Term Paper
Term Paper
Term Paper
Indian society represented a conflicting position of women. While Sati - the barbarous
practice that questioned women’s right to live or die and treated women as servants of
men, female goddesses like Sita, Parvati or Lakshmi drived the true spirit of Hinduism as
the source of strength, wisdom and wealth. However the stories of goddesses
themselves had presence of elements like respect for husband, sacrifice and one’s duty
towards the larger society. I n this Indian patriarchal society the women's question was
always answered by others rather than woman herself. Then British rule came and
‘women’s question’ were again raised and British rule used this barbaric and pitiable
position of women to justify their role in civilizing India. Although, the Indian reformers
used the second position of women - the analogy of women being goddesses to free
bharatmata from the colonial rule. This justification of Indian society being “effeminate”
in character, as opposed to “colonial masculinity”, was provided for the loss of
independence. But women’s role with relation to the family was always looked through
the patriarchal lens. Britishers considered position and status of women as an indicator
to the development or modernization of a country.
As Partha Chatterjee described in his 1989 article - although Indian reformers regarded
Hindu culture as far more superior to British’s Western models, they also believed that
HIndu culture had to be rendered more consistent with Western liberal ideas. He also
described these western values as part of ‘material’ d
omain and its counterpart was the
‘spiritual’ domain which was seen as representative of the ‘ true identity’ of the Indian
women. Thus reformers perceived a need to protect the sanctity of this domain which
represented the true ‘Indianness’.
The basic form of women’s movement was triggered by 19th century male reformers.
Colonial social reform of the 19th century tried to abolish abuses of social life and tried
to usher in more progressive gender relations. A
new wave of human greatness eager to
help the suppressed and the weak emerged mainly due to the new colonial education
which led to enactment of various social laws by the government. For example: Abolition
of Sati (1829), Widow Remarriage Act(1856), Child Marriage Act(1872). Despite these
progressive legislations the women’s question was far from being answered by the
women themselves. Also, various articles on the women’s nationalist movement argued
that both the participation and leadership of women’s activities were dominated by the
upper and middle class women.
Early years of twentieth century saw the construct of the ‘new woman’ and the ideas that
came along with it such as feminism. These ideas emerged even more when Gandhi
brought ideas about women’s roles in the movement. He argued that the qualities of
self-sacrifice were ingrained in Indian women and these qualities are perfectly suited
with his core ideas of ‘ahimsa’. Gandhi bought self-reliance by weaving one’s own cloth
which was primarily done by women and boycotting foreign cloth. Hence it brought a
sense of responsibility on women to feed and provide clothes to her family. This also
satisfied women of participating in movement without going on the streets. However
this changed in 1930 when Salt satyagraha saw a mass participation from women as salt
was a commodity that affected women from all walks of life equally. After this women
started leading processions, holding meetings and courting arrest. They also stopped
men from purchasing liquor and cloth from foreign shops. In all these activities, the
most visible participation came from middle-class women. However, middle-class
women were not an homogenous category. They differed on the basis of age, religion
and political goals. This difference was also observed in the activities as activities of
younger women were markedly different from the activities of older women who
majorly followed Gandhian non-violent programme. Younger women were active in
organizing underground activities whereas older women lacked the courage to try and
establish new social norms. Young leagues sprung up in all parts of the country by both
young men and women. Just as women were positioned differently with respect to age
in middle class, similarly they were positioned differently with respect to religion.
Though Muslim women participated in the nationalist movement, their participation
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was much less as compared to the Hindus. Muslim women’s participation also
questioned the important issue of ‘purdah’ in the nationalist movement. Gandhi’s
movement of encouraging women to come out of their domestic sphere definitely
attracted more Hindu women than Muslim women. Muslim women did not discard
purdah a
nd one of its possible reason was the resentment expressed by their men
towards their activities outside the home.
Hence, the construction of ‘new woman’ brought in place by Indian reformers, saw a
divide on the basis of age and religion and clearly wasn't a homogenous category.
Women’s involvement in the Palestine Nationalist movement started from 1882, from
the beginning of the establishment of the Zionist settlements. Women were under a
strict social order and their freedom of movement was almost non-existent. But women
raised their voices for the first time in 1884 alongside men against the first Jewish
settlement. The early days of the movement saw women marching in the streets, school
girls throwing stones at soldiers, older women carrying baskets of stones on their heads
to supply younger demonstrators. G
iven this u
naccustomed public profile, it was a
social revolution in its own in which women rebelled against their traditional place in a
patriarchal society.
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After the loss of Palestine in 1948 Arab-Israeli war, another six-day war broke out in
1967 which resulted in complete destruction of the economic, social and political
infrastructure of the Palestinian Society, which now demanded further unity among the
people and within the national movement. As a consequence, women formed charitable
organizations that supported and responded to the needs of the other communities.
However women's participation was still shaped by the ideology of the male leadership,
which could not take direct action, either in occupied Palestine, now Israel, or in the
West Bank that became part of Jordan. The losses in the war put pressures on women in
general and shifted their focus on preserving national identity, tradition and heritage.
Palestinians chances of continuing the struggle in the new Israel were very limited as
their political institutions were under the threat of closure. In the West Bank, most
Palestinians became a part of the Jordanian system. However, Palestine Liberation
Organization(PLO) was established in 1964 and Palestine Women’s Association was set
up with it. In 1965, the Palestinian Women’s Association held its first conference, and
later it set up branches in West Bank. But the association was banned by the Jordanian
regime in 1966. However, by the late 1960s women became very active and several
women’s group were made but they majorly consisted of educated middle-class
women. From 1967 to 1972, armed struggle became an important part of the
Palestinian movement and women also took part in planning and carrying out of armed
operations.
Following this women also joined different political parties which created a new image
of women – where women’s roles were sexually defined and limited to providing service
support – were still maintained, but also critically questioned.
Conclusion
“The colonial historiography indicates that in India the modern notions of gender rights in the
public domain were premised on the public private split whereby private disempowerment
and the subordination of Indian women were masked and reinforced by the bestowal of
public rights.” - [Dr. Namrata Singh, 2015]
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defined in terms of the occupation, whereas Indian women had to overcome the
inherited patriarchal norms which governs the Indian society.
Both in India and Palestine, the reforms were modern but at the same time the
inherited patriarchy was not questioned. Reforms were merely the recasting of male
domination. Legislations have not been able to change societal attitudes and
perceptions about women and hence, egalitarian society is a myth for majority of
women. Thus a fight for new values, new perceptions and a new egalitarian based
society- the women’s movement- continues forever.
References
- The Women’s Question: Participation in the Indian National Movement and its
impact - Dr. Namrata Singh, 2015, IOSR-JHSS
- The Palestinian Women's Movement: From Resistance and Liberation to
Accommodation and Globalization - Eileen Kuttab
- The Emergence of the Palestinian Women's Movement, 1929-39 - Ellen L.
Fleischmann, 2000
- Women as Activists; Women as Symbols: A Study of the Indian Nationalist
Movement - Suruchi Thapar
- 'The Nationalist resolution of the women's question - Partha Chatterjee, 1989
PS: Felicity - the techno-cultural festival of IIIT, started in 2002 and always had 3 male
coordinators. So last year we thought to increase women’s participation and to include a
female point of view in functioning of Felicity, we should add a provision for 4th
position. So we formed a committee of ex-coordinators along with parliament members
to come up with a proposal which sought of had a reservation for a girl candidate. What
important here is that although we had discussions and took views from everyone but
no girl was involved in the policy/decision making process. I was the head of the
committee and never realized until I took this course that how deep patriarchy is
ingrained in us.
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