin t h e drainage of o n e of t h e major tributaries of this svstCm is a major factor in
understanding t h e cultural processes and phenomena \vhich a r c rctlt,ctcd at this sit<..
Similar conditions may be defined for t h e rclated sites of 1h.h Morasi and Said Qala, both
loc.ated within 3 0 kni of Kandahar and about 100 km southeast oI'Mundigak, on t h c flood plain
separating t h e Arghandab and Tarnak ri\.crs. T h e Tarnak runs parallcl t o t h e Arghandah and
tlo\~.sinto t h e D o r i south of t h e sites. T h e Dori in turn floivs \vest t o join t h c Arghandab ahout
70 km south\vest o f Kandahar. T h e proximitv and location lvithin t h c same ri\-er svstcm is
important t o t h e close relationships definable bct\veen these southern Afghan prehistoric
sltc's.
Mundigak
C'asal's excavations at Mundigak (Figs 3.5-3.40) still represent t h e major research c f i ~ r t
c oncerned w i t h these later periods of prehistory. At Mundigak during t h e mitldlc and late
1950s t h e French Archaeological Mission in Afghanistan ( D . A . F . A . ) cc)nducted a continuous
wries of extensive excavations at this site. These excavations detined seven major occul~ation
I\'-riods of \vhich t h e first tiye a r e of concern h e r e . C ' h r ~ n o l o ~ i c a l these
lv periods rc-present a
time span of approximately 3000 rears from t h e hrginning of the fourth t o s o m r t i m r in t h r
wcond millennium h . c During this t i m e span Mundigak developed from a small agricultural
illage (Periods 1-111) t o a major urban c e n t r e (Period IV-1') and then was al>andonrd (luring
3. THE LATER PREHISTORIC P E R I O D S 93
Iron Age. T h c complete occupation sequrnce was defined only at Mouncl A (tig.3 . I), but
during the urban ~ e r i o dseveral adjacent mounds were occupied by habitational and ''public ' '
structures. Particularly in the case of Mundigak it should br noted that much morc.
information could have been derived from these excavations had the data bern but
then this is an aspect of data retrieval which is missing in site reports throughout this area of
the world both past and present. The Mundigak report is already more than 1 5 years olcl, the
excavations m o r e than 20, and Casal's training even older. Hemembering these limitations a
discussion of the Mundigak material is presented here.
The initial occupation at Mundigak, Period I, was subdivided into five ( I , ;). These
divisions were based upon structural and cultural correlations. Period I , lare, however, verv
incompletely known since the total sample came from a sondage 10 m by 6 m , and all three
~ h a s e saccounted for less than 1.5 m depth of deposits. Phases 4-5 are known from a much
larger sample (maximum dimensions of 29 m by 18 m with 2 . 5 + m deposits) and, therefore,
are more completely known. Phase 1 and most of 2 are located directly above virgin soil,
while Phases 3-5 are superimposed directly atop each other.
Phases 1-2 are devoid of any substantial architectural remains. Their delineation is based
solely upon depositional soil differences and artifact content. Casal refers to the possible
existence of tent-like structures for these phases but the evidence as presented is not
convincing. T h e first substantial, o r permanent, structure was encountered in Phase 3 ; and
consisted of t w o pis; walls. Pis; is a construction method which involves the manufacture of a
building "paste" from a mixture of clayish soil with a tempering material, u s u a l l ~chaff. This
mixture is then built t o a height of less than a meter and allowed t o dry. Once dry another
layer is constructed atop the dry one and so on until the desired height is reached.
The first mud brick habitations were encountered in Phases 4-5. Phase 4 structures are all
I-cctangularsingle room units of varying sizes. The two completely excavated units are small
( 3 In by 2 m ) when compared with the obviously larger incompletel!. excavated units of that
Walls were constructed with single o r double coursed bricks, and the two coniplete
structures have doorways. Most structures have their walls reinforced with interior and,:or
c.stcrior buttresses. Rectangularly shaped, interior ovens o r hearths are located in three of
1 1 1 ~ . units. These features are constructed through the use of pisi and protrude a f e ~ t .
~ c l ~ l t i m e t r eabove
s the floor. O u r knoa.ledge o f phase 4 structures is the more incomplete
5inc.e they w e r e disturbed by the construction of Phase 5 structures.
A significant alteration in construction technique occurs with Phase 5 structures (Fig.
i . ( , d ) . These structures are characterized by the laying of a foundation of pis; sometimes
111isedwith stones below the immediate living surface (a wall trench) which should have
:I ~rcngthenedthe walls considerably. Houses continued t o be rectangular in shape, and three
c\rc characterized by interior partition walls with doorways t o allow access from one room
10 another. Access t o the interior of the structures was via lateral doorways. Hokvever, some
511-uctures had no evidence of such doorivays indicating that access \vas either through an
~ I ( . \ a t e doorivay
d o r 1-;athe roof. T w o examples of rectangular ~ i s inner
b ovens are recorded.
0 7~
Fig. 3.6(a): Muntligak .4, ],Ian o f .structur-cs, I
Ot particular interest a r c t h e presence of t\\-o large mud bric-k and pli; (,\-a101- U-shal>ctlo \ t b n \
in a n c x t c r i o r o p c n area. ,Anal\-sis of these o\-ens indic-atcs that e x t r c ~ n ~. chiqh L
l\ tcmpcraturc~.\
! 6 0 0 - 1 100') \\.ere produced in t h e m . T h e i r location in a large opcn space, cstcl-ior but
,~(l~ac.cnt t o habitations, might indicate t h e I~cginningoffunctionall\- sl~ecihc- areas \I-ithin the
.it(%. F r o m t h e limited sample it \\.auld appt.ar that t h c r c i 5 a hignihcant incrt,asc of' ha\ic
i ~ - u c t u r sizec 1)-iththose of Phase 5 being almost t h r e e times larger ( 9 m 171 6 n l ) . Pha5e 5 , an(l
111c.1-cforc Period I, is strati graphic all^ sealed b\. a deposit of \-ar\-ingt\.prs of clel>ri5 5 u g c s t i n g
i j l ~ tthis particular area of t h e site \\.as not occupied for s o m c t i m e . T h e ti-pc of. habitation
.i.i-utturcs dcsc-ribed f o r Period I+ ;seem t o establish a pattcrn \\-hich, a> \\-ill bc ~ * h o \ \ - ni , \-c,r\
I . , 1114istcntuntil Pcriod Ir.. It should be noted hel-t. that Casal has heen criticized for not
lN~.lking a sharper distinction, if not l ~ e r i o d i z a t i o nbet\\.c.cn
, Pcriod I , ,and 1, ; ( c . g . Fairsrr\ i \ .
1 -'7 1 : 1 2 7 ) because ofdificrences c\.idcnt in t h e a r c h i t c c t u r c and ceramics. T h e ceramics a r e
'!.t.usscd bclo\\- but on t h e arc11itcctu1-a1 c\.idcnce, Casal's clcsignation of a single pcriocl
.z r>msc o r r c c t . Gi\.cn t h c cxtrenicl\. small sample and exposure of Period I , ;as c o r n p a r ~ ~ d
;it11 I, i, o r o t h c ~ periods,
- it \\.auld ha\-c bt,cn p r e m a t u r e t o make a major ~trati_gral~hic.
! I \ ision mcrc\l\- on t h e basis o f tht. prescncc o r absence of substantial architee-turc.
\III ot'\\-llic-ll\\.cl-c \ - ( ) I - \ - s m a l l : less t h a n 1 .Om in h c i g l l t . .-\nothc*l-stl-ur t111.ci l l Ill,,,, I1,1(1 IJI-(:(' ])it
i \ ( , l \ ~ t c > ci ln t o tllc illtc,1-ior surt'acc. Loc.atctl t o thet \\-(.st 01. t h i s st~.Uc.tllI-(',d l l ( l ~ O l l ~ t l . l l < l ~ . ~ I
\ \ it11 lil-c\rl l>l-ic.k.;, \\-a a s m a l l t ~ m l ,c.~nt.iinin; a s i n c l c intli\itlu.il. T\\.o \\,i11s 0 1 th(. t ~ m l )
L
, ~ I , r ~ t tcicraillst
c3~ l l ~ . (a'n ahsoc.iatcttl c ~ n t ~ - a n hc ac(~] I?c<.11scalctl. l'h(, c m t ~ - a n c c
tl1is ~ t ] ~ cs t. l~- ~- ~ ~ . t lalltl
100 J I M G . SHAFFER
to the lamb itself had been sealed and then another wall constructed in front of that entrance.
Onlya single ceramic container was found in association with t h e burial, but outside the tomb
\verr the onlv examples from Mundigak of bronze axes and a single adze. This tomb is the only
one located within a habitation area at Mundigak, and it provides a stratigraphic correlation
for burials located on another mound.
Two successive groups of burials w e r e defined on Mound C located below structures of
Period IV. The earliest (perhaps earlier than 111,) consisted of single flexed burials placed in
irregularly shaped pits excavated into virgin soil. No diagnostic material was found with these
early burials, grave goods being limited t o flint tools, a single necklace of c o w ' s teeth, and a
single bead bracelet. The later (?) group of burials w e r e placed in tombs similar t o that
identified in 111, (Fig. 3.8b). These ossuaries were rectangular and constructed from fired
bricks. Puddled clay floors were constructed first and then brick walls w e r e set into them.
The predominant form of interment involved multiple burials although a few single burials
wcre found. Skulls were carefully arranged in a r o w along one of the walls while t h e remaining
skeletal parts were scattered about the interior of the t o m b . Only rarely w e r e articulated
limbs located. The skulls appear t o have been detached by decapitation and then placed i n situ,
\vhile the rest of the body was either mutilated o r defleshed in some manner and placed in the
tomb at a later date. A single instance of a lamb's remains w e r e found deposited in a like
manner in one tomb. Resides a few vessels of decorated ware, isolated pendants, and a few
blue and white beads, grave goods were very rare. T h e r e was nothing t o indicate any
differential social status except perhaps the fact of the burial itself. Unfortunately the size of
excavations at Mound C were very limited. It is interesting t o note, however, that this is the
only mound at Mundigak besides Mound A t o have materials datable t o pre-Period IV. This
concentrated location away from Mound A might indicate that the concept of a specially
designated area for burying the dead was well developed by this time.
Period III,,, had only a few structures all of which seemed t o centre on a single row of
rooms. However, several free-standing walls were found leading off t o the north. Some of
these structures had been filled-in with fired brick by the building activities of Period IV.
Scvcral structurcs were definable for thc last occupation of Period Illbc, among which was a
single example of a rectangular structure divided into a large and small room. This final
occupation underwent several modifications ant1 rebuildings which centred on the gradual
atltlition o r alteration of open spaces surrounding various blocks of structures. After Period
Ill,( there is a pronounced change in the function of the structures built on Mound A. From
Pcriod 1 through the gencral impression has been one of structures and debris associated
with multipurpose activities necessitated by a sedentary agricultural way of life. After Period
Ill, however, a very different picture emerges.
O n Mound A thc Pcriod 111, structures w e r e levelled t o provide a surface for the
construction of a building which marks a significant variation from previous architectural
traditions. Its style could indicate that it is associated with a particular social segment o r
function. Equally important during Period IV was the occupation of new areas at the site, and
thc construction of special function structures. These newly occupied areas includcd Mounds
H, D , E, F, C;, H , and 1 (Fig. 3.5). Unfortunately it is precisely these structures of Period IV
which were heavily dcvastcd by latcr erosion at the site, but fortunately many were
102 J I M G . SHAFFER
constl-uctcd \\,ith fired rather than mucl brick, otherwise they would have complctcl,.
clis.llllxarc(l. Another is the absence of connecting stratigraphic trenches bct\j,c&,
major structures, preventing definite associations from being made; Casal establishc(l
contemporancitv I,etween structures on the basis of associated ceramics, and Period IV \,,as
tli\-itled into three major phases (IV,. 3) the first of which is by far t h e most impressive
\t.itliout parallel in prehistoric Afghanistan.
Pt,riod IV,, Casal 's "Epoch o f t h e Palace", was characterizecl by thc construction of largr
mollunlental structures and enclosing walls (Figs. 3 . 9 3 . 1 3 ) . T h e "Palace" was a large
nlonumt.ntal building with half colonnades located on Mound A which underwent several
rc>l>uildingphases. There is little evidence t o definitely indicate that this structure represents
a but there can be no doubt that it was "monumental", significantly different from
prc\.ious and contemporarv structures, and culturally important. How-ever, t o designate it as
,,
a palace" implies a degree and level of political organization which cannot be presently
establishctl.
This important structure \vas located at the highest point of t h e s i t e M o u n d A. When
this building \\.as constructed Mound A must have been an imposing edifice with its 1 1 metres
of cle\.ation resulting from previous occupations ancl its surrounding(?) terrace \vall \j.hich
\\.as constructed in Period 111. From the t o p of the mound it was possible t o see not only the
othcr structures at the site but also the surrouncling countryside. T h e initial structure plan
unclcr\vcnt at least three rcbuildings of which only the last was a significant alteration. Until
thc last rebuilding the area north of the colonnaded wall was kept free of other structures so
that this building \t.as e q u a l l ~\.isible in arcas abvay from the mound. Although only the
northern wall Lvith its east-\vest colonnades remains (Figs 3 . 9 , 3 . 1 3 b ) it is possible that
such colonnades existed on all building faces. Similarly the only remaining entrance was
through the north wall, but it is impossible t o rule out the existence ofothers. T h e structure's
exterior ~ . a l lappear
s t o be aligned with the cardinal points of the compass, but such is not the
case for interior walls. A similar alignment can be defined for o t h e r monumental structures of
Period IV except for one portion of a large enclosing wall which goes off at a slight northeast
angle. This building orientation results in Casal's "Palace" and "Temple" structures being
locatetl in the same east-west line lvhich is parallel t o onc formed by the enclosing walls. It is
cloubtful that such alignment was the result of chance.
The primary focus of construction appears t o have been the large exterior walls faced with
partial colonnades of which only the north wall remains. T h e colonnades, like the wall, w.ere
constructecl ~ v i t hfired brick; however, t h c colonnades' exterior was plastered, painted white
ant1 toppctl with a brick frieze of opposing stcppcd triangles (Fig. 3.9a). T h e \\-all remnant was
2 . 3 nl high and originally was taller. North of the wall was a broad brick walkway. South of the
all, and sometimes attached t o the wall, \\.ere sevt,ral small rectangular habitation (?)
structures similar t o those described for earlier periods. Access t o thesc structures was eithcr
through a stepped entrance that opened onto a large "courtvard" o r through another
entrance that led directly into one of these small interior rooms. These interior habitations
wcre not significantlv different from those found in III,, and cxcept for the organization
i n ~ p o s t don them by the colonnaded wall and " c o u r t ~ a r t l " , thcv \j.erc haphazardlv arranged.
Thc first t\vo rcbuildings (IV,,,,) arc, almost c.xclusi\.c~l\~ c.onccrne(l \\.it11 thesc interior
Successive rebuildings resulted primarily in a proliferation i n th(. numtrar o ~ '
roonls and a thickening of walls (Fig. 3.10a). The north rncl of'the la%(. courtvarcI t)(.comc.s
di\idetI into a series of rooms distinguishcrl by the construction two sul;stantial \s-alls
pcrPendicular t o the colonnaded wall. Thcse new structures continue to habitation
activities indicated by the presence of interior ovens, drains, wall-lamp at least
one kitchen area. In contrast the third rebuilding, I V , c , represents significant arc.hitrc.tural
and, functional changes for this complex of structures.
During Period IVlc major new structures are constructctl north o f thc colonnadc(1 \\.all.
These elongated rectangular structures would have completely obscured the colonnadccl \,.all
from view at the time of their habitation. Moreover, structures on both sidcs of' thc.
colonnaded wall n o longer appear concerned with habitation acti\.itics. Thcsc. new structurcbs
are generally lacking the interior features which characterized the ~ ~ r c v i o oncs, us and in one
instance a room contained an unusual quantity of alabaster bowls and bronze points. Stairwavs
located in some structures indicate the presence of an upper store,\, o r at least reflect the
importance of having access to o r from the roof. The previous colonnaded wall continuetl t o
bc used but many of the structures south of it were filled with fired brick in the construction of
a large platform which was made accessible by a series of stainvavs added onto thc oltl
entrance. Five metres behind and parallel t o the old wall a new colonnaded wall \vas built.
The construction of a new and taller colonnaded wall must have added significantl\- to the
o\,erall terraced effect of Mound A. The platform had received several coatings of \t.hitc
and,'or red plaster. A wall trench had been excavated for the foundation of this new wall (it
cut through IV,a-,) and then filled with large stones after construction of the \\-all. Structures
located south of this new wall w-ere no longer haphazardly arranged but were organized along
a grid pattern with varying sized rooms (Fig. 3.10a). These rooms n.ere extremelv small and
\.oicl of any internal features. Wall remnants indicate that the \valls \vere never verv high and it
is cloul>tfulthat they w e r e used as habitations. The floors of these units had been verv carcfullv
hllc~land levelled. Unfortunately this last rebuilding \vas hea\-ilv eroded making it difficult t o
assvmble an overall plan.
West of Mound A, Mounds Band D produced remains of an enclosing \$-allconipletc \\-ith
"l~.;tions" (Figs 3 . l o b , 3.1 l a , b ) . These structures \\.ere erected directly on 1-irgin soil and
collsisted of t\vo thick parallel \valls of fired brick resting on foundations of stone and clav.
I<c.gularlvspaced buttresses characterized the exterior \\-all \vhile the interior separating the
t j 7 . 0 \\.ails \\-as divided into small rooms \vhich majr ha\-e been habitations. The floors of these
1.001115 had been raised significantly above the level of the exterior living surfaces. The
trc>clucncyof stair~.a\:sassociated \$-it11these rooms indicate that access to either the roof o r an
~ \ ) p c \ i - stor\. was of some importance. Tn-o completely separate examples of such enclosing
II-JI Is \Yere defined \\.est of Mound A . The nearest, and most extensivelv excavated example, is
a l > o u t 100 nl a\+-ay\~.hilesecond example \\-as 150 n~awav parallel t o the first. Both e x a n ~ ~ ~ l e s
11 ('1-c constructed north-south and \\-ere orientated in the same cardinal directions as
11 tllc \valls the "palace" and the terrace 11-allsof Mound .4. Thc \\.all nearest Mound .4
located on a natural elevation significantl\. higher than the second \\.all \vhich \I-ould
11.11 (% contributc,d grcatlv to the o\.el-all twraced, o r stcpl)ed, profile that the entire settlement
\\ J 5 110\\- assuming.
Fig. 3.1 l(a): Mundigak D , Bastion ant1 adjacent s t r u c t u r e s , I V ,
d ~ ~ ~ - c ~ l o premains
m e n t t o be determined. Casal maintains that the Period IV, occupation met
11i t l l a violent end resulting in partial abandonment of the site. The scattered examples of
hul-i-icd buildings and other evidence cited by Casal as indicating a conflagration,
] ~ ~ , \ \ c * vare
e r , not convincing, although the "palace" and "temple" d o appear t o have fallen
1 10 J I M G. SHAFFER
into disuse and did n o t regain prominence- again (luring Pcriotl 1V. Contrastinglv, sr\.cral ot
t h e structurcs associated w i t h t h e cnclosing walls apbc>art o have IJcrn continuously inhabitctl
throughout t h e e n t i r e pc,riod. Indcc~d,given t h e p r o b l e m s c r e a t e d by large a m o u n t s ofcrosion
ant1 t h e lack of adequatc stratigraphic data, t h e thrcc-phasc division of this pcriod can be
cliallcngcd. Until atltlitional excavations a r c m a d e , t h e divisions will rcmain problcmatic.
W h c r c v c r Period IV, Lvas found (mainlv M o u n d H) it was of shallo\v d e p t h and thc
s t r u c t u r c s demonstrated continuous occupation f r o m I V , . T h c f c ~ vnc\v s t r u c t u r e s ~\.hich
\\,crc located continuctl t o utilize oltl walls inclutling those, ot'thc' c,nclosing walls. Foundations
\$-hen present w c r c slight and t h e basic preparation Lvas a simple levelling o f t h c soil. Small
soridages awav f r o m t h e enclosing \valls indicatccl that there' \vas somex expansion into
previously uninhabited areas. T h e ceramics shocf- a continuation ofprc\pious motifs and 1-csscl
forms w i t h s o m c changes and alterations, ant1 metal artifacts clc~monstratc'a m a r k e d f;c~quc~nc\-
increase. This phase seems t o b e tlistinguishablc m o r e o n t h e basis of ceramics than o n
stratigraphic data. Casal proposcs that t h c c'ncl o f l V , \vas c.ausc(l 1 , ~a lx)ssihlc earthquake \\.it11
t h e sitc being al>antloncct f o r a short p c r i o d . Suc,h an earthquake coultl also account for thc
c\.iclc'ncc of clcstruc,tion n o t e d a t t h e cntl of l'criotl IV . ,
l'criod I V , is also kno\vn mainly h-om Mountl 13. Kno~1.ns t r u c t u r c ~ sarc' c.oncc'ntratc(1
a]-ound previous \\-alls, hut a ne\\- cnclosing \\-all is c.onstruc.tctl parallel ant1 a little north otthr.
oltlcr oncs. T h c ncn- \vall has t h r c c m a j o r 11arallcl \valls. 'The t \ \ . o c x t ( ~ r i o or n e s ha\.c' a small
~-ul,blc-hllctlc o r e t h c r c l ~ \ -forming a single n l a s s i ~ c\\-all. As in tllc, prc\-ious ~,Iiascs,the
remaining intr.1-ior space \\.as di\.idctl i n t o small r o o m s uscxl I;)]- I~al,itation. Interior stair\\.a\.s
again indicate that access t o an u p p e r store>- o r t h e root' \\.as an i m p o r t a n t as11~c.to f thcsc
(I\\-cllings. N o r t h of t h e \\-all is a large o p e n sl)x.c>01' u n k n o n - n f~inc.tion.Most s t ~ - u c ~ t i ~arc
rc's
a?.
?
-
1 12 J I M G . SHAFFER
dzscriht\d as being much more carelessly constructed when compared with the l ~ r ~ ~ ~ ( l
g
o1,cs but othern.ist, very similar. Again the major distinction for this phase is t o be found in the
ceramic artifacts and the disappearance of previous forms and motifs (most notably allimal
Structures from this phase have been located on other mounds but these arc usually
ShallOwand highly eroded. The single piece of stone sculpture was found in the upper 15 Clil c)'l,
d ~ ~ oattributable
~ t s t o Period IV]. This final phase of Period IV did rlot come t o any violcllt
end, and the difference between it and Period V again seems based mainly upon ceramic traits
and the reoccupation of Mound A by another monumental structure.
Up t o this point the Mundigak sequence has basically demonstrated a record of continuous
cultural development, albeit beset with sampling and stratigraphic problems. Ho\j,cver,
Period V presents many important problems of interpretation affecting the later prehistory of
Afghanistan while at the same time offering no hints as t o their solution. Almost all charts and
discussions of prehistoric cultural development in Afghanistan terminate with the end of
Period 1V3 (e.g. Dales, 1965, 1973: 160) although t h e sequence continues for three mure
major periods. The interpretation that a major abandonment occurred after Period I V 3 has
been reinforced by the excavations at Said Qala, Deh Morasi, Shahr-i Sokhta and the Quetta
valley which failed t o define a sequel t o Mundigak 1V type material. Moreover, this hiatus in
cultural development seems t o be contemporary with the development of the Maturc
Harappan culture in the Indus valley. T h e apparent absence of any interaction between the
Harappan and later prehistoric cultures in Afghanistan is surprising since such contact had
been noted for eastern Iran (Lamberg-Karlo\;sky and Tosi, 1973) and Soviet Central Asia
(Masson and Sarianidi, 1972: 124-8). Throughout Mundigak IIIklV there was evidence of
some cultural interaction \vith the Indus vallcv, and t o further c o n ~ p l i c a t ethe situation therc
is a pronounced dissimilaritv between the material culture of Mundigak 1V and V o r , for that
matter, bctwecn V and an): other prehistoric culture yet defined in t h e area. Therefore, the
culture sequence at Mundigak following Period 1V is extremely problematical.
No doubt many of the interpretative problems can bc attributed t o the heavv erosion
\vitnesscd by the upper levels of the site in conjunction with what appears t o be disturbed
stratigraphv (Casal refers t o the possibilitv of earthquakes, a not uncommon phenomenon in
this area). Mound A was reoccupied ant1 utilized for the construction of a large monumental
building directly atop remains of Period I V I C(Fig. 3.14). Construction involved the use of
fired bricks placed atop a stone foundation. Previous structures w e r e filled in with debris or
co\.ci-cd with brick t o form a level surface. T h c old colonnatlcd structures were complctcl!
coveretl with bricks in the construction of a large massive platform on the northern part ot'tlic
mound. O n the top of this platform were t w o small rooms occupying t h e highest c.lt,vation a t
the site. Directly south of these rooms, and at a 1ou.cr clc\.ation, w c r c t w o long and narron.
r e c t a n p l a r rooms cncompassing almost the 'ntirc~ c,ast--wcst distance o f t h c n ~ o u n d ' summit.
s
South of thcsc rooms was another scrics of small rectangular rooms which could hc dividrd
into t w o groups: small rooms on the wcst and slightly 1argc.r rooms o n thC east. Indeed, the
plan for this southern sector is strikingly similar t o that of thc last rebuilding in IV,'. The,
inlmcdiate summit area of the mound was terracc,d and it appcars that the perimeter of this
M-holcbuilding complex was defined bv thcsc terrace walls. Unfortunatclv thcsc upper Ic\.cls
arc, very heavily eroded preventing a full structural plan from bcinYdclineatcd. Thcre can bc
I tllrt (-ll,\atr.(l I t th(\ \ \ I i o l ( ~ * t ~ - u c t n ~ - (111~.
.. I I . 1l1(, 1 n . 1 * * 1 \ ( ,
,,-I,, \ \ i l l l (,l(.\dt(.ll 1.00111s d t o p it. AII(I thc Ihct t h a t i t \ \ a * ( ) a i l l t c ( I I.(,(( A I > ( ~01-\ \ I l i t ( 111,1(lt,
\ ( > I - \ , i1111>1-c>*5i\
(> l~i1il~~i11g.
I lie. ~ l l l c t i OO1tllis
ll i * 1111k110\\ 11.
111ds5i\(, 111011~1111(%11( I l ~ itt I * 1 ~ ( ~ d \ 0 1 1 d l ) l(\ ('l-t.lil1 (11.11 it \\A\
t i l l . ( . , .I-],(, , l l ~ \ , e ~ ~ l ~ , o l1,)
, tlIc>l ~ ( ) s , i l ~ l I( ~> U I ~ ) o~l ~
Ct l i i 5
*t1.111 I ~ I I . ~ > t h e , 10c < l t i ( ) l l01
.* .
1 I I
, ' l c l ,( 1 ,t ) l;ll,lat i l l 5 1 1 1 ~ 1 1 1 l 1 1- 1 . I-('(111(1 ill
, , , ~ ,I,\I 01
t ( . l . l - d l ( . \ \ d l 1 5 d l l ( l (I1(. I l l d 5 5 i \ ( . ~ ~ ( % , * 111~.\11.111 11111. i l \ ( ~ l l i* c ( ~ l - t ' l i l l l \ \ l l g s ( > * t ~ \ ( , .
' L
as Casal noted, of the Mesopotamian ziggurats". However, the exact function this
interesting building remains to be determined.
Although the monumental structure was the only extensive area from this period
excavated, it was not the only structure associated with Period V. Casal maintains that a
whole series of habitations are t o be found t o the east side of Mound A and extending
eastwards to the river, and there appear t o be dwellings in areas immediately outside the
terrace walls. It should also be noted that the main structure itself underwent at least one
rebuilding.
Architecturally and stratigraphically, there is no greater difference between Periods v
and IV than there was between IV and 111. The major distinction between IV and V is to be
found in the ceramics. The only comparable ceramic industry is geographically distant and
chronologically late. It appears that it was upon these ceramic comparisons that Casal based
his contentions that a period of abandonment separated Periods IV and V. If Period V followed
IV within a reasonable amount of time, i t might have been contemporary with the Harappan
culture. Yet, there is nothing associated with this period t o indicate either cultural contact or
chronological contemporarity. In terms of chronology, however, there is nothing to indicate
that Period V was not contemporary either. The stratigraphic and cultural relationships of
Period V remain extremely problematical.
Although there are some continuities between Periods V and VI the latter is not included
in this discussion of prehistoric Afghanistan. The presence of an iron technology and the
associated cultural-ceramic affiliations indicate a late chronology for this period: Mundigak VI
falls within the chronological range of written records and therefore, technically speaking, is
not part of the prehistoric period in Afghanistan.
Chronology
Information on the absolute chronology of the Mundigak sequence is far from satisfactory. At
the time of excavation Casal(1961: 258) obtained a series of C- 14 determinations for Periods
I and Ill. Subsequently, however, most of these dates have been disregarded because of their
method of collection, possible contamination and their results aberrant from comparative
data. Dales (1973: 168) has recently processed some wood charcoal collected from Period 1
strata at Mundigak and thereby provides the first accurate chronological parameters for the
initial occupation. The following are the new dates corrected for the MASCA factor (see Fig.
3.3): Period I , , = 3745 B . c . ; Period I , = 3375 B . c . ; and, Period 11, o r I, = 3635 B . C . These
dates indicate that the initial occupation of Mundigak (Period occurred between the
beginning and the middle of the fourth millennium B . C . (4000-3500 B . c . ) .
No new chronological information has been gathered for Period I1 except for the one
possible date noted above. However, some appreciation of the chronology of Period I1 can be
obtained by examining the calibrated date for Period 1115(Dales, 1973: 159). Casal's original
series of dates for Period I11 are contradictory of the stratigraphy; thus, a date from 111, is a
millennium later than one from IIIS. Approximating a date for Period 111 Dales ( 1 973: 159) has
disregarded the obviously aberrant later determinations from this period, and adjusted Casal's
3. T H E LATER PREHISTORIC PERIOIIS 115
dates for the newr half-life and MASCA correction factors. Hy so doing Dales obtainccl a dating
of between 3 100 and 2700 B.C. for Mundigak I l l i . Even so, Dales thinks that thesc dates arc
too late (1973: 165). Matters have not been helped by the single published date for Period IV
type material from Deh Morasi (Dales, 1973: 159) of 3200 B.C.The thrce carbon dates from
said Qala are even m o r e confusing. O n the basis of ceramic comparisions Said Qala is similar
to ~ u n d i g a kI11 and perhaps early IV,. However, three C - 14 determinations from different
strata gave the follo\r.ing corrected dates: 2 I I0 B.c., 2 160 a . c . , and 2230 n.c., indicating how
tentative any assessment of the absolute dating for the Mundigak sequence is. However, the
follo~vingchronology is based on the C-14 dates and comparative material from outside
Afghanistan, which will be presented later.
Period I1 probably represents a rather short occupation at the site which occurred about
the middle of the fourth millennium B.C.(3500 B.c.) and lasted for one o r two hundred years
at most. Mundigak 111 would date no earlier than the mid-fourth millennium B.C.and persisted
through the first few centuries of the third millennium B.C.(350@2800 B.c.). Late Mundigak
111, and IV might have encompassed the entire third millennium B.C.( 3 0 0 G 2 0 0 0 H.c.). The
extremely problematical Mundigak V would then date t o the first half of the second
millennium B.c., (200CkI 500 B.c.). Problems of this chronology are discussed later in this
chapter.
Ceramics
Perhaps no o t h e r aspect of the material found at Mundigak has recei\ ed as much attention as
the ceramics. Several summary discussions have appeared since the original report (Dales,
1965; Mughal, 1970; Fairservis, 1971 ) and all have highlighted the fact that the ceramics from
the. Mundigak sequence are very perplexing. Part of this perplexity is related t o how the
c el-amics (and other types of artifacts as well) were collected, analysed and reported. Many of
thc problems surrounding the interpretation of the artifacts stem from a lack of
quantification, and an emphasis upon only diagnostic o r complete artifacts. E\en so the
matcrial from Mundigak stands as the primary reference point for understanding Afghan
IN chlstorv, and this is especially so for the ceramics.
One of the basic problems centres on the relationship between Period I , and I,,, and
\ \ I~c,therthe latter should be a m o r e clearly distinguished stratigraphic-cultural unit. T h e
~ ' o t t c ~(Fig.
y 3.15) is a buff-red ware wheelmade (900,) with small quantities
01 1)andmade (100,) varieties; however, by I , wheelmade pottery had decreased significantl!.
1 1 1 tr-equenclr (800,; I, = 700,). Vessel forms are limited t o straight-angular o r curved wall
IS in 12-,, and only straight-sided vessels in In Period I t s collared globular jars appear
l ~ j i the first time.
Fig. 3.16: Mundigak, pottery from Period II: (1-4) handmade pottery; (5-7) decorated wheelmadc
vessels; ( 8 ) shcrd showing "Kana Ghundai" style.
variable. Second, Casal notes that decorated wheclmade pottery is replaced almost entirely by
crude handmade undecorated pottery. Therefore, do these fi-equency variations reflect a shift
in ceramic technology o r a change in the relative frequency of undecoratetl cJs decorated
pottery? Ifthe latter is the case then such variation might be related t o shifts in areal functional
activities as is partially suggested by the architecture. Thcsc handmade ceramics are \cry
similar on Casal's description and my examination t o Said Qala Coarse (Fairst.1-\.is, 1956;
I>uprcc, 1963) and Quctta Slate Tempcr (Fairscrvis, 1956), pottery types which are known to
persist into a Mundigak 1V context. At Said Qala (Shaffer, 1972) it was demonstrated that
thcsc types were very consistcmt in vcsscl form (similar t o ones at Mundigak) but that their
I-clativc frcqucncy Huctuatetl significantly within any givcn occupation horizon (Shafl'er,
1972: 2 5 1--2). Similar fluctuation can bc found in Period 11 where by 11, hantlmadc pottery has
a frcqucncy of only 6?;,,. Morcovc,r, continuity in architecture ant1 other a r t i f a c t - t y 1 ~ ~ ,
inclu(ling an increased frequency in metal and luxury objrcts, hardly rc.flects cultural
&'stagnation". Therefore, the changed frequency of handmade vr wheclmaclc pclttery may
reflect important cultural factors but it does not indicate a well defined cultural change from
period I and certainly not a period of cultural "stagnationm o r < ' devolution".
~ l pottery
l in Period I1 was manufactured from a buff-red paste, however, the handmade
pottery had coarse tempering materials (chaff and/or crushed rock) added. Among the
handmade pottery the predominant vessel forms are the simple angular-walled bowls, and a
large, wide-mouthed straight-sided jar with a pinched rim (Fig. 3.16 nos 1-21 which appears
for the first time in 11, and continues through Period IV. A shallow flat bottomed bowl with
vertical walls (Fig. 3.16 no. 3) appears in ]I2, and another bowl with sharply incurving walls
(Fig. 3.16 no. 4 ) appears in ]I3. Both these handmade vessel forms continue though Period IV.
A single example of a handmade pedestal vessel was found in this period. Casal mentions that a
few handmade examples were decorated but the overwhelming majority were undecorated.
Both decorated and undecorated examples of wheelmade pottery were found, and by 11,
the frequency of wheelmade pottery had reached 4%. The most common vessel forms were
the angular-walled bowls and the globular collared jars recorded for Period 1. Ring bases were
common on bowls and a single pedestalled vessel was found. Decoration was found mainly on
bowls whose surface had been treated with a thin white o r buff coloured wash. Motifs were
confined by black geometrics the most common of which included: festoons below the rim
(found in I&; undulating horizontal lines interspaced with horizontal lines (Fig. 3.16 no. 6)
(frequent in II11~3); and, an undulating line bordered by a lower horizontal line and filled with
hatches (Fig. 3.16 no. 5) (also frequent in later periods). A unique sherd with a motif having a
straight line with opposing ~ e r p e n d i c u l a rlines at opposite ends (Fig. 3.16 no. 7) was found in
I13. This particular motif became increasingly popular in later periods.
A single buff paste sherd with a "grey slipped" exterior (burned?) and light red interior
n.as found in 11,. It was decorated with a brown motif of parallel horizontal lines bordering a
~ ) a i c Icharacterized by a central undulating line offset on both sides by opposing hatch marks
(big. 3.16 no. 8). This sherd, like the eleven unique sherds from Period I, is significantlv
tliff'erent from t h e rest of the ceramics. Casal notes its strong resemblance to pottery from
Pc.riod I1 at Rana-ghundai (Ross 1946; Fairservis 1959) in northern Baluchistan. However, the
1ic.rd is even m o r e similar (Mughal, 1970: 302) t o De Cardi's (1965: 133) "loop-and-tassel"
<l<,iign of Togau were found in Siah 11. Togau ware of this ~ e r i o dat Siah is also associated with
K o t Dijian and Amri pottery similar t o the unique sherds found in ~ u n d i g a kI,j (see
cl~hcussion on comparative relationships). T o resolve the ~ r o b l e m of different but
t ontemporary intrusive types occurring in two stratigraphic levels at Mundigak, Mughal
( 1'170: 302) has stated that ". . . the single specimen from Mundigak 11, level mav also be
!,laced with the assemblages of level I." However, Casal gives an exact provenance for this
*-ir(*rd and it appears t o be definitely associated n-ith the fill of a structure from Period I1 ! . The
.I,ccific question which this sherd, and the entire ceramic assemblage, focusses on is: "How
1 illturally distinct are Mundigak I and II?" Are thev separate and distinct cultural ~ e r i o d os r a
crltural continuum which happened t o be separated by a midden deposit? It is argued here that
~\luiidigak1 , are known onlv from a very limited sample and that is not much different
:'lorn 11, if t h r questioil of handmade I -\\-heelmade pottery laced
is in proper
- perspective. 1
120 J I M G . SHAFFER
prop)s' that Mundigak I (and especially and I1 represent the same basic period of cultural
tfcvclopnlel~tdemonstrating a continuum of change. A similar cultural continuum can be
dctclmined for the ceramics of Mundigak 11-111.
Although Period Ill represents a continuous development from previous periods it
contains some strikingly new ceramic stvles (Figs 3.18-3.2 1). Wheelmade pottery gradually
becomes dominant, increasing from 4S0/, in 111, t o 85% in 111,. It is interesting t o note that
handmade pottery never disappears from the Mundigak sequence and assumes a stable relative
frequency similar t o that found in 111, (1 5%). More important, it is during this period that the
Quetta style of pottery is found, indicating connections with southern Turkmenistan, eastern
Iran and northern Baluchistan, However, t h e ceramic diversity found in this period coupled
\\.it11Casal's failure t o develop a descriptive typology makes a descriptive summary of Perio(]
III ceramics extremely difficult. T o facilitate description and comparisons the following
categories have been imposed on the data: Handmade; Wheelmade, Undecorated and
Decorated; and finally Intrusive o r Special Function.
Period 111 Handmade Pottery (Fig. 3 . 1 7 nos 1-2). Paste and vessel forms remain unchanged
from previous periods. T h e major vessel forms are: the large mouth, straight-sided globular
jars; and, straight-angular walled bowls. T h e shallow bow1 forms become m o r e infrequent.
Exterior surfaces are almost always heavily stained with carbon indicating use near an open
fire. Vessels made with the rock tempered paste quite often have a thin buff wash applied to
the exterior.
Period Ill Wheelmade Pottery, Undecorated. Undecorated pottery was manufactured from a
buff-red paste with either a self- o r sand-temper (see also Fairservis, 1956: 242, 244; Dupree,
1963: 73, 76). T w o variants are found, one whose surface colour is identical t o the paste, and
another where the surface had a thin buff wash. Globular jars with simple everted rims are
found in the earliest phases and collared jars appear initially in Ill5-,. T h e straight-angular
\valled bow:] predominates between 1111 but begins t o co-vary with a S-profile wall bow1 in
1115 ,. It seems that a small relatively straight sided beaker was also manufacturcd.
Period 111 M/heelmade Pottery, Decorated (Figs 3.17 nos 3-1 2; 3.18). T h e vast majority of
decorated pottery is of a single basic type with t w o variants. Both variants have a buff-red
paste w-ith self- o r sand-tempering. The major difference is that one has its surface coated with
a very thin white translucent wash o r no wash at all while the other's surfaces are coated ~ . i t h
a crcani-buff opaque wash (see also Fairservis, 1956: 259, 261 ; Dupree, 1963: 78-9). At
present it is impossible t o determine if these \.ariants were the result of conscious production
o r merely firing, paste, o r other variables 11-hich were allowed t o fluctuate because of cultural
insignificance. Identical vcssel forms and vessel form changes as found among undecorated
pottery are delineated among the decorated pottery. However, thcrc is higher frcquenc!. of
ring and pedcstal based bowls among decorated pottery. Black o r red motifs are almost
exclusivelv geometric until 111, when what appear t o be plant motifs are identified (palm
fronds/pipal leaves o r a stylized leaf). Particularly popular motifs w e r e : festoons; festoons and
horizontal, vertical o r zigzag lines; horizontal and vertical zigzag lines; open panels formed 11:.
multiple lines; and, more rarely stepped triangles and unaligned stars o r undulating lines.
0 1 ) ~~ ~ ~) a cofc sthese motifs were commonlv fi lled with hachurcs, undulating lines, and rarely
cross-liachures. Motifs often divided thc vc,ssel into thirds o r quartcrs and, in the case of
I 2s. 3.17: Muntligak, putt".\ tn'nl Pcriod 111: ( 1 2 ) handmade path. ( 3 - 1 2 ) heclmadc, dccoratcd
, ~ ~ t t ~ l ~ \ .
122 JIM <;. SHAFFEH
I~o\\,ls,incorporated largc opcn areas into the overall design. Of'tcn, hon.cvcr, decoration was
confincd t o a fcw horizontal bands around thc vessel r i m .
An important, but infrequent (Icss than lo",,), typc of tlecoratctl pottery which appcars
first in 111, ant1 occurs with increasing frcqucnc,. throughout thc pcriotl is Quetta Warc (Figs
3.19, 3.20) (Piggott, 1947). Paste colour is gcncrally buff (although a light rctl is n o t
uncommon) an0 has a self- o r santl-tcmpcr. Thc surfaccs arc coatctl \ \ it11 a thick t o thin buff
slip (see‘ Fairscr\,is, 1956: 263) whic,h ranges in c,olour from \\.hitc. t o c-t-c\;lmanti oc.c.asionally
I ig. 3.19: Muntligak, dc-corat[d ~ ~ o t t c from
t - ~ . I'criod I l l , slio\r-ing (Juvtta "ioli(17' zt\.lc
~ ) ~ c \ n t i o n ranimal
(l an(l plant m o t i h a r e signihc ant a l l i t i o ~1,111 t h c aninral motil'r arc,
liih-vqucnt in I\., and disappear b \ 1 . Plant motit's, rsl,c.ciall\ t h r p i l ~ a l lt,al. c o n t i n u c
I Irroughout tlIc perio(-l in c l e ~ r r a s i n
i ~ - r ~ u c n cSolid
\. g c o n i r t r i c l l ~ o t i i s31.1. ral-c .11r(I UIUIII\
ontined t o b e a k e r s .
T h e l a t e r phases, IV, ,, a r c ciisti~,guinht.(lh~ a n incrrasing q u a n t i t \ ot rcd rlipl~c*(l rccl \ \
~lc~col-atct] \\.it], /,lack nlotif's. These motit's a r e n o t raclicall\~dill.c>rrnt i r o m thosc alr-c,.r(l\.
c l \\auld if anything appeal- t o h e g c n c r i c t o t h r pre\,ious o n c s . P r r h a l v one. 0 1 t h e
~ ~ . c o r d rand
1 i o r C d i s t i l l g ~ i s h i l ls~ ~ sII.~IIo\\
t of this d e c o r a t r d l > o t t c r \ is its c o ~ - ~ l a t i\I oith
l ~ c ~ l n i s ~ > l l cho\\.ls
l - i ~ ~\\-ith
l cvrl-tcd r i m s and a s h a l l o \ \ sharpl\-angular \I-aIIc(I !)()\\I (Fig. 3 . 30.
nos 2 , 3,. rIlc co-\-al-iancc I,ct\vccw this black- r c ~ lslippcd r c d 1vat-c ant1 Q u e t t a Ware llas
nc.\-cl.I-c.cci\-edatlcquatc attcntioll, hut it is intcl-csting t o n o t c that in the samc phases ot'thc-
l o s l - intrrcsting l>ossiblc intrusi\.c ] ~ o t t r l . i r sa r c c o l-c.gi011s t o tIlc
sout l i ~ ~ a s t .
Fig. 3.27: Mundigak, special function and/or intrusive pottcry, Pcriotl 1V2: (1-5) Faiz Mohanimad
stjle; (6- 9 ) Amri and Kot Diji stvle; ( 1 C k 1 3 ) Hichromc st!.lc.
Fig. 75, no. 249) similar t o potterv found at Kot Diji. Twforim sherds from ~ : l i a appear t to bc
S-shaped bcakers kvith a sharply carinated double-rim and fish scale motif (I 961 : Fig. 83, nos
306, 306a) are very different from anything else found at Mundigak, but similar in style and
form t o Aniri and Kot I l i j i potteries. Sevcral cxamplcs o f t h e Faiz M o l i a m ~ ~ i cPainted
d \trarcs
c found in I V , ? . Also located in I V , was a rctl ant1 black bicliromc potterv which \\-as
\ \ . c ~ -also
similar in manufacture ant1 style t o the potterv definitclv indigenous t o Mundigak.
Faiz Moharnmad Painted potter), was also found in Pcriod I V , as was a complctc vcsscl
(Fig. 3.32, n o . 3) of Quctta W e t type potter\ (fountl in Raluchistan and the lndus \ ~ ~ l l cinva
IXV-Harappanrontcxt). Also fountl in IV ( 1 961 : Fig. 120, n o . 485) \vas an isolated example of
a ~ ~ i llcaf ~ a lmotif cxccutctl in black \\it11 red infilling similar t o the Sothi Warcs of t h r central
ln(lus \,allc.v at Kalil)angan (scbc.M u g h a l , 1970: 3 1 3 8 IOr 1hi5 ,in(l ott1c.r c o n ~ p a r i s c , n s , .'l'ht.rc.
J1.ca150 c.xatiil~lc'soI'an i n t c r s c - c t i n k c.irclc. n~otil'infillc-el 19hl
\\ it11 hate I , i l l g ( ( ' ~ 3 ~ 1 , : I.ig. 1 0 3 ,
496) \~.liic,liis \,c.r\. s i m i l a r t o late. Anir-i ancl Kot I )ijiarb c (-1-anlie4. It i h c l ( . n ~I-r o l n tI~(.\c.
s I , c ~ i h cc x a n i l ~ l r s .a n ( ] o t h t - r s , t h a t (luririg I'cl-iod I V , , nt Mun(lipik c o111111ur1ie.1t101-1i\it11
~ ~ l ~ ~ h iasn dt athe.
n 111cIus \.all(*\ \\.ah taking I,lac,c-.
The. ceramics f r o m Pcriocl V arc. c.xtrcnic.l\. I)r.ol)lc.matica ] . 'Thi5 \ituatic,ri is I ) ~ l . t i . ~ l l \c l i ~ c '
t o the, tlisturl,ecl nature of t h e clcposits atid a m o r c limitccl sample six(,. t l o w t ~ v c r ,tile. I)asit.
l ~ ~ ~ l ~ l isc lth,lt
l l most of l'c.riotl V cc~ramic~s arcxsignificantly cliffc'rcnt f r o m those, t;)untl in I I \
(big. 3 . 3 3 ) . True, s o m c continuity c,xists in that t h e ])otter), is a ~ - c > t \varc l tlrcorat(,(l \t'itll
I,l,lck \.iolc,t o n a r c ~ 1slip ant1 s o m c \~c~sscl forms pcbrsist ( c ~ s l ~ c c i a ltlhy c h c m i s l > h c r i ~ ~I,(,\,.l
al
\\.it11 c.\.crtc(I lip ant1 some3 jar t h r m s ) . O n t h e o t h e r hantl t h c r c is a l ~ r o n o u n c ~ crcbsurgcbnc(b
tl (,I.
Ilan(]nlatlc. p o t t e r y couplctl u.ith a cliffcrc-nt stvlistic tradition of tlccoration, ant1 nc,\r \rc.sa(tl
t;)rms.
Ilnlikc, prc,\.ious fluctuations in hantltnatlc ~>ottc\ry( I Ill) which \vct-c confinc)tl to ill(.
c.~,ll-sctc.ml>c'l-c'clutilitarian \.c~ssc,ls(also persisting in V ) hantlmatlc ~ ~ o t t c in ~ r I'c,rio(l
y V lla(l
lic\f. \.c,sscl forms, black o n I-cd slipped tlccoration, and \\as matlc f r o m a finer pastc.. ~t is
tlifficult t o c\.aIuatc t h c significance of this change, since, n o relative frcqucncy clata is a\.aiIaI,l(..
Most of t h e li;uitlmatlc cc\ramics apl>car t o Ilc bowls, but not all bowls wc,rc hantlmatlc.
O\.c.rall, rcgartIlcss of mruiufacturing nicthotl, t h c s c n e w forms bvcrc t1ccpc.r ant1 mol-c
cur\.ilincar, Among t h e \.arious \-at-ictics thrc,c basic Iwwl f o r m s can b c tlcfincbtl: ( I ) sinlplc
Iic.misPhc~-icnl;( 2 ) a f o r m w i t h t h e 1owc.r three,-quartcrs ]wing a straight-angular wall \\-it11a
slight con\-c.x c u ~ - v cc,ntling
~ in an S-shapctl, straight o r incut-1-inglip; a n d , ( 3 ) a m o r c globular
I>o\\-l\\.it11 an S-shaped profile. Simple circ,ular 11antllc.s a r c a c o m m o n f'caturc o n many \-c)sscls
pal-tic.ularl\. the last \.cssrl f o r m ( 3 ) . In contrast jar \.csscl f o r m s , b o t h tlcc,oratc,tl ant1
~rntlccol-atvtl,, arc. prc,tlominantl\. \\.hc.c.lmatlc. Hoth collared ant1 uncollarc.tl globular jars \r.crc
Fig. 3.3 1 : M u n d i g a k , \\ ~ tlcc oratc*tl pottctry f r o m Pc.1-iotl IV
h ( ~ r l r n a t l cant1 ,.
Fig. 3.32: Mundipk, special function andjor intrusi\-c stvlr pottery from Period I\',: ( 1 - 2 ) Qucatta
\(\ Ic; ( 3 ) Qurtta "Wet" ware stylc; (4) Faiz Mohammad stylc; ( 5 6 )Late Amri stvlc; ( 7 )Bic.hrornc.
~\~~~IC.
lound with cither evcrted o r simplc rims. Judging from the illustrations jars appcar t o h c b
Lithic Artfacts
Artifacts which will be discusscd here a r e those which have a utilitarian function. Those
artifacts which because of the nature of the objcct procluced (beads, amulets, small vc.sscls,
c t c . ) , stone of manufacture (semi-precious o r precious), and c o m p a r a t i v c l ~small quantit\.
intlicate a non-utilitarian function will bc discussctl untlcr Small Miscc~llancousArtifact5
(11. 144).
Rccordetl in all occupational periods at Mundigak \vcrc rectangular milling stoncs ant1
ahsociated rectangular t o ()\,a1 handstoncs (Fig. 3.37b). Milling stoncs \verc manufacturctl
I;.om a medium t o coarse grain basaltic boulder. They had a singlc Icvrl Lvorking surface ( o r
:.o~ica\~e depending upon dcgrcc of use) sometimtxswith o n e raiscd e n d . Many of thcsc stoncs
ha(1 their un\vorked surface smoothed bv water action. Hantlstoncs wcrc manufacturctl from a
mc.tlium to fine grain basaltic cobble and had grinding scars on o n c o r both surfaces. Hcsitlcs
tl~c>sc milling and handstones some crude mortars and I ~ e s t l e w for Pcriocj I (Fig.
s c r c idc~~tificcl
3 . 3 7 ~ ) Anothcr
. typc of groundstone artifact found in I'eriods 1;--111, \\,as a f~crforate-d,large
\\.liitc limestone eight". Stc)ni>s with a long axis groove appc%arin 111, ant1 increase
ignificantlv in rcmaining occupations ( "counter-\vcights9'?) (Figs 3 . 3 4 , n o . 5 ) . 1-argc
tr-;11xzoidal hovs rctouchctl for hafting and lia\.ing a polish resulting from use n . c r r loc.atcd
11-omthe cntl of Pcriotl I until t h c hnal occupation.
Beginning in Pc*riotlI 4 and pcrsisting throughout the entire scqucncc at Mundigak is a t\.pcx
01' knifc-scrapc~rnianufacturcd from large cortex flakcs (Fig. 3.34, nos 1L2). Thest, flakcs
II c.rc, usuall\. r c t o u c l ~ c dalong o n e edgc and \vt7rc occasionall! l~olishcdthrough usage. Flint
a~.tithctsappcar for t h e first timc, in Pcriotl 11, in t h c form of blatlcs ant1 points. Initiall\ t h c - 5 ~
I)IJ(ICS a r c large anti h a \ c trianqular (11) (Fig. 3 . 3 4 , n o . 3 and trapczoitlal (111) (Fig. 3 . 3 1 , n o .
-1.) (,I-oss-scctiolis,but arc. vcr\, rarc. Howc\,cr, in Pcriocl 111 , microlithic ( 2 5 e m ) bladcs a r c
~~rtro(luc.ccl in cluantit,. and a r c locatcd throughout the rcmaining pcriods of occupation.
Hitiic-iall\. Hakcd lancc,olatc Hint pointh \\.c,re tound first in Pcriotl I l , and continue throughout
1 s c . c l ~ a i c c(Fig. 3 . 34, nos S 10 ) . T\\o t\.pc*sarc distinguislial~lcon the basis of size, l a r p
,111cI small, \\-it11sc\.c.~-aI c.sarnl,lc~~ l ~ Ix)intsIlocatctl in Ill,. In Pc~riotlIV a new
ot ( . s t ~ - c m clarge
140 J lhl G . S H A F F E K
t\p' ()t'Ix'int is introduced \vhich is triangular w i t h a rounded base and persists through Period
1 . 3.34, I 1 1 3 ) . It is i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e that points of all types a r e found in $om,.
Period 1V is also distinguished by several c.xamples o f a small concave si(lcd
c\.lindrical ohjccts \ ~ . i t h central perforation, and Q u e t t a W a r e style g e o m e t r i c motifs
cngra\-cd o n t h e i r sides (Fig. 3 . 3 4 , nos. 6-7). T h e s e objects a r e manufactured from alabastrr
and o t h e r hard stones. A f e ~ vpicces of u n w o r k e d galena a r e also found in Period IV, but their
p u r p s c is u n k n o ~ v n .
Fig. 3.34: Mundigak, miscellaneous objccts: (1-2) retouched flakes; (3-4) chert blades; (5) grooved
stone; (67 ) engravrd stone objects; (8-10) chert points, Periods I -VI; ( I 1 1 3) chrrt points, Periods
111,VI; (14) bone point; ( 1 5-17) conical ceramic spindles; (18- 19) disc-shaped ccramic and stonc
spindles.
Bone Artfacts
Bone artifacts are limited in variety and are located in frequency only in Pericnls l 111. C a u l
(1961 : 230) maintains that the distribution of bone artifacts, particularly pc)intrd objects, c . o -
varies with increased utilization of bronze points. The most numerous bone artifacts arc
hundreds of pointed awl o r punch fragments (Fig. 3.34, no. 14). Thesr awls, o r punches,
were manufactured from the long bones of various animals (shcep/gc)ati) and were polished
from use. The first example is recorded in Period I reaches its greatest frequency of cornplctc
examples in 113(881, progressively declines throughout III and becomes rare bv IV. Another
bone artifact found only in Period I (three examples) was a small polished rectangular piece of
bone with several perforations whose function is unknown. Bone spatulas are frquently fount1
in Period 111 and, unlike the awls o r punches, is encountered throughout Period IV. Rare
examples of bone tubes were also found in Periods III-IV.
Metal Artfacts
Metal artifacts w e r e first found in Period I 2 and increase in frequency and variety throughout
the sequence. The earliest example was a flat blade like instrument which might have had a
hafting tang (Fig. 3.35, no. 10). However, the most frequent metal artifact of the entire
~ u n d i g a ksequence was a simple type of bronze point o r punch with a circular cross-section
(Fig. 3.35, no. 1 1 ). It was first identified in I, and is so easily available that it replaces the bone
awllpunch in Period IV. A single example of this pointjpunch was found in Period IV3 still
hafted into a bone handle confirming its functional designation as a punch. The first example of
a true projectile point was identified in Period 113 being lanceolate in shape with an elliptical
cross-section and the type became increasingly frequent in later periods. (Fig. 3.35, nos
12-1 3). In Period 111 a tanged lozenge shaped point was introduced, and in Period IV a tanged
o\al shaped point. O t h e r possible weapons found in Period IV were a large lance head (Fig.
3.35, no. 16) and knife (sword) (Fig. 3.36, no. 14), but these artifact types were very rare.
The first examples of "luxury" typemetal artifacts were located in Period 11,. These t w o
artifacts were pins one with a double-volute end while the other had a flattened and
perforated end (Fig. 3.36, nos 6-7). Similar pins with flat ends and t\\-isted shafts were also
tound in Period 111 (Fig. 3.36, no. 8). However, the greatest number and variety of "luxurv"
t \ p e objects was found in Period IV,. Among such objects identified were: concave discs
(mirrors) (Fig. 3.36, no. 13); double-volute, lozenge, and broad-flat headed pins (Fig. 3.36,
nos 18-20): handles for discs (mirrors); and a buckle. It is important t o note that in at least
t \ \ o instances smelted (?) Iron decorative buttons were found on objects in Period IV.
Frequently encountered utilitarian objects in Period III-IV were small curved knives o r
uckles (Fig. 3.36, nos 1-2) and chisels, and, only in Period IV, a few barbed hooks. Three
Important metal artifacts located in Period 111, u-ere the only examples of socket-hole axes
I t1j.o) and an adze (Figs 3.36, nos 3-5; 3.38a). Most of the more common utilitarian and
--
13
I1 .,I
Fig. 3.35: Illuntlig,lk: ( I 2 ) stone, Ilo\\.ls 01' common ti)l-IN.I'cI-iotls 1 \'I; ( 1 C)) aclclirion.ll I01.1ns01
h t o n c \.cssc.1. I'c,~.iotlI \ ' ; ( I 0 I I \ cx)ppc,r 01. I ) ~ O I I Y , ~ > o h j ~ ~ , tl'c,~.io(l
s, I ; I.?\ I)I.oII/~\ l ) o i ~ l tl'c-~.iocl
, Ill; ( 1 3 )
/ ) I - O I I Y V l > o i l ~ tl'c,rio(l
, I\;, ( 14 I 5 ) l ) r o ~ l ~poi11t5,
c~ l \ 10) l)ro~l/,c.I,IIIL.~> l~c,.~cl,
l ) ~ ~ . i e ) e \'; l ' c ~ ~ . i oI \~' . l
Fig. 3.36: M i ~ n d i ~ mctal ~ k , ol)jcc.ts: ( I 2 ) l>ro11n,sicklc l>ladc>s;( 3 5 ) hronzc a s c s and adz(*, Prriod 111;
((>. 7) I ) ~ O I I W p i ~ ~ l'crio(1
s, 11; ( S ) I>rol~zcp i 1 1 , I'criod I l l ; (9 1 2 ) bronze ~ I I I S Period
, I\'; ( I 3 ) l w o 1 1 ~ c
~ n i r r o r ,Pcrioti IV; (14) I ) ~ O I I X S~IOI-t
s \ ~ , o r d( ? ) , l ' c ~ ~ . i o ( IV.
i
I , clc~riionstratctIthat it was a vc'ry low-ti11 bronze. Ti11ac~coii~itctl for only dl,out Ilk,, ir(),,
0. I 5(j0 anti tllc. rc.n~ainingmatcrial was cqol)pc.r.Such a cornl)osition is a striking c30ritrastto ,lie.
hig]) tin contc,nt ol'thc chronologically c~arlic.rmate-rial loc.atc(l at G h a r - i - M a r . (Il'thc*artilbc,ts
suI,jc~ctcdt o ' ~ n a l ~ sI'rom
i s t'criotl Ill only t h e a x r s ant1 aclxc hat1 a composition al)proac.hing llldl
ilsually associatc.tl with I~ronzc*. Thcsc artifacts hat1 a tin c o n t c n t ol' almost 5'%,, the, higllcahr
rc.c,ordccl at Muntligak. This contrasts with t h c composition of'othcsr artifacts l'rom this ~ ) ( s ~ . i ~ ~ ( l
which is similar t o that of'Pcriotl I. Axcs ant1 atlzcs rcly o n webight, l'orcc ant1 hartlnc.ss Ii)r
c.fkc.i(-ncy as a tool. Such characteristics a r c maximixc~tlby a high tin c o n t c n t . O t h e r itc,ms
such as points, pins o r knives have. diffcrcnt usages requiring clif'fc~rcntcharacteristics an(l this
is rcflccstctl in their lower tin c o n t c n t . Thcrc4'orc, by Pcriotl 111 t h c diff'crcntial charactc*ristic-s
01' various alloying compositions had been rc.cognizctl ant1 metallurgy was entering, o r ha(]
cntcrctl, into a new of' sophistication ant1 presumably spccialixation. Iluring Pcriotl 1V
t h e tin c o n t c n t of such itcms as pins inc.rcascs slightly (I .5'%,) ant1 traces of lcatl (1.6(%,)an(]
o t h c r elements a r c found.
Fig. 3.38: Mundigak, objects ofcoppa or bronze: (a) axes and a& of bmnsc; copprr or bmue knife
with bone handle.
elliptical cross-section, oval with star cross-section, and irregular. Among materials of
~ ~ ~ a n u f a c tsignificant
ure quantitative increases could be determined for lapis lazuli, carnelian
and shell. Inlaid beads occur for the first time, represented by a single rcctangular carnelian
bead with a figure 8 in white. Bronze beads are also encountercd for the first time in the form
o f a simple tube and one small bell with an iron ball in the centre. Similar beads (except lapis
lazuli) can be identified for Period V but in less quantities.
Seals (Fig. 3.40a1 b). A single example of a compartmented seal with geometric motifs
made from steatite was found in Period ]I2. Such seals underwent a dramatic frequency
increase in 111, (30) although infrequently found in t h e earlier phases of that period (Ill4 = 2,
Ills = 3). The majority of these seals w e r e rectangular with t w o central perforations.
Identical seals made from bone w e r e also found in 1115(1) and Ill6 (3). Yet another significant
increase in seals occurs in Period IV which is also distinguished by the introduction several
new- geometric shapes of seals. T h e most noticeable addition is of notched edges encompassing
the seal circumference. Metal seals w e r e found in the last phases of Period IV but were rare,
and one had a zoomorphic motif. Only a single comparmented seal was identified as belonging
t o Period V.
Ceramic Figurines (Fig. 3.39). Only four figurines of humped bulls were found in Period
I ) 5 . Casal states that such figurines increase in frequency during Period I1 but no quantification
is given. A single example of an anthropomorphic figurine was found in Period 11. This is a
crudely modelled human torso of indeterminate sex. Both zoomorphic and anthropomorphic
figurines are numerously represented in Period 111. Bull figurines are particularly numerous in
the early phases of this period (IllI = 71) but then,progressively decline in the later phases
(111, = 30). Also found in Ill1 were t w o figurines resembling goats. A similar increase can be
defined for the anthropomorphic figurines. Unfortunately, Casal gives no actual counts but
refers t o their frequency as being abundant (HII = 15). These figurines w e r e predominantly
females with prominent breasts. All figurines are highly stylized in a standing position. Arms
are represented by m e r e wing-like projections while the lower portions are distinguished by
broad flat hips. T h e body below the hips was not modelled at all. A single figurine had some
punctated motifs in the neck region which presumably represented a necklace.
Period IV was the final occurrence of figurines in any significant quantity. T w o important
points need t o be made about Period IV figurines. First, considering the horizontal area of
excavations in contrast t o that of prcvious periods the quantity of figurincs seems very small. It
appears that such figurines w e r e actually less frequently made than in earlier periods. Second,
according t o available information, these figurines w e r e conspicuously absent from both the
"
palace" and "temple" structurcs. Figurines w e r e confinetl t o the habitation areas
surrounding the cnclosure walls, o r in the same contexts as they wcre located in thc previous
periods. Most zoomorphic figurines w e r e highly stylized representations of the humpcd
bull/cow. Scveral wcre found with painted decorations, including polychrome, o r an
applique collar. A few figurincs represent caprids such as shcep/goat o r ibex and a singlc
figurine of a pig. Anthropomorphic figurines w e r e predominantly female. A notable
exception is a scuptured in the round male figurine decorated with polvchrome paint. Most
female figurines arc highly stylized with pinched faces, prominrnt brcasts, appliquc c . ~ r . s ,
winged arms, broad hips, and otherwise a rather flat profile. AppliquC and paintctl necklaces
Fig. 3.40(a): Mundigak, stonc. b u t t o n sctals
-
Fig. 3.40(b): Mundigak, c-oly)c.r h u t t o n sc.al5.
Fig. 3.40(c): Mundigak, Hratl of \r h ~ t cl~mcstonc,P(,rlotl I \ 3 .
ant1 coiffures a r c rc,cordcd o n man\- cxamplcs. All figurines arc. standing \\-it11 o n c c.xc c*ption
\\-hich has its legs crossed and e x t e n d e d o u t in front apparcntl\ t o act as a 4uppo1-t. -1-n-o\ - c r \ .
~ I I Ccxamplcs o f fcmalc figurinc.~modt,llcd in t h e rountl in a stvlc' usuall\. rc*krrctl t o as
" % h o b 1 ' figurines \ \ - e r r located in Pcriotl IV. O n l y t h c u p p e r t o r s o \\.as f;)un(l I ~ u t< u c h
s usually rlepictcd as seated Ivhcn found at o t h e r sites. In contrast t o Pc,riocl I\: o n l \ .
f ~ g u r i n c arc,
a singlc fcmalc figurint, \vas found in Period V .
intest-ior clay-linctl t i r c l ~ i t\vith a long narro\v trc,nch 111-ovitling ~lc,c.csst o the, intc-I-iol-fire-l~it
I'rom outsi(l(b the, o\,c>n.Suc,h a 11-cwch might lia\:c, lunctionctl as a I>c~llo\\,s I)l-o\'i(litigoxvgc3li10
Burned O r o m Clay Ash Grey Clay
I Floor
2
Fig. 1.4 1: Saitl Oala, ( a ) cxanlplc 01' 2rchitc.c-turc, I'criod I l l ; ( h ) oven from ahovc struc.turr (note*
' ' I I I I c . ~ ~styI(*''
Q u c t t ~1)Iac.k.on-I>ut't'
slicrtl).
1 54 JIM G . SHAFFEK
Chronology
Thrce C-14 dates have been processed from the site, each from a different period. The
MASCA corrected dates are: Period I = 2 1 10 B . C . ; Period I1 = 2 160 B . C . ; and, Period 111 =
2 2 3 0 R . C . A possibility of ground water contamination was noted by the processing laboratory
making the absolutc dates somebvhat suspect. However, it is important t o note that all t l ~ r c c
dates arc basicallv contemporary, i . e . end of the third millennium B . C . Such contemporancity
corresponds M ith the tvpc of cultural material recovered which indicates that all occupations
at Said Qala are essentially equatable with those of Mundigak Periotl 111, ,IV,.
Ceramics
Periocl I ccramics are known only from the sondage. Hcrc, as at Mundigak, the useful
tlichotomv of handmade and wheelmacle potteries is made t o facilitate description and
analysis. The paste for all thc ccramics at Said QaIa is essentially the same as was cncountcrcd
at Muntligak, being a buff-rcd in colour ant1 self- o r sand-tcnipcrcd with a fe\\ noted
c . x ( . c - ~ ) t i oI'M'o ~ i ~ . varicstic's 01'hali(l1lia(l~'j)ottc.rj. (.an I N - clistinguisllc~cl ~ J I I1111. O,ISI\ 01 \ur-(.I(1.
tl-caatlnc'nt, a l t h o u g h I)oth hay(* c.liatl' tc.rnpc.ril~gancl tI1c. satlie. \c.ssc,I 1or111s;14 tI~o,c. (11.41riI)c.cI
1;,1- Muritligak h a l l d m a ( l r j ~ o t t c - r y . -
1 -
1 x3 rnoht Irc.cluc.nt t\.pcb hael a l ) , i s k c ~ t - i l ~ ~ ~ ) ~ ~\ tc~~rsI \. ~ e1 ~.e c l
, ~ t l ~c ., I . N . .1111.1.r
(,<,rarnicc h a n g e s arc- c o n h n r t l a l m o s t c.ntil-c.l\ t o t l ~ c .I ~ ~ ~ n i l n ~1)ot1 \. I< ,I I I I ~~r
I ~ ~
[Red 0B u f f
Yellow Block l ~ n e
incrtxasc- in the rt)lati\.c. frcqucnc\. of thcsc t!.pcs jumping t o almost 4(r:/;, in the sontlagc, and
about l ( Y ) , , in the, habitation area (\vhich is probably m o r e rcprcsentative). Morcovrr, the
\.aricnt \\-it11the smoothctl surface is the predominant type with only rare sherds of the baskct.
inlprrssed variety hcing found. Equally rare were sherds of a hanrlmadc pottery with crushr(]
rock tclnpering (Quctta Slate Temper, Fairscrvis, 1956: 250). There were no changes in
vessel forms as these remain constant throughout thc sequence for hantlnla(1(>
~ l o t t ~ Amonq
y.L
the whcelmade potteries there was little noticeable change. The tIrroratr(]
varieties now represented about of the total pottery, a frequency which remains
rclati\rely constant throughout the rest of thc sequence. The larger sample from the habitation
arcs intlicates that most of the motifs clescribctl for Mundigak 111 pottery are present at Said
Qala. Quetta Ware reaches a frequency of about 1% which will also remain constant
throughout the sequence. Scvcral new types of special function o r intrusive pottery can I,?
added t o the tu:o already listed in Period I . These new types (Figs 3.44-3.46) come primarily
from the habitation arca and include: Quctta W e t Variants; Kechi Reg white-on-dark slip
(Fairscrvis, 1956: 2 57-~9);Kechi Beg Polychrome/Bichrome (1 956: 2 59); Amri Polychrome
(C'asal, 1964: 85); Nal black-on-buff (Hargrea\,es, 1929: 35); and a fcw sherds resembling the
Red
0W h ~ t e
Block
Buff ( p a s t e )
MOTIFS
EXTREMELY
VAGUE
Fig. 3.45: Said Qala, intrusirr or special function \herds; ( I ) Amri stylr ( 2 ) ~ u m l astylf'
pol!-chrome; ( 3 ) Amri ( ? ) st!,lc polyc.hromc pot lid.
l ' V Red
Fig. 3.46: Said Qala, intrusive or special function potterv: ( 1 ) Faiz Moharnrnad red or black o n
arevware; ( 2 ) Kechi Beg or Gurnla (?) st!.le bichrorne ware.
t? 2
polychromes from Gumla 111 (Dani, 1970-71). Each variety was represented onlv. by, a ver\-
few sherds.
T h e last prehistoric occupations, Periods III-IV, will be discussed together since the
t-lctectable changes represent a continuum between the t\s.o. Handmade pottery decreases in
the frequency of the crushed rock tempered \,ariety. It is interesting t o note that this latter
\.ariety was never identified in the sondage. Among ~vheelmadepotteries vessel form changes
occur which parallel those of Mundigak IlI,IV,. Ban-1s change from anplar-\vall to an S-
shaped wall form. Jars are globular \rith collars. Beakers change from a
parallel wall t o an S-shaped wall profile. A fe\v stemmed vessel forms are recorded but n v e r
the small pedestal-based beaker with flaring o r carinated ivalls that was found in Mundigak
I V , . Similar geometric motifs are identifiable on Said Qala Ill-lV and Mundigak Illj-I\-,
pottery. Although floral motifs are found on Said Qala pottery zoomorphic motifs \verta
completely absent. Likexvisc the Quetta Ware motifs arc more similar t o those identitied in a
Mundigak Ill5 , conrcxt than in l V I . These latter factors argue for a m o r c close correlation
,
I,ct\\.cc,n thc cc,ramics of Said Qala Ill--IV and Mundigak I l l 5 than I V I , but thcse boundaries
arc \,cry s i . The only significant addition t o the special function o r intrusive type
catc.eory is a sinqle sherd of Nal Polychrome (Fig. 3.44, 110.3). Overall the ceramics at Said
QaIa support the ascription of all prehistoric occupations at the site as being contcmporarv
\\.it11 thosc of Mundigak 111 ,IV,.
Lithic Artlfocts
Thc lithics at Said Q a l a are not verv different from those identified at Mundigak excel,t
I)erhal)s in the m o r c limited naturc of the types of artifact found. Milling and handston&
similar in all respccts t o thosc at Mundigak w e r e found throughout the sequence. Likewise
large cortex flakes with onc o r m o r e retouched edges and demonstrating extensive use as
kni1.e~o r scrapers were found in all occupations. It is interesting t o note, however, that these
lithic artifacts begin t o co-vary with similarly retouched and utilized pottery sherds in the last
occupations (Pel-iocts IIILtlV). Flint artifacts Miere noticeable by their absence. Only a few
\j.astc flakes were found in the lower sondage levels and seven blade fragments from the
habitation areas (Periods 11-IV). Except for one trapezoidal example they were all triangular
in cross-section. All specimens were fragments of whole blades so it is impossible to
determine the presence of microblades. T h e complete absence of any flint points is an
interesting contrast t o the situation recorded at Mundigak.
O t h e r intercsting lithic artifacts found throughout the Said Qala sequence included the
ti)llo\ving: a large trapezoidal-triangular hoe (Fig. 3.47) was manufactured from extremely
largc cortex flakes of basaltic material. Extensive retouching could be located on all edges but
mostly along the base (butt area), and the upper sides where concave t o facilitate hafting.
Bone Artfacts
Bone artifacts are limited in variety and located in a rather constant frequrncv throughout
Periods I-IV. As at Mundigak the most numerous types of artifacts arc. simple point ancl a ~ v l
fragments with complete examples being rather rare. A few other types of bonc artifacts arcb
noted under various small miscellaneous artifact categories.
Metal Artfacts
Bronze artifacts are confined t o the latest prehistoric occupations (end o f Periotl I1 IV) and
were located predominantly in the habitation areas. Identifiable functional artifacts inclu(lctl:
sickles (Fig. 3.48, nos 1-2), blade fragments ( l ) , a lanceolate o r lozenge tanged point, and a
point o r punch with circular cross-section. "Luxury" items in the form of pins were found in
Periods 11-IV. Although most examples were fragmentary the following stvles could bc
identified: double volute head (Fig. 3.48, no. 5); flattened with forked end (Fig. 3.48, no. 6 ) ;
and a simple forked end with twisted haft (Fig. 3.48, no. 4 ) . A single example of a bronze
handle (?)fragment with a rounded and perforated distal end was found (Fig. 3.48, no. 3 ). In
general the artifacts are very similar t o those found in Mundigak Ill.
Seals. Several examples of compartmented geometric seals w e r e found all within the
habitation area. Only three examples were not made from steatite and these were
manufactured from bone and a grey-brown silicious stone. All had t w o central perforations
and were predominantly 'rectangular o r square. O t h e r shapes identified were: circular,
triangular, lozenge and oval. O n e example had deeply serrated edges. Several examples of
worked steatite were found which must have represented blanks for the manufacture of such
seals.
Cerarnlc Flgurlnes. Bull o r cow figurines are found throughout Periods I t o IV with the
majority of examples coming from the habitation areas (Fig. 3 . 4 9 , no. 4). These figurines arc
similar t o the same types located at Mundigak. O n e fragmentary example is of particular note
because of its size. Only the forward half was found but this fragment was 13 c m long and
stood 13 c m high and had faint red painted motifs. In its complete form this figurine Lvas
approximately four times larger than the usual bull typc. A single example of a possible bird
figurine was also found (Fig. 3.49, no. 3).
3. T H F LATER PREHISTORIC' I'F.RIOI)S 16 1
t x c c p t for o n e questionable examplc from Period I I in the. sondagc. all thc-
al,thropomorphic figurines w e r e f;)untl in t h c habitation arca. M o r c o ~ ~outr , of t h c twel\c.
cqamples all except t h r e e ( t w o : Period IV; one: Period I l l ) wcBrc.absociatcd with thc. final
occupation phase determined for Period 11. All examples w r r c f'ragmcntarv ant1 confinc-d t o
the lower torso. Even w i t h such a limited sample it is obvious that the Said Qala figurines arc*
rnarkcdly dissimilar t o those found at Mundigak. T h e most common figurine tvpc- had thc.
Samples of these remain unanalysed as yet but there is n o reason t o doubt that the occupants of
Said Qala were exploiting domesticated sheep, goat and cattle as well as wheat and barley.
Dch Morasi (Duprec, 1963) is located only ten miles southwest of Said Qala. It is only about
r Said Qala, and the excavations were very limited. Besides a sondage (6 x 2 m )
half the s i ~ of'
thrcc othcr small test pits w're opened but incompletely excavated. Dupree was able to
tlcfine four major occupational periods of which Periods I--111 are of major concern here. Like
Saitl Qala it is felt here that all the prehistoric occupations are essentially of a single major
I>criod. However, Deh Morasi is later than Said Qala and represents a Mundigak IV, type
occupation.
The limitctl nature of'the excavations prevented the delineation of any structures, and most
stratigraphic observations arc based on artifact content and soil depositional levels. Period I is
characterized by laminated silt-clay layers of soil which contained a few artifacts but
othcrivisc tlevoid of k a t u r e s . T h e major occupation at Deh Morasi was Period I1 which is
dii,itletl into three phases, Ila-c. Dupree ( 1 963: 1 19) originally proposed a "gap" in the
oc.cupation of the sitc 1)etwecn Periods I and I1 on the basis of the associated ceramics.
IHoivc~vc~r, thc Said Qala excavations have sho\,vn that such a gap is not warranted on the basis of
th(. c c r a n ~ i c .antl
~ , stratigraphically the t w o periods are superimposed atop one another. The
onlJ. architectural fc,aturc of signihcancc, found in the excavations was recorded in Period Ila.
This ivas a sinall (45 x 28 c m ) ~-nudbric.k structure (Fig. 3.50a) trapezoidal in shape with thc
fi)llowing artifacts in direct association: ccramic female figurine, copper tube and seal, goat
I>onct ant1 horn, utilized magnctitc notlulc (Fig. 3.50b), and pottery. Dupree interprets this
st]-uctui-csas a "housc.holtl shrinct" as ivcll it might be. The entire fcaturc was surrounded b ~a .
1"-cparccl clay floor. Morasi 111) \\.as tlistinguishcd by a semicircular mud brick oven associated
~ j i t l ia p~-cl,a~-cdfloor antl the only sc,ction of mud brick wall defined at the sitc. Period Ilc \\as
rcl)rcscllte(l oi11\. - I>\., a sc'ric's of' succcssii~c~
li\.ing surfaccs and cultural f i l l . Pel-iod 111 \\.as
Fig. 3.50: I k h Morasi Ghunclai: (a) Shrinc cornplcx, Pcriod Ila; (1,) used magnt,tite noclulc. Period Ila;
I <\ tcrnalc figurines, Pct-iod I l a .
A single C-14 date of 3200 B . C . (corrected for MASCA factor, Dales, 1973: 159) is available
for Period Ilb. This single carly date is difficult t o cvaluate without m o r e corroborative data.
Ceramics
Period I contained only the crude handmade chaff tempered pottery referred t o as Said Qala
Coarse. This pottery was also found at both Mundigak and Said Qala throughout most
occupations. Dupree originally interpreted this pottery as representing a chronologically
early phase of ccramic technology based on its lack of technological sophistication, but the
stratigraphic associations of this type at the other sites indicates that this is no longer tenable.
There is no reason t o suppose that Period I is not essentially contemporary with the rest of the
occupation periods at Deh Morasi.
The prehistoric pottery found in all subsequent occupations at the site is comparable to
that identified in Mundigak IVI. W i t h the exception of the Said Qala Coarse pottery it is all
wheelmade and a buff-red paste with sand- o r self-temper. Decorated motifs are almost
entirely confined t o geornetrics which are very similar in their overall style t o those of
Mundigak II15_cIVl. T h e motifs are black and executed either directly on the red surface or
on a thin buff-white wash. However, a m o r e definite association with Mundigak IVI is based
upon the predominance of bowl and beaker vessel forms. Both bowl and beaker vessel forms
were confined primarily t o vessels with S-shaped walls, and some beakers had pedestal bases.
Thcse vessel forms had their highest relative frequency during Mundigak IVI. Equally
convincing of a Mundigak IV, association is the low relative frequency of Quetta Ware which
is confined t o the "linear style" of decoration and a few examples of the curvilinear o r floral
(bucranium) style. Comparable Quetta W a r e was not found earlier than Period IVI at
Mundigak. In addition, a zoomorphic motif was found on Quetta W a r e in Morasi IIb. Such
motifs d o not appear before Mundigak IVI and were completely absent at Said Qala.
Unfortunately n o special function o r intrusive types of pottery w e r e located at Deh Morasi.
Lithic Artlfocts
Lithic artifacts were few in number and found only in Periods 1-11. Milling stones and pestles
were found as were a few examples of stone hoes. Also recorded were examples of stone cclts
and retouched flakes. In addition there was the single utilized magnetite nodule found in the
"
shrine complex" which is comparable t o the iron o r c hammerstones located at Said Qala.
Bone Artlfocts
All the mctaj artifacts wcrc copper according to 1)uprc.c (1963: 98) an(l wcrc conhnc-cl t o
11c.riods I I a c and IV. Asbociatcd with thc "shrinr complcx" ~ r Ila
l ( ' Iragmt-nth 0 1 a
~ ( * r two
hollow tube and a hantilc fragmcbnt.Scvcral fragments ol simple* l,ln\ were l O ~ , 3 t ~~n
( l Ilb c ,
a single fragment of a compartmc.ntcd seal was found in IV.
rampart. This large building appears t o have been destroyed b\- fire and the burned skelcton of
a young boy gripping a stone pestle \\-as found in o n e rooni. During this pcriod painted potter\-
almost completely disappears. Vessel shapes a r e distinguished b\. sharp carinations probabl\-
due t o t h e use of a p o t t e r ' s \\.heel. T h e paste is a buff-red colour and surfaces a r e often slipped
o r burnished-techniques absent in pre\.ious periods. Among the limited examples of
decorated pottery some parallels may be seen \\.ith the potter\- of late Mundigak IV, 3 .
External Relationships
Thcsc t w o periods are combined because: (1 ) the limited and similar data concerning external
relationships defined for both periods; (2) the chronological and cultural continuum
represented by the t w o periods; (3) although the distinction between Periods I and 11 wcrc
useful in understanding the developmental sequence at Mundigak it is doubtful that a similar
uscful distinction can be defined for external relationships; and (4) the external relationships
defi nable for Periods I-II provides a .significant contrast for those definable in subsequent
periods. However, even by combining the evidence from these t w o periods the only
significant external relationships appear t o be with t h e cultures of Northern Baluchistan in the
Quetta valley.
Traditionally, comparativc studies have correlated the KGM 11-IV material (Fig. 3. 52a)
with that of Mundigak I-II (Casal, 1961 ; Dales, 1965: Mughal, 1970). Here, however, the
correlation is made between Mundigak I-II and only KGM 111-IV. T h e elimination of KGM I1
is based primarily upon the identification of a metal dagger blade in KGM 111, but also on the
occurrences of alabaster bowl fragments and ceramic characteristics. KGM IllbIV is
distinguished by a black-on-red slipped pottery with a preponderance of thc same triangular
motif recorded in Mundigak I,_,. This pottery madc an initial appearance in KGM 11, reached
its maximum frequency in KGM 111, and persisted into KGM IV. KGM 111-IV are also
characterized by an overwhelming number of handmade ceramics, a situation somebvhat
analogous t o Mundigak 1-11. However, this correlation is complicated by Fairservis' (1956)
emphasis upon distinguishing aspects of the ceramics from KGM IV and their equation with
the Damb Sadaat (hereafter DS) I material (Fig. 3.52a). Fairservis based his argument for the
KGM IV-DS (Damb Sadaat) I correlation on thc persistence of similar pottery types at both
sites. O t h e r authors (Mughal, 1970: 264-~6)fccl that the frequency of these tvpes is so lo\v in
DS 1 t o argue that the DS I assemblage represents a distinct ant1 perhaps significantly later
cultural de\.elopment. Moreover, there are significant additions of various new types during
DS I which also reinforce its distinctivcncss from KGM IV. It would seem that on thc basis of
available evitlcnce that DS I is distinct from KGM IV particularly in the present context. KGM
IV is, on the other hand, distinguished by the presence of a ~ o l ~ c h r o r noer, bichrome, type of
pottery. This fine wheelmade buff pottery with well executed geometric motifs in ])lack and
red, called Kechi Beg Polychrome (Fairservis, 1956: 259), is an e x t r c m e l ~striking and
important pottery type. Several of the Kcchi Beg type motifs are similar t o the ones identified
on the bichrome sherds located in Mundigak Is. Likewise there is a basic similarity betw:een
this material and the bichrome pottery identified at Amri IA--C (Casal, 1964) in the lower
Indus valley. T h e decorative style of Kechi Beg is similar t o that of Amri, but is at the same
time distinctive in its own right. The possibilities cannot be ruled out that the bichromcs
found in Mundigak I 5 might actually be Kechi Reg rathcr than Amri, o r that Kcchi Rcg itself
Fig. 3.52(a): C'haractt.ristic a r t i t j e t st\.lc~\ot' t h e Q u c t t a \-allc\-: r 1 K i l ( s L u l Mohanimatl I an11 11;
( 7 ) K ~ l cG u l Moharnmatl 111; ( 3 ) l)an~l-,\a(latt I .
Fig. 3.53(c): "Zhob m o t h e r goddcss" figurines: (1) D a m b Sadaat 111; ( 2 ) Dell Moi-asi Ghundai Ila; (3)
Sur Jangal I11 (?); (4) Mundigak I V , , Periano Ghundai; (6)Dahar K o t .
="Y' @I at-
=-~\'QV'\
\ IJ
@)
Fig. 3.55(a): Comparison of dccoratrd pottery of Namazga IlI(1-6) anti Mundigak lII(7-12)
Fig. 3.55(b): Comparison of decorated pottery, seals ant1 fgurinrs of Damb Sadatt 11 (1-7, and
1 5- 2 1 ) and Namazga 111 (8-14 and 22-28).
o~ilvduring Namazga III are the first indications of wheelmade pottery identified, a marked
contrast t o the high frequency of wheelmade pottery in Afghanistan.
Among the eastern sites were located several examples of burials which were laced in
cil-cular tombs constructed of mud brick. Simple pit burials were also located inside the
,t,ttlernent area in contrast t o the tombs which were located away from the main mound
(Mundigak Mound C?). The tombs were semi-subterranean with vaulted rooms and multiple
l~urials.These were successive burials the remains of previous interments being ~ u s h e dt o one
As the cham1,crs became filled othcrs wcre built superimposed on the earlier oncs.
Gra\te goods were present but not very elaborate, usually consisting of a few vessels and
ornaments.
Female figurines are found in great frequency (300 at Geoksyur I) and are highly stylized
(similar figurines occur in Namazga 11). They are all seated with elongated heads, large noses
and long necks. Short stubby arms are at the sides and the narrow waist merges into a broad
hip area marked by steatopygia. Many have paintcd features and ornaments, and onc even had a
baby painted on her stomach with its hands clutching the breasts. Another group of large
seated figurines with "bird-like" heads and long necks was manufactured from a finer clay.
They have no arms or breasts, and their narrow waists and fat hips taper into long legs.
Sometimes the head had an elaborate coiffure. Yet another figurine style had ". . . square
shoulders decorated with applied strips of clay o r little round protuberances. Their arms are
either held at the side or are folded on the stomach. The torso of one such figurine is decorated
with numerous little applied bosses while the breasts are in the shape of animal heads"
(Masson and Sarianidi, 1972: 87). The figurines from both eastern and western sites are very
similar to those found at Said Qala and Gumla 11-111.
The Quetta style pottery, compartmented geometric seals, female figurines, burials and
other artifacts certainly argue for some form of regular interaction/communication between
Turkmenistan and southern Afghanistan. However, the three available C-14 dates, when
corrected (see Dales, 1973: 159), date somewhat earlier than expected. These dates place
Namazga 111 between 3500 and 3200 B . C . Unfortunately some have used this very fragmentary
chronological information to postulate a priority, o r origin, for Quetta Ware using cultures
in the Namazga 111 material (e.g. Tosi, 1973; Biscione, 1973). However, until more C-14
dates are available, and until more information is known about northern Afghanistan such
assumptions are premature.
Mundigak : Period IV
The continuity and overlap defined between late Period II15_, and IV at the site of Mundigak
and Said Qala make it equally difficult t o determine two distinct and separate sets of external
relationships for these two periods. Therefore, many of the observations regarding external
relationships for Period I11 can also be applied to Period IV, and by analogy Deh Morasi I-IV.
Here, as in previous periods, very parallel developments were taking place in the Quetta
valley. Mundigak 1V is best compared t o DS 11-111 in the Quetta sequence (Figs 3.52b, 3.53)
although DS I also has many characteristics of this period. Perhaps the most convincing
correlation is provided by the introduction of zoomorphic motifs in DS 11-111 which are
similar t o those at Mundigak. As at Mundigak, DS 111 (Alcock in Fairservis, 1956) Quetta
Ware demonstrated a marked decline in the solid geometric elements and an increased usage
of simple horizontal lines and bucranium motifs. Overall the ccramics of DS 11-111 are very
similar to those of Mundigak IV, and especially IV,, in vessel forms, styles of decoration, and
variety of ceramics located. It should be noted that the zoomorphic motifs at both Mundigak
and DS 11-111 are similar to the so-called "Kulli" pottery found in southern Raluchistan
particularly the site of Nindowari C a s a l , 1966). Unfortunately, however, the cultural
affiliations of this "Kulli" style pottery are very problematic at present.
not her important parallel with Mundigak IV, is the presence of
architecture. At DS, as at Mundigak, the previous areas of occupation were levcllcd for tht:
construction of a large brick platform. Associated with the platform were rough limrstc,nr
block stone drains and a bench against the southern wall. There is some evidence that spur
walls (3 m thick) connected the platform with lower portions of the mound. The main wall of
this $atform was resting upon a small hollow constructed from stones and containing a human.
skull minus the lower jaw. In the immediate vicinity of this structure were located eitht
female figurines among which some were in the "Zhob" style. Found for the first time in 1)s
Ill levels were cattle figurines, one of which had a "yoni" motif painted on its forehead.
Other artifacts included: model houses (also found in Mundigak IV, and Said Qala Ill); clay
rattles; small metal artifacts; alabaster bowls; compartmented seals; and, beads (lapis lazuli,
carnelian and turquoise). DS 111 appears t o be the last major period of prehistoric occupation
in the Quetta valley. A single corrected C-14 date of 2652 B . C . is now available for DS 111.
At Gumla many of the similarities noted between Gumla I1 and Mundigak 111 could apply
equally t o Mundigak IV ,. Certainly some degree of interaction/communication was taking
place between these t w o cultures. Although there is similarity in the female figurines found in
later Gumla I11 the previous ceramic parallels cease. During Gumla 111 the similarity provided
by Quetta W a r e style motifs is absent. In its place is a predominance of blackibrown and red-'
on-white motifs applied t o a red slipped pottery. The most distinctive aspect of this decorated
pottery is the use of intersecting circles and cross-hatching. Such motifs are extremely rare in
southern Afghanistan, and, when identified, appear t o be intrusive. Most bowl and jar \,essel
forms recorded at Gumla are likewise not found in Afghanistan and have much more in
common with those identified in the Kot Dijian and Amrian potteries of the lndus valley. Of
particular note in this respect is the presence of flanged rims (double rims) on manv of the
tlecorated jars at Gumla. This form is extremely rare in Afghanistan and would appear
intrusive.
The existence of interaction/communication b e t ~ v e e nsouthern Afghanistan and the Indus
\.alley proper is very limited. Indeed, most of the evidence comes from Mundigak itself and
thc identification of infrequent examples of Kot Dijian and Amrian type potteries. At the
Intlus valley sites evidence of contact is limited t o the rare identification of lapis lazuli.
.41-tifactsat these sites are beginning t o acquire the characteristics commonlv associated \vith
thc. cultural designation of ''Harappan" (see Mughal, 1970, 1973). Indeed, the black-on-red
hliI~pedpottery found in Mundigak IV2_3is somewhat reminiscent of Harappan potteries in
tc.1-rns of vessel forms but not in its decorative stvle. In light of the poor chronological control
f i ) ~the
- Afghan sites it is impossible t o dismiss o r propose t o \vhat extent these t\vo areas \\.ere
interacting.
West of Mundigak the major site is Shahr-i Sokhta. Periods 11-Ill at this site are almost
iclcntical in material culture t o Mundigak IV. Certainly this site, discussed pre\.iously,
rcprescnts a major urban centre for the Mundigak IV type culture. Ho\vever, Period IV at
Shahr-i Sokhta cannot be as convincingly correlated \vith devcloprnents at Mundigak although
limited motif parallels can be found among later Mundigak IV, potter!. Like\vise the
180 J I M G . SHAFFER
Hampur srqut,ncc of southeastc.rn Iran has numerous parallels with Mundigak IV, *, Shahr-i
Sokhta 11 III and its own periods of 111- V ,. These parallels have been summarized by Ijc Car(ji
(1970: Table 5). Many of the ceramic characteristics of Shahr-i Sokhta IV can bc also
paralleled at Hampur V-VI. Of particular importance here is a black-on-grey canister jar
found in Shahr-i Sokhta IV with horizontal friezes of stylized animals and geometric motifs
which is strikingly similar t o vessels found in Bampur VI and sites on the Oman Peninsula in
the Persian Gulf.
Shahr-i Sokhta and Bampur also provide some parallels with late Period IVB at Tepe
Yahya. Although many of the ceramics found at Yahya IVB and Shahr-i Sokhta are mutually
exclusive an important link between the t w o sites is provided by the black-on-grey ware.
These black-on-grey wares are not generally found west of Yahya but have, on the other hand,
a very wide distribution t o the east incorporating Baluchistan and south t o the Persian Gulf.
This potter\ provides a basic, but tenuous, correlation between Yahya IVB, Shahr-i Sokhta
111-IV, and the southern Afghanistan sites. Also found in Yahya IVB is a great proliferation of
incised steatite vessels in various stages of manufacture. Similar steatite vessels have been
found in Mesopotamia during Early Dynastic 11-IIIa times. Lamberg-Karlovsky (1 970, 1972a,
b) has suggested that Tepe Yahya was a centre for the production of these steatite vessels
which were seemingly directly traded with Mesopotamia. Yahya IVB then might have been a
production centre for such steatite artifacts in the same manner as has been suggested for
Shahr-i Sokhta and lapis lazuli. A similar argument has been proposed for the more western
site of Tal-i-Iblis (Caldwell, 1967) with its large quantity of copper and apparent smelting
furnaces.
In Turkmenistan there must have been considerable interaction/communication between
the late Namazga Ill, Geoksyur Period, cultural developments and those represented by
Mundigak IV. However, at the end of Namazga 111, the sites of the Tedzen Delta in eastern
Turkmenistan were abandoned and, with this, t h e close cultural similarity between these
areas ceases. Somewhat comparable material can be identified in Namzga IV sites in central
Turkmenistan (Masson and Sarianidi, 1972: 97-1 1 I ) . Both large and small sites have been
found during this pcriod several of which are resting directly on virgin soil, a factor which has
caused speculation that they were settled by people from the Tedzen area. Ceramically this
period is marked by a black-on-red slipped pottery decorated with geometric motifs. Motifs
and some vessel forms are similar t o those found at Mundigak IV2-3, but t h e degree of
similarity is not nearly as pronounced as in Namazga 111. A light coloured slip is also found at
some sites suggesting a continuity with the previous ccramics. A partially burnished grey
pottery with incised decorations and sharply carinated vessel forms also occurs in small
quantities, particularly in thc westcrn sites. However, n o painted grey wares have been
found.
Large and small seated female figurines with incised and exciscd patterns were found in
Namazga 1V. Figurines with coiffures of plaits falling on the breasts ant1 down the back become
common. In the later phases of Namazga 1V a flattened figurine style occurs which becomes
lncrcasingly important during Period V. C:ompartmented geometric seals made from stone
and clay were also associated with Period IV. Finally, it is interesting t o note that small traces
of iron were found amit1 the copper slag at foundries associated with Period IV sites. This
3. THI- l.AT1-H I ' H I - I ~ I S T O H I C . I ' I - H I O I ~ S 18 1
prcscncr of iron is m o r e intcrrsting w h r n t h r prcssc.nc,c-()l'iron parts ol'c)tht.rwisc hronzc
is rccallctl f'rom Mundigak IV.
c-
T h r c c corrccteci 1 4 tlates (llales, 1973: 1 59) Namazga IV Iletwc.c.n ( . 2900 2600
H . C . Although t h c close similarity in material culture which had rnarkrcl Namazga I l l and
~ u n d i ~ aIll- k IV, disappears in this pcbriod, thcrc. arc- indications that at least limit(-cl
interactions w e r e maintained. T h e black-on-red slipped pottcBrybe-ars somcb rcbsc-mb1anc.c.t o
that of Mundigak IV2 3 , as d o t h e figurines and compartment(-tl sc.als. I-towc-vcr, it is dif'fic.ult t o
evaluate this similarity given t h e chronological problems and lack of data from north(-rn
Afghanistan.
Mundigak : Period V
There is nothing archaeologically c o m p a r ~ b l et o Mundigak V anvn.hcrc in Afghanistan o r t h c
immediately surrounding areas. Resides Mundigak n o other prehistoric sitc. in southern
Afghanistan which has been excavated appears t o have been occupied aftcr Pcriod I V . Casal
refers t o s o m e parallels w i t h t h e Chust culture of the Fcrgana valley (Uzbekistan) in Soviet
Central Asia dating from t h e first millennium B . C . (Masson and Sarianidi, 1972: 1 6 4 - 5 ) . T h c
pottery of this early Iron Age culture does have some parallcls with that of Pcriod V at
Mundigak. T h e r e a r e also parallels with t h e Yaz I pottery of southcastcrn Turkmenistan
(Masson and Sarianidi, 1972: 158-63). This Yaz I pottery, in t u r n , dcmonstratcs similaritic*~
\vith t h e Late Bronze Age pottery of Namazga V1 which includcd grevn.arcs. Indeed, explicit
resemblances have been noted (Masson and Sarianidi, 1972: 161 ) bct\rcen Yaz I and Mundigak
VI pottery. This later correlation is very interesting since the p o t t e r s of Mundigak V appears
t o have m o r e relationships with that of Mundigak V1, associated \\-ith an iron technology, than
\vith M u n d i p k IV. Therefore, it is quite possible that Pcriod V ma\ bc assigned t o t h e Early
Iron Age r a t h e r than Late Bronze Age. At present this is all quite problematical until furthcr
cxcavations a r e conducted at Mundigak o r o t h e r sites in Afghanistan, particularlv in t h e
northern areas.
Northern Afghanistan
Akchanian Sites
Fig. 3.56: I)asl~li sitc ncar A k c h a City: summar\- of availal,lc. data. ( A f t c . ~Sal-ianicli, 1971a).
Architecture
Ceramics
The excavators made three major divisions among the ceramics-wheelmade, handmade and
greyware. Wheelmade pottery was a light coloured clav (buff?) and had vessel forms which
~ncludedseveral sharpljl carinated pedestal forms. Handmade pottery seems t o have consisted
of the common types of general purpose utilitarian pottery encountered throughout the
prehistoric period in Afghanistan. A small but important number of vessels were made from a
grey paste, manufactured in the form of hemispherical cups and spouted bokvls, and had
incised decorations.
Other Arttfacts
Lithic artifacts included various sizes and projectile points and blades. A \\-ide variety of metal
artifacts were found including: razors, bracelets, mirrors, pins, knives, d a g e r s , serrated
sic.kl(* bla(l(-s, axes ant1 a silvc-r ring. Geometric. c.ompartmc~ntc~tl
sc,als \vcs1.ebidc.ntilica(l an(l
01' st()ncb,c,c.ramic and mc,tal materials. T w o stonc, seals w e r e h ~ u n t lwhic.h clcpictc.(l
soc)nlorl,hic motifs (a sc.orpion ant1 wingc.tl lion). Ceramic. anti stone, spintllcs and
I,unc.]lr.swc,rc, also I;)untl. Heads of'scmi-precious stones w c r c fount1 on t h e surfaco of I)ash]i I
along with the, only zoomorphic figurine fragmc~nt.
External Relationships
From t h r limitctl amount ofavailahlc clata, it is clifficult t o makc comparisons with o t h c r sitcs.
Sarianitli ( 1971 a: 34) thinks that the, Akchanian sitcbs a r c rcl~rcscntativcfor most of northern
Al'ghanistan. Howcvcr, t h c samplo size is so small that such conclusions arc, premature.. The
only comparable matc,rial from within Akhanistan comes f;om t h e limitccl remains of the
"(;oat Cult Ncolithic" fount1 at 1)ara-i-Kur (Iluprc-c, 1972). Moreover, it is postulatccl hcrc
that the "Goat Cult Ncolithic" is actually contc%mporarywith t h e Dashli matcrial. The
1"-inla-y point o f comparison is t h e ceremonial burials of tlomc.sticatccl capritls at both sitcts.
The, paucity of I-(,mains at Ilara-i-Kur prcvcbnts o t h e r analogies among t h c material cultural
remains from being matlc at this timc.. T w o corrcctccl C - 1 4 tlatcs arcbavailable for t h e Ilara-i-
Kur matvrial of' 1880 ant1 2 190 n . c . a r c available. Such clatcs place t h e Dara-i-Kur material
n.c-ll within t h e acceptable- range for t h c Late Hronzc Age. M o r c importantly, if t h e Ilara-i-
Kur material wc,rc acc.cptablc as contcml)orary with t h e Ilashli sites, it might well represent a
c.ontcblnporarynoma(lic culture- (luring this pcriotl. A slight comparativc rescmblancc can he
clisc,carnc*tlI,c~twccn the, Dashli mat(-rial and t h e Hronzc/lron Age remains rccorcled From thc
\,ic,initv ol'Tash (Jurghan (Gouin 1972). Howcwcr, until m o r e is rc,portctl about t h e ceramic
rc~l~iains, it is impossible t o make any meaningful correlations.
Morc, mc.aningful cc,ramic similarities may be scbcn bctwc.cn 1)ashli and northcastc,rn Iran
(Sarianitli, 1971 a: 34)---Shah T c p c 11, Turcmg T c p c Ill ant1 T c p c Hissar Ill. Accortling to
Sarianitli ( I 971 a: 3 5) cvc-n more- generic relationships can bc clctc~rmincdhctwccan Ilasl~liancl
Narnazga VI again on t h e hascs of c:c,ramics. Thcsc c,omparisons appear t o be basc>tl upon
similarity in vcsscl forms, particularly pctlc~stalvarieties, arltl t h e prcscncc ol'grc~ywarc~s. That
similar vc~ssc~l forms exist can bc rcaclily seen (Masson and Sarianitli, 1972: 137 4 6 ; Hlopina,
1972) hut noticeably al>sc.ncc in thcx Ilashli sitcbs is tho rctl slippctl ant1 polishctl 11ottc-ry li)untl
in Turkmenistan. Similaritic.~c3anI,c tlclinctl anlong o t h c r catcgorics of'artithc,ts I>ut givc,n the
ovcsrall I,ric,l' ant1 preliminary nature of' t h e ~,uhlishc~(l matc,rial definite correlations arc,
tlil'fic*ult.l.ikc~wisc~ cc~ramiccomparisons c3an be matlc, with t h e Late Bronze Age culturc o f '
'I-imargarlla I I1 in the Swat vallcby of' northcrn Pakistan ( I h n i , 1967, 1974; Stacal, 1 9 6 9 ) .
Although the late ~,rc*historie~ rc-mains from northctrn Afghanistan arc, tlil'ficult t o c~valuatc~
an(l c~orrc~latc~ a Ii-\z, important points may I ) e b clistillc.cl. (I ) Cor-rc~latiorisintlic.atc- that the I Iashli
rncltc.riaI ~)l-ol,al)l~ c1atc.s t o tIl(. micl o r last hall'ot'thc- sc,contl millrnnium I{.(..( 2 ) The- c~xistcbncc~
oI'sc'ttlc~lagric.ultu1-a1c.ornmunitic~s,sl~cc-ialI'unc.tion c.cntrc.s (I;)rts), an(l I,astoral nomacls may
IN, c1c.l-ilicvl 1;)r this I~cbrio(l.( 3 ) Cultural c.omnlunic.ation pc~rsistc~cl I>c~twc~c~~lnorthcbastc*rn Iran,
sorlthe~1.nTurknic~nistan,n o r t h c ~ ~ Pakistan-n ant1 nc)rthc,rn Afghanistan (luring this Iwrio(l ancl is
~-c%ll(.c.tc~lin tl~c-c,c-l-arnic.s. (4) I)c,sl~itc. similaritic-s in cc-ramic.s ancl othcb~-artif'ac,ts the,
Iwcviouslyl ~ r o n o u n c ( ~similaritirs
(l in li*mal(-hgurinc-s clisapp(bars. 13cyon(l thc.s(- basic points it
is tliflicult t o assc,ss t h e late ~ ) r c h i s t o r i cpcariod in Afghanistan b(.(,ausc ()('thr tr(*mc.nrlousarea]
an(l chronologic,al gaps in basic data. Certainly lull pul,lication 01' the- Ilashli mat(-rial will
a beginning in t h e (-limination 01' this gap but i t will I,(- only that a btSginning.
Historical Background
The Achaemenid Empire
C'\.I-LIS the, GI-c.at (559--529 e . c . 1 the, L)untlct- 01' tl~c. .4c.hac-riic-1li(lI'c.r,i,in c r n p i ~ - c *a. I t ( * ~ -
dc.fcciting Cro(\suh of' 1 - ~ d i aatid conclucr-ing Asia Mi11o1-, g a i ~ l c . ~c.011tt.oI l ot all 1ll(. .4lgll.l~i
p1atc.a~ in a s e r i e s o f c a m p a i g n s t o tllc, n o r t h ,inti c.ast 01' 11-,ln. M'c. sc.cs the. c ' ~ t ( ~ 1 01' 1 t tlic.
.4c,hacmanitl cmpircx in t h e thrc%c'lists o f t h e satral)ics o f 1)ariuh I ( 52 I 486 1i.c.. 1 I'rot~it l ~ t ,
13cliistutl i n s c r i p t i o n c.. 5 1 h H . c . . , a n d l a t c r 11-om l).~r-iu>'pa1ac.c. a t I ' c * ~ - h c ~ l ~, o~ltil.d0 1 1 I l i \ t o 1 1 1 I j
nctal-I)\. a t N a q s h - i K u s t a m - a11 in n i o d c r n I r a n . l'hc. c ~ c ~ s t ctcbrl-itorics.;
~rn 01' the. .4c I ~ , i ~ ~ ~ n c ~ ~ l i c l
i ~ i c . I i ~ d cmodcr-n
~d Afghanistan (Fig. 4. 1 ) \\.as o t p d n i ~ c ditito the. h,~tr,ll)ic\\0 1 ' the. 1;1llo\\i 1 1 c>1 .'
( a ) A r i a , modern Hexrat \\.hich \\.as the, inil,ortant c.c~~ltrc, 01' castcbr-n I r a n . It hat1 I)I-oILII)I\.
I ~ c c n as , E ' t - ~ suggests,
c t h c m a i n sc,paration p o i n t 01't11c, .41-vans\\.ho ri~icr,itc>clt o In(lia I r o n i
those, \\.ho mo\.cc1 t o t h c \vest, a n d i t s n,lmc \\.as sul>scclue.ntl\.al)l>licbclt o t h c h o u t h c r n ( : r o u l ~ L
o f cxastc,~-nI r a n i a n tcrr-itol-it's as f a r as t h c l n d u s ;
(I,) Hactl-ia, tlic I;.I-tile, countr-Yo f Alglian T u r C c s t a n s o u t h o l ' t l i ~~-i\.c,r- ~ ( ) x u > \\ 1111 it.; c.al)ital
at Hactl-a, c o t i i r i i a t i i ~ the, i r o u t c ~ s11-om M e n nncl HCI-at in the' \\csst. t o ScycIial~ai l l the'
not-tli, C h i n a in t h c cast ant1 a c r o s s t h c ~ > . ~ s s c01's t h c H i n d u Kusli m o u n t a i t i > t o tlic K d l ) i ~ l
\ . a l I c , ~a n d India in t l i c s o u t h ;
c l l r a n g i a n a , the, s t c l > p c c o u n t r \ . o f t h c Io\\.u,r H c l r n a n d ri\,c>r-,inti H'111iut1 lakes mc)clc~-n
Scistan (i.c,. S a k a s t c n c ) \\.liic.li d c r i \ c s i t s nalnc' f r o m the, Saka t r i l ~ e s\ ~ . l i o \\.c'rc' hc'ttlccl t l i c ~ r c ~
,ittc\r t l i c ~ i ri ~ i \ . a s i o ~it1i tlic, s c c o ~ i ( ic c ~ ~ i t uNr. C~.
((1) A r a c l i o s i ' ~ , t h e cast o f 1)r-angiina--- t h c \,allc\. ot' the. 111>1>cr Hclni'mel, moclc,rn Farah
,inti Kanda1ia1- a n d t h e c c n t l - c o f Ac~hac.mcni(lI-uling o \ , c - r - t h c tril)cs as t a r as t h e Illelus in thc.
c',ist ancl t h c sca t o t h e s o u t h ;
( c ) Satta2\.(lia, the, n i o u ~ i t , i i t i o u s,irca oI'c.c~ntralAtkhanistan i n c l u d i n g the, k a l ) u l , 13,irni\.,in
L .
187
Med~teronean
Fig. 4.1: Afghanistan and adjacent areas in the early historic period.
T o the north of Afghanistan the Achaemenid empire included Choresmia (Khwarizm) and
Sogdiana, and later in his reign Darius 1 added the Punjab and Sind t o constitute the satrapy of
the Indus. The whole of the empire was divided into provinces governed by satraps. Its
economy was soundly based, trade was encouraged, and an effective road system was
established. Aramaic was the language used for official business and it is from Aramaic script
that the local Kharoshthi script was subsequently developed in Afghanistan and the Punjab.
It laas the defeat of the last Achaemenid king, Darius 111, at the battle of Gaugamela in thc
plains of Mesopotamia in 331 B . C . that made Alexander the Great the ncw ruler of the
Achaemenid Empire, including its satrapies in Afghanistan. After capturing the Persian
capitals in the west, seizing their treasures and symbolically burning Persepolis, r2lexande1
marched into Afghanistan and crossed the Hindu Kush mountains t o conquer the satrapies of
Bactria and Sogdiana (33&327 B . c . ) . T o secure his lines of communication he establishcd
permanent posts at Alexandria in Aria (Hcrat), Alexandria in Arachosia (Kandahar) and
Alexandria sub Caucasum (Regram o r a site nearby in the north of' thc. Kohistan o f Kal~ul,.
Kcturning t o Begram he marched cast to conquer Swat and the Punjab (327 3 2 5 H . c . ) . On t h ~
banks of the Bcas, his arm!. 1-c.fuset1t o go further. Alexander built a flcct, saile(1 clown tht-
lndus t o the sea and returnrd t o Persia in 324 after a (langerous land march through
Baluchistan. He left behind him satraps and governors, but his administration di(l not long
outlast his early death in 323. Although his campaigns and short rule have lcft no direct traccBs
in Afghanistan, his conquests had far reaching consequences and mark a watershed in thc-
history of western Asia. In the north the old Achaemenid satrapies of Parthia and Hactria
became provinces of the Hellenistic Seleucid kings; whilc the vacuum crcatcd by Al(.xandcr's
withdrawal from the Punjab enabletl ChandraPpta, the ncw Maurvan King of Pataliputra
(Patna), t o extend his kingdom t o northwest India and eastern Afghanistan.
After Alexander's death, Seleucus 1 Nicator emerged from the war of succession as King
of Syria and most of western Asia; but when he tried t o recover the territories of southeast
Afghanistan and the Indus, he was forced t o make peace, acknowledge the sovereigntv of'
Chandragupta Maurya, and cede Gandhara, Arachosia and Paropamisadac in return for 500
elephants and a matrimonial alliance (c. 304 B . c . ) . These satrapies remained under Mauryan
rule during the third century B . C . in the reigns of Bindusara (298-273) and Asoka (273--232 ),
until the Mauryan empire began t o break up with disputes over the roval succession and its
great provinces established their independence.
The Graeco-Bactrians
Bactria had been an important base for Alexander's campaign against Sogdiana; and
presumably retained an important military role under the Seleucids with a strong Greek
garrison. During the reign of Seleucus 11, probably during the Third Syrian War ( 2 4 6 2 4 1 )
lvhen Ptolemy 111 of Egypt invaded Syria, the t w o northwestern satrapies of the Seleucid
empire, Parthia and Bactria, revolted and became independent kingdoms-Parthia under
Arsaces and Bactria under Diodotus. Antiochus 111, the Seleucid king tried t o take punitive
action against Bactria in 208 B . C . and besieged King Euthydemus in Bactria; but he Mas obligcd
to withdraw and formally recognized Bactrian independence. Before returning t o the \vest,
Antiochus crossed the Hindu Kush, and renewed his ancestral friendship with the ruling king,
S u b h a g a s e n e a reference t o the alliance that Seleucus Nicator had made a century previouslv
with Chandragupta Maurya. But the visit was hardly friendly. Antiochus re\ ictualled his army
at Subhagasena's expense, robbed him of all his elephants and imposed an indemnit\.
T h e consequences were far reaching. It was clear that a resolute invader mould meet little
opposition from the remnants of the Mauryan empire. Euthydemus annexcd Seistan and
Arachosia. His son Demetrius pushed his conquests further. There \vas subsequently a period
of civil war. Eucratides took Bactria and other territories from the house of Demetrius ( c . 170
B . c . ) and afterwards we see t w o rival lines of princes. Under Apollodotus I and Menander the
Graeco-Bactrians conquered a w.ide territory in eastern Afghanistan, the Punjab and Indus
\alley, governed by satraps and strategoi (c. 155 B . c . ) . Subsequently the Graeco-Bactrian
kingdom becomes divided by ci\ril \var and lost most of its \vestern territories t o the
wc see
l~ar-tllialls, se\lcral scrics of more local Grcck rulers, until their kingdoms arc,
l)rOgI.C~Sbi\.CIy
o w r t l ~ r o w nby the invasions of the Yueh-chi, and Sakas from the north and
Pahlavas from the west.
From Chinese sources we know that the Yueh-chi migrated westward into the Ili region c. 160
H . C . and displaced the Sakas, who migratec&some into the Pamirs, Kashgar, Khotan and
some \vest\vard t o the l>rovincesof Herat and Scistan. The Yueh-chi themselves moved soutl~
S S OXUS
~ C - ~ O the c. 12&100 u . c . , occupying the Graeco-Bactrian territory north of the Hindu
Kush mountains. About 8 0 B . C . \ye find the first Saka king Maues ruling at Taxila and
controlling the pro\.inces of the Punjab. He is succeeded by other Sakas who are King of
Kings--Azes I, Azilises and Azcs 11. The end of the Greek rule in the Paropamisadae is much
less clear. The last known king was Hermaeus, but his coinage is extensively copied, and it is
not clcal- who thC issuers were. In Arachosia, after the rule of Azes I and Axilises, we find a
line of Kings with Pahlava names, Spaliris, Spalagadama, Spalahores, the latter owing
allegiance to Vononcs as King of Kings who is sometimes identifi ed with Vonones I of Parthia
(A.1). 10-12).
Mt,an\vhilc the Parthian dynasty of' Arsaces had maintained its independence from the
Sc.lcucids, and unt1cr.r Mithradatcs 1 had become a nlajor power. After the conquest of Media c.
1 5 5 B . C . Mithradates I campaigned in Arachosia and took some border provinces from
Eucratides. At this time the Parthians probably ruled Hcrat and Seistan. The Pal-thians had
serious problems with thc Saka migrations but Mithradates I1 (1 23-88 B . c . ) was successful in
settling thcm, receiving allegiance f;om them and cstablishing Parthian rule generally in the
east. Isidore of Charax, who died c. A . D .2 5 describes Arachosia and Kanclahar as the eastern-
most ],art of the Parthian empire.
The Indo-Parthians
About A .I,. 2 5 wrc scc the cmcrgcncc of a major new power in southern Afgl~anistan,the lndus
vallc,v and tlic Panja\~--cstablishcdby the Indo-Parthian King Gondopharcs. This dynasty is
quitc distinct from thc Parthian kingdom and therc is much t o commend Herzfeld's
h\~l~othcsis that the Parthian SUI-enin Seistan broke away t o establish an indepcndcnt empire.
C;ondopha~-c,s controlletl Seistan, Arachosia, and the Paropamisatlae in Afghanistan, as well as
c x t c n s i ~ territories
:~ in thc Indus \~allcythat he captured from the Sakas and thc East Grcck
kingtlom that he conqucrctl from the successors of Strato 11. His nephew Abdagases continued
to rule most of this cxtcnsive empire, but their successors lost the I'aropainisadac, Arachosia,
C;andlia~-aant1 the Indus territories t o thc Kushans about A . D . 78. A much attcnuatctl Indo-
Pal-tliiarl Kingtlom, I-cprescntctl In. Orthagnes, Pacorcs, Gondopharcs 11, Sanaharcs 1 and 11,
continuc(l t o rule in Scistan throughout thc sc~con(lcentury A . D . and seems t o ha\.c controlled
at times I,oth Hc.1-at ant1 Mcrv.
Epigraphy
The Achaemenids
The Behistun Inscription
Epigraphic material for t h e history of t h e Achaemcnid periotl comes not Sroni Afghanistan but
from Behistun, Persepolis and Naqsh-i Rustam. T h e Bchistun inscription (Kcnt, 1950)and t h c
rcliefof Darius 1 that accompanies i t , a r c cut on a cliff rising high above. tht* main road I'rom
Mesopotamia t o Media. Darius had the steps up t o t h e rc1ic.f snioothed away so that n o onc.
could approach i t . T h e relief shows Darius seated with t h c rcbcls hc had put d o w n bound in
front of h i m . T h e inscription is in t h r e e languages, O l d Persian, Akkadian ( t h e languagr of'
Babylon) and Neo-Elamite. It sets o u t t h e deeds of Darius aftcr hi, bccamc king and tht- battlcs
he fought t o subdue his enemies, listing the 2 3 countries of his empirc. Thcsc* include Aria,
Bactria, Drangiana, Arachosia, S a t t a u d i a and G a n d h a r e s a t r a p i e s that are now part of'
Culdara~[Shswakl
Dash1 Nowor I
Fig, 4.2: Epigrapllir and lind sites of t h r Acharmenid, Hrllmistic and Indo-Crc~k
pcriods.
192 11. W . M A C DOWALL A N D M . TADDEl
Afyhanistan. A fragment of this tcxt in Aramaic has bccn discovered in Egypt (Cowley, 192 3 :
248-271) giving crcdt.ncc t o Darius' claim that he matlc many copies and sent them
c\.er\.\vhcre among thc provinces.
The Role O
J Aramaic
Aramaic had become the common language of the Near East under the Assyrians. The
Achaemenids used it as the official language of their administration, and presumably
introduced it t o their satrapies in Afghanistan and the Indus valley. T h e Aramaic inscription
discovered on an octagonal pillar during excavations at Taxila in Pakistan in 191 5 (Marshall,
195 1 : 164-1 66) refers t o an official, when Asoka was governor of Taxila under his father. The
fi1.r Aramaic inscriptions known so far from Afghanistan, three from Laghman and two from
Kandahar, also belong t o the Mauryan empire that came t o control the former Achaemenid
satrapies in eastern Afghanistan in the third century B . C .
The first Aramaic inscription t o be discovered in Afghanistan was the fragmentary stone tablet
found in the neighbourhood of Pul-i-Darunta in 1932 (Fig. 4.3). It was puzzling because it
contained a number of unknown words, with S H Y T Y repeated several times. Henning (1949:
80-88) showed that it contained not only Aramaic but Middle Indian Prakrit words and that
~HYTY accompanied thcse. It seems t o be an abstract from the 5th o r 7 t h Pillar Edict of Asoka.
Such abstracts were expressly authorised by Asoka in his Rock Edict XIV. W e see that it is a
bilingual Indo-Aramaic inscription similar in form t o the one discovered at Kandahar in 1963.
A second Aramaic inscription was discovered in the Laghman valley in 1969, 30 km from
Pul-i-Darunta. It is cut on the vertical face of a rocky ridge above the river in a position that
\l oultl ha\ c dominated the old road (Dupont-Sommer, 1970: 158-1 73). Dated In \ c a r 10 of
Asoka, the year of his conversion t o Buddhism, it speaks of the expulsion of vanity and the
king's prohibition against fishing. Dupont-Sommer's claim that it refers t o the distance to
P a l m y r e " 2 0 0 arcs t o Tadmor" , cannot however be substantiated (Humbach, 1973:
161-169).
A third Aramaic inscription of Asoka, dated in his 16th year, was discovered in 1973 in
the Laghman valley some 12 km from its confluence with the Kabul river (Davary and
Humbach, 1974: 1-1 6). It refers t o the King's religious views and sccms t o give an indication
ot the tlistance to the next locality.
In 1958 a fine rock inscription was discovcrcd in Old Kandahar (Schlumbergcr et a ] . , 1958). It
was in cxcellent condition with a tcxt in Grcck on the upper part of thc rock and onc in
Aramaic b m c a t h it (Fig. 4 . 4 ) . T h e Greek version, heyinning with Avjka's nanlt., gi\c.\ t h c
text of o n e of t h e pious proclamations of the king. It is complc.tc. in its(-ll'antl Ii)llowerl I,\ an
Araniaic version of t h e same proclamation. Asoka, t h c grcbatc.st king 01 t h c Maurvan clvnastv
and t h c first ruler t o unify India, had becn a hazy figure in Indian tcxts ancl Huciclhist tradition
until t h e discovery of his i n s c r i p t i o n ~ p r o c l a m a t i o n sin the f;,rm of rock c-(licts insc:rit,ecl o n
rock surfaces o r in pillar edicts inscribed on columns. These w c r r intcntlc.cl t o c-xplain thc.
king's concept of D h a r m e n o t formal religious belief so much as attitude of ,ot ial
responsibility.
Asoka used t h e language and script of t h e localities in which h e set up his inscriptions
middle Indian w i t h Brahmi o r Kharoshthi script in India, Aramaic in Taxila ant1 Iaghnian ant1
Greek and Aramaic h e r e at Kandahar. Although t h e Indian texts a r e clear cnough in o u t l i n r ,
there have been difficult problems of interpretation, which t h c versions in non-Indian
language have helped t o solve. For example dharma was long translated as "law"; but th(*
bilingual Kandahar inscription uses an Aramaic word that Dupont-Sommtbr translates as
"truth" and a G r e e k w o r d that must be "piety".
Historical Sign$cance
Thc tliscovery of this important group of inscriptions of Asoka from Laghman and Kandahar
gives us a clear picture of the western extent of thc Mauryan empire, and its control of
Arachosia. The Grcek inscriptions, in form and style, belong t o thc high Hellenistic period
and are the same as one would find elsewhere in the Greek world at this d a t ~ i m ~ r e s s i v e
evidcncc for the unity of Greek culture in the third century B . C . Greek colonists at Kandahar
still constitute an important nucleus of culture undcr the Mauryans, in touch with the main
Grcek world; and it is t o them that the preaching of Asoka's edicts in Greek are directed. But
there is equal interest in the Iranian population of the Mauryans-in particular the Kambojas
mentioned with the Yonas (i.e. Greeks) in edict XI11 as peoples t o whom Asoka sent
missionaries.
Discoveries a t Ai Khanum
The hrst Greck inscription (other than those on coins) from Bactria was the potshcrcl with
ATPOC d i s ~ o v e r e by ~ l Schlumbcrger (1 947: 241-3) at Tcpe Nimlik-35 km west of Balkh in
1946. The subsccluent excabations at Ai Khanum have produced thrce well prcserved
~ n s c r i p t i o n . ~ i m l > o r t aejidence
nt for the pure Greek character of the city in its language,
culturc and systcm of education in Bactria.
The chance find of a fragmentary Greek inscription of funerary charactc,r Icd t o tllc c.xc.a\.atioll
in 1971 of a G r e e k mausoleum in t h e necropolis outside t h c walls. In its northwest \.ault \\c.rc.
three funerary jars inscribed in ink with t h c names of t h e dcceasc.(l n.hosc. remains the.\.
contained (Bernard, 1972: 608-6 1 8 p a small boy ant1 small girl, Lvsanias and Isiclora,
Kosmas. H e r e again w e have important cvidencc. for the ethnic character ol'thc ~ , o p u l a t i o ~ l .
Lvsanias is a Macedonian name and lsidora is a theophoric name&-interesting evidcncc Ihr the.
worship of Isis in t h e r e m o t e n o r t h east of t h e Greek world.
O n t h e approach t o t h e mausoleum w e r e discovered fragments of t w o funcrar\,
inscriptions. O n e was part of a stele containing t h e words "Kings"--presumabl\- the
tombstone of s o m e dignatory in t h e royal administration.
Hiihler (1 898: 48-100) has shown that Kharoshthi letters a r e derived from Aramaic and it4
alphabet was elaborated w i t h t h e help of Brahmi. Kharoshthi was used in t h e \crsions ol
Asoka's edicts at Manschra and Shahbazgarhi in north Pakistan, \vhile Aramaic \$.as usetl t o
ti-anslitel-ate Middle Indian (Prakrit) in t h e Laghinan valle\' and at Kandahar in Afghanibtan. It
\vas used with G r e e k \\.idcly on t h e coins of t h e Graeco-Bactrians struck south of t h e Hindu
Kush; but most of t h e carlicr Kharoshthi inscriptions belong t o t h c pcriod of the Indu-
Sc.\.t]li,lllcnlpit-c, of M a l ~ c sdn(l t h c tl!nasty of Azcs, \\.I10 mal-kcd t h e c~stahlishmcnt()t'tl,(.i,.
cml,il-c' on tilt' Indus \vith 1' ncX\t.e r a -thc Ol(1 Saka c.1-a. This is 1,t-ohably t h e c1-a o f 58 I , . ( . , ,
although Kono\v ( 1 9 2 9 : xc- xci) attrilmtcs it t o 8413 1 3 . c . . and Van Lohuizcln ( 1 950: 1 72) t o
S S 13.c.
Tllc carliest Khal-oshthi inscription from Afghanistan seems t o he that o f t h c Satrap Tiravharna
in vcar 83--discovc,rcd in digging an irrigation channcl near Jalalabacl (Fussman, 1970:
4 3 - 5 5 ) . It has carlv Ictter forms (Fig. 4 . 7 ) , and I)clongs t o an Indo-Scvthian satrap---
apparcntlv in . r , . 25, i . c . during the reign o f Azcs 11 as King of Kings. This inscription
l x o v i d c ~ ~ r o of
o f t h c \\.cstern extension of Indo-Sc!.thian rule t o Jalalabad at this time-
reinforcing t h c c\-itlcncc f r o m somc hoards of c.oppcr coins o f Azcs I1 discovered in tllc
localit\..
Fig. 4.7: Thv Kha~-o\htil~ of 'I'lrat harna of t h c ra1- 8 3 tram thc I ~ c . I ~ I I I ) o ~ I ~ I I o o ( I ot Jalalah;lcj
insc~-~l)t~oii
4. E A R L Y P I < H I O I ) . A(:tIAI-.MI:NII)S A N I ) (;ItI..I..KS 201
The Bimaran Vase
~ 1 other
1 ~ early Kharoshthi inscription from Afghanistan was also li~unclncnar jalalabacl. Whcmn
Masson excavated the relic chamber of Stupa N o . 2 at Himaran, 12 km wcsst-north-wc.st 01
lalalabad, he recovered a steatite vase containing pearls, brarls, a golcl caskcat l i ~ rrc-lit s ant1
four billon coins of Azes with the tamgha of Kujula. Thc vascA has two Kharosththi
inscriptions, one on the lid and one round the body of'the vase rclating t o thc. rcblits ( K o n o ~ , ,
1929: 50-52). T o judge by the coins, the relics were dcpositcd soon aftcr thc collapse. oI'Azc.s
11 empire, after the first invasion of Kujula, and before the Intlo-Parthian c.onqucasts;and the.
i ~ > s c r i l ~ t i c ) nthen
~ i l l belong t o this period of transition.
Numismatics
Evidence for Currency and Circulation
Evidence for the coinage current in different parts of Afghanistan during the Achaemenid and
Greek periods comes from a variety of sources. W e must distinguish isolated coin finds, i.e.
coins that have been accidentally lost and so indicate the relative frequency of coins current in
that locality at the time of their loss, from hoards i.e. groups of coins that have been collectecl
b y someone in antiquity, deliberately concealed and for some reason not recovcrcd bv their
owncr o r his family. Some hoards may have been collected over a period of time and arc
evidence for the currencv of the locality over a period rather than for current circulation at
the time the hoard was secreted. This will onlv become apparent on studying the composition
of the find.
There is a growing body of numismatic evidence for this period from the e x c a ~ a t i o n at
s
sites such as Begram, Surkh Kotal, Ai Khanum, Hadda and Kandahar (Fig. 4 . 2 ) ; but for manv
areas we must still rely on coins offered in the local bazaar, private collections formed in that
locality and the local museum collections at Mazar-i-Sharif, Herat and Kandahar. Much of
hoard material does not come from controlled excavations. The most important hoards have
hecn published, but in several cases information about the discovery is incomplete and only
some of the coins originally discovered may have been available for stud\..
The Achaemenids
Role of the Siglos
The official currency of the Achaemenid satriapies in Afghanistan consisted as one might
cxpect, of the royal Achaemenid sigloi, but as in other parts of the Achaemenid empire the
royal silver sigloi are very heavilv outnumbered bv Greek coins and their c o p i e ~ s o m of
e a
much earlier date from Athens and other Greek cities. Schlumberger (1953: 1-64) has sho\vn
that prior t o the Macedonian conquest the circulation of silver throughout the Achaemenid
rmpire depended heavily on Greek imports and \vas normally accepted as b u l l i o ~ n o att its
202 11. W . M A C 1)OWAI.L AN11 M . TAI1DI'I
foundations k)l-a house (Schlumberger, 1953: 3 1-45). Of the 1000 o r so coins it contained
S c I i I ~ i i ~ b c ~ ~has ~ r ablc t o recover and publish 1 1 5. Tlic striking feature about tlic hoard
- g cbc>cn
is tlic larqc numbc~i-of Greek silvcr coins, 34 from Athcns and 30 fro111 othcr G I - c ~statcxs k and
the, small nuinl,c~-of Achacnienid coins, siniplv tight siglot-rcflcctiiig tlic recurrciit pattern
in Acharmcnitl hoartls till-oughout the cmpirc. Most of'thc C;rc~c~k coiiis can I,c tlatc,d fairly
closc11-and there, is n o rcxasonto place any of thcm latc'r than 400 n . c . although a copy may he
dc~ri\.c~d from an Athcnian pl-ototypc. of 39413. This, with the- al~sc~ncc~ of Maccdonian and
H(*llcnisticcoiiis suggt,sts a hurial date, in tlic mitl fourth centur). 1i.c. T h c rcniainiiig sil\rcr
piccvs arc hrnt I,ar sil\,c,r coins----mostly of ahout 1 1-7 g and local silvrr pi~nclic~tl coins of a
~ type \\.it11 a full tlcnomination ranging from 9 t o 1 2 g. Hcnt hai- coins pi-ovidcd
c o m l > l c t c lncur
the silvc,~-currcncy of' Taxila and the Achacn~cnidsatrapics of nortliwc~stIndia hct;)rc the
ill\-asion of Alexander tlic Great. Examplcs arc' r ~ > c o r d cfl-om d Charsatla and the Hliir Mound
csc.a\.ations a t Taxila in l'akistaii. TI\-o hoards containing thcm ha\.c>I,cci~rcportc(l from Hhir
4. 1 - A l ~ l . P~l r H I o I ) . A C H A I . M I ; N I I ) S A N D ( ; H ~ . I . . K s 203
Mountl, ant1 a third f r o m Hajaur, also in I'akistan. From Afghanistan, in thd- clc-posit from Mir
zakaIl nc,ar (;arclev thcrc* wcbrr 5 0 I>cnt I>ar silvcr <,(,insa~lcl550 of' t h e rountl (sonlc.tim(-s
s c y l ~ l l a t c si~iglcb
~) type si1vc.r that scc*nlc.d t o c.or~stitutc.the. thrc.c.-rluartc.rs ancl on(.-cighth
clcnomination of' t h e w r i e s .
Fig. 4.8: (Icft) Hrnt Imi- sil\,cr coin of late .4c~hac~mcniddatc li-om tht. 19(32 Khugjani hoarel.
(Kcl)roduccd, samc sizr.) Kahul Muscum.
Fig. 4.9: (riSIlt) Hrnt hal- silver coin of l a t r Achai~mn,id datr h-on1 thc 1970 Jalalrl~adhoarcl.
L
( Kcl>rod~~c.ctl
s'1rnt. sizc.) I'tc. C'oll('ction. K,lhuI.
For the Mauryan and Graeco-Bactrian periods the pattern of currency reflects the successive
stages of political suzerainty. Gandhara, Arachosia and the Paropamisadae were initially
Mauryan provinces, and used the Mauryan silver and copper punch-marked coinage. North of
the Hindu Kush mountains in Hactria we find first a Seleucid then a Bactrian currency
f o l l o ~ , i n gthe Attic weight standard with fine Greek portraits and re\,erse types using Greek
legends only (Fig. 4 . 1 0 ) . When the former Mauryan provinces wcrc captured by the Bactrian
Greeks, we see a ncw bilingual Indo-Greek coinage with legcntls in Greek on the obverse and
Kharoshthi on thc rcverse (Fig. 4 . 1 l ) , struck t o a new reduced Indian wcight standard, with
c-ol>~cr coins of the square Mauryan typc (Fig. 4.12).
The Mir Z a k a h D e ~ o s i t
The Mir Zakah Treasure (Curie1 and Schlumbergcr, 1953: 65-91 ) consisting of more than
1 1,000 Indian, Graeco-Bactrian, Saka and latcr coins was discovcrc,d in 1947 in a village 53 km
north cast of Gardez on one of the old routcs linking Ghazni and northern Arachosia with
Gandhara. Most of the coins \\.ere in silvcr. There Lvere 50 bvnt bar coins and 563 round
sc\-phatc and minuscule punched coins of anc-icnt India, 4820 I>unch-n~arked sil\.er coins,
201 2 Grarco-Bactrian drachms (compared with six tctradrachms), 3 3 3 5 Saka drachms
(against I 3 tetradrachms). The find included much smallcr numhcrs of'coppcr coins of th(*sr
periods and of the Indo-Parthians and Kushans. The French excavations of 1948 (Curicl ancl
~ c h l u m b e r g e r ,1953: 92-99) established that the place of discovery hat1 becn two sacrrd tanks
or basins, into which offerings, notably coins, had been thrown. This explained thc prcsrncc
of a variety of votive offerings and items of j e w e l l r r ~ the
, enormous chronological range ot'thc.
coins extending over five centuries, the excellent state of preservation of some of the oldest
coins present in the hoard and the very heavy predominance of smaller silver denominations.
The coins from this excavation showed the samc general pattern as the coins recovered thc
previous year for the Kabul Museum. The treasure is therefore a deposit, not a currcnc!.
hoard, and provides extremely important evidence for the currency of Gardez and its localitv
over the whole period. W e see the substantial role played by the punch-marked silver (the
silver currency of the provinces of the Mauryan empire) and its replacement by the bilingual
Greek and Kharoshthi silver drachms struck on the Indian standard when the Graeco-Bactrian
kings conquered the former Mauryan pro\.inces. This in turn \vas replaced by the bilingual
Greek and Kharoshthi Saka coinage of Azes I , Azilises and Azes 11, as at Taxila. O n the other
hand the silver drachms of the Parthian and early Indo-Parthians are conspicuouslv absent-
with only three examples in all. Copper coins are less numerous than the silver, but may he an
el-en better guide t o political suzerainty in the area as their circulation was much more
restricted than silver. There were 78 Mauryan copper coins of the square Taxila type in the
deposit and 54 bilingual square Graeco-Bactrian coins, compared with three bilingual round
copper coins, and three Greek monolingual coppers from Bactria. The coppers of
Apollodotus I (22) are most heavily represented, followed by Pantaleon ( 9 ) and Eucratides
(10).
During his residence in Afghanistan, Charles Masson disco\ ered that large numbers of coins
11 ere constantly being found on the plain of Begram near the confluence of the Ghorband and
Panjshir rivers in the Kohistan 6 0 km north of Kabul. During 1833 he purchased 1879 ancient
colns, mostly coppers, and in the following four vears he collected man) more. He described
hi:, 1833 finds in some detail (Masson, 1834: 152-175) and gave an enumeration of the total
collected from Begram in 1833, 1834 and 1835 (Masson, 1836: 537-547). This important
c.\ idence is reinforced b y the much smaller number of coins from the French excavations at
Hcgram in 1941, 1942 and 1946 (Ghirshman, 1946: 85-90) now in the Museum at Kabul.
These excalation coins show the same basic pattern as the Masson surface finds. W e can
therefore check details from the excajation coins and use its evidence in conjunction with the
statistical evidence of the Masson finds.
More than 800, of the Graeco-Bactrian copper coins from the French excavations prior t o
thc collapse of the silver denominations under Hermaeus are square, bilingual
GreekIKharoshthi copper coins. Among Masson's finds there are some 600 Graeco-Bactrian
copper coins of this period. The denomination of the 78 Maurvan square copper coins is
copied by the 43 square coppers of Agathocles and seven of Pantaleon, and the later stages of
the samc square denomination is seen in the 268 square coins of Eucratides, 73 of Apollodotus
Fig.4.10:( I ) GoldStaterofGrarco-Ractriaok i n g D i o ~ l o t u s ( l a t tc h i n l c c n t ~ r ~ ~ Rritish
c . ) . Muscum. ( 2 )
Sil1,cr Attic tctraclrachm of t h c Gracco-Bactrian king Antimachus (rarlv scconcl c c n t t ~ r yB . c . ) \vith
Icvrrsc typc ofl'oscitlon holdinga t r i d e n t . H r r a t Muscurn. (3) Squarc sil\:cr coin o f t h r thrrarco-Bactrian
king Antimachus (early scroncl ccntury R . c . ) from t h c M i r Zakah hoanl, w i t h t h r fieure o f a n elephant o n
onvsiclc, anda thunderbolt on t h e I-cverse. Kabul Muscum. (4)Silvcr tctradl-arhm o f t h v GI-acco-Bactrian
king L!,sias (sccond century R . c . ) \ritli tlir kingwearing an elephant's sralplivaclclrrss and l r i t h a stanclinp
figarc o f Hcrculcs crowning himscllon t h e r r r r r s r . British M u s c u m (5) Copper coin of E u t l ~ y d r m a IIs
(scconcl century H.c.) w i t h a l a u r r a t r hcad ofApollo. HritishMusrum. (All coins s I l o \ ~in ~ ~F i g s 4 10-4.1 1
arc I - Y ~ I - o d u c cactual
d sizc, c,xccpt fol- Fig. 4 . 1 3 ) .
Fig. 4.1 1: ( 1 ) Squarc sil\.cl-drachni of I-c-ducvtlIndian \\.ciglit struck In . 4 1 ~ o l l o t l o tIu, ~\\.it11an c.lcpIian1
J I ~ ( I Grrc,k Icgvnd o n tht. ob\.crsc and a hunipcd bull and Kharoshthi Icgc~ndo n the. r c \ e r z c . I'tc.
~ ' o l l c c t i o n (2) bilingual Indian drachm ot'Mcnandcl- (latcr second c-entur! H . c . \\) i t h a rc\cS1-\c.
. Sil\.e~-
I~gicl-c. of Pallas lioltling an acgis and 1hundc1-l,oll. t'tc collcr-tion. ( 3 ) Silver I>ilinzual India11 clraclim 01-
hl(,nantlc~-\\-it11 t h c o1j-l ~-c\c~-hc*
t!-l,c. l'tc C o l l c c t i o ~ i .
I ig. 4.12: 5qual.r- C U I ~ X I -U N I I ot' 1'~111dco1i\ \ ~ t l illic ti:urc 01 a Icopartl In an inr use square (\cbcon(l
( t 11ti11-\H c . H ~ . i t i \ h hZu\ci1111.
208 u. w . M A C DOWALL A N D M . TADDEI
I and 153 of Menandcr, followed by the 37 of Antialcidas and 1 4 of Lysias. W e see how the
square copper bilingual copper denomination in this period was initially derived from the
Mauryan and then progressively modified.
The silver currency of the Hazarajat is seen from the hoard of 120 Graeco-Bactrian silver
drachms o f t h e Indian standard purchased at Charikar (Masson, 1836: 537-547). It consistet]
of seven square coins of Apollodotus I, 5 round coins of Antimachus and 108 of Menander--
similar in composition t o the 1926 Gang hoard and the 1942 Bajaur h o a r b b o t h from modern
Pakistan. The 1942 Bajaur hoard is remarkable for the presence of some 700 bent bar and
punch marked coins with 800 Indian drachms of Apollodotus I , Antimachus and M e n a n d e ~ ~
treasure in which Indian standard d r a c h n ~ are
s hoarded with the Mauryan punch marked si]\fer,
from which their metrology is eventually derived. A later stage in the silver currency o f t h e
Upper Kabul valley is t o be seen in the 1923 hoard of 97 Graeco-Bactrian drachms of the
Indian standard of later kings down t o Hermaeus (Whitehead, 1923: 325).
The discovery of t w o non-struck coin flans of Seleucid o r early Bactrian Greek fabric in the
French excavations at Ai Khanum in 1968 (Bernard, 1969: 354) suggests that there may have
been a local mint for copper c o i n y e i t h e r official o r unofficial in t h e city. The series of
excavation coins discovered since 1965 (Bernard et a l . , 1973: 203-5; Bernard, 1971 : 4 4 6 7 ;
1972: 63 1 ) now provide clear evidence for the currency of eastern Bactria. T h e copper coins
of the Seleucid kings Seleucus and Antiochus I are succeeded by coins of the independent
Graeco-Bactrian kings Diodotus, Euthydemus and Eucratides, mostly monolingual Greek
coins of the AtticISeleucid system, but with occasional bilingual GreekIKharoshthi square
copper coins of Eucratides amounting t o between 5 and I@/, of the Graeco-Bactrian coppers
found. There is evidence of trade with provinces south of the Hindu Kush in the t w o punch-
marked Mauryan silver coins found (in addition t o the Graeco-Bactrian Attic standard silver
coins one would expect), in the 1970 hoard of Mauryan punch-marked silver and in the
presence of three bilingual tetradrachms among the 63 silver coins in the 1973 hoard.
The hoard of 679 Indian and Indo-Greek silver coins found in the 1970 excavations has
been fully published by Audouin and Bernard, (1973: 238-289; 1974: 7-41). The hoard was
discovered in a traveller's water flask-far too large reallv for the number of coins concealed.
It had been hurriedly buried c. 130 B . C . by the latest inhabitants of Ai Khanum at the time of a
nomad invasion, but the hoard itself had been assembled over a relatively short time some 40
years earlier. Punch-marked silver coins and the Indian standard bilingual Indo-Greek silver
drachms were the currency not of Bactria but of the provinces of the Mauryan and former
Mauryan empire. There is no doubt therefore that this treasure reprcscnted an import by 11 a?
of trade from Gandhara. The 673 punch-markcd silver coins were all of Maurvan date from
the mint of Taxila. As in the 1912 Taxila hoard (Walsh 1939) thcrc were no prc- o r post-
Mauryan punch-marked coins. They all habe the hill, symbolized by three arches surmountcd
with a crescent, that seems t o be the dynastic emblem of the Maurvan kingdom. The six s11\er
coins of Agathocles arc of a completely new type and arc bilingual-- with a figure of the god
Fig. 4.1 3: Square sll\er b~llngualcoin ol Agathoclc.5 (carli second crntur\ n . c . ) from tht. 1970 .41
Khanurn hoard n ~ t ha figure of the god Sankarshana on the ob~c-rsc.and ol \'asudc.\a Krlshna on thc
I-c.1ersc.. (Reproduced x 2 . ) Kabul Muwum
Sankarshana and Agathocles' name in Grcek on t h e obverse and the god Vasudc\.a Krishna and a
Brahmi legend o n t h e re\.erse (Fig. 4.1 3 1. T h e i r square shape and method of manufacturc is
clost~lvmodelled on t h e square punch-marked silver \z.ith which thcv w-ere found. T h e
\ ~ . c i g h t of
s t h e coins (tour of \vhich a r e struck from t h e same obvcrse and rc\.cbrscdies) rangr
from 2.3 t o 3.3 g , t h e same broad \\,eight range of t h e punch-markcd sil\-erc-oins in t h e hoard.
In several of his Indian c o p p e r coinages Agathocles copied t h c local denominations h e found
already in circulation; and in this hoard \z,e see t h e same process and t h c origin of t h e Indo-
Greek bilingual d r a c h m , copving t h e denomination of t h e Maurvan punch-marked silver that
thc. Graeco-Bactrians found c u r r e n t in t h e i r ne\z. territories south of t h e Hindu Kush.
Al~ollodotus I , while retaining t h e square shape of t h e bilingual sill-er Indian d r a c h m ,
sul~sequentlvstabilized its weight at t h e b o t t o m of this jvcight range at about 2.45 g , and this
\\-as acceptable f o r paritv of value lvith t h e p n c h - m a r k e d silver because of t h e consistentlj-
Iligh silver c o n t e n t of t h e Indo-Greek coins. Subsequent kings retained this standard for t h e
I~ilinguald r a c h m s but re\,erted t o t h e round sil\-er flan normal for G r c e k monevers.
T h c 1 9 7 3 Ai Khanum hoard, also found during t h e French exca\-ations (Bernard, 1974:
'SO 308; Bernard, 1 9 7 5 : 58- -69; Petitot-Biehler, 1975: 2 3-57) contained se\.en .+Ilcxander
~ n ( 1scven Seleucid tc,tradrachms \\.ith 4 9 Attic tetradrachms of t h e Graeco-Ractrian kings
Ilo ruled n o r t h of t h e Hindu Kush u p t o Eucratides ( b u t excluding Heliocles). T h e hoard
111c-ludeda h i t h e r t o u n k n o \ ~ - nAttic T c t r a d r a c h n ~of .4pollodotus 1.
I hc Qunduj! hoard (Bi\.ar, 1955; Curie1 and Fussman, 1 9 6 5 ) \\-as disco\-ered during 1946 in
i3\c.a\.atingt h c foundations for an extension of t h e barracks at Khisht T e p c on t h e south bank of
1 ~ 1 - 1ri\.er
~ O x u s 90 k n ~
\z-cst-north-\z.est of Q u n d u z , o n t h e ancient caravan route crossing t h e
i-l\.cl-t o nol-thern Bactria and Sogdiana. It contained t h r e e Seleucid tetradrachms of Seleucus I.
.iIcxander Hiel-ax and Antiochus 1 Bala ( 1 5 S 1 4 5 B . C . ), 6i.e magnificent double deadrachms of
.jrn\-ntas, 17 dl-achms of Hclioclcs and 602 t e t r a d r a c h n ~ sot' Graeco-Bactrian kings of Bactria.
411 t h c coins \\-ere s t r u c k o n t h e .Attic standard with legends in G r c e k onlj.. Most of t h e
110 I ) . MJ.MAC' 1 ) O W t I I 1 . A N 1 1 M . ' l ' A l ) l ) l ~ l
01' ( 5 ) , I ~ ~ I ( . I -i(l('s
t c ~ t ~ ~ d ( l l - d c\ ~~ , lc i* ~~ .~c ~~ sI ) c ~ ~ ~ i ( - t lI1
-ii~s A ~ 1 ( 144) Iitrc.~-,iti(lc-s
I1 ( I 3 0 ) .III(~ I I(.lic)c.le.s
(?()4). ' l ' l i c bIIO,II.(Ic , o ~ i t , ~ i ~(;rc-(sk l t ~ l ~ ~ ~ I I ~ , ~ ~ I I - , ~ ~ I OI I~ I ~ t~ l~ i ~c I~Attic,
I I I I s w ( - i g l ~ sta11(1,ir(I
t
(;I-,I(*~.o I<,lc,tl-i,~l~ k i ~ r g s I ) r c ~ v i o ~ ~k11ow11 ~ I Y soIc'Ij 1'1.o111 t l ~ c ' i ~I. ) i l i ~ ~ g (i;~I .~~~' ~l ' ~ / K I I , I I . ~ ) ~ I ~ ~
~ , ~ I I - I - ~ ~ 0I 1I 1~ ,t Yl ~ c . 111(li<i11S I , I I I ( I ~ I ~ ( I .
Most (;l-,~c.c.o-H,ic.t~-i;ln cx~ilisI~.ivc,(;rc.c.k ~ ~ ~ o n o g ~ - i, lil ltil iicsb ~ . c ~ v c ~f ri cs%cl ~e lt11,lt Iiavc, I)(%(-I1 1Ile.
~ ~ 1 I ) j ~01'~ cc*xtc>~isi\,c-
q (Iisc~t~ssiotl. ' I s I i ( - j ~ i 1 - ct1si1~1IIy
~ ( ~ o ~ ~ ~ p o01's c % t w( oI 01.I I I O ~ ~(ircbebk> l ~ ~ ~ ~ e . l ~ s
( ' ~ I I I I I ~ I ~ ~A~I ~. ~, L~ II ~I Vtli,it
L I ~ stoo(1 li)r tile* n1i1i1 01' issi~c%, 1 ) i l t 'I.;\I-11 I I I , ~ ~ I I I , ~tll,lt ~ I I tll(.y
(-[~
I ~ ~ ~ ~ ) I - (t11(* ~ S initi.ils
~ ~ I I ~ o1'11idgistl.ate~s
~ Y ~ 01.111ilit li~aslc'rsO I I 111c' S(-Ic'i~c'i(l 1),1tt('r11.I;IISSIIIJII'S ( l i e .
h t l ~ ( l \ ,01' t l i c * c.oi11s i l l t l ~ c *( ) t ~ ~ i ( i lio,ir(l t ~ ~ . 11'1s S ~ O W , I I111,it s c - ~ ~ c -( r, o~i~t ~ l Ss I I - L I ~ I'ro111
.~
t l i ( b ~ ~ ~ 1 1 1
nlonogl..llils (.,1111101 1)e' 111i1lt I I ~ ~ I - kI sIc'. S I I ~ M I S se'vcsr,i1 l ~ l i l i t I I I ' I ~ ~ 1;)111i(I S 011 111e-sc~A t t i ( ,
Fig. 4.1 5: (1) Copper tetradrachm of early Yueh-chi (firat century LC.) with an obverse copying the
head of Heliocles and retaining the letters of Heliocles' name to left and right of the horse. Britlah
Museum. (2) Copper drachm of same types, said to have bean b u d in northern Afgbmistan. he.
Collection.
21 2 D . W . MAC DOWALL A N D M . TADDEI
Silver coins of Azes I are found at Mir Zakah and in the hoard from Chaman between Kandahar
and Quetta (Jenkins, 1955: 25-26). The Saka empire at this period was centred on the Indus
provinces of Pakistan, but during the reign of Azes I1 they extended their rule t o some parts of
eastern Afghanistan. A hoard of copper coins of Azes I1 is reported from a stupa near Jalalabad
(Bayley, 1861 : 72-78) and a further hoard from Jalalabad was acquired by an Afghan collector
in 1970 (Fig. 4.16). Silver coins of Azes I1 are very common at Mir Zakah and a few are
reported from other l o c a l i t i e ~ b u tnot from Begram. Masson explicitly states that he
discovered no moneys of the genuine Azes kings at Begram, and his experience is borne out by
their extreme rarity among the Begram excavation coins.
The currency of Begram and Kandahar at this period (Fig. 4.17) consisted of the long
series of copper tetradrachms and d r a c h m ~ c o p y i n gin copper the obverse and reverse types
of the earlier silver coins of the last Graeco-Bactrian ruler Hermaeus. It is a long series that
gives little clue about the identity of its issuer-but probably represents the currency of the
Pahlavas who conquered Arachosia in the first century B . C . (Narain, 1957: 157-162).
Arachosia is included in Isidore of Charax list of Parthian provinces at the beginning of the
Christian era.
There was a major debasement of the Saka silver currency at end of the reign of Azes 11,
when his empire began t o break up. The old silver denominations w e r e now struck in billon
instead of silver and the copper denominations proper largely disappeared; but t h e principal
impact of this was in the coinages of t h e Indus valley.
Fig. 4.17: Copper tetradrachm (first century A.D.) copying the types of the siiver tetradrachms of
Hermaeus. Kabul Museum.
Fig. 4.18: Copper tetradrachm of Indo-Parthian King Gondophares I (first century A.D.) with the
reverse type of victory holding a wreath. Pte. Collection.
Fig. 4.19: Copper tetradrachm of Indo-Parthian King Pacores (late first century A.D.). ptp
Collection.
Fig. 4.20: Indo-Parthian silver drachm of Abdagases, with the reverse type of a seated archer copied
from the Parthim drachm type. British Museum.
Fig. 4.21: Copper drachm of late Indo-Parthian type, retaining the seated archer reverse. British
Museum.
4. I s ) , 1,asc.d o n the coppc.r tctraclrachm struck in t h c name of SU Hcrmacws, and thcsv ',(,ills
at-c found at Hrgl-am, Hadda and Mir Zakah. His successors lost these territories ant1 the In(lus
\.allc\. t o tht. rising p o w e r of t h e Kushans, but later c o p p e r tctratlrachms in t h e Nikc scqucncc
a r c known fro111 Scistan for Orthagncs, Pacores (Fig. 4.19), a sccontl Gondopharcs
Sana1,art.s (Mac I > o ~ f a l l1965:
, 1 37- 148) ruling territory in t h e west during t h e periotl of
main Kushan dynasty. T h e latest issue in this sequence has a Pahlaci Icgcntl which has
tcntati\.cly read as Arda Mitra. It has a Sasanian fire altar of t h c type UW(I Iby Ardcshir I
seems t o have bccn a currency for Stxistan at t h e t i m e of his eastern campaigns.
For scvcral kings of t h e Indo-Parthian dynasty very rare silver drachms of Parthian tvpc
arc kno\zn (Fig. 4 . 2 0 ) . T h c series eventually suft'cr a serious tlcbascment and later kings have
clchasctl tlrachms with t h e same types struck in c o p p e r (Fig. 4 . 2 1 ) -a coinage ~ r h i c his
comnlon in Mcxr\. ant1 somctimcs encountered in H e r a t .
.
Ixautiful coins of the Graeco-Bactrian kings. (The most important books on the history of
Bactria are Tarn, 1951 and Narain, 1957.)
Today \+.e cannot really say that many archaeological data concerning t h e period of the
Macedonian conquest and Seleucid domination are available t o us; nevertheless some recent
discoveries have thrown an altogether fresh light on the history of Afghanistan in the period
that immediately follow,s the Seleucid d o m i n a t i o ~ t h ediscovery at Kandahar in 1958 of a
bilingual (Greek and Aramaic) inscription of the Indian emperor Asoka Maurya, which is dealt
with in another section of this chapter ( t w o m o r e inscriptions of Asoka were later discovered
at Kandahar and in Laghman), and the even more important discovery of a Greek town at Ai
Khanum: the excavations were started by the French Archaeological Delegation (DAFA) in
1965, after t w o seasons of careful survey, and are still in progress (Bernard, 1972; 1973, with
earlier bibliography p. 5; 1974a; 1975; Bernard et a ] . , 1976; Bernard, 1976).
The to\vn occupies a naturally fortified position, protected b\. thc Oxus, the Kokcha ancl
a n acropolis; the n-hole complex was encompassed by a line of defences pro\,idcd in placcs
ith a moat. In the words of P. Bernard ( 1 967b: 74), "the site \\.as remarkably \vcll-suitcd t o
thc implantation of a military stronghold which could eventually develop into a largc city".
\Ve must therefore imagine Ai Khanum posted as a sentinel t o guard the natural northeastern
catenray of Bactria, between the Oxus and the first slopes of the Badakhshan mountains,
against the menace of nomadic invasions.
The lower town, between the acropolis and the Oxus, includes three \\.ell defined parts-
a habitation area t o the south, the administrative quarter in the middle, and an area almost
(l~void of structures t o the north. The niain street started h-om the main gate in the northcrn
\\-all and ran parallel t o the side of the acropolis as far as the Kokcha t o the south (actuallv
northeast-south\vest).
The technique of consttuction is mud-brick masonry, sonietimes on a basement of baked
4. EARLY P E R I O D . ACHA)..M)..NII)S A N D <;REE.KS 221
1,r-ic~ks;this is an Oriental, rathrr than Greek, way of' builrling. Also the. flat roofs \,,hit-h
co\,crcd certain buildings were not in thc G r r r k tradition; nrvrrthrlrsr "for cvcrrthing i.lu.,
thr architrctural techniques were Grcck: stone hlocks laid dry rvithout mortar, tightlv htttrl
a n a t h ~ r o s e sand fastened togethcr b!. lnctal dowi~lsand cramps sealtad IN n1oltc.n It.a(l; tlat
Corinthian tiles with covertiles, and ante6 xcs at thc cncl of cbavcs covt-r-ti1t.s" (He-rnarcl,
1967b: 7 8 ) . Columns and somtbof the thrrsholds are niadr of'stont., a limestone quarric(l iO
km southwest of the site.
Bernard has been able t o put togethcr thib chronological data dc*rivingIiom c.l,igraphic..
numismatic and architectural eviclencc in a svnol~tictable (Hcrnard, 1973: 1041, of' rvhich
\vc give here only the succession of pc,riods and subperiods:
Period I : 330-303 B . C .
Period 11-1: first half of the third century 13.c.
Period 11-2: second half of the third century B . C .
Period 111-1: first half of the second centurv H . C .
Period 111-2: c. 150 B . C .
Period IV: second half of the second century B . C .
destruction by fire, s. 100 B . C .
The administrative quarter (Fig. 4.26) is one o f t h e niost important building coniplexrs at
Ai Khanum and was named "Palace" in the earlier reports (Bernard, 1969: 314, n.2;
indication of the cardinal points in the reports of the DAF.4 is gir.en in a simpliticd \\.a\.---
north, south, east and west instead of northeast, south\vest, southeast and north\vest
respectively-here w e refer t o the real magnetic orientation). It is plactd in the central area
of the lower town, its northeastern part being occupied by a largc courtvard n.ith a peristvle
( 108.1 1 x 136.77 m ) consisting of 1 16 stone columns. Thesc rest on Attic- Asiatic bases,
ha1.e plain shafts made of drums of varying heights, and support pseudo-Corinthian capitals
which probablv originated in Seleucid Syria. T o be more precise. the bascs proper sho\v the
tvpical profile of the Attic bases (i.e. consisting of an upper and lo\ver torus, \vith a scotia
bet\\.een); the scotia is separated from the lo\ver torus bv a tillet, from the upper one b\. an
astragal; the upper torus is connected t o the shaft through a ti llet and a cavetto. There are also
\.ariants of this type.
The courtyard was entered on the northeastern side through a propylaeum \r.ith four
columns (Fig. 4.27). Their capitals are similar t o the capitals of the peristvle. but the bases arc
completely different, since they are composed of a three-stepped plinth belorv and a sr\.ollen
torus above, and have therefore a markedly Oriental appearance; indeed they are similar t o
some Achaemenian bases, especiall\: those of the Treasury at Persepolis (Schluniberger, 1970:
27).
The southwest side of the courtyard, \vhich faces the prop\-laeuni, is ob\.iouslv the main
facade into which opens a pillared vestibule (27.67 x 16-44 ni) with three ro\\-s of sis
Corinthian columns (Fig. 4.28) resting on Attic-Asiatic bases. The wstibule gave access t o a
large rectangular room (26.02 x 16.50 m ) decorated \vith \vooden half-columns; Sarthcr t o
thi, south\\-est a block coniposed of t\vo pairs of t\vin structures svn~rnetricallvarranged is
probably part of a later cstension; the main rooms in thc structures t o thc southeast are
dccoratrd \,.it11 pilasters surmounted by capitals which seem t o be rather poor imitations
thc c.apitals oftlie peristyle. Both these rooms (Fig. 4.29) w.ere probably employed for cult or
offic-ialpurposes (audience halls?), as is suggested by the finding of fragments of stucco and clay
sculptures.
~ h t\voc structures t o the northwest, which were excavated in the campaigns of 1972
1973 (Bernard, 1974a: 289 ff.), d o not show such large and richly decorated main rooms as do
other ti1.o structures: this probably means that they were the seat of the chanccllerV
ol'fices, ~ h i l ethe other t w o served a m o r e official purpose. The residential area of this
administrative quarter \\as partially excavated in 1974 and 1975: the building discovered
there shows many similarities with the large private houses of Ai Khanum (Bernard, 1975;
Hernard et al., 1976: 6-25); the complex, o r rather this part of the complex, has again been
styled "Palace" in the latest report (Bernard, 1976: 288-293), as a consequence of these
discoveries.
Though the excavation of this functional complex has not yet been completed and we
cannot altogether understand the function of each part, Bernard has tried t o suggest that the
whole complex reflects the diarc-hical character of the administrative power for which it was
conceived. He further expounds three possibilities for the explanation of the nature of such
poLver: (I ) The ''administrative quarter' ' is a Palace, a basileion, one of those royal residences
the Oriental monarchs had built in various parts of their empires for staying during their
recurrent visits; the twin structures w e have described could reflect the association of the
crown-prince t o the throne (the joint sezerainty of Eucratides and Heliocles is a particularly
reasonable hypothesis, since the date of the southwestern complex, c. middle of the second
century B. c . , approximately corresponds t o the reign of Eucratides). (2) The ' 'administrative
quarter" was the residence of a governor, head of a satrapy, assisted either by a commandant
o r by an official of the royal administration (as, for instance, at Susa under the Parthians). ( 3 ) A
third hvpothesis lvas suggested t o Bernard by the suburban villa discovered at Ai Khanum
during a later season (Bernard, 1974a: 281-7). When a private house attains the
monumentality of this building extra moenia, Bernard says, one is naturally led t o think that the
t o n n of M-hichits owner was a citizen, could easily avail itself of enough money for building
such a complex as the "administrative quarter". In a word, Ai Khanum was a real polls with
large municipal autonomy within the frame of royal suzerainty. In this case, the t w o twin units
of the southwestern complex could be the seat of the t w o supreme town magistracies. If this is
true, one should also look for the place in which the Council was housed (one cannot imagine
a Greek polls with no Council o r General Assembly): Bernard points t o the large room
between the pillared \estibule on the southuest side of the peristyle and the architectural
complex w e have just discussed: its size (27.50 x 17 m ) would suit well for a bouleuterlon
(Council Hall). The Assembly, on the other hand, could be gathered in the peristyle
court) ard itself (Bernard, 1974a: 289-93).
It is also interesting t o note that the various parts of the administrative quarter date back
to different periods: the propylaeum and the largest portion of the peristylc belong t o Pcriod
II,, while thc pillared vestibule was built in Period 11, and completed during Period IllI; the
supposed bouleuter~orialso belongs t o Period Ill and the south\\ estern complex \vas built, as
\\ e haie alrradj said, in Period Ill,, c 1 50 n . c .
4. E A R L Y P E R I O I ) . A C H A t M E N 1 I ) S AN11 <;HI-EKS 225
Some 4 0 m northeast of t h r court~arcla funerary chapel (hcruon) with fiJurI,urials was
found, that according t o an inscription discovered in sltu was known as th(. tc.m(-nos c)f'Kint.as.
The first phase of construction dates back to Period I , to the. tim(. Alcxanclc.r
himself (329-327 B . c . ) , by whose order Bernard supposes that thc othc.rwisc unkno\\,n K i n c a a S
founded Ai Khanum. Hc therefore obtained for himself ancl his (lrsc(.ndants thr t o I>(-
buried jntra rnuros, a right that in the carly Hellenistic period was granted onlv t o thc. c l r k r ~ l c r
("founder of the town").
The most surprising building at Ai Khanum is crrtainlv the 50-callctl tc*mpl(* rcdanr,
southeast of the temenos of Kineas (Fig. 4.30). Its name, which wv rcstain hcrc. its
military-architectural origin, meaning a triangular salient o r bastion, is due t o the triple-
stepping on the outer face of the walls; these define a row 0 1 false nichrs alternating \vith
them.
It is a mud-brick building c. 19 m square, composed of an oblong vestibule and a smallcr
cella flanked by t w o narrow sacristies. In the vestibule, on both sides of thc door which I(.acls
into the cella, were three mud-brick pedestals that supported clay and stucco statuc-s,
fragments of which w e r e found scattered on the ground; a few fragmc~ntsof stone belonging t o
the cult statue were found in the cella.
Bernard has proved that this plan derives from Mesopotamian prototypes but bvas also \\,ell
known in the Seleucid empire, though the Iranian link is still t o be found. Though so dc~pl!
Oriental in plan and construction (the only architectural device of Greek origin seems t o be
the three-stepped krepidoma), this temple housed a cult image that \\.as purelv Hellenic, at
least as far as we can judge from the few existing fragments.
The temple h redans underwent several stages of architectural modification: stage V is
r'epresented by an earlier construction which was replaced by the temple a rcdans; stages I\',
Ill and I1 cover the period in which the temple a redans was in use as a tcmple, while stage I
marks a late re-employment of the building as a store-house. According t o the numismatic
data and the pottery, this temple seems t o have been built in the first half of the third ccnturv
(the pre-existing temple of stage V would therefore be as old as the beginning o f t h c third o r
even the last quarter of the fourth century B . c . ) , M-hilethe modifications it undcrbvent in stage
11 are either contemporary with o r later than the reign of Diodotos, c. 248-2 3 5 B . C . (Bernard,
1969: 327 ff.; 1971 : 414 ff.). In this respect, one should remember that the use of ~ o t t c r vfor
the purposes of dating monuments is not easy at Ai Khanum, because of thc high degree of
stability of pottery, tvpes and qualitv (Bernard, 1971 : 429-30). M'e may point out that thcb
pottery from Ai Khanum shows a close relationship \vith the Hellenistic pottery of the
Graeco-Mediterranean world, from the point of vie\v of both technique and shapes, though
some types are peculiar t o the Orient (e.g. the "pilgrim-flasks"). Among thc Hellenistic
t\.pes, "fish-dishes" , hemispherical bo\vls \vith ring-foot, and "MegarianV bow.1~arc
~ l o t e w o r t h(Gardin
~ in Bernard, 1973: 1 2 1-88, for a classification).
The scope of the present book does not allow us t o go into a detailed description of all the
monuments that either have been o r are being brought to light at Ai Khanum. W c arc only
able t o list them: a house in the residential area of thc lo\r.er to\vn, siniilar in ~ l a to
n a Parthian
buildinq at R h a p e , the modern Kayy,
C . . in Iran (Bernard, 1968: 272-6; 1969: 32 1--6; 1970:
3 1 S 6 ) ; the villa cstra mocnia already rcferred t o (Bernard, 1 974q: 281-71; a G~ninasiumin
226 1,. \I7. h l A C I I O W A L L A N D h l . T A D I I E I
the northern area of the lower tobvn, which has been identified as such thanks t o its peculial.
architc.cture as well as to a dedication t o Hcrmcs ant1 Herakles (Bernard, 1967a: 3 i 8--9; 1968:
276-9; Robert in Bernard, 1973: 208-1 1 ; Bernard, 1975; Bernard et a]. , 1976: 4 b 4 5 ;
Bernard, 1976: 292-302); another heroon (Bernard, 1975; Hcrnard et a]., 1976: 25-39); thc
theatre (Bernard, 1976: 3 14-22); etc.
Nevertheless a few words must be added conccrning thc necropolis, due t o the enormous
importance of this rccent discovery (Bernard, 1972). So far, a mausoleum has becw I>roughtto
light, at the foot of t h e northeast side of the acropolis, outside the town walls. This is a mud-
Ijrick rectangular building, p a r t l j underground anrl with vaulted ceilings, which unclcrncnt
scvcral modifications in its structure: a door o n o n c o f t h ( . si(lc*s 1 ~ inlo
~ 1 c,c,rrilloron
eithcr sicit>of which opened a crypt; both thc corritlor ant1 the. two c . r y ~ twcrc. s v a u l t c ~ lhut
,
the whole huilcling probably had a flat roof. The mauu)lrum housc(l'two typt.s o f burial
mud-brick sarcophagi for inhumations, and funerary jars in which were collc.ct(.cl an<l t,uric.(l
the bones taken from earlier graves, when these hati to bc. clcstroycd o r r.mplovc.(l lor nc-w.
burials.
As Bernard rightly points o u t , the architectural interest of this mausoleum (with its
connections with the Parthian necropolis of Assur) is much greater than thc importance. of'thc.
funerary material found in it; nevcrthelcss a schist pyxis decorated with inlaid colourc(l stonc.s
is a very important antecedent of some Gandharan relic-caskets, a fragmentary stone relic-f
representing an ephebe raises some interesting iconographic problems, and some ink
inscriptions on the funerary jars give us a first hint of thc proper names uscd at Ai Khanum, a
field of research of considerable relevance for knowlcdgc of'thc composition o f the-
of the town.
Another very important field of invcstigation, on which thc 1)AFA is now n.orking. deals
with the use of canals in the vicinity of Ai Khanum: onc of the watcr-control svstc.ni~
discovered belongs t o the period of the Graeco-Bactrian town, and rcmaincd in use until the'
beginning of the Kushan period (Bernard, 1975; Gardin-Gentellc, 1976).
From the point of view of the history of art, especially sculpture, fairly rich
documentation is now available at Ai Khanum, as we have indicated (scc also Hcrnard, 19h8b;
1970b). I t clearly shows at least three stylistic trends: (a) a purcly Hcllcnistic elcnic~ntt o tx-
considered alongside the Greek inscriptions, demonstrating the great attachment ol' the .4i
Khanum ruling class t o the culture of their far-away fatherland: (b) a group ol'ol>icctsthat.
though lacking in homogeneity, reflect the stylistic trends of the contemporary Ncar Fast ancl
Iran: (c) an element of Hellenistic derivation that shows the beginning o f a clcvclopnicnt
towards original solutions, such as those that gave rise t o Gandharan art.
T o trend (a) belong the fragments of the cult statue (an acrolith) in thc cclla of thc tcnlplc
u redans (Zeus Oromasdes?), third century B.c., (Bernard, 1969: 338-41 , Figs 1 5 1 6 ; 1974a:
298); a herm portraying a bearded old man, from the Gymnasium, probably third ccnturv
H . c . , (Bernard, 1967a: 3 19, Figs 1& I 1 ; 1967b: 9&91, Pls XIX-XX); a fragn~cntarvstonc
plaque (a funerary relief) from the necropolis, which portravs a standing \.outh \\.caring
c.hlarnys and petasus with long flojving hair, third century n.c. (?)(Fig. 4.31 ) (Hcrnard, 1972:
Fig. 13); and a terracotta mould for a bust of ( ? ) Denletcr (Fig. 4 . 3 2 ) .
Tnro objects at least fall into (b); they are: the silver mcclallion with represetation of the
goddess Cybele on a chariot drawn by a pair of lions (Fig. 4.3 3), prohablv an import lrom S\.ria
to be dated t o the beginning of the third century B.C.(Bernard, 1970: 339-47, Fig. 31 ); antl
the hone fiLprine representing a nude standing goddess that Bernard ( 1974a: 302 5 antl f . n . 1
on p. 305, Fig. 15) compares with the figurines found in Soviet Central Asia but \\-hich st,c.nis
to be rather closer t o a class of' statuettes of Mesopotaniian tradition from Iran. iron1 the
Elarnitr to thc Parthian ~ ~ c r i o(e.g.,
d Gliirshman, 1964, esp. Fig. 6; Pope, 194s 39: 1~1.1 H E ) .
The third grclup of sculpture ( r ) includes: a bronze statuette of a hc~a~-(llcss Hcraklcs
holding a club and putting a \ \ - ~ - c > a ot hn his head, that Bernard ( 1974a: 301, Fig. 1 3 1 qualititas as
of . s ~ , ]rustiyue;
E a hcadlcss lim~.stoncfemale statuette from thc sanctuar\ 1 1 1 thc tt>nlplc
Fig. 4.31 : .4i K h a l i u n ~ .k u n c . ~ - a ~ ~- \- c ~ l i c *Il r o m t I i ( , nc~c.rol,olis, ~ . c ~ ~ ) ~ - c > cJ ~\ ~01111)
i t ~ ~\i\ git11 c-hlam\-s,
I X , ~ A W Uali(1
' Io~ig[lo\\ i n g hail. ( t h i ~ - (cl . c ~ ~ t u l H.( - \ . 1.
Fig. 4.32: A i Khanum. Moulding from a tcrracotta rnoul(l r-c.l,l-c,~c.nlinga Ic.malc, I)u>t ( I )c.nic,rc.r! I
(third ccntur: 13.c.) .
Historical Background
The Kushans
In the mid second century B . C . t h e Yuch-chi tribe had migrated wcst\vard Iiorn the borders of
China into Central Asia, after being defeated by the Hiung-nu, a neighbouring t r i l x oi'Turki
nomads of t h e same stock. In t h e first century B . C . the Yuch-chi had scttlcd in Hac,tria and
other mountain territories of the former Indo-Greek kings. At this stage the\. w c r c ~ c . ~ a r a t c ( l
into five principalities. Eventually about the beginning of the Christian cra the principality o f
the Kushans attacked and destroyed the o t h e r four hsi-hou. T h e Chintbsc annals describe ho\v
the Kushan king invaded An-hsi (Parthia o r Indo-Parthia) took control of Kao-fu (Kabul) and
destroyed P'u-ta and Chi-pin (the Punjab and Kashmir).
T h e early Kushan king Kujula Kadphises is kno\\.n from his coins t o havc rulcd in sc\,c,ral
provinces, but seems t o have lost control of most of the Indus vallcj. t o the Indo-Parthian
ernpire of Gondophares and Abdagases in the first half of t h c first century A . D . T h e Narnclcss
King, known only from his titles on coins and inscriptions as the King of Kings, the grcat, t h c
saviour (Sorer ,Megas), seems t o ha\.e heen the first Kushan rulcr of the cmpirc that strc*tc.hcd
from Bactria across eastern Afghanistan and northern Pakistan t o the uppcr Gangcs in India.
His successor Vima Kadphises consolidated t h e ernpirc; and \vas in turn succccclccl bv t h c
threc great Kushan kings, Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasude\.a, \vho bet\~.ec,nthem rulcd t h e
Kushan e n i p i r ~ .for about a century. Although h e \\.as not thc first Kushan king. Kanishka
introduced a nc,\v era. Its reference date is disputed (see bclo\+- p . 240) but Kanishka's
accession shoultl I ~ r o b a b l ybe placed early in t h e second century A . D . In a series of bold
campaigns h e suc-c-ccdctl in enlarging t h e Kushan empirc; his successor Hu\,ishka lost t h c most
tlistant pro\.inccs of' Chinese Turkestan and eastern India; but his successor Vasudcva still
I-uled a p o ~ v e r f u lkingdom \vhich controlled major sections of important trade routcs. M'hcn
ojcrland trade through Iran was interrupted by t h e Parthians, the Kushans \r-txre ahlc t o
1"-ovide a safe r o u t e from Balkh through Kabul, Peshalvar and the lndus \allc\ t o Broach on the
I ~ ~ t l i aOnc e a n . From h e r e sea traders \vould c a r r j merchandise t o Alexandria and the Kornan
t.rnpire.
During this t h e r e is striking evidence of strong Gracco-Roman intlucnce in t h e
(lc\.clopment of Gandharan sculpture and Buddhist art and in the Kushan coinages. Under t h e
233
I',ltl-()nagc 0 1 ' the Great Kushans, Hud(lhism spl-cat1 first wcstwarcls into Afghanistan ant1 tllcn
across ccntl-dl Asia to China, 1c.atling t o the, cstal~lishmcnto f ' n ~ o n a s t ~ r i at
c s oascs on th(>trade
routc.
inscription of the Sasanian emperor Shapur I at Naqsh-i-Kustam dated t o 262 lists part of the
Kushan c~nil,ireamong the eastern Sasanian provinces; and Shapur 11 campaigned against the
Cuseni ( i . c . Kushans) in 35617. There arc consequently divergent views about the political
status of the Kushan kings of the fourth century A.D.-particularly those who ha\,e Sasanian
names o r wear Sasanian type head-dresses. They may be Sasanian viceroys in the old Kushan
empire, o r simply viceroys of some of its western provinces lost t o Sasanian control; o r they
may be independent Kushan sovereigns, ruling a much diminished territory, influenced by
Sasanian art and culture and linked at times by marriage alliances with the Sasanians.
A king with Kushan royal titles is mentioned in the inscription of Samutlragupta ( c .
335-380) from Allahabad in India; and the Chinese annals indicate that during the period of
the Wei dynasty ( 3 8 G 5 56) power in Kabul and Gandhara was exercised by a dynasty founded
by Chi-to-lo, prince of the Great Yueh-chi, who built up the Kingdom of the little Yueh-chi
w.ith its capital at Peshawar.
The Hephthalites
In the latter part of the fourth century A . D . a succession of Hunnic tribes invaded Ractria and
established control over the country north of the Hintlu Kush mountains. The first of t h r new
invatlcrs were the Alchono (probably red Huns) who seem t o have been part of a larger
grouping of Huns. After defeating the Sasanians and killing their Emperor Firuz in 484, thc
Hcphthalites established a major empire which cxtcntlcd from central Asia t o the Indus
valley. The Chinese annals of the period assert that the Hephthalitcs belong t o the Yuch-chi or
Kushans, and it seems clear that they did mix well with the local Iranian population of Bactria
from whom they adoptcd the use of Bactrian script. Their empire did not however last for
very long. In India Yasovarman, King of Malwa, led a confederacy t o dcfeat the Hunas in 528
and obliged them t o withdraw t o Kashmir; and in the mid sixth ccntury the Oxus empire of
the Hunas was overthrown by the Turkis allied t o the Sasanians.
Epigraphy
The Surkh Kotal Inscriptions
The French excavations at Surkh Kotal near Pul-i-Khumri (Schlumberger, 1952a, 1954,
195 5 , 1964b) have revealed an important Kushan dvnastic shrine situated o n a steep hill and
,llyxoachcd by a brick and cut-stone stairway 55 m high. T h e finds included several royal
\taturs in stone, religious images in stucco and an important series of Bactrian inscriptions in
c lcar Greek script but in an Iranian language that has been recognized as the middle Iranian
1,uiguage of Hartria, rather than the language of t h e Kushan invaders of Bactria.
345-440; Bmvcniste, 1961 : 1 14-1 17; Harmatta, 1964: 373-471 ) (Fig. 5 . 1 ) . It is in excellent
condition written in cursive Greek letters similar t o those used on the coins of Kanishka.
Unfortunatcly the words of the text are engraved continuously and t h e r e have becn serious
philological problems and disputes about its interpretation. It is now clear that the
inscription, which visitors woulcl have scen at the main entry t o the staircase, describes the
sanctuary as the Kanishka Oanindo (Nikator) sanctuary, t o which thc lord king gave
Kanishka's name. Soon af'ter its completion t h r sanctuary became waterlrss, and the building
hecame desolate. Thcn Nokonzoko, the district superintendent in year 3 1 had the building
surrounded with a wall, had a wcll dug and appointed an overseer. Subsequently twro further
~ e r s i o n sof the main text w r r c rccovcrcd from fifty-thrcc blocks of stones h u n d in thc large
wcll or built into the walls of thc stairs leading t o it.
Ycar 31 of the Kanishka cra falls in the reign of Huvishka, the successor of Kanishka.
While it is clear that thc huilcling inscription records the provision o f t h r sccui-c m.atcr suppl!,
\vl~ichinadc it possihlc t o use thc building undcr Hurishka in year 3 I , it remains amhigoous
whcthcr the shrinc \vas built hy Kanishka t o c o m m c n ~ o r a t ca victory soon aiicr his accession
5. THE PKE-MUSLIM PEKIOI) 237
and was restored with a secure water supply thirty years later, o r whether it was built about
the time of Kanishka's death and the well and enclosure wall were simply added a f r w years
later t o provide the water supply necessary for its use.
carved on a series of blocks that seem originally t o have been in a line along the second terrace
as one climbs the great staircase, was a monumental wall inscription of which twelve
fragments were recovered, some still i n rjtu. It had large letters, between 5 and 7.5 cm high,
indicating its importance. It seems t o have been the foundation inscription of the sanctuary,
whereas other inscriptions refer t o later stages of construction. There are not enough word
fragments t o reconstruct it with any certainty, but it does contain a date including the
Bactrian numeral for one, i.e. year 1, 11, 21, 31 o r some larger number. It probably
contained a traditional formula corresponding t o the framework of the Great Inscription
(Harmatta, 1965: 195-205).
A further fragmentary inscription contains t w o clear M-ordsthat leave us in little doubt about
its contents. Henning (1966: 3 3 6 7 ) recognized one as the Sogdian ByS'n'k-temple, altar,
sanctuary that still survives as the modern place name Baghlan for this locality. The second is
the Greek name Palamedes in the genitive. It presumably referred t o the construction of the
sanctuary "through Palamedes" the Greek who was either its architect, agent o r clerk of
works.
Equally puzzling is the other inscription which has a date--the stone slab on which the cutter
has sketched in the first line of an inscription but only engraved fully in its final form the
first six letters . . . "in the year 2 . . ." Different readings have been given for the last
tu.0 digits of the number because they are simplv sketched in roughly on the stone. Reading
the third digit as eta Maricq gave 285. Harmatta (1 965: 164-195) reading them as koppa and
rhcta gives 299. If as seems more likely they are ornlcron and theta the date is year 279. Bivar
(1963: 498-502) has argued that an earlier era, the Old Saka era, is used because when the
unfinished inscription was cut in 279 the new- era of Kanishka had not yet been introduced,
I . t , . !.ear 279 must come immediatelv before year 1 of Kanishka. Fussman (1974a: 3%0)
rightly points out that the inscription had been abandoned after very little work, was reused
\vIlen the level of the cella M,as raised and had no intcgral part in thc Iatcr builtling. Harmatta
(1965: 164-195) has tried t o rcconstruct the scratched-in text and reads a scries of K u h h a n
titles. The interpretation of these must howcver now be reviewed in the light ol' the
newly discovered inscription from Dasht-i-Nawar with the same date of 279.
In 1967 a French geologist first drew attention t o a series of five inscriptions cut on a rock of
volcanic origin at an altitude of 4320 m on the west side of the Dasht-i-Nawar about 49 km
west of Ghazni (Fussman, 1974a: 8-22). O n e of the larger inscriptions (Fig. 5.2) uses the
monumental Greek script of the early Kushan period that w e know from the monumental wall
inscription at Surkh Kotal and is in the Bactrian language. It has a date in the month of
Gorpiaios of year 279 and includes the name of a King Ooemo. T o the right is a Middle Indian
inscription in Kharoshthi script which also begins with a date 279 in the month of Gorpiaios
followed by the king's name Rajatirajasa . . . Vhamakusasa . . . T h e r e were clearly two
versions of the same text-one in Bactrian the other in Middle I n d i a ~ m e n t i o n i nthe
~
name and titles of the great Kushan king Vima Kadphises.
The third inscription, the best preserved of the series, is written in a script derived from
Kharoshthi, similar t o the Kharoshthi of the Kushan coins, but it is in an unknown local
Iranian language and remains undeciphered (Fussman, 1974a: 22-3 1). The script reads from
right t o left, and has diacritical marks similar t o those on a painted graffito fragment
discovered at Surkh Kotal (Mariq, 1958: 417) and a potsherd from Khalchayan
(Pugachenkova, 1966: 59). T h e series at Dasht-i-Nawar is completed by t w o further
inscriptions in poor c o n d i t i o ~ o n cin Greek and one in Kharoshthi script. The location of
these five inscriptions is particularly remote and must have been equally so in antiquity. Like
the introduction of a royal gold coinage, the use of rock cut trilingual inscriptions in an
inaccessible place seems t o be part of the deliberate Iranism of the early Kushans who seem to
have consciously adopted practices associated with the Achaemenid grcat king whose
successor they claimed t o be.
The special intercst of the Dasht-i-Nawar inscriptions lies in their chronology. W e now have
dates for the Kushan king Vima Kadphises in t w o numerical sequcnccs--the higher one 279
used here and in the unfinished Bactrian inscription at Surkh Kotal-the lower one of 184 or
187 found in the Kharoshthi inscription of Vima at Khalatse, a village in Ladakh 8 0 km below
I 1929: 79-8 1 1. This rctlr'cts thc' pattern at tlro datr' scqucncca that \I c. hnrl in thc
(,I1 ( K o n o w ,
kharoshthi inscriptions of northcrn Pakistan after the t ~ m cof Azcs 11. In the higher scrlt..*
a satrap, whose coin tvpcs copy Azes 11 and are copied in turn bv Kujula Kadphiscs,
J ~ h o n i kthc
Ira\ a date of year 191 on the Taxila silver duck Yase (Konow , 1929: 81-83; MacUowall. 1973:
2 1 5-230) a date that g i ~ e 90
s years for the rule of Kujula Kadphiscs, Gondophares, Abdagases
& ~ nthe
d Nan~eIessKing Sotcr Megas beforc year 279 in the reign of Vima. In the Ion e r series
~;ondophares,whose prcdccessors Indra-\tarnla and Aspal-arma copy the coin types of Azes 11,
11~1sa dating of I03 at Takht-i-Bahi (Keno\%, 1929: 57-62) and the Nameless King Sotcr Mc'gas
ha4 clatcs of' I22 011 tile Panjtar stclnc, 134 at1 thc Kala~rancopper platc an11 136 on thc Tasila
240 D . w . M A C DOWALL A N D M . TADDEI
silver scroll t o give some 8 0 years in all befbre the Vima dating of 186 from KhalatsC
(MacDo~lall1 : 1). Vima's absolute date turns on the eras t o which these sequences
, 9 6 8 ~ 1-2
are attributed. Fussman links 279 t o the Graeco-Bactrian era of independence from the
Seleucids in 247 B . C . t o give a date of A . D . 32 for Vima. Bivar explains 279 by the Indo-Greek
era of Menander when the Bactrian Greeks conquered the Indus provinces and the 184 o r 187
of Khalatse t o the Vikrama o r Azes era of 58 B.c.-to give a date of A . D . 124 for Vima. Their
interpretations are understandably influenced by their differing views on the era of Kanishka,
who was Vima's direct successor.
The Afghan Kharoshthi inscriptions dated in Kanishka's era are associated with Buddhist stupa
deposits. Among the antiquities sent from Kabul t o the East India Company by Charles Masson
was a brass casket which had an inscription on its lic&"in year 18 . . . the Gotama's relic was
enshrined. " (Konow, 1929: 1 5 1-1 52). From a stupa at Hadda, 8 km from Jalalabad, Masson
recovered a jar which contained a Kharoshthi inscription "written writh a pen but very
carelessly". It was published by Thomas from a copy he found among Masson's papers at the
India Office in London (Konow, 1929: 157- 158). He read "in year 28 . . . a relic was
I ,
deposited in the king's grove in a stupa by t h c architect Samghamitra. From a stupa near
Wardak, 50 km west of Kabul, Masson recovered a bronze vase some 25 cm high and 14 cm
broad, now in the British Museum, London (Konow, 1929: 165-170). The vase has a long
inscription in four lines round its shoulder and circumference. It is datcd in vear 5 1 and
records the establishment of t h e relic by Vagramarega in a stupa for thc Maharaja Hujrishka,
and for the honour of the dedicator's relatives, friends and associates.
5. THE PRE-MUSLIM PERIOD 241
undated Kharoshthi lnscriptions
From Lalpura near Jalalabad comes a small stone relief of two wrestlers now in the Prshawar
Museum (Shakur, 1946: 27-29). It has a short Kharoshthi legrnd in later Kushan script:
~ l n a n d r a s a the
, Greek name Menander. Also of Kushan date in the srcond o r third century
A . D . because of its letter forms and the pot on which it was written, is the Kharoshthi
inscription of Sihusada from Hadda, now in the Kabul Museum (Fussman, 1969: 5--9). Thc
inscription is written in ink on the shoulder of a vase which was fount1 in a larger jar with earth
and bones. It seems t o have been a funerary jar and inscription. Three of the small tcrracotta
implements used by potters t o thin the walls of their vessels that were discovcrcd in the
Begram excavations have Kharoshthi inscriptions of the Kushan p c r i o c L a name in the
genitive indicating their owner (Fussman, 1970: 43-55). O n e of them refers t o a Buddhist--
"he who is protected by the Samgha."
Numerous sherds with inscriptions in Kharoshthi and Brahmi have been discovered at
Hadda in the excavations of D r Mustamandi and D r Tarzi. The French excavations at the
Buddhist monastery of Guldara 1 5 km southeast of Kabul between 1963 and 1965 produced
ninc fragmentary Kharoshthi inscriptions, two fragmentary inscriptions in cursite Bactrian
and one that may be in Kamboji, found on sherds from vases that had once belonged t o
the Buddhist monastery in Kushan times (Fussman and LC Berre, 1976: 92-94). O t h e r
fragmentary Kharoshthi inscriptions on sherds have been discovered at Basawal (Mizuno,
1971 : 41) and in southern Bactria. These sherd inscriptions in ink on vases that belonged t o
monastic communities are known from a series of Buddhist sites such as Takht-i-Bahi, Palatu
Dheri and Shahr-i-Bahlol in Pakistan, and Kara Tepe by Old Termez in USSR on the Oxus
frontier.
Later Inscriptions
The Use of Bactrian
Bactrian remained in use for a very long time in Afghanistan and northern Pakistan. Under
Kanishka the Kushan coinage substituted Bactrian for Greek legends and discontinued the use
of Kharoshthi at its mints. In royal titulature Basileus Basileon Lvas replaced by Shaonano Shao
(Giibl, 1960a: 94-96) and the names of divinities such as Helios and Selene became Mioro and
Mao. Under the Great Kushans the script remains largely the monumental script of the Surkh
Kotal inscriptions: but \vith the Kushano-Sasanians, Bactrian cursive was employed on the
<.(>ins(Bivar, 1956: 13-42). Its use \vas continued under successive rulers of the Hunnish and
Turkish periods (Hunibach, 1966: 5&69). The earliest Shahi coins in the first issue of Spalapati
I)c\.a still ha\.e a cursive Bactrian leeend on the reverse transliterating the Sharada legend of
thc o b ~ e r s e but
, the use of Bactrian is abandoned in favour of Sharada in the later issues. Most
OF the inscriptions of the Shahi period come from Pakistan and are in Indian scripts, but the
Iatc use of Bactrian is attested in the inscriptions from the Tochi valley in northwest Pakistan
(Humbacli, 1966: 105-1 17). T\vo of these have dates in years 632 and 635 of a Bactrian era,
<indcan be dated b y thc accompanying Sanskrit and Arabic legends t o the mid-ninth century
..\.I).--the latcst attestcd use of Bactrian.
Fig. 5.3: J a g a t u , C;ha/n~ pro\ incc. Thc. "Ti-11-atna" Ha<t r l a n lnsc r l p t l o n .
T h e use of Hrahmi tluring t h c Hcphthalite pcriod is well attcstctl in Gantlhara both from coins
ant1 from inscriptions such as t h e W a r t i r imagc (Shakur, 1946: 45) and t h e W a n o stone
inscriptions (Shakur, 1946: 4 2 ) both from t h e n o r t h of m o d e r n Pakistan. T h e subsequent
dcvclopmcnt of' Hrahmi into early Sharada script is seen in t w o inscriptions from Afghanistan.
T h c inscription from Garclcz, n o w in Kabul, is cngravcd in t w o lincs o n t h e base of a marblc
imagc of t h c Hindu got1 Gancsa (Tucci, 1958: 327; Sircar, 1963: 44-46; Ilhavalikar, 1971 :
332). It rcfcrs t o a Maharajadhiraja Sahi Khingala and datcs t o his sixth year. From its early
l c t t c r forms Tucci suggested a date in t h e sixth o r early scvcnth ccntury A . D . T h e sccontl is the
inscription of t h c petlcstal of t h c U m a Mahcsvara imagc tliscovcrcd in t h c Japancsc
excavations at Tapa Skantlar (Kuwayama, 1972a: 8-1 2 ; Yamatla, 1970: 1 5-22). T h c statur
portrays Mahcsvara, his consort U m a and t h e child Skanda. T h c inscription rcf'crs to the
Hintlu Triad, Brahman t h c c r e a t o r , Siva t h e destroyer ant1 Visnu t h e preserver. Yamada, by
analysing the tliffcrcnccs bctwcen t h e l c t t c r forms h e r e ancl in scripts in ordinary acute anglctl
Hrahmi f'rom India, has shown that both t h c Skanclar ant1 Gancsa inscriptions represent
transition scripts- probably in t h e cighth ccntury A . D .
T h e tlcclinc. in t h e use of Bactrian script in t h e Shahi pcriotl sc,rms t o be rclatctl t o t h c
growing loss of'tcrritory in Bactria ant1 W e s t e r n Afghanistan t o t h e advance of Islam, which
brought with it the us(, of Arabic. T h e corrcspontling g r o w t h in t h e use of Indian scsript in
castcrn Afghanistan I'roto-Sharatla I~c.ingtlcrivctl from Hrahmi ant1 Gupta script - was the
natural consequence. T h e Shahis lookctl incrc,asingly t o Gantlhara, Kashmir ant1 t h e Punjal~.
T h e clear cvitlencc of thc, important role of this sc-ript in Afghanistan (luring t h c ctighth
and ninth ccnturics comes from t h e long scric.s of Shahi coins from t h e latcr cigth c.cntury
A . I ) . , in which both ol)vcrsc I(.gcntls antl mint control mark\ us(* Sharatla, while the Hac trian
I(,gcntl that hat1 been fi)untl on t h first ~ issue of'Spalapati is complctcly oustc(l from t h c c,oinagc
5. 'THF P H I . - M U S I . I M P ~ R I O I , 245
( ~ a c l ) o w a l l ,1968: 189 224)' koucher ( 1 947: 386 387) notrcl ninv Sharatia ins( riptions on
th(s rivrr Alishing 2 5 km Srom T a p r h i , and thc*&)urg(.ois (1971 : 54) hart. r(.portr(l f o u r m o r r
I)c.twc.cn (2aclrgha'i ant1 t h e t o w n of Laghman on the. granitc- rocks at the si(l(. of'thc vallc.v. A
(lrliccd rock inscription of Shahi date. from Jalalaha(l now in the. 1,ahorc Munaum (Vog(.l,
101 I : 2 59) adcls little t o t h c Afghan material; and t h r other publishrcl inscriptions of t h r Shahi
pc,riotl c o m e f'rom Pakistan.
Numismatics
The Kushan Coinages
The Kushan Monetary System
The early Kushan king Kujula Kadphiscs simply copied the clcnominations and tvpcs of' t h c
billon ant1 c o p p c r currcncy circulating in each of t h c localities he 1)rought uncicr his control.
T h r Nameless King, Sotcr Megas (Fig. 5.7) was the first Kushan t o establish a standard
currcncy f r o m t h e O x u s t o t h c Ganges. His coins have an idealized ravctl head rcprchscnting
the, divinity Mithra and t h c reverse typtB of t h e king on horseback. Thev a r c particularlv
common in Afghanistan, and Masson acquired 695 examples from Hcgram in thrcc. scars. This
standard coinage was intended t o replace t h e multiplicity of local coinagc-s that the- Kushans
hat1 inherited. T o avoid confusion about the relative purity of silver and thc. serious problem of
local imitations, t h e n e w currency was based on its intrinsic copper value. It was struck in t w o
sizrs at 8.5 g and 2.1 g (MacDowall, 1960: 6 3 -74). Vima Kadphiscs increased t h c rangc of
clcnominations with a n e w heavy copper coin of 17 g , and a gold dinar.
Kanishka in his first issue struck coins with Greck legends, but latcr changed from Greek
t o Bactrian, both for his royal titulature and t h e names of t h e divinities h c used as reverse
ty1)cs((Fig. 5.8). T h e gold has a wide rangc of G r e e k , Iranian and Indian divinities; on the
coppcrs((Fig. 5.9) t h c r e a r c six substantial types of M i o r o t h c sun, M o o the moon, Arhsho the
fire god, Oado t h e wind god, Siva and N a n a . At this period t h e r e was probably a mint in
Afghanistan at Begram, close t o t h e rich coppcr deposits of t h e Ghorband valley.
Huvishka rctained t h c weight and purity of Kanishka's goltl dinar unchanged (Fig. 5.10).
I lis earlier c o p p e r coins followed Kanishka's weight system but had t h r c c obverse types- t h a t
o l t h r king riding an elephant, the king seated cross lcgcd and t h e king reclining on a couch.
In Masson's finds from Bcgram t h e couch loungcr typc is commonest and was t h c
t ~ p of
r t h e Afghan mint at Regram--but the o t h c r t w o typrs a r c also regularly founcl. In
f luvishka's latcr issues t h e r e was a sharp reduction in t h e weight standard o f t h c main copper
clcsnornination from c.. 16 t o c. 13 r - m a k i n g t h e copper a token coinage (Fig. 5.11 ),
tl(*pcndentfor its valuc on t h e backing of t h c gold. T h c experiment was not a success. T h e r e
\VJS an cxtcnsivc series of local unofficial imitations, and Huvishka's successors cventuallv
Fig. 5.8:Kushan gold dinar of Kanishka with the king standing at an altar and the reverse type of Nana
(second century A.D.). Kabul Museum.
Fig. 5.9:
Kushan copper tetradrachm of Kanishka, with the reverse type of Mioro (Mithra) radiate.
Kabul Museum.
Fig. 5.10:
Kushan gold dinar of Huvishka (late second century A.D.)with the reverse type of Nana.
Kabul Museum.
- -
Fig. 5.1 1: Kushan copper tetradrachm of the reduced standard of Huvishka, showing the king riding
on an elephant, and a figure of Siva. Kabul Museum.
in style, supplied this nccd, and are well rcprrscnted in thc loc,al mu\c.um collection at
Kandahar and among Afghan finds in the Kabul Muscum.
Foreign Influence
In tllese monetary reforms and experinicnts \r-c scc forei n ,ractices atlaptcscl t o local Kushan
g I
needs. The Nameless King's standard coinage in copper followed t h r Chinrsc principle. of a
base metal standard; and it certainly succeeded in creating a currencv that was not liablc t o
fraud through debased imitations. Vima's introduction of the gold dinar was prohablv
inspired both by the Achaemcnid prrccdrnt and thc current Roman aurc,us. Thc usc ol'rc.\.c.rsc-
types derived from Graeco-Roman pattern books (Gobl, 196011: 75 9 5 ) , thc adoption of' an
o#cina system with distinctive reverse types to mark the product of each o f i c i n o ,
( ~ a c D o w a l 1 ,1975: 144-148), and the attempt to make the copper coinage tokcn on thc.
Roman pattern reflects standard Graeco-Roman mint practice of the carlv cmpirc.
Sasanian Influences
Whatever may have been the political status of the later Kushan empire, there was certainly a
sharp growth in Sasanian influence which is seen most clearly in the so-called Kushano-
Sasanian coinage (Bivar, 1956: 1 3-42) (Fig. 5.16). The Kushano-Sasanian gold scyphates have
been found on the Oxus, at Qunduz, in Radakshan and in hoards from Charikar and Kabul
(Curiel, 195 3: 1 26-- 1 27). Kushano-Sasanian copper coins have a m o r e localized distribution.
The small series with neat Bactrian legcnds are wcll rcprc.sentet1 fl-om thc Balkh excavations
(Fig. 5.17) and in the Mazar muscunt-and may havc. been intended t o provide fractional
denominations for the later Kushan copper currency. The larger series with a dumpT fire altar
begins in thc Indus Valley M-ithan issue of Shapur I1 c. A . D . 365. Coins dcrivcd from this
1 r
~ i g5.1
. 2: Broad flan copper coin of Kushan King Vamdeva (third century A.D.) with the king d i n g
at an altar and the reverse type of Siva and his bull. Bought in Kabul. Pte. Gllectioa.
-
Fig. 5.13: Copper Kushan coin with same types but dumpier fabric. Pte. Collection.
Fig. 5.14: Later Kushan copper coin with the reverse type of Ardoehsho enthroned.
Pte. Collection.
Fig. L15: Later Kushan copper coin with a crude figure of Siva and his bull. Pte. Collec&~~.
Fig. 5.162 Kushano-Sasanian gold scyphate coin with the reverse type of Siva. H m t Mweum.
Fig. 5.1 7: Copper Kushano-Sasanian coin with king standing at altar and reverse type of Sim and his
bull. Pte. Collection.
Pig. 5.1 & Kushano-Sasanian copper coin with a dumpy fire Jtar derived fmm the issues of Shapur 11.
Pte. Collection.
Fig. 5.198 Sasanian silver drachm with the usual reverse type of firealtar and two attendan*but with
two obverse countermarks. Bought in Kabul Baaam.
5. THE P K E - M U S L I M PERIOD 251
cr)inacc provided the later copper currencv at Begram and Hadda and constitute a further
stace in the devrlopnlent of the standard denomination (Fig. 5.18).
L
The hoard from Tepe Maranjan near Kahul (Curiel. 1953: 101- 131 co~ltaining368 Sawnian
silver drachms-316 of Shapur 11.28 of Ardeshir 11 and 14of Shapur Ill (.+.D. 383--388) with I2
gold Kushanc~Sasanian scvphatt-s, provides important cvidc.ncc h r the previous nlrtal
currcncv of eastern .Afghanistan, thc dating of thc Kushano- Sau~liancold coinacc and the
C
Tlw t.arlicst coins of the new Hephthalitc kingdom in Bactria consisted of sil\-cr drac-hms of
Sasani.ln tvpt. with the usual ohverse of Shapur 11 (30W379) hut struck from dies \vhich had
1)ct.n nlcant t o rrplace Shapur's nanlc \\-it11the. Hzphttlalitc titlc .iliho,~o(Giibl, 1967, 1: 5 1 ) .
In thC fc>llo\ving century \ve scr the devc~lopn~c~nt of the Ht.phthalitc. c.urrcxucv of s i l ~ c r
dra~-hmsb~st.d on the Sasanian denomin.~tionrt.taining a lire altar on thc rc\.ctrsc hut with a
distinctive ct,ntral .\sian bust, the Hephthalitc tamgha and Bactrian 1t.grnds. (Giibl. 19h7, I:
44--91 ) . 0thc.r coins \\-it11 thc same tvpzs havc Hrahmi legends. hut thcst. sccm t o have- lwcn
struck for circulation in thC Incius vallcv and K , ~ s h ~ n iThe r . Hryhthalitr coins of this period
t'r(11ll Tope 10 at Hadda, found \\.it11 tivt. Roman gold solidi of Tht.odosius, Marc-ian and Lco
(:\.n. 4 5 7 4 7 4 ) s r t m t o havc 1 ~ c . nmostlv He~yllthalitccoins \vith Bactrian Icgc.nds. Stxvc~ralo f
t ht. 1,lte.r si1vt.r draChnls of Sasanian kings found in .4fghanistan, h~ve. Hephthalitc
c . o l ~ ~ l t ~ r n l aalld t o have l>t.c.n c-oins paid in trihutc hv the. Sasanians aftc~rthcir dcL.atz
~ - kstXcnl
s
undcr Firuz, countcrmarked to sCr\.cxas Hcphthalitt. currcXncv(Fig. 5.19).
Fig. 5.21: Copper coin of Napki Malik with the same obverse and reverse types. Pte. Collection.
Fig. 5.22: Base silver Gadhaiya paisa from the 1973 Kandahar hoard with a crude head on the obverse,
and a stylized fire altar on the reverse ultimately derived from the standard types of the Sasanian
drachm. Pte. Collection.
'I LF
Fig. 5.23: Shahi silver coin of Samanta Deva from the 1970 Shewaki hoard with the types of a
recumbent bull and a horseman. Pte. Collection.
5. T H E P R E - M U S L I M PF.RIC)D 253
disagreement about their attribution. Earlier scholars associated them with thc.
~ q h t h a l i t e s but
, there is much t o commend the view that they arc coins in the Hrphthalitr
tradition but of the Turki period of the later sixth and early scvcnth ccnturies * . I , .
~ e m o n s t r a b l ylater, because they are sometimes ovcrstruck on the drachms of Napki Malka,
are the silver drachms of Vrahitigin. (Giibl, 1967, 1: 142- 145). They havc a bust t h r r c -
quarters frontal of the king with legends in both Bactrian and Proto-sharacla, and the facing head
of a divinity crowned by flames with a Pahlavi legend on the rcvrrse. Thc king's cro\vn has a
wolf's head design-the wolf being the legendary ancestor of the Turki racc. The ticity is
copied from the type on coins of Khusru 11 ( A . D . 591 -628 ). Vrahitigin's coins have becn found
in the Indus valley and from the stupa at Manikyala in northern Pakistan; Lord acquired 4 0
specimens from north of the Hindu Kush mountains and Cunningham rcceived about 30 from
Kabul. These rare coins seem t o be issues of the Turki Shahis of thc latcr sc\ cnth century A . D .
From this period is the small group of coins, buried in a cinerary urn'hclow t h r p r ~ n c e l y
couple in Niche E at Fondukistan. It includes countermarked coins of Sri Sahi and t\vo silvcr
drachms of Khusru 11. O n e of these was struck in year 37, i . e . A . D . 657 but the t w o
countermarks can be dated t o A . D . 682 and 689 (Gdhl, 1967: 11, 31 3-3 14).
G a d h a y a Paisa
The base silver Gadhaiya currency of Rajputana and Gujarat (from the eighth century A . D .
(Smith, 1906: 240) derived ultimately from a Sasanian prototype, is sometimes found in
Afghan collections, and a hoard discovered near Kandahar was offered for sale in the bazaar at
Kabul during 1973 (Fig. 5.22).
Between A . D . 750 and 1000 the currency of eastern Afghanistan and Gandhara was provided
b y the extended issues of the silver coinage of the S h a h i s a t first the kings of Kabul and
subsequently the rulers of Ohind (Smith, 1906: 243-9; MacDowall, 1968: 1 8 S 2 2 4 ) .
Throughout the whole of this period the Shahis used standard obverse t \ p e of a recunibmt
lndian humped bull with the reverse type of a horseman. Most of the coins have an o b ~ e r s e
Icgrnd in Sharada script-either Srl spa lap at^ Deva o r Srl Sarnanta Dera. hut thesc are titles not
personal names, Spalapati being a Sanskritized version of a Persian title for comrnandcr in chief
and Samanta having some significance in Sanskrit. Bull and horseman coins of this series in
both silver and billon are all of approximately the same w e i ~ h and t \vcre clearly intended t o
pass as the same denomination. W e can ho\ve\t.l- distinguish the successive issues of the
coinage I,\- the Icttcrs and other s\mhols scrving as privy marks in the revrrse field and can put
then1 into their chronological sequence by a study of the developing changcs in the type and
fl-om tllc sn~allbut progressi\,e reduction in the real silvcxr content of the denomination and
the ncight standard t o \vhich successive issues were struck.
The earliest group of the Shahi silver coins is distinguished by its obverse legcn&the titles
Srr S f a I a p a t i De1.a. Coins with this legend are struck between 3.1 and 3 - 5 g with a remarkably
uniform content of 700, silvcr. In the first issuc of this group the rt,verse legend repeats in
c.ursi\.e Bactrian script the Sharada of the obverse. This is copied but progressi\ely
misunderstood in subsequent issues. At one stage in the series a Brahmi Icgend Shah1 Dcva is
substituted, but this in turn is n~isunderstoodand becomes a decorative scroll that has been
mistaken for an Arabic date. In issue there is a series of small letters serving as privy marks
below the horseman on the reverse.
The second major group of this coinage has the obverse legend Srl Samanta Deva. It is still in
p o d metal, but nowr with a wider variation in silver content between 6 0 and 700/0 and is
struck t o a slightly Iow~er\vt.ight range between 2.9 and 3.9 g. Again w e can distinguish a
series of issues by the use of Sharada letters and o t h e r control marks. Associated
chronologically with this group are t w o comparatively rare issue-one with Sri Khudavayaka
Dcva struck t o the distinctly lower weight standard of the Arabic dirhem of the reformed
currency introduced by 'Abd al-Malik, possibly t o be associated with the Muslim capture of
Kabul in A . D . 8 7 G t l l e other with Sri Bhima Deva perhaps the King Bhim known from
inscriptions t o have been the ruler in Hund about A . D . 950.
Thc copper issues constituted a complementary denomination that provided the small change
for the, Bull and Horscman silver. They too suffered a progressive reduction in weight and
ha1.c pri\.y n ~ a r k s ,somctimcs echoing those on the silver, that enables us t o establish their
chronological sequence. Thc Hull and Horseman coppers of Spalapati, are succeeded by the
Lion and Elephant coppers o f Vakka and finally the Lion and Elephant coppers of Samanta.
Thc third major g r o u l ~ c o i n sin hillon with the Samanta Deva Icgend that have a silvcr
content o f 2 5 t o 30',, only sho\vs a sharp reduction from the last silvcr issuc n.ith 110
tlehasemr~ltthat could bridge, the gap. The reason seems t o 11aI.c I ~ e c nthat t h ~
p~-og~.essi\.c,
Shahis hat1 exhausted their rcser\.cs of bullion and \\.ere dcprivctl o f t h e important sil\.er mines
5. T H I . I ~ I < I . - M U SIIM 1'1-HIOI) 25 5
()l'al-~anjshirwhich stem to h a w passcd permanently under Muslin, control I,, tI,(. rnicIcIICr,i
thc tcnth century A . D . This was the billon currency that was copied extc.n\i\c.lv I,v th(. Islamic
- 0
The principal evidence for the (listribution of Shahi coins in Afghanistan has so far h(*c.ntlram.11
from collections made in Kabul and its locality. The arrangement sct out abovc. ha5 nc.c.c.hsarilv
been based on internal numismatic analysis; but thc scqurncc of the coppcr issucs has now
been tested and confirmed by the stratified finds f r o n ~thc c*xcavations at Llamkot near
Chakdara in Pakistan (Kahman, 1969: 143- 150). A hoard of 199 copper Shahi coins, all 01'
Vakka Deva found in Jalalabad in 1971, a silver hoard all of thc last silver issuc*of Samanta I)c.va
discovered at Shewaki in 1970 , a silver hoard of unknown but Afghan provenanw (big. 5 . 2 3 )
containing three worn coins of Spalapati and three issues of Sarnanta, offered for salt. in Kabul
bazaar in 1972, and a silver hoard of some 50 coins of Samanta Dcva from Quncluz ot'fcbrcd for
sale in Kabul bazaar in 1976 will produce important new material for study.
alternative routes passed through the town at Wardak, certainly rich and Ilourishing, as it
appears from the Buddhist monasteries built in its immcdiatc 1,icinitv and the dan, that
roba ably gave water t o the town b s means of a canal. Fussman ( 1974, 88) hclic\,c.s that he ha3
found traces of this canal but cannot say whether it brought water only t o thc. ditch o r also into
the town.
Though later, another town site mav be recorded herc, since it Lvas probablv on the samc.
route connecting Arachosia t o Kapisa, but closer t o Ghazni. It is no\v a group of mounds in the,
Jagatu-i Wardak, where some Irery limited trial trenches Lvcre dug bv Sccrrato in 1958,
which "may probably be considered a village born as a resting placc on the caravan-road.
protected by the fortress of the Bad-i Asva and dependent on the settlement of Tabak-sar"
(Scerrato, 1967: 2 I ) . The importance of the site is also documented by the presence of t\vo
inscriptions in Graeco-Bactrian cursive script but these, like the coins and shcrds, point t o a
date after the Great Kushans: actually, sherds from big storage jars bearing the impressions of
large medallions with "Hephthalite" (but probably Hindu Shahi) Graeco-Bactrian cursivc,
inscriptions have accidentally been found on o r near the tepe of Dubakh Sar (Scerrato's
"Tabak-sar").
The Dubakh Sar tepe is certainly an imposing fortified centre dominating \vhat \\as
probably an important caravan route, and one might reasonablv expect to find morc such
strongholds in the regio-as well as further minor centres similar t o that excavated bv the
Italian Mission. Indeed, among the many tepe in the Ghazni region, one may recall the
imposing Takht-i Jamshid, in the valley connecting Wardak with Lugar (Lohgar), where huge
"Gandharan" walls of schist slabs and blocks are still standing along \vith mud-brick
structures; and the many small n ~ o u n d sscattered on the plain betlveen Moqur and Dila. north
of the Ab-i Estada.
The study of town sites in Afghanistan is often based on criteria that are not agreed bv all
scholars. Such is the case with square and round towers in the town walls; Fussman ( 1974b:
89-92), dealing with the dating of the ancient town in the Wardak valley (foundation before
o r in the time of Huvishka), summarizes the problem as follo\vs, starting from the fact that the
town walls of Wardak are strengthened by round towers.
Central Asian town walls, at least since the Graeco-Bactrian period, have square, often
nl,lssi\-c, to\\.c-~-s o r 1,astions: c . g . at A i Klianum (Hcrnarcl, 1970: 3 17) Halkli (Lc Hcrrc an(l
Scliluml,crgc~r, 1964), Slialir-i Hanu (Carl, 1959a), Dalbcrjin Kazan Tc.pc. (Kruglikova an{l
Sal.i'lnitIi, 1971 : 27-42, ],Ian Fig. 10; Kruglikova, 1974: C h . 111, Figs 3 2 - 34 and plan Fig. 1 1,
in limthcl-n Hactria. South of t h e Hindu Kush, this t r c h n i q u c is k n o ~ r nat Hcgl-anl
(C;hi~-shman,1946: 16- 17) and Sirkap (Marshall, 1951 : 1, 1 14; l l a r , 1973: 57--71). TIlchc
square to\j.crs continued t o be in use in t h e Kushan pc.riod, cvcw when thc. s t r u c t ~ l , - ~ ~
untlc,r\\.cnt izorks of enlargcnicnt o r moclification. At Surkh Kotal, built under Kanislika, tllc
o u t e r t c . l l ~ ~ l all
e and t h e totvn walls ha\,t, only squarc. t o \ ~ . c ~
(Sclilumbc.rgc~r,
s 1964:
1). 326; 1969, plan Fig. 26). T h c same is t r u e of t h c Gandliaran rclic\fs that rc~protlllc~c
fortifcation walls, most of which a r c t o b c dated in t h e Kuslian pcriotl. That is wh!., Fussman
sa!s, Schlumberger thought that Sirsukh (Taxila) w i t h its scnii-circular tou.crs (Marshall,
195 1 ; Dar, 1973: 57-72) was not a foundation of Vinia Kadphiscs o r Kanishka, as Marshall ant1
Gliirshman (1946: 39) bclicved, but belonged t o t h e post-Kushan period. Since the cxclusi\,c
use of round t o w e r s in a coniplex system of fortifications is not known in Parthian Iran and first
appears probably u n d e r Shapur I (for alleged Sasanian influence in Afghan fort architccturc,
see also Tar-o-Sar: Hackin, 1959c), Schlumbergcr thought that Sirsukh could not bc car1ic.r
than A . D . 260. If t h e Arst year of Kanishka is t o b e placed bct\\.ccn A . D . 78 and 144, both
Sirsukh and t h e t o w n in t h e Wardak valley a r e necessarily m u c h later than Kanishka and his
successor Huvishka. Nevertheless, as w e have already mentioned, t h e pottery shcrds
collected by Fussman in t h e t o w n of Wardak a r e all Kushan, which again makes plausible thc
dating of Marshall and Ghirshman. It seems therefore that northwest India and Afghanistan in
t h e second century A . D . , crnployed semi-circular and roba ably also round t o w e r s in thcir
fortif cations (Fussman, 1974b: 91-2).
This subject is dealt w i t h also by Kuwayama (1974a), w h o begins by stating tliat the
bastions in t h e Amu-darya valley a r e traditionally square, covering t h e time, span from the
pt\riod of t h e G r e e k rulers t o that of t h e Sasanian hegemony. According t o him, t h e round
bastion at Kohna Masjid, near Surkh Kotal (Bernard, 1964), which is a late addition (the site
being contemporary w i t h t h e Sasanians and later than t h e Great Kushans), is "an exceptional
intrusion and repercussion from t h e neighbouring countries". H e also adds tliat t h e homelantl
of this kind of bastion is presumably t h e rcgion south of t h e Hintlu Kush.
Kuwayama also suggests that t h e r e is a close inter-relation between t h e round bastions and
the use of pottery with a stamped medallion decoration, peculiar t o t h c regions south of the
Hindu Kush. H c rccalls that this kind of pottery was rccognizc,d as a new dc\,icc in Hcgrarii 111
by Ghirshman (1 946: 69) ant1 was fount1 at t h e Hc.gram Hazaar (Mcunit,, 1959a: 104), the Saka
fort (Carl, 1959c), Tapa Maranjan (Fig. 5.34) (Meunik, 1942), all sitcs wlicrc round bastions
a r c also found.
In his a t t e m p t at establishing a (late for Hcgram 111, Kuwayama gives great importance t o
' 4
t h e simultaneous existence of both cultural elements, t h e round bastions and the' stamp
' 6
dc~corationsof t h e medallion types, at Kohna Masjid"-a simultaneity which is against thc
tradition o f t l i c region". This "should be a reflection of t h e phenomena" that occurred on
the south side of t h c Hindu Kush after t h e fifth century A . D .T h e cxistencc of round 1,astions
ant1 of that particular type of pottery o n both sides of t h e Hintlu Kush "slioultl not Ijc rcgarclc~d
as a chance cvcnt". Thcrcfore, Kohna Masjitl is taken by Kuwayama as "a counterpart of the'
nl()numents south 01' the Hindu Kush" that can gives 13c.granl III (wtlc*n r o u ~ a lI,artic,nr m a t r
their appcarancc) a (late later than the on(. suggc.stc~lI,, (;llirshman.
his strict cultural relationship l ~ c t v r c nthe rouncl bastions
,
then n l ~ ~ c l a l l i o n - r t a n l l , c . c l
pottery (10~snot stem t o find further support clsc,\rhr.r(-. For instance., Fussman ( 1974: 9 1
remarks that his s u r b c c shcrding in the ancirnt town the War(lak has gi~,(.n
l l ysprcimrn o f t h a t kind o f p o t t r r \ , .H c thinks that thc mcclallion-stampc~(l
I ~ a ~ i c a no 1)ottc.r~
makes its appcarancc some timeb af'tcr the reign of Vasudc-va, i . c . , towarcls the. 01 the.
(en((
srcond o r the beginning of the third ccnturv A . I > .(same. , (latch sugt*stc.(lby Gartlill, 19571):27).
he same datc is probably t o bc attributc.cl t o tllc miniatureh Ii,rtrcss u i t l i square., rouncl
anel semi-octagonal bastions, found in thc Buddhist cornl,lc~x of Talla Sarclar rlcar C;hazni
(Tadrlci, 1972a), which is also conncctcd with nlcadallion-stanll,c(l I,ottcbrv (l'a(ldc-i, 1968; I'ies
L
67-70).
The same kind of pottery was also found at Gul(1ara in L.ugar (Lohgar) (Fussman, 19471):
91, f.n.4), Jagatu-i Wardak (Fig. 5.36) (Scc,rrato, 1967: 20, Figs 4 8 4 9 ) , Clian\+.ar, nc.al-
Gardcz (Fischcr, 1969: 341, 1)1.14), Chaqalaq Tcpc, near (Juntluz (Mizuno, 1970: 5 2 ) alltl
clscwhcre.
A placr of particular ilnportancr in the arc1lac~)logvol'thc Kushan pcriotl in Alghanistan is
occupied by the roval sanctuary of Surkh Kotal, Hactriana (Schluml)crgc.r, 1952a, 1954, 1955,
1960, 1961, 1964b, 1970: 5 S 6 6 ; Ward-Pcrkins, 1965; Schippman, 1971 : 492 4 9 6 ) , set in
the very centre of a fortress, that we know from clpigraphic cvidcncc to ha\,<,bc~cnIi)undctl I)\
Kanishka himself.
It consists of t w o parts (Fig. 5.35). At thc top of thc h i l l (\vest ), in a court surrounded h\ a
portico there is a temple \vith a cella e n c o ~ n p a s s ~byd a corridor; on thc cast side o f t h e hill the
area is divided into four terraces connected t o each othcr and to thc uppc>r court I)\.
monumental flights of steps. Schlumbergcr obser\,cd that thc builcling technique at Surkh
Kotal as well as the plan of the temple are t o be placc.tl in thc Iranian tradition as it is
rclx-csented chiefly by Achaemenian architecture: mud bricks htling used along n.ith stone.,
thc latter for the stairways, some plinths and the column bascs; the plan o f the main building,
t h c temple, being quite similar t o an Achacmenian tcmplc ncar Susa.
It has been suggested that this is a fire-temple and this idcntifcation is usuallv accepted,
hascd as it is on the evidence of the excavation (~latforrnin thc centre of thc cella, accc.ssiblc
I)\, a flight of steps) and on the comparison with Iranian prcsunied prototypes. Nc\-c.rtht,lcss, as
Ac.hlumberger himself remarks (1970: 61-62), nothing leads us to belic\.c that it \\.as a
Zoroastrian fire; it is much more p o b a b l e that it ivas a "dynastic" fire, as is suggested both bv
thc epigraphic evidence and by the comparison with the sanctuar!. at Mat ncar Mathura, on
1 1 1 ~Ganges plain.
The sculptural decoration of the temple is an unparalleled mixture of difkrent artistic
t~.c,nds.It includes stepped merlons of Oriental tradition, a Gandharan stone fritbzc, a series of
r~rlhakedand painted clay fipres, a verv badly damaged stone relief \vhic-h ~ c h l u m b e r ~ c r
wpgested was t o be compared \vith some of the enthroned t i p r e s of N i n ~ r u d [lag,
C'omrnagene (middle of the first century B . c . , ) , and three stone statues representing Kushan
kings ( o r gods?) (Fig. 5.37). These latter may be compared jvith the Kushan images of Mathura
(Kosenfield, 1967), not only in some details of the dress (which has certainly nothing in
k. -
.+n examination of the stratigraphic and structural connections bet\veen the stupas decorated
\ \ it11 stucco images and the niches containing unbaked-clav sculptures (some of them in the
1.ount1,as in the case of the so-called "aquatic niche") is still t o be carried out; (Ku~vavarna,
1973); for the time being w.e must content ourselves with the group of much \vorn Sasanian
l , l - o ~ coins ~ ~ e found in one of the latest stupas, that seem t o belong t o Shapur 111 (383-388
I ) . ) , and \t,ith the comparisons kvith other sculptural complexes in the area. It is
c111it~ probable that the unbaked-clay sculptures of Tapa Shotor d o not cover a short period but
< \ I - ( . thc result of additions oycr a considerable span of time; this \t.ould explain the great
tlitl't.1-ences bet\\.een some of the most Hcllenising images, such as the Herakles-Vajrapani
( Llusta~mandi,1974), and the "aquatic niche" (Mustamandi, 1969) that e1.m recalls a
Ki151ian ~ > c r i o ( lI, ~ u t\\.c' can casilv imagine that t h e Gantlharan sc,liool of sculpture hat1 its
c . o u ~ ~ t c r p ain r t painting, just as it had in C e n t r a l Asia, for instance at Kara T c p c , nc,al Tcrrncz
(Sta\.iskij, 1 9 7 2 : pls IV V ) ant1 cvcn at Mil-an, in Cliine~sc~ Tul-kcstan (Hussagli, 1963: 2 1 27).
O n l v a re,\- rcmains survivc h o r n Had& that may b c roughly attributctl t o t h c Kushan pcriotl
(Harthoux, 1933 : 1 6 2 4; Mustaniandi, 1 9 6 9 : 2 2 3); actually t h c irnportancc of Afghanistan
f'rom t h c point of view of t h c histor! of' painting rcstcd cntirclv o n t h e later Hucltlliist \\-all
tlcc,orations 1'1-om Haniiyan ant1 t h c nc,arbv ca\.ct complc~xc~s o f Kakrak and F(5latli (usuall\.
a t t l - i b u t c ~tl o tlic~tif'tli t o sc\-cnth c c n t u r i r ~ sA . I ) . ) and a fc-;.cv o t h e r cxamplc~shorn Ilakhtar-i-
Noshir\-an ( R o \ ~ , l a n t l 1, 9 4 6 , 1 9 7 0 ) , Fontlukistan ( H a c k i n , 1959a), TalmSartlar (unI>i~hlishccl)
ant1 Hasa\t.al ( M i z u n o , 1971 : I ~ l a n s1 5 16), tlatc~al>let o t h c sc\-cnth t o c.ig11th cc~nturic~s :\.I).
T h e n o r t h o f t h e countl-v, \vhc'rc some‘ \.el-\-rc'ccnt cxcaj-ations arc' motlil'\-ing this pic.turc', is
Pig. 5.51; 7'apa \al-rlar: Stupa nr). 20:\\all h i n g of 4chiht >lal>a. pila\tcr> 01 \and\tonv
s e a l e d on snakes
6m Buddha
P ~ l a s t e r e dn ~ c h e
N ~ c h ew ~ t hrnarlne scenery
itlclic.atc tlic cxistcncc at that sitc " o f a tc~nil)lcbc~longingt o t h e mitlcllc~phase ofthe. nicdiac*\.al
<it-(hitccturc o r N o r t h W c s t India of ahout t h e eighth o r t h c ninth cc.nturv", that possihlv t h e
I ')>');I ) . lid tllosc h o n i t h c latc,r I,hasc, o f Taps S J I - ~ ~( FI i-g . 5 . b ? 5 . (34). 1)1-e~su1iia1)1\. t o I>c'
1 1 . ) 1 t , ( l t o t l i c sc\.cntli t o c~iglitli,ind c\-c-n i n t o tlic ~ i i n t l ic , c n t u ~ - \.-\ . I ) . (T,idclci. 1 9 b S ; 197?ci,
- -,,
(30). T l i c s c ~t \ \ . o site'?; li,~\.cpro\.itlcyd r l o r . u ~ i i ~ ~ 01' l t ?c.s~.cxptional
; \aluc. il-om the, p o i n t o f
3 ?
, ti,\\ ol'l)otli i c o ~ i o g ~ ~ ~ a i ~n d> sl it \ ..l c , suc.11 as tlic "I-o\-al c o u p l c ( F i g . 5 . 6 1 ) nnd tht. I > c ~ i c ~ \ \ - c . I I c ~ l
i : ~ ~ l l t l l(~K, iO \ \ - l a n d , 1 9 6 1 ) h-on1 F o n d u k i s t a ~ i .t h c t \ \ - o N a p i > s u p l ) o ~ - t i n gthe, stc'nl o 1 ' ~Iotils o n
\ ' ! ) I < 11 tllc' Hudclh,l \\-&issc%,~tcxi. a sul>jc~c.tt;)und I)otli a t F o n d u L i > r a n a n d Taps Sat-rial-, the.
~ I I O W , ~ ~ ~ I ~ I I I I I . I L I I I LHt1<1(111~i
I at Ta1j.1 S ~ i r d , ~( Fr i x . 5 . G ) (T,~(ltic-i.l 9 7 4 b ) t11'1t h ~ i t i s,I ~ I - C , L . I S ~ \
,'1111tc'1.l),it-t i l l tlic' 1"11.11111.1 ~ 1 1 1 ~01'
1 .4(171ii1i;1Tcpc' ( > o i ~ t l ~ c T ' ~, ~. ~i iik i s t a l i ) ,.i >it<' t h a t i > \ . i c ' l c l i ~ l g
\t ~ ~ l ~ ~ ,ili(I
t ~c ~t ~~- ~~ , l~~ i t lc \1ii,1tc-1-i,1l
t . t l ~ ~ . , ~\.[-I-\.
l s i ~ i i i l , i t ~o t h t 01'.4I'~lia1ii>t,i1i ( L i t \ i ~ i > k~i l i r Z
i c~~~ii.il,
Fig. 5.67: Aq Kupruk: objects from early period: pottery, clay spindle whorls, carnelian bead, bronze
projectile points.
I
Fig. 5.68: Aq Kupruk: objects from later period.
TWOrock sIic'Itcbrsat A q Kupruk (I)uprc.c., 1972) yirltlc-tl spc.c.imc.ns I)(.asant tribal art
ancI i~tilitarialiobjcc'ts o f ' t h c period u n d c r clisc*ussion.The! cBxcavat()rsunc.()vc-rc.(l
t w o Ic.vc-lsat
~ u ~ w uI k(Snakc Cave.), w i t h t h e fi)llowing rangcBs in ('-14 cIatc.s: I-.arIy I,c.riocI, a , ( ] .
200 4 5 0 ; I.,atclr pc.riod, a. d. 4 5 0 600.
1nilx)rtanl finds of' t h e 1i)rmc.r inclu(lc.d (Fig. 5.671: flint ancl irnl)lc.m(.nts; many
unitlcmtificd iron fragments; scvcral I>ronxc. trilol,atc projc.c.tilcm points, sockc.tr(l I,rojc.c-tilc.
l~oints,I)rac-c.lcts, cBtc.;glass, teArracotta,carnelian hratls. A n c.xtc*nsivr I,aintc.cl pottcbry sc-ric-s
was Ii)untl, inc.lutling black o n huf'f'surfacc~, hut red o n buf'f'tlomi~iatc~d. I)c.sig~isinc.luclc.cl: frchc--
flowing, rc.pc*atctl s l ~ i r a l s ;wavy 1inc.s; chc.quc.r motifs; naturalistic, and stYli~.c.clfaunal ancl
Iloral tlcsigns, cBtcn.Untlccoratctl rctl and buff' utilitarian wares c,ccurrc.(l in grcmatprelusion.
Faunal rc.niains have bc.en itlc.ntific.cl as donic~sticatc~cl ~ h c c - ~goat,
,, c.attlc ancl horse..
'Thc later ~,criotl fintls in A q Kupruk I incluclc.d a scric-s 01' livcstoc.k-rrtaining walls ol'
I ~ ~ ~ k l ~ant1 . s o sun-drictl bricks ant1 sc,vc*ral large storage. jars. A scbrics 0 1 ' f'ragnic*ntc.tl, tlc.tbc.c.(l
I3u(l(lliist paintings oc.currctl in an uppc1r clianibcr. I-he. pottcbrv consistc.cl 01' I{c.d Strvak-
I'attc,rn Hurnishcel u.arcbs, a val-icty ol' paintc.tl warcBs ( r e d o r 1,lac.k on I~uf'f'surfice. hc.ing
cloniinant ; rc.~x'atc(lspirals t h e dominant motif') plus a I>uSSwareb \vith \vat.\., c.oml,-mar-kc.(l
striations, punc.tation and apl~liquc'tI shccsp/goat horns (Fig. 5 . 6 8 ) .
A q Kupruk IV (Skull Cave) cx)litainc(l an intcbnsi\,c*I>urial a!-c%a(10 1 1 Iiunlan skc.lc.tons)
a~itlI)rol>al~ly tlatc.tl f'roni t h e filth t o sixth c.c~nturic'sA . I ) . Grave* furniture- (ric.hc*rthan that
1i)~lnclat Said (&la T c p c ) inc.lu(lcd: t w o c.omplc~tc-Ilc.tl Strcuak-1'attc.l-n Hurnislic~clplatc.~;a
1)ottcSr\'lamp, a c.up anel an ungucsnt ( 9 ) jar; a I)ronzc- m i r r o r ant1 otlic-I- I>ronzc.ornanlcnts and
I,~-o~cbc.t ilc points; iron ufcaponsant1 horse. t r a p l ~ i ~ l gas sil\~c.r ; ring u.itIi a lapis sctt ing; c . a ~ - ~ i ~ l i a n
, i r i t l I,ipis lazuli 1)catls. Figs. 5.69 5.71 show 11ottc~1-v graveB\,c~ssc~ls 01' this lx.rio(l, all c.hanc.c*
li~~(ls.
A ~ l o t l i c rsite' 01' t11c pc~-io(l,7'c*p(> Shahidan, just cbast 01' Kliulnl (Saniangan I'ro\.inc.c-,
~lo~.tIic'r~i Alghanistan), has yicl(lccl an inipol-tant c.craniic. sc~qucncx.( n o w hesing stuclic~clI,\. C'.
Wl~itc.)"anel shoul(i illuminatc~the, claily li\,css 01' t h e peasant farmcrs \r.lio fi~rnishc~tl the
csc.o~~omic. I,asc, fi)~.t h c I-Ic~plitlialitcsatrapic-s n o r t h ol'tlie~Hinclu Kusli ant1 t h e Kushan satl-apic.5
01' t h e % s o ~ ~ t 'l l('l ) i ~ p r c - c pc,~-so~i,~l
: c.oni~iii~~iic~atio~i).
( ) 1 1 c s 111,1y I'urt11c*r~ l i c n t i o na sonclcigc~ in the. mouncl 01' I ' o l - i Zak, ncsar Qala Shalial-ak i r i the-
\\.c,xtc>l.nIiinelu Kirsh mountains allout Z h O k m cbast 01' 1-lcrat ( I )uprcc., 1972 : X 9 ) , \~.Iic'rc't l i e '
( ' I 4 cl,ltc\s 01' tl~cbc-arlic%~- la11
stratigl-apliic. I,c.riotl into the, K u s h a ~ i oSasania~i( ~ > o s s i l , latch
l~
I I c * l ~ l \ t l i , i l i t c . I>c~.iotl;
) ant1 ol'tlic rcsults ol)tainc,cl I)!. I.c~slinikat Qala Ahingaran, also i l l c.c.11traI
Algll.~nista~i( I .c-shnik, 1 V(77), tliat sccm t o ,ig~-ccsn.itli tlics (Iatcs I'rom (,)ala Sliaharak,
<
c
~ I ~ I i o t ~111a1iv g h ol'tlic~I)ai~itcs(lpottc'ry niotils sul)c*~.tir.iall\~ rc-sc~ml)lcthosc 01' the, late Incii~s
\ . ~ l I c , yc.craniic.s" (1)111)1-c~c~, 1972: 9 ) .
'I'llis " m i n ~ r " c.ulturcs 01' l~l-c-MuslimAl~lianistantloc5s not sc%chni t o share many 01' its
c.l,,l~-,ic.tc-rs\ ~ , i t l ltlic. n1uc.h ric'llcr a n ~ l I>(-ttc-rd o c ~ u ~ i i c ~ i tno~naclic. c(l I,urial sites 01' t l i c s
' K ~ 1 ~ 1 1 , l l' l ' I>(-l.io(li l l 111c. Kalirl1ig,in \,allc%ynol-rhc,rn I3act ria (south\r.cstc.ln 'I'aiikistan)
of the Caliph Mamun (8 13-829) one of these local rulers accepted Islam and his territory \\.as
joined to the imperial postal service (barld); but in the tenth centurv his successors appear t o
havc been pagan once more.
hlaniun had obtained power with the aid of his lieutenant Tahir b. al-Husain, a Persian, kvhom
11~. ~ : c . ~ a r d eudi t hthe governorship of Khurasan and whose family continued t o rule the
IN'O\ ~ n c c after his death. Under the Tahirids (82&873), Khurasan was virtually independent
01 thc ccntral authority; but a far greater threat t o the Caliphs' power arose in Seistan. Here,
In 866, another native, Yaqub b. Laith, whose surname al-Saflar ("the coppersmith") betrays
1114 plebeian origins, seized the pro\-ince and began t o extend his s\vay over the neighbouring
tcl-I-itories,occupying Kabulistan (871 ) and destroying the Tahirids two years later. Although
I,oth Yaqub and his brother and successor Amr ( 8 7 S 9 0 0 ) extracted recognition from the
C'aliph, their attempts t o establish their power in Khurasan met with constant opposition. It
\ \ , I $ A n ~ r ' sefforts t o assert his authority over Transoxiana, now under the hereditary
crnorship of the Samanids (864-999), ho\vever, which brought about his downfall. He was
tlt.lcated and captured by the Samanid Ismail b. Ahmad (875-907), and sent a prisoner t o
thghdad (900). But the Samanids, who thus acquired Khurasan, were unable t o exercise m o r e
tll;ln a tenuous control over Seistan, which even during the tenth century revolted under
\( Ions of the Saffarid dynasty and from 1002 was t o remain continuously under the rule of a
Ilnc of princes who may o r may not have been of Saffarid extraction; while t o the east the
11at 11c rulers of Kabul again became independent. Under the Samanids the cities of Samarkand
c ~ ~ n Bokhara
tl flourished and bccame great centres of Iranian Islamic culture.
301
The Ghaznavids
The Samanid epoch witnessed the beginnings of a new phenomenon, the appearance in the
eastern Islamic world of dynasties of Turkish origin. T h e Caliphs themselves maintained a
corps of Turkish slave guards at least as early as the ninth century, when their decline cnablec]
the Turks for some decades t o exercise a stranglehold upon the government. In the east, thr
was the same among the provincial governors. In 962, Alptegin, a Turkish slave
general of the Samanid ruler, was ousted from the governorship of Khurasan after a p l a c e
revolution, and made for Ghazni, where he defeated the native chief and established his own
base. This may be regarded as the date of the definitive Muslim conquest of the region. His
immediate successors were of little significance, but in the following decade power was seized
by a slave of Alptegin's, Sebuktegin, who founded the dynasty properly known as the
Ghaznavids (977-1 186). Initially, Sebuktegin and his still more energetic son Mahmud
(997-1030) ruled Khurasan nominally as governors for t h e now moribund Samanids; but
when in 999 the latter were overthrown by an invasion of Turks from Central Asia, this de lure
subjection came t o an end. The Samanid territories w e r e now divided between ~ a h m u d g n d
the new power, the Qarakhanids, with the Oxus as the frontier between them.
Under Ghaznavid leadership there was a second burst of Muslim expansion eastwards.
The Arab campaigns of t h e early eighth century had conquered Sind for Islam, but beyoncl it
the Punjab and the rest of the sub-continent had remained Hindusta-"the land of the
Hindus". T h e reigns of Mahmud and of his son Masud (1 0 3 G 1 0 4 1 ) witnessed the beginnings
of the Muslim drive into India proper. Eken by the time that the Hindu Shahi rulers of Kabul
had been finally eliminated (1019), a series of brilliant campaigns into the heart of northern
India had brought great quantities of plunder back t o Ghazni, and had extended Muslim rule
over the western Punjab. The achievement was all the more remarkable in that Mahmud \ras
simultaneously engaged in sporadic warfare with the Qarakhanitls beyond the Oxus and in the
conquest of large areas of western Iran, where he appeared as a Sunni champion of the Caliphs
against the regime established in Iraq by the Shiite Buvid dynasty. In the event, however, this
function was t o be appropriated, together with the Ghaznavid possessions lying cvest of
Afghanistan, by the Seljuks.
The Qarakhanitl in\ asion of Transoxiana had constituted m e r c l ~the 1 anguard ofa wave of
inroads by free Turkish tribes into \vestern Asia that \\ crc t o be spread ovcr a hundrctl and fift~
\cars. In the first decades of the eleventh century the Scljuks, an Oghuz tribe \\ ho had been
quartered on the low-er Jaxartcs, began t o press on Mahmud's pro\.incc of Khurasan. At first
they xverc accepted as Ghaznavid clients, but in Masud's reign they could no longer be
contained. In 1037 their leatlcrs took over jrcstern Khurasan and assumctl the insignia of
so\.creignt!.. Masud took up arms against them, only t o be routed d e c i s i \ . e l ~at Dandanqan
( 1040). Within the next tcn years the Seljuks, ~ . h xvcnt
o on t o conquer thc rest of Iran and to
occupy Baghdad in 105 5 , e\,cn threatened Ghazni, but \\.ere rcl~ulsed.Ghaznavid pox\-er in
Khurasan and Seistan \vas now a thing of the past; but the abantlonmcnt oF these \~.estern
provinces at least enabled Masud's successors t o concentrate on thc reduction of Hindustan.
Under Ibrahim (1059-1099) peace was made xvith the Seljuks and lasted through the reign of
his son Masud I11 (1099-1 1 15), thereby affording the Ghazna\,icl empire a period of stability
6. E R O M THI.. HISI: O F ISI.AM 303
and consolidation. Under h h r a m Shah ( 1 1 18- 1 1 57), howcvcr, who hat1 obtainc.cl the. throne
with the assistance of the S c l ~ u kSultan Saniar ant1 was o11li~c.din cons(.qucBncc.t o I,ccc,mc. his
tht. decline of' the dynasty scst in.
The Ghorids
The chieftains of Ghor (Ghur), the mountainous region cast of Herat, had sufkrcd a number
of invasions by Mahmud and had recognized Ghaznavid overlordship. With the growth of'
Seljuk influence in Afghanistan Ghor became subject for a time t o Sanjar, but its rulers wcrc
already powerful enough t o challenge the Chaznavids. Aftcr a series of engagements Ghazni
itself was ruthlessly sacked in 1 1 5 1 by the Ghurid ruler Ala al-din Husain, who thereby earned
the sobriquet ofjahan-suz ( ' 'the world-burner"). He was subsequently dcfeated in an attcmpt
to throw off Seljuk suzerainty; but this proved t o be only a temporary reverse.
In the period 1 1 2 5-1 140 Central Asia had been invaded by the Qarakhitai, refugees from
north China who reduced the Qarakhanids t o the status of subordinate rulers. Their arrival sct
in motion once m o r e the Oghuz tribes settled on the lower Jaxartes, and Khurasan was
overrun a second time. Sanjar, who tried t o check them, was defeated in 1 1 53 and carried off
into humiliating captivity; and in 1 163 the Oghuz occupied Ghazni. But this burst of energy
soon dissipated itself, leaving the Ghorids as the more powerful element in the eastern Islamic
world. Junior members of the dynasty ruled in Firuzkoh and Bamivan, but the main line was
represented by t h e brothers Ghiyath al-din and Muizz al-din, who were able t o recover from
the Oghuz not merely Ghazni (1 173) but Herat also (1 175), and in 1186 they finall\.
extinguished the remains of the Ghaznavid principality at Lahore. Even before this, Muizz al-
din had assumed direction of the Muslim drive into India and had given it fresh momentum: his
campaigns and those of his generals may be regarded as the foundations of Muslim domination
in the sub-continent. Nevertheless, the dynasty's military activities were not restricted t o
India; and this was t o prove its undoing.
The Khwarizm-shahs
Thc eclipse of Seljuk power had created a \.acuum in Khurasan which was in part tilled by thc
I-ulcrs of Kh\varizm t o the north. Themselves descended from a Turkish slave of the Scljuks,
thc Khwai-iznl-shahs had remained dissident vassals of Sanjar until the end. Then thev began to
c s p ~ i dsouth\vards at the expense of local Oghuz leaders and so clashed \z.ith thc Ghorids.
I~~itially, the balance in the conflict was against them, and b ~1200 f they had been driven out of
~nol-t.of Khurasan, but Muizz al-din, who by the death of his brother-in 1203 was t o become
solc head of the dynasty, overreached himself. His invasion of Transoxiana, now under the
I ~ h \ \ ~ a r i z ~ n - s l ~influence,
ah's in 1202 u.as a disaster of the first magnitude; and his assassination
in 1 206 \\.bile preparine t o aI7enqeit left his empire \vith no effective ruler. While his generals
ill India assumcd practical indcpcndcncc, his \veak and ephemeral successors in Ghor and
C;hazni \vcrc graduallv reduced by the Khwarizm-shah, Muhammad b. Takash (1 20@ 1 2 2 1 ),
\vho (>ccuPiedboth territorics in 1 2 15-6. Muhammad, whose fathcr had dc,stroyed the last
the Scljuks in western Iran in 1 194, was now the master of a dominion that extcndcd fronl
Hamadan t o the Indus and from western Transoxiana t o the borders of Seistan. Yet within
years his ambition had led him t o challenge the new power founded in Mongolia by Chinggis
Khan and his vast empire had been swept away by the Mongol invasion.
The lonely deserts and mountain ranges as well as populous rural and urban settlements of
present-day Afghanistan have always been famous for preserving outstanding monuments of
Islamic art: either marking the final phase of an age-old civilization, as for example the shrine
of Khwaja Abu Nasr Parsa (Fig. 7 . 2 8 ) near the massive ruins of ancient Balkh, o r constituting
the beginning of a stylistic sequence important in the artistic ebolution of Eastern
architecture, for example the minarets of Ghazni (Fig. 6.12). After the Second World War
archacological surveys in Afghanistan revealed remarkable ruins contributing t o our
knowledge of the development of Islamic art: the Abbasid mosque near Balkh (Figs 6.2-6.4),
the tower of Jam (Figs 6.2&6.21), the fortified posts in Ghor (Figs 6.23-6.30), the
abandoned city of Gol-i Safed (Fig. 7 . 8 ) , and the Timurid dome of Kohsan (Figs 7 . 2 G 7 . 2 7 ) .
These discoveries led, among others, t o renewed discussion of the naming of art styles after
Islamic dynasties, for instance "Seljuk" (Sourdel-Thomine, 1953; Rogers et a l . , 1974),
"Ghorid" (Sourdel-Thomine, 1960; Melikian-Chirvani, 1970) o r "Timurid"
(Pugachenkova, 1970; Grube, 1974). Mapping mud brick ruins and remains of burnt brick
architecture of Islamic strongholds and cities in Afghan Seistan, I came across a wealth of
structural and decorative forms inherited from the Parthian, Sasanian (Fig. 7.16), Scljuk
(Fig. 7 . 6 ) , Ghaznavid (Fig. 7.13) and Ghorid art repertoire and heralding the subsequent
evolution of Timurid times (Fischer et al., 1974-6:26); these monuments w e r e found on the
easternmost border of the Ilkhanid empire and in their majority are t o bt, seen as a branch of
the art flourishing in the baked brick architecture under this dynasty (Wilber, 1955; Fischcr
et a]., 1974-6: 257).
Twice ancient Turanian, Iranian and Indian traditions led builders in Afghanistan to
creation of new national dynastic styles that in thcir part influenced artistic developments in
neighbouring eastern lands, during the Ghaznavid (Rombaci, 1958; Bombaci, 1966) and
Timurid (Grube, 1974) periods. When dealing with architecturc and minor arts produccd in
Afghanistan under the rule of these dynasties we shall first cxaminc the main monuments,
of court as well as ~ r o v i n c i a lart, and secondly try t o give an idea of thcir salient featurch.
In Chapter 6 w e have the Abbasid prclude, thc spread of Ghaznavid court art acrohs
Afghanistan, and the persistence of Seljuk, Kh~varazmianand northwest Indian art forms in
'Herot Jam
*Ziyorat Goh *chisht
*Lorwand
thc Ghorid dominions; Chapter 7 comprises the art of eastern Iranian lands under Mongol rule,
tlul-ing Kart and Ilkhanid rule, the high-watermark of architecture and minor arts in Timurid
'qkhanistan, and a few later works executed under the Mughals and Safavids, who were great
patrons of culture in neighbouring India and Iran respectively.
(1~1-ing thc ninth and tenth centuries. A full description is b\. its discoverer, Lisa Golombek,
I 2 4 6 8 lorn
-I
Fig. 6.2: I'l,ln 01' thc Al)l)asitl nloscluc. ,it t3,llkh. (,.\l'tcr (;oloml>c'k.)
lll,ly collcludc that tho I - ~ o I ' was con1posc.d of 1)ric.k vaults, prc.sun1ablv a ~ ~ ~ r01'i cclonlc*h. . ~
'This arc.hitc.ctural t y 1 ~fibt*nlstOhavcb I>crn brought Ikon1 al,roacl (c;olonlhc.k, 1 96'la:
I M ) . T'hc arc.hitc*cts of'Halkh re-producctl architrctural traclitions (.xisting in the. NCbar liast
,,lltl in C ~ ~ ~ r tAsia r a I l'roni the early riintll i.cXrituryonwartls. T l i ~c.olumns ~ u ~ , ~ , o r t arc%aclt*s cd
\vlric.ll I.OSCinto tht' walls 01' the harrcl ~ a u l t cx)vcri~ig s t h c c.orricjors. Wt*Ilavc. also c.onsiclcr
oric'ntal tradition of11ri.-Islamic origin. T h r so-c.allrd "koshk" was a snlall sclu,lrcSI)uilclinp
01'tlirnt.nsio~isconil>arat)lc t o those of t h e Ahl,asicl nlosquc.. Its interior \vas cliviclc.cl u p into
~ l i l l ( ,squares 01' cc~uals ~ % ccbac-h , c.ovc-rchdhy a c.upola. It woulcl alq)c.ar rcasonal,le t o st-c-k t h e
Illodcl for t h c arc.Iiitcc.tura1 dcsign 01' t h e Halkh mosquc at tlic same. tinit. in Mesopotamia,
tg!.~)t ancl North Al'ric.a, ~~~~~~c WI. liavc a tradition ol' snlall c.ul>ical buildings tlivitlccl
intcr~lallyinto ninr sc*ctions; this type, of a nlosquc* ot' rlinc* donlcs, was also known t o t h c
historia11 Maqrizi ( 1 3 6 4 1442). A srnall building likc tlic niosquc. at Halkh Iwlongs t o the. tvpc
01' liyl>ostylc architilcturc. on a squarc basc (Grahar, 197 3: I 1 6 ) .
In t h c ahscncc 01' epigraphic material, only a stylistic. analysis 01' t h c stuc.c.o c.ar\'ings is
a\.ailal)lr t o obtain a rclativc ciatc Ibr t h c mosquc. A characteristic vocal>ular, 0 1 ' nlotils
illcludcs grape Icavc.s, vinc-scrolls, palnicttc-s, and tir-conchs (Fig. 6 . 4 ) , groupctl so as t o 1111
.~lniostconlplctc-ly t h c surfscc o1.cupic.d hy the. dcsign, ant1 sc-paratcd from onc. anothcr onlv, h .v
Il,lrro\v, dccply cut lincs. As a rc*sult, t h c hackground against which t h c rc.lic.l' al,pcbars is
~.ccli~e.c.d t o a lincw- pattern of cic.c.p shadow, undiniinishcd in its clkctivcncss cvt-n on c.losc
1-ic\r,inq.'I'hc s u r f a c . ~o f t l i c dcsign is varied by the drilling of holcs and t h c i~le.isingofstriatc-d
, ~ n dIiatclicd patterns, rings of pearls, l;.athcring and othc-r dcviccs. This tc-chniqur of stucco
~..lrvi~ig is ~ ~ c - 1known
1 from m o n u n ~ c ~ n of t s t h c ninth t o tcntli ccnturics, and thi- "dccp
s l ~ ~ c l o 'wis' best rc.prcscntc~ciin t h c stylcs A and H o f Saniarra, t h e ncw c.apital o f the. Abhasid
('.iliphs, f;)uncicd north of Haghdad in 836 and scat of t h c qovcbrnnicbrituntil 890.
Otlrcr parallels for t h e vinc ornamcnt at Halkh art. t o l>c found in Sasa~iianstucc.o 11-0111
Mc.sol>otaniian Kish and c.arly Ahhasid monuments ol' Ccwtral Iran at Nayin. l'axd and Huzan.
I ( \ ~ ' I . ) : M I ~ ( ~O ~I IcS C ~ \ J gconic.tric
~~ grid dcsigns of the. solhts, girths and p l i ~ l t h s ,r c - p c t i t i \ ~
I'riczc-sol'tlic~impost I>loc.ksand tlic palnicttc fric%zcot'thc capitals. T h c surthc-c. is dividcd into a
hc\~-ic-s o t ' c o ~ l i ~ a r t ~ i11)'~ ~a n~ic\t\vork
ts n g (Figs h . 3 6.4).Thc e.onil>artnlcBnts
of i ~ l t c r s ( * ~ t ih.111ds
,IIX. thcn Iillcd \\.it11 vc.gc.tal o r n a m c ~ n tTlics~, . t b r ~ n s\vchrcquit(. conlnroli in Al>hasid stuccos at
(J.1~1. ,>I Hayr and in monunicrlts at Siral', Hira, Saniar1-a, Navin atid i l l the. mosquc of Ilm Tulun
. ~ ct ' , I ~ I - oThe. . strap \vol-k at Halkh, like- that of Qasr al Havr, Sil-al' and I4irci, sho\vs pattc-rns
( I ~ , I . I \ ti-0111grids o l ' t o t ~ c l i i ~ai g~ i di~itc~rscx-ting circlc~s,c~irc.lc~s i~isc.ri\)~-d111 squ,irc*s, id star-
.111c1 I.OSS
( ,~rr,i~igc~nicnts. The. arr,~ngc.mc.nt 01' niotifs \r.ithi~it h c ~ i i a i o rc.onil>art~iic~lts ot' the.
, ~ I . . I I ) \\.ark dc-signs ,ire, s\~iinic.trical, t;)r cs,i~ii~,lt. in thc sotfits (Fit. 6 . 3), o r c.one.c.ntric.
c ~11l1l)ositions o n the- girtlis of tlic pillars ant1 columns (Fig. 6.4). The. st\.Ic of t h c o r n a ~ i i c ~ ~ i t
I I ~ , I \ 1)c. rc,ilistic-, i l l t h varic\ty ~ o f \.ill(\ orn,inic~~its, o r al>strac-t, in the palnicttc 1'1-ic.zc.s. T h c
i ~ i t l v o ~ - ~ i , i ~ i i01'c ~Sa~iia~-~-,i
~ ~ c l o ~ i i i ~ i , ,il~str,ic-t ~it st\,lc-s H ancl C', Navi~i,11i(1 tlic 111osquc of llm
'1'111~111, t;)rm g ~ . o u p sti-om \r.hic.h \vc ~ilightdate the, nloscluc- at H.llkli t o tlic sccond half of thv
11111111 (1'11ti1r~( G o l o ~ i i l ~ c ~ 1969a:
k, 184).
I ; ~ - o ~,il)out
ii A . I I . 1000 o~i\vdrds\ V C e.d~ic.o~-re~Iatc Isla~ilic~ l i o ~ i i ~ ~ \\.it11
i i ~ ~ dy~iastics
~its
~ I I O \ \11 I i . o ~ ~l ~ I I c ,lsl,i~i~ic. l ~ i s t o r i ~ i ~The>
l s . (i(~sig~i,itio~i ol"'C~liaz~i,~\~ici" art takc~sits origin frunl a
(11 11,1,1\. 1;1t111(1\~1 I,\. t l l e ' pl-l~l.k Scl,\lktcgi~l(977 99X), rulinc .lt Ghazni, 145 km soutlin~cstol'
Fig. 6.3: Balkh, Abbasid mosque, view of inrerior.
Kabul, from the second half of the tenth century t o the middle of thc twclfth century (L.
Dupree, 1973: 3 14). His son Mahmud (998-1 030), one of the most important rulers of the,
Middle Ages, created an empire embracing, besides Afghanistan, a great part of Iran and
northwest India. He became known as a great patron of t h e arts, and under his successors
architecture and literature flourished, especially under Masud I (103&1041) and Masud I11
(1099-1 1 14). Then followed a slow decay of the dynasty. Bahram Shah (1 1 17-1 153) ruled
under the protection of the Seljuk Sanjar. In 1149 the ruler of Ghor, Ala al-din "Jahan-suz"
(i . e . "Destroyer of the World"), burnt Ghazni. T h e dynasty survived for a time in India but
without political o r cultural importance.
1;. 4.4: Halkh, .4bbasid mosquc, drtail ol 4tucco dtx.orar~on.
hlajor Monuments
Fig, 6.6: Lashkari Ha-rar, southcrn palacc, all dcct~rationant1 rfmalns of' ~ a u l t ~ n g .
Lashkari Bazar
(Schlumberger, 1952b, 1978)
Sultan ah mud and his nobles built their palaces and villas along the banks of the Hrlmancl
river. Most of them werc concentrated along a four-mile stretch bc.twc.cn thc. citaclcl at Bust
and the present modern town of Lashkar Ghar. Thc court was accompanied by a large militarv
escort who lived in barracks and cantonments near the palaces. The thrcc most important
were built on a bluff overlooking the Hclmand river and of thcsc. threc the southern
palace, built at the bend in thc river, is the largest and most elegant. txtcnding for half'a
kilometre along the bank, the palace is built around a central court with four rvanr o r archctl
doorways (Fig. 6.5). Passing through the northern lvon one enters a spacious rcctanplar
aud~encchall once bordcred by columns and decorated with frescocs ant1 intricatc.1~
sculptured stucco. Large panels with epigraphic borders surrounding a wcltcr of sculpturcd
stucco and interlacings of cut brick were found in the debris of the southern Ivan. Mud-brick
structures still preserve architectural and decorativc features, for cxamplc large vaulted halls
and the horseshoe arch (Fig. 6 . 5 ) . The geometrical decoration includes angular interlacing
strapwork, radiating from six, eight, ten o r twelve-pointed stars and including polygons of
~ a r i o u stypes. Panels displayed in the Kabul Museum give an idea of the elegant ticcoration
~vhichoncc faced these barren walls. The excavation revealed also distemper paintings on the
\valls depicting richly garbed guardsmen, weapons at the ready in brocaded belts, standing
agalnst a background of flowers, fruit-laden trees, birds and other animals. The palace guard
she\\ Central Asian features in the heads rendered in three-quarter profile (Fig. 6.7). In the
ccntre of the great hall was a rose-petalled water basin fed by a canal running from east t o
\\-cst, indicating that the palace had running water. T o the south of the great audience hall was
discovered a small mosque elaborately decorated in sculptured stucco with borders of
Koranic inscriptions, now reconstructed in the Kabul Museum. T o the east of the palace there
\vas a large garden with a central ~ a v i l i o nand
, a platform with an octagonal centre may still be
.rcc.n. A contemporary observer, Baihaqi, mentions gazelles rounded up and herded into this
and also the great outings on the plains when the Sultan crossed the river on a
canopied barge hung with silks.
Evidence of some remodelling of the southern palace parallels ~ o l i t i c achanges
l within the
cmpire: new walls are t o be observed, and then comes evidence of the great fire when the
Ghorid ruler Ala al-Din burned the residence. There are, however, also archaeological traces
of a re-occupation and restoration under the Ghorid Sultans. T h e final destruction came
through the armies of the Khwarizm-shah around 1 2 15 o r by Chinggis Khan in 1220 ( N . H .
IJupree, 1971 : 237).
Ghazni
Thc Ghazni plain is full of tombstones and marble graves of Ghaznavid nobles bearing
I~c~autifulinscriptions (Flur!, 1925). Italian excavators revealed the palace of Masud 111
( 1 0 9 9 1 1 14) (Fig. 6.8). They were led t o associate a ruin field with this ruler b s an inscription
6. F R O M 'IIII-. 1tIslr 01.I S L A M 31 3
ill ])is ~ i , i ~ i011
i c a ])iccx, ol'st011~~ uscbd011 t1icb arc.11 of'<in ~ l / l r(Fig.
kcbc-1 ~ ~ h , v , , a l l t i tIl(. l ) r O x i ~ l l , ~ ~
()I'the s i t r t o t h c minarrt rrcrt(*l t h r samr Saltan (Fig. 6 . I 2 ha~~kgrollncl) sug(."t.(l t h h
c.()nncx.tion. Anot1ic.r illscription I)c~aring111~datc 1 1 1 2 (Horiil,ac.i, 1966: 3 ) e.onlirmc.d the.
c ~ o ~ i n c c t i ol'o ~ it h c site \villi thi- reign of Masucl 111. C'ontc.nil)orarv sourc.cs clt.s~.~ibc. thc.
S L I I I I ~ ) ~ U ~~U)Sa I a c ~bcjcwc.llrd
s, with booty froni India; rrowatla!~ tht- lieart ol'tht. conil>lt.x is ,I
larqc 01)c,11 rectangular c o u r t paved \rritIi marhlc, 50 x 3 I 111; rvtbn the- Ii)otl)ath arountl this
courtyard is 1)wc'"'1with this prcbciousstonc. In tlic ccntrc ofcach ol'tlie I i ~ u walls r surrountling
tllc c.ourt was an iron, an architcr.tural 1i)rni ~ n u c hlavourc.tl l ~ the v Ohaznavids. TIlt. 11.ono n tht.
liorth, wliic-I1 inc.luclcd a large. imposing v c s t i h u l ~ ~ fu11ctionc.d
, as a monumc~ntalcntranc.tBo r
I)rol~vlacum.Opposite., t h c southcrn iron containctl t h c throne rooni. O n t h c cast an(! \vest
tlicl-c n.c-rc small roonis, on c~ithersidc o f t l i c c.cntral rl.ons,including a l~illarcdniosquc* in tlit.
north west c o r n e r . T h e \valls of tht. court wcbrc. gorgc.ouslv dccoratctl, tile u p ~ ) t ~portions r
cmhcllislic~din tchrracotta and stuc.co in sculpturc~dgc*omctric patt crns \r~hicIin.cbrc l>aintctl
y~,llo\r',red and hluc. T h c lon'cr sc.c-tion ot'tlic walls prcscXr\,csa spc-ctacular c.xariiplc ofcarvc.d
marI>Ic (Figs 6.9---6.11 ), containinc an insc-ription 250 ni long, not in Aral)ic. as \vas usual l o r
this pcxriod, but in Pcrsian, rcl)rc.si.nting o n c of tlic oldcst c-xamplcs ol' I'crsian cpigrapliv.
Kcmains of niarblc dcxcoration sho\v gc-omctric I)attcrlis faniiliar t o us froni Islamic. art
(l-'ig. 6 . l o ) , and furthcr rare' examples of animals and mcbn, among otlic'rs in livclv hunting
sc.(,nc,s (Fig. 6 . 1 1 ) . In tlic Museums of C;Iiazni and Kabul arc. prcbscrvcd tinix spccinic~nsot'
Gliaznavid handicrafts: cwc.rs, stirrups, copper dislics \\.it11 niythical l1gurc.s and Kutic.
insc.riptions (Fig. 6 . 1 3 ) and glazcd bowls (Fig. 6 . 1 4 ) .
In the. vicinity of this palacc is tlic minaret of Masud 111, n1c.ntionc.d abovc (Fig. 6 . I 2
Iiac.kqround), on a round soc-lc. This to\vt-r and t h c niinarct of Bahrani Shah ( 1 1 1 7 1 1 5 3 )
situated ncarbv on a m o d e r n octagonal soclc arc, conceived o n t h e plan of an cight-sid1.d star
(Fig. 6 . 1 2 foreground). Today onlv tlic ground storcys rt'main, but skctc1ic.s 01' t h c carlv
~~inctc.c.ntIicc.ntur,' and older photographs slio\v that tlic prisniatic basc.nic~nts carricld
c\.lindrical shafts; according t o tlic~serccords t h e third storcv of Masud's minaret hcgan with a
~ ~ l , circular
~in \r.all \vitli flat segmental p r o ~ ~ c t i o abovc,
ns then carvcd niclics likc a kind of
~ l c ' p ~ t i vfor111
c of the' preceding pattern (Hill and Grabar, 1967: pl. 145). Thta tcrracotta
tlc%~.oration of' t h c tolvcrs c-or~.cspondst o thcscl rich and novcl arc.1iitcc-tural invcntions.
g t ~ ~ c > ~ . asc-rihcd
,ill\. t o t h e post-Gliazna\.id pc-riod (Fig. 6 . 4 2 ) . T o this Ghorid period \ve asc-rihc
.114o cc~rt,ii~i t c r r a c - o t t ~P~IIIC~IS fro111 G l i ' ~ ~ ~t ioi ,he' dca:t \\.it11 later o ~ i .
Fig. 6.8: Ghazni, palace of Masud 111, ground plan. (After Bombaci.)
The nortll Afghan town of Sar-i Pul contains t m xlyarats, some. of' which arc of grcat
arc.hacologicaI importance. The ziuorot of' Imam-i Khurd, "Thc. lAc.ssc.r Imam1', is situate.(]
allout 1 . 5 km south cast of the crntrthof t h r town, and co~isistscrl'a simple* c1omc.d c.hambc.r
4.8 metres square. Thr. outcr walls wcrc covcrrd in natural mud p1astc.r; t h r insirlc.,
llo~vcvcr,has walls with a spectacular dccorativc inscription in carved stucco. Its rich floral
decoration belongs t o thc bcst Seljuk tradition (Schimmcl, 1970, pl. XIV,. T w o Iarg(.r
inscriptions in tht. mihrab are \vrittcn in a highly dccorativc. varicstv offi)liatc-Kufic script. The.
tcst of the inscription informs us that Sar-i Pul corresponds t o thc nlc.dicval town of i\nl,ir.
Baba Hatim Z y a r a t
Josephine Po~velldiscovered in Northcrn .4fghanistan t h ruins ~ of a splcndidlv drcoratc.d
tomb kno\vn t o the local population as Salar Chalil and dcsrrihed as a (;hamavidmauscrlrum
(Mclikian-Chirvani, 1968). T h e building rises on a square plan which is transfornmd into thc
oc.tagon carrying a squinch dome. This Iranian and Turanian tvpc of c.onstruction can hc
compared with monuments of the tenth t o twclfth centuries from Hukhara, Termcz, Mcrv,
Uzqand o r Sangbast, and the architectural decoration in baked brick links thc ruin with well-
known buildings, especially of Khurasan art of thc eleventh ccnturv. Rich stucco ornament
again recalls eastern Iranian art. The calligraphy of inscriptions on the walls, recording the
memory of the martyrdom of Salar Chalil Sawid * . (Fig. 6.16) belongs t o the best cxamplcs of
the foliated Kufic script of the eleventh century.
Charkh-i Lohgar
Another fine specimen of Ghaznavid decorative art survivcs in a rarc example of \r.tw,d
c.ar~.inp;in the upper Lohgar \-alley, in a mosque named after Shah Muhvi al-Ilin, in the villagr
of Charkh-i Lollgar, exists a \vooden n~ihrob \vith Koranic inscriptions in Kutic script
(Fig. 6.17). This piece of \vooder~architecture is said t o ha1.c been brought from an old
I I I O S ~ U Pin the village of Kachari, situated some miles t o thc north. In this pcrishablc n~atcrial
\I-c obscrve architectural inno\.ations well known t o us from stone, burnt brick o r mud brick
structures of the age, and can study the transfornution of thc rectangular mihrah bv traheate
I)c.ams into a semi-circular base for a cupola. The latter is enibellishcd bv arabcsqucs (Fig.
(3.18). The rnihrob opens in a cusped horseshoe arch (Fig. 6.17). T h e mihrah ~ v i t hconch.
c.oI~umnand side panels represents a tine example of angular interlacing decoration. Furthcr
studies of this extraordinar\. specinlen may also enlighten our understanding of the \voocI-
( .ll-\.ingin the doors from the tomb of Mahmud of Ghazni (no\r preserved in the h r t at Agra)
it11 their bold composition of post-Samarra pulvin leaves interlacing \vith a heart-shaped
~'c.a~-led braid. The leaves have spiral tendril tips and include onc pair of long-lobed flcurons.
'Thcsc much debated nvooden doors are of a pcriod later than Mahmud of Ghazni (Rogcrs.
1953: 238-244) as also is thc marble slab on the tomb of Mahmud in thc present city of Ghazni
cFlul-~,1925: 89).
1-ig.6.12: G l i a ~ n i ,minarc1 of Haliran~Shah, u ith minarct clt' M a d 111 in hat kg,-clunrl.
Fig. 6.1 3: Ghazni, co13pc.r dish. Kabul Muscum.
= m
Fig. 6.14: Ghazni, gla~cclIIO\\ I w i t h Iilstl-c' clc~c.ol.ation.Kal~ulMuscum.
Daulata bad
In Bactria, t o the north of Balkh, stands a minaret of purr cvlinclrical fi)rni (big, 6 . 1 9 , .Thir
monument of Daulatabad carries a Kufic inscription naming the artist Muhammacl Ali anrl the-
year 502 A . H . = A . D . 1 108109, and was interpreted as an important work in the Scl juk stvlc.
(~ourdel-Thomine,1953: 122). The style of the brick ornanirnts brlongs, aftrr He-rztblcl ancl
others (Rogers, 1973: 220), t o the so-called hazar bal' varicbtv. Its csscbncr is a highlv
pronounced contrast of light and shade produced bv all-over patterning of raisccl hricks in
complicated meanders, the angles mostlv being right-anglcs.
lran
Outside Afghanistan w e find some buildings in eastern lran that may belong t o an extension of
Ghaznavid artistic influence, like Sangbast (Bombaci, 1958: 8 ) o r thc caravanserai of Hibat
Mahi (Hutt, 1970: 205), with its early Iranian vaulting system. According t o rcccnt survcvs,
lio\vever, the ornaments of interlacing frame work and othcr motifs of the early t\rclfih
century still lack definite proof of their connection with Ghaznavid dynastic art (Kogcrs,
1973: 223).
The art which flourished in Zabulistan under the dynasty of the Ghaznavids collected and
transmitted motifs of Sasanid and other origins and was a sourcc for Islan~icart in India. The
cradle and centre of this culture was Ghazni; before Sebuktegin and his son Malinlud it \\as an
insignificant place, a trading city on one of the old routes bet\veen lran and India. It becamc
suddenly one of the leading centres of Asia when Mahniud made it a cultural centre usinq
\ ~ . ~ a l acquired
th during his Indian expeditions. Hc endon.ed a madrasa with a rich librarv
attracting famous scholars and poets like Firdusi and al-Biruni. In order t o gain an overall idea
of Ghaznavid art we must use the rich literary sources t o interpret the archaeological
t.\,~dencecollected during recent years.
Before Mahmud the historian al-Muqaddasi mentions wooden structures and mosaic art,
I\ h ~ l sal-Utbi
t describes various mosques; there had been great builders before the Ghaznavids
ant1 Samanids on the soil of Afghanistan, as Ibn Hauqal reported. Gigantic monuments \r hich
11~1 c now disappeared once distinguished these vanished cities. The dome of tlie Naubahar at
RciIkh, m o r e than a hundred cubits high, built by the Barnlakids, \\as greatcr than the very
palace of Mansur at Baghdad. As for Ghazni, there can be no doubt of its splendour in thc earlv
clc%\cnthcentury. Here the poets confirm tlie historians.
l'hc>sc provided the most imposing architecture. Four-lran compositions ultimatclv go back
10 l'arthian prototypes at Assur, Sasanian structures at C t c s i ~ h o n ,and Abbasid in~perial
328 K . FISCHEH
I,uildings at Sarnarra and Ukhaidir. W e lcarn from Farrukhi that Mahmutl's brother yusul.
I-csided at Halkli in a pavilion offour columns, fi-om where the vicw was directed through four
~ a t c sinto four regions of the \vorld.
L
Gardens
Gardens surrounded all palaces, and w e r e also conceived alone with tcmporary structures of
tents and pavilions. Mahmud's Bagh-i Nau at Balkh was embellished by a small lake with a
marble surround and at Ghazni water pipes with silver mouthpieces spouted fresh water on the
parks, in a desert climate.
Mosques
Mosques had, after al-Utbi and especially according t o his description of the mosque "The
Bride of Heaven", perfect proportions. In the construction trees from India were used; the
walls were polished and sparkled "like a maiden's face". O n e special room was reserved for
the Sultan. Whilst no remains have been discovered of this magnificent building at Ghazni, we
know the small prayer room from Lashkari Bazar serving as a palace mosque, situated in an
angle of the huge enclosure near the p l a c e entrance. A central room in front of the mihrab had
four pilasters that may have carried a dome.
Minarets
Minarets in baked brick (Fig. 6.12) marked the sites of mud brick mosques. It is still disputed
whether they may have functioned at the samc time as victory towers, since mosqucs have
been founded as symbols of both fame and faith. During Ghaznavid (and Ghorid) times the
knowledge of Hindu towers in the conquered parts of northern India may have inspired
Muslim builders t o copy layastombhas o r kirtistambhas.
Decoration
Decoration is best preserved in the Ghazni baked brick minarets (Fig. 6.12), where the
tendency t o encrustation has been sustained and realized. Its very form, with the salient
angles, is decorative, ant1 the division of each of the great facets into a succession of panels,
dccisivcly separated by repeated horizontal bands, providtxs a handsome scheme of' ornaments
in the patterning of the brickwork. Each successive panel is larger by 500/, than the onc
below, so that they increase in size as thcy recede upwards from the spectator. Each unit is
filled with a different all-over geometrical design.
Ghaznavid sculptors evolved a noble dccorativc repertoire. At the beginning of the
dynasty, the carvers w c r e evidently still modest in their attempts, judging from tllc tomb of
Scbuktegin, for here thc ornament is limited t o bands of Kufic inscription with the simplest
possible interstitial motifs. T h e technique of cutting in t w o levels only, with very low relief
and firm regular outlines, whereby the background is rcrno\cd from around thc pattern
leaving it slightly raised but flat, had long 1)c~e.n practise-(I in wood. I-,ssc.ntiallv tht. samt.
technique was continued at least through t h e twelfth cxbntury, but it was pn)grt.ssivt.ly
cnric.hccl in o n l c r t o execute t h e increasingly compl(.x (lesigns organiar(1 in multipl(- svst(*mr
that implied superimposed levels (Fig. 6 . 1 0 ) .
Wootl and stone alike a r c carved into clclicatc. foliate intcrlacc*mc-ntsin whic.h manv oltl
I;)rms a r c retained, but cnriched and supplcmentcd with new vlaborations; thus in thc. l,or(lt.r
of each on t h e doors o f Mahmurl's t o m b the un(lulating stcm with foliation on altvrnatc
sides carries leaves in the form of a halberd with a rrcurvant tip. T h e arches a r c
rharactcristically trefoil, t h e l h r m long used in this rcgion for Huclrlhist a r t , ancl a cusp(-d
interior outline likewise has an Indian tlavour (Fig. 6 . 9 ) .
Painting
Painting was inspired b!. Abbasitl as well as by Central Asiatic. Turkic p r o t o t ~ p c ~ L-itcsrarv
s.
sources tell of t h e lavishly embcllishcd private quartcrs of Masucl I at Hcrat. The. remain5 of'
\,,all paintings f r o m Lashkari Bazar prove once m o r c the mediating role of Ghazna\icl art
I>ct\vccn ancient Oriental o r Central Asiatic thcmcs and latcr Islaniic dcvclopmcnts. The.
walls of t h e ;ran hall must have bcen dccoratcd bv a continuous f'ric,zc* of male t i p r c s in
isoccphalia. From t h e surviving fragments o f 4 4 figures, distributed on the ~ , a l l11ctnev.n
s the
door openings rhythmicallv in t h e relation 14:8:8: 14, t h e r c would ha\,(, bcen a procession of
about 60 persons, orientated towards the throne of t h e ruler; and rcndcrcd in frontal view,
hut with t h e feet in profile. T h e fragment of a head on a round pillar (Fig. 6.7) s u g c. sts
- that
thc thces w e r e in three-quarter profile before a nimbus. T h e facial cxprc.ssion s u g v s t s a
Turkic origin f o r t h e palace guar&precursors of which mav bc sought among t h e
"Tocharian princes" o n t h e walls of buildings in the Turfan oasis o r in t h e proccssions of
Acliaemenid reliefs. If w e possessed Ghaznavid miniatures, w e could chcck t h e information
supplied by a Ghaznavid treatise, Bayan alt-Adyan, that among t h e treasures of t h e Ghazni
lihrarv t h e r e was a copy of t h e Arzang, t h e legendary book of Mani, with illustrations, an0 also
\\.hcther t h e influence of Manichaean book art was felt in Ghaznavid monumental and
miniature painting.
Sculpture
h \ s t preserved on marble slabs, this shows palace life, dancers, animal fights and hunting
\c cnes. (Fig. 6 . 1 I ) . T h e persons depicted wear Central Asian costumes and have Mongol
1 luges. T h e figures a r e clumsy, their movements rather a\vkward; t h e rclief is flat and
4( arcely modelled. T h e r e is n o archaeological evidence of bronze sculpture such as the four
I,~-onzewarriors around t h e throne of Masud I guarding t h e cro\vn, dcscribed by Baihaqi.
Pottery
The Ghorids
T h e Ghorids were an eastern Iranian dynasty which flourished as an independent power in the
tjvelfth and early thirteenth century, based on the mountainous region of Ghor, the hills and
valle\rs of the classical Paropamisadae, now central Afghanistan. T h e family name of thc
Ghorid Sultans was Shansab, and at the time of the inflorescence attempts were made to attach
their genealogy t o the ancient Iranian epic past. Within the empire of Sultan Mahmud of
Ghazni, Ghor remained an unabsorbed enclave, and during his reign at least three expeditions
were sent by him into Ghor. In 101 1 , the Shansabani chief Muhammad b. Suri was captured in
his stronghold of Ahangaran. He was deposed and his pro-Ghaznavid son, Abu Ali, set up as
the Sultan's vassal. Abu Ali is said t o have erected mosques and madrasas for the newl\
introduced Islam.
W i t h the accession of Izz al-Din Husayn, Ghor became a buffer state between the
truncated Ghaznavid empire and the empire of the powerful Seljuks, then with the relative
decline of the Ghaznavids after Ibrahim's death in 1099, Ghor was draivn'into the Seljuk
sphel-e of influcnce. After Ala al-Din, the "Destroyer of the World", however, the Ghol-ids
became an imperial po\ver by the middle of t h e twelfth century. Under Shams al-Din (latcr
Ghivath al-Din) Muhammad of Ghor (1 153-1203) and his brother Shihab al-Din (latcr
Mu'izz al-Din) Muhammad of Ghazni (1 173- 1206) the Ghorid empire reached its apogce.
These t w o brothers maintained a partnership and amity rare for their age. Broadly speaking,
the first was concerned with expansion wrestm~ardsand the checking of the Khwarizm-shahs'
ambitions in Khurasan, u-hilst the second attacked India. These Indian expeditions had
manifold cultural consequences: northbvest Indian art styles led t o the crection of the unique
mosque of Larwand (Fig. 6 . 3 2 ) and Afghan conquerors raised the Indo-Islamic master-1vol-k of
the Q u t b al-Minar at Delhi (see below, p. 366). Ghorid cultural influcnce extended also
towards the west where in Seistan thc Saffal-id Amir, Taj al-Din Harb, ackno\vledqed Ghorid
suzerainty, but \tithin a decade of Muizz al-Din's death the Ghorid cmpirc fc.11 apart, passins
for a brief ~ . h i l einto thc hands of the Kh\varizm-shahs before coming under Mongol rulc.
In the ruined sites of the Ghorat and in ruins of Ghorid age horn Scistan to\vards no~-th
Afghanistan, from Hcrat t o eastern Afghanistan, we find sgraffiato and car\ \\-arcs of potter!
~~~~~~~~~i, 1973: 61 ; Fischrr et al., 1974 6). The sgrafiato warcSs with incisc.d lines (,f
gromctric o r free patterns on green, brown o r vcllow splash, bridge in the Islamic peri(rl, t h r
gap between the early Iranian slip-painted wares (sre p. 329) on t h r onc halld and the "Fin(.
~ e l j u k ' wares
' on the other. Archaeological rvidcncc is presrnt at numrrous Iranian sites ancl
from thc Ghorid levels at Bamiyan and Lashkari Razar/Bust (Gardin, 1963: 138; 1957b).
Islamic historical accounts inform us o f a mighty capital of the Ghoritl rule-rs; aftchr thc.
discovery of the minarct of Jam (Fig. 6 . 2 0 ) this c e n t r r , named Firuzkuh was u ~ u g h tnear Jam
(Moline, 1975), but also other identifications were brought forward (Lcshnik, 1968) ancl t h r
most recent work has been the archaeological fic~ldsurvey out by Wcrnvr Herbc.rg
(1976) and his colleagues in the mountains of Ghor. Hcfore deciding howc.vc.r, thc prol~lcm
of the site of Firuzkuh, we may examine numerous architectural ant1 sculptural remains,
documenting a "Ghorid art" (Sourdcl-Thominc, 1960). W e start our sur\-cBvin the
surroundings of Jam.
In the heart of the Ghorat mountains the Hari-Rud flows I'rom the east. The smallcr Jam-
Rud, running froni the south, passes thc small village of Jam; northwest of thc conflucncc.
\vith the Hari-Rud is situated tlie brick tower of Jam (Fig. 6.20). T o thc north of this to\r.cBr,
the Hari-Rud receives a small river, the Bedan-Rud, from the dircction of .Ahangaran.
The minaret stands 6 5 m high with a basal diameter ofabout 9 m; it is c.onstructc*dol'tirt.(l
brick. Above the octagonal base rises the first cvlindrical ticr. O n thc first balconv projecting
\\.ooden bearns are still t o be seen, jvhilst the fragile brick\\.ork has fallcn away. Thc \vholc
to\\.cr consists of four slightly tapering cylinders narrokving inwards at the stages marked bv
tlic corbels of balconies no\v gone. The entirc exterior of thc shaft of the niinarct is tlccoratecl
\\.it11carved brick relief ornamentation laid over the plain structural bricks (Fig. 6.2 1 1. The.
most intricately decorated tier is the tirst cvlindcr, its surface being dividcd into cight vertical
scgmcnts. Each vertical zone is subdivided into smallcr arcas In a narro\v hand of inscription
I\-hicli moves in an unbroken line around cach panel and froni scction t o scction. The text is
thcx cntire Sura of Maryani, the nineteenth chapter of thc Quran. Just bclo\\. the corlwls of thc
first balcony are three floral bands (Fig. 6.21, upper portion) ~ v i t hthC fourth ro\r. do\\-n
c.on~l)risedof a trefoil o r stylized tulip motif. Bct\r.cen the tirst and sccond I)alconics is an
untlccorated area t o the height of the sccond Ie\.el door\r.av. The lo\vcr of the t\vo Kutic
insc.riptions on this ticr rests above a band composed of a net\\-ork of geomctrir. d c s i g n ~ .
..\l>ovetlie sccond balconv is another plain area rising to thc licight o f t h c third door\\-av. O n
tl~isIcvcl there is another band of Kutic inscription.
The \\,ails are coniposed of intcrlockcd lavers of plain tired bricks ahout 20 cm square and
5 t.rn thick. Inside tlie base and the tirst cylindrical ticr there is a douhlc spiral staircasca.Thcsc,
~ I J ~ I - C ~one
S C o\:er
S , the other, terminate at the top of thc central core.
Inscriptions on tlie tirst cylinder from the bottom refer t o Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad ibn
h l n , \vho ruled Firuzkuh from 1 1 53 t o 1203. The style of the ~ u h is c traditional (Molinc.
! 075).
The tirst cvlinder of the niinaret utilizes anel el
arcliitecturc" (Molinc, 1975). This
t(~c.liniqucis also seen in earlv lslaniic art, \vhere structural sections are emphasized bv the
tic-coration. The three-dimensional ornaniental brick\vork \vithin the \\all panels crratcs a
~uttcl-nof light and shade. Decorative brick\vork technique of the same kind \\.ill be found in
Fig. 6.20: Jam, th(s mlrlarcst
(;hol-itl I~uiltlings01' Hcsrat (Fig. 6. 34) ant1 C:hisht (Fig. 6. 3 1 ) . A m o n g the. motifs u s c ~ l 1)antls , 01'
~ x , a r l s(Fig. 6 . 2 1 ) arc- known I'rom t h e Sasanicl tirnc.s, an(l arc. also fountl o n thc. T o w c ~of'
Hahram Shah, at (;liazni (Fig. 6 . 1 2 ) .
Molinc (1 9 7 5 ) rnc~ritionsarc,hacbologic,al remains in t h e surrountlings of' Jam tlc~scril~ctl I)!
I.(, Hcrrc, Hruno, Gnoli, 12c.shnik ant1 Kic*ll'c,r. IHcrl,crg (I)c,rsonal communic,ation) has
~ ) c ~ ~ - r n i trtncc (, l t o r c p o r t on his rcscc.nt cliscovc~rics01' architectural ant1 sculptural rc.mains,
~ ~ a r t c.(litc,tl
ly I I him~ ant1 Kapp, partly unpul~lishctl.O n t h e hill ol'Kush-Kak, t o t h c wc.st of'thc.
Jarn-KutI, halt'way bc.twec-n t h e villag(%o13Jamant1 t h e towc.1- o n the, conflucmcc., he. tliscovcrctl
I~II-tIic'r to~nI>stonoswith Hc~I>rc~w inset-ilitions in(lic.ating t l ~ cc.c~mcXtc-ry of' a large, Jcv,ish
c.omtnunity in thi\ at-(%a ot'(;hor f r o m 1149 t o 1.2 1 5 (t4(.l-l,crg, 1 9 7 6 ) . TOt h e south o f ' t l i c ' llal-i-
1 : 1 1 ~ 1 ) I ( . 11141)1)(~111111~1I)l.i(.k \ \ . J ~ c . I ~ t o \ \ ( . l - s (I.ig. ( 3 . 2 2 ) c . o n 5 t i t u l i n g s I o r t i i l c , i t i o n I i r l c . 7-0 t h ( ,
11, *I I 1 1 01' this l - i \ c S l - 1 1 ~ .s t u ( l i c ~ 1a IO~-tl-('ss0111)ositc' t11(' t o \ \ ('1- 01 J A I I ~.1-11c. . 11ati11-;111 . o ~k \ \ a s
I 1 t ( ~ I,\.
1 1 'inn(,]. ancl outc.1- \ t o n e , \\-ails t h a t ;II-(, pr-c~sc~l-\.c~tl
~ ~ ~ ~ ( , ( 1111 t o a Icangth o t 2 0 0 n i . 0 1 1 t h ( ,
i l l t ~ ~1i t1 ti)illl(l
~ ~ a ~ - o c . k - I i c ~ \ ancl
\ . ~ i s t o n ( . - l w i l t \\.at(~l.-l-c*sc~l-\.c,ir-. In ant1 dl-ountl tIlc,sca r u i n 5
,!I(,(
3 ,
t s ~ I ( ~ I 01' - ( ~" s, i C q r ~ ~ / / ~ ~ ~ o -;\t~o~the> a r c\\,(.st
~ 01.tIiis ~ i ) ~ - t r ~111 ~ ha s a, all(,^ 01'thcb lHa~-i-l{u(l,
:l.,ll~c,(liatc% n ol \~- - t I 01't11(.
i t o \ \ ( , r , solnc. I - u i n s \\.c.rc. s t i l l \ . i h i l ) l ( s a I ( > \ \ \.c.al-s a g o , h u t the.\. ha\.c,
11 I.(>(.(>II~I\. c . l c , a ~ - ( ~a \l \ a \ , ; loc.al 11-a(litio11c , a l l ( ~ ltlic~liia "I>aza~-". FiliaIl\., 111 tli(, a n g l ( %
I th(s I l a l - i - l i ~ l t ant1
\(,(*I) l the. 13c.tlan-l~utltli(%~-c. , i ~ - (t, o h e . scc,n I-(.mains o t ' a small(,l- l O r t r ( ~ h ~ ,
111~' I)alik 01' t11(. I3c*tla11 ri\,c\l- \\.as Ii)untl a n Islamic- I-0c.k i n s c . r i p t i o n . Th(\ t o r t \\.as
011
We may now survey the other main archaeological sites of the Ghorid period. In the north
is Ahangaran, with an old fortress in the middle of a valley on an earthen mound some 60 m
trom the left bank of the Hai-i-Rud (Kohzad, 1953: 59). From a distance, the earthen
ramparts, blocks of stone and fragments of wall are still impressive. The centre of the castle
\ \ a \ a tower and the outer walls were reinforced by towers also. It was because of such forts
t h a t Sultan Mahmud could not force a passage in spite of his great army. Isolated towers and
\mallcr castles connected Ahangaran in a line of fortifications among lvhich fortresses like
(;u/arpam and Chehel Gazari stand foremost. South of Jam is the vallev of Shaharak (Fischer,
1969: 376) with numerous tepes and mud brick ruins marking pre-Islamic and Islamic
4rttlrments. Pending further archaeological field survejs, we prefer t o leave open t h e
cluc..~tionof whether the site of the Ghorid capital of Firuzkuh is t o be located at Taywara o r
J I I \ other stronghold, rather than in the vicinity of the tower of Jam. Powell has photographed
I rill>\ in this area between Hari-Rud and Rud-i Ghor, predominantly fortified sites, sometimes
or ul-ljan and village-like character. W e know that in the Ghorid period the land route through
11: ,c ranges was protected bv watch towers and castles of both military function and artistic
1 1 Il,ortance. T o both sides of the vallej- of Aana, for example, lines of square o r round mud
111 l i k tolvcrs dominate t h r crests of gently rising hills (Fig. 6.23). A cylindrical tower at Male
' i ru rises on a stonc basement (Fig. 6.24); the militarv architecture is embellished on the
1 1 , 1jc1. part of the mud and mud-brick ~vallsby simple but expressi\e geometric patterns
s ' 1 1 ; . 6.25). The mud brick fortress of Khissar is perched upon steep rocks (Fig. 6.26) in a
( 1 ~ ~ i i n aposition
nt blockading a pass on one of the m c d i a e ~ a ltrade routes through the Ghorat
1 I I < . 6.27). The prcscnt village of Yahan is situated in a valley around which are rising terraces
\ [ ircldcd M ith mud brick ruins (Fig. 6.28) among lvhich t*xca\ation might re\ eal du.elling
Fig. 6.24: Male Alau, mud brick tower on stcrnc basc,
.131nl a~%u!se Xq pa[[oljuo3
aq p[no3 uo!%al u!elunom a[oyM 3yl q 3 ! y ~u o l j a l l u a 3 sno!Aqo ou yl!m 'po!.xad [eAae!pau
XIlea aq3 % ~ ! l n pl o q ~ )u! l a ~ o d[e3!1![od j o uo!leluau%ey aq3 33a~a-1(62.9 ' 9 2 . 9 s % q )
sassal3loj aq3 j o suo!~!sod %u!pueuuo3 a y L 'slauos!ld [e3!lqod %u!-rnuru! ~ os ja q d palnolzej
os[e alam sp[oy%uolls asayL .(g [ [ : 1961 ' q l l o ~ s o 8 )s a q a s u a q 3 puajap p[no3 a ~ d o a d%u!~o[
-ruopaay aq3 aJaqM (yysny 'rosry ' ~ 1 'rsob) ~ 6 slam03 pue s a q d p a y l l o j Xueu-ade3spuel a q j
jo len!dX~lsou--pue s3uaua[uas [eln1[n3!~%eXIuo l n q ' a ~ o u j osumo3 o u peq ~ o y ley3 3 ,nbeA
% Xq uo!Jeuloju! a y l pue X l n ~ u aqJuaAa[a
l a y d e ~ % o a aq3 ~ XIlea a y l u! su%!eduea p!Aeuzeq3
aql jo s1uno33e [en!lols!q ay, s u r ~ y u osuo!~e3y!3loj
~ asayl j o Xpnls v .(0~.9 XJ!U!~!A
aq3 u! slaMo1 y33eM jo au![ e ql!m ~ 3 a u u o 3 pue (62.9 .%q) a)!s ueqln p[o ue l ~ a ~ o01 l ds~oo[[!q
[[ems uodn p a q d a l e y 3 ! ~ qp n u l o ?s!d l o sJaMo3 ' ~ ! e %.seala~ [e!luap!sal uaAa l o sasnoy
Ncar the southcrn frontier of G h o r kvc find t h e ruin of Larwand that t-1irokr.s furthcr light
rill mccliacval connections between t h c heart of Afghanistan and northkvestern India.
\ ( (.orclinq t o rcccnt information (Scarcia and Taddei, 1973: 9 6 ) , t h e name of the locality is
/'.l\.a~-at-iMalikan and I-cfcrs t o a thought t o have been customary among Gliorid
\ ( I \ ('1-cigns; it is situateti about half-way along t h e track running from Larkr-and t o Parjumari.
6. 343
FROM T H E RISE OF I S L A M
The building is fashioned in blocks of dark stone and square in plan (Fig. 6.32). Each sillr
measures 2.5 m in length on the inside and the height of the walls is 3 m . The front is rlrsignecl
as an arched screen placed in front of an inner core, set back about 4 0 c m , and an<l
~tylisticallyindependent, although forming a unified whole, as is clear frc)m the w e ~ l - ~ o / n t r c l
blocks connecting the t w o parts. At the bottom of the screcn there is a plinth, thc lo\ver
section of which consists of a fillet (or foundation rebate?) and the upper of a small moulding
made up of a course of hanging palmettes; the plinth is surmounted bv a projecting fillet that
ends abruptly at a point corresponding t o the arch. From the plinth there rise four pilastc.rs
6 '
reproducing columns" with an octagonal shaft and capital consisting of four brackets with
volutes. T h e pilaster bases are of t w o different types and are not arranged svmmetrically, for
the two on the left are "vase-shaped", while the two on the right are octagonal, each of the
faces being decorated with a characteristic elongated triangle motif with the apex uppermost.
The four ~ i l a s t e r ssupport the upper part of the screcn, which is divided into three panels bv
four large ribs corresponding t o the pilasters. The central panel is of larger size and filled bv a
slightly pointed horseshoe arch which in its lower, narro\ving section is absolutelv straight.
The screen is surmounted by an S-shaped eave, the upper surface of which is ribbed. The
doorway is flanked by t w o elaborate pilasters: low donm the shafts are square but \vith rebated
edges, then they become octagonal and finallv round at the top, where they are decorate0
with the Indian Kirtimukha symbol. The jambs and lintel are diversified by a wavy scroll. The
panels above the door are decorated b ~ r up\+-ards:
, I ) a lozenge motif inside small rectangular
panels alternating with dentils; 2) small trefoil arches alternating with small columns \vith
large capitals; 3) a motif of intertwined arches; (4) a moulding with a series of hanging
palmettes; (5) a band of lozenges inside panels.
In thc narrow and dark interior are remains of a dome construction (Fischer, 1974:-
111. 174). At each of the four corners of the room, a kind of beam fashioned in stone blocks,
equal in length t o roughly one third of each side, transforms a square into an octagon, which
\!.as probably the base of the cupola.
Taddei has convincingly interpreted the architecture and decoration as of north\\.est
Indian origin (Scarcia and Taddei, 1973: 100). According t o historical accounts of the Ghorid
pvriod w e may surmise that among slaves, prisoners and various rarities despatched from the
Indian campaigns with the rich booty t o Ghazni and the Ghorat were also craftsmen skilled in
t hc art of building and sculpture according t o the canons of Hindu art. During Ghorid times
Intlia was no longer simply a land for raiding, but had become a settled conquest. Temples
11 crc destroyed at the conquest, but their parts were used in the building of mosques and their
c!t.corations adapted t o the requirements of the new faith. From Ghorid expeditions t o
~ ~ o r t h w eIndia,
st parts of Hindu o r Jaina temples could have been transported t o the centre of
t h t . Ghorat and re-used in buildings for the Islamic religion on a \-ery small scale; o r master
1,uilders and masons from India may have been brought t o Afghanistan, converted t o Islam and
,.onstructed tombs and mosques for the Muhammadan rulers in Indian style. In any case, the
I-uinof Larwand gives a vivid picture of east-west cultural interrelations under Ghorid rule.
At the same time the traditional links with Iran were maintained. Situated t o the west of
r 11r. Ghorat, Herat looks back t o prc-Islamic history and can boast of ~ossessinga masterpiece
o f (;horid art nowadays in the midst of a shrine dominated by Timurid features, t o which w e
Fig. 6.33: Hcrat, ''Great Fritlay" mosquc, courtyard with main Timuritl Iron, and b r o n ~ cauldron
c of
A . I). 1 375, in forcground.
sirall return in C7hal,tcr 7 . H c r r n r deal a i t h the Ghorid parts 0 1 tht, u r l l kno\j,n b g g r c s a t
Fritlav" Mosque (Fig. 6.33) (Hill and Grahar, 1967: 56), only rcccntlv 1)rougllt to ,,,,,
kno\\.lcdgc (Mclikian-C3hir\.ani,1970). T h r e e parts of the, mosque arcx of prcb-Timuritl (late..
Thc first is thc lo\\- \,aultinc Icadinq right and left from thc n'estern ;ran; it has retained a brick
L
pattcrn of a tlistinctly t\j.elfth ccntilry appearance. Furthc,r, on the Icft-hand sitlc of ti,,
~ a s t c r l rfacade a large, portal \vas decorated in late Timurid style until 1964, when an cbarlicr
stucco decoration \vith a large Kufic inscription was uncoverccl (Fig. 6 . 3 4 ) . Finally, an oltlcr
part \ \ i t h an inscription \+.asstill t o be secn about 4 0 years ago at the top of thc walls enclosing
the so-called tomb of Ghivath al-Din.
T o the northeast of the ancient capital of Herat w e find the ruins of a madrara in a lonely
position and reflecting the best tradition of Ghorid court a r t . W e o w e the recent discover? to
Casimir and Clatzer (1971), upon whose report the following is based, with additional notes
by Glatzer. The ruins stand on the left bank of the Murghab, about 2 km downriver from its
confluence \\-ith the Kucha. T h e inhabitants of the region call both the ruin and the river
valley betlveen the mouth of the Kucha and the ruin "Shah-i Mashad". The building is
cons;ructed of baked bricks 25 x 25 x 5 c m . T h e surfaces are simple brick walls, with more
o r less complicated brick work mosaics set into the plaster and plaster-and-stucco areas. The
qroundplan is almost square, 44-20 m north-south axis and 44.0 m east-west. The building is
oriented at 2693 (Fig. 6.35). Todav parts of the north and south tracts remain, with the
eastern part of the south facade (Fig. 6.36), the main irran of t h e entrance, the remnants of t\vo
originall! domed rooms and a small fragment on the northeast. O n the south side there is a
typical niche-facade w-ith a rhythmical sequence of five pointed arches which are of almost
equal height (except for t h e ivan), but of different widths. In the original dome-chambers are
squinch constructions. T h e zone of transition (Fig. 6.37) in the larger room consists of a
rhythmic series of corner squinches and niches-this special decorative system is used
contemporarily in mud brick ]ran-courtyard-houses of Seistan (Fischer et a]., 1974: pl. 225).
There are at Shah-i Mashad fifteen bands of inscriptions, of which ten are Kufic and five
Nashki. The architecture of the niches, the decoration and the inscriptions, as for example
the Kufic of the Sura 48, form a perfect artistic unity (Fig. 6 . 3 8 ) . For the most part we find the
usual Iranian keel-arch (Fig. 6 . 3 6 ) . In the north tract, however, a horseshoe arch was noticed,
indicating a relationship with Ghaznak id a r t , especially in connection with the beginning of
the cusped arch. T h e Nashki inscriptions have been compared cvith an inscription at the
undated mosque at Peshwaran in Seistan (see Fig. 7 . 4 ) and with the above-mentioned G h o r ~ d
inscription in the mausoleum of Chivath al-Din in the Friday Mosque of Herat. S t ~ u c t u r e ,
inscriptions and decoration point t o the Ghorid period. The ornamentation is especially rich
on the southern facade. The arrangement of the brick and terracotta right-angled ornaments is
characteristic, with square fields often framed by special decorative friezes. The discoverers
compared the architectural and ornamental style lvith structures of the twelfth century in
\\est Khurasan, Central Asia, Ghazni and Seistan, and sugpcstetl a Ghorid foundation and a
designation as Khurasanic:Late Seljuk. Thc [~l-cscnccof \ g r c ~ f f i a t o potter\ on the sitc
corroborates their st\.listic dating.
T o the north ant1 northeast of the Ghorat u t . find archaeological sites in \alleys o f the
Hindu Kush and on the slopes of the Kuh-i Raha range. In the Ramiyan \-allc\, for examplr, is a
- - - - ... - - .
Fig. 6.35: Shahr-i Mashad, ground plan. (After Casimir and Glatzer.)
flank by one, on east and west by two semi-circular bastions (Fig. 6.39). In the south a gate
flanked by huge walls leads into a vestibule and an open court. The excavator found specimens
of wall decoration in stucco of geometric designs. The function of the building is not yet
absolutely clear; the many chambers, regularly distributed along the north, west and east
walls might indicate a madrasah. W e shall learn more on ruins, mainly of fortresses, as soon as
the excavator of Danestama, Le Berre, publishes his study of Hindu Kush castles.
To the east of the Ghorat are buildings of the Ghorid age, fortifications in the Kunar valley
(Fischer, 1969: pl. 35) and ruins in the Lohgar valley (Fischer, 1969: 341).
Finally, south from the Ghorat is Ghazni, where Ghorid rulers destroyed Ghaznavid
buildings (see above p. 303) and later constructed a residence of their own, that in turn was
razed to the ground by the Mongol attack. This short period of reconstruction under the
Ghorids can be recognized archaeologically in an extensive series of small glazed tiles
(Scerrato, 1962: 263), mostly square (Fig. 6.40), but also polygonal, for the most part regular
hexagons and in rectangular strips, and star-shaped. The dimensions of the square tiles range
from 5 x 5 to 10 x 10 cm, the thickness from 0.7 to 1.2 cm. All the tiles have received a
monochrome lead oxide glaze, of variable quality but constant for each type, green, yellow,
brown, red and turquoise. The decoration is theriomorphic, vegetal o r epigraphic. The great
majority of the square tiles have a beaded frame enclosed by a double fillet (Fig. 6.40). The
gazelle is the animal most frequently represented, with a large tail turncd up and ending in a
floral device. The neck is drawn in sinuous lines. These tiles have been found mainly in the
upper layers of the palace of Masud 111, that is, from post-Ghaznavid layers, and from the
'L
House of lustre-ware" destroyed in 122 1 , the year of the Mongol invasion. They are
associated with sgraffiato pottery of the Ghorid period. According to Rogers (1973, 24&9),
wc have here some comparatively rare documents of animal decoration on secular
inonuments, also known from animal scrolls and carved marble slabs with a border of paired
sphinxes in thc palace of Masud 111.
354 K . FISCHER
Surface finds of incised ceramics allow us t o date t o the Ghorid period the mountain
fortress of Kafar Qala (Fischer et al., 1974: pls 80, 8 1) dominating one of the main routes from
the north towards the south and the settlements of Islamic Seistan. Another traditional way to
Seistan ran east-west: from Kabul via Ghazni-Kandahar-Lashkari Bazar and Bust. Traces of
Seljuk culture under Ghorid rule are t o be observed in many ruins round Bust, for example in
the baked brick Ziyarat of one Ghiyath al-Din or Husain Shah (Hill and Grabar, 1967: pls
155-1 60; Fischcr et a l . , 1974: pl. 84). In this building, still venerated, are several marble
tombstones with Kufic inscriptions (Sourdel-Thomine, 1956). O n one of them (Fig. 6.41)
four lines on the edge of the rectangular slab praise one Najm al-milla wa I-Din, the support of
Islam, friend of the Sultan, Mufti of the east and the west. In the central part under the cusped
arch the date of 595 A . H . = A . D . 1 199 is given. The arch itself is filled by the beginning of a
Quranic text (XXIX, 57 or 111, 1821185) and the field above this arch contains the Shahada, the
Muslim creed. Bricks with inscriptions of Ghorid age were recently discovered during
American explorations in thc elma and area (Crane and Trousdale, 1972: Figs 6 1 2 ) .
Thc arch near the citadel of Bust was recently restored (Hill and Grabar, 1967: pl. 152). It
ma!. have belonged to a Ghorid mosque o r served as a ccrcmonial arch on the principal
6. F R O M THI: R I S t O F ISLAM 355
t o the citadel ( N . H. Dupree. 1971: 234). A photograph t a k m hc.li~rrt h r
(Fig. 6.42) shows the technique by which the well-known horseshoe archc-s t o thc.
left and right of the huge keel-arch were constructed. The decoration of thc main arch was
comparable with that of the minaret of Daulatabacl (Fig. 6.19) in thc diaper work of car\c*rl
terracotta tiles sunk in the hexagonal and star-shaped interstices oTclal~oratcbrick intc.rIaccb.
From the Mongols
to the Mughals
Historical Background
Thc Mongols reached Afghanistan in 122 1 . Thc Khwarizm-shah had al,antlonc*d his northc-rn
tcrt-itories and fled into the mountains south of thc Caspian, \\,here hc soon cliecl in abjc-ct
miser\,. His son Jalal al-din offered resistance to the invatlcrs in the Ghazni and Hindu-Kush
region, but was defeated on the lndus and escaped across the river: the Mongc:,l dc*tac-hmc,nts
sent in pursuit never succeeded in overtaking him, and after a stav in India oC Icss than tm.0
scars hc passed on t o Iraq bv way of Baluchistan and southern Iran, c\.cntuallv succumbing t o
assassination in 123 1 . Meanwhile Chinggis Khan's armies sacked Ghazni, which had b c c ~the
prince'sheadquarters. The conqueror himself soon returned to the east, dying in Mongolia in
1227. The slaughter in the cities of Khurasan was enormous. O n e local chronicler s c ~ the s
numbers massacred at Herat at 1,600,000 (see CHI, 3 16); and thc pro\.incc as a \\-holc \vas
subjc.cted t o a devastation from which it has never recovered.
Underlying these ruthless tactics, in addition t o the moti\-e of discouraging further
resistance, may have been a longer-term of converting \\.ell-populated arcas into
pasturage. W e know that the Mongols effected such measures in Central Asia (scc Harthold,
1968: 467); and the pasturelands of Badghis, west of Hcrat, and of Shaburghan, ininlediatelv
south o f the Oxus, were highlv prized bv the nomads, later beconling an object of competition
I,i,t~\,c.enthe rulers of Iran and Transoxiana. Ne\.ertheless, under C h i n g i s Khan's third son
ancl successor Ogedei ( 1 22%1241), contrary intluences made themselves felt; and Herat ivas
I-e>tot-edaround 1236. When fresh Mongol forces \\.ere sent t o Iraq and Azarbaijan in 1229 t o
c.li~ninateJalal a]-din, Khurasan nvasallotted a civil and military administration of its own;
thouqh t o the east Ghazni and Kabul became the sphere of Mongol detachments \vhich werc.
~ - c , s ~ ~ - tasI c dthe reserve for the main army in Iraq and Lvere responsible directly for
i ~ l t c n s i f y i nthe
~ pressure on India.
(I)n the accession of Mongke ( 12 5 1-1 2 59) further expeditions \verc launched against
~ I I O ~ regions
C of Asia \\.hich rernaincd unconquered. In 1254 the Great Khan's brother Hulegu
~1-!-11-t.d in Iran 11-ith an army which included contingents under princes representing the
\ J I . I ~ U branches
S o f t h e imperial famil>-,especial prominence being given t o the descendants
()I'(-;IlinggisKhan's eldest son Jochi, whosc territorial base lay in Khu-arizm and the steppes of
h ~ u t h e r nRussia. This army, \vhich overthre\v the Assassins in Kohistan ( 1 2 56) and sacked
H;i,$ldad (1 258), extinguishing the Caliphate, never in fact operated in Afghanistan; but its
i11llx)rtancefor our purposes lies in the dissensions which broke out within its ranks soon after
the Baghdad campaign. In 1261-2 Hulegu executed the Jochid princes with the army and
massacred their troops. Many of the survivors fled east and joined the Jochid contingent
operating in Afghanistan under a certain Neguder. T h e Neguderis, as they came t o be known,
maintained their independence around Ghazni and in the Indian borderlands for some
decades. Consequently, Afghanistan did not at this stage form part of t h e empire founded by
Hulegu in Iran and ruled by his descendants, the "llkhans", down t o about 1350 (Aubin,
1969: 79 ff.; cf. Longworth-Dames, 227a). Even the westernmost part lay under the influence
of a native Persian dynasty, the Kart rulers of Herat (c. 125&1383), who claimed descent
from the Ghorids, and who behaved as highly unreliable vassals of the Ilkhan. T o the south
Seistan, still ruled by the line of princes who had been in power since 1002, proved still less
amenable t o the Ilkhans' control.
Around the turn of the century, t h e Neguderis w e r e reduced t o obedience by the
Mongols of Transoxiana, ruled by the descendants of Chinggis Khan's second son Chaghatai.
Their position here was only temporarily disturbed by t w o invasions on t h e part of the Ilkhan's
forces, in 13 12-3 and 1326, and when the Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta passed through
Ghazni in 1333 he found t h e region securely under the sway of the Chaghatai khan's
lieutenants. In 1352 even t h e Karts w e r e obliged t o become Chaghatayid vassals.
But the authority of the Khan himself was already being appropriated by members of the
nomad aristocracy; and in 1369 it passed t o Timur, a m e m b e r of the Turkish tribe of the
Barulas, who proceeded t o nominate a puppet Chaghatai sovereign but who remained ruler of
the empire in everything but name. Timur embarked on a career of conquest that destroyed
the various local dynasties who had supplanted the Ilkhans, crushed the Jochids in Russia, and
e j c n achieved what his Mongol predecessors had never accomplished, the sack of Delhi. In
Afghanistan he captured Herat in 1380, executing the last Kart ruler a few years later: Kabul,
Ghazni and Kandahar w e r e all incorporated in Timur's empire. Although after his death in
1404 they initially fell t o a grandson, Pir Muhammad, they were soon annexed by his fourth
son Shah Rukh ( 1404-1 447), whose capital was Herat and who was recognized as the head of
thc t l ~ n a s t y After
. the brief reigns of Shah Rukh's son Ulugh Bcg (1447-1449) and grandson
Abd al-Latif (1449-1450), Khurasan was disputed among various scions of the Timurid line
until Husain Raiqara (1469-1 506) finally established his power in Hcrat and recreated the
cmpirc. of Shah Rukh: during their reigns the city reached the zenith of its fame as a centre of
culturc. Kabul, howe\ e r , now constituted a separate principality under another branch of the
d\nasty, bvhilc the western provinces of Iran fell away, t o be ruled first by the Turkomans, and
s u b s c q u c n t l ~by the Safarid dynasty (c. 1500).
The entl of the fifteenth century witnessed further upheavals in Central Asia. Here a
tlcstcntlant of Jochi, Muhammad Shaibani o r Shahi Beg, who had welded together the
noniaclic conkderacy known as the Ozbegs, conquered the Timurid ~ r i n c i ~ a l i t i eof s
Samarkand (1 499) and Farghana (1 504) and began t o press on Khurasan, finally wresting Herat
from Husain Balqara's inefft.ctua1 sons in 1507. For a time the refugee prince of Ferghana,
Babar, held out against thc~Ozbegs in the Kabul region. But he had many enemies. The
fastnesses of the Hindu-Kush were held by former Timurid lieutenants, while t o the south
Babar had t o maintain himself also in the face of attacks from the Arghuns. ~ h I-Nunu ~rghun
hat1 been governor of Kandahar for Husain Baiqara, and had tleclared his independence. The
7. F R O M THE M O N G O L S TO THIi M U G H A L S 359
ozbegl playccl off against Babar his son and successor; and even aftcr ShaihaniVs(lrath in i,artl(.
with ~smail,foundcr of thc Safavid dynasty in Iran ( 1 510), Hahar was unable t o rnakc. any
headway. At first he was distracted into an attempt to recover his patrimony north of th;.
o x u s ; but when this failed, he again took up the strugglc with the ~ r g h u n s ,wh(, \r(-rc.
endeavouring t o create a new dominion in Sind. Babar's capture of'Kanclahar in 1 5 2 2 was soon
follo\ved by the definitive occupation of Herat by the Safavids ( 1 528), thus estal,lishing t h ( .
pattern which was t o last for nearly t w o centuries and which was not materially all;.ctc(l 131.
Babar's own invasion of India and conquest of Dclhi from its Afghan rulrrs, the. ~ o i l i s in
, I 52 5'.
His successors, t h e "Moghuls", retained their hold on Kabul f'rom their ncu. bas(. in
Hindustan; though Kandahar periodically passed t o the Safavids, whosc sway cxtc.n(lc.tl ovcbr
western Afghanistan until the rise of the Durranis.
I'ottery of all these Islamic periods lies strewn together on the desert surface due t o heavy
\I i l l t i erosion; caused especially by the so-called "\r-ind of the hundrcd-and-twenty . davs"
,
l ~ i ~ ~ ~with n g force from June t o September (Fischer et a/. , 1974-6: note 73); thus \j.e
~ - igreat
' 1 1 i t l in the same ruin-fields side by side East Persian slip-painted wares, lustre-wares and
~i:~~~f'tiato-wares, of the tenth t o thirteenth centuries, as \r-ell as Iranian pottery of the llkhanid
.111(1Timurid periods from the fourteenth t o sixteenth centuries. From the llkhanid period
crll\~a~-ds throughout the fourteenth century \r-e find blue and \r-hite potterv, closelr
!.vst*lnblingChinese porcelain of the fourteenth century but roba ably of independent Near
! IL1tcl-n origin. The Timurid period has well known x,ares painted in blue, greenish-black and
,:,1-(-~>11under a clral- glaze \vith floral and animal designs (Fischer et a l . , 1974-6: pl. 3 18). Early
\lil~-paintvd \\-ares predominate in the Ghazna\,id ruins of Lashkari Bazar and Bust, connected
\vith later ch~vclopnicntsin Scistan, and the same holds t r u e of Ghoricl sgralfiaro pottery horn
the Han~ijanvalley, Bust and o t h e r places. This early Islamic pottery is f;)und in the vast ruin
field of Khwaja Siah Posh (Fig. 7 . 6 ) on the surface, while llkhanid blue and white ant1 Timurid
I,lack and blue wares occur in ruins that are still standing u p t o the vaults, like Go]-i safe(]
(Figs 7 . 8 7 . 1 l ) , and in the Timuritl settlements of Hcrat antl Balkh.
Unclcr the Ilkhanids tvpical features of lranian baked-brick architecture wcre
( W i l b e r , 1955: 56). In Scistan buildings w e r e mainly constructed of mud brick; they
displayed a great variety of vaulting techniques, some perhaps of local origin.
The vaults of the I~t.riodcan be classified into major categories: barrel vaults, vaults on a
square o r rectangular base, half-domes and stalactite vaults. Like the builclers of the Scljuq
the masons of the llkhanitl period strove t o erect their vaults with a minimum
ccntring ant1 scaffolcling. T h e key t o the builders' ability t o construct vaults rapidly ant1 with
this minimum of technical means \\.as the standard use of planks made of gypsum plaster
stiffenetl with rcccls. Liquid plaster ancl reeds w c r e combined in a moultl, the curvature
which rcflcctctl the profile ol'thc planned vault. Several such plaster planks, placed in position
upon the Ixaring vaults, clivitlecl the envclopc of the proposccl vault so that thc masons hat1
only t o hill in the segments between the planks. An important factor is the consistent use of
g!,psum quick-setting I ~ l a s t c rwhich
, meant that if the bed of a row of bricks in one segment of
a vault was inc.linecl from the vertical the mason could hold the bricks in place until the mortar
had set. In this manner the vault was completetl, segment by segment, without the ncctl for
support other than the hancls of the mason. As a result of this method of construction, thcsc
Iranian vaults tcntlecl t o be unitary constructions.
T h e first of the major categories of vaults is the barrel vault. This was extensively
cmploVctl in the Ilkhanitl period, cithcr for simple, continuous vaults, o r in m o r e elaborate
variants. O n e variant form may be tlcscribcd as thc covering o f a rectangular area by a series of
cross arches, with each cross arch then joined t o its neighbours by transverse filler vaults of
motlifetl barrel prof le.
O t h c r problems lay in the construction of the cupola, i.e. placing a dome upon a squarc
plan. Ilkhanid master builders continuccl t o employ dtviccs common t o the Seljuk period.
Squinch arches, spanning the corners of t h c domed chamber, establish the size o f t h e octagon
upon which t h c tlomc rises. T h e r c a r e also zones of transition with squinched and shield-like
pcnclcntivcs. During this period the double dome appears; its popularity in Iran from this
period into Timuritl times resulted from a union of symbolic, aesthetic and ~ r a c t i c a l
consitlerations.
In t h i field of symbolism, research supports the theory that in the Mediterranean world
the dome won high favour and monumental expression when it came t o be associated with thr
sacred character of the structure it crowned (Wilber, 1955: 64). In the early Islamic.
ccnturics a parallel symbolism seems t o have bccn in force, as many tlomes rose above tombs,
shrines and mosques. However, while Christian literature contains numerous references to
the symbolic mcaning of the tlomc, the writings of the Arab antl Persian theologians and
philosophers have none, n o r , incleed, t o that of any o t h e r architectural k a t u r e ; but from the
m o n u m m t s thcmselvcs, we might conclurle that under Islam the clome was a concrete syml>ol
of civil and spiritual authority (Fischer, 1974: 123).
The name Seistan, o r Sijistan, derives from Sakastan (Sakasthana) "Land ()fthc Sakas9'o r
scI,thians, and was also known t o the Iranians as Nimruz, Pcrsian frjr " A Half Day, o r South7*,
j.e, the land south of Khurasan. It possessecl in the coursc of time various capital cities.
Extensive Islamic ruins exist at Zaranj, a town erected on earlier Sasanian sctt]cmcnts
rrferretl t o frequently as simply "Shahr", "Shahr-i Sistan", i.e. the (mpin, city (,f St.istan.
~ ~ o Islamic
n i sources, Seistan o r Shahr-i Sistan was well known as the home of Islamic poets
and religious teachers (Stern, 1969: 9). In 1383 the city was clrstroye(l by Timur, but
according t o literary sources it was rebuilt immediately after the catastrophe. zaranj was on a
branch of the Helmand river, and 48 km above the city the stream was confined by a serics of
dams and drawn off into five great canals which flowed towards the city. O n e ofthese irrigated
thc gardens adjacent t o the town, another, the Sana Rud, ct)nstitutcd the city \vatcr supplv,
while the remaining three were for farm irrigation in the vicinity. W e can compare this
documentary evidence with archaeological evidence supplietl by air photographs and firltl
surveys (Fischer et a ] . , 1974: pls 12 5-30). The city of Zaranj itself was built on the concentric
plan with an outer and an inner town, both walled. The chief approaches were from Khurasan
on the north, Nishak and Bust on the east, and Fars to the southu.est, and t o each of these
corrcsponded a gate, with two t o the latter in the inner ~vall.Bct\veen the t\vo Fars gates cr,crc.
thc inncr town markets, the old government house, the prison and the Friday Mosquc, the
minaret of which can still be recognized in the ground plan, \vhilst the structure itself has
reccnt1,- collapsed.
Zaranj M.as connected with the capitals of the Islamic East by caravan tracks leading in all
clircctions. An old route carried the traffic from Central Afghanistan to Seistan along thc
H(,lmand rivcr. Near the fort at the present ruin site of Kordu a line of mud brick pillars (Fig.
7.1 ) marks the site of a settlement that, due t o wind erosion, has \.anished, like man\. othcr
mcrlicval Islamic towns of this area. The same is true of a dilapidated castle, "Qala Hauz",
still known by this name t o the Baluchi nomads, situated in the heart of the Rcgistan desert
(Fig. 7 . 2 ) , reminding us of the fact that traditional land routes ~ a s s e dthrough arid countries.
,411 thcse caravan tracks that may be reconstructed from archaeological remains such as Bust,
Kalir Qala, Rudbar and Qala Hauz had one common goal: the villages and towns of fertile
S(,iitanon both sides of the lower Helmand, nowadays divided into Iranian and Afghan Seistan.
In trying to combine historical evidence with the extant ruins of Seistan, we have the
irinr.raries of Ibn Rusteh and al-Istakhri (Tate, 1912: 198). The stages from Juwayn t o Zaranj,
IOI-instance, were Basher, and the site of an old fire temple, Karkuveh. Basher is a group of
I u i ~ known
~ s at the present day t o villagers and nomads as Pesh~varan.At one time there was a
t o ~ ~of nsome size here and part of the southwest wall and a huge fortress can still be
~ r r f o ~ n i z (Fig.
e d 7.3). Semi-round towers and three-quarter-round bastions protected the
L it<ldel,of a multi-towered type well attested by other Seistan strongholds such as Chehel Burj
I I'ischrr et a ] . , 1974: pls 1 S(t52). The city possessed a mosque (Fig. 7.4) that was recorded in
1,c.ttc.r condition by the first explorers of the site (Tate, 1912: 198; Hackin, 1959c: Figs 1 14,
1 1 5 ) . In the present state w e can recognize the remains of magnificent ;van structures, wall
tl(.c,oration in horseshoe arched niches and traces of inscriptions frequently alluded t o because
(11' their extremely fine ~ r o r k m a n s h i(Casimir
~ and Glatzer, 1971 : 62).
In the col~structionof the ;van-hall of Peshlvaran and in the wall decoration of this mosque
Fig. 7.1: Kordu, remains of mud towers near ruin fields.
Fig. 7.2: Qala Hauz, mud brick ruins of castle.
with horseshoe arches (Fig. 7.4) we may observe the evolution of art motifs that originatccl
under the Ghaznavids, and also the four-ivan type of layout as at Lashkari Bazar (Fig. 6.5) and
Ghazni (Fig. 6.8) which was t o find further elaboration in the provincial art of Seistan (Fischcr
et a]. , 1974, pl. 23 1). Here we shall review the contribution of Seistan to the development of
the minaret; one of the rare baked brick monuments of the country is the tower at Khwaja
Siah Posh, in the centre of a vast field of heavily decayed mud and mud brick houses (Fig. 7.6)
full of ~ l i ~ - ~ a i nand
t e d incised pottery of the early Islamic period.
W e have already considered, in Chapter 6 , minarets erected under Ghaznavid and Ghorid
rule and displaying the influence of Seljuk art. They played an important role in the evolution
of the Islamic prayer towers, leading t o masterpieces like the Qutb al-Minar at Delhi. We have
to compare purely prismatic (Ghazni: Fig. 6.12) or cylindrical (Daulatabad: Fig. 6.19) forms
of tower, the sequence of such units in various storeys, as in the cylindrical tiers of Jam (Fig.
6.20), and finally the combination of straight and rounded forms, as for instance in the original
sequence of the upper part of the tower of Masud I11 at Ghazni. In Seistan, the Mil-i
Kasimabad, dated by Tate from inscriptions t o the twelfth century, consisted of a square base
which formed the foundation for a round tower (Tate, 191 2: 269); this building collapsed
only recently. Whilst this tower seems t o have followed a simple model, Seistan also
preserved more complicated structures. The master builders of the Ghaznavid and Ghorid
ages had at their disposal a variety of technical and decorative solutions. In the vertical
elevation of storeys they combined prismatic and cylindrical units; at the same time they used
projecting cornices in the horizontal section of the respective storeys. At Nad-i Ali (Zaranj)
there existed until recently a minaret with a first storey of octagonal plan decorated in the
middle of each face by semi-circular buttresses (Tate: 1912, 202).
These decorative elements may be studied as structural units at the recently discovered
baked brick minaret at Khwaja Siah Posh: here eight rounded and angular buttresses alternate
(Fig. 7.5). The tower was decorated with bricks laid t o form a series of repeating patterns,
lozenges and semi-circles (Fig. 7.6); lines of serrated bricks divided the lower and upper parts
of this first storey. W e have here various elements of Islamic brick decoration well known
from the rich repertoire in the centres of Muslim religious art (Hill and Grabar, 1967: pls
223, 255, 317): at Khwaja Siah Posh in rather provincial expression. W e do not know what
forms may have crowned the minaret of Khwaja Siah Posh, but we recognize clearly in the
ground plan of this twelfth century construction the direct architectural model for the ground
plan of the first storey in the Qutb al-Minar, Delhi, erected towards the end of that century
(Hill and Grabar, 1967: pl. 524). The second storey of the Delhi monument is closely related
t o a structural type t o be deduced from the lost upper portion of the Ghazni minaret (Hill and
Grabar, 1967: ~ 1 154), . whilst the third, star-like storey of the Q u t b al-Minar is modelled on
the prismatic forms of the still existing Ghazni tower (Fig. 6.12). Thus artistic creations in
the heart of Ghaznavid Afghanistan as well as in the far-off region of post-Ghaznavid Seistan
contributed to further architectural development in the eastern Islamic countries.
Islamic writers describe the rural settlements and cantons of Seistan, the so-called rustaq
(plural: rasatiq), and we find numerous deserted villages of about 15-30 houses in close
vicinity t o abandoned ancient irrigation systems; from the latter were fed rectangular fields
behind small earthen walls, a protection against wind erosion, still used by Afghan peasants.
Fig. 7.5: Khwaja Siah Posh, ~ ~ l a01' n m l n a r c t .
The houses of these settlements were not orientated north-south o r east-west, but with one
corner towards the north protecting the interior of thc habitation site with one continuous
side t o the northwest, i.e. towards the direction of the "wind of the hundred-and-twenty
days". The plan of the northern part of a ruin-field nowadajs know-n as Dewal-i Khodaylad
shows the arrangement of the houses of the landlords towards northwest (Fig. 7.7). The house
ruins represent the so-called ]van-courtyard house, details of which we discuss below (Figs
7.9-7. lo). Whilst these village-like settlements are numerous (Fischer et al., 1974: map 3 ) ,
we only rarely find larger agglomerations of about a hundred houses; this corresponds to
Muqaddasi's statement of the tenth century that in Seistan there were no, o r few, cities.
Although only excavations can give us details of the distribution and function of the buildings,
in our present state of knowledge, Peshwaran with its mosque (Fig. 7.4), Khwaya Siah Posh
with the minaret indicating a mosque (Fig. 7 . 6 ) , and an aggregation of about one hundred
ruined houses known as "Gol-i Safed" mav reasonably be called towns.
The air photograph of Gol-i Safed (Fig. 7.8) shows the position of all building-secular as
well as r e l i g i o u ~ i nrelation to the northwest wind. The main area of ruins-about 90
h o u s e ~ c o n s i s t of
s a type prevailing both in the smaller rural settlements (Fig. 7.7) and in the
town-like units: t o the centre, on the northwest of an open rectangular courtyard, rises one
Ivan, a rectangular hall, open t o the southeast, covered by continuous tunnel vaults o r , in one
case (Figs 7.9, 7 . lo), by a series of cross arches with transverse filler vaults of barrel profle
-one of the typical vaulting systems of this period. A small door leads from this Ivan out of
the house towards the northwest. The Ivan opens by a magnificent keel-shaped arch to the
7. F R O M T H E M O N G O L S TO T H E M U G H A 1 . S 369
cuurtvarcl, flanked on both sides by murl brick walls screening the ( . n t r a n r r ~t o a(lcliti(Jnal
charnbcrs (Fig. 7.10). T h e walls arc decorated by a series of'nichcs (lccoratC(l by horsc.sho(.
by chequer board patterns and other dcviccs. Round the open courtyarcl ire. situatc(l
d\r.clling chambers covered by varieties of dome: squinch, pmdcntive, Turkish triangle.. tlalf-
and three-quarter-round bastions may in earlier timrs havr possc~ssctla clc.fc-nsivc
function, but w e r e used by the Islamic builders of (201-i Safcd as mere enrichmcbnt ancl
dccoration. In the northwest of the city a line of multi-storeyed towers sccms t o havc.
protected the arable land and irrigation svstem (Fig. 7.1 1 ). Further, the air photograph allows
us to identify a central hill with the ruin of a fortress, several cisterns, a scric-s of tombs, t w o
windmills, one mosque and one ziyarat. As we observed, thc cultivable area and the open
sc.ttlements of Islamic Seistan were protected by a line of fortification towers and fortresses.
In the agricultural zones between we also encounter unique buildings like the rectangular
enclosure of Qala-i Chegini (Fig. 7.12) among isolated dwelling houses, rectangular fields and
abandoned gardens. N o inscriptions o r literary sources inform us of the function of this mud
brick complex, which may have been a caravanserai o r the seat of a governor. Spacious ,t,an
halls with lofty tunnel vaults and baked brick revetments supporting mud brick friezes of
typical horseshoe arched niches (Fig. 7 . 1 3 ) belong t o an architectural tradition going back via
Ghaznavid Lashkari Bazar (Fig. 6.6) and early Islamic palaces t o Sasanian modcls.
I n the Tarikh-i Sistan, the rasatiq of Seistan arc enumerated. Whilst the majority of thc
places cannot be located, we may put the ruscaq of Taq at the ruins of Shahr-i Gholghola ( o r
Sarotar) in the south of Seistan and we may recognize in northern Seistan the rustaq of Nishk,
rc,p~-csentedby the vast ruin-field of this fortified post itself, o r Gol-i Safcd and Khwaja-Siah
Posh.
W e shall nowr consider the archaeological remains of the city of Nishk (Figs 7 . 1 4 and
7.1 5 ) , connected in the past with the river of Nishk, probably the present Khash Rud. Islamic
11-riters name Nishk as a populous district east of Zaranj which gave its name t o the eastern
gate of the capital. Khash was described as the largest town of this district and \vas famous for
its clatc palms. The whole district along the Khash river was known as Nishak, and modcrn
n l a l ~ s r e c o r dthe name of Nishk o r Nishak for the most conspicuous remains of city and
tol-t~-ess in the northern part of Afghan Seistan. Pottery collected on the surface belongs t o a
period from the eleventh t o the thirteenth century. There is a multi-storeyed castlc \vith four
( r 11-ncr bastions (Fig. 7.14) dominating this part of Seistan (Fischer et a l . , 1974, plares 240,
2+ 1 , 248). Here w e illustrate for the first time details of the gate of the \valled tit\. (Fig. 7.1 S),
klal~kcd by double storeyed semi-circular towers, a remarkable piece of eastern Iranian
li~llitar)architecture. City walls are informative about the military character of medieval
]'(,I-siansettlements: were al\vays admirablv defended, several imposing barbicans
!'r~.lrding
<-
narrow entrances with a secondary protection afforded by their close-coupled
1, j\\.crs. The walls were further strengthened b\l passages in the interior. Despite their
1 1 1 ilitarian character the walls were in part beautifull, decorated with ornamental devices. In
ontrast t o central Persian cities, the ornamentation of the city wall of Nishk is reduced, as
~ l ~ l g lbc l t expected in this provincial area.
( I n the other hand the landlords in the rustaqs of Seistan seem t o have been in close contact
~ t the
h leading cultural centres of eastern Islam. In the facade of a large ivan courtyard house
11
Ij (q
st;
ig. 7. I 1 : Gol-i S a f d , d o u h l c s t o r t \ e d n i u t l hrick to\\ c r t o t h c n o r t h o l ' t h c r u ~ n - t i c l d(.41tcrTi)nncs>cn.
. I
7 - FROM THE MONGOLS T O THF: MUGHAI,S 379
at ~ h c g i n iI1 (Fig. 7.16) (Fischer er a]., 1974: Map 3 ) are again rrflrctrrl architrctural
decorative inventions from Sasanian Ctesiphon and Abbasid Ukhaiclir. The spacious vaultcrl
;"an, the monumental keel-arch door and the distribution of horseshoe arched blintl nichc.s in
the walls, lead us t o conclude that master builders were engaged to c r r a t r rnagnihcrnt
buildings for local chieftains in cheap mud brick; and that they worked on thc samc. lines as i n
other centres where architecture and decoration was exccuted in burnt brick o r cut stonc..
In thc Mongol wars many stone and brick buildings in Asia pcrishecl, whilr in thc mucl
brick ruins of Seistan, creations such as ivan halls o r decorative motifs- such as cross and star
p a t t e r n s s ~ r ~ i v e After
d. the destruction of Seistan by Timur at the cnd of the fourtc~mth
century, the Timurids from the fifteenth century onwards revivecl building actiritics in n r w
centres in western and northern parts of Afghanistan.
After the death of Timur in 1405 the arts flourished for a ccntury under the Timurids at
Sarnarkand in Central Asia and at Herat in Western Afghanistan. Shah RGkh, Timur's son,
who ruled until 1447, effected this change. His wife was Gauhar Shad, whose mausoleum at
Herat is one of the masterpieces of Timurid architecture. Their sons were lbrahim and Ulug
~ c g famous
, for building the observatory at Samarkand, and Baysunghur, who was a great
patron of miniature ~ a i n t i n andg calligraphy. A second ~ e r i o dof Timurid renaissance began in
1469, when Husain Baiqara, a descendant of Timur's son Umar Shaikh, assumed power in
Khurasan and initiated a peace that lasted until his death in 1506. It was the Herat of this
period which became the centre of artistic life, which Babur saw and which this founder o f t h e
Mugha] dynasty described afterwards as the scene of a golden age and the source of civilization.
Herat
Hci-at possesses monuments of outstanding beauty in which we can study the imperial style of
the. Timurids, but monuments of equal sophistication also existed in the provinces of
*
A fr111anistan.
11 1. ,I perfect example of the concentric four quarters plan, with radial thoroughfares cutting
1 1 1 cnclosed city into quadrants. In the tenth century the standard arrangement already
1;' % ~ i l e d a: citadel with four gates set on the main axes, which corrcsponded with the four
:.it in the city wall. This had 149 towers and was surrounded by a double moat. Inside each
1 , aras a market. By the fifteenth century, although the city had in the interval been rebuilt
h \ 1 1 1Karts, ~ it had essentially the same outlines. The city wall, already in disrepair by the end
( 1 1 1 1 ~fifteenth century, was still p a r d e d by towers and encircled by moats. Today, a few
l ~ ~ l l l i ctowers
l with much decayed tile mosaic are the only remains of a past glory (Wolfe,
1 "(h:1 1 ) . The fortresses and city walls of Herat have been frequently illustrated in surveys of
the, t\\ cnticth ccwtury, sho\\n still in military use (Nic~tlerma\erant1 I>icz, 1924: Eig. 147) or
in a ruinc\cl state (Fisclic~r,1969: pl. 2). Hcrct w c pul>lish a drawing hy Sir Edward Lait Ilurand,
assistant commissioner t o the Afghan Bountlary Commission, taken in 1885: the Kuslik or
nortlieastcxr~~ gate of Hcrat (Fie. 7 . 1 7 ) with traces of Tinluritl fortification and supcrimposc,(]
arclies in a magnificent gateway, restored in post-Timurid times but in crumbling ruins I l v the
end of the nineteenth ccntury.
(Wolfe, 1966: 33). T h e minaret which stands t o the cast of thc mausolcum was o n r of a pa11-
\\ hicli stootl on citlicr sitlc of the portal t o the Queen's n ~ a d r a ~ (Eig.
a 7 . 1 9 ) . T h c \haft 01 t I ~ r
~ i ~ l n a r cbelongs
t t o the simple circular variety mcmtioncd carlier. T w o halc.onics, thc
muezzin's platforms, ring the shaft and t,ac h one is heavily ornamentetl with tjccp stalac titc,
brackets similar t o , but m o r e ornate than, thc corbels on thc mausolcum tlomt,.
We havc already referred t o the Ghorid parts ofthis buiI(iing ( ~ i g6.34) . an(! nlrntitrn bclcrw
the largc bronze cauldron prt.served in thc courtyartl. tIcrc. w~ skc.tc,h the. history 0 1 ' this
famous mosque which rcachrd its greatest extension during the 'Timuricl ages Jlas now
bccomc a centre of motlcrn architectural and dccorativc rc.storation work.
In the tenth century, Hcrat's great mosquc. was already an important <.csntreof' Islamic.
thought. This building was dcstroyetl by tirc and reconstruc.tcd o n a magniticc-nt sc-ale- IN
Sultan tihiyath al-Din of the Ghorid dynasty in the year 1200. Mongol raids cirstroyc.(l n1uc.h of
the Ghorid mosque, which was again repaired and cxtr.ndc.cl by the Kart kings, whosc. dcvotc.cl
attention was continued by the Timurids. The period of'grc.atrst magnificcncc. c.anlr <luring
thc rcign of the Timurid Sultan Husain Baiqara in the fftccnth century. Mir Ali Shcsr Nawai,
minister, poet and patron, personally dircctcd its redecoration in 1498. H a d l ~clarnagc.(l (luring
thc sixteenth century, it was later rrpairctl I>y succcssivc. rulers. No\vadays thcrc* is a
M'OI-kshop whcrc young Afghan artists are bring taught architectural work and dcc,oration on
11-aditionallines.
A corridor leads t o the main courtyard, which is paved with brick. 1)irc.c-tly alic.ad, on thc.
\4,c,st, is the principal ivan o r the mosquc, its archcd cntrancc flanked by minarets. O n either
sitlc of this hall there arc smaller ivans, their walled entrances picrccd with doors and
\\.inc\ows. T h e inner face of the courtyard is covered with a profusion of drlicatr floral motifs.
Al-,~l,icand Persian calligraphy gracefully intrrrupts thcsr designs. Scattrrcd h r r c ant1 there
I I I I - O U ~ ~ O U ~ t h r mosqur one may see fraplcnts of tilc \vork from thc tiftrcnth centur!.. The
f o n ~ lof , the Ghorid king accredited with t h r builcling of this Fridav Mosqur lics undcr a clomc
situated behind the north ivan. The unadorned tomb lics in an octagonal room, undccoratcd
, . S C . C P ~ by a series of archcd reccsscs ( W o l f , 1966: 12--20).
llcrot, Mosque O
J Hauz-i Karboz
In the suburbs of Hrrat, the mosqur of Hauz-i Karhoz lirs IlidOm hcliintl a high mud brick wall
llcbara streamlet with a rcscrvoir, after which the mosquc has rccrivcd its local name. This
\.lnctuary constitutes a rare rxamplc of the "Guzar Mosqur", i.c. a mosqur of that particular
( ~ t quartcr.
y In Timurid Central Asia this tylle of building was widesprratl, but is no\\ r a w .
I h r y are of small dimensions, but exhibit ,111 the splendour of their age. Fortunatcly. the
r,llhrob of this mosque has been p r r s r ~ - \ c d(Fig. 7.22). Its mosaics contain Quranic
~ ~ ~ s r r i p t i owhilr
n s , another wall d c c o r a t i c , ~carries
~ the date of construction- 845 A . H . ( A . D .
1441 /2), in the rrign of Shah RPkh. T h r rxquisitr Timurid calligraphy is among the hrst
c~xamplesof' that style (compare Schimnlrl, 1970: pl. XXVld).
Fig, 7.19: Herat, mausoleum of Gauhar Shad, interior view.
Fig. 7.20: Herat, Musalla complex, minaret.
Fig. 7.21: Herat, Gazar Ghar, view of main ivan.
Fig. 7.22: Herat, mosque of Hauz-i Karboz, mihrab.
Fig. 7.23: Hc.1-at, r n a u ~ o l ~ ~ofu ~Shaikli
n Zatlc.11 ,4I1tlallali, gl-ountl plan. (Al'tc.1- Pugaclic.nko\ a. )
H e r a t , Clau.soleum of Sheikh Z a d e h A b d a l l a h
O n the*nol-tlicl-n outskirts of thc, (.it\-,ol,l,ositc tlic rnotlcrn gartlcn \\-it11 Gaulial- Sliacl's t o m h ,
\ \ (' titi(l tlic mnusolcum o f t l i c Slirilik Zaclcli Al,tlallah, a liighl\. Iionourctl man \\-I10 t l i c , t l in 1 34
Kohsan
The village is situated about 100 k m t o the west of Herat, north of t h e Islam Qala road. It is
dominated by a blue d o m e f r o m which most of the tilcs have fallen (Fig. 7.27), sitting on a high
drum similar t o t h e d o m e of Gauhar Shad's mausoleum at Hcrat. An inscription circ1c.s the.
drum and t h e Persian blue and dark blue decoration on the base is used sparinglv against t h c
bacliground. A section o f t h e monument shows t h c type of Timurid douhlc. d o m r (Fig. 7 . 2 6 ) .
Ku.sh Rabat
This I\ a caravanserai o n t h e old route from Herat t o M e r i . From Tiniurid tin1c.s s u n i~c.4 t h c
nlalil \ t r u c t u r e o f t h e rectangular building, a i t h a inonumental gateara!. ~ a u l t e c lchanlbrr\
all(1 \crni-circular bastions on the long sides and thrce-quarter bastion* o n the r o m r r \ .
"(;~.(%,ltl * ~ - r t l ~ l \ ~lioscluc.
Mazar-i Sharif
Shrine of Hazrat Ali
All knob\-lctlgc o f t h c final resting of Hazrat Ali, assassinatccl in A . D . 6 6 1 , was lost until
t h e bc>ginningof t h r twelfth c r n t u r y , when its existence was revcalctl t o a Mullah in a drcam.
The, great Scljuk Sultan, Sanjar, ordcrctl a shrine t o I,(> built h c r c in 1 1 36. Chingghis Khan
tlcstrovcd this building, having hcartl t h c r r was a grcat trrasurc. beneath its pillars, and again
l1 ,I\ c- 01'thc saint la\- unmarkctl, until a sccon(1 re\-(,lation occ-UI-I-ctl
(luring t h e lxsign of t h e
; I(I Sultan Husain Haiqara. H c also ordcl-ctI an clal>orat<.shrinc t o be c.on5tructc~d,in
I
\olic ol'thc' fifteenth c c n t u r \ - d c c o r a t i o n I-<)mains,h u t m o d c r n rcstol-ation ha5 ~-<.turnc.tl
~ i l ( l i tno~ its original s h a l r ancl it stand5 to(la\. as o n e o t ' t h c most c'olourtul I>uil(ling>in
istan. tan. N e a r tlic cast c o r n e r t h c r c stands a I-uincd rn,~usolcum,t h c 1-aulting \ . s t e m ot'
,. 1 1 is a c o n t i n u a t i o n o f ' t h a t practisctl at Hcrat and othci- c'arlic'r Tinlurid buil(ling3. Hcrc,
I . Io~lgatc(lscluincI~csresting o n the‘ c o m i c c art- c~xtcnciccli n t o l>cntlcnti\.c-sgroinc,cl in h ) u r
,111(1thus containing n o Icss than f o u r t c c n conipartnicnts. These s u p p o r t \\-hat sccnis t o 1 3 ~ .
o r~n~i caeI Icading t o a 7onc ot' six lattict' \I-indo\\-salt(,rnating
,(111c' (lc\.ic.c: a ( I ~ o ( i ( ~ c a ~co
\ i x nic.l~c..
Fig. 7.26: Kohsan, mausoleum, s e c t i o n . Thr scalc bar shows 0 5 m . (After Pugachrnkova.)
.' I
Fig. 7.27: Kohsan, exterior view of mausoleum.
~ a l k h "Moth(.r
, o f Cities", gave its name t o the fourth '1uartc.r ofKhurasan i n anc.ic.ntIslamic
historiograllhy. Yakubi speaks of Halkh as the grcatcmstcity of Khurasan, I( ha(l thrvl.
c,onc,c-ntricwalls and thirtcben gates, and Muqael(lasi said that it hacl bc.cbn e~allcclin caarlv clays
2 ,
thr " l > c ~ a ~ t i f Halkh".'~I In o u r first c.ha11trr wehhave. studir(l an AI>l,asicl l>uil(ling an rxanlpll
()l'th(*architc.cturr o f t h i s early Islamic. l>c.riocl. Accorclisg 10 Yakuhi (I,,. Stranp., 1905, 420),
thcl-c. w r r r t w o Friday Mosques in the. c*ity,lstakhri rncntionccl that the. housc.s wcbrc.I,uilt c , l
sun-(lric(l bricks, and t h e s a m r material was usccl in t h r city wall. Hc*c,(.ntly,archac.c,logical
rcs(-arch rrvc.alr(l Timurid pottery in this wall (tiarclin, 1957: 84). This Ii)rtilic,ation of'Halkh
has a long history, from prr-Christian times onwarcls, and the. 'rimuric1 wall marks tl~c-last
imlx)rtant pcriocl of t h c city (Ilagcns et a!. , 1964: 9 0 102 ). Furthcrmorc., we- know o f a sul>url,
of Halkh callctl Naubahar from which prc-Islamic remains arc. re-portrcl. Tllc. Mongols
drvastatccl Halkh in 1220 and, according t o Ibn Hatuta, C h i n g h i s Khan ruinc-cl a third of its
grcbat mosque in his Sruitless search for the hid(len treasure. W h e n Ibn Hatuta visitc*(l this
tlistric.t in t h e first half of t h e fc~urtcenthcentury Halkh was still a complctc. ruin. All the morca,
thcrc-fi)rc, a r c w e interested in the Timurid restoration of t h r fortress and city. 0 1 ' most
intrrcst is t h e shrine of Khwaja Abu Nasr Parsa, built in memory of'a distinguished theologian
who tlictl at Halkh in 1460. T h e plan of the building is octagonal. Four wings arc attachc.d t o
four altcrnatc sitles and t w o of'thcse, rising t o t w o storeys as they flank t h c immc'nsc portal,
f;)rrn a sort of'scrcc*n round t h e front of the building. T h e whole. of this front, including cvcsn
the, c,orkscrcw pillars (Fig. 7 . 2 8 ) that flank the main facade, is vcnccrc.d in faicncx., whose
pl.c*tl(~rninant tint is a cold silvery blue. O n t o p of the octagon sits thcb d r u m , also covrrcd in
nlos;ii~.,and from beside it rise t w o circular rninarcts. T h e structurc. is a typical 1-imurid
tloul,l(. tlomc. T h c inside of this fantastic structurc reminds us of t h c squinch architccturt. o f
th,* (;ur-i M i r Samarkand. Abovc t h e cornice eight latticctl windows altc.rnatc with eight
~ l i c . l r cl ~ a n r l s ,whosc heads arc. filled with stalactites.
This piece of a traditional technique is signed by a certain Muhammad Ibn lbrahim al-Ghori,
dated 903 A . H . (A.D. 1497). The inscription also states that the piece was made for Sultan
Husain Baiqara. This places it in a group of Herat metalwork, t o which belong other small
vases and ewers decorated with floral patterns of relatively simple, repetitive and highly
s t \ lii.ed form. The floral motifs are on a small scale, and generally based on a combination of
palmettes and lancette-leaf arabesques that either cover the exteriors of thcsc vcssels
in a continuous all-over pattern o r are organized into a network of cartouches.
Thc. miniatures are small in scale, painted with great skill in enamel colours, the figures
tlnarfed by the brilliance of the landscape. The artist shows great interest in the natural
\ \ o r l d , so that it takes over the function of dramatic setting and the action of the figures is
( l u ~ t subservient
c t o i t . There is a tendency t o elaboration in such fcatures as the rocks which
n o \ \ form great masses in unreal colouring. Trees are windswept and clouds conspicuous with
1'11ik shading t o the white swirls. The romantic spirit of thc heroic epic, Shah .h'amah, is
colnplemented by the lively scenes, as for example in the history of Rustam and the Div
Ihlrlan. According t o the text, the story is as follows: there came a herdsman before Kai
Khusrau, the Shah, and told him that a savage wild ass was destroying his horses. Now the Shah
knew this was a demon that had taken the disguise of an ass, and he sent for Rustam t o fight
')galnst him. And Rustam obeyed and, mounted on his horse Rakhsh, went t o meet the demon
alr(l fought with him. But n h r n e r e r he caught him with his cord he vanished from sight. SO
' ~ l t r rthree days and nights Rustam was wearied, and lay down t o rest. Then the Div came nrar
aid, loosening the ground \+here Rustam la!, he lifted it up and flung him into the sea, that
rorodiles might destroy him. But Rustam drew his sword and drove them away and struggled
Fb. P.29: Metal ewer, signed and dated by Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghori, 903 A,X, = A,D. 1437,
made fbr Sultan H u h Baiqaz~.British Mu~etzm.
to t ~ l , b rh01.c. A I I a~ t i r r tinding Ralhrh.
ho bad brt-n (.aught anri ktapt by thr rrr\ants of
\\
~ t ~ , ] ~IIC\ ~SICW
h , the hrrdsnlan. Thcn Afrasvah himself came by to look on his horsrs and
K u s t h r fought with him and put him t o night. A h r r that the l j i r came on him again, hut
n Hinyun, 1931 : 41 1.
nustam s ~ n o t chim with his mace and killtad him ( W i l k i ~ ~ s oand
01 yr'\vagc disposal.
Tlrc nlan \vhO played the most important part in building operations was the architect.
ni,~ii.~r, \r.1lo had t o l>e'nidelYinformed about the various technical and decorative aspects of
a1 hiterturr. Htx orr.upird a hig], position in society; miniature paintings show his
\ \ 01 in p r o ~ r c s s(Fig. 7 . 3 I ) .
Nc\v i n v r ~ ~ t \vcre
i ~ ~ ~madrs in building techniques, rspeciallv in t h r art of vaulting.
Fig. 7.303 History of Rustam and IIi\ak\\ an, illustratjo~from a manuscript of Firtlausi's Shah-nama,
written and illustrated fnr Muhammad Juki. Royal Asiatic Socicty.
Cupola-single, double o r triple, the outer shells of which w e r e usuallv of different shapes,
frequently cylindrical (Fig. 7.27), while the inner w e r e of a gently curving elliptical form
(Fig. 7 . 2 6 p w e r e supported by pendentives of various sorts: from traditional forms, coffered
consoles, corbelled arches and beam pendentives, t o previously unknown systems of shield-
shaped pendentives and intersecting supporting arches (Fig. 7.20). T h e most novel invcntion
of Timurid architecture was the so-called double dome. It prescribes an inncr dome, which
has the incidental advantage of bringing the ceiling into good rclation with thc chamber brlow
7 . FRQM THC MONGO1.S TCI T H L M U G H A I B 399
and which, by assisting the drum to support a ring of radial buttresses, provides the s~velling
LVI I of the outer dome. The master builders reached a perfhct harnlony between a well-
1~-1,13ortioned interior [Figs 77.0, 7.26) and a tower-like exterior, the latter sometimes
s ~ i k i n gby its severe outline relieved by decorative w r k (Fig. 7.271, sometimes attracting
thr rye by a ribbed dome (Fig. 7.28) based upon models from Samarkand.
Technical and artistic pcrfecrion was reached in the use of tile decorations \%withglazed,
t+cilourrdbricks on a hackgmund of unglazed bricks, polychrome (two to seven solours)
hicnce nn a ceramic. background or finely drawn, multiroIour~dmosaic figs 7.2 I , 7.271.
I-~~cscoes were also used as a form of interior decoration. Timur and his sureeswrs had their
laces rmlxlhshrd with various pictures.
Besides the great Friday Mosques (Figs 6.33,7.24), there were suburban mosques and the
so-called "Guzar" mosques of the various quarters of a town (Fig. 7.22). In the great central
mosque during Timurid times extraordinary varieties of designs, architectural forms and
decorative details appear, all on a colossal scale. The building took the form of a closed
rectangle with an entrance porch, a great courtyard surrounded by arcades, with four vaulted
ivons on the sides (Fig. 6.33) and a domed building on its main axis; the principal ivan and
sometimes the corners of the mosque were flanked by minarets (Fig. 7.24). In some cases, a
commemorative mosque is a kind of small threelfour-domed gallery attached to the
mausoleum (for example, at Kohsan, Fig. 7.27); in others it is a building standing alone with
its ivon overshadowing, as it were, the sepulchre in front of it (Fig. 7.28).
The art of laying out gardens and parks, an important sector of the science and practice of
architecture, agricultural technology and irrigation, reached an unprecedented level of
development. Descriptions of the Timurid gardens at Samarkand, Herat and Kabul praise the
type of Charbagh on the strictly regular geometrical plan.
Timurid artists from Herat may even have contributed to certain developments of lndo-
Muslim architecture in the early period of Agra. In the manuscript of the Maathir-i Rahimi in
the Cambridge University Library is a reference to one Ustad Hirawi, i.e. an artist from
Herat, whom Maulana Wahshi Yazdi praises as one of the outstanding master builders of his
time.
Finally, extraordinary tomb types have recently been discovered in the Dasht-i Nawar to
the west of Ghazni, possibly belonging t o the period of the Timurid tomb of Shah Shahid at
Ghazni. A simple tomb on an octagonal p o u n d plan, it is a massive structure of mud, with a
dome in baked bricks (Fussman, 1974b: Fig. 30); the so-called tomb of Tala Begum (Fussman,
1974b: Fig. 3 1) consists of nine upright, rectangular baked brick fields decorated by chequer
boards, crosses, bonds and serrated bricks ending in a beehive summit.
Sculpture
Painting
Painting in Timurid manuscripts, together with its attendant bibliophile arts of illumination
7. FROM T H E MONGOLS TO T H E M U G H A L S
401
in gold and metal pigments, of book binding, paper-making and, naturally, the art of
calligraphy (Habibi, 196970: l 2 ) , is one of the recognized high-water markl of artistic
achievement in the Islamic world. Recently, new research has been started in manuscript
libraries which may help t o explain the origin and diffusion of the lmprrial Timurid style of
~ a i n t i n g(Sims, 1974: 58). Twice the Timurid court of Herat played an imporbnt in the
art of lslamic painting: under the patronage of the rulers of the early fifteenth century and
towards the end of that century when the master Bihzad flourished.
Two sons of Shah Rukh, Baysunghur and Ibrahim, were lovers of Pcrsian literature, and
the former was himself a good calligrapher and prepared a new edition of the Shah Narnah at
Herat. The reputed date of the foundation of his library is 1420; Jafar became the head of this
most famous scriptoriu n of the day. In a manuscript of Khusrau and Sh~rrn,142 1, he already
signs himself al-Baysunghuri (Gray, 196 1 : 84). In 1427 a second master calligrapher,
~ u h a m m a db. Husam, produced two beautiful small books, an Anthology and the Gulrstan of
Sadi. The most sumptuous manuscript produced in Prince Baysunghur's library is the copy of
the Shah Narnah by Jafar Baysunghuri, 1430, now in the Gulistan Palace at Teheran.
Ba~sunghur, who was considered the greatest connoisseur of his generation, died of
dissipation in 1433. Under the patronage of his son, Ala al-Dawla, who survived until 1447,
Ghi\ath al-Din came t o Herat, a painter who had accompanied the embassy of Shah Rukh t o
Ch~na(1419-1422) as the envoy of his son Baysunghur. Ala al-Dawla's uncle, Muhammad
Jukl, was another patron of the arts; a finely illustrated manuscript of the Shah Namah which
was made for him survives in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society (Fig. 7.30).
After a period of puritan domination, Herat slowly recovered its artistic life (Gray, 1961 :
109). W i t h Sultan Husain Baiqara in 1468 begins a better literary record of names and careers
of artists, from sources so nearly contemporary that they must be accepted as at least
approximately true: Shah Muzaffar; Mirak the painter, calligrapher, illuminator and
r n ~ ~ l i a t u painter,
re chief of the library of Sultan Husain and, above all, teacher of Bihzad. Of
the lnasterworks of this last-mentioned eminent painter, who found the means of
strengthening the structural forms of his miniatures and thus of heightening their emotional
trnhlon, the most important, the Bustan $Sad1 of 1488-1 489, is now in the Egyptian librar!. in
C ~ l r o Three
. minatures in this Cairo Bustan are exercises in architectural composition, two
shotiing mosque interiors and the third Pharaoh's palace, as a setting for the attempted
h<gulling of Yusuf by Zulaikha. There are t w o wonderful manuscripts of the Khamsa of Nizami
I n ~ ! I CBritish Museum. O n e is dated 1494 and its miniatures are for the most part notable for
t h rationalism and even their realism, compared with anything which went before. whilst
In the above-mentioned Bustan from the Cairo collection the artist excelled in creating an
1ilr.41 architecture as background for legendary scenes, Bihzad renders an epic subject of
Nli alni, the construction of the castle of Khawarnaq (Fig. 7.31) realistically, enabling us t o
i an idea of the contemporary building technique, for instance the construction of keel-
~ l l , ; ~ warches
d as entrance t o ]van-halls (Fig. 7.25).
A l l great manuscript libraries in East and West are ~ r o u dt o possess works of the Herat
rcllool, whilst in Afghanistan itself records of this cultural period are rare ( A . Dupree*
Iub4: 60). Described recently were a variety of miniatures from the ~ i m u r i d~ e r i o d .
~ l l t ~ \ t r a t i o of
n s an anthology ofpoems, supposed t o be by the hand of ~ i h u odr his pupil Qasim
Ali; the manuscript is preserved in the Public Library of the Ministry of Culture and
Information at Kabul (Husain Shah, 1972-3: 22).
Minor Arts
Minor arts of the Timurid period are less known than architecture and painting (Grube, 1974:
233). Very little of the decorative arts of that age seem to have survived. Neither is there
much reliable chronological information available on safely datable objects. Finally, no
specific references are t o be found in historical texts. There can be, however, no question that
pottery, for example, was produced in large quantities as a luxury during the Timurid period.
This is borne out by the appearance of numerous ceramic objects in paintings of the fifteenth
century, many of which would appear to be of local manufacture rather than Chinese import,
even though it is at times difficult (if not impossible) to distinguish between the two. Another
reason to assume ample production of ceramic objects is t o be found in the rich examples of
tilework in Timurid architecture (Figs 7.27, 7.28). Of the types attributable t o this period,
that painted in black and blue on a white ground is the most securely established (FehitrvAri,
1973: 126). Blue-and-white pottery seems to have been produced in all shapes and sizes,
always however, following Chinese models very closely. Also, the black-and blue ware of the
Kubatchi group was widespread. Metalwork consists primarily of small vases and ewers, and
also small hemispherical bowls. There are no figurative representations; the floral motifs are
small scale and abstract, and organized into continuous cartouche patterns. Some pieces have
inscriptions giving date, artist and patron (Fig. 7.29). This ewer of Husain Baiqara can also be
compared with a pre-Timurid basin in the Herat mosque (Fig. 6.33) made a generation before
the Timurid cultural epoch, in 1375 (Melikian-Chirvani, 1969b). It shows clearly the
background of this variety of Timurid minor arts. The basin, decorated with a large,
beautifully designed arabesque relief in the lower bands and with two bands of inscriptions in
cartouches in the upper part of the body, is quite similar in feeling to the large basin in the
Hermitage, Leningrad, made for Timur in 1399 (Grube, 1966: Fig. 155). Both pieces have in
common the size, the restraint in decoration, the use of relief and the epigraphic elements in
design. Timurid precious metals, jades and jewellery count among the greatest rarities. Many
of the trays and cups, the ewers and wine bottles depicted in Timurid paintings executed in
gold, may well have been objects made of precious metals, and one may deduce a flourishing
industry, supported by historical descriptions of Timurid courts. Rugs appear frequently in
miniatures and, as one can be fairly certain of the accuracy of these representations, we are
quite well informed about this particular art form (Briggs, 1940, 1946; Grube, 1974: 256).
By far the largest number of rugs on miniatures are of geometric type. The field is based on an
all-over repeat of squares, octagons, hexagons, stars or circles, combined in a variety of ways
with geometric star rosettes and enriched by interlacements and other geometric, semi-
geometric and stylized ~ l a n forms.
t With the exception of a very few rugs in miniatures
attributed to Bihzad, where arabesque forms are used, the border is invariably composed of
forms derived from Kufic inscriptions. Rugs dccorated with floral patterns appear already in
paintings before the middle of the fifteenth century and became very common in subsequent
generations.
The. s p i r i t o f C e n t r a l Asian culture,, rc*ac,hinga s u m m i t in thc. '1-imur-icla r t 01 AlP,tlarli\tall,
was also t l i r e c t c t l b y v a r i o u s channcbls towarcls Intlia. Mughal c-ivilization in nortlrc.rn I r l c l i ; i n l \ o
a n o t h e r c r c a t i o n t r a n s m i t t c b ( lf r o m C:(.ntral Asia vlo Atkhanistan I)y t h ~ 1our1clt.r
a(]~)lficb(I . 01 1111.
t o g ( ~ t h c what r w e see as underlying themes, and t o point t o some of the problcms and arcas
\\.l~ic.hin o u r vie^^ remain insufficiently studied and demand elucidation hv ticld research.
\Ye becan by referring t o Afghanistan as thr. "cross-roads of Asia" (Caspani and C'apnacci.
I c ) 5 1 ). It has also recently been spokcn of as an "intcractic)n sphrrc" (Chakraharti. 19761,
Ii,lIon-ing t h e usage of Caldwcll (1964), and its rxtension t o lran (C'ald\vt.ll, 1967; Lanibcrp-
K,II Io\:sky, 1 9 7 J a ) and Baluchistan (ShafTrr, 1974b). Wc regard both thcsc notions as valuablr.
d l l t l useful in t h c i r o\vn \\la\:, although both r r q u i r e qualification, particularlv when the \r.hoI~>
titll(.-span of archaeology is taken into account. Thcv complcnient cach o t h e r rather than
O I ) I ) O S C . RCfCrC~ICC t o the l i i ~ tof~ the ~ two-and-a-half millennia sukqcsts a rccurrrnt pattern
) ~past
o 1 ' 1 1 r o v ~ n i ~ t t h e r o u t r s of Akhanistan: bv arniirs arriving t o r a v a g o r occupv lands.
5 t . t lillp o u t to ravace o r OcCtIp\r Otllrr lands, o r nierclv in transit; hv nlcrchants and raral-am,
40 5
tI1roi1gh tlrcir c y c ~
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il 01' 111,s
l)ook, tlle, c ~ ~ l t i ~ l01'- t ,tlle, l ) t ~ o p l t ,01' .4lil1,111ist,111 t111-oi1gli t l ~ t ,,1gcXs.
O ~ I kI 1. 1 o \ \ ~ l c ~ l g01'c ~ t h e , l ) , ~ l ~ ~ c ~ o I i t01'
l i i Al'gl1,111ist,111
c~ is still Y ~ % I .l\i,1 1 1 i t t v l . . I l 1 i s is sc.,11.c~c~lv
s i ~ ~ - l ) ~ - i s\\.111'11
i~ig it is ~-cxc.,~llc.tlt11,lt 111~. t , , ~ ~ - l i c - s1.c'1)01.tc'(l
t I i ~ l d01' ,I stonex tool, 01' tlrt, Miclcllc.
ll,~l,~c~o
Ilic,,
lit is I),~l.t-Iy 25 \ , c \ , ~ r so I ( I (AIlc.11i11, 1954). l:vc\li lie\\,, t l ~ t I)c,t
, tc\l- k110\\,11 l)c~~~ie)(ls,
. l ' s i t t ~ sis
tht- \,olu~nto still JINI
~ l ~ i l l i l ~ l , ~ cl . ~ 1 1 1 1 o t IN' c ~ o ~ i ~ l ) ; l ~\ \. icl l~1d 1111, 111i1c.1111101.t' 1 1 i ~ s s i \ . eldt,1
c~
~ i i l ~ l l cI I I I A I I I ' . ~ k i s t d ~ l0
. 1 1 t l i t ' otl1c.1. 11.111(1 1111, c.li11l.ltc' 01' A l ~ l ~ ~ ~ is
~ i s t , ~
si1e.11 ,IS to I I I C \ I It
i~11c~oi11-,1gc~ o l i \ , t \ i11 c ~ , ~ v c\\~11c~1.t~
~s ,11~,1il,1l)lc~,,111(l si1c.11 s i t t , s
t l 1 c ~ s c,11-c%
~ l)~~~st-~.\.c,
11 i t l i t l ~ t , i rI ~ I O I - ~ ,t
1-ol)ii~.11 ,I ctt,11(it,11t.y
c ~ l i ~ ~ i , l~~t ic( ~~ . c ~ v~ t o li\,c, i l l c.,1vebs , I ~ ) ~ ~ > , Ito I - S11,1\,c, 1)t>t-11,111
\\.111~1-c~
I i l l ( l s t ~ o ~ l l l ) ~ ~ . d\ v
l )i tl lci tllc' 1 . o \ \ , t ' ~ l- 1 , ~ l . ~ t ~ o l i t loi Ii 'cS~i l i ( l ,111d I 3 ~ I t 1 c ~ l l i s t , i 1I I1I J Y t>s~t~c.tc~cl.
l its i ~ o \ , c - r i c ~isn
F l ' l ~ t -~ . c - t . c - ~( ~ t l ~ c , l l , ~ s l ~ t -Ni , I \ Y , ~ I -Iiol(1 0111 l l o l ) c \ s 01' ,I 111,1jol. ,1(1\,,111c~t\ i11 O ~ I I .
k ~ ~ o \ v l c ~ t l \\'111'11
qt, t11e'y arc' i ~ ~ \ . c > s t i g , ~ t t Ixt i . is 0111y \ \ ' i t l i 1111, d ( l , ~ ~ ) t d t i o lto
~ s 11c\\v d11d 11101.t'
~)ossil)I\~
co111bi11cx(l \\,it11 t h e , o l ) p o 1 - t t 1 1 1 i t yl ) ~ . o v i ( l c ~ ( l ,111 ,i111c~lio1..1tio11 01' c~li111,1tc~
, ~ tt l i a l t ti111t\,
tI1,11 1nt.n > ~ - n '1'11~si t is t h a t ,I I I ~ I I I ~ I ) ~ \ 01'
s c x t t l c ~ li l l thr c.oItIc>l- ~ ~ o l - t l ~ c.II.~\.IS. I . c.,~\.c's .111(1 I-0c.k
sl~c*lte-rs, 111.1il1lv i n tllc' \ . ~ I l c ~ oy ls' t l ~ t I, li11(it1 KIISII, I ) ~ . o v i ( l ct ~~ \ . i ( l ( ~ ~ol Ic' ~ g lc. ~
o t ~ l ) sol'11t111tt'1-s01'111~'
c , x ~ ) c ' c . t t ~tI1,1t
I si1c.11g l - o t l l ) s \\.oi11(1 s I ~ o \ \ ,13r0.1(1 s i ~ i ~ i l d r i t i ot ~l 'ss t o ~ ~tt'c.I111oIog!, c~ c.11Itt11.c'
the* O s t ~ s .A s i ~ ~ g l er ., ~ ( l i o c . , i ~ . h (oi~
, i~
t t , l'1.011i t l ~ t ,l l , 1 1 - , 1 ~ i - K t 1 1c,,~\.c,
* 01' c,, 30,000 1 1 . c ~ .g i \ . t , s ,111
i11(lic~,1tio1101. I I ~ c , l ) ~ . o I ) , ~ I ) l c -~ g c 01%
, t l ~ t , s t ,s i t t x , ,111(i c ~ o ~ ~ ~ . c - s\\,it11 ~ ( l s 01' t l ~ c ,Mi(lcllc~A I ~ C I
l ~ o ~tl1oscy
\ l l ) p c - ~ . l l . ~ ~ c ~ c ~ o 01'~ i tt h~t ,~ Z.1g1-0s.
ic~ i t 01' 1)ot 11
A l t 11ot1gI1 t l ~ t -M i ( l ( l l c , l 1 , ~ l , ~ c - o 1Ilic. 111c, L.I~I.OS
'III~~
c'cntral Asia is ( l r t i ~ l i t r l yassoriatrd with Nrandrrthal typrs o1'rnatl, thrr(- is n o '.Irnr ruiclc.nc,r
1,.0111 o u r rcgion o n this point so far.
'1'Ilt.r~is 110t AS ).catanv cvidcncx. ol'a de.\.clopnlcntal link I>ctwrcsn the ~ i ~ l ~ d ~l l~ ~ ~ ~ l i ~
*itc,r; ancl thosr o f t h r 1ll)ljcr I'alacolithir. Sitc.s ol'thr Iattrr prriorl an. again tiBunclin nl,rthrrn
~ l p l l r n i s t a n in
, t b r fi)othills ~ l ' l h t iiindu
* Kush o r o n r l j a r r n t Thrv inc-luclr b ~ t rave
h
,111(i~ I I C I sitcs.
I a r thcbrc. is an C P ~ I Y l l p p r r I'alarolithic, gmrrallv e.omparahlc. t o
At Kara K a ~ l ~Ill
tllr. H,lr.lclostian o f t h r Zagros. This is followrd by an al>l)arcnt hiltus in ()ccupti()nal
sr(111~~1lc~c~ of t h WIIOIP ~ rrgion, possibly c o i ~ a . i d i with ~ l ~ a sc-vrrr c,c)l(] climatic I,llasc. a f t r r
25,000 1 1 . ~ ' . Such an hiatus has b r r n ~ ~ g c b s t cf;)r d srvrnl rrpic,ns in iiurasia.
At t h r c.onclusio~l01' this Iliatus thcbrc is rvidrnc.c. 01' Ihirly wi(lcsl,rc,acl activity in sc-vc-ral
l ~ ~ ~ . tAfgllanistan
~)l!' during the' tinal stageb o f t h c I'lcistoc.c.nr c.arlv tioloc,c.nc. l'tlis
"l.pil'aIaroIitI~ic" stagr appears t o c o r r r s l ~ o n dwith t h r final stagc~s~ f t h Upptnr c I'alac.c,lithic
a~lcih ~ . g i ~ l ~ ~ i nofg -the- s Mesolithic in t l l ~Indian subcontinmt. Tbrrt- nrr sugc.stions of loe.aI
c ~ ~ l t u r\variations:
al A q Kupruk I1 is particularly interenstingin its faunal rchn~ains whic.h show a
ill,l~.ke'dp r c ~ p ~ ~ l d ~ r oa fnshc'rp c c ~ and goat. It appclars that t h c c.avcs (11' t h r t4indu Kush wc-rr
I I
in solllc. c-ascs oc-cupicd right through into t h e subscqucnt "Ncolithic , and that alrcsadv at
,IN c.al-1~stage. tht-re. s11cc.p mav Ilavc hccw cionlc~sticatcd.This s u g c s t s that thcrc wcBrrvaricd
loc,,~l. ~ c l a p t a t i o ~t o~ sc~nvironmcntalc.onditions; and that in Afghanistan, as in nvighhouring
~-(,gic,~ls, ditli.rcnt transitions f r o ~ i hunting
l t o suhsistc~ncc~ agric.ulturc wcBrct o h r c*xpc.ctc.d. I'hr
av,lil,ll>lc radiocarbon dates arc. 1 ; ~ t:w o from t h c Non-C'c~ranlic Ncolithic- pivc- H56h 6 9 6 0
I,.t.. : \\*hilc, t h c C1cramiC Nc'olitllic. appcars t o cxtcnd Irom 52 14 268 5 h.c*. Hut. as S h a t h r
poi~ltso u t , the\ prol>ahility is that t h c initial domcstication of shcc.p may have- takcn placx- in
tilt, c.,lvcxsof the. nort11c~l-nrc.gion rvcn prior t o thcsr. prriods.
,4fqhanistan lics t o thv cast ol' t h c L.c.vant-Kurdista~~~Zagros rcngion, tllc. "Frrtilc*
C'~~-s(.c.~lt ' ' , withiu wllic11 I)ulk of t hc cviclcnc.c k,r the. hc.ginnings 01' IOod produc.tion in
.'\hi., 11.1s so far I>CCII sought, anci t i ~ u n dT. h c cvidrnr.c o f t h c Aq Kupruk c-avcs i11dic.atc.s that this
Y O I I C . o f p o t r ~ l t i a c.c-o~lomic
l transfor~llationstrctc.hcd l i r ac.ross and hc.\ond t h r Iranian ~ ~ l a t c - a u
illto thc foothills of t h c Hindu Kush and C'cntl-al Asian nlassif. It has rc.c-c.ntlv Iwcn l ~ o i n t c dout
t11.11 tllc l.aIlgr o f I x ) t ~ ~ I"-ocluctivc~
ti~l man animal and marl plant r ~ l a t i o n s h i ~ ins I-urasia is
1.11. \\-i(]c.l-~~1,111 tllc rclati\~t.lv~.c.stric.tc.dsc.1 invol\.ing shcbcl)!goat Ic.attlc ;pic and \vtlc.at ,l>arlc')'.
\\ inll,ortanc.c%,ill rc.trospc~ct, call I>(. seen in thc\ir succ.rsxhl aelaptatiorl in south\r.rst
\hi.\ s~ll>srqurnts l ~ r c a di a t o o t b c ~rrgions
. as t h c Iusis ol'srdrntarv s r t t l r n ~ c n t (s H i g s and
] . I I - I ~1971).~ , ~ ~ Alkllanist,~~l
C ~, is still r c r r a i r ~ c o , q r ~ in
i t ~this rcsprct, sinex. t h c Aq Kupruk cavcbs
101~1~1 ,I S I I I ~ I IgrolraPhir,~lll.
, lot-alircd a11d s t n ~ c t u r a l lsl~rc.ializ~~cl
~ group. T h r loc.ation ancl
i l ~ \ ~ ~ ~ t oi fgo1,e.n ~ t i ~ , ~ ~i l l o t h c ~ rregions, in such l ~ o t n l t i . ~ al ld~\ ~ a ~ ~ t a g c onichrs
us as t h r
~ ) , \ i l l tc,fcnlcrScnc.t.
s Ol'tllc nlajor rivc.r vallc.ys t i o m t h e ~ n o u n t a i n sinto t h r southrrll Io\r.lall(is.
C
'I I I , b o 1 i t I o s t r s t t l ~ t I s f g h a n i s t m is still
\ (,I.\ sligl11, ,l~,cin1c.h as t hc.~-cis c.on~c.sn ~ , ~ i ~lion,
l l y t h r s o u t h c ~I.o~\ ~
r l , ~ ~ a lHut
s . s o m r annlogirs
408 F . R. A L L C H I N A N D N . H A M M O N D
Illav be dra\\-n from adjacent regions and con~parisonwith Djcitun in southcrn Turkmcnihtan to
the north\vcst, and \vith sites in Iran and Pakistan arc all sugqcstivc. In all thcsc arcah thr
carliest settlements sccm t o ha1.e exploited sheep, goat and cattle, and grown crops o f \ $heat
and barley; thcv began t o construct houses of mud brick, and t o dcvclop alongside a hto1lc
bladc industry, with occasional ~ n i c r o l i t h i cforms, the use of metal; a ~ n o n gother conlnlon
crafts was the making of pottery. For Afghanistan itself the evidence of Mundigak is still the
main source of information, and there is a need for fuller excavations both here and at
sites as many questions remain t o be answered. At Mundigak a series of periods of building,
accompanied bv developing technology and styles of ceramics, leads through t o Period I\'
M-ithits monumental architecture and massive defences. Although the chronology of thrsc>
developn~entsis still not firmly established, it may be fairly definitely stated that Period I V
dates from the first half of the third millennium. O n e may point t o the Italian excavations at
Shahr-i-Sokhta, --hose material culture shows many parallels with t h e south Afghan sites, and
this has led t o the s u g e s t i o n for this culture of the name 'Halmand civilization" (Lamberg-
Karlovsky and Tosi, 1973).
W h e n \ve speak of this period as one of sedentary agricultural settlements, it is necessar,
t o bear in mind that it must have witnessed t h e beginning of a form of cultural symbiosis that is
characteristic till todav of Afghanistan: the close inter-relations of sedentary agriculturalists
and nomadic pastoralists. T h e r e are several indications of such a pattern at this time, and
further research will probably bring m o r e t o light. Its significance for the development of
trade and contact over longer distances also calls for investigation.
It must be born in mind that t h e picture of settlements in t h e southern lowlands cannot be
used t o generalize for other regions: the so called "Goat Cult" phase revealed in the Dara-i-
Kur in the north, which on present showing may belong t o t h e late third o r earlv second
millennium, suggests that cave dwellers probably with local specialist adaptations t o pastoral
nomadism still occupied t h e valleys. T h e r e are as vet fe\v signs of sedentary occupation in the
north, and by comparison with adjacent regions such settlements are mainly t o be expectcd on
the plains. T h e picture is still far from c o n ~ p l e t eand was most probably complex, \\.it11
numerous different local adaptations t o various environments.
This period must have witnessed increasing social stratification with growing numbers of
specialist occupations and craft groups. It must also have seen the establishment of far wider
horizons of trade and contact than at any previous time. Such special items of trade as lapis
lazuli, brought from the quarries of the northeast and lvorked in such centres as Shahr-i-
Sokhta, before being dispersed in the course of trade t o Mesopotamia o r the Indus valley, mav bc
called on t o account for the presence of such luxury imports as those discovered in the Fullol
hoard. T h e demand for such materials may also have led t o tradc,rs and prospectol-s operating
in areas remote from their home territories. This may providt, an explanation of the recently
~ u b l i s h e dreport of the discovery of a site in northern Afghanistan, near the Soviet hordcr,
having many of the characteristics of the lndus ci\-ilization (Lvonnet, 1977).Thus the second
half of the third millennium marks the culmination of the period of earl\- agricultural
settlements, and may well be regarded as one of incipient urbanism.
Having said so much, \ve must be cautious in our use o f t h e tern1 "Hclmantl civilization".
If the settlement pattern no\\- emerging in southern Afghanistan actuallv produced cities, and
8. CONCLUSION 409
this has still t o be demonstrated, it appears ncithcbr t o have produc.ed writtm rrcordr, nor
some of the other accompaniments of civilization. The paucity o['thc known sitrs Itsads us to
doubt whether anything strictly coml>arablr with the urban s(,cirtirs of rithrr Mrup,tamia
o r the lndus actually developed in Seistan. Rather, it mav s u p p o s r ~ ,that the rcgi(,n
rcccived stimulus from its role PS an m t r e p o t between these 0 t h areas ~ ~ and that it dcrclc,prd
cities of a different kind, trading centres o r caravan cities, hut falling short or the morp
complex networks of settlements and social and econon~icrelations which constitutc-d thc
cities of the great river valle\. cultures (Dales, 1976).
There is a dramatic break in the sequence at the close of this period. Prriods V and VI at
~ u n d i ~ both
a k probably belong t o the second millennium, and arc sugestivc of the time of
upheaval and movement during which the Indo-Iranian speaking peoples n ~ o v z dsouthwards
out of Central Asia into the Iranian plateau, and thence eastwards across Afghanistan and into
India-Pakistan. T h e archaeologv of this period is beginning t o emerge from its "Llark Agc" in
both Iran (Young, 1967) and northwest India (Gaur, 1974; Suraj Bhan, 1975 ), and vet even in
these areas t h e possibility of relating it t o the rec.onstructed language historv rcmains
problematic (Allchin and Allchin, 1968: 32 1-325; Parpola, 1974). Afghanistan rcmains still
\~.ithouta sufficient factual basis of archaeological data, and we See1 that it would be wiser t o
sav little about this problem. For in a very real sense the end o f t h e preceding period ushers in
,) Dark Age-succeeding centuries are still too obscure and the indications of external
relations are too tenuous t o allow us t o draw inferences on tlicir wider cultural signiticancc.
It is strange that up t o this time nothing comparable with the "Gandhara grave complcx"
of northern Pakistan has been found in northeast Afghanistan, since the vallcvs otTer a vcrv
similar environment. T h e Pakistan graves appear t o date from the middle of the second
millennium t o t h e early first millennium b.c., and therefore provide evidence of happenings
thcre at just t h e tinie w e are interested in. There are sugestions that the Gandhara gravcs
sho\v evidence of contact with the graves of the Caucasus and evcn Kurgan culture. and mav
therefore provide a link in the spread of the Indo-Iranian languages (Allchin, 1970; Dani,
1967: 4!3-55; Stacul, 1966, 1971 etc.; Tucci, 1963). It can be fairlv contidentlv expected that
c>xploration in t h e neighbouring valleys of northeastern Afghanistan will provide further
c>\idenceof graves of this period, and their exploration would hc \vt,II worth while.
A closely related question concerns the appearance of iron sniclting arid Lvorking in
4tghanistan. T h e first occurrence of iron at ~ u n d i g a k(\vith a probleniatic exception) is in
I'vriod V1, and only in the subsequent Period VII does it beco~iirat all common. This leads us t o
c*xpectSol- the latter pel-iod a date from the first niillennium b.c. It seems that in the Gandhara
(lral-esiron is present in the later periods but not in the early, and it niav well be that similar
3
i c ~be found in Afghanistan. But this is still an area \vhich requires field research and
c ~ ~ i d e lwill
Inore facts before one can say much.
111a sense Afglianistan enters history with the Achaemmid period, vet onlv in a verv tenuous
.
a\-. since no inscription of the period has so far been Sound in .4fghan t e r r i t o r ~ and coin finds
are still few ant1 far between. It must be aclmittccl that t o idcntifj settlements as
"Achacmcnitl" without the aicl of coins o r inscriptions, ancl when few absolute tlatings arc
available, must necessarily be somewhat problematic. O n c e again we arc faced with the
nc,ccssity of' looking t o the bettcr tlocumentetl results of work in adjacent regions, Soviet
Ccntral Asia, Iran and Pakistan, in o r d e r t o discover thc typical architecture o r material
culture of'thc eastern provinces of t h e Achaemenids. T h e r e is however now the beginning of'a
picturc: in the north the Russian work beyond the Afghan borders can be augmentetl with the
Af'ghan-Soviet expedition's work in Bactria; in the south, in Seistan the earlier French
cxcavations at Nad-i Ali can bc augmented by the Italian work at Dahan-i Ghulaman across the
bortlcr in Iranian territory; ant1 in t h e east the recently started British excavations at Kandahar
may be augmentetl by the cxcavations at Taxila and Charsada in Pakistan. It cannot be doubtetl
that the extension of Achaemenid administrative control over the provinces of Aria, Bactria,
Ilrangiana, Arachosia and Gandhara was of enormous significance in terms of renewing or
establishing firm links with wcst Asia and the Mediterranean world; and in this context the
possiblity of the presence of Greek o r even Phoenician trading communities as elements of the
Achacmenid imperial structure deserves special investigation. How profound t h e influence
may have been is indicated by the continuing use of Aramaic, the Achaemenid administrative
language, even in the third century B . c . , and in t h e continuing use of t h e Kharosthi script
which must have been adapted from Aramaic for the writing of Indian phonetic forms during
Achaemenitl times.
T h e story of Alexander the Great's passage through Afghanistan in the course of his
campaign of worltl conquest, and of the cities he established there, with their successor
dynasties of Greek rulers in Bactria, and later in Kabul and India, was for long known almost
only from the accounts of the classical historians. From the nineteenth century the discovery
of coins of the Bactrian Greek rulers in various parts of the country gave numismatic
dcrnonstration of the historians' accuracy, but it is only in the past decade o r so that
archaeology has been able t o add anything like substance t o the history. T h e discovery of an
altogether Greek city at Ai Khanum, and its continuing excavation by t h e French Delegation,
has provitled the most important new evidence so far: the city was founded either in
Alexander's time o r immediately thereafter, apparently on the eastern borders of the Bactrian
kingdom, ancl continued t o flourish for several centuries. It is t o be hoped that the British
excavations recently started at Kandahar may t h r o w similar light upon a second city, the
Alt.xanclria in Arachosia, although here the existence of a city long before Alexantlcr's tirnc,
ant1 possibly even before the Achaemenid period, will add a different dimension. The recent
tliscovery of edicts of Asoka in Greek ant1 Aramaic translations at Kandahar is another find of
outstanding importance for the historian, confirming the otherwise very tenuous evidence fbr
Maurjan expansion into parts of eastern Afghanistan in the wake of Alexander's retreat from
those rcgions. This otherwise obscure episotle, too, may be clarifietl by the current
cxcavations. For a fuller understantling of the Greek kingdoms more field rcscarch is certainly
rcquirecl, including excavation at such potentially important sites in the Bactrian arca as Balkh
o r Q u l m , ant1 in the Paropamisus thc cxcavation of Hcgram certainly tleserves t o be pursuctl.
Such work may throw light upon the relations of the Grcek communities t o the intligenous
population.
It is our hope that Mac Dowall's lucid treatment of the inscriptions numismatic.
evidence will ~ r o v i d ea basis for the rcacler t o understand the potentials of this type of
cvitlcnce for illuminating not only the political history, but also economic and social history.
~ h presence c of Indian, Greek and Persian coins, and thcir relationships t o each other
reflect t h e complex and cosmopolitan character of Afghan trade at this pcriocl, ancl calls t o
mind the concept of the economic interaction sphere.
The recent discovcries have made possible an entirely new assessment of some of' thc
longstanding questions of the archaeology of the region. Thr earlv history of Indian art and
architecture must be reconsidered in its light. The nature of the Hellenistic tradition which
lay behind the Gandharan school of sculpture, whcther it derived mainly f'rom the c.arli(mr
prcsencc of Greek artists working in the cast, as Foucher maintained o r whcthcr it was
primarily the result of later Roman influence, as Sir Martimer Whrelc!r suWcstccl, may bc.
rv-asst'ssed. Strong support has now been given t o Foucher's view, and wc mav cn\.isagc. a
continuing Hellenistic presence, producing various hybrid growths in coursc. of tirnc. and no
(Ir,~l>t continuing t o be influenced by new developments from the Mcditcrranc~anworld, but
aho\.t' all demonstrating the widespread "Philhellcnism" of the Grcck rulers o r thcir Asiatic
successors. This presence must also have continued t o cxert its influence on thc tcrritorics
hcvond, and certainly strengthens the view that it may have contributcd t o the devc*lopmc.nt
o f Indian a r t . For instance, the discovery of coins of Agathocles at Ai Khanum, bearing somc. o f
thc. oldest Indian Brahmi inscriptions known from Greek coins, along with representations o f
two deities who can only be identified as Vasudeva and Sankarshana, p o v i d e not onl\. valuablc
contirmation for o u r knowledge of the development of early Vaishnavism in northwest Intlia,
hut are by far the earliest representations of thcse deities, othcr\sisc known onlv from
insc.1-iptions at so early a date.
From the second century B . C . a new process is observable in the historical records. T h c
I H - O ~ C S Sitself was certainly not new, and was probably recurrent. Groups of barbarous peoples
started t o move down from the eastern parts of Central Asia and the frontiers of China into the
more hospitable lands of Bactria, and thence t o move southwards into the mountains and into
northwest India. It is probable that the movement of the Indo-Iranian speaking peoples
r c~nturiesearlier had taken a not too dissimilar form. The new movement is associated with
tI)(, Yueh-chi who w e r e probably a nomadic people speaking an Iranian language, driven from
1 h,>irearlier homelands by the Hiung-nu tribes, who must have been speakers of a Turki language
. 1 1 1 i l who may have been ancestral t o the Hunas. By I28 B . C . the Yueh-chi had occupied the
I.tr~cIsnorth of the Oxus. They gradually extended their control throughout Bactria, finally
I,l-inging t o an end Greek rule there. O n e of the five groups into which they were divided
11c.1-r the Kushans and by the end of the first century e . c . they established control of all
rl, ~ r t h e r n Afghanistan, following the pattern of succeeding peoples, of crossing the mountains,
, apturing Kabul, and thence invading northwest India. At its height, under Kanishka, the
hr~shansruled a mighty empire, extending from the Ganges valley and Sind in the east and
x ~ u t ht o Kashgar in the northeast. Bactria and Kabul remained the pivotal points of the \\-hole.
I luring the second century A . D . this area was the centre of an interaction sphere \\-hose scale
C I I I Csplcndour
~ must ha\.e rivalled that of Rome. T h e archaeology of all these developments is
h ~ i l lfar from clear, and confronts the student with all sorts of challenging opportunities. W e
know virtuallv nothing of the relations of the invaders with the existing populations; we know
little of the economic implications of the extensive luxury trade attested by finds such as the
Begram treasure; much still has t o be done t o work out the cultural impact of the contacts
with India, Rome and China of which they give evidence.
The centuries between the Achaemenid period and the climax of the Kushan empire form
a time of peculiar interest, because we may feel the highly distinctive character of Afghan
culture already emerging. The contact between the barbarous and nomadic peoples who
arrived from Central Asia and the cultures they e n c o u n t e r e G t h e Parthians and then
Sasanians, representing Iran, the Indians and the Hellenized I n d o - G r e e k ~ p r o d u c e da special
amalgam. It produced a new cosmopolitan blend of all these elements, and it left a lasting
mark upon the culture of all the regions it touched. Are we t o think of it as being Iranian,
Indian, Hellenistic, Kushan, o r simply as Afghan? The Kushan coinage epitomizes the
situation. Greek, Iranian and Indian religions all find expression in the deities on their coins.
Since the time of Asoka Buddhist missionaries spread into Afghanistan on their way t o Central
Asia and China. The art and architecture of Buddhism formed a major influence along the
routes they followed. The dynastic shrine at Surkh Kotal, probably the counterpart of the
shrine at Mat near Mathura, is a striking product of the major influences at work. So too is the
developing Gandharan st)-1e of architecture and sculpture. At the same time we must feel
somewhat perplexed by the lack of knowledge regarding the evervdav , . life of the ordinan-
people, and the varieties of life styles involved: we know something, for example, of cities and
towns, but we knolv verv little about the details of life; we know el-en less about the villages
o r isolated settlements, let alone of the nature of the people \vho continued to live in caves
such as Shamshir Ghar. In all these respects archaeologv has still much work t o do before \ve
can understand the full meaning of the culture of this period.
After the break up of the greater Kushan empire Kushan rulers continued t o control more
limited areas in many parts. The twin processes, of the arrival of groups of nomadic peoples,
mainlv from the north, and their becoming absorbed into the cosmopolitan culture already
existing in Afghanistan seems t o have continued. In this way \ve can trace the arrival of the
later Kidara Kushans, the H e ~ h t h a l i t e sand
, the western Turks. All three of these groups seem
to have shared much in terms of their cultural ancestry, even if they spoke different languages.
They seem t o have established for themselves dominion over the peoples thev encountered. It
is probable that it kvas in kingdoms of this kind that the great Buddhist complex at Bamivan
was constructed, with its neighbouring fortress o r palace at Shahr-i-Zohak; o r the little
monastery at Fondukistan; o r the interesting Buddhist complex at Tapa Sardar. In all such
instances we see the same process of amalgamation of Indian, Iranian and even Hellenistic
traits still at work, producing equally rich results in architecture, sculpture and painting.
During the s e ~ e n t hcentury A . D . a series of raids bv Arab expeditionary forces penetrated Iran
and Afghanistan. For the latter they culminated in the campaiqns of Qutaiba at the beginning
of the eighth century, and from that time fonvard we must think of Afghanistan as \I-ithin the
embrace of islam, even though there were areas and pockets, particularly in the mountains of
the north, but even in the centre and the south, where the old religions l;ngrrrd on for
~enturies.The last such pocket was in Kafiristan where the old religion has survived into our
own time. What religious conversion meant to the people of Afghanistan in cultural terms has
still to be determined. The archaeology of the Muslim period is still in iu infancv. In many
areas, ~articularlyin Seistan, a great deal of evidence survives from which it would be
to studv settlements and the pattern of settlement in their entirety. The work of the German
expedition reported in Chapter 7 is a start in this direction. It is not unexpected that so far
the greater interest has been in the stud\. of the major surviving monuments, be ther palaces,
tombs o r mosques. Yet even so no history of the Muslim architecture of Afghanistan has
hitherto been written, and Fischer's chapters are in this respect also a pioneer attempt.
The oldest Muslim monument so far identified is the Abbasid mosque recentlv discovered
in the suburbs of Balkh. This should belong to the first phase of Muslim building activity, and
date within a century o r two of the conquest of Balkh bv the Arab armies in A . D . 671. Its style
supplies newr links with west Asia and stands as a so far unique monument to Arab penetration
into Afghanistan.
From the eleventh century onwards we have a much greater volume of material and
evldence of a succession of broad styles which may largely be associated with, if not actuallv
named after, the dynasties who were their chief promoters. The first such stvle is linked \r.ith
the Ghamavids of the eleventh and early twelfth centuries. Buildings are found in many areas
which may be ascribed to this period. The complex of palaces and associated town at Lashkari
Bazar and the neighbouring Qala-i-Bust are of outstanding interest. The architectural stvle
she\\-s principally influences from Iran and Central Asia. A characteristic feature is that both
burnt and unburnt brick is used, and that brick provided bv far the most common building
material. Carved marble occurs used architecturallv. The palaces too contain traces of rich
mural paintings. The subject matter of the carvings and paintings was not limited to
inscriptions o r geometric and ~ l a n designs, t but also included representations of men and
an~mals.Another special form of the Ghaznavid stvle \vas the Minaret or tower, the latter
perhaps influenced by the victory towers which Mahmud saw on his victorious campaigns in
Indla. Among other aspects of the Ghaznavid material culture mention must be made of the
beautihl glazed wares, with clear links to the Samanid \vares of Central Asia. As yet
I-zgrettably little is known of the other crafts which must have flourished at this time.
During the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries the short lived Ghorid kingdom
11 itnessed the creation of a ne\v style of architecture, developing from the Ghaznavid, and
qhowing broadly similar influences. The recorded monuments of this ~ e r i o dare once again
nlalnly palaces, fortresses o r minarets, and there is as yet very little information about the size
o r features of the settlements, o r life of the common people. It is only with the surveys of
h\cher and his colleagues that a beginning has been made on this sort of stud!., and it is to be
hoped that with the progress of this work it will become possible to obtain a clearer view of
t l ~ c\ arious monuments in relation to the functioning society of which they were once a part.
jet man!. aspects of the material culture are only v a p e l v known. The rich glazed \\-ares,
~w~~~cipall!. s g r u z a r o , the imports of luxurv lustre wares, etc., have still to be ~ r o ~ e r l v
Jcscribed.
T h e Mongol invasions of the early thirteenth century are known t o us primarily from the
accounts of historians, and archaeology has still t o lend confirmation t o much of their reports.
This appears t o be another very fruitful field, rich in potential, t o check systematically the
evidence from major towns o r cities which are reported t o have been destroyed at that timc,
and try t o ascertain the extent of the damage and of the subsequent depopulation. It has been
suggested that the Mongol campaigns w e r e aimed at the destruction of the irrigation systems
so as t o end the agricultural productivity of these otherwise arid areas in the interests of
rcvcrting t o pastoralism. It would therefore be of great interest t o try t o discover how far this
aim was successful, how far the irrigation systems w e r e destroyed, and if so, how long it took
t o restore them thereafter. In t h e same way, the study of the succeeding period, under the
llkhans ant1 Karts, should help t o show t h e nature of t h e reconstruction and repopulation of
dc\astated areas. A fresh contribution along the lines pursued by the German expedition in
Scistan is likely t o yield equally impressive results.
The Timurid period (137G1506) marks the culmination of the artistic and cultural
achie\ cments of Afghanistan after the advent of Islam. The architecture of this period again
rcHects predominantly Iranian and Central Asian influences and the use of glazed tiles,
particularly blue,, is a prominent feature. W i t h the shift of the capital from Samarkand to
Hcrat, western Afghanistan came t o hold a position of unrivalled importance. T h e survival of
so many monuments at Herat and elsewhere, and of so many products of the workshops of
Hcrat, illuminated manuscripts and paintings, jade carvings, metal work, pottery and carpets,
mcans that it is already possible t o construct a far fuller picture of these things than for anv
carlicr period. At the same time the need for archacological study of monuments and
settlements with a view t o obtaining a fuller view of the life of the society, its economic and
technological aspects, remains. T h e archaeologist need not shrink from the study of this
splcndid period because of its recentness, nor the comparative wealth of its historical
documentation. In the context of Afghanistan there is still a great wealth of' material awaiting
d i s c o v ~ r yand study, and a major contribution t o make.
T h e establishment in this region of barren mountains and deserts, and of valleys of
incredible lushness, of t h e capital of one of the most intellectually and artistically dynamic
courts in both Asia and Islam, is a fitting apogee t o t h e long history w e have been reviewing.
Afghanistan has acted as a crossroads, melting-pot and caravanserai between three major
areas of cultural innovation in western, central and south Asia, and taking and blcnding
elements and influenccs from all of them and from yet m o r e distant regions, it has emerged as
an important zone of interaction and development in its own right. What has been
accomplished in elucidating the archaeology of Afghanistan is still dwarfed by the magnitude
of \\hat remains t o be done, but from the answers that we have already w e know that the
remaining questions are important ones, and that the discoveries of the years ahead are likely
t o be not less dramatic than those of the past.
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Subject Index
Agriculturisth,
pastoral (See Goat Cult Neolithic.)
Al~l)asid, sedentary , 83- 87
monuments, 305-307 A hangaran, 3 3 5
mosque in Balkh, 305--307, 413 Ahin posh tope, 248
Abdagases, 190, 233 Ai Khanum, 199- 198, 208--209, 218--230, 410
Ahd al-Latif, 358 acropolis, 2 19
Achaemenid, adrninistrativc quartcr(Palacc, 22 1- 224
archaeological sites, 2 14-2 18, 41 0 Aramaic ostracon, I99
cpigraphical background, I 9 1-1 92 architecture, 2 19-227
historical background, 187-1 88 chronology, 2 2 1
numismatic evidence, 201-203 coins from, 208--209
Administrative quarter/Palace at Ai Khanurn, cult Statue, 227
221-224 dedications in thc Gymnasium, 199
Acropolis at Ai Khanum, 2 19 finds from Nrcropolis, 199
Adze, metal, 141 funcrarj chapcl (heroon), 2 2 5
Adze, Stone, 8 4 Gymnasium, 2 2 5 226
Atlzhina Tepe, 293 inscriptions of Clc.archus, I98
Afghanistan, location of, 2 1 8 - 219
as interaction sphere, 405-406 Necropolis, 226-227
beginning of history in, 4 0 9 4 1 3 sculptures from, 227--230
clirnate of, 12-17 temple a rcdans, 22 5
cross-roads of Asia, 1,4055406 Akcha City, 181
geology of, 9-1 2 Akchanian sites, 18 1 184
history of archaeological rcsrarch in, 3-8 Akkadian, 191
location, 9 Ala al-din Husain Jahan-Su7, 303
niountains and foothills of, 22-23 Alabaster, 140, 167
natural resources of, 18-24 \ C S S C ~ 144
~S,
physiographic rcgions of, 1 S - 19 Alhiruni, 2 3 5
plains and lowlands of, 23-24 .4lchono-Hrl1hthalitc~titlc, 2 34
prehistoric climatc of, 1 6 17 Alcxandc.r, 188 189, 218, 410
1-ainfai1in, I 2 coins ol', 203- 204
ti-nlpcraturcs, 1 2 Alcxantlcr IHicrax, coins of, 209
trade, 3 3 - 35 Alrsandria.
Agatlioclcx, coins of, 205, 208 209, 41 1 in Arachosia (Kandahar). 188
Agl-iculturc in Afghanistan, 2 5 30 in Aria (Hcrat), 188
Oxiana, 2 18 A l t i r r l 0 , 2 15
Sub Caucasum, 189 Dahan-i-Ghulaman, 21 5
Alloying 144 Dashli, 182-1 8 3
Ali Tappeh, 61 Deh Morasi Ghundai , 162- I 6 3
AI-Muqaddasi, 359 Ghaznavids, 309-32 1
Alptigin, 235, 302 Ghorids, 33 1--355
AltiwlO, 21 5 Goat Cult Neolithic, 82
Amri, 124, 170, 173 Herat, 37P-388
polychrome, 156 Ilkhanids, 360
Amu-darya (Oxus), 1, 12, 2 18 Kandahar, 262
valley, 24 Mundigak, 93- 1 14
Amulet, bone, 82 Nad-i-Ali, 2 17
Amyntas, coins of, 209 Said Qala Tepe, 1 5@ 1 54
Andarab river, 23 Seistan, 361-379
Anjira (Baluchistan), 1 17 Shahr-i-Sokhta, 167, 169
Antialcidas, coins of, 208 Shahr-i Zohak, 278
Antimachus, coins of, 208 Surkh Kotal, 267-271
Antiochus, Timurids, 397-400
coins of, 204 Ardeshir 1, 214
historical background, 189 Ardeshir 11, coins of, 251
Antiochus I Bala, coins of, 209 Arghandab river, 91
Antiochus 111, 189 Aria (Herat), 187, 191
Apollodotus 1, 189 Arsaces, 189-1 9 0
coins of, 205, 208, 209 Asoka, 189
Aq Kupruk I (Snake cave), 299 Asokan inscriptions, 192-1 98
Aq Kupruk 11, 55-63, 407 historical significance of, 198
C-14 determinations for, 57-58 Ass, 149
faunal remains from, 63 Assyrians, 192
lithic industry of, 58-61 Astragali, bone, 82
microlithic industry of, 61 Attic weight Standard, 204
Palaeolithic assemblage from, 57 Aurignacian, 50, 53
stratigraphy of, 55-57 Aurochs,
Aq Kupruk 111, 6 3 Bos Primigenius, 48
Aq Kupruk IV (Skull cave), 299 Awls, bone, 77, 82, 84, 90, 141, 159, 164
Aquatic niche, 279 Awls, stone, 87
Arachosia, 187, 191, 204, 214 Axes, metal, 184
Aramaic, 188 socket-hole, I41
inscriptions, 192-199 Axes, Stone, 8 4
ostracon, 199 Azerbaijan, 35
role of, 192 Azes I 11, 190
Arch, coins of, 2 12-2 13
horseshoe, 327, 368 A.~ i l i s e s ,190
' '
keel-shaped, 367
squinch, 360
Architectural remains of,
Abbasids, 305-307 Baba Hatun Ziyarat, 3 1 5
Ai Khanum, 219-227 Babar, 359
SUBJECT INDEX 437
Bactra, 187 Beas valley, 40
Bactria, 187, 189, 191, 214, 215, 393 Bedan Rud, 3 3 I
Greek inscriptions in, 198-1 99 Begram, 4, 230, 257-262, 266, 410
Bactrian art, 227-230, 232, 278 coins from, 205--208, 245
Bactrian inscriptions, 241-244 treasure, 2 57-262, 41 2
Badakhshan, 18-19, 34-35, 167 Behistun inscriptions, 187, 191-1 92
Bad-i Asya, 263 Bellows, H. W . , 4
Bagh-i Babur, 403-404 Bent bar Coins,
Bagh-i Mahmud, 327 hoards of, 203
Baghlan, 23 Bernard, P . , 7
limestone reliefs of, 279 Bhir mound (Taxila), 202, 218
Bahram Shah, 303 Bichurin, I . , 6
minaret of, 3 13 Bihzad, Painter, 397, 401
Bajaur (Pakistan), Billon currency, 2 54-2 5 5
bent bar coins from, 203 Bmaran ,
hoard, 208 stupa, 248
Balalyk Tepe, 283, 295 vase inscription, 201
Balkh, 7 , 266, 410 Bindusara, 189
Abbasid mosque in, 3 0 S 3 2 1 Bird of Prey, 149
excavations at, 230 Blade, 81, 89, 139, 158, 183
hoard, 202 metal, 1 59
river, 55 micro, 58, 61, 68, 90
shrine of Khwaja Abu Nasr Parsa, 393 microlithic, 139
Balls, Stone, 8 7 parallel sided, 87
Bamiyan, 271, 412 retouched, 41-42
Buddhas, 5, 7 , 271 Bladelets, 50
caves, 271 Bombaci, A . , 7
paintings, 271 Bone artifacts, 77, 82, 84, 90, 149, 159, 164
valley, 187 Bovid, 43, 165
Bampur, 175, 180 Bowlby, S., 2
Baradostian, 53 Bracelets, metal, 183
Rarger, E . , 7 Bracelets, obsidian, 8 I
Barley, 28, 162 Buckle, metal, 141
Barley, domesticated Six row, Bucranium style, 1 3 1 , 164
Hordeurn vulgare var. afghans, 165 Bullion, 201, 204
'Haroque Ladies', 278 Burials, 9!+100, 177
Rarthoux, J . , 9 goat, 82
Bartold, V . V., 6 multiple, 177
Basaltic boulder, 139 rams ritual, 183
Basaltic cobble, 139 Burins, 87, 89
Rasawal, Buddhist caves of, 278, 282 dihedral, 62, 79
Basketry, 167 micro, 68
Rayer, Theophilus, 4 Burnes, Sir Alexander, 4
Beads, 81, 82, 146, 165, 184 Bust,
Beads-Pendants, 144, 146, 159 great arch of, 354-355
Beakers, 123 palaces, 3 13
Beans, 28 Bustan of Sadi, 401
Chehel Gazari, 335
Chigha Sarai, 289
Camels, 29 Chihilzina, 404
Canister jar, 180 Chinggis Khan, 357
Canisters, Pentagonal, 144 Chisels, metal, 141
Caravan Cities, 409 Chisels, stone, 8 4
Carbon-14 dates, 48-49, 57-58, 75, 87, Choppers, 4 0
114-115, 154, 164, 167, 178, 181, 184 Chopping tools, 4 0
Carnelian, 144, 146, 167 Choresmia (Khwarizm), 188
Casal, J .-M . , 7 Chust culture, 181
Cash crops, 29 Cleavers, 40, 159
Cattle, 90, 149, 162 Coins from,
Bos sp., 75 Ahin Posh tope, 248
Cattle/deer, Ai-Khanum, 208-209
Bos/cervus, 7 5 Bajaur (Pakistan), 208
Cattle Pen, 96 Balkh, 202
Celts, stone, 77, 81, 164 Begram, 205-208, 214, 245
Cemeteries, 18 3 Bimaran, 248
Ceramics of, Chahar Bagh, 248
Aq Kupruk, 299 Chaman-i-Hazuri, 202-203, 2 17
chalcolithic period, 90 Charikar, 247
Dashli, 183 Damkot (Pakistan), 2 5 5
Deh Morasi Ghundai, 164 Gardez, 2 5 1-2 53
Djeitun, 8 4 8 5 tladda, 214, 251
Ghar-i-Mar, 9 0 Indus valley, 253
Ghaznavid period, 329-330 Jalalabad, 2 12, 255
Ghorid period, 331 Kabul, 247
Goat Cult Neolithic, 83 Kandahar, 210, 253
Kandahar, 262-263 Khosh Tepe, 167
Kile Gul Mohammad, 86 Khugjani, 203
Kulli, 178-1 79 Manikyala stupa, 2 53
Mundigak, 1 1 5-1 39, Mir Zakah, 204, 21 2, 214
Nad-i-Ali, 217 Oxus, 202, 204
Neolithic period, 79 Qunduz, 2 0 S 2 10, 247, 255
Said Qala tepe, 154-1 58 Seistan, 2 14
Shahr-i Sokhta, 166-1 6 7 Shewaki, 2 55
Timurid Period, 402 Tepe Maranjan, 2 5 1
Cereal remains, 149, 165 Coins of
Chaghatai Khan, 3 58 Achaemenids, 201-203
Chaharsuq, 404 Agathocles 205, 208-9, 41 1
Chalcedony, 167 Alexander, 203-204
Chaman-i-Hazuri hoard, 202-203, 2 17 Alexantler Hierax, 209
Chanar-i-Gunjus Khan (Hadakhshan), 41 Amyntas, 209
Chandl-agupta Maurva, 189 Antialcidas, 208
Chaqlaq Tcpc, 267 Antimachus, 208
C'harkh-i-Lohgar mosque, 3 I 5 Antioc-lius 1, 204
Cllarsatla, 202, 2 17 Antiochus 11, 204
SUBJECT INDEX 439
.4ntiochus I Bala, 209 Theodosius, 2 5 1
Apollodotus I, 205, 208, 209 Trajan, 248
Ardeshir 11, 251 Vakka Deva, 2 5 5
Azes 1, 212 Vasudeva, 247, 248
Azes 11, 212 Vima Kadphises, 245, 248
Demetruis 11, 2 10 Vrahitigin, 2 5 3
Diodotus 1, 204, 208 Yueh-chi, 2 12
Domitian, 248 Coon, C . , 7, 38
Fuel-atides, 205, 208, 210 Copper, 21, 144, 165, 166, 180
tuthydemus, 208 compartmented seal, 165
Gondophares, 2 1 2-2 1 4 handle, 165
Craeco-Bactrian, 2 W 2 10 simple pins, 165
Heliocles, 209, 2 10 slag, 167
Hephthalites, 25 1 tube, 165
Hermaeus, 2 10 Core,
Hu\.ishka, 245, 248 discoidal, 4 1 4 2
Indo-Parthians, 2 12-2 14 flake, 4 1 4 2
Kanishka, 245, 248 flint, 89
Khusru 11, 253 Levallois blade , 4 1 4 2
Kujula Kadphises, 245, 248 micro, 58, 68
Kushans, 245-247 Corinthian columns, 22 1
Kushans, Later, 248-251 cotton, 28
Kushano-Sasanians, 247-248 Croesus of Lydia, 4
Leo, 251 Crops, principal, 27-28
L\-sias, 208 Crypt, 227
Jlarcian, 25 1 Cultural stagnation, 1 17, 1 19
.\laur\.an, 204-205 C y ~ the
s great, 187
Menander, 208
Napki Malka, 251-253
Orthagnes, 2 14
Pacores, 214
Pantaleon, 205 D.A.F.A., 6, 91
Roman, 248 Daggers, metal, 170
Sabina, 248 Dagger blade, metal, 170
Samanta Deva, 254 Dahan-i-Ghulaman, 21 5, 410
Sasanian, 2 5 1 architecture, 2 15
Seleuchus 1, 204, 209 Dakhtar-i Noshirvan, 282
Shahi, 253-255 Dalberjin Kazan tepe, 266, 279, 283, 289
Shapur 11, 247, 251 Dales, G . F., 8
Shapur 111, 251 Damb Sadaat (DS), 170, 173, 178-179
Sonabares, 2 I 4 Damkot (Chakdara), 2 55
Soter Megas, 245 Danestama, 351-355
Spalapati Deva, 254 Dara-i Kalon, 6 4
Sri Bhima Deva, 254 Dara-i-Kur, 41-43,73-75,81-83, 1'84,406,408
Sri Khudavayaka Deva, 254 faunal material from, 43
Sri Shahi, 253 hominid material from, 4 2 4 3
Su Hrrmaeus, 214 lithic traditions of, 4 1 4 2
440 SUBJECT INDEX
Kabul river, 40
Kabul \,allev, 22
Kaf ristan, 41 3
Ibex, 149 Katiniigan vallcv. 299
Ibn Battuta, 358, 393 Kakrak, 271, 282
Ilkhanid, a r c h i t e c t u r e , 3 6 0 Kalibangan, 1 3 3
Ilkhans, 358 Kandahar (Shar-i Kohna), 2 30-2 3 2 , 2 6 2 - 2 6 3 , 4 1 0
Iman-i Khurd, zivarat of, 3 I 5 architectural rrmains, 262
Indo-Parthians, 1)ilinpal rock inscription a t , 192.- I 9 3
coins of, 2 12-2 1 4 ceramics, 262-263
historical background, 1 9 0 citv plan, 262
Indus, 112, 1 3 9 G r e e k building inscription f r o m , 193
Indus (Vallcv) Civilization, 172, 1 7 3 , 4 0 8 Indo-aramaic inscription f r o m , 19 3, 198
Iron, 2 1 , 1 5 9 , 180-181 Kanishka, 233. 41 1
Iron age c u l t u r ( \ . 181 coins, 245
Iron sni(\ltlng, +OL) e r a , 240
Irrigation \ \ *tcxni. 2 5-27 Kara Kamar, 4 5 , 64-67
Isidore, 190 Kara Kanlar 111, 5 G 5 3 , 4 0 7
Islam, lithic industry of, 5&53
arrival of, 41 2 Kara T e p r , 177; 282
progrrss of, 2 34-23 5 Karcz S v s t e n ~ ,2 5-26
Isotherms, 14-1 5 Kebaran (Levant), 53
IhMt'O, 7 Kcchi Hcg,
I l o n . 311, 313, 327, 328, 329, 34S, 3 5 1 , polvchromc, 1 7 0
361- 366, 368, 379, 380, 1 8 2 , 383, 389, pol!,chromr, I ~ i c h r o n i e ,1 56, I 7 3
100 \r.hitc>o n dark slip, 156
Indus, 1 1 2 , 1 39 Kcrano-Munjan vallev, 35
4-44 SUBJECT INDEX