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The general history of Africa: studies and documents 2
In'this series:
1. The peopling of ancient Egypt and the deciphering of Meroitic script
2. The African slave trade from thefifteenthto the nineteenth century
The african slave trade
from the fifteenth
to the nineteenth
century
Reports and papers of the meeting of experts
organized by Unesco at Port-au-Prince, Haiti,
31 January to 4 February 1978
wnesoo
The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout the publication
do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of Unesco concerning
the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning
the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.
Published in 1979 by the United Nations

Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
7 Place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris
Printed by Imprimeries Réunies de Chambéry
I S B N 92-3-101672-5
French edition: 92-3-201672-9
© Unesco 1979
Printed in France
Preface
This second volume in the series 'The General History of Africa: Studies and
Documents' presents the working documents, a summary report of discus-
sions, and supplementary papers submitted at the Meeting of Experts on the
African Slave Trade which was organized by Unesco at Port-au-Prince, Haiti,
from 31 January to 4 February 1978.
The purpose of the meeting, which was recommended by the Interna-
tional Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa,
was to elicit the authorized views of specialists on the various aspects of the
slave trade mentioned in several volumes of the General History of Africa.
Over and above its immediate results, it also aimed at identifying new lines of
research on this subject, since despite the numerous studies and publications
that have already been produced, there remain several questions that have
not yet been satisfactorily answered.
Discussions centred on the following topics: scale and effects of the
slave trade; ideological positions with regard to the problem; abolition of
the slave trade, especially in the Indian Ocean; new lines of research.
The authors are responsible for the choice and the presentation of the
facts contained in this book, and for the opinions expressed therein, which
are not necessarily those of Unesco and do not commit the Organization.
Contents
Introduction 9
Part I: Working papers and summary report
Ideological and political aspects of the African slave trade

Ideological, doctrinal, philosophical, religious and political aspects of
the African slave trade, S. U. Abramova 16
Reactions to the problem of the slave trade : an historical and ideological
study, Michèle Duchet 31
The Atlantic slave trade

The slave trade and the Atlantic economies 1451-1870,
Joseph E. Inikori 56
The slave trade in the Caribbean and Latin America,
José Luciano Franco 88
y. Negro resistance to slavery and the Atlantic slave trade from Africa to
Black America, Oruno D . Lara 101
Portuguese participation in the slave trade : opposing forces, trends
of opinion with Portuguese society, effects on Portugal's socio-
economic development, Françoise Latour da Veiga Pinto, assisted
by A. Carreira 119
The slave trade within Africa and between Africa and the Middle East
^ T h e slave trade within the African continent, Mbaye Gueye 150
The slave trade and the population drain from Black Africa to North
Africa and the Middle East, / . B. Kake 164
Population movements between East Africa, the H o r n of Africa and the
neighbouring countries, Bethwell A. Ogot 175
The slave trade in the Indian Ocean

The slave trade in the Indian Ocean: problems facing the historian and
research to be undertaken, Hubert Gerbeau 184
Summary report of the meeting of experts on the African slave trade 211
Appendixes
Appendix 1 : List of participants 233
Appendix 2 : Opening speech of the Secretary of State for Education,
Haiti 236
Appendix 3 : Opening speech of the Director-General of Unesco 239
Part II: Supplementary papers
A n account of research o n the slave trade in Nigeria, / . F. Ade Ajayi

and J. E. Inikori 247
Portuguese research on the slave trade, Antonio Carreira 250
The Catholic Church and the slave trade, Luigi Conti 265
Supplementary report on slave-trade studies in the United States,
P. D . Curtin 269
The slave trade and the peopling of Santo Domingo, Jean Fouchard 270
A commentary on the slave trade, Joseph E. Harris 289
The present state of research in Brazil, Waldeloir Rego 296
The state of research in Guyana, Walter Rodney 298
The slave trade from thefifteenthto the nineteenth century,
Y. Talib 299
Research o n African influence in the Dominican Republic,
Hugo Tolentino Dipp and Ruben Silié 306
Brazilian and African sources for the study of cultural transferences
from Brazil to Africa during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries,
J. Michael Turner 311
Introduction
T o facilitate the discussions, Unesco drew up an annotated agenda highlighting

the main lines of debate, and invited several experts to prepare working docu-
ments o n specific topics.
M a i n lines of debate
Scale of the slave trade
The task here was to use the most recent work in order to establish statistics
about the population uprooted from Africa by the traffic in slaves, in particular
with a view to providing receiving countries with statistical data about the
origin and numerical strength of the people of African extraction.
The figures given and the methods adopted to arrive at these estimates
vary from one school of thought to another. The meeting was required to
compare the various procedures followed, to m a k e a critical appraisal of them
and to suggest a method likely to produce better results. It would undoubtedly
be desirable to attempt to take stock of the methods used to evaluate the h u m a n
losses sustained by Africa as a result of the slave trade (particularly losses
suffered at the time of man-hunts o n the African continent and deaths in the
ports of embarkation and on the slave ships).
Effects of the slave trade
The experts were requested to examine the repercussions of the slave trade
both in Africa and in the receiving countries, and also in those countries which
organized the slave trade. The aim was to assess not only the numerical impor-
tance of the population forcibly removed from Africa, but also the impact of
this deportation on the demographic development of the African continent.
The impact of the slave trade on political and social structures, o n cul-
tural life and on economic development in Africa, which has not been studied
in any depth, was to be discussed thoroughly in order that conclusions could
be reached which s u m up the question and suggest fresh lines of research.
10 Introduction
Furthermore, through discussion of the papers before them, the partici-

pants were expected to examine the methods used to assess the new wealth
gained by economies outside Africa as a result of the slave trade. They were
requested to evaluate the growth of that wealth and the role of the slave trade
in the industrial development of the European countries, particularly at the
stage of the initial accumulation of capital. They were also asked to evaluate the
role of the slave trade in the industrial development of the receiving countries.
Lastly, the impact of the slave trade o n the attitudes and structures of
the receiving countries was to be examined. In particular, a study was to be
m a d e of the development of relations between the local population and the
new arrivals.
M a n y studies have been m a d e of African cultural contributions to the
countries where the slaves were settled. The meeting was asked,first,to take
stock of such studies and, second, to examine the consequences of the cultural
mixture on attitudes and o n the social and economic structures of the receiving
countries.
Ideological positions with regard to the problem of the slave trade
Although an outline of this aspect of the problem can be found in several

studies, it has never been dealt with in a systematic and exhaustive manner.
T h e experts were therefore requested to examine the ideological positions
(philosophical, religious or political, inter alia) underlying the problem of the
slave trade.
A study was to be m a d e , in particular, of the positions of the Christian
churches and of Islam and of doctrinal developments within them, and of the
standpoints adopted by various political and philosophical schools of thought
on the slave trade and o n slavery—especially all the abolitionist movements
of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries—both in the countries which orga-
nized the slave trade and in the countries which stood to gain from it.
Abolition of the slave trade, particularly in the Indian Ocean
A great deal of research has been carried out on what led to the abolition of
the slave trade and the stages through which it passed. The participants were
requested to review the issue.
In particular, they were invited to evaluate the role played by slaves'
uprisings in the abolition process itself, and the participation of slaves in
national liberation movements, especially in North and South America and the
Caribbean.
Special emphasis was to be placed on the Indian Ocean routes, which
have been less thoroughly studied than those across the Atlantic.
Introduction 11
The experts were also requested to consider the consequences of the

abolition of the slave trade in Africa itself, in Europe and in the receiving
countries.
New lines of research
The experts were requested to bring together under this heading all the recom-
mendations concerning the pursuit of research into the slave trade which arose
out of the discussions. In particular, they were to : (a) list the sources of archives
still to be published; (b) suggest forms and directions which further research
might take; and (c) put foward suggestions o n ways of setting u p a system
for the exchange of information, researchers and teachers and, when appro-
priate, students, between universities in the region (Caribbean and the Ameri-
cas) and Africa.
Working papers
The working papers are grouped in four sections in Part I of this book. The
first section contains contributions by S. U . A b r a m o v a and Michèle Duchet
on ideological and political aspects of the slave trade. In the second section,
Joseph E . Inikori deals with the effects of the slave trade on the Atlantic econ-
omies; José Luciano Franco examines the slave trade in the Caribbean and
Latin America; Oruno D . Lara discusses Negro resistance to slavery and
F . Latour da Veiga Pinto, assisted by Antonio Carreira, examines the effects
of Portugal's participation in the slave trade o n Portuguese society and the
country's socio-economic development.
The third and fourth sections deal with the slave trade within Africa
itself and in other parts of the world. M b a y e Gueye shows h o w European
participation in the slave trade caused it to swell to huge proportions and
discusses the subsequent effects on the internal slave trade. I. B . K a k e points
out that the peoples of North Africa and the Middle East had been transfer-
ring black populations to their territories long before Europeans began trading
in slaves and shows h o w this population drain developed from thefifteenthto
the end of the nineteenth century. Population movements between East Africa,
the Horn of Africa and the neighbouring countries are examined by Bethwell
A . Ogot, and Hubert Gerbeau discusses research to be undertaken on the slave
trade in the Indian Ocean.
Part I ends with the summary report of the meeting of experts and recom-
mendations for future action.
Part II of the book contains additional papers which participants were
asked to submit, describing research on the slave trade being carried out in
various countries. These papers contain mainly bibliographical data, details of
12 Introduction
work in progress, areas of research to be explored, names of specialists doing

research work on the slave trade, statistics, and lists of archives. S o m e of them
also discuss the role and impact of the slaves—economic, cultural, political—
in the receiving countries and in the trading countries.
Parti
Working papers
and summary report
Ideological
and political aspects
of the slave trade
Ideological, doctrinal, philosophical,
religious and political aspects
of the African slave trade
S. U . Abramova
'There is no topic in African history o n which so m u c h has been written and

yet so little k n o w n as the Atlantic slave trade. ' These words belong to D a a k u , 1
the African historian. Indeed, hundreds of studies and popular books have
been written on the 400-year-long slave trade. It had a significant impact on
m a n ' s history: there is hardly a single work on the history of Africa, America
or the West Indies and few studies on the history of Europe that do not con-
tain at least one chapter on the export of slaves to the N e w World.
O n e hundred years have gone by since Africans ceased to be transported
to the N e w World, but disputes on the slave trade and its place in world history
still continue. This paper attempts to give a concise account of the reasons
behind the slave trade, its development and appraisal by contemporaries, and
what it gave to the peoples involved in it.
Development of the slave trade
In 1441, an expedition headed by A n t a m Gonsalvez and N u n o Trista brought

back ten captives from Africa to Europe. S o m e of these captives assured their
captors that they would be handsomely rewarded if they returned their captives
to Africa. Gonsalvez shipped the captives back to Africa where he received
in exchange ' ten blacks, male and female, from various countries . . . ' and
various goods including ' . . . a little gold dust'.2
Several slaves, with a splendid retinue, were sent as a gift to Pope Eugene
IV. The others were sold in Lisbon at an extremely high price.
Following this first profitable sale of Africans the Portuguese sailors
began to bring back slaves from every voyage to Africa.
Pacheco Pereira wrote that in his day (latefifteenthcentury) from the
coastal areas embracing Senegal and Sierra Leone alone 3,500 slaves, and at
times even more, were carried off yearly,3 although the capture of slaves was
not the main object of thefirstPortuguese expeditions. A t that time, however,
the population in some European countries was rather small and slave labour
was widely used, for instance, in the countries of the Iberian peninsula. But
Ideological, doctrinal, religious and political 17
aspects of the African slave trade
after the Christian Reconquest the influx of slaves virtually ceased. The market-
ing of black slaves was probably thefirstprofitable 'outcome' of the costly
African expeditions.
O n e often reads that Portuguese rulers, and a m o n g them Prince Henry,
k n o w n as 'the Navigator', the organizer of Portuguese expeditions to Africa,
sanctioned the import of Africans ostensibly to convert them to Christianity.
It is true that slaves were baptized, but nevertheless sold.
At that time the Church took quite a different line with regard to Africans.
Pope Nicholas V issued a special bull granting the King of Portugal, Alphonso
V , the right to seize lands and enslave heathens in regions discovered by that
time in Africa, and in those that would be discovered. Moreover, the Catholic
clergy, for instance, in the Congo, daily compromised itself and the Church
by indulging openly in the slave trade.4
In the early sixteenth century, the Spanish established a huge colonial
empire in the West Indies and America. In the process of seizing new lands
they massacred nearly all of the native Indian population. T o obtain cheap
manpower they began to bring African slaves, w h o had proved their worth
in Europe as capable and handy workers, to the N e w World.
By exporting Africans to America the Spanish were not trying to save
what was left of the Indians. They were eager to preserve their colonies where
there was no manpower to work the mines and plantations. In 1510, the first
large group of African slaves, 250 in all, was brought to the Hispaniola gold
mines. After that, the Spanish Government regularly concluded asiento with
other countries for the right to sell African slaves in Spain's American colonies.
In the second half of the sixteenth century, Portugal began to lose its
monopoly in Africa, and Spain in the N e w World. The development of capi-
talism in Europe prompted an active colonial policy. Holland, Great Britain
and then France began conquests in America, Asia and Africa, where they
built up their colonial empires.
Having considerably squeezed out Portugal, these countries settled on
Africa's western coast where they built forts and established settlements. In
the West Indies, Holland seized Curaçao and Aruba; Great Britain, Barbados
and Jamaica; France, Guadeloupe, Martinique and, in the late seventeenth
century, Santo Domingo, etc. Brazil, Cayenne, Surinam, N e w Amsterdam
(New York) and Virginia were a m o n g the colonies that emerged in America
at the time.
By the mid-seventeenth century, the main colonies where African labour
was soon to be employed were founded. Following the essential organizational
period in the colonies the development of plantation economies began. T h e
rapid development of the West Indies and the American colonies would have
been impossible in that period without the mass employment of cheap m a n -
power.
18 S. U. Abramova
Evidence of the European countries' huge interest in African trade as a

whole, and particularly in the slave trade, was the founding of numerous trade
companies.
This put an end to thefirstperiod of development of the slave trade.
T w o phases are distinguished within this period; different as they are, they
form a continuation. T h efirstis the transportation of African slaves from
Africa to Europe, mainly to Portugal and partly to Spain. The appearance of
Africans in the European slave markets was not merely the continuation of
the Mediterranean slave trade. Never before had Europeans indulged in the
seizure of slaves on such a huge scale. Never before had the hunt for slaves
been so systematic nor had it been carried on solely for the sake of procuring
slaves. Never before had Europeans c o m e into contact with such a huge
number of slaves belonging to another race and differing from their European
masters not only by their outward appearance but also by their inner make-up
and their perception of the surrounding world, for the distinctions between
European and African reality were drastic.
The second phase is the granting of thefirstasiento and the delivery of
slaves to the N e w World,firstfrom Europe, and later direct from Africa. This
was only the beginning of the European-American slave trade.
Formally, the second period of the slave trade began in the late seven-
teenth century and continued to 1807-08, when Great Britain and the United
States of America, the world's two biggest slave-trading powers, abolished
the export of slaves from Africa. Actually the borderline was set by the French
Revolution of 1789, i.e. during the campaigns of Napoleon that followed,
the transport of slaves from Africa was insignificant.
Despite the attempts of monopoly companies to limit the slave trade in
one way or another, it was conducted within that period on an unrestricted
scale. It was regarded at the time as a branch of trade conducive to the nation's
welfare, as 'thefirstprinciple and foundation of all the rest, the mainspring of
the machine which sets every wheel in motion'. 6 A n d it is to the eighteenth
century that Karl Marx's statement that Africa had been turned into a warren
for hunting blacks, refersfirstof all.8
In the late eighteenth century, when a campaign was already in progress
to ban the transport of slaves from Africa, defenders of the slave trade produced
numerous arguments in favour of its continuation (see below). Here w e shall
dwell only on the climatic theory advocated by all adherents of the slave trade.
The theory alleged that the climate of the West Indies, both Americas and other
parts where African slave labour was widespread, was unbearable to Europeans
and prevented them from working their plantations. It was claimed that the
plantations of European colonists would inevitably fall into decline were it
not for the import of Africans, w h o were used to the tropical climate and,
moreover, proved to be splendid agricultural workers. T h e climatic theory
has survived to our day. 7 It has, however, been refuted by the history of the
European colonies in America.
After exterminating the American Indians, the British and the French
began to employ white slaves to work their plantations. At that time political
prisoners and criminals were exiled to the West Indies. The system of inden-
tured servants was also widespread. In Europe, particularly in London and
Bristol, people were kidnapped and sold into slavery to the N e w World. 8
In the 1640s, when sugar-cane was introduced on a wide scale in the
West Indies, and crop areas were extended, the number of white slaves fell
short of the demand for manpower. Beginning with the late seventeenth cen-
tury the import of African slaves into the colonies of the N e w World rose
sharply.
Thus the reason for replacing white slaves by Africans had nothing to
do with the hot climate. A t that time Europe simply could not supply the
colonies with a sufficient amount of cheap manpower. A s admitted by all
contemporaries, without the enslavement of Africans the colonies of the N e w
World could not have continued to exist. O n e of the documents of the Royal
African C o m p a n y , founded in 1672, reads: "The slaves are sent to all His
Majesty's American Plantations which cannot subsist without them.' 9
In the second half of the seventeenth century, the slave trade became
notorious as one of the most profitable branches of trade, and each European
country, provided it had the opportunity, sought to snatch a profitable share
of the slave trade for itself. Great Britain, Holland and France were the leading
slave-trading powers of the time. F r o m the late seventeenth century, the British
North American colonies, the future United States of America, also sent slave
ships to the American coast. Even D e n m a r k and Sweden built several forts
on the western coast of Africa with the aim of taking part in the slave
trade.
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the slave trade was considered
as respectable as any other branch of trade. Tradesmen from different countries
boasted of their successes in trading in 'live merchandise'. Pages upon pages of
old books arefilledwith inventories showing the number of slaves exported
from Africa and the number of those w h o managed to reach the N e w World
alive.10 These data are only approximate—there were no precise statistics—yet
they are sufficient evidence of the importance of the slave trade and its scope
in the eighteenth century.
Robert Bisset's The History of the Negro Slave Trade in its Connection
with the Commerce and Prosperity of the West Indies and the Wealth of the
British Empire}1 one of the most serious works on the subject written by an
advocate of the slave trade in the years of struggle for its abolition, w h e n both
abolitionists and their opponents spared neither words nor emotions in publi-
cizing their economic, political and religious views on the subject, gives the
20 S. U. Abramova
precise standpoint on this question: the flourishing and wealth of the metro-
politan country depend on the size of the slave trade, the import of slaves to the
plantations.
In Capital, Karl M a r x quotes a prominent historian, a specialist of the
colonial period: 'It is the agriculture of the West Indies, which has been for
centuries prolific of fabulous wealth, which has engulfed millions of the African
race.'12 A n d that was exactly the way things stood. The American colonies,
the slave trade and the 'triangular' trade were a major factor in the primary
accumulation of capital and had a substantial impact on the economic devel-
opment of the metropolitan countries, but the fabulous wealth of the West
Indies and of the American planters was created by the hands of Africans,
scores of thousands of w h o m perished in the conditions of plantation slavery.
In distinction to several present-day historians this was well understood by
contemporaries.
T o quote a British historian, at the opening of the eigtheenth century :
the African slave trade was the foundation on which colonial industry and the colonial
commerce of European countries rested. It dominated the relations between the
countries of Western Europe and their colonies; it was one of the most important
factors in the warsthe of the century; it played a considerable role in the domestic
affairs of the nations involved in it.13
O n e has only to recall the asiento. Being well aware of the profits that would
c o m e pouring in from the delivery of slaves to the Spanish colonies and from
the goods that were smuggled during those voyages, European countries vied
to obtain this contract. According to the Treaty of Utrecht (1713) following the
war for the Spanish inheritance, Great Britain, as the victor, succeeded to the
asiento previously held by France and gained several additional privileges
into the bargain.14 According to contemporaries, obtaining the asiento was a
huge victory for British diplomacy.
In the eighteenth century, the interests of European society were closely
linked with the slave trade, which had a great impact on the growth of Euro-
pean ports and promoted the emergence of manufacturers processing raw
materials cultivated by Africans. In 1796, during debates held in the British
Parliament on the question of abolishing the slave trade, Tarleton and Y o u n g ,
members of the House of C o m m o n s , w h o represented the interests of ship-
builders and slave-traders, claimed that the abolition of the slave trade would
ruin London, Liverpool, Bristol and Glasgow. 15
The manufacturers of Nantes maintained in all competence :
The slave trade is the basis of all our navigations. It brings manpower to till the land
of our islands. In exchange the islands give us an abundance of sugar, coffee, cotton
and indigo which are used in domestic and foreign trade.16
Certainly, these cities continued to thrive after the slave trade was abolished,
but the words of British Parliamentarians and Nantes manufacturers testify
once again to their awareness of the economic significance of the slave trade :
it provided work for thousands of craftsmen and sailors; m a n y hundreds of
people were employed in the textile mills and factories of London, Bristol,
Glasgow, Manchester, Nantes, Roanne, etc., working on raw materials from
West Indian and American plantations : products of sugar-cane, tobacco, cot-
ton, etc.
Undoubtedly, the greatest profits from the slave trade went to both
Americas. N o one denies the fact that for several centuries Brazil was actually
integrally linked with Africa and that the greatest number of slaves were
imported into Brazil. But less is written of the significance of the African slave
trade for the United States of America, or of the fact that 'it was the sale of
Africans in the N e w World—the slave trade—that laid thefinancialfoundation
of the United States'.17 Nevertheless, history has preserved the testimony of
contemporaries o n the importance of the slave trade for the United States
economy: w h e n the Declaration of Independence was put u p for discussion
at the Continental Congress the article denouncing the slave trade was exempted
from the text.18
In the eighteenth century the export of slaves increased yearly. According
to the (exaggerated) data of contemporaries, in the 1780s, when the movement
for the abolition of the slave trade began to develop in Europe and America,
100,000 Africans were exported yearly.
T h e struggle for abolition of the slave trade
Viewing the events of those years from the present time one can single out the
following reasons for the abolition of the slave trade in the early nineteenth
century: the development of capitalist relations in European countries and
America in general; changes in Great Britain's economic policy—the result of
the breaking off of its Continental colonies; the impact of the French Revo-
lution with its ideas of liberation; the revolution of African slaves in Santo
D o m i n g o ; the growing number of slave uprisings in the West Indian colonies
as the result of the revolutionary events in France and Santo D o m i n g o ; the
upsurge of the abolitionist movement in nearly all the European countries.
The struggle to abolish the slave trade continued for several decades.
It acquired, to use present-day terminology, an international character and
was accompanied by sharp polemics between the abolitionists and their oppo-
nents, in the course of which there appeared m a n y books, brochures and p a m -
phlets depicting, often with pro and con exaggerations, the main ideological,
political, economic and religious views of that time on the slave trade.
22 S. U. Abramova
The abolitionists A . Benezet, T . Clarkson and W . Wilberforce proved

their demands to abolish the slave trade.19 They maintained that it rendered
Africa lifeless. It had plunged the continent into a chaos of gory internecine
wars, and the responsibility for these endless wars and slave hunts lay with
Europeans, for it was their constantly increasing demands for slaves that
instigated n e w wars. T h e Africans had not fought so frequently before the
slave trade, and as they had no knowledge offirearmsthere had been fewer
casualties. Tracing the development of the slave trade the abolitionists showed
h o w a new category of successful slave-traders emerged alongside the old chiefs
and rulers, and h o w the Africans' whole life was subordinated to the demands
of the slave trade.
The brutal character of the slave trade was sharply denounced. It was
emphasized that it embittered both the Africans and Europeans w h o were
involved in it, while the drastic conditions of the transportation of slaves led
to high mortality a m o n g slaves and sailors.
T o impress the reader, the abolitionists took particular pains to show
the high mortality rate a m o n g European sailors employed on slave ships.
Perhaps they exaggerated a little, but today some historians resort to these
data to show that, like Africa, Europe experienced a loss of manpower during
the time of the slave trade and consequently also suffered from this practice.
The abolitionists consented that African slaves were inferior to European
colonists. They asserted, nevertheless, that in the N e w World slaves were
placed in conditions which precluded their further development. In similar
conditions Europeans would have remained intellectually at the same level.
The abolitionists would exclaim: 'Are there no people in our country w h o by
virtue of the conditions of their life are even less developed than Africans?'
The abolitionists maintained that 'legal' trade—the sale of raw materials
to Europe in exchange for industrial goods, would bring more profits. But to
achieve this one had to abolish the slave trade which barred Europeans from
penetrating the African hinterland.
Planters and manufacturers, w h o had invested capital in the slave trade,
as well as m a n y shipowners and sailors came out in defence of it and of its devel-
opment, and for preserving slavery in the colonies. A m o n g its protagonists
were suchfiguresas B . Edwards, a M e m b e r of Parliament and a West Indies
planter, Tarleton, a M e m b e r of Parliament, a Deputy from Liverpool, and the
aforementioned Robert Bisset.20
W h a t arguments did they put up against the abolitionists ?
First, reasons of a purely economic character: that the slave trade was
the source of obtaining slaves ; that slave labour formed the backbone of the
West Indian plantations, and the number of slaves necessary to work the plan-
tations could be retained only by constantly bringing in n e w slaves; that if
the slave trade were abolished the plantations would fall into decline and the
economies of the south of the United States of America, Great Britain and in
part France would be undermined; that incomes from mines in Brazil, C u b a
and other countries would fall, losses would be suffered by the shipbuilding
and textile industries, the makers offirearmsand other craftsmen, leaving
m a n y people without work.
Its protagonists admitted that the slave trade was a brutal affair but
that this brutality was not something peculiar to that trade alone. In conclu-
sion, facts would be adduced showing the brutal treatment of sailors in the
British Navy, or the cruellest European laws.
The advocates of the slave trade, like the abolitionists, said m u c h about
the Africans' awful life in their homeland, claiming that the slave trade had
nothing to d o with that side of the question : Africa had always been rent by
internecine warfare, slave raids, etc. Idyllic pictures would be given of life
in the N e w World plantations with the following conclusion: in the N e w
World Africans were m u c h better off than at h o m e , as for the state of slavery,
they were used to that in Africa. The defenders of the slave trade categorically
refuted the abolitionists' arguments o n the freedom-loving nature of Africans
and explained frequent uprisings on the slave ships only because of brutal
treatment.
The advocates categorically claimed that enslavement of Africans and
the slave trade were sanctioned by the Bible. They alluded to N o a h ' s damnation
of H a m and his progeny as evidence of the fact that Africans were predestined
to be slaves. Nevertheless, there was no single opinion on the slave trade a m o n g
the clergy, and especially so in Great Britain. The Bishop of London, for
instance, reminded people that the Bible wrote of slavery in general and not
with regard to Africans, and that it did not mention the slave trade or the
export of Africans to the N e w World. 2 1 At that time these doubts did not become
widespread. But in the nineteenth century, w h e n the question of abolishing
slavery in the British West Indies was put u p for discussion in Great Britain,
even the most rabid protagonists of slavery refrained from quoting the Bible.
A t that time m a n y books were published explaining that the Bible did not
sanction the enslavement of Africans.
T h e Quakers were a m o n g those w h o came out against the slave trade.
In the late seventeenth century the American Quakers voiced slogans to abolish
it. In Great Britain, the Quakers submitted a petition for the abolition of the
slave trade in 1783, and in the nineteenth century they were thefirstto d e m a n d
the abolition of slavery in the West Indian colonies.
Beginning of racism
In those years it was widely claimed that Africans in general were intellectually
inferior to Europeans, that Negroes, using the expression of those days, stood
24 S. U. Abramova
closer in the line of development to apes than to h u m a n beings. This was the
beginning of racism in regard to Africans.
W e shall not dwell here on racism in general, its origin, or h o w it was
and is manifested in different epochs and a m o n g different peoples. This report
deals in brief with the times when racialism in regard to Africans began to
assume the form of theory.
In the works of Azurara, Cadamosto and Pacheco Pereira, Portuguese
sailors w h o m a d e voyages to Africa before the beginning of the transatlantic
slave trade, no racist views are expressed. W h e n Europeansfirstcame into
contact with the Negro race, Africans were not looked upon as inferior beings.
They could not be regarded as the Europeans' equal partners because priority
belonged to those w h o were stronger. But if the newly discovered lands had
been inhabited by non-black people having the same level of development as
the Africans encountered there, relations between the Europeans and the local
population would have developed in m u c h the same way. A t that time the
stress was not on racial but religious intolerance. A n d historians are well
aware that religious intolerance was displayed not only with regard to Africans
and not only in those times.
After the extermination of the Indians in the French and British West
Indies, white slaves were brought there to work alongside Africans (see above).
In the writings of those years w e do notfindany racial pronouncements against
African slaves. White and black slaves worked shoulder to shoulder on the
plantations and were subject to equally brutal treatment.
In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries m a n y works were
published by slave-traders and clerks employed in the numerous African trade
companies. A m o n g these authors one finds Barbot, Snelgrave, Bosman,
Phillips et al.22 Serving first as guidebooks (with the exception of Phillips'
book in which he openly pities African slaves), informing slave-traders of the
most profitable slave markets and means of delivering slaves with the least
possible losses to the N e w World, they were written in a business language.
Books written at the time by slave-traders contained no racialist views.
Discourse on the alleged inferiority of Africans as compared with Euro-
peans took place not a m o n g slave-traders but in quite different quarters.
In 1781, the work of P. Camper, a Dutch physician and naturalist and a
well-known scientist of his time,23 appeared. Employing in his studies of skele-
tons of h u m a n beings and apes the facial angle, a measure he introduced,
Camper concluded that the facial angle of Africans came nearer to that of
apes rather than of Europeans. C a m p e r merely stated his conclusions, but his
followers, including C . White, 24 used the distinctions between skeletons oi
people belonging to different races and apes to claim that Europeans were in
general superior to Africans not only physically but also intellectually. The prota-
gonists of the slave trade were quick to m a k e use of this conclusion.
Neither before the beginning of the slave trade nor while it was conducted
freely and legally did any doubt arise as to the Africans' inferiority to Euro-
peans. But w h e n it became necessary to prove the need for its continuation,
economic and religious arguments lacking sufficient conviction were augmented
by racialist theory. All the basic racialist provisions against Africans were
put forth during the struggle for abolition. F r o m its very beginning racialism
had a purely auxiliary character. It was needed to legalize the continuation
of the slave trade and sanction slavery in the American colonies, as well as
to prove that Africans, owing to the inferiority of their race, were fated to be
slaves of the superior Europeans.
The slave trade and racism engendered by it turned the concept of 'slave'
from a social distinction into a racial one. Racism is the most odious heritage
of the slave-trade epoch.
In the early nineteenth century two of the biggest slave-trading powers
abolished the slave trade: Great Britain in 1807 and the United States of
America in 1808.
Illegal export of slaves
The year 1808 ushered in the third and last period in the history of the slave
trade, that of illegal export of slaves from Africa. The official abolition of the
slave trade in Great Britain and the United States did not reduce the number
of slaves coming from Africa. In the early nineteenth century, the labour of
slaves in N e w World plantations and mines was just as profitable and enabled
planters and manufacturers to receive high profits. The retention of slavery
in the N e w World after the slave trade was abolished predetermined the large-
scale development of the illegal slave trade, for not a single slave-trading coun-
try was ready to substitute hired labour for the work of slaves.
These factors determined the attitude of different States to the slave
trade in the nineteenth century. O f the big slave-trading countries Great
Britain was the only one that found it more profitable to struggle against the
slave trade than to take part in it. B y that time its main colonial interests had
switched from the West Indies to the East Indies. Besides, British industry
called for increasing amounts of raw materials and n e w markets, and in this
respect its interests became concentrated on Africa. Great Britain headed an
international campaign to abolish the export of slaves from Africa. This allowed
her to preserve till today the reputation of an allegedly disinterested champion
of Africans' freedom. Foreseeing the emergence of its future colonies in Africa,
Great Britain found it highly profitable to pose as a liberator in the eyes of
Africans.
Undoubtedly the anti-slave blockage played a substantial role in curbing
the export of slaves. Moreover, the first African scientists and public leaders
26 S. U. Abramova
(S. Crowther, J. Horton), whose names are widely k n o w n even n o w , came

from a m o n g the emancipated Africans w h o studied later in different missions
and in Fourah Bay College.
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Church had connived
in the slave trade; in the nineteenth century the missionaries concentrated
their activities on helping emancipated Africans and victims of the trade.
The anti-slavery blockade also enabled a thorough study to be m a d e of
the situation on the western and eastern coasts of Africa, and w h e n the time
of direct colonial seizures arrived the slogan 'Abolition of the Slave Trade'
was used to justify annexations.
In the nineteenth century the abolitionist movement in Europe was aimed
at curbing the slave trade and abolishing African slave labour in the West
Indian colonies. T . Clarkson, W . Wilberforce and T . F . Buxton in Great
Britain and V . Scholcher in France did m u c h to solve these problems. Other
slave-trading countries, in utter disregard of their declarations to the contrary,
continued to export slaves in keeping with the needs of their colonies' eco-
nomies. T h e United States of America, which had abolished the slave trade,
regularly imported n e w groups of slaves. According to the materials of the
United States Senate, the works of several nineteenth-century authors and
documents of the British Foreign Office, the United States carried on the slave
trade until the Civil W a r . M a n y southern planters and northern manufacturers
regarded the import of slaves as a necessary requisite for the successful devel-
opment of the plantation economy (the internal slave trade could not cope
with the growing need for manpower).
It is c o m m o n knowledge that the attitude to slavery of Africans split
the country into two hostile camps. The history of abolitionism in the United
States has its heroes and martyrs. Seeking to justify the right to o w n people,
the adversaries of abolitionism did not confine themselves to economic reasons
but resorted to racism. In the nineteenth century the United States became
the centre of racism with regard to African slaves. The works of Morton and
Nott 26 published there viewed Africans as second-rate people, good only for
serving the white m a n .
In the nineteenth century, following the routing of Napoleon's army,
the international prestige of Russia increased substantially. Russia had never
exported slaves from Africa. But the Russian Government began to take an
active part in international negotiations on measures to put an end to the
export of slaves from Africa. In 1841 it signed together with the Great Britain,
Prussia and France The Treaty of the Abolition of the Slave Trade. In the mid-
nineteenth century the movement for the abolition of serfdom was gaining
m o m e n t u m in Russia. In those years the progressive Russian public devoted
m u c h attention to questions dealing with the slave trade and the position of
African slaves, namely in the United States, drawing a silent parallel with the
position of serfs in Russia. The magazine Sovremennik, edited at the time by

the great Russian democratic poet Nekrasov, published H . Beecher-Stowe's
Uncle Tom's Cabin and Life among the Lowly. T h e outstanding Russian
pedagogue and public leader Vodovozov translated H . Heine's p o e m 'The
Slave Ship', etc. At that time the Russian press subjected racialist provisions
to severe criticism. T h e pronouncements of N . G . Chernyshevsky, the Russian
revolutionary democrat, are well k n o w n . Neither in the eighteenth nor in the
nineteenth century was a single work published in Russia advocating racism
against Africans.
After 1850, the general development of capitalism, the growing emigra-
tion from Europe and transition to an active colonialist policy reduced con-
siderably the export of slaves from Africa. In the United States the victory of
the northern States in the Civil W a r put an end to the Atlantic slave trade.
With the emergence of colonies in Africa, Africans began to be more needed
at h o m e than in the N e w World.
Historiography
A century has gone by since the abolition of the Atlantic European Slave
Trade. 28 The international situation has changed as well as the place of African
countries a m o n g other States: former colonies have become independent. A
genuine history of the African peoples is in preparation : The General History
of Africa, thefirstvolumes of which will soon be published under Unesco
auspices. It stands to reason that the slave-trade problem, incorporating numer-
ous complex and often contradictory points, has become in recent years a
subject of particular interest to historians in different countries.
T h e history of the slave trade is n o w depicted in different ways and
sometimes receives a new interpretation (Boahen, Curtin, Duignan, Clendensen
et a/.). a7 It is clear that the historiography of the slave trade is a separate,
highly important and interesting theme.
T h e history of the slave trade is n o w studied by African historians,
and a m o n g them Boahen, Ajayi et al.,3* and this is particularly interesting.
African scholars are able to m a k e a m u c h better evaluation of the scale of the
Atlantic slave trade and its consequences in Africa than European historians.
Undoubtedly some questions have to be revised. It is utterly wrong to
assert, for instance, that Africans themselves are to blame for the development
of the slave trade or to speak of equal co-operation between European and
African slave traders, just as it is absolutely incorrect to exaggerate, as has
been done in the last few years, the role of the Arab slave trade in East Africa
while diminishing the role and consequences of the Atlantic trade.
A point for consideration : for m a n y years historians adopted the figures
of Africa's losses from the slave trade given by Dunbar and adduced by
28 S. U. Abramova
W . B . Dubois in The Negro.M Historians are well acquainted with Dubois's

works, esteem him as a person and scholar, and highly value his work for the
welfare of Africa. Unfortunately, Dunbar's materials were probably not
critically analysed by the scholar.
N o w , however, there is another extreme. N e w works on the history of
the slave trade and a m o n g them Curtin's book 3 0 give ' n e w ' calculations of
Africans exported from Africa, and particularly of those imported to the N e w
World. Africanists k n o w that there were, are and will be no exact statistics
on the'subject. Allfigureswere always approximate. The figures showing the
number of slaves exported from Africa and imported into the N e w World
are contradictory and are rarely founded on official documents ; in most cases
they have been deliberately falsified. That is w h y all attempts to undertake a
complete revision of the numerical aspect of the slave trade without adducing
any new sources are highly surprising. Probably the truth lies somewhere in
between thefiguresquoted by Dunbar and the ' n e w ' calculations.
Alongside new works on the history of Africa, new editions are appearing
of works on the history of the slave trade by its contemporaries and prominent
scholars of the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries. Books by T . Clark-
son, A . Benezet, W . Wilberforce and T . F . Buxton, and Mathieson's trilogy
have already come out.
O n e can say that the history of the Atlantic slave trade has not been
studied exhaustively. N e w studies are being m a d e , new materials are added to
the scientific fund. It will also be useful to give a new reading to the works
dating from the time of the slave trade. Those w h o lived in those times saw
what the slave trade had done to the African peoples and were quite aware of
the true reasons that had engendered and promoted it. A serious unbiased
discussion of the basic problems of the slave trade will enable a better inves-
tigation to be m a d e of those aspects of its history that until n o w have been
approached by historians of different countries from different standpoints.
Notes
1. T . O . Ranger (ed.), Emerging Themes of African History. Proceedings of the Inter-

national Congress of African History held at University College, Dar es Salaam,
October 1965, p. 134, Dar es Salaam, 1968.
2. G . E . Azurara, The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea, Vols. 1-2,
p. 57, London, 1896-99 (works issued by the Halkuyt Society N o . 95,100).
3. D . Pacheco Pereira, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis, p. 101, 195, 106, London, 1937 (works
issued by the Halkuyt Society, 2nd ser., N o . 79).
4. A . Brasio, Monumento Missionaria, Vol. VI, Lisbon, Agencia Geral do Ultramar,
Ministerio da Ultramar, 1955, d. 132; J. Cuvelier and L . Jadin, L'Ancien Congo,
Brussels, 1954, d. X I V (Académie Royale des Sciences Coloniales, Section des
Sciences Morales et Politiques. Mémoires).
5. E . Williams, ¡Capitalism i Rabstvo, p. 69, M o s c o w , 1950; Capitalism and Slavery,

p. 51, Chapell Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1945.
6. K . M a r x , Capital (in Russian), Vol. I; ' K . M a r x i F . Engels', Soch., Vol. 23, p. 769.
7. J. E . Harris, The African Presence in Asia. Consequences of the East African Slave
Trade, p. 9, Evanston, Northwestern University Press, 1971.
8. V . Earlow, A History of Barbadoes, 1625-1655, p. 295, Oxford, Clarandon Press,
1926; D . J. O w e n , The Origin and Development of the Ports of the United Kingdom,
2nd ed., p. 129, London, Allman & Son, 1948; J. Latimer, The Annals of Bristol
in the XVIIth Century, p. 255-6, Bristol, W . George's Sons, 1900.
9. E . D o n n a n (ed.), Documents Illustrative of the History of the Slave Trade to America,
Vol. I, p. 193, Washington, Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1930.
10. O . Dapper, Description de l'Afrique, Amsterdam, Chez Wolfgang, Waesberge, B o o m
& van Someren, 1686; J. Barbot, ' A Description of the Coasts of North and South
Guinea; and of Ethiopia Inferior, Vulgarly Angola; Being a N e w and Accurate
Account of the Western Maritime Countries of Africa; A . and J. Churchill, (eds.),
A Collection of Voyages and Travels, Some Now First Printed from Original Manu-
scripts, Other Now First Published in England, Vol. 5, London, 1746; B . Edwards,
The History, Civil and Commercial, of the British Colonies in the West Indies, 3rd ed.,
London, J. Stockdale, 1801.
11. R . Bisset, The History of the Negro Slave Trade in its Connection with the Commerce
and Prosperity of the West Indies and the Wealth of the British Empire, Vols. 1-2,
London, S. Highley, 1805.
12. M a r x , op. cit., p. 276; J. E . Cairnes, The Slave Power, its Character, Career and
Probable Designs, p. 123, N e w York, Carleton, 1863.
13. D o n n a n (ed.), op. cit., Vol. 2, p. xiii.
14. 'Assiento, or Contract for Allowing to the Subjects of Great Britain the Liberty of
Importing Negroes into the Spanish America', London, 1713.
15. The Parliamentary History of England, Vol. X X X I I , p. 868.
16. D . Rinchon, Les Armements Négriers au XVIIIe siècle. D'après la Correspondance et
la Comptabilité des Armateurs et des Capitaines Nantais, p. 6, Brussels, 1956 (Aca-
démie Royale des Sciences Coloniales. Classe des Sciences Morales et Politiques.
Mémoires).
17. J. A . Rogers, Africa's Gift to America. The Afro-American in the Making and Saving
of the United States, p. 35, N e w York, 1961 (distributed by Sportshelf, N e w Rochelle,
N.Y.).
18. Chronicles of Negro Protest, p. 47, 49, c o m p , and ed. with a commentary by B . C h a m -
bers, N e w York, Parents M a g . Press, 1968.
19. A . Benezet, Some Historical Account of Guinea with an Inquiry into the Rise and
Progress of the Slave Trade, its Nature and Lamentable Effects, L o n d o n , J. Phillips,
1788; T . Clarkson, An Essay on the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species,
from a Latin Dissertation, London, 1788 ; T . Clarkson, The History of the Rise,
Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Tirade by the
British Parliament, Vols. 1-2, London, L o n g m a n , 1808; W . Wilberforce, A Letter
on the Abolition of the Slave Trade, London, 1807.
20. R . Bisset, op. cit.; Edwards, op. cit.
21. Substance of the Debates on a Resolution for Abolishing the Slave Trade which was
Moved in the House of Commons 10th June 1806 and in the House of Lords 24th June
1806, London, 1888; The Parliamentary History of England, Vol. XXIII, p. 1026.
22. J. Barbot, A Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea . . . ; G . Snelgrave,
Nouvelle Relation de Quelques Endroits de Guinée, et du Commerce d'Esclaves
qu'on Fait, Amsterdam, 1735; G . B o s m a n , Voyage de Guinée, Utrecht, 1705; T .
30 S. U. A bramo va
Phillips, Journal of a Voyage M a d e in 'the Hannibal' of London from England to

Cape Monse-Radoe in Africa, and thence along the Coast of Guinea to W h i d a w ,
the Island of St. T h o m a s , and so Forward to Barbadoes', in A . and J. Churchill
(eds.), A Collection of Voyages and Travels . . ., Vol. 6, London, 1764.
23. P. Camper, Dissertation Physique sur les Differences réelles que Présentent les Traits
du Visage chez les Hommes de Différents Pays et de Différent Ages; sur le Beau qui
Caractérise les Statues Antiques, Utrecht, B . Wild & J. Althear, 1791.
24. C . White, An account of the Regular Gradation in Man and in Different Animals and
Vegetables, London, 1799.
25. S. Morton, The Crania Americana, Philadelphia, J. Dobson, 1839; J. Nott, Types of
Mankind, or Ethnological Researches, Philadelphia, Lippincott, G r a m b o , 1845.
26. In the author's opinion the term Negro Slave Trade is seldom used nowadays. Rejecting
the expression European Slave Trade, the term 'Atlantic Slave Trade' seems to
suit the content of this concept m u c h better.
27. A . Boahen, The Topics in West African History, London, L o n g m a n , 1966; P . D . Curtin,
The Atlantic Slave Trade : A Census, Madison, Wis, University of Wisconsin Press,
1969; P. Duignan and C . Clendenen, The United States and the African Slave Trade,
1819-1862, Stanford, University Hoover Institution on W a r , Revolution and Peace,
1963.
28. J. Ajayi and M . Crowder (eds.), The History of West Africa, London, L o n g m a n , 1971.
29. W . E . B . D u Bois, The Negro, p. 155-6, London, Williams & Norgate, 1915.
30. Curtin, op. cit.
Reactions to the problem
of the slave trade:
an historical an ideological study1
Michèle Duchet
The problems of trading and dealing in black slaves, and slavery as such, can
clearly not be dissociated: the various anti-slavery movements indeed also
denounced the inhumanity of the traffic in h u m a n beings that drained ever-
increasing numbers of blacks from Africa over to America and the West
Indies. T h e petition submitted to the French National Assembly in 1790 by
the A m i s des Noirs (Friends of the Black People) refers to both ' the slave
trade and slavery ', and this is true of most of the works quoted,2 if only because
the initial step towards stamping out slavery was to put an end to the slave
trade. But experience has proved that it was perfectly possible to abolish one
without doing away with the other, whence the persistent resurgence of slavery.
They can therefore be seen as two distinct forms of h u m a n exploitation which
are probably closely linked but must not be confused. Indeed, they never were
in the minds of those w h o fought either to preserve or abolish them. I shall
try to explain w h y this was, and review the arguments put forward and the
interests at stake.
It would be impossible here to relate the whole history of the slave trade3
but a few relevant facts must be recalled. T h e Spaniards were thefirstto take
black slaves across to the N e w World at the beginning of thefifteenthcentury.
But it was particularly from the seventeenth century onwards, with the devel-
opment of the great plantations—especially in Brazil—and the sugar economy,
that the slave trade really reached its zenith. It is estimated today that some 9
to 12 million Africans were embarked on the slave ships in the period from the
fifteenth to the end of the eighteenth century, the yearly average being 60,000.
The mortality rate on these vessels was high, but the profit to be m a d e was such
(300 per cent) that this traffic was a significant factor in that era of capital
accumulation which preceded the Industrial Revolution. T h e slave trade was
profitable for two reasons: not only was this triangular traffic a source of
rapid enrichment for those w h o were involved in it, but it also brought pros-
perity to the colonies with the steady flow of labour it provided. For the first
of these two reasons, countries to which a particular colony did not even belong
could be seen to invest in the slave trade there, as did the Dutch in Brazil.4
For the second reason, companies were founded with the backing of the various
32 Michèle Ducket
mother countries and vied with foreign nations for the monopoly of the trade :
the French Compagnie du Sénégal et de Guinée was an example. The combina-
tion of these two factors meant that the whole of Europe was involved in this
abominable traffic, deriving enormous profit from it. Having thus attained
world-wide proportions, the slave trade overstepped the boundaries of the slave
economy as such; true, it was the keystone to that economy, but it developed
as an independent form of commerce, one of m a n y , and a particularly lucrative
one. It had its o w n trading stations and trade routes in Africa itself, involved
in the buying and selling of a n e w kind of merchandise, the black slave. A
whole set of practices grew up around it, both on land and at sea, designed to
keep the cargo alive, the value of the shipment being carefully assessed in
terms of the price it would fetch at the auction sales.8 T h e fact that people
had become accustomed to such high rates of profit, and the very existence of
the 'system' explain up to a point w h y the slave trade has subsisted to this day.
For the abolition of slavery did not by any means imply the abolition
of the slave trade. Slavery was abolished by Great Britain in 1807, Brazil in
1836, France in 1848, Argentina in 1853 and the United States in 1865, to give
only a few examples. But the slave trade continued to exist to satisfy the demand
for labour in certain countries, and subsequently the demand for 'forced
labour', the modern brand of slavery. Furthermore, in some places, 'a fusion
of the two forms of slave trade, the Atlantic and the Arabized trade', had
occurred; Moorish traders took their slaves to the Niger delta or the Upper
Sangha basin and sold them to European traders.8 With the slowing d o w n of
slave traffic to America, the older routes were revived and the caravans simply
changed direction without the trade itself being affected.7
Thus it was that shiploads of slaves continued to pour into the Dutch
colonies until as late as 1862, and into Brazil until 1887. Thus it was that m e n
like Savorgnan de Brazza and later Monseigneur Augouard had reason to
report numerous cases of transactions in h u m a n lives in the Oubangui region
at the end of the nineteenth century.8 A n d thus it is that to this day, the United
Nations still receives reports attesting to the continued existence of slavery
and the slave trade in the Arab countries. A n d yet from thefifteenthto the
twentieth century, there has been no dearth of protests, decrees and laws on
the subject, which ought to have succeeded in eradicating such practices,
whilst the countries of Africa, with their accession to independence, were at
last freeing themselves from the fear of servitude, forced migration and exile.
This calls for a re-examination of history, an investigation of anti-slavery
'opinion': O f what did it consist? W h o spoke out against the slave trade and
slavery? W h a t did they say? W h a t were their arguments and what reasons
did they give? W h y this struggle? W a s it purely a matter of defending the cause
of black slaves, or was there some other underlying cause ? W h a t part did the
black people themselves play in that struggle ? These are all questions that can
Reactions to the problem 33
of the slave trade
only be answered by ignoring details of facts and events and going in each
case to the heart of the matter : the overall conjuncture, constraints, official
attitudes, the issues at stake, ideologies. I shall therefore deal separately with
two distinct periods, divided in terms of the prevailing 'conjuncture':
F r o m thefifteenthto the end of the eighteenth century. This was the age of
slavery as an institution and the economic system to which it was linked.
The 'abolitionist' trend was very slow to develop, and only reached its
peak with the independence of the American colonies.
In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, there was a strong anti-slavery
movement and it had w o n the legal battle, but 'forced labour' and the
slave trade gained m o m e n t u m in defiance of h u m a n rights. The fact that
they were carried o n clandestinely meant that the anti-slavery cause
became a humanitarian battle.
T h e slave trade and anti-slavery from the fifteenth

to the end of the eighteenth century
It should not be forgotten that the introduction of African labour to America

and the West Indies was a direct consequence of the extermination of the
Indians. This is w h y Las Casas, the R o m a n Catholic Bishop of Chiapas, was
accused of causing the downfall of the Africans by taking up the cause of the
Indians. In fact, he should be given credit, as he was by the eighteenth-century
philosophers, for having been ' m o r e of a m a n than a priest', for having been
more intent on defending the Indians than on converting them. 9 Because,
before his time, the Church had scarcely concerned itself with the enslavement
of the Indians, as long as they were converted. The arrival of the African slaves
was that m u c h less of a problem in that they had already been reduced to
slavery in accordance with the laws of their o w n countries, and had been
bought as such by the slave traders and planters. There was nothing in the
Holy Scriptures (Old or N e w Testament) forbidding Christians to o w n slaves.
In 1836, a theologian, Monseigneur Bouvier, Bishop of L e M a n s , declared
that the slave trade was permissible, on condition—the only condition—that
the blacks were justly deprived of their freedom, that they would be treated
humanely and that there would be n o unlawful transactions.10 Once these
prescriptions had been complied with, slaves were to be instructed in the true
precepts of religion, a task that was easier than it would have been, had the
slaves remained in their o w n countries, free.
In fact, to the theologians,11 the right to spread the Gospel came first:
slavery was deemed legitimate as long as it contributed to the propagation of
Christianity. Thus the various missions all had their slaves, playing on the
fact that they truly needed them to carry out their task effectively, and that
the slaves would, moreover, be their most zealous disciples. There is little
34 Michéle Ducket
evidence of any concern in the matter, and when in 1557 the Jesuit Manuel de
Nobrega requested permission to buy more slaves, the Order blamed Miguel
Garcia, w h o had dared to protest against it.12 The fact that the clergy in the
Spanish and Portuguese colonies owned thousands of slaves was regarded as
proof of the so-called legitimacy of the slave trade by the Council of the Indies.
In addition it was imperative not to let the slave trade fall into the hands of
'heretic' nations. With a clear conscience, Catholics and Protestants vied with
each other to secure the market for themselves. Thus it was that the problem of
the slave trade came to the fore in a case which took place in 1685, w h e n a
G e r m a n Protestant, Balthazar C o y m a n s , upon request for a concession, met
with the reply from the Spanish theologians Molina, Sanchez and Sandoval,
w h o had been consulted on the matter, that there was nothing to be said
against trading in slaves if it served the true Faith, but that the souls of the
blacks were in grave danger of being contaminated by a voyage on board a
heretic vessel ! 1 3
It m a y be said, however, that Protestants and Catholics shared the same
evangelical ideal and that the image of the faithful servant subject to divine
law and the authority of a kindly master was enough to reassure a Christian
conscience. But there still remained the problem of persecution of the indi-
vidual—in Africa, on board the slave ships, at the slave markets—in short,
within the actual framework of the whole slave system. The deliberately sus-
tained myth of m e n taken as slaves and then sold to dealers by the Africans
themselves, the alleged care taken by slave traders to look after their shipments
of slaves, was all cast in doubt when it came to the third stage of proceedings,
the slave markets, whose iniquities could not be disguised. The rest transpired
through accounts by missionaries and travellers. In 1571, a theologian from
Seville, T o m a s de Mercado, showed just h o w far the slave trade was contrary
to proper commercial practice and humanitarian principles. Although he
acknowledged the fact that slavery and the sale of African slaves by the Africans
themselves did exist, he spoke out against the way traders would foment inter-
necine conflicts as a means of capturing prisoners. H e described conditions
on board the ships and protested against the alarming mortality rate. His
protest was all the more significant in that it was aimed at the slave trade and
not simply slavery as such. Other theologians14 were to express similar views,
challenging the 'good faith' of the traders to w h o m the prisoners were handed
over, and w h o would undiscriminatingly carry off m e n , w o m e n and children.
Christian tradition, as w e k n o w , holds that any business transaction must be
legitimate, and proscribes fraud or excessive profit; the black slave trade was
therefore inadmissible, even if one of its functions was to supply the plantations
with slaves w h o would ultimately become Christians. Traders whose consciences
were not clear were therefore urged by Mercado to speak to their confessors!16
It would be pointless to deny the fact that the theologians' standpoint
of the slave trade
had the advantage of keeping the system fundamentally intact (the plantation
and mission economy, and the tacit approval of the local clergy) and only
attacking traders and company agents whose lucrative ventures could deserv-
edly cause an outcry. Nevertheless, by drawing attention, through the very
arguments they put forward, to the fact that the system depended entirely on
a form of commerce which consisted in trading in h u m a n lives, and in which
slaves of both sexes and of all ages exchanged hands in lots as though they
were commodities and not h u m a n beings belonging to the same ethnic group
or family, a form of commerce in which people were treated on the slave-ships
as no animal would ever have been treated, those w h o raised these questions
sowed the seeds of doubt in m a n y a mind : could one take delivery of these
slaves without another thought for the inhumanity of the whole process ?
The Protestants had inherited the same 'dualistic'16 tradition as the
Catholics, accepting the existence of slavery but not the fact of reducing a
m a n to slavery by unjust and violent means. They believed even more firmly
than the Catholics that in a world fraught with sin, slavery was a means of
redemption for those w h o m G o d had reduced to that state. They, too, proposed
to spread the W o r d to the servile masses, but their far more rigorous doctrine
dictated other means of achieving this end. They did their utmost to improve
master-slave relations, preaching charity and moderation to the former and
submission and respect to the latter. Richard Baxter would say to the slaves :
reverence that providence of G o d which calleth you to a servant's life, and murmur
not at your labour or your low condition, but know your mercies, and be thankful
for them. 17
This ideology of the 'good slave' and the 'good master' was based not only
on a theological precept (the proper exercise of 'servitude'), but was also in
keeping with the moral standards of everyday life, so typically Protestant; in
keeping, too, with the ideal of Christian brotherhood.
At any rate, far from being opposed to the slave trade, the Protestants
saw in it a means to serve the cause of evangelization ; and it must not be
forgotten that in the Protestant world the success of commercial undertakings
was evidence of divine approval, and that when it came to deciding w h o was
to blame, to put all the onus on the greedy, ruthless dealer rather than the
planter, was positively unthinkable. W e shall see, moreover, that the concept
of sin plays a decisive role in religious ideology. Let m e simply say at this
juncture that whereas for the Catholics, the wicked trader was more to blame
than the master w h o owned the slaves, Protestant ethics required that the master
be held responsible for the slaves w h o m G o d had bestowed on him for their
mutual benefit.
36 Michèle Ducket
Sects
It was here that the anti-slavery movement, based on an ideology of protest

and rupture,firstcame into being. I agree with D . Brion Davis that the leaven
of the crusade against slavery and the slave trade is not to be sought in religious
tradition, but rather in the birth of a new concept which refused to regard the
established order as a compromise with sin, and gave G o d and the faithful the
power to transform the world.18 It was this philosophy that was to give the
different sects the desire and the strength to put an end to what they regarded as
the most dire injustice, and by no means a road to salvation for the pagan
blacks. Moreover, sects like the Moravian Brethren and the Quakers had had
their share of persecution and exile, and their experience m a d e them more alive to
the black slaves' lot. The Quakers' work, so highly praised by the philosophers,
is well k n o w n . But it should be recalled, if only to illustrate h o w powerful the
institution and force of habit were, that at the beginning the Quakers, too,
bought slaves; one can even go as far as to say that the prosperity of their
communities in the N e w World depended on slave labour, as did the wealth
of a large number of English traders w h o became Quakers. William Penn
himself owned slaves, and as late as 1730 the slave trade was practised in
Philadelphia.
The Quakers were ' good masters ', but they did not try to convert their
slaves or m a k e them join their society, k n o w n as the Religious Society of
Friends. Seen in that perspective, their possession of slaves could not be justified
other than by the profit they derived from it: it became a sin. A n d if the mere
fact of owning slaves was reprehensible, surely trading in slaves was even more
so, as indeed was the traders' maltreatment of them? 1 9 T h e arguments put
forward by 'orthodox' theologians struck at the very heart of Quaker doctrine
on this point, their ideal of a simple, just life. Their very existence was chal-
lenged. But it was not until 1769 that the anti-slavery lobby w o n the battle
and had slavery abolished in Pennsylvania. T h e Quakers' image was greatly
enhanced by their role in this critical battle, and they were held up as an example
by all those w h o , for quite different motives, had begun to espouse the cause
of the Negroes. Their selfless action was heralded in the Ephémérides du
Citoyen by the French Physiocrats20 and acclaimed by the A b b é Raynal in his
Histoire des Deux Indes as being the acts o f ' h u m a n e sectarians', of ' Christians
w h o sought virtues rather than d o g m a in the Gospel'. 21
This does not imply that there was a convergence between the 'humani-
tarianism' of the enlightenment and the philanthropic leanings of certain sects
or even of the churches themselves. It is more the evolution of religious thought
itself, as w e have seen for the Quakers, which accounts for the emergence of
an anti-slavery feeling based on the affirmation of a n e w set of values and a
new moral code. But in Protestant Britain, it was more c o m m o n for philan-
of the slave trade
thropy and the spirit of the Reformation tofindtheir outward expression in

charitable organizations. T h e Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (or
S P G ) was one, its object being to aid and educate the American Negroes. It
was founded in 1701 and it had considerable influence in Georgia. The Count of
Zinzendorf sent a group of Moravians to its leader, T h o m a s Bray, to help him
in his work. 2 2 Several Huguenots joined the movement, which was particularly
active in South Carolina, Philadelphia and N e w York, where it could expect
substantial support from the Anglican Church. In 1710, Colonel Christopher
Codrington set about founding two model plantations in Barbados. His idea
was to show that by treating slaves in a h u m a n e manner, by encouraging them
to marry and have children, by bringing d o w n the mortality rate through a
reduction in the amount of work and the absence of punishment, it was pos-
sible to increase the output of the plantations and, particularly, to run on a
closed-circuit economy without having recourse to the slave trade. The results
were by no means convincing, but a path had been opened towards the suppres-
sion of the slave trade, and as an ideal, at least, the experience had a great
deal of influence by proposing an alternative to the abominations of the slave
trade which it was impossible to control.
Unqualified condemnation of slavery came mainly from the Puritans.
Their belief in personal salvation through a life of righteousness and adherence
to a strict moral code m a d e them see slavery as the source of all iniquity.
In 1664, Richard Baxter, w h o m I have already mentioned, denounced the
slave traders as 'the c o m m o n enemies of mankind' and condemned as a
'heinous sin' the fact of buying h u m a n beings, even if they were slaves, unless
it was for the purpose of setting them free. A s for the planters, they were
'incarnate Devils'.23 M o r g a n G o d w y n regarded the Americans as base mat-
erialists w h o no longer cared for their souls, to the point of putting the slave
trade before religion;24 at the beginning of the seventeenth century, a Puritan
called Paul Baynes accused them of living in slavery themselves, as sinners ;
in 1700, Samuel Sewall, a lawyer, declared that there were no grounds for
slavery either defacto or de jure. The effect of all these protests was admission
of the fact that the constant importation of blacks was undesirable, and that
white labour might be used instead.26 It is also true that for thefirsttime it
was realized that the emancipation of the Negroes and their integration would
present formidable problems.
It is clear that the suppression of the slave trade, a necessary but insuffi-
cient precondition for the abolition of slavery, was a problem in itself. If all
commerce ceased, it was evident that not only would the existing black labour
force have to be employed sparingly, but that in the long run the slaves would
have to be freed and integrated into a white society. In other words, the slave
trade m a d e it possible to perpetuate slavery, while continuing to be a source of
manpower. America's openings to the Ocean, to Africa, to the world of slave-
38 Michèle Ducket
traders and dealers prevented her from feeling the burden of those black peoples
coming to die on her plantations. A land of exile and frustration, she had
nothing to offer her slaves other than slavery. Thus the abolitionists were
constantly confronted with the eternal logic of the system. At the beginning
of the eighteenth century, the Anglican Church's only answer to the expansion
of the slave trade was a great campaign to 'christianize' slaves, thereby
shelving the issue, as it were, and resigning itself to making Christians of those
of w h o m it could not m a k e free m e n .
Humanitarianism, the economists and the Enlightenment
A noble-minded primitivist trend had emerged from within Protestant theology

pointing out that blacks were good, and stressing the depravity of the slave-
owners w h o lived off their work; their corruption and 'materialism' were as
blameworthy as the 'unnatural commerce' carried on by the slave-traders.
These themes were taken up frequently in sermons during the eighteenth cen-
tury, as well as in literature, for example by Daniel Defoe and in James T h o m -
son's The Seasons, which was to be Saint-Lambert's source of inspiration.
Novels, poetry and the theatre were invaded by images of the suffering slave-
victim set against those of the cold-blooded, merciless master, all of which
prepared the ground for the abolition of slavery in people's minds. 26 With their
philosophy of sentiment, Shaftesbury27 and Hutcheson gave a rational basis
to that active compassion with which G o d has expressly endowed every h u m a n
being so that he m a y concern himself with the sufferings of his fellow-men. This
gave rise to a tendency to portray in the most gruesome detail the misfortunes of
the black people, wrested from an idyllic life to be plummeted into the hell
of the plantations, such as in John Wesley's Thoughts on slavery. But Hutcheson
had himself been distressed by his reading of the accounts of the voyages of
Sir H a n s Sloane and Atkins.28
However, the influence of Scottish moralist philosophy, of which Hut-
cheson, and then A d a m Smith, were the exponents, was not only due to the
virtuous emotion which was its weapon against the insensitivity of the evil
slave-owners, but can also be attributed to the utilitarianist arguments it used
to such effect: thus Hutcheson demonstrated that slavery and slave labour,
which had every appearance of being in the interests of the slave-holder, were
not so in the long run and were in fact the reverse of the very ideal of happiness
and h u m a n progress.29 But his disciple, A d a m Smith, went m u c h further:30
for him, slavery was only part of a system which worked badly because it
pitted personal interest against the public welfare. T h e w a y in which slaves
were treated prevented them from working, and slavery was the most costly
and unproductive form of labour. In fact, Smith's theories revolve around the
whole relationship between free and forced labour in a changing Western
of the slave trade
economy, and these theories were hardly an incitement to use black labour.
But in a world in which the law of profit prevailed, the economic argument
carried most weight, overriding humanitarian considerations and offering in
exchange for 'compassion' a distinctly worldly reward, i.e. better yields. W e
might ask to what extent this form of anti-slavery was compatible with a code
of ethics and h o w far it was instrumental in preparing for the changes that
would inevitably come about.
In France, the realism of the Physiocrats was just as ambiguous ; it was
chiefly an answer to the actual crisis in the slave system, put into words by its
administrators.31 S o m e of them were reformists, like Pierre Poivre w h o in 1766
urged the H e de France settlers to treat their slaves with 'humanity' and not to
lose sight of the fact that they were ' m e n like themselves'. In exchange, the
slave would 'serve his master joyfully and faithfully'.32 Others condemned the
evils of the slave 'system' from the economic standpoint; at all stages of the
process there were losses, because of the increased difficulty of carrying on the
trade and therefore the higher selling price, because of the overworking of
badly cultivated land, the excessively high mortality rate, militia expenses,
time wasted, and because of the insecurity, indeed the hostility, of the slaves :
'The slave is lazy because it is his only enjoyment in life, and his only way of
recapturing a part of himself robbed wholesale by his master. 'S3
There were others w h o believed in gradual emancipation, so that over
a period of twenty years the slave masses would become free workers. L'His-
toire des Deux Indes, written in 1780, reflected such a project proposed by
Bessner, the governor of Guiana. But Raynal's work gave prominence to the
ideas of the economists, set out between 1765 and 1775 in the Ephémérides du
Citoyen: w h y not let Africa itself produce the commodities that America n o w
supplied? W h y not resettle the black slaves in Africa, where they would be
free? Admittedly this solution would entail keeping on the slave trade, but
it would do away with slavery which was detrimental to the economy of the
plantations.34 Humanitarianism thus upheld the theories of the Physiocrats,
and the poet Saint-Lambert, on publishing Ziméo in the economists' journal,
wrote to Dupont de Nemours : ' It is an act of charity for you to take u p the
cause of these poor Negroes; I have always pitied them greatly . . .'.35
Pity, humanitarianism, philanthropy—these three words aptly s u m u p
the reactions of the eighteenth-century philosophers to the problem of slavery
and the slave trade. But with Buffon, Voltaire and Bernardin de Saint-Pierre,38
the emphasis was on moral condemnation. Helvétius' critique was consistent
with the views of the Physiocrats, but was more political : one must be careful
not to destroy the principle of self-interest which motivates m e n , and seen in
that light slavery is a mistake as well as a crime.37 A horror of the 'system' was
the subject of most attacks, and in Voltaire's Candide, the Negro of Surinam
w h o was mutilated in compliance with the Black Code on runaway slaves,
40 Michèle Ducket
was a sort of symbol of all the sufferings the black m a n was m a d e to endure,
and with impunity, for the law condoned slavery and all the hardships that went
with it. In most cases, their accusations were by the same token an extension
of their denunciation of the bloodthirsty, barbaric practices of so-called 'civi-
lized' peoples, of the pervading spirit of intolerance which corrupted all their
undertakings, of vain conquests and futile voyages.38 T h e cause of the black
slaves gave rise to a sense of helplessness reflected fairly accurately in this
quotation from Helvétius : 39 ' Let us avert our gaze from such a baneful sight,
which is so shameful and abhorrent to mankind. '
It is as though the very universality of enlightened philosophical thought
deterred it from undertaking a 'charitable action' at a time when a radical
change in mankind and society was imminent, from serving a cause which was
not sufficiently in the interests of progress, as was, for example, the case of
Calas, a victim of religious intolerance.
There is a well-known chapter in Montesquieu's Esprit des Lois, in which
he questions what 'right w e had to m a k e the Negroes slaves' and in which
there is this sentence, showing h o w injustice (in the strongest meaning of that
which is unlawful) follows injustice: ' T h e peoples of Europe, having extermi-
nated those of America, had to reduce the peoples of Africa to slavery, in
order to use them to clear all that land for cultivation.'40
'Might is right' is the only law here. This was clearly stated, but the
' point of law' was not dealt with, for the fact that there was nothing in religious
texts debarred a 'jurist' from giving a straightforward opinion.41 It was not
until 1780, in the Histoire des Deux Indes, a 'philosophical and political'
history, that the principle of freedom was defended against any ' reasons of
state'. Freedom is 'the ownership of one's body and the possession of one's
mind'. T h e government does not have the right to sell slaves, the trader did
not have the right to buy them, and no one has the right to sell himself.42
Thus politics and ethics must join together to bring freedom to enslaved
peoples, even before the other nations have shaken off their o w n chains. T h e
idea of a 'one and indivisible' freedom emerges here from the crucible of the
Enlightenment, and turns all causes into one great cause. Because of the uni-
versal nature of its principles, 'practice' outweighs theory, the defence of the
'rights of m a n ' is in itself an instrument of progress and justice, whether that
m a n be a 'savage' or a 'civilized' being, whether black, mulatto or white, and
whatever his nationality or religion m a y be.
But the Histoire des Deux Indes went m u c h further than that humani-
tarian protest. It emphasized the Negroes' o w n revolt and the ' maroon ' p h e n o m -
enon, the significance of which has often been underestimated in the history
of slavery.
A thorough study of texts and documents on slavery shows that the
fear of slaves becoming maroons was a predominant factor in Europe's 'guilty
of the slave trade
conscience'. W e k n o w that the Negroes' resistance to slavery came out in a

number of different ways: suicide on board the slaveships or on the plantations,
attempts to murder slave-owners, abortions. T h e history of the 'system' is
a long sequence of escape and rebellion, and in some places the number of
maroons reached alarming proportions. It happened in Jamaica in 1720 and
in 1734-35; then in Guiana, where the 'colonies' of maroons grew to such a
size that the authorities were forced to negotiate with them and grant them
their autonomy. 4 3 There are records in the official Correspondence of the con-
cern of administrators and settlers; although for the most part the phenom-
enon was endemic, the slave population outnumbered the whites to such an
extent that the worst could be feared.
'Slavery is a violent and unnatural condition. . . . Those w h o are sub-
jected to it are constantly possessed with the desire to break free, and are
always ready to revolt', observed Jean D u b u q , head of the Colonial Office.44
This gave rise to a policy of reform and efforts to persuade settlers to m a k e the
slaves' lives 'bearable' and m a k e them lose 'the desire to be free, by dint of
good treatment'. Humanitarianism was a necessity, before it ever developed
into the 'active compassion' advocated by Christians and philosophers.
The slaves' refusal to accept their condition, their assertion of their
right to be free, which was manifest in their propensity to run away, in itself
the negation of slavery, inspired a whole new set of writings, from M r s Behn's
famous Oroonoko to Victor Hugo's Bug Jargal, and including Saint-Lambert's
Ziméo. Others are less well k n o w n : the speech by Moses B o o m S a m (in A b b é
Prévost's Pour et Contre),*5 w h o is shown as the Moses of the black people and,
in the Histoire des Deux Indes, the appeal for a ' n e w Spartacus' to lead his
brethren on to 'vengeance and slaughter', the advent of a new leader being a
certainty n o w that the fugitive black slaves had succeeded in gaining their
independence.46
T w o distinct trends thus emerged from within the anti-slavery movement :
'humanitarianism' (a termfirstused by a Physiocrat, A b b é Baudeau) 47 and
militant humanism. T h efirst,inspired by Christian compassion, sought to
find a cure for an inescapable evil in the charity of the slave-owners and the
submission of the slaves. The second condemned the master-slave relationship
as an unnatural violence, and saw a possible issue in revolt : ' Your slaves need
neither your generosity nor your advice to throw off the sacrilegious yoke that
oppresses them. Nature speaks louder than philosophy and self-interest.'48
But the world then entered upon the 'revolutionary' era; in 1776, the
thirteen American colonies shook off British domination, in 1781 they drew
up a constitution for themselves. In 1789 there was the French Revolution and
in 1794 the abolition of slavery by the National Convention, shortly after the
revolt in Santo D o m i n g o led by Toussaint Louverture. But none of these
revolutions, although embarked upon in the n a m e of liberty, really brought
42 Michèle Ducket
freedom to the Negroes. In 1802, Napoleon was to restore the slave trade and
slavery in the French colonies. In America, where the whole economy depended
on slave labour and slave traffic, the question was raised of h o w to reconcile
the founding of a new nation with an institution which implied non-citizenship.
In 1787, the Northwest Ordinance prohibited slavery in a third of the territory,
and there were m a n y separate instances of manumission in some of the states.
But of the thirteen states, eight were to maintain slavery. After Independence,
abolitionist literature abounded, refuting the racist arguments. 'Christian and
humanitarian motives combine with the principles of liberal ideology' to prove
that the new nation could not act against the very precepts on which it was
founded.49 But most of them trusted in democracy to bring about the gradual
decline of the institution.
The principles which are the basis of the Government of the United States will uner-
ringly lead to the extinction of slavery throughout the empire, as soon as it is compat-
ible with public security and the welfare of the slaves themselves.60
But there was still no question of slaves being integrated into the American
nation, w e have the example of T h o m a s Jefferson accepting the emancipation
of the Negroes but proposing to dispatch them to Sierra Leone B 1 or even to
Santo D o m i n g o . The English philanthropist, T h o m a s Clarkson, had written
a pamphlet which was republished in Philadelphia in 1788. Written for the
British public for the sole purpose of condemning the slave trade, it also pro-
posed a means whereby the Americans could 'carry on the Transatlantic trade
while ethicizing it'.62 The blacks would be sent back to Africa, and thenceforth
there would no longer be a slave trade, but a trade in the products of their
labour. It is of some significance that at this decisive point in its history, the
United States had only economic, if humanitarian, solutions to offer, and that
no mention was m a d e of slavery in its Constitution. A s Elise Marienstras so
aptly puts it: 'Recognized in theory as a m e m b e r of the h u m a n species, the
American Negro was granted none of the prerogatives universally attributed
to mankind by current ideology.'63
A s w e k n o w , it was Great Britain w h o , with the loss of her American
colonies, was thefirstto launch an abolitionist campaign, in 1787. The London
Anti-Slavery Society (Wilberforce, Clarkson, Pitt, Grainville, Fox and Burke)
prompted the founding of the French Society in 1788 (Condorcet, Brissot,
Lafayette, Mirabeau, a number oí fermiers-généraux (tax-farmers) and adminis-
trators and a few merchants). The main target was the slave trade; but here
again, economic and humanitarian motives were inextricably linked: Great
Britain wanted to put an end to a form of trade which brought wealth to the
Americans, and the French saw the abolition of the slave trade as a means to
stamp out slavery. In the documents of the Société des Amis des Noirs—
of the slave trade
speeches, addresses, etc.—the slave trade is spoken of as an 'act of barbarism

and inhumanity' and slave ships as 'floating coffins' in which atrocity is the
prerequisite for profit.64 They denounced the capture of slaves in Africa itself,
the w a y in which hostilities were deliberately kindled as a source of captives
for the slave shipments, looting and corruption; because of the slave trade,
'mankind has become a commodity'. 6 5
But beneath the violence, the crisis of the 'system' as such was making
itself felt. The issue of slavery, 'which probably should be eradicated only by
hardly perceptible degrees so as not to endanger public order or personal
property'86 was approached with circumspection and, it is added, must not
be 'confused' with the slave trade. The latter should, it was thought, be replaced
by a more profitable form of trade which would channel the commodities
produced in Africa towards Europe. W h a t it amounted to was to go from one
form of slave trade to another, from the black slave trade to what is k n o w n as
the 'economy of exploitation', which thrived from the nineteenth century
onwards. With the decline of the sugar plantations and the onset of the Indus-
trial Revolution began a long process which in fact culminated in the end of
slavery and subsequently of the slave trade. T h e official dates marking their
abolition in the various countries are meaningful only if they are compared
with each other and seen in the relevant context. In Great Britain, where the
Industrial Revolution was a speedier process and where, furthermore, there
was the desire to do harm to the former American colonies, events went faster;
in France, Napoleon restored slavery but prohibited the slave trade in 1815.
For a long time, slave traffic towards the United States and Brazil persisted,
although slavery was abolished in the latter country in 1836. There were
Spanish, French, Brazilian and American vessels involved in the traffic, British
ships having m o r e or less ceased slaving operations. F r o m the humanitarian
viewpoint, virtually everything that was to be said had been said, and the
black peoples had been placed under the protection of the law by the Declara-
tion of the Rights of M a n . But the colonial system and the exploitation of the
working masses were to set all these speeches and decrees at nought.
Slave trade, slavery, forced labour
After being a vast reservoir of slaves, Africa was to become the battleground
for European imperialism. Each country carved out its o w n stronghold, and the
old trading stations were often used as a launching ground for prosperous
settlements. Colonization was an excuse for every possible form of intervention:
military expeditions bought slaves from local traders to use them as 'volun-
teers'; w h e n villages were taken, their inhabitants were also captured, and
shown little mercy. A n d w h e n the need arose, African labour continued to be
exported, especially to the United States and Brazil. T h e nationality of the
44 Michèle Ducket
ships was immaterial: Spanish, French, Brazilian or American. If one compares

the growth of the slave population in the two main countries involved in slavery
on the American continent, namely the United States and Brazil, it appears
that at the beginning of the nineteenth century there were approximately
1 million slaves in each of them, but by the beginning of the W a r of Secession
the figure had grown to nearly 4 million in the United States as against 1.5
million in Brazil. The United States had thus amassed sufficient h u m a n 'capi-
tal' to develop its new cottonfieldswithout being unduly hard on the slaves.
In Brazil, where there was a steadily increasing demand for labour on the sugar
plantations and on the recently developed coffee plantations, the intensive
use of slave labour caused a rise in the mortality rate. Hence the need, after a
while, to resort to local labour and, from the 1860s onwards, to a policy of
immigration.67
The slave trade was n o w no longer an answer to a steady, guaranteed
demand for African labour, but was subject to marketfluctuations,economic
changes and the relative importance of sugar, cotton or coffee. A s it was mostly
clandestine, there were no longer the enormous profits to be earned that had
attracted the slave-traders. A n d yet it was to persist until it wasfinallydeprived
of its clientèle by the defeat of the southern states and the suppression of
slavery in Brazil, that is until such time as it could no longer fulfil the basic
function it had had in the pre-industrial economy.
But just as in Africa the colonial powers were reducing to 'slavery'
whole sections of the local population by forcing them to do all kinds of labour,
drudgery and compulsory service, it was inevitable that the slave trade should
continue to exist in other forms. T h e best-known example is Sao T o m é , a
Portuguese island off the coast of Angola. 68 It is probably not the only case of
its kind, but it is significant for the way in which the whole 'system' was carried
over there without appearing to transgress the 'law'. For the Code of 1878
specified labour conditions in the Portuguese African provinces: free labour
and afive-yearcontract. But from the 1860s onwards, 2,000 to 4,000 Africans
were shipped to Sao T o m é (and also to the island of Principe) each year;
hunted d o w n in the Angolan interior, chained together, embarked as contrac-
tual labour, they were shipped off to the cocoa plantations, whence they never
returned. Public opinion wasfirstroused in 1865 by protests from members
of the 'Anglo-Portuguese Commission on Slavery'. A n English journalist,
Henry W . Nevinson, spoke of a new slave trade (A Modern Slavery, 1906) and
succeeded in having a commission of inquiry sent out to investigate.69 Other
'workers' were exported in this w a y from Mozambique to the Transvaal:
there were approximately 80,000 of them a year, and they were rounded up by
an association comprising 250 'recruiting agents'. Assimilation laws passed
in 1926, 1929 and 1933 failed to put an end to 'forced labour'.
Another example: when in 1894 and 1895 decrees were issued prohibiting
of the slave trade
the entry of 'slave' captives and caravans into the Sudan, the slave-traders
promptly declared that the 'captives' were 'free, wage-earning' porters.60
The facts were there : but h o w to put a stop to the slave trade and slavery
w h e n there were 'contracts', 'salaries' and an apparent lack of constraint?
M o r e than ever, to preserve the rights of individuals, it was the slave trade
which had to be attacked. Even if there were no coercion, deportation with
no chance of return constituted in effect a state of slavery, since the 'contrac-
tual ' labourer was at the mercy of his employers. H e was alienated, hence he
was no longer 'free'; slavery had wrested him from his h o m e , m a d e him an
exile, a captive. In West Africa, the decree of 1905 was aimed at 'any person
w h o has entered into an agreement whose object is to deprive a third person
of his liberty'.61 It is clear enough from the terms of the decree that the legis-
lator's words should, by looking beyond the actual facts of the case, be taken
to m e a n the intention of the guilty party to reduce a m a n to slavery, even if
that man's status was not that of a slave. A n d yet the traffic continued, espe-
cially in the more remote parts of the globe, and only changes in the economic
situationfinallybrought about its extinction.
There was, of course, no lack of humanitarian protests, but the colonial
system was not concerned about slavery save in the case of'household' slaves,
and so it was easy to denounce traditional practices in Africa which had been
the basis of the Atlantic slave trade. A s for the export of labour for the purpose
of 'depriving a third person of his liberty', it was far too useful to be prohib-
ited, as was illustrated only too well when, in 1947, the inspector of the Angolan
Colonial Service, w h o was a m e m b e r of the Portuguese Parliament, submitted
a report on 'forced labour' in Angola, 62 only to be given a seven-year prison
sentence for his courage.
A s for the 'missions', it is extremely difficult to assess their role. Their
c o m m o n ideology was to spread the Gospel, but charity often prompted them
to m a k e 'humanitarian' gestures, and the fact that they were settled perma-
nently in the colonies facilitated their action.63 A s far as the R o m a n Catholic
Church was concerned, Pope Gregory X V I had condemned the slave trade as
being an 'inhuman . . . commercium' in 1838, and Leo XIII denounced slavery
in 1888, instructing Monseigneur Lavigerie to oppose its establishment in the
French colonies. But on the whole, churches and missions supported coloniza-
tion, preferring to focus their attacks on slave trading in the Muslim countries,
thereby killing two birds with one stone. T h e Protestant missionary Fowel
Buxton 64 led an expedition into the interior in an attempt to sap the very
foundations of the slave trade (around 1840) but the discovery at this time of a
route to the Sudan by a Turkish captain oponed up n e w trade outlets, and some
60,000 slaves fell victim to the new trade. A s in the earlier period, opposition
to the slave trade and slavery came chiefly from religious sects, particularly
the Evangelicals. O n e of the most fervent activists was Sir T h o m a s Fowel
46 Michèle Ducket
Buxton, w h o drew u p a proposal to 'civilize' Africa, urging Great Britain to

use the influence and power 'which G o d had thought fit to bestow o n her to
raise Africa up out of the dust and enable it to draw upon its o w n resources
to wipe out slavery and the slave trade'.66 A s for the official missionary effort,
it was restricted to the spread of the faith and the education of the people,
leaving the settlement—or the neglect—of these difficult problems to the dis-
cretion of the administrative authorities.
Taking the declarations of the Rights of M a n , and the L a w of Nations
as the basis for its ideas, the liberal, philanthropic and humanitarian trend
developed, led by such prominent figures as Lamartine, Benjamin Constant
and Tocqueville. Victor Schoelcher, w h o had been one of the chief architects
of the Act for the abolition of slavery in 1848, denounced the persistence of
the slave trade in Natal in 1877. 66 In m a n y countries, from France and Great
Britain to Brazil and the Cameroons, anti-slavery societies were founded to
defend the rights of the h u m a n being against all forms of slavery, in the widest
possible sense that the historical context dictated. But this liberal tradition,
inspired by faith in the progress of the h u m a n mind and in a certain sense of
the white race's 'civilizing' mission, was superseded by socialist thinking which
cherished no illusions about ' m a n ' s inhumanity to m a n ' , and set about d e m o n -
strating that the evils of the colonial system were to be found in the logic of
its o w n existence, and that the only w a y to put an end to slavery 'in all its
forms' was to put an end to European hegemony in Africa:
The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entomb-
ment in mines of the aboriginal population . . . the turning of Africa into a warren for
the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalized the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist
production. These idyllic proceedings are the chief momenta of primitive accumulation
. . . slavery . . . is the sole natural basis of colonial wealth.67
Within a comprehensive theory of capitalism, Karl M a r x defines the slave

trade as one form of primitive accumulation, as a traffic in h u m a n beings which
has specific characteristics and which, at a particular point in history, yields
a m a x i m u m rate of return.
Liverpool waxed fat on the slave-trade. This was its method of primitive accumulation.
A n d , even to the present day, Liverpool 'respectability' is the Pindar of the slave-trade
which . . . has coincided with that spirit of bold advent which has characterized the
trade of Liverpool and rapidly carried it to its present state of prosperity; has occa-
sioned vast employment for shipping and sailors, and greatly augmented the demand
for the manufactures of the country.68
T h e profit derived from the slave trade itself is compounded by the profit
m a d e out of menial labour: merchants, slave-traders and planters share the
gains of a system which pushes h u m a n exploitation to limits hitherto u n k n o w n .
of the slave trade
Treated as a mere commodity, bought, sold and exchanged, the slave still
provides the labour power needed for the production of colonial wealth.
Whereas the wage-earner sells his labour 'freely' (even if that freedom is
illusory), it is 'the labour-power itself which is sold' (by a third party) with the
body of the slave. Hence:
'The horrors of overwork, that product of civilization, serve to augment
the barbarity of slavery and bondage', 89 and the slave trade, prompt to supply
needs, makes it unnecessary to ensure that the individual slave survives. Only
his productivity counts. Slavery sanctions the slave trade, but the slave trade
sanctions slavery: this is the logic of the system which fostered the transition
to industrial capitalism. This, in turn, was to throw men-as-commodities on
to the market, perpetuating the trade in h u m a nfleshand the overwork resulting
from it. Although he denounces the atrocities of the slavery system, M a r x
demonstrates the vanity of humanitarian idealism70 which depicts the revolt
of the slave as a triumph of a certain concept of mankind. 'The rebellious
negroes of Haiti and the fugitive negroes of all the colonies' wanted to free
themselves, not mankind, and theirfightbecomes an example for all w h o are
exploited.71 N o r is it possible to humanize an inhuman system; one must expose
its economic causes and the social relationships brought about by the cir-
cumstances of the quest for profit and by overwork; 72 the struggle against
menial work must be harnessed to the struggle against the exploitation of free
workers, and to the struggle against capital.
However, at the international level, liberalism had a useful role in carrying
on the combat against the wrongs of the system, until such time as the peoples
were able to throw off the colonialist yoke for themselves. But the problem lay
in knowing whether it was the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the
strict sense they werefightingfor, or whether that included all forms of slavery
and the trade in h u m a n beings stemming from the exploitation of the African
labourers. A n International Labour Office report published in Geneva in 1953
rightly recalls that even though the slave trade and slavery had been condemned
by conferences and conventions throughout the nineteenth century, there had
never been any mention of 'forced labour as an institution distinct from
slavery'. Hence the existence of some confusion both in terminology and in
people's minds. T h e 1890 Brussels anti-slavery conference condemned the
Arab-centred slave trade, the 1885 Berlin conference prohibited slavery and
the traffic in h u m a n beings. Article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant
(1920) mentions together 'the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade'
and the prevention of compulsory service in certain mandated territories.
The Temporary Slavery Commission placed slavery on a par with 'similar
forms of servitude'. It provided for compulsory repatriation in the event of
work involving the removal of a labourer from his usual place of residence,
thereby defining forced labour unequivocally as a form of servitude w h e n the
48 Michèle Dachet
trade in h u m a n beings imposes the further insuperable obstacle of the distance

between the place of work and the place of residence.73 In 1926, the Slavery
Convention recommended that no amendment should be m a d e to this except
when the work is necessary for 'public purposes', such as the construction
of thefirstAfrican railways.74 A commission of inquiry sent out to Liberia
in 1930 reported that 'conveying groups of indigenous captives' to the coast
was tantamount to a form of slave trade, and that forced labour was therefore
nothing but slavery in disguise, and yet in 1932 the 'Standing Advisory C o m -
mittee of Experts on Slavery' did not deal with forced labour.75 W h a t is
undoubtedly at the root of all this lack of decision is the difficulty of recon-
ciling huminitarianism and politics, of speaking up in the n a m e of h u m a n
rights when the interests of the great colonial powers are exacerbated to such
a degree that while pretending to reject slavery, they accept forced labour,
which they need.
The International Labour Office then decided to deal more specifically
with 'forced labour' by trying, if not to stop it, at least to restrict the powers
of those w h o had recourse to it.78 The danger is inherent in any country where
workers are 'recruited or engaged through a system of voluntary migration'.
This manpower drain is dangerous because it 'tends to perpetuate conditions
of servitude', gives rise to extremely poor conditions of output and remunera-
tion, andfinallybecause it hinders the development of the villages left deserted.
However the practice was so widespread that the ' Recruiting of Indigenous
Workers Convention' (No. 50) was ratified only by the countries which did
not feel directly concerned. In 1949, the statute on 'migrants for employment'
(Migration for Employment Convention, N o . 97) sought, by the choice of a
neutral term to describe them, to protect workers recruited in the so-called
underdeveloped countries, in particular the Africans. T h e United Nations
General Assembly had just, on 10 December 1948, adopted the prohibition
of slavery and the slave trade 'in all their forms' (Article 4), but without
referring to forced labour, even though it asserted that everyone has the right
to 'free choice of employment'. This 'Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights'
marked the victory, at the international level, of an ideal, frail though the
Second World W a r had shown it to be. Deportation, slavery and extermination
had been the lot of m a n y of those peoples w h o had formerly been conquerors
and colonizers. In the advocacy of h u m a n rights, with no discrimination on
grounds of race or religion, there was a sort of consensus which reflected both
the strength and the weakness of the liberal humanism that had been the legacy
of the Age of Enlightenment. Its strength lies in a certain idea of m a n , of his
freedom and dignity, which, after a bitter struggle, has been accepted ever
since the eighteenth century. Its weakness lies in the fact that it is a principle,
nothing more, a mere 'statement' which is not binding upon those w h o manipu-
late m e n and words, with w h o m 'forced' labour spells servitude and slavery,
of the slave trade
and 'migratory labour' means migrant or emigrant workers w h o do not have

the 'free choice' that they, as 'voluntary' recruits, are allegedly given. W o r d s ,
and history, can be treacherous.
In 1957, an International Labour Office Convention (No. 105) declared
the abolition of forced labour, one year after a United Nations Supplementary
Convention of 1956 had reaffirmed the abolition of slavery and the slave trade.
But the two issues constantly overlap, 'forced labour' being the substitute for
slavery in colonial countries, and the slave trade remaining the means of meet-
ing m a n p o w e r requirements. T h e inquiry carried out by the United Nations
in 1963 on the specific question of slavery and the slave trade provides ample
proof of this.
M o h a m e d A w a d ' s report shows that there were seventy-six replies,77
and was based on the premise that where there is n o slave trade, there is n o
slavery.78 H e points out that the abolition of slavery has been adopted in
principle by most countries at different times, Saudi Arabia being the last
to have officially abolished it in 1962. T h e Mali report gives three distinct
periods in the history of slavery in Africa: (a) domestic slavery and prisoners
of war in feudal times ; (b) the slave trade with the establishment of trading
posts; (c) the replacement of the slave trade by a 'system of exploitation'.
' Consequently the abolition of slavery and of institutions or practices similar
to slavery only became a fact with national independence.' Finally, anti-
slavery societies in Saudi Arabia and India claim that there are still slaves in
these two countries,79 although this is denied by their official representatives.
Clearly the word 'slavery' covers a variety of practices, in a variety of different
contexts: traditional slavery (which could be taken to include short-distance
trading); slavery in the Arab countries which is associated with the caravan
trade and which still exists; slavery linked with the Atlantic slave trade;
servitude for debt (as in the case of India, for example) ; and forced labour
in the colonial countries, a form of slavery imposed on individuals w h o are not
officially regarded as slaves. T o say that the slave trade creates slavery e m p h a -
sizes the c o m m o n link in all these practices which successively or together
have shattered h u m a n freedoms and disrupted ethnic identities throughout
the course of history. The slave trade does not only help to preserve slavery
as an institution, to the mutual advantage of both dealer and slave-owner;
it imposes on the slave the added burden of exile, takes away any hope he
m a y have of ever returning h o m e , and even has the effect of depriving him of
the will to regain his freedom. Africa has endured every form of slavery,
every form of servitude, her fate seemed to her to be unchanged w h e n the slave
trade gave w a y to 'voluntary' migration.
At the international level, humanitarian efforts are still active. Slavery,
the slave trade, forced or compulsory labour have been officially banned:
Will they one day be a thing of the past ? With decolonization, the conditions
50 Michèle Ducket
of man's exploitation of m a n have become extinct; sporadically they reappear;

there are still 'anti-slavery' societies, and there is still some traffic, though on
what scale or through what channels it operates w e do not know. W e have
gauged h o w long it takes for a positive 'awareness' to develop, and again the
distance to be travelled before that awareness is translated into 'humanitarian'
action, and w e have seen that the evils wrought by m a n can be undone by
m a n , if only he is prepared to denounce their true causes and realize that there
are a thousand ways of exploiting h u m a n beings. But w h o can forecast the
day when no m e n will be slaves, when no m e n will do trade in their fellow m e n ,
when nowhere will m e n be reduced to the ignominious status of marketable
commodities?
Notes
1. Certain original English texts being unobtainable, a free English translation has been
given.
2. La Revolution Française et l'Abolition de l'Esclavage, Textes et Documents, Vol. VIII,
Part 2, Paris, E D H I S , 1968. See Clarkson's Essai sur l'Esclavage et le Commerce
de l'Espèce Humaine, Falconbridge's Tableau de la Traite, etc.
3. Data taken from P . D . Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade, 1969; See also H . Deschamps,
Histoire de la Traite des Noirs et l'Antiquité à nos Jours, Paris, Fayard, 1971.
4. See Celso Furtado, La Formation Économique du Brésil, de l'Époque Coloniale aux
Temps Modernes, The Hague, M o u t o n , 1972. T h e Dutch were also to seize the
monopoly of the slave trade in the Spanish territories.
5. These practices are described in the ships' logs, and in some accounts by travellers.
6. Pierre Kalck, Histoire de la République Centrafricaine des Origines Préhistoriques à
nos Jours, Vol. I, p. 140, note 276.
7. According to some historians, it was because of the reconversion of the Atlantic slave
trade that the Saharan trade grew to unprecedented proportions. See J. Suret-
Canale, L'Afrique Noire, Vol. I, p. 162 (Ed. Sociales).
8. P . Kalck, op. cit., p. 139-40.
9. Histoire Philosophique et Politique des Établissements des Européens dans les Deux
Indes, IV, 20, A b b é Raynal, É d . de Neuchatel, 1783.
10. Quoted in P . Larroque, De l'Esclavage chez les Nations Chrétiennes, p. 31-2, Paris,
1864.
11. Francisco de Vittoria, Francisco Suarez; but these sixteenth-century documents, like
those of Paul III or Pius V , relate to the Indians.
12. Serafim Leite, Historia da Companhia de Jesus, II, p. 347 et seq.
13. G . Scelle, La Traite Négrière . . ., I, p. 708-11.
14. Bartolomé de Albornoz, T o m a s Sanchez; see David Brion Davis, The Problem of
Slavery in Western Culture, p. 189-90, Cornell University Press, 1966.
15. Summa de Tratos, y Contratos . . ., Chap. 20, Seville, 1587.
16. David Brion Davis, op. cit., p. 198. M y analysis is very close to that of D . B . Davis
in his remarkable work.
17. Quoted in Davis, op. cit., p. 204. Baxter was an English Protestant w h o had been sent
out to Barbados. Appalled by the evils he saw in the colonies, he wrote a ' S u m m
of Practical Theology and Cases of Conscience'.
18. Davis, op. cit., p. 294.
of the slave trade
19. ibid., Chap. 10. See Elbert Russell, The History of Quakerism, N e w York, 1942, on
all these points.
20. 1769, I X . Letter from D r Benjamin Rush to Barbeu-Dubourg.
21. Vol. VIII, p. 235.
22. Davis, op. cit., p. 213.
23. Quoted by Davis, op. cit., p. 338.
24. The title of his pamphlet is significant: Trade Preferred before Religion . . ., London,
1695.
25. Davis, op. cit., p. 345.
26. Hoxie N . Fairchild, Religious Trends in English Poetry, I. Protestantism and the Cult
of Sentiment, N e w York, 1939-49.
27. Inquiry Concerning Virtue or Merit, translated into French by Diderot in 1745 : ' . . . the
eternal wisdom governing this universe has linked the personal interest of G o d ' s
creature to the overall good of his system, so that he cannot pass one by without
stepping aside from the other, or fail in his duty to his fellow-men without doing
harm to himself.'
28. His System of Moral Philosophy dates from 1755. Sloane was the author of a History
of Jamaica, Atkins had published an account of a Voyage to Guinea and Brazil. . .,
London, 1735, in which he depicted the atrocities of the slave trade.
29. System of Moral Philosophy, II, p. 202 et seq.
30. The Theory of Moral Sentiments, 1759; An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the
Wealth of Nations, 1776.
31. See Michèle Duchet, 'L'Idéologie Coloniale, la Critique du Système Esclavagiste',
Anthropologie et Histoire au Siècle des Lumières, Paris, 1971, I. 3.
32. ibid., Discours quoted, p. 148-9.
33. Dupont de Nemours, Ephémérides du Citoyen, VI, p. 216 et seq., 1771.
34. Histoire . . . des Deux Indes, V , p. 266, E d . Neuchatel, 1708.
35. Ephémérides du Citoyen, VI, p. 180-1, 1771.
36. See Duchet, op. cit., 'L'Anthropologie de Buffon', p. 278-9; 'L'Anthropologie de
Voltaire, p. 318-21. Racial prejudice in fact prevented Voltaire from going any
further.
37. De l'Homme, Section V I , Chap. I.
38. Essai sur les Moeurs, Chap. C X L I X , 1756.
39. De l'Esprit, I, Chap. 3.
40. Book X V , Chap. 5, 1748.
41. Hence the use of irony which permitted an indirect attack, but had the drawback of
being understood only by the initiated. Even in the eighteenth century, several
noteworthy misconceptions confirm the 'aristocratic' nature of this form of argu-
ment which came to be interpreted as a justification of slavery.
42. Vol. V , p. 275, et seq.
43. See Duchet, op. cit., p. 142-3 and 155-6. These 'colonies' subsisted; they are n o w the
Boni, from the n a m e of their leader, Bonnie.
44. Instructions of 30 November 1771.
45. Vol. VI.
46. Vol. V , p. 288.
47. E . D . Seeber, ' H u m a n i s m , Humanitism and Humanitarianism', Modern Language
Notes, X L I X , 1934. B y the same author, see Anti-slavery Opinion in France during
the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century, Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press,
1937.
48. Histoire des Deux Indes, Vol. V , p. 288.
52 Michèle Ducket
49. O n all these questions, see E . Marienstras, Les Mythes Fondateurs de la Nation Améri-
caine, p. 209 et seq., Paris, Maspéro, 1976.
50. Z . Swift, ' A n Oration on Domestic Slavery', 1791, quoted by Marienstras, op. cit.,
p. 257.
51. Where the English had founded a settlement of free Negroes w h o had fought during
the W a r of Independence.
52. Marienstras, op. cit., p. 267.
53. ibid., p. 275.
54. Petion, Discours sur la Traite des Noirs, op. cit., Part I, p. 1.
55. ibid., Part II, p. 2. (Frossard, Observations sur l'Abolition de la Traite des Nègres,
1793.)
56. ibid., p. 26-27.
57. See Celso Furtado, La Formation Économique du Brésil, de l'Époque Coloniale aux
Temps Modernes, p. 101 et seq., Paris and T h e Hague, M o u t o n , 1972. Furtado
points out that between 1827 and 1830, the slave trade increased, since the agree-
ment with England was due to c o m e to an end at that date. There was a further
increase prior to the ceasing of the trade in 1851-52. Between 1800 and 1860,
approximately 300,000 slaves were imported into the United States, most of them
clandestinely since the slave trade had been abolished since 1808 (p. 102, note 33).
58. See J. Duffy, Portugal in Africa, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1962.
59. Comprising the leaders of the Aborigines Protective Society and the British and Foreign
Anti-slavery Society. T h e missionary, Charles Swan, published The Slavery of
Today, in L o n d o n in 1909.
60. J. Suret-Canale, op. cit., Il, p. 87.
61. ibid. The 1831 law applied only to sea traffic. It was thefirstdecree in Africa to prohibit
any kind of slave trade. But it was, of course, concerned only with the former
territories of French West Africa.
62. James Duffy, op. cit., p. 185. Henrique Galvao estimated that 2 million Africans had
been 'expatriated' in this way.
63. There is, of course, a good deal of controversy on the subject. Suggested reading:
Rev. Joseph Bouchard, L'Église en Afrique Noire, Paris, 1958; G . Goyau, La France
Missionnaire . . ., 2 vols., Paris, 1948; R . Cornevin, Histoire de l'Afrique, 2 vols.,
Paris, Payot, 1966.
64. Cornevin, op. cit., p. 456.
65. The African Slave and its Remedy, 1840. Quoted in M . Merle, L'Anticolonialisme
Européen de Las Casas à Marx, p. 221, Paris, Colin, 1969.
66. La Restauration de la Traite des Noirs au Natal, 1877. See also Esclavage et Colonisa-
tion, selected texts by V . Schoelcher, by E . Tersen. Preface by A i m é Césaire, Paris,
PUF, 1948.
67. Karl M a r x , Capital, p. 1212, E d . L a Pléiade, I.
68. Karl M a r x , Capital, Vol. I, p. 759, N e w York, International Publishers. The end of
the sentence is a quotation from Aikin, A Description of the Country from Thirty
to Forty Miles round Manchester, London, 1795.
62. ibid.
70. See in M a r x and Engels, German Ideology, London, Lawrence & Wishart, 1942, the
harsh criticism of the 'liberal' and individualist thesis of M a x Stirmer, author of
Der Einziger und sein Eigetum.
71. ibid.
72. O n the specific forms of profit within the slavery system, there are analyses more
precise than those of M a r x . For lines of research, see the 'Letter on Slavery',
R eactions to the problem 53
of the slave trade
published in the review Dialectiques, 1977, N o . 21 in which Claude Meillassoux

attemps to demonstrate both the uniqueness and the limits of the ' slavery process '
73. Documents of the League of Nations, A . 19, 1925, VII, paras. 100-1, 106-7.
74. ibid., A . 104, 1926-VI. Ratified initially by 36 States, subsequently by 41.
75. See I L O Report, op. cit. Annex I: 'Historical Review of International Action on
Forced Labour'.
76. ILO, 'Studies and Reports', N e w Series N o . 38.
77. N e w York, 1967. (The replies were sent in by 23 African countries, 20 Asian and
Far Eastern countries, 22 from Europe, 9 from Latin America, and 2 from North
America.) The questionnaire had been sent out to all M e m b e r States of the United
Nations in 1964.
78. Page 8.
79. O n 'slave raids', see J. Pollard-Dulian, Aujourd'hui l'Esclavage, Paris, Ed. Ouvrières,
1967. Regarding Saudi Arabia, the author speaks of caravans from Sudan, Upper
Volta and Niger, and of a network of real slave traders, 'dealers in ebony', p. 196.
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C U R T I N , P . D . The Image of Africa; British Ideas and Action (1780-1850). Madison, Wis.,
University of Wisconsin Press, 1964.
D A V I S , D . B . The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture. N e w York, Cornell University
Press, 1966.
D U C H E T , M . Anthropologie et Histoire au Siècle des Lumières. Paris, Masporo, 1971.
F A I R C H I L D , H . N . Religious Trends in English Poetry. 3 vols. N e w York, Columbia Univer-
sity Press, 1939-49.
M A R I E N S T R A S , E . Les Mythes Fondateurs de la Nation Américaine. Paris, Masporo, 1976.
S E E B E R , E . D . Anti-slavery Opinion in France during the Second Half of the Eighteenth
Century. Baltimore, M d , The Johns Hopkins Press, 1937.
54 Michèle Duchet
Old texts and documents

Éphémérides du Citoyen, Paris, 69 vols., 1765 et seq.
L A R R O Q U E , P. L'Esclavage chez les Nations Chrétiennes. 2nd éd. A . Lacroix-Verboeckhoven,
1864.
R A Y N A L , G . T . Histoire Philosophique et Politique des Établissements et du Commerce
des Européens dans les Deux Indes. Geneva, J.-L. Pellet, 1780 ed.
La Révolution Française et l'Abolition de l'Esclavage, Textes et Documents. 12 vols, and
89 titles. Paris, E D H I S , 1968.
S C H O E L C H E R , V . La Restauration de la Traite des Noirs au Natal. Paris, Imp. de E . Brière,
1877. Selected texts (Preface by Aimé Césaire), under the title Esclavage et Colonisation.
Paris, Presses Universitaires, 1948.
S H A F T E B U R Y , A . C . Inquiry Concerning Virtue or Merit. Trans, by Diderot, 1745.
S M I T H , A . An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. London, 1776.
Official documents
A w A D , M o h a m e d . Report on Slavery. N e w York, United Nations, 1967.
ILO Reports: 1953, Report of the A d H o c Committee on Forced Labour (Studies and
Reports, N e w Series N o . 38); 1929 Report, 'Forced Labour—Preliminary Report and
Questionnaire'.
T h e Atlantic slave trade
The slave trade and the
Atlantic economies, 1451-1870 *
Joseph E . Inikori
This article deals deals with all the regions of Africa directly affected by the
external slave trade from that continent across the Sahara, the Atlantic ocean,
the R e d Sea and the Indian Ocean. Other territories included are South and
North America, the West Indies and all Europe bordering on the Atlantic,
including those European countries affected by the activities of the Atlantic
countries. In some ways this definition of the scope of this paper is arbitrary.
It excludes some of the slave-receiving economies of the period, in particular,
those of the Middle East.2 O n the other hand, the economies included were not
all affected to the same degree by the slave trade; indeed, some were only
indirectly affected. However, the coverage of the territories mentioned makes
it possible to analyse in one broad sweep the effects of the slave trade on all the
economies most significantly affected.
The slave trade and slavery is a subject on which a great deal has already
been said and written, starting from the eighteenth century and continuing to
the present day. 3
But the existing studies have failed to fit the slave trade as a causal factor,
positive or negative, into a process analysis of economic development in the
major countries or territories that participated in it. This is what this article
tries to do. For that purpose the external slave trade from Africa is viewed as
a form of international trade whose effects on the countries or regions involved
in it, directly or indirectly, are analysed in economic terms. T h e paper is based
essentially on development as opposed to growth analysis. T h e distinction
between these two concepts is not always observed by writers. M o d e r n economic
growth is usually defined in terms of a sustained annual increase in income per
head of the entire population in a given economy, over a long period of time,
while economic development relates to the transformation of an economy from
a customary, subsistence, rural and regional stage, to a rational, commercial,
urban a n d national stage, with appropriate institutions for the efficient mobility
of factors. Often the transformation includes a major structural shift in the
economy, from primarily agricultural to primarily industrial. In the context of
Rostovian analysis, development belongs to the 'pre-condition' and 'take-off'
stages, while growth belongs to the post-take-off stages. T h e main question
The slave trade 57
and the Atlantic economies 1451-1870
which this article tries to tackle, therefore, is the extent to which the movements
of the various economies under review were accelerated or retarded by the
slave trade in those crucial stages of development. The analysis draws on the
concept of dynamic gains from international trade as opposed to the static gains
of classical analysis.*
Magnitude of the external slave trade
O n e problem which is central to our question is the magnitude of the external

slave trade from Africa during the period 1451-1870. This means a computation
of the total number of slaves actually carried away from sub-Saharan Africa by
way of the Sahara, the Atlantic, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, during
that period. F r o m the point of view of the European sector of the Atlantic,
this is necessary because the development of resources required by the trade
forms an important part of the analysis and this will have to be weighted by
the estimated magnitude of the European portion of the trade. For the African
part of the analysis the computed magnitude will form a useful starting point
for an estimate of the demographic impact of the trade and the consequences of
that for economic development in the regions affected.
Most writers dealing with the slave trade across the Sahara and the
Atlantic have always found it necessary to estimate the total number of slaves
involved. For the Atlantic portion, the most recent of these estimates is that
of Professor Curtin,5 which was based on published data. However, his global
estimates have n o w been shown to be generally on the low side of the mark. 6
A t present m u c h work is going on relating to the number of slaves exported
from Africa by way of the Atlantic trade. It m a y take another decade or more
before the outcome can be stated in terms of globalfigures.For the purposes of
the analysis in this article, thefigureof 11 million slaves provided by Professor
Curtin has been taken as representing the barest m i n i m u m for the Atlantic
trade. This, together with the European share of the unknown magnitude of
the Indian Ocean trade, makes u p the European portion of the external slave
trade from Africa.
For the trans-Saharan trade, a recent attempt to summarize the impli-
cations of some of the existing estimates put the total number of slaves taken
away from sub-Saharan Africa to meet the demands of the desert trade, for the
whole period 850-1910, at 10 million. The distribution of this total over time
shows that for our period, 1451-1870, a little under 6 million people were taken
away. 7 These data are extremely weak, and some think the present estimate m a y
be on the high side.8 If the trans-Saharanfigureshould be proved to be an over-
estimate, this m a y compensate to some extent the underestimate for the trans-
Atlantic trade.
A s for the slave trade from East Africa to the Red Sea, Arabia, the Persian
58 Joseph E. Inikori
Gulf, India and the islands on the Indian Ocean, no aggregate estimates of the
total numbers involved have been m a d e , F r o m the information available,* w e
m a y not be exaggerating if w e put the totalfiguresfor the whole of our period
at some 2 million.
Thus, the external slave trade from Africa south of the Sahara between
thefifteenthand nineteenth centuries, involved the export of not less than
19 million people.
T h e slave trade and the expansion of international trade
The buying, shipping and employment of over 11 million slaves in capitalistic

production for an international market on the one hand, and the shipping and
marketing of the commodities produced by those slaves on the other, consti-
tuted a very large part, in volume, of all international economic transactions
in the period 1451-1870. In order to relate this international transaction of
immense proportions to Western development, w e shall try to answer the
following questions which in some ways are related:
T o what extent did the requirements for buying and transporting over 11 million
slaves contribute towards development in Western economies ?
W a s the process of economic development in Atlantic Europe and the Americas
critically influenced by the growth of world trade between 1500 and
1870?
T o what extent did the expansion of international trade between 1500 and
1870 depend on the slave trade?
Before answering these questions, something must be said about the
division of functions in the Atlantic system within which the slave trade and
slavery operated. The main functional categories in that system were: trade
and finance; transportation; manufacturing; mining; export staple agriculture
in plantations; commercial foodstuff agriculture in medium-sized freehold
farms; and the sale of labour. Western Europe overwhelmingly dominated
trade, finance, transportation and manufacturing. Portuguese and Spanish
America also did some trading and transportation, including some manufac-
turing for internal consumption. But their main function in the Atlantic system
was the mining of precious metals and export staple agriculture in plantations.
The middle and north-eastern states of North America, right from the colonial
days, concentrated on commercial foodstuff production for export to the slave
plantations of the West Indian islands, import and export trade, shipping,
finance, shipbuilding, lumber production, fishing and, later, manufacturing.
The southern states specialized in plantation agriculture,first,mainly tobacco,
but later, mainly cotton. The special function of all the West Indian islands
was plantation agriculture—coffee, cotton, indigo, but in particular, sugar
cane. Africa did not perform any real production function in the Atlantic
The slave trade 59
system. Its function was limited to the acquisition and sale of slave labour. O n
the whole, of all the territories under review, only the north-eastern states of
North America performed economic functions closely resembling those per-
formed by Western Europe in the Atlantic system.
The character of functions performed by a given territory in the Atlantic
system was a crucial factor explaining the type of developmental effect which
the system produced in that territory. Trade, finance, shipping, manufacturing,
and commercial foodstuff production in medium-sized freehold farms tended
to produce m u c h greater positive developmental effects than plantation agri-
culture. However, the character of the functions does not fully explain the
differing developmental effects. It is significant that the territories which were
engaged mostly in plantation agriculture were also those in which 'foreign
factors of production' were most largely employed, using this concept in
Jonathan Levin's sense.10 A s a consequence, a very large proportion of the total
income produced in the Atlantic sectors of these economies was remitted
abroad. This was particularly so for the West Indian islands. This, together
with the character of the functions performed, left little or no room for a self-
sustained internal development to accompany the growth of activities in pro-
duction for an international market. In the Latin American territories the
operation of some internal factors, partly connected with the character of the
European colonists and the institutions they brought with them, further reduced
the overall positive effects of the Atlantic system for the internal development
of those economies. For these various reasons, the positive developmental
effects of the Atlantic system were largely concentrated in Western Europe and
North America.
The buying and shipping of slaves to the Americas formed one of the
most important functions fulfilled by Western Europe in the Atlantic system.
This proved to be a very demanding task, requiring considerable mercantile
skills, highly sophisticatedfinancialarrangements, refinements in shipbuilding
technology, and production of new types of goods demanded by the slave-
producing regions of tropical Africa. The creative response of the economies
of Atlantic Europe to the requirements of this function formed an important
part of the development process in those economies. Unfortunately, a detailed
study of the character of this response and an assessment of its place in the
process of economic development in Western Europe is only just receiving the
attention of scholars employing the analytical tools of development economics.
Thefirstof such studies, which has been m a d e on the British economy for the
period 1750-1807, 11 shows that during this period of about sixty years w h e n
Great Britain dominated the buying and shipping of slaves to the Americas, the
peculiar requirements of this function stimulated important developments in
key sectors and regions of the British economy. T h e slave merchants were
constantly exposed to considerable risks and so their regular and growing
d e m a n d for insurance cover was important in the development of marine

insurance in Great Britain. T h e trade required the extension of credit12 at
various stages—credit to slave-dealers on the African coast, and more import-
ant, credit to the employers of slave labour in the Americas. In addition, a
long space of time, usually over a year, elapsed between the time a merchant in
Great Britain invested in goods and shipping and the time the slaves were
finally sold in the Americas. In consequence, thefinancialresources of the
slave merchants were more than ordinarily stretched. In fact, the commercial
capital required by the slave trade—in shipping, in stock of goods, and in trade
credits—was far in excess of the annual volume of the trade. Rather than sink
the whole of their fortunes in the trade, the slave-merchants always preferred
to obtain credit in various forms. They obtained export credit from the pro-
ducers of goods for the trade, a requirement which in turn compelled the latter
to look for sources of credit for their operation. M o r e important, the slave-
merchants obtained credit through the discounting to the voluminous bills of
exchange they obtained from the sale of slaves in the Americas.
The favourable d e m a n d conditions created in this w a y were important
for the development of banking and the discount market in Great Britain. In
fact, some of the provincial banks that sprang up at this time, especially in
Lancashire, were motivated primarily by the desire to profit from the dis-
counting of slave bills and other bills resulting from the credit relationship
between the slave-merchants and producers of goods for the slave trade.13
T h e special shipping requirements of the trade stimulated considerable
activities in British shipyards for the building of a special class of vessel and
for the repair and costly outfit of slave vessels. F r o m a calculation based on
137 slave-ships, measuring 24,180 tons, it is found that about 60 per cent of
British slave vessels were built in British shipyards, the remaining 40 per cent
being m a d e u p of prizes taken in wartime, and foreign-built ships purchased
abroad, mostly in the colonies. After deducting this proportion, an elaborate
calculation based on a large amount of shipping data, shows that between
1791 and 1807 about 15 per cent of all tonnage built in Great Britain was
destined for the Guinea trade, about 95 per cent of which went into the shipping
of slaves.14 Between 1750 and 1807, an average of £2,625,959 per decade was
invested by British slave-merchants in the building, repairing and outfit of their
vessels in British shipyards, ranging from an average of about £1£ million per
decade for the period 1750-80, to an average of almost £4 million per decade
in the period, 1781-1807. The input requirements of these activities had import-
ant linkage effects on other industries, particularly the metal and metal-using
trades, and hence the mining of metal ore and coal, and their transportation.
They also m a d e an important contribution to the process of urbanization.
The manufacturing sectors significantly influenced were the metal and
metal-using industries, copper, brass and iron. T h e manufacture of guns for
The slave trade 61
the purchase of slaves was an important Birmingham industry. The production

of special copper and brass goods for the slave trade, and the employment of
copper in sheathing the bottoms of slave vessels were important activities in
the London, Bristol and Liverpool regions. But the British industry whose
development was most critically influenced by the slave trade was the cotton
textile industry.
Between 1750 and 1776, the proportion of total annual British cotton
exports, by value, which went to the west coast of Africa varied from 30 to
50 per cent.15 This proportion fell drastically during the American W a r of
Independence, but recovered after the war, and between 1783 and 1792, varied
from 11 to 32 per cent. After 1792, the faster growth of exports to Europe and
the Americas meant that exports to the African coast formed a diminishing
percentage of total British cotton exports, by value. Thus, in terms of volume,
exports to the African coast were important for the development of the export
sector of the British cotton textile industry. The cotton goods exported to the
African coast were the cheap type for c o m m o n consumers and this m a d e them
adaptable to mass production by mechanical methods. But, by far the most
important contribution which exports to the African coast m a d e towards the
development of the British cotton textile industry was in terms of exposure to
competition.
In the early years of the industry, its h o m e market was protected, the
sale of East Indian cotton textiles for domestic consumption having been
prohibited in Great Britain early in the eighteenth century. Sales in Europe
remained insignificant until after 1776. In those early years, it was mainly on
the west coast of Africa that the British cotton textile industry faced very
serious competition from similar goods from all parts of the world, in particu-
lar, East Indian cotton textiles. The industry's response to this competition was
very important for its competitiveness from the last years of the eighteenth
century onwards. 16
Thus, as far as the British economy in the eighteenth century is concerned,
the requirements for buying and transporting slaves to the Americas m a d e an
important contribution to development. N o similar studies have been m a d e for
the other European countries that performed this same function in the Atlantic
system. But the limited studies of Simone Berbain, Gaston Martin and Pierre
Boulle, show that, at least, for Nantes, R o u e n and Montpellier, the slave-
merchants' demand for cheaply produced goods stimulated the growth of
large-scale industry in the eighteenth century.17 A n d the export of G e r m a n
linens to the African coast through British and other European slave-merchants
was an important outlet for the textile industries of Westphalia, Saxony and
Silesia.
The buying and shipping of slaves to the Americas represented just a
part of the greatly expanded world trade in which the Atlantic economies
participated in the period 1451-1870. It will be shown later that thus pheno-
menal expansion of world trade was due largely to the availability of African
slave labour in the Americas. But for the m o m e n t w e have to establish the
relationship between this growth of world trade and the economic development
of Western Europe and North America.
Between the late Middle Ages and thefirsthalf of the seventeenth century
some very important internal developments occurred in West European econ-
omies, which were due to changes in some internal factors, such as population,
leading to the growth of intra-European trade, particularly in raw wool, woollen
products, metal products and silver, as well as inter-regional trade within the
individual West European countries. These early developments stimulated in
the different West European countries differing institutional changes, political,
social and economic. Particularly in Great Britain and Holland, the changes
which occurred at this time created
a hospitable environment for the evolution of a body of property rights which pro-
moted institutional arrangements, leading to fee-simple absolute ownership in land,
free labour, the protection of privately owned goods, patent laws and other encourage-
ments to ownership of intellectual property, and a host of institutional arrangements
to reduce market imperfection in product and capital markets.18
The main contribution of the Atlantic system to these early developments was
in the supply of bullion which greatly promoted the growth of exchange in
all Western Europe, thereby giving afillipto the expansion of the market
sector of West European economies. Besides this contribution, m u c h of West
European development at this early stage depended on European resources.
The 'hospitable environment' created by these early developments are very
important in explaining the responsiveness of West European economies to
the external stimuli emanating from the growth of world trade from the second
half of the seventeenth century onwards.
But, it is one thing to say that these early internal developments m a d e
West European economies responsive to external stimuli arising from the
growth of the Atlantic system. It is quite another thing to say that from these
early developments the institutional arrangements that evolved in Western
Europe between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and that great
structural transformation called the Industrial Revolution which occurred in
Great Britain during this period, were inevitable. T h e explanation for those
developments is to be found in the n e w problems and possibilities created by
the growth of world trade in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries : the new
problems of regularly carrying large quantities of goods over very long distances
across turbulent seas ; of processing and distributing large quantities of products
imported from distant places ; of accommodation in a trade system stretching
The slave trade 63
to every part of the globe; the opportunities offered for developing n e w indus-
tries based on raw materials previously scarce and expensive, or wholly unavail-
able, such as sugar, tobacco, cotton, etc., and for developing n e w products in
response to n e w demands and tastes; the economies of scale associated with
production for a greatly extended world market—these and m a n y other factors
stimulated the institutional developments and the radical structural shifts
which occurred in western Europe at that time. They were all produced by the
growth of world trade in this period. T h e technical developments and the tech-
nological innovations of the period were all called forth and m a d e economic
by the practical problems of production for an extended world market. It is
the verdict of a British economic historian that
Colonial trade introduced to English industry the quite new possibility of exporting
in great quantities manufactures other than woollen goods, to markets where there
was no question of the exchange of manufactures for other manufactures. . . . The
process of industrialization in England from the second quarter of the eighteenth
century was to an important extent a response to colonial demands for nails, axes,
firearms, buckets, coaches, clocks, saddles, handkerchiefs, buttons, cordage and a
thousand other things.19
It w a s this which m a d e possible the concentration of large-scale industrial

production at all levels in the small country that England was in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, being peopled by less than 7 million inhabitants by the
mid-eighteenth century, and by just over 8 million by 1790, 20 and with no ususual
endowment of natural resources. T h e opportunities offered for large exports
of ironwares and later of cottons 'played a vital part in the building of those
industries to the point where technical change transformed their m o m e n t u m
of growth'. 21 For Europe generally, and for France in particular, a French
Economic historian wrote :
The eighteenth century can be truly called the Atlantic stage of European economic
development. Foreign trade, and especially trade with the Americas, was the most
dynamic sector of the whole economy (for instance, French colonial trade increased
tenfold between 1716 and 1787), and furthermore the demand from overseas was
stimulating the growth of a wide range of industries as well as increased specialization
and division of labour. Owing to the superiority of sea transport over land transport,
the eighteenth-century European economy was organized around a number of big
seaports, the most prosperous being those with the largest share in the growing colo-
nial trade, such as Bordeaux or Nantes; each of these had, not only its own industries,
but also its industrial hinterland in the river base of which it was the outlet.2a
H e further points out that if
'Americanization' of trade and industry was the most pronounced for countries which
owned a colonial empire (such as Great Britain, France, Holland and Spain), its
influence extended also farther to the east, to countries which had no colonies but
were able to send goods to America as re-exports from the colonial powers, especially
through Cadiz; so German linens, cutlery, and hardware reached the West Indian
and Spanish American markets.23
For North America in the colonial period, it has been s h o w n that the propor-
tion of total economic activity devoted to production for overseas markets
was relatively large at the beginning of the eighteenth century, being about
one-fifth of total output, and that though that proportion declined over
the century, it still remained about one-sixth in 1768-72. 24 This w a s m a d e u p
of shipping and other commercial services sold by the north-eastern colonies
to the West Indian islands and southern Europe, export of foodstuffs, horses
and lumber from the middle and north-eastern colonies to the West Indies and
southern Europe, and the export of tobacco, rice and other minor crops from
the southern colonies to Great Britain and other European countries. F r o m
this analysis of the colonial economy of North America, it is concluded :
While overseas trade and market activity m a y not have comprised the major portion
of all colonial economic activity, the importance of the market was that of improving
resource allocation.... W e argue that while subsistence agriculture provided an impor-
tant base to colonial incomes and was a substantial part of average per capita income,
changes in incomes and improvements in welfare came largely through overseas
trade and other market activities. Not only did improvements in productivity occur
primarily through market activity, but the pattern of settlement and production was
determined by market forces. This pattern changed slowly and unevenly, spreading
from the waterways and distribution centres along the Atlantic seaboard into the
interior.25
For the period, 1790-1860, Professor D . C . North has s h o w n that the export
of raw cotton from the southern states was the most crucial factor in the growth
and development of the United States economy. A s the southern states con-
centrated all their resources on the production of raw cotton for export, they
had to buy their foodstuffs from the producers in the west, and this stimulated
the settlement of the west and its specialization in foodstuff production. Also,
the south had to depend on the north-east for its transportation,financialand
other commercial services. Incomes earned from the production of cotton for
export and spent on western food and north-eastern services, provided the
base for the growth of import substitution industries in the north-east. A n d so
the north-east graduated from exporting southern cotton and supplying the
south and west with imported foreign manufactures, to the domestic production
of those goods for consumers in the south and west, as well as in the north-east
itself, using southern cotton as part of the inputs for the n e w industries. It w a s
The slave trade 65
this regional specialization based originally on the production of cotton in the

south for export that m a d e economic the establishment of large-scale industries
in the United States between 1790 and I860.26
It can, therefore, be concluded that economic development in Atlantic
Europe and North America was critically influenced by the growth of world
trade between 1500 and 1870. T h e next question is the extent to which the
growth of world trade in this period depended on the slave trade. Since this
growth depended almost entirely on the exploitation of the resources in the
Americas, the question boils d o w n to whether the exploitation of those resources
would have been possible at all, or whether the scale of their exploitation would
have c o m e anywhere near to what it was, without the availability of slave
labour. This is looking at the problem from the point of view of supply. Another
way is to look at it from the point of view of demand and ask whether the
employment of non-slave labour would not have considerably advanced the
cost of production and therefore have raised the prices of the products in
Europe to a level that would have considerably reduced their consumption and
therefore the quantity imported into Europe. If this had happened, the level
of incomes in the Americas would have been reduced, thereby reducing the
volume of goods imported from Europe. T h e overall effect would have been
a drastic reduction in the volume of world trade. All this would have depended
on the price elasticity of demand in Europe for the products of the Americas.
Recent publications on the subject of slave labour show that in some cases
it was either slave labour or nothing. It has been pointed out that Spain and
Portugal, the possessors of the majority of the American tropical colonies,
were not in a position to provide workers ' w h o were prepared to emigrate at
any price'.27 For the capitalistic production of sugar in the West Indies gener-
ally, it is stated that ' free labour was simply not available in sufficient quantity
and what there was would not (would not rather than could not) put u p with
the conditions of work on a plantation so long as cheap farmland was to be
had in other colonies. It was slavery or nothing.'28 A s a general statement for
all the Americas outside Spanish and Portuguese America, it is argued that
W a g e or indentured labour would have been forthcoming in some additional numbers

at some high wage. Such wage levels would have been high owing to certain factors
impeding labour movement into plantation agriculture, [so that] any attempt at
sizeable increases in the production of agricultural staples under the inelastic supply
patterns characterizing free and indentured labour would have advanced those labour
prices substantially.29
Apart from the foregoing arguments, it has been shown that in the decade
before the civil war southern slave farms produced 28 per cent more output
per unit of input than southern free farms, and 40 per cent more than family-
based northern farms.30 W h e n this superior efficiency of slave labour over free
labour is added to the very m u c h higher labour costs that would have prevailed
in the absence of slave labour, it can be easily seen w h y production costs, even
in the areas where it was possible to obtain some additional wage or indentured
labour at a high price, would have been terribly high in the absence of slave
labour. A s Ralph Davis has shown, the phenomenal expansion of European
consumption of products imported from the Americas depended largely on
the very low levels to which their prices dropped in the course of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries.81 European demand for products from the Americas
was therefore highly price elastic, so that a manifold increase in the prices of
those products in the absence of slave labour would have greatly reduced their
consumption in Europe and therefore the volume of trade based on them.
Hence, taking into account the large areas in the Americas where no production
at all would have taken place without slave labour, and the greatly reduced level
of production and sale in areas where some wage or indentured labour would
have been forthcoming at a high price, the conclusion can be drawn that the
growth of world trade between 1500 and 1870 was due very largely to the avail-
ability of African slave labour supplied through the slave trade. It is important
to stress that even the growth of trade between West European countries at
this time depended greatly on the re-export of American products from one
European country to another, and the export of European goods from one
European country to another for onward trans-shipment to the Americas.
Before these developments, autarchic practices by various West European
nations in their efforts to encourage h o m e industries militated against the
growth of intra-European trade.32 Even the greatly enlarged trade with the
East Indies during this period still depended largely on the Atlantic system,
for a large proportion of the oriental goods was re-exported to Africa and the
Americas.
Economic consequences of the external slave trade from Africa
This question has just begun to receive the attention of scholars.33 O n e recent
attempt in thisfieldis based on a static model derived from the classical theory
of international trade. T h e costs and benefits of the slave trade for
Africa were computed on the basis of the difference between as estimated total
amount of goods that would have been produced (at the subsistence level of
production) in Africa by the estimated number of all slaves that were exported
and the total value of import goods received in exchange for the slaves. If the
former exceeds the latter than the material welfare of Africans deteriorated as
a result of the slave trade; but if the latter exceeds the former, then the material
welfare of Africans improved as a result of the slave trade.34 Apart from the
conceptual weaknesses of this model, it has no power to determine the dynamic
The slave trade 67
gains or losses that m a y be associated with the slave trade. A s John H . Williams
points out:
the relation of international trade to the development of new resources and productive
forces is a more significant part of the explanation of the present status of nations, of
incomes, prices, well-being, than is the cross-section value analysis of the classical
economists, with its assumption of given quanta of productive factors, already
existent and employed [with fixed technology and fixed market and productive
organization].85
It is sometimes said that the slave trade brought from the Americas to Africa
n e w food crops, such as manioc, sweet potato, maize, groundnuts and some
others.38 If w e leave aside the controversy over the American origin of these
crops, and accept that as a fact, the argument that those crops c a m e to Africa
because of the slave trade cannot be sustained on any ground, since these crops
are said to have been introduced into West Africa 'by Portuguese traders
early in the sixteenth century',87 a period during which Portuguese slave trade
in West Africa was far less important, in volume and value, than Portuguese
trade in West African products, such as gold, pepper and so on. 8 8
Another way of relating the slave trade positively to African economic
development m a y be through the investment of profits m a d e in the trade by
African dealers. It is possible that after the effective abolition of the external
slave trade late in the nineteenth century, profits earlier accumulated from it
by some African dealers m a y have flowed into the development of trade in
African products, such as palm oil, then in demand. This could be regarded as
a positive contribution by the slave trade to African economic development.
But during the 400 years or so of the slave trade before its abolition, profits
from that trade added nothing in terms of capital formation to the production
capacity of African economies. 89 D u k e Ephraim, one of the greatest Efik
traders of pre-colonial times, 'peopled the vast agricultural area of A k p a b u y o
to the east of Calabar with slaves purchased from the profits of his trade, not
so m u c h to produce oil or even food, but to strengthen the power of his house
or ward. 'n In general, this was h o w slave-trade profits were employed in the
Cross River region of present-day Nigeria. It would seem, therefore, that the
economic conditions associated with the slave trade provided no d e m a n d
incentives for capital formation to take place. Hence economic development in
Africa was not stimulated by the slave trade. Indeed, it can be argued that
institutions and habits inimical to economic development, which developed and
became hardened during over 400 years of slave trade, became, in later years,
great obstacles to economic transformation in Africa.
If it is so difficult to isolate any positive contribution by the slave trade
to African economic development, two other propositions remain to be exam-
ined. First, w e propose to show that the slave trade had an ascertainable direct
negative impact on the economic development processes in Africa; secondly,
that, while it lasted, it prevented the growth and development of 'normal'
international trade between Africa and the rest of the world.
The first direct negative impact was its retardative or contractionary
effects on African population during a period of over 400 years. This is an
issue on which historians hold differing views.41 With regard to Africa south
of the Equator, there seems to be a general consensus of opinion a m o n g them
that external slave trade led to an outright depopulation in the Congo-Angola
region, broadly defined. A s for West Africa, there is disagreement as to whether
it led to an outright depopulation, but what no one seems to contend is that,
at best, the population there was stationary during the period of the external
slave trade—that is, the rate of population growth was equal to the rate of
population loss due to that trade.
O n e general weakness of the existing studies of the subject is that popu-
lation movements in Africa have been related only to the Atlantic slave trade.
A proper understanding of African demographic processes in the period 1451—
1870 requires an assessment of population losses due to the external slave trade
in all its branches. Also, even in the Atlantic trade, only the numbers of slaves
actually exported are considered, w h e n it is k n o w n that the processes leading
to the export of those numbers—the wars, raids and other methods of slave
gathering ; the long march to the coast ; the ' warehousing ' of slaves on the coast
awaiting shipment; the long keeping of slaves in ship holds before the vessels
actually departed the African coast with their full cargoes—involved population
losses that probably have been far in excess of the numbers actually exported.
The most serious weakness, however, is that no effort has been m a d e to assess,
albeit roughly, the additional population the slaves exported would have
produced in Africa had they been left there.
It is difficult to m a k e such an estimate. In thefirstplace, no data exist
on birth rates and survival rates in Africa at this time. Even if they existed the
data would not have reflected the effects of the slave trade on birth and survival
rates through its retardative effects on economic growth and the high incidence
of war. O n the other hand, the Africans exported were all people in their prime
of life so that the rate of reproduction a m o n g them should have been higher
than that of the rest of society left behind.
O n e way of getting round the problem would have been to employ the
reproduction rates a m o n g the Africans received in the slave-importing territories
of the Americas. But this, again, poses problems. O f all the slave-receiving
territories in the Americas it was only in the United States that the imported
Africans achieved some rate of net natural increase during m u c h of our period.
In the other territories, the effect of a lengthy journey from Africa by sea,
strange disease environment, the harsh conditions of plantation slavery,
The slave traac 69
particularly on the sugar-cane plantations, etc., actually led to rates of net natu-
ral decrease a m o n g the slave populations. Since rates of net natural decrease
did not operate in the African territories from which people were exported,42 the
only usable rate is that a m o n g the Africans in North America. For this terri-
tory, Professor Curtin's calculations show that about 430,000 Africans imported,
largely between 1700 and 1810, produced a black population of about 4.5
million by 1863.«
Before this rate of reproduction can be refined to provide a rough approxi-
mation of the numbers that would have been reproduced in Africa by the people
exported, some qualifications are necessary. T h e North American imports
were concentrated in the second half of the eighteenth century so that it actually
took the 430,000 imported Africans very m u c h less than a century to produce
a population of 4.5 million by 1863. B y the time a large number of Africans
began to arrive in North America in the second half of the eighteenth century,
the first million people to leave Africa as a result of the external slave trade
in all its sectors had done so for more than 100 years. O n the other hand, the
harsh conditions of slavery, its psychological effects on the fecundity of female
slaves and the strange disease environment still reduced to some extent the
rate of reproduction a m o n g the imported Africans in the United States.
O n the other side of the coin, it m a y be argued that the mortality rate
in tropical Africa during our period was higher than that of North America
during the same period. If this was the case, then the survival rate a m o n g the
children of Africans in North America, from about the second generation
onward, would be higher than that in Africa. In addition the slaves in North
America did receive some modern medical attention, however minimal the
effect m a y have been on their health. Another consideration is the fact that
the population of Afro-Americans in 1863 was produced with the input of
some white fathers. It has been shown that the proportion of mulattos in the
total slave population of the United States of America in 1860 was 10.4 per
cent.44
W h e n these two sets of opposing factors are matched it is not easy to
decide the direction of the net result. T o be conservative let us assume that,
notwithstanding all the points m a d e above, the reproduction rates which
prevailed a m o n g the Africans imported into North America were higher than
the rates that would have prevailed a m o n g the 19 million Africans exported
had they been left in Africa. Let us even assume that, w h e n all the facts stated
earlier have been considered, only 50 per cent of the North American rates
would have prevailed in Africa. Applying this rate to the 19 million earlier
estimated, the result is that had those Africans not been exported they would
have produced an additional population of at least about 99,420,000 in Africa
by about 1870. This calculation does not take into account the fact that the
large number of Africans w h o were exported several years before North
American imports started would have produced proportionately far more

descendants in Africa than those imported into North America produced in
that territory by 1863.
It must be understood that this estimate is a very rough one. It is likely
that Professor Curtin underestimated United States slave imports to a greater
extent than he did for imports into other territories. If so, reproduction rates
based on Curtin's United States figures will be an exaggeration which will
m a k e our estimates somewhat too high. O n the other hand, in our estimate
w e have not included the numbers lost in the various stages of producing the
19 million actually exported. Besides, an assessment of the demographic
consequences of the external slave trade for Africa has to take into account the
indirect effects as well. The unsettled conditions produced by the slave trade
and its retardative effects on economic growth had adverse effects on population
growth in Africa during a period of over 400 years. It is significant that, from
1500 to 1870, the growth of the African population lagged far behind that of
any other continent during the same period. W h e n the external demand for
Africans as slaves was cut off in the late nineteenth century, peaceful conditions
prevailed, international trade in the products of the African soil developed,
the flow of goods within Africa expanded and became more regular, and
general economic improvement took place. Under these conditions, population
growth rates in Africa came to be a m o n g some of the highest in the world
between 1900 and 1950. N o one should be misled into thinking that this popu-
lation growth in Africa was due to the availability of modern medicine, whose
contribution was minimal, because only a tiny proportion of the total popu-
lation benefited from the limited modern medical facilities that existed. 'Tra-
ditional ' African medicine remained the only means of treatment for most
people, and 'traditional' African midwives remained the only physicians
k n o w n to most expectant mothers, as was the case during the slave-trade
period. The only n e w elements that were significant as far as population growth
was concerned, were peace and economic improvement.
Thus, however rough it m a y be there is no doubt that thefigurew e have
produced is a very conservative estimate of the additional population that
would have existed in Africa by 1870 in the absence of the external slave trade.
It should be pointed out that the operation of the Malthusian checks could not
have m a d e it impossible to maintain this additional population since the amount
of land in Africa suitable for food production completely eliminates the
possibility of their operation. T h e inescapable conclusion to be drawn from
the foregoing, therefore, is that the extremely low ratio of population to culti-
vable land which prevailed in Africa south of the Sahara up to the present
century was the direct repercussion of the external slave trade from Africa.
This underpopulation prevented for several centuries the growth of a
virile market sector in the African economies by eliminating population pressern
The slave trade 71
that would have led to internal colonization, taming the forests, and greater
population concentration. Internal colonization would have led to interregional
differentiation of economic functions arising from climatic differences, diffe-
rential natural-resource endowments, and differing population densities. T h e
taming of the forests and greater population concentration would have led
to a reduction in distribution costs by lowering costs of transportation. All
this would have stimulated interregional trade and therefore the growth of
production for the market and all the institutional developments associated
with that growth. But because the ratio of population to land remained
extremely low, population remained largely dispersed, the forests remained
untamed, extensive, rather than intensive, cultivation was encouraged, and
subsistence production and local self-sufficiency remained the rule. Because
land was never a scarce resource no market for land developed and agriculture
generally remained uncommercialized. The land-tenure system which became
hardened under the conditions produced by the slave trade is one of those
institutions inimical to the growth of capitalism which took root in Africa as
a result of the external slave trade. In most of Africa, this system if often talked
about as if it were something inherently African, without it being realized that
the persistence of the system has its history in the slave trade, which prevented
the growth of demand for land that would have m a d e it a scarce and, therefore,
marketable resource. The present development of a market for urban land in
m a n y African countries, following the pressure of population in the urban
centres, shows clearly w h y a land market (urban and agricultural) failed to
develop in m u c h of Africa m a n y years ago. In the absence of a large population,
the existence of a very great and growing external demand for African products
that were land-intensive in production would gradually have reduced land to
a scarce and marketable resource and hence led to the commercialization of
agriculture and the whole rural economy. This was what the export of raw
wool and wollen cloths did for British land tenure and agriculture in the six-
teenth century and after; what the export of foodstuffs to the West Indies did
for the agriculture of the middle and northern colonies of North America in
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; and what the export of cocoa is
doing for the western State of Nigeria.45 But, as w e shall show later, the oppor-
tunity cost of the slave trade m a d e impossible the growth of such an external
demand during the period of that trade. D r Hopkins suggests that, in the
absence of population growth, technical innovation would have encouraged
the growth of market activities by reducing production costs.46 This is rather
a case of putting the cart before the horse since, historically, the growth of
market activities preceded technical innovation. This is to say that, historically,
technical innovation was not an autonomous variable, having always been
stimulated by demand pressures, although in its turn, it later stimulated the
growth of market activities.
The other direct negative effect of the external slave trade on African
economic development is associated with the general socio-economic and socio-
political conditions created by the trade. Every economic activity has a w a y
of creating such conditions which not only help to sustain its earlier levels but
provide it with further m o m e n t u m . This is the major idea behind Professor
Rostow's 'take-off' analysis. That self-reinforcing process was crucial in
sustaining the slave trade. The socio-economic and socio-political forces created
by the slave trade in Africa which sustained it for several centuries, operated
in the form of increased warfare based on the use of firearms and horses sup-
plied by the European and Arab slave-merchants, the emergence of professional
slave-raiders or man-hunters, the gearing of political, social and economic
institutions to the needs of slave acquisition and marketing and so on. T h e
incentives behind all these innovative activities were the increased variety of
European and Oriental products available to those with slaves to sell.
The mechanism of this self-sustaining process is well elaborated by m a n y
writers on the slave trade. The account by Leo Africanus shows that the king
of Bornu (Borno) at the beginning of the sixteenth century sold slaves to
Barbary merchants and received horses for use in his cavalry in return. With
these horses the king carried out his annual slave-raiding expeditions.47 T h e
horses m a y also have been used to acquire territorial fiefs through which
tribute slaves were obtained. In fact, the important slave market of K u k a is
said to have been supplied with slaves captured in government raids in the
surrounding non-Muslim territories south, west and south-west of Bornu
(Borno), and with tribute slaves paid by vassal princes w h o , in order to dis-
charge this obligation, carried on continuous warfare against their non-
Muslim neighbours.48
In the Atlantic sector, firearms took the place of horses, and the prolifer-
ation of firearms in the coastal and forest states was an important part of the
self-reinforcing mechanism. The firearms gave steam to imperial ventures aimed
at controlling the sources of slave supply. The conflict between these nascent
empires over the control of slave supply on the one hand, and the need for
self-defence against their activities by their victims or potential victims on the
other hand, created a slave-gun circle. This is w h y it does not m a k e m u c h
sense to talk of these wars as being politically motivated, for beneath what
one m a y describe as a political motive lay what was primarily economic. This
is not to say that all the wars of the slave-trade period were caused by the con-
ditions created by the trade, nor that some non-economic motives were not
also present in wars that were largely due to the slave trade. But it does m e a n
that the self-reinforcing conditions created by the trade were responsible for
m u c h of the wars of the period. A s one writer puts it :
The two-way pressures of the ocean trade—European demand for captives and African
The slave trade 73
demand for European goods—worked powerfully toward the institutionalization of

the system. Whether making wars in order to capture prisoners for sale or defending
themselves against neighbours with similar ambitions, coastal and near-coastal rulers
found firearms indispensable to their security. The firearms did m u c h to fasten power-
ful rulers, as well as weak ones, into a trading system which required the sale of
captives.49
O f central and eastern Africa it is said :
The opportunity for gaining durable material wealth from the slave trade obviously
encouraged rulers to expand their possessions and increase the number of people
over w h o m they ruled. Such expansion often took place by warfare which initially
provided prisoners of war, a ready source of slaves, and subsequently provided new
subjects on w h o m taxes could be levied in the form of m e n . By expanding hisfiefthe
ruler also acquired a position of being thefinalarbiter in judicial matters. This position
brought the ruler export slaves through a manipulation of the judicial processes. Thus,
for various reasons, the gains to be derived from the slave trade provided one of the
sharpest incentives to imperial expansion in Central Africa.60
O n the other hand, while the European a n d A r a b slave merchants m a y not

have openly encouraged inter-State wars in Africa, apart from Portuguese
military activities in Angola, their willingness to loan firearms to warring groups
in return for war captives m a y have played an important role a m o n g African
States in reaching decisions to m a k e w a r or peace. F o r example, a European
slave merchant, resident on the Guinea coast, wrote to his co-partner in Great
Britain in August 1740:
W e have been greatly disappointed in our trade. Ever since the Fanteens went to
engage Elmena no thinking m a n that knew the coast could have expected otherwise;
all the trading paths were stopped; nothing going forward but thieving and panyar-
ring; had the said Fanteens become conquerors it's certain w e should for our o w n
parts have got eight hundred or one thousand slaves at pretty easy terms; but as they
came back repulsed and were even forced to run away, w e have suffered to be sure
considerably, for I credited the headmen pretty largely to secure their interest on their
return that I might have the preference of what slaves they took in the war. 5 1
Earlier o n this s a m e merchant h a d written :
General S h a m p o o is encamped at the head of the River Vutta [Volta] with 20 thousand
m e n ready to engage D a h o m e e King of W h y d a h ; the said king has an army equal to
the other's, encamped within two miles of each other. O n the success of the former w e
have a large interest depending and until that battle is decided in some shape or
another there are no trade to be expected. Y o u n g in the Africa I a m loading him with
a proper assortment of goods and to dispatch him with all expedition for Little Popo
to attend the result of the Battle.52
These are not isolated cases, for similar references can be found in the works
of other writers on the subject.83
Historians have always tried to relate the socio-political and socio-eco-
nomic conditions created in Africa by the slave trade to political processes,
particularly those connected with theriseand decline of States, kingdoms and
empires. W h a t has been neglected is an analysis that will explicitly relate those
conditions to the process of economic development in Africa. In the matter
of State formation, for instance, if the slave trade gave rise to some larger and
more powerful States, one would like to k n o w whether such States directed
or took part in economic activities likely to bring about economic development;
whether they m a d e conscious efforts to provide peaceful conditions under which
private enterprise could have helped to bring about economic development;
or,finally,whether they consciously m a d e any efforts to evolve or encourage
the evolution of institutional arrangements essential for economic development.
If the answers to all these questions are negative, one would like to k n o w w h y .
It is well k n o w n that during the period of the slave trade not only did the
States whose rise m a y be associated with that trade fail to do any of the things
specified above, but even others, like the kingdom of Benin failed to d o so.
The explanation is simple. T h e former remained largely slave-trading States
and so had n o political or economic incentives to develop other resources,
or to encourage private enterprise to d o so by providing peaceful conditions,
while the other States also became largely involved in the slave trade, or in
defending themselves against the activities of slave-trading States. O n the
other hand, the requirements of the slave trade were such that they could not
stimulate any infrastructural developments in the slave-trading States. For
instance, the fact that the slaves transported themselves along bush paths
eliminated any possible pressure to build good roads and to encourage artisans
to build 'the wheel' to facilitate the flow of trade".
F r o m the point of view of the private sector, the chaotic conditions which
the slave trade created and which helped to sustain its m o m e n t u m for several
centuries raised transaction costs enormously and so retarded the growth of
market activities. A n y reading of the European company records bears this
out. In a letter to the Royal African C o m p a n y in Great Britain, an official of
the company resident on the African Coast wrote :
at best the Waterside Kings, and Great Cabbasheers (so called) are but poor great
rogues, for when they do not disturb the traders, and are not at war with one another
for a livelihood combine and lay their heads together to contrive how to abuse and
cheat your honours and the Dutch West India Company. 6 1
Obviously, the slave trade was not a gentleman's trade, and what the Europeans
say about the African dealers, the former also say about each other, for the
same writer quoted above had cause to say :
The slave trade 75
and the Atlantic economies J451-1870
Were I to characterize the Dutch as I by experience have found them to be, I should
give the same character of them, as I have herein given of the Natives of this country,
for I have often seriously considered with myself whether they or the Natives here
were of the most villanous, falsest temper and could never come to a resolution
thereon.65
N o doubt the Dutch and the Africans had m u c h the same thing to say about
the British.
W h a t is more, the wars and raids of the slave trade encouraged the
location of settlements
in good defensive positions and their location in relation to natural obstacles makes
settlements inaccessible at the cost of ease of communications or even good building
sites [and good agricultural land].68
This encouraged subsistence and discouraged market activities. But what is

more serious, by hiding away from slave gatherers these settlements were also
hiding away from the flow of modernizing ideas.
Thus, it is hard to exaggerate the consequences of the chaotic conditions
created by the slave trade for African economic development. For Central
and Eastern Africa, in particular, it has been shown that 'the pre-colonial
economic tragedy' consists of the 'dissipation and disruption' of industrial
and specialized skills developed in pre-slave-trade days, 'under the impact of
violence and the slave trade'.67
N o t only did the external slave trade retard the development of African
economies through its demographic and disruptive effects, but it also prevented
the growth of a 'normal' international trade between Africa and the rest of the
world at a time w h e n such trade was acting as a powerful engine of economic
development in a number of territories. The loss to Africa of the developmental
effects of this type of international trade represents one of the most important
opportunity costs of the slave trade for African economies.
There is evidence to show that opportunities for the development of
international trade in commodities capable of being produced in Africa did
exist and that the foreign merchants w h o came to Africa in the period 1451—
1870, were aware of those opportunities, and there is proof that the operation
of the slave trade prevented in various ways the development of such a trade.
In the trans-Saharan sector of African international trade, transport
costs prevented the development of trade in commodities with low value-to-
weight ratio. In fact, it is possible that the problem offindingsuitable c o m m o d i -
ties with which to pay for goods coming across the Sahara m a y have compelled
people in the western Sudan to look for slaves as the preferred commodity.
It w a s in the Atlantic that thefirstopportunity appeared to develop inter-
national trade with Africa in bulky goods.
It is important to note that all the Europeans w h o came to Africa fol-

lowing the Portuguese discovery of an ocean route to that continent were
attracted in thefirstinstance by the desire to develop trade with Africa in the
products of her soil—gold, pepper, ivory, etc.—and for a time these remained
the most valuable commodities in the Atlantic trade between Africa and Europe.
In addition, the European merchants even acted in those early years as dis-
tributors of African products from one African region to another. Between
1633 and 1634 the Dutch alone imported about 12,641 pieces of Benin cloth
into the Gold Coast, present-day Ghana. 5 8 Again, in 1645, a Dutch vessel
brought to the Gold Coast from Ardra and Benin, 588 pieces of Ardra cloth
and 1,755 pieces of Benin cloth, respectively.59 Between 1486 and 1506 the
Portuguese developed an important trade with Benin in Benin pepper.80 The
latter example clearly shows that the rulers of the coastal States took keen
interest in this early trading in African products. For instance, when large-scale
importation of European and oriental cotton cloths reduced demand for Benin
cloth on the Gold Coast, and the Dutch, therefore, failed to buy Benin cloth
as they did previously, the king of Benin protested and forced them to take
at least 1,700 pieces a year.61
Apart from gold, pepper, ivory and some other minor products, the
European merchants, quite early in their contact with Africa, were aware of
the possibilities of producing in Africa a wide range of products for which
there was a demand in Europe. T h e records of the European companies that
traded with Africa are full of correspondence from their officials on the African
coast relating to such possibilities. For example, in July 1708, the governor of
the Royal African C o m p a n y resident on the coast, wrote to the C o m p a n y :
The ground of this country is as fertile as any ground in the West Indies, taking places
according as they lye nearer or farther from the sea, but the natives are such scothful
sordid wretches, and so given to stealing from one another rather than labour that
little or nothing is made of it . . .6a
The governor recommended that the company should establish a settlement at

Fetue on the Gold Coast, which 'will be an inlet to all manner of Plantations'.
The success of such company-owned plantations would encourage people to
apply to the company 'to c o m e and settle here upon such terms as you m a y
think convenient to permit to settle on'. The company's plantations were to
contain corn, sugar cane, indigo, cotton and cattle. The governor refers to the
Dutch 'laying out ground on the River Butteroe near their fort there' for the
development of a sugar-cane plantation, 'for to m a k e sugar and r u m here they
have lately sent to W h y d a h for two hundred slaves, and they expect by their
next shipping all sorts of materials for their making sugar and r u m . . ,' 63 \
Later in the eighteenth century, when the Royal African C o m p a n y ' s
The slave trade 77
slave trade became increasingly unprofitable due to long credits and bad
debts in the West Indies, the company m a d e some frantic efforts to develop
trade in African products, not only with the coastal States but also with States
in the far interior. In March 1722 the company wrote to its officials on the
coast:
W e have already in divers letters acquainted you with our thoughts concerning the
carrying on of our trade, and as the negroe branch of it grows every day less and less
profitable it is from the article of the home returns we see our chief advantage must
arise.64
F r o m then on, the company endeavoured to m a k e its officials on the coast

open up trade with Africa along these lines. It suggested a number of ways
of doing so, from the development of company plantations and encouraging
Africans on the coast to cultivate sugar cane, cotton, indigo, tobacco and
other crops, to the questioning of slaves brought from the interior about the
opportunities for opening u p trade with them in the products of the soil. It
was even suggested by the company's officials on the coast that ' from the notion
w e have of the W h y d a h natives industry', the cotton grown on the company's
plantations and by the Africans could be sent to W h y d a h and
be worked up there into assortments proper for the West Indies and as you have
encouragement or profit by that branch of trade your honours slaving vessels will be
capable of taking on board such quantities as you shall please to direct from hence to
be wrought up at Whydah. 6 5
Thus, from the available records, it is clear that not only were the European
merchants aware of the possibilities of developing trade with Africa in the
products of the African soil, but also they m a d e some efforts to develop such
trade. However, they all tended to see the trade in African products as subor-
dinate to the slave trade, which they were unwilling to give u p in favour of
devoting full attention to the development of trade in the products of the soil.
Hence, the zeal and enthusiasm with which late-nineteenth- and twentieth-
century European merchants encouraged the development of trade in the
products of the African soil throuth trial and error were completely lacking
in the slave-trade period.
The explanation for the European merchants' attitude is that the devel-
opment of trade in products of the African soil would have been a slow process
compared with the development of trade in commodities produced in the A m -
ericas with African slave labour, and such development would have required a
mass withdrawal of factors from the exploitation of the American resources
and the shipping and marketing of the output. In other words, the exploitation
of the American resources was making a very heavy demand on the same pro-
duction factors that were needed for the development of African resources.
But as long as African slave labour was available, production factors from
Europe could be more profitably employed in the exploitation of American
resources than in the development of trade in the products of the African soil.
This was so because the employment of African slaves by European
planters to produce tropical products in Africa on the scale that prevailed in
the Americas would have been very costly in terms of resistance by African
governments, the ease with which the slaves employed in Africa could escape
from their white masters (possibly with the connivance of African governments),
and, most seriously, in terms of mortality a m o n g whites in Africa at a time
when tropical medicine was u n k n o w n to Europeans. The most likely method
would have been through co-operation between the European merchants and
African rulers to encourage African peoples to cultivate the crops in demand,
as was done in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. But this method
would definitely have been slow in producing a trade on the scale then pre-
vailing in commodities being produced in the Americas with African slave
labour.
In this circumstance, so long as African slave labour was available, the
Americas remained far more attractive to European production factors. T h e
buying and shipping of the slaves to the Americas, the exploitation of the
American resources, and the shipping and marketing of the American c o m -
modities internationally, absorbed so m a n y production factors from Europe
and Africa that little or nothing was left for the development of trade in the
products of the African soil. That development was further hampered by the
unsettled conditions which attended the acquisition of captives for sale as
slaves.
But the important point is that the advantages of the Americas depended
very largely on African slave labour. If there had been no slave trade from Africa
to the Americas, the advantage would have been on the side of encouraging
Africans to produce a wide range of commodities in Africa for an international
market. F r o m the evidence before us, it is clear that this is what would have
happened. But the conditions which prevailed under the slave trade m a d e that
trade more profitable both to a majority of the European merchants and to
the African rulers and entrepreneurs whose talents would have been required
for the production and marketing of these commodities in Africa. Conse-
quently, African products imported into Europe during the slave-trade period
remained those which required very little entrepreneurship and little or no
capital investment to produce—ivory, g u m , palm oil, redwood, etc.—being
all commodities that were either hunted or gathered from wild trees.
S o m e European governments fully realized that the development of
international trade in the products of the African soil would mean a mass
The slave trade 79
withdrawal of production factors from the exploitation of the American

resources. Since they saw this as conflicting directly with what they thought to
be their o w n true interests66 they did all they could to discourage such devel-
opment. Thus following the recommendation in 1708 to the Royal African
C o m p a n y by the company's governor in Africa to encourage the cultivation
of sugar cane, tobacco, cotton and indigo in Africa, a bill was introduced into
the British Parliament to prohibit the cultivation of those crops on the Gold
Coast.67
Again, in the 1750s, w h e n the officials of the C o m p a n y of Merchants
Trading to Africa tried to encourage the cultivation of some of the American
crops in Africa, the British Board of Trade quickly s u m m o n e d the members
of the company's ruling committee and told them,
That the introducing of culture and Industry amongst the Negroes was contrary to
the known established policy of this trade. That there was no saying where this might
stop and that it might extend to tobacco, sugar & every other commodity which w e
now take from our colonies, and thereby the Africans w h o n o w support themselves
by war would become planters & their slaves be employed in the culture of these
articles in Africa which they are now employed in in America. That our possessions in
America were firmly secured to us, whereas those in Africa were more open to the
invasions of an enemy, and besides that in Africa w e were only tenants in the soil
which w e held at the good will of the natives.68
The members of the company's committee were therefore ordered to ask their
officials on the coast to put an end to this type of activity. Thus, in order to
ensure that Africa provided a regular supply of slaves required for the exploi-
tation of American resources, the British Government through the Board of
Trade had to discourage the development of African economies. In a letter
to the British Treasury in April 1812, aboutfiveyears after the slave trade had
been abolished in Great Britain, the Committee of the C o m p a n y of Merchants
Trading to Africa s u m m e d u p the whole matter thus :
It is a lamentable but certain fact, that Africa has hitherto been sacrificed to our West
India colonies. Her commerce has been confined to a trade which seemed to preclude
all advancement in civilization. Her cultivators have been sold to labour on lands not
their own, while all endeavours to promote cultivation and improvement in agriculture
have been discouraged by the Government of this country, lest her products should
interfere with those of our more favoured colonies.69
Conclusion
In conclusion, it is clear that the phenomenal expansion of world trade between

1451 and 1870, depended largely on the employment of African slaves in the
exploitation of American resources, and that the development and growth of

West European and North American economies during this period were
greatly influenced by the expanded world trade. This leads to the inference
that the slave trade was a critical factor in the development of West European
and North American economies in the period of this study. The benefits of the
Atlantic system to Latin America and the West Indies generally were minimal,
due to the type of economic functions performed, the large amount of 'foreign
factors of production ' employed and some other reasons. But, the clear losers
in the growth of the Atlantic system, and woefully so, were the African econ-
omies. The demographic and disruptive effects of a trade which required the
forceful capture and sale of h u m a n beings retarded the development of market
activities and the evolution of institutional arrangements essential for the
growth of capitalism. W h a t is more, the operation of the slave trade prevented
in various ways the growth of a 'normal' international trade between Africa
and the rest of the world. F r o m the evidence presented above, it is clear that,
without the supply of African slave labour to the Americas, European mer-
chants and governments would have been compelled by purely economic
considerations to encourage the production of a wide range of commodities,
including some of the American commodities, in Africa. This would have
meant that the growth of world trade in the period under review would have
been very m u c h slower, and hence the rate of development in Western Europe
and North America. But the History of Africa would have been entirely dif-
ferent. The level of economic and social development would not have been
the same in all the regions of Africa, south of the Sahara. But all of them would
have been far richer, the regions poorly endowed with resources benefiting
from the development of the better endowed ones through trade and other
contacts. In the final analysis, it can be said that the Atlantic economies that
developed between 1451 and 1870, did so at the expense of the African
economies.
Notes
1. I a m grateful to Professor Michael Crowder of the Centre for Cultural Studies,

University of Lagos, Professor R . J. Gavin of the Department of History, A h m a d u
Bello University, Zaria, and D r E . J. Usoro of the Department of Economics,
University of Ibadan, for reading through thefirstdraft of this paper and making
helpful criticisms and suggestions. They are, however, not responsible for any
errors there m a y be in the paper.
2. It is not easy to assess the contribution of slavery to the Middle East economies.
3. A great deal of the literature centres round Eric Williams' Capitalism and Slavery. A
Seminar held at the Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, on 4-5 June
1965, dealt with the issues of abolition raised by Eric Williams. T h e proceedings of
the seminar have appeared under the title The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade from
West Africa, University of Edinburgh, Centre of African Studies, 1965. S o m e of
The slave trade 81
the papers are of particular interest: Roger Anstey, 'Capitalism and Slavery—A
Critique'; John Hargreaves, 'Synopsis of a Critique of Eric Williams' Capitalism
and Slavery'; C . Duncan Rise, 'Critique of the Eric Williams Thesis: " T h e Anti-
Slavery Interest and the Sugar Duties, 1841-1853' "; Christopher Fyfe, ' A Historio-
graphical Survey of the Transatlantic Slave Trade from West Africa'. The latter is
a useful survey of the literature and the type of study available on the slave trade.
Also to be noted are, Roger T . Anstey, 'Capitalism and Slavery: A Critique',
Econ. Hist. Rev., Vol. X X I , 1968, p. 307-20; Roger T . Anstey, The Atlantic Slave
Trade and British Abolition, 1760-1810, London, Macmillan, 1975.
S o m e of the literature on the private profitability of the slave trade antedated
Eric Williams' book: James Wallace, A General and Descriptive History of the
Ancient and Present State of the Town of Liverpool, Liverpool, R . Phillips, 1795;
G o m e r Williams, History of the Liverpool Privateers and Letters of Marque with
an Account of the Liverpool Slave Trade, London, W . Heinemann, 1897; S. Dumbell,
'The Profits of the Guinea Trade', Economic History (Supplement to Economic
Journal), Vol. II, January 1931. But since the publication of Eric Williams' book
the literature on this aspect of the slave trade has grown enormously. S o m e of the
more important works include: F . E . Hyde, B . B . Parkinson and S. Marriner,
'The Nature and Profitability of the Liverpool Slave Trade', Econ. Hist. Rev.,
Vol. V , N o . 3, 1953; K . G . Davies, 'Essays in Bibliography and Criticism X L I V .
Empire and Capital, Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Ser., Vol. XII, 1960-61, p. 105-10;
R . B . Sheridan, 'The Wealth of Jamaica in the Eighteenth Century', Econ. Hist.
Rev., 2nd Ser., Vol. XVIII, August 1965; Robert Paul T h o m a s , 'The Sugar Colonies
of the Old Empire: Profit or loss for Great Britain?', Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Ser.,
Vol. X X I , April 1968; R . B . Sheridan, 'The Wealth of Jamaica in the Eighteenth
Century: A Rejoinder', Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd Ser., Vol. X X I , April 1968¡Stanley
L . Engerman, 'The Slave Trade and British Capital Formation in the Eighteenth
Century : C o m m e n t on the Williams Thesis ', The Business History Review, Vol. X L V I ,
N o . 4, Winter 1972, p. 430-3; Roger T . Anstey, ' T h e Volume and Profitability
of the British Slave Trade, 1761-1807', in Stanley L . Engerman and Eugene D .
Genovese (eds.), Race and Slavery in the Western Hemisphere : Quantitative Studies,
Princeton University Press, 1975; David Richardson, 'Profitability in the Bristol-
Liverpool Slave Trade' (paper read at the VIth International Congress of Economic
History, Copenhagen, 19-23 August 1974).
See Stanley L . Engerman, ' The Effects of Slavery upon the Southern Eco-
n o m y : A Review of the Recent Debate', Explorations in Entrepreneurial History,
Vol. 4, 1967; R . W . Fogel and S. L . Engerman, Time on the Cross : The Economics
of American Negro Slavery, London, Wildwood House, 1974; Stanley L . Engerman,
' C o m m e n t s on the Study of Race and Slavery', in Engerman and Genovese (eds.),
Race and Slavery, p. 495-526.
K . O n w u k a Dike, Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885 : An
Introduction to the Economic and Political History of Nigeria, Oxford University
Press, 1956; A . Akinjogbin, Dahomey and its Neighbours, 1708-1818, Cambridge
University Press, 1967; K . Y . Daaku, Trade and Politics on the Gold Coast 1600-
1720, Oxford University Press, 1970; Walter Rodney, A History of the Upper Guinea
Coast 1545-1800, Oxford University Press, 1970; A . J. H . Latham, Old Calabar
1600-1891 : The Impact of the International Economy upon a Traditional Society,
Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1973; M . D . Kilson, ' West African Society and the Atlan-
tic Slave Trade, 1441-1865', in N . I. Huggins, M . Kilson and D . M . Fox (eds.),
Key Issues in the Afro-American Experience, Vol. I, N e w York, 1971 ; David Bir-
mingham, Trade and Conflict in Angola : The Mbundu and their Neighbours under
the Influence of the Portuguese, 1483-1790, Oxford University Press, 1966; Phyllis
Martin, The External Trade of the Loango Coast 1576-1860, Oxford Clarendon
Press 1972; Edward A . Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa : Changing
Patterns of International Trade to the Later Nineteenth Century, London, Heine-
m a n n , 1975.
4. See John H . Williams, "The Theory of International Trade Reconsidered', in Lord
Keynes, Joan Robinson, et al. (eds.), Readings in the Theory of International Trade,
p . 253-71, London, 1950, where this distinction is clearly m a d e .
5. P . D . Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade : A Census, Madison, Wis., University of
Wisconsin Press, 1969.
6. J. E . Inikori, 'Measuring the Atlantic Slave Trade: A n Assessment of Curtin and
Anstey', Journal of African History, Vol. XVII, N o . 2 (1976); D . Eltis, ' T h e Direc-
tion and Fluctuation of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade 1 8 2 1 ^ 3 : A Revision of the
1845 Parliamentary Paper' (paper presented at the Mathematical Social Science
Board Seminar on the Economics of the Slave Trade, Colby College, Waterville,
Maine, 20-22 August 1975); Roger Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British
Abolition 1760-1810, London, Macmillan, 1975.
7. Ralph A . Austen, ' A Census of the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade, or approximating the
uncountable' (paper presented at the Mathematical Social Science Board Seminar
on the Economics of the Slave Trade, Colby College, Waterville, Maine, 20-22
August 1975).
8. This view was expressed by some of the participants at the Colby College Seminar.
9. C . S . Nicholls, The Swahili Coast : Politics, Diplomacy and Trade on the East African
Littoral 1798-1856, London, Allen & U n w i n 1971.
10. Jonathan Levin emphasized the proportion of total income from export production,
which is remitted abroad by'migrated factors' of production, as one of the important
determinants of the magnitude of the contribution of export production to internal
development processes in export economies. Consequently, he applied the term,
'foreign factors of production', only to those factors which remit their income
abroad. Conversely, he applied the term, 'domestic factors of production', to
' those factors which spend their income within the economy in which it is earned,
for consumation, investment, imports, or any other purpose'. See Jonathan V . Levin,
' T h e Export Economies', in James D . Theberge (ed.), The Economics of Trade and
Development, p . 17-18. N e w York, London, Wiley, 1968. In the case of Latin
America, remittances (especially bullion remittances) to imperial governments in
Europe form parts of factors' remittance abroad.
11. J. E . Inikori, 'English Trade to Guinea: A Study in the Impact of Foreign Trade on
the English Economy, 1750-1807'. (Ph.D. thesis, University of Ibadan, 1973.)
12. In some aspects, the credit requirements of the British slave trade are similar to those
required today by the trading of capital goods internationally.
13. Inikori, 'English trade to Guinea', op. cit., Chap. VII.
14. Inikori, 'English Trade to Guinea', op. cit., p . 234-41; J. E . Inikori, 'Measuring the
Atlantic Slave Trade'.
15. Inikori, 'English Trade to Guinea', op. cit., Chap. IV.
16. See Inikori, 'English Trade to Guinea', op. cit., Chap. IV, for more details.
17. Simone Berbain, 'Études sur la Traite des Noirs au Golfe du Guinée: L e Comptoir
Français de Juda (Ouidah) au XVIII e Siècle', Mémoires de l'Institut Français
d'Afrique Noire, N o . 3, 1942, p . 85-6; Gaston Martin, Nantes au XVIIIe Siècle :
l'Ere des Négriers, 1714-1774, Paris, 1931; Pierre M . Boulle, 'Slave Trade, C o m -
mercial Organisation and Industrial Growth in Eighteenth Century Nantes',
Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, Vol. L I X , N o . 214, 1st quarter, 1972.
The slave trade 83
18. Douglas C . North and Robert Paul T h o m a s , The Rise of the Western World: A New
Economic History, p. 18. Cambridge University Press, 1973.
19. Ralph Davis, 'English Foreign Trade, 1700-1774', Economic History Review, 2nd ser.,
Vol. X V , 1962, p. 290.
20. Phyllis Deane and W . A . Cole, British Economic Growth, 1688-1959, 2nd ed. Table 2,
p. 6, Cambridge University Press, 1967.
21. Ralph Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth
Centuries, p. 393, L o n d o n , Macmillan, 1962.
22. François Crouzet, ' W a r s , Blockade, and Economic Change in Europe, 1792-1815',
Journal of Economic History, Vol. X X I V , N o . 4, December 1964, p. 568.
23. Crouzet, op. cit., p. 569.
24. James F . Shepherd and Gray M . Walton, Shipping, Maritime Trade, and the Economic
Development of Colonial North America, p. 44, Cambridge, Cambridge University
Press, 1972.
25. Shepherd and Walton, op. cit., p. 25.
26. D . C . North, The Economic Growth of the United States, 1700-1860, Englewood Cliffs,
N . J . , Prentice-Hall, 1961.
27. Henry A . G e m e r y and Jan S. Hogendorn, ' T h e Atlantic Slave Trade: A Tentative
Economic Model', Journal of African History, Vol. X V , N o . 2, 1974, p. 229, quoting
C . Padro, Jr, The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil, p. 19, Berkeley, Calif.,
University of California Press, 1967.
28. K . G . Davies, 'Empire and Capital', p. 107.
29. G e m e r y and Hogendorn, op. cit., p. 229-31. For some other aspects of the slave-labour
issue, see Robert P . T h o m a s and Richard N . Bean, ' T h e Adoption of Slave Labour
in British America' (paper presented to the Mathematical Social Science Board
Seminar at Colby College, Waterville, Maine, 20-22 August 1975.
30. Robert W . Fogel and Stanley L . Engerman, Time on the Cross: The Economics of
American Negro Slavery, p. 192, London, Wildwood House, 1974.
31. Ralph Davis, A Commercial Revolution, English Overseas Trade in the Seventeenth
and Eighteenth Centuries, p. 10, London, Historical Association, 1967. Professor
Davis shows that the large reduction in the prices of the products brought them
within the reach of more consumers and m a d e them 'near-necessities rather than
luxuries '.
32. For the points m a d e here, See W . E . Minchinton (ed.), The Growth of English Overseas
Trade in the 17th and 18th centuries, London, Methuen, 1969, Chapters 2 and 3 by
Ralph Davis on English foreign trade, 1660-1774, and Chapter 5, by H . E . S. Fisher,
on Anglo-Portuguese Trade, 1700-70. See also Allan Christelow, 'Great Britain
and the Trades from Cadiz and Lisbon to Spanish America and Brazil, 1759-
1783', Hispanic American History Review, Vol. X X V I I I , N o . 1, February, 1948,
Part 2; and Jean O . McLachlan, Trade and Peace with Old Spain 1667-1750, C a m -
bridge, Cambridge University Press, 1940.
33. Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, p. 103-12, L o n d o n and D a r
es Salaam, Bogle-L'Ouverture Publications, 1972; Henry A . G e m e r y and Jan
S. Hogendorn, ' T h e Economic Costs of West African Participation in the Atlantic
Slave Trade: A Preliminary Sampling for the Eighteenth Century' (paper presented
to the Mathematical Social Science Board Seminar at Colby College, Waterville,
Maine, 20-22 August 1975); H . A . Gemery and J. S. Hogendorn, 'Technological
Change, Slavery, and the Slave Trade', forthcoming in C . J. D e w e y and A . G .
Hopkins (eds.), Studies in the Economic History of India and Africa, L o n d o n ,
Athlone Press, in press; A . G . Hopkins, An Economic History of West Africa,
L o n d o n , L o n g m a n , 1973.
34. Gemery and Hogendorn, 'The Economic Costs of West African Participation in the
Atlantic Slave Trade'.
35. Williams, op. cit., p. 255.
36. Gemery and Hogendorn, 'Technological Change, Slavery, and the Slave Trade'.
37. ibid.
38. John W . Blake, European Beginnings in West Africa, 1454-1578, p. 23, London, Long-
m a n , 1937.
39. It is said that the plantation economy of Zanzibar and P e m b a developed in the 1820s
following restrictions imposed by the British on the slave trade of the Swahili
coast. Thereafter profits from the slave trade contributed to the expansion of those
plantations: Nicholls, The Swahili Coast, p. 203.
40. A . J. H . Latham, 'Currency, Credit and Capitalism on the Cross River in the Pre-
Colonial Era', Journal of African History, Vol. XII, N o . 4, 1971, p. 604.
41. J. D . Fage, 'Slavery and the Slave Trade in the Context of West African History',
Journal of African History, Vol. X , N o . 3, 1969; Peter Morton-Williams, ' T h e O y o
Yoruba and the Atlantic Trade, 1670-1830', Journal of the Historical Society of
Nigeria, Vol. Ill, N o . 1, December 1964; Michael M a s o n , 'Population Density and
"Slave Raiding"—the Case of the Middle Belt of Nigeria', Journal of African
History, Vol. X , N o . 4, 1969; M . B . Gleave and R . M . Prothero, 'Population
Density and "Slave Raiding"—A C o m m e n t ' , Journal of African History, Vol. XII,
N o . 2, 1971; Roger T . Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 58-88.
42. If that had been the case those territories could not have sustained the slave trade for
over 400 years.
43. P . D . Curtin, 'The Slave Trade and the Atlantic Basin: Intercontinental Perspectives',
in N . I. Huggins, M . Kilson and D . M . F o x (eds.), Key Issues in the Afro-American
Experience, p. 39-53, Vol. I, N e w York, 1971.
44. Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, p. 132. The factor of slave breeding is dis-
missed by the authors as an erroneous idea disseminated by the anti-slavery m o v e -
ment. In fact, they argue that if slave-breeding methods were adopted by the slave-
holders the effects on reproduction rates would have been negative due to the
psychological effects they would have had on the female slaves. See Fogel and
Engerman, op. cit., p. 78-86.
45. Sara S. Berry, Cocoa, Custom, and Socio-Economic Change in Rural Western Nigeria,
Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1975.
46. Hopkins, op. cit., p. 77.
47. Allan G . B . Fisher and Humphrey J. Fisher, Slavery and Muslim Society in Africa:
The Institution in Saharan and Sudanic Africa and the Trans-Saharan Trade, p. 59,
London, C . Hurst, 1970.
48. Fisher and Fisher, op. cit., p. 160.
49. Basil Davidson, 'Slaves or Captives? S o m e Notes on Fantasy and Fact', in Huggins,
Kilson and F o x (eds.), op. cit., p. 69.
50. J. R . Gray and D . Birmingham, ' S o m e Economic and Political Consequences of Trade
in Central and Eastern Africa in the Pre-Colonial Period', in J. R . Gray and D . Bir-
m i n g h a m (eds.), Pre-Colonial African Trade : Essays on Trade in Central and Eastern
Africa before 1900, p. 18-19, London, 1970.
51. C.103/130: 'Captain George Hamilton to T h o m a s Hall', A n n a m a b o e , 3 August 1740.
52. ibid., 24 December 1738.
53. K . Y . D a a k u cites two cases among British slave-merchants in 1689 and 1706, respec-
tively: K . Y . D a a k u , Trade and Politics, op. cit., p. 30.
54. C . 113/274 Part 4, folios 275-6. The letter is undated, but it should be early eighteenth
century.
The slave trade 85
55. ibid., folios 277-8.

56. Peter Morton-Williams, ' T h e O y o Yoruba', p. 27; See M a s o n , op. cit., and Gleave
and Prothero, op. cit., for a discussion of this subject in connection with the Middle
Belt of Nigeria.
57. Gray and Birmingham, ' S o m e Economic and Political Consequences of Trade in
Central and Eastern Africa', p. 12.
58. D a a k u , Trade and Politics, op. cit., p. 24.
59. J. K . Fynn, Asante and Its Neighbours 1700-1807, p. 11, L o n d o n , L o n g m a n , 1971.
60. Blake, European Beginnings, op. cit., p. 84.
61. Fynn, Asante and Its Neighbours, op. cit., p. 12.
62. C . 113/273: Part I, Sir Dalby T h o m a s to the Royal African C o m p a n y , Cape Coast
Castle, 30 July 1708, folios 17-18. W h a t this statement shows clearly is the absence
of opportunities for the gainful employment of available resources.
63. ibid., folios, 27-9.
64. C . 113/272 Part 2, folio 235: 'Court of Assistants to James Phipps and Others', African
House, London 13 March 1721-22.
65. C . 113/274 Part 3, folios 216-17: ' C a p e Coast Castle to Royal African C o m p a n y ' ,
2 July 1722.
66. T h e thinking of these governments was that the Americas belonged to them as colonies
while Africa did not. Therefore, while they could control the exploitation of resources
in the Americas they were not in a position to do the same in Africa.
67. T.70/5 folio 64: 'Abstract of Sir Dalby Thomas's letter to the Royal African C o m p a n y ' ,
29 N o v e m b e r 1709.
68. C.O.391/60, p. 66-71 : ' Minutes of the Board of Trade Meeting of Friday, 14 February
1752.'
69. T.70/73, p. 139-40: ' T h e Committee of the C o m p a n y of Merchants Trading to Africa
to the Treasury, 9 April 1812.'
Appendix: Archival sources
for a study of the external slave trade
from Africa
A large amount of the materials relating to the slave trade which are available in
European archives has recently been listed a m o n g other materials for African history
in foreign archives in two parallel sets of series, one of which deals with only West
Africa, as follows :
Patricia Carson, Materials far West African History in the Archives of Belgium and
Holland, London, 1962.
Patricia Carson, Materials for West African History in French Archives, London, 1968.
Noel Matthews, Materials for West African History in the Archives of the United
Kingdom, London, 1973.
A . F . C . Ryder, Materials for West African History in Portuguese Archives, London,
1965.
A very large proportion of the unpublished archival materials relating to the slave
trade will be found listed in the above booklets and it is unnecessary to duplicate them
here. But these booklets do not list all the materials relating to the slave trade that m a y
be found in European archives. For example, the list for United Kingdom archives
does not contain the very important British Parliamentary Papers, in particular, the
'Accounts and Papers' in the British M u s e u m which contain a large amount of mat-
erials relating to the slave trade; the important Tarleton Papers in the Liverpool
Record Office, and the Records of the Heywoods Bank of Liverpool, in Barclays Bank,
Heywoods Branch, are also not included. Lloyds Corporation Archives in London
also contain some materials relating to the slave trade and are not included in the list
by Matthews. The Chancery Masters' Exhibits in the London Public Record Office,
mentioned by Matthews, include a very large amount of materials relating to the
slave trade, but because of the way those records are described it has not been easy
to detect which of them relate to the slave trade. S o m e of those not mentioned by
Matthews are :
C . 109/401: 'Accounts of Five Slave Voyages by Samual Sandys & C o . of Liverpool,
1771-1772 '.
C.114/1-3 and C.114/154-8: 'Records of T h o m a s L u m l e y & C o . , of London, Guinea
Merchants and Dealers in East India Goods, 1801-1807 '.
C.103/130-3: 'Papers of T h o m a s Hall & C o . , of London, Slave Merchants, 1730-
1743'.
Recently, some of the records of the Royal African C o m p a n y of Great Britain have
been discovered a m o n g the Chancery Masters' Exhibits (C. 113/261-95). These have
been described by David P . Henige, ' T w o Sources For the History of the Guinea
The slave trade 87
Coast, 1680-1722', The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 2,

1972, p. 271-5.
Apart from the omission of some important sources, all four lists probably
contain most of the extant archival sources for a study of the slave trade to be found
in Europe.
T h e second set is more comprehensive. N o t only does it deal with the whole of
Africa, but it includes sources in a greater number of European archives, and also
archival sources in the United States of America. This set, prepared by the Interna-
tional Council on Archives under the auspices of Unesco, contains eleven volumes
published under the title International Council on Achives: Guide to the Sources of
the History of Africa.
O n e of the frustrations of studying the slave trade, however, is that there are
records on the subject in private hands. But because people are very concerned about
the moral aspects of the trade, owners of such records are very reluctant to allow
scholars to see them. Professor F . E . H y d e of Liverpool University once mentioned
this to m e about such records in Liverpool. It is possible that as the moral aspects
of the trade become less emphasized, scholars m a y be able to reach more of such
materials in private hands.
For central and eastern Africa, the various works by David Birmingham,
Phyllis Martin, Edward A . Alpers and others referred to in this paper, contain refer-
ences to a large number of the unpublished archival sources relating to the slave trade.
The slave trade in the
Caribbean and Latin America
José Luciano Franco
T h e beginnings of the trade in African slaves
Spain, like Portugal, in the settlement of its American possessions, showed a

singular inclination for hybrid tropical colonies with a slave component. Large
numbers of Negro slaves had been introduced into Spain from the west coasts
of Africa during the fourteenth andfifteenthcenturies. The discoveries m a d e
by the Portuguese and, especially, the encouragement given by the Infante
D . Enrique of Portugal to blackbirding expeditions at the beginning of the
fifteenth century, gave rise to the slave trade which in later years took the
Negroes captured in Africa to the territories recently discovered by Christopher
Columbus.
The discovery of the N e w World gave a tremendous impetus to slavery
and the slave trade. The African element was required to exploit the enormous
wealth of the newly discovered tropical territories in the Caribbean for the
benefit of the Spanish colonizers. Before the end of thefifteenthcentury
Negro slaves began to arrive at Hispaniola—as the island of Quisqueya, n o w
Santo D o m i n g o , was then called—coming from the abundant reserves existing
in Portugal and Andalusia. But as early as 1501, African slaves were imported
into the N e w World.
The Spanish conquest and dominion very quickly spread from Santo
D o m i n g o to the islands of Puerto Rico, Jamaica and Cuba. A s thefirstslaves
brought to the Caribbean islands came from Spain or Portugal, and they were
regarded as the chief culprits in the constant uprisings of the indigenous Indians
or the slaves imported directly from Africa, the King of Spain decreed that
Negroes w h o had spent more than two years in Spain or Portugal should not
be sent to his new colonies in the Caribbean; only those brought directly from
his African territories should be sent.
The Spanish colonizers also believed (not without some grounds) that
the Wolof slaves—whom they called Gelofes—like the M a n d e and Mandingo
largely converted to Islam, were mainly responsible for the running away of
slaves and the slave uprisings in Santo D o m i n g o , Jamaica, Puerto Rico and
Cuba. A royal decree prohibited the importing of slaves from these African
The slave trade in the Caribbean 89
and Latin A merica
cultural groups. It was for this reason that the slave trade developed along the
coasts of Guinea.
The colonizers of the Caribbean islands repeatedly asked the King of
Spain to have more African slaves dispatched to them, and he granted Gouve-
not, Governor of Bresa, a licence to import 4,000 Negro slaves from the coasts
of Guinea into the West Indies. The latter sold this licence to the Genoese,
w h o in turn sold a part of their rights to Portuguese and other traders.
Between 1512 and 1763, some 60,000 African slaves entered C u b a law-
fully. M a n y more were smuggled into the country. The increase in the slave
population was concomitant with the development of the cultivation of sugar,
for which hundreds of workers were needed on the agricultural side, and also
to a lesser extent with the exploitation of the copper mines in the eastern part
of Cuba, administered by an agent of the G e r m a n firm Weiser. Slaves were
provided by the Spanish monarch himself for this purpose.
The slave trade from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century
This characteristic period in the history of the African slave trade with the
Caribbean colonies began on 12 February 1528, when the King of Spain
granted Enrique Ehinger and Jerónimo Sayler, agents of the G e r m a n bankers,
the Welsers, w h o , with the Fuggers, controlled Spanishfinance,thefirstasiento
or licence to introduce African slaves into his American possessions.
T o deal with matters relating to the asientos, a special board, the Junta
de Negros, was set up in Spain, in the Casa de la Contratación in Seville; it
concerned itself with the trade in African slaves and with ensuring full c o m -
pliance with the terms of the asientos.
In fact, thefirst' licence to navigate in the region of our West Indies and
to bring Negro slaves thereto' was granted to Pedro G ó m e z Reynel, for a
period of nine years beginning on 1 M a y 1595. However, under the Royal
Decree signed at Valladolid on 11 March 1601, this concession was withdrawn
from him and awarded instead to the Portuguese Juan Rodríguez Coutiño,
merchant and Governor of Loango. The first stipulation was that Rodriguez
Coutiño should transport 38,250 slaves from Africa to the Caribbean, sailing
with them from the city of Seville, Lisbon, the Canary Islands, Cape Verde,
Sao T o m é , Angola and Säo Jorge de Mina.
However, several years before the monopoly of the slave trade was
formally granted, by asiento, to G ó m e z Reynel, and more particularly from
3 October 1562 to 15 December 1585, the King of Spain authorized various of
his subjects to trade in slaves—for instance, Diego de Ayllon (1562) and Diego
Pérez Negron (1563)—while on 20 November 1571 it was agreed that Juan
Hernández de Espinosa should take 300 African slaves to Havana. Certain
Spanish towns also profited from the slave trade : thus, for instance, the town
90 José Luciano Franco
of Seville was permitted to transport Negro slaves to the N e w World by the

Royal Decree of San Lorenzo dated 5 August 1567, countersigned by Antonio
de Eraso.
O n the death of Rodríguez Coutiño, the asiento granted to the Portuguese
was handed on to Gonzalo Vaz Coutiño, and subsequently it was held in turn
by Agustín Coello, Rodríguez d'Elvas, Rodríguez Lamego, andfinally,up
to 1640, by Melchor G ó m e z Angel and Cristóbal Méndez de Sosa.
The exigencies of the asiento led the Portuguese to increase the number
of their depots and warehouses on the west coast of Africa. Wherever their
barters and deals took place, they needed to have astute middlemen to enable
them to improve and extend their business transactions through regular
exchange channels. Against attacks by their European competitors—Dutchmen,
Frenchmen, Englishmen, Danes and Germans—the Portuguese put up a
vigorous and skilful defence. Angola was a Portuguese fief with its trading
posts, organized slave trade, governors and agents. F r o m 1526 onwards, beside
their huts and Catholic chapels, small forts were built, the earliest of them in
S a m a and the most strongly fortified in Sao Jorge de Mina, which became the
centre of the slave trade. But the Portuguese could not prevent their rivals
from establishing themselves opposite and, later on, from ousting them from
almost the whole of Guinea. By 1688, not a single fort remainedflyingthe
Portuguese flag.
In the absence of direct trade with Africa, it was inevitable that, to obtain
slaves for the mines and plantations of her colonies in the N e w World, Spain
should have to depend either on rebels (the Portuguese), or heretics (the
British), or both rebels and heretics (the Dutch), or enemies (the French),
since no other country was sufliciently interested in the slave trade. F r o m
1640 to 1662, no measures were taken by the Spanish Government to hinder
the clandestine importation of slaves supplied by the British, the Portuguese
or the Dutch.
The Dutch, w h o had shaken on7 the Spanish yoke during thefinaldecades
of the sixteenth century, succeeded in the following century in wresting from the
Portuguese their most important enclaves in the slave trade, establishing them-
selves in Gorea, Joaquin and Tacorari in 1620, and in Sao Jorge de Mina in
1637. B y the end of the century, the Dutch were everywhere installed as slave
traders, with Säo Jorge de Mina as their operational centre. Balthasar Coymans
of the West Indies C o m p a n y of Amsterdam, w h o was secretly the real con-
cessionnaire of the asiento granted to Juan Barroso del Pozo and Nicolás
Porcio in 1682, managed to obtain the m u c h coveted monopoly on 23 February
1685.
A s the Mexican historian Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán observes, after
C o y m a n s ' triumph a tendency arose for asientos to cease to be contracts con-
cluded between the Spanish Government and a private individual for the
and Latin America
leasing of a public revenue and to become, as was soon to be the case, treaties
between countries.
The history of British trade in West Africa prior to the establishment of
the C o m p a n y of Royal Adventurers in 1660 is briefly as follows: up to 1630
or 1640 it remained very restricted in volume and had n o connection with trade
in the West Indies or the American continent. Between 1562 and 1569, het
British slave trade was started by John Hawkins. In 1562, aboard his ship
Jesus, he carried off a consignment of slaves from the shores of Africa which
he exchanged for gold, sugar and hides with the Spanish colonists in Santo
Domingo.
Hawkins had shown wisdom and cunning in starting his interloper's
trade in the Caribbean, but he had not reckoned with the Casa de Contratación
in Seville, which would not allow the slightest infiltration in the Spanish trade
monopoly, and promptly seized in Cadiz the two ships that Hawkins was
naïve enough to send to that port to sell some of the hides exchanged for Negro
slaves in Santo Domingo. The king of Spain, Philip II, refused to accede to
the Englishman's repeated requests and was sharply called to account by Queen
Elizabeth of England.
After Hawkins' failure, English trade in West Africa dwindled. With the
defeat of the Invincible A r m a d a in 1588 and the decline of the House of Austria,
Queen Elizabeth was that same year able to grant thirty-five London merchants
the privilege of slave-trading on the African coast from Senegal to the River
G a m b i a ; these promptly set about turning the island of Tortuga in the Carib-
bean into the favourite haunt of slave-traders, rescatadores ('receivers' of
slaves) and pirates.
With the occupation of Jamaica, the British—who during thefirsthalf
of the seventeenth century had given up the slave trade—decided to renew
it with greater intensity. O n 18 December 1661, the C o m p a n y of Royal Adven-
turers obtained the exclusive right to engage in and organize the slave trade
from Cape Blanc to the Cape of G o o d H o p e . Queens, royal princesses, dukes
and peers were included a m o n g the shareholders in this undertaking. T h e
king himself seized the opportunity of acquiring an interest in so profitable a
business. However, the war against the Dutch reduced the profits and caused
that band of high-born adventurers to wind up their business, the company
being replaced in 1672 by the Royal African C o m p a n y . In nine years alone,
from 1680 to 1689, the latter company sent 259 ships to African shores and
transported 46,396 slaves to the American colonies.
At the end of the sixteenth century, the French had not yet realized the
full economic importance for them of the trade practised by the Portuguese
and the Dutch in Africa, and it was only under Cardinal Richelieu that they
began to enter the slave trade on a small scale.
Richelieu gave his approval to the plans of the traders and merchant
adventurers of Le Havre w h o , in 1626, organized with d'Esnambuc the C o m -

pagnie de Saint-Christophe to exploit the pétun (tobacco) and timber of the
island of St Christopher in the Caribbean, and occupied the island of Tortuga
and part of that of Santo Domingo. In Africa, Brigueville and Beaulieu of
N o r m a n d y set about trading in Gambia. B y letters patent of 24 June 1633,
Messrs Rossée, Robin & C o m p a n y , merchants of Dieppe and Rouen, obtained
permission to trade in Senegal, Cape Verde and other places. T h o m a s Lambert,
a seaman, built a few huts at the mouth of the Senegal River. In 1640, a small
fort was established on an island which became k n o w n as Saint-Louis. Cape
López was conceded to a St Malo company called the Compagnie de Guinée.
W h a t the Spanish and Portuguese had long ago discovered, the French
were to learn in their turn : the need for acquiring African slaves to exploit and
develop the riches of the Caribbean and America. The tradefluctuatedin its
initial stages. In 1658, the Compagnie du Sénégal went bankrupt.
The African trade declined, being barely sustained by a few private
traders or interlopers. The slave trade came almost to a standstill and virtually
ceased in Senegal whose inhabitants, being little sought after by slave-traders,
supplied barely more than a few hundred slaves a year. N o regular slave trade
existed between France, Africa and the Caribbean islands. F r o m Cape Verde
to the Congo, the whole of the coastline was in the clutch of agents of govern-
ments hostile to France or of commercial rivals—not only Portuguese, English
and Dutch, but also Germans established at Cape Three Points. The Swedes
built the fort of Christianburg but were ousted by the others.
The French slave trade was officially organized by Colbert in 1664.
Convinced, initially, of the value of State control, he wished to imitate the
example of the Dutch, regulate the slave trade and group together private
capital and initiative in trading companies, putting them in charge of overseas
trading posts which he bolstered up by monopolies and concessions.
With the growth of the slave trade, slavery had reached such a pitch by
the beginning of the eighteenth century in all strata of colonial society in
Latin America that even the Peruvian Indians were able to buy, sell and possess
African slaves.
The actual number of m e n , w o m e n and children w h o were snatched from
their homes in Africa and transported in slave ships across the Atlantic, either
to the Caribbean islands or to North and South America, will never be known.
Writers vary in their estimates, but there is no doubt that their number runs
into millions. The following figures are taken from Morel's calculations as
reproduced by Professor Melville J. Herskovits and cover the period 1666-1800 :
1666-1776: Slaves imported only by the English for the English, French and
Spanish colonies: 3 million (250,000 died on the voyage).
1680-1786: Slaves imported for the English colonies in America: 2,130,000
(Jamaica alone absorbed 610,000).
and Latin America
1716-1756: Average annual number of slaves imported for the American

colonies: 70,000, with a total of 3.5 million.
1752-1762: Jamaica alone imported 71,115 slaves.
1759-1762: Guadeloupe alone imported 40,000 slaves.
1776-1800: A yearly average of 74,000 slaves were imported for the American
colonies, or a total of 1,850,000; this yearly average was divided
up as follows: by the English, 38,000; French, 20,000; Portuguese,
10,000; Dutch, 4,000; Danes, 2,000.
The African slaves arriving in the N e w World were concentrated in various
towns along the coast where there were barracones or slave markets, in the
West Indies, Guianas, North and South America, Venezuela, Brazil, etc.,
whence they were redistributed.
The places of origin of this great mass of slaves are still a matter of con-
jecture, but it is believed that, in practice, the supply came from all the African
regions, not only West Africa but also East Africa and even Madagascar.
W e have no reliable documentation on the focal points for the capture of
slaves. But there is every indication that the vast majority came from specific
areas of West Africa.
In 1701, as the result of negotiations conducted by D u Casse, Governor
of Santo Domingo and organizer of the slave trade in the French West Indies,
His Most Christian Majesty Louis X I V of France and His Catholic Majesty
Philip V of Spain signed the so-called Treaty of Asiento, conferring on the
Compagnie de Guinée the monopoly for the importation of Negro slaves into
the Spanish colonies in the Caribbean and other places in Latin America.
The Compagnie de Guinée undertook to import during the ten years
that the treaty was in force an annual consignment of 4,800 African slaves
drawn from any part of West Africa except the trading posts of Säo Jorge de
M i n a and Cape Verde, bringing them to Havana, Vera Cruz, C u m a n a and
Cartagena de Indias. It should be noted that, during this French period, the
cargoes of slaves were transported from Portobelo across the Isthmus of
Panama d o w n to Peru.
This privilege—the slave-trading asiento—had for a long time been eagerly
competed for by the various seafaring nations. The Portuguese had retained it
from 1601 to 1640, up to the time they regained their independence. Subse-
quently the Spanish Government, in order to prevent it from passing into the
hands of one of its major rivals, had in 1622 reached an understanding with
a Dutch company. But the Dutch in Curaçao and the English in Jamaica
succeeded in having a hand in the business of that company. F r o m then
onward the asiento de negros was the subject of various negotiations.
Following the W a r of the Spanish Succession, a radical change took
place in the correlation of economic and political forces, and gave Britain,
seconded by Portugal and Holland, an absolute control over the slave trade
with the Caribbean islands, especially with Cuba. A n d , under the Peace Treaty
signed in Madrid on 27 March 1713 and ratified by one of the articles of the
Treaty of Utrecht, the monopoly of the slave trade passed into British hands
for the next thirty years.
In 1715, Richard O'Farrill of Irish origin, from the island of Montserrat,
arrived in Cuba as the representative of the South Sea C o m p a n y of London and
established slave depots in Havana and Santiago de Cuba, thereby giving great
impetus to the African slave trade; the majority of slaves were imported into
Mexico, but the traffic was almost at a standstill before the second half of the
eighteenth century.
The Spanish ports had protested that they were being excluded from the
colonial trade (a monopoly exercised by the Casa de Contractación in Seville)
while a foreign country had the right to flood the Caribbean and Latin Ameri-
can colonies with slaves.
The outbreak of war between England and Spain in 1740 provided a
convenient excuse for abolishing the privilege hitherto enjoyed by the English
slave-dealers. T o continue the legitimate business of importing slaves, conducted
until then by O'Farrill and the English concessionaires, some Cuban and Span-
ish capitalists founded the Real Compañía de Comercio de La Habana which,
in addition to supplying Cuban sugar-cane planters with new slaves, held the
monopoly to operate all the foreign trade of the Greater Antilles.
A series of asientos were granted until September 1779 when the last
monopoly in the history of the slave trade was abolished. T o remedy as far as
possible the shortage of labour, the slave-dealers of Cuba, Santo Domingo and
Puerto Rico were granted, by Royal Decree of 25 January 1780, the right to
obtain slaves from the French colonies in the Caribbean. However, as the
demand for slave labour went on increasing, under Royal Decree of 28 February
1789, slave trading was m a d e free in Cuba, Santo D o m i n g o and Puerto Rico,
and this was subsequently extended by Royal Decree of 24 November 1791, to
the slave-dealers of Santa Fé, Buenos Aires and Caracas. In Cuba, these provi-
sions by which the Spanish Government met the demands of the sugar-cane
planters and slave-dealers gave an extraordinary impetus to the slave trade.
The phenomenal increase in the Cuban slave population at the end of the eigh-
teenth century is closely linked with the establishment of a sugar-cane planta-
tion economy. Hundreds of slaves were needed for the cultivation of sugar
cane and the production of sugar, and as exports increased so the productive
labour became intensified, bringing about a higher death rate a m o n g the
slaves, speeding up wastage, and necessitating a faster replacement of the
Africans thus destroyed.
and Latin America
Rise and fall of slave trading and slavery in the nineteenth century
In Cuba, the colonial slave-holding regime set up by the Spanish colonizers at

the beginning of the sixteenth century brought into being a social class c o m -
posed of sugar-cane planters and dealers in h u m a n flesh, which from 1778
attained its m a x i m u m social and economic power, forming a veritable slave-
owning and trading oligarchy up to just beyond thefirsthalf of the nineteenth
century.
In the last years of the eighteenth century and the early years of the nine-
teenth, this oligarchy had consolidated its privileged position with the support
of the Spanish governors and captains-general w h o exercised absolute power
in the island, and its numbers were to be considerably increased. During this
period, not only was so repulsive a business as slave trading considered a normal
and current practice a m o n g the white Creoles and Spanish residents in the
island belonging to the nobility and clergy, but the middle classes engaged in
it also with the greatest enthusiasm, and even considered it an honour.
The Cuban slave-dealers were not alone in their infamous business.
They could also rely on the services of English, French and United States
traders and smugglers. S o m e slave-dealers in Havana m a d e fortunes by selling
slaves to North America. Later on, with the approaching 'coming into force'
of the United States constitutional clause prohibiting the slave trade from
1808 onwards, the direction of the slave traffic between C u b a and the United
States was reversed. For instance, there sailed into the port of Havana between
March 1806 and February 1807, thirty shipsflyingthe United Statesflagand
with United States crews aboard, with consignments mostly for traders of
that country resident in Cuba. They reproduced to a certain extent the three-
cornered trade which in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had brought
prosperity to Liverpool, Nantes and Bordeaux, shipping trashy goods to Africa
and exchanging them for Negroes, and these in turn for raw materials from
the Caribbean or Latin America, which were then shipped to European coun-
tries to be manufactured.
In thefirstthirty years of the nineteenth century, the slave trade reached
its peak in Cuba. F r o m 1800 to 1820 alone, according to information supplied
by Professor Juan Pérez de la Riva, 175,058 slaves were brought over from the
shores of Africa to C u b a ; by the following decade this figure had dropped
to 72,500.
The progress of the Industrial Revolution, the new types of production
and exchange, had a decisive influence o n the opening of the campaign—
necessarily invested with an aura of romance—for the abolition of slavery
and the slave trade. In the Caribbean, the revolt in Haiti, under the leadership
of Toussaint Louverture, brought slavery to an end not only there but also
in Santo D o m i n g o . In 1807, thefittingout of slave-ships was forbidden in the
British dominions, and in 1808 this prohibition was extended to the importa-
tion of slaves.
Internationally, the African slave traffic in the Caribbean islands and in
Latin America was partly disrupted by the Treaty of Paris of 30 M a y 1814,
which subsequently led in Vienna, to the famous Declaration of 8 February
1815. In September 1817, a treaty was signed by the representatives of the
London and Madrid Governments abolishing the slave traffic; this was limited
in scope owing to the exigencies of the time but was later amplified by the
treaty of 28 June 1835 under which Spanish subjects were forbidden to engage
in that unlawful business. Brazil was also to sign similar agreements.
However, in spite of the above-mentioned international treaties and
agreements and of innumerable laws passed by the metropolitan countries
concerned, the illegal traffic in slaves reached considerable proportions. Faced
with the abolitionist campaign carried out by progressive groups in Great
Britain and France and the measures taken to suppress the trade, the slave-
trading oligarchy in C u b a and the plantation owners in the Caribbean and
slave-owning parts of America retorted by mounting a vicious campaign
describing the French ' revolutionaries ' in the blackest and most sinister terms
and accusing the English of perfidy and selfishness. With the consent and
support of the colonial governments and the complicity of the reactionary
forces in Europe and America, they organized an illegal slave traffic, thus
disregarding the various international treaties and agreements.
Karl M a r x , commenting on a session of the House of Lords in London
on 17 June 1858 when the Bishop of Oxford raised the question of the slave
trade, in an article entitled 'The British Government and the Slave Trade' and
published by the New York Daily Tribune on 23 July of the same year, m a d e
some important observations with regard to C u b a and the illegal traffic in
slaves. H e said that the Bishop of Oxford and Lord Brougham denounced
Spain as being the focal point of that nefarious traffic, and called upon the
British Government to compel that country by every means in its power to
pursue a political course consonant with existing treaties. Already in 1814 a
general treaty had been drawn u p between Great Britain and Spain under
which trading in slaves was categorically condemned by the latter. In 1817 a
special treaty had been concluded whereby Spain undertook to abolish in 1820,
in respect of its subjects, the right to engage in the slave trade, and by way of
compensation for the losses these might sustain through the application of
the treaty, was paid an indemnity of £400,000 sterling. Spain had pocketed the
m o n e y but the obligations had not been fulfilled. In 1835 another treaty had
been concluded under which Spain solemnly undertook to promulgate a penal
law of sufficient severity to m a k e it impossible for its subjects to continue
engaging in the traffic. But that law had not been adopted until over ten years
later; moreover, by a strange fatality, its most important clause—for which
and Latin America
Great Britain had fought hard—had been left out, namely, the one which
placed the slave traffic and piracy on the same footing. In short, nothing
whatever had been done except that the Captain-General of Cuba, the Minister
of the Interior, the royal camarilla and, if rumour were to be believed, even the
royal family, had imposed a special tax on slave-traders and sold licences to
deal in h u m a nfleshand blood at so m a n y doubloons a h e a d . . . . Lord Malmes-
bury himself had stated that it would be possible to cover the seas between the
Spanish and C u b a n coasts with the number of documents uselessly exchanged
between the two governments.
In Cuba, before the second half of the nineteenth century, the develop-
ment achieved by the colonial economy sounded the death knell for the slave
regime. F r o m 1860 onwards, the h u m a n commodity could no longer be pro-
vided cheaply by the slave traffic. Governmental pressure on the latter was
intensified in compliance with British demands. T o induce the Spanish colonial
authorities to allow the clandestine entry of Africans, recourse had to be had
to the expensive procedure of bribery which raised the price of the commodity.
O n the sea, the relentless vigilance of the British ships gave no respite. O n e only
out of everyfiveconsignments organized managed to reach Cuban shores. T h e
traffic no longer provided a solution to the sugar-cane planters' difficulties.
The Anglo-North American Treaty of 7 April 1862 for the suppression of the
slave trade dealt thefinalblow to the clandestine slave traffic. A n d the opening
of Cuba's struggle for independence on 12 October 1868, with the massive
participation of the Africans and their Creole descendants, heralded the end
of slavery within ten years. A s far as our research enables us to say, the last
African slaves from Angola transported through the Spanish colony of Fer-
nando Po, arrived in C u b a in 1873.
The impact of the slave trade on Cuban society
The slave-owning oligarchy in C u b a which, together with the Spanish and

Creole slave-traders, smugglers and merchants, formed the exploiting class in
colonial society, was solely concerned, until well into the nineteenth century,
with crates of sugar and sacks of coffee, with watching on the quayside for
the arrival of slave-ships, and with gratifying its insatiable desire for wealth
through the productive labour of hundreds of thousands of slaves in the planta-
tions. But it gradually began to be concerned about the activities of free Negroes
and mulattos in various sectors of social life capable of leading an armed
protest of the mass of slaves which could put an end to their privileges. T h e
urban craftsmen, consisting of Africans and their descendants, were the only
people engaged in occupations contributing towards the country's economic
development. Carpenters, blacksmiths, bricklayers, shoemakers, tailors, etc.,
as well as school-teachers (some very notable ones in the eighteenth century,
such as Lorenzo Meléndez, Mariano M o y a and Juana Pastor), musicians and

poets, were either free or enslaved Negroes and mulattos.
In the nineteenth century, thousands of free Negroes and mulattos
were engaged in such occupations in Cuba. M a n y others were small traders
and proprietors. S o m e devoted themselves to literature, teaching or music,
and became distinguished, like the educator Antonio Medina, whose school
in Havana was the educational centre for the production of coloured figures
which were to contribute towards the cultural development of the Negroes ;
some became world-famous poets like the slave Juan Francisco M a n z a n o and
the free mulatto Gabriel de la Concepción Valdés (Plácido), or eminent concert
players like Claudio J. Brindis de Salas and José White.
Socially, these formed a small middle class and were anxious to improve
their social and political situation. They had a clear right to believe in the
collective advancement of the social class to which they belonged. Thousands
of Negro and mulatto slaves, inveterate rebels and non-conformists, aspired,
with every atom of h u m a n justice on their side, to put an end to the oppression
of the slave regime.
M a n y Afro-Cubans, taking advantage of some royal provisions, had
bought honorific posts which gave them a certain prestige. A n d all conspired
diffidently in the seclusion of their homes, in the shadow of their workshops,
or in some sunny corner of the countryside against the slave trade and the
savage system of exploitation. S o m e bolder spirits did so more uninhibitedly
and joined the small progressive minority of white Creoles at their secret
gatherings which foreshadowed the advent of popular union in the fight for
freedom. It is somewhat ironical to reflect that, in C u b a , it was due to the
inhuman slave traffic that the Negro race came to take part in the formation
of a new type of h u m a n society.
The slave trade across the Atlantic and the slavery in the Caribbean
and Latin America, which helped in the formation of the respective multiracial
societies, not only provided an extraordinary contribution through the African's
active participation in the development of agricultural production, mining and
trade on a world scale, but were also important factors in the shaping of the
region's cultures and folklore, of which C u b a and Haiti offer examples a m o n g
the islands of the restless Caribbean and Brazil on the South American con-
tinent.
In concluding this modest account, w e should point out that, for a
research in depth on the subjects with which w e have been dealing, it would be
necessary to m a k e copies of thefifteenth-to eighteenth-century documents
preserved in the District Archives of Funchal, Madeira, as well as of those
appearing in the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Office, London. Accounts
of the African diaspora in the Caribbean, in regard both to the legal and to
the clandestine trade in African slaves, the revolt of the latter and their con-
and Latin America
tribution towards the formation of a new society, are to be found in documents

preserved in the Cuban National Archives, for the most part unpublished.
Such research could be supplemented by recourse to the valuable works pro-
duced by the Centre for University Studies of Pointe-à-Pitre (Guadeloupe),
directed by Henri Bangou and his assistant M r Yacou, as well as those of
historians of the University of the West Indies in Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica
and Barbados.
Documentary sources
F R A N C O , José Luciano. Esclavitud, Comercio y Tráfico Negreros. L a Habana, Academia de

Ciencias de Cuba, 1972. (Catalogue of collections in the Cuban National Archives,
Serie Archivo Nacional N o . 7.)
Guide to sources of African history.
España. Guía de Fuentes para la Historia de Africa Subsahariana. Paris, Unesco and the
International Archives Council, 1971.
Bibliography
A B R A M O V A , S. L'Histoire de la Traite des Esclaves sur le Haut Littoral de la Guinée. Moscow,
1966. (From the second half of thefifteenthto the beginning of the nineteenth century.)
B E L T R A N , Gonzalo Aguirre. La Población Negra de Mexico. Mexico, D . F . , 1946.
B O N I L L A , Raúl Cepero. Azúcar y Abolición. Havana, 1960.
CuRTiN, P . D . The Atlantic Slave Trade. Madison, Wis., University of Wisconsin Press, 1969.
D A V I E S , K . G . The Royal African Company. London, L o n g m a n , Grion & C o . , 1957.
D E S C H A M P S , Hubert. Histoire de la Traite des Noirs de rAntiquité à nos Jours. Paris, Fayard,
1971.
D Í A Z Y S O L E R , Luis M . Historia de la Esclavitud Negra en Puerto Rico. 1493-1890. Madrid,
n.d.
D U C A S S E , André. Les Négriers ou le Trafic des Esclaves. Paris, Hachette, 1948.
F R A N C O , José Luciano. Afroamérica. Havana, 1961.
. Comercio Clandestino de Esclavos Negros en el Siglo XIX. Havana, 1971. (Historical
series N o . 21. Academy of Sciences.)
. Las Minas de Santiago del Prado y la Rebelión de los Cobreros. 1530-1800. Havana,
1975.
. Los Palenques de los Negros Cimarrones. Havana, 1971.
. La Presencia Negra en el Nuevo Mundo. Havana, 1968.
F R A N C O , José Luciano; P A C H E C O , Francisco; L E R I V E R A N D , Julio. Facetas del Esclavo
Africano en América Latina. Introducción al Cultura Africana en América Latina. Paris,
Unesco, 1970.
H E R S K O V I T S , Melville J. Social History of the Negro. Clark University, 1935. (Handbook
of Social Psychology.)
K I N G , James Ferguson. Evolution of the Free Slave Trade Principle in Spanish Colonial
Administration. The Hispanic American Historical Review. D u r h a m , February 1942.
L A C R O I X , Louis. Les Derniers Négriers. Paris, A m i o t - D u m o z , 1952.
L E R I V E R E N D , Julio. Historia Económica de Cuba. Havana, 1963.
M A N N I X , Daniel P . ; C O W L E Y M . Historia de la Trata de Negros. Madrid, 1970.

M A R T I N , Gaston. Histoire de l'Esclavage dans les Colonies Françaises. Paris, Presses Univer-
sitaires de France, 1948.
M A R X , K . ; E N G E L S F . Acerca del Colonialismo. M o s c o w , n.d.
O R T I Z , Fernando. Los Negros Esclavos. Havana, 1916.
S A C O , José A . Historia de la Esclavitud desde los Tiempos más Remotos hasta Nuestros
Dias. Paris and Barcelona, 1875-77, reprinted Havana, 1937.
. Historia de la Esclavitud de la Raza Africana en el Nuevo Mundo y en Especial en los
Países Américo-Hispanos. Barcelona, 1879, reprinted Havana, 1938.
S C E L L E , Georges. La Traite Négrière aux Indes de Castille. Paris, L . Larose & L . Tenin,
1906.
D E S T U D E R , Elena F . S. La Trata de Negros en el Rio de la Plata durante el Siglo XVIII.
Buenos Aires, 1958. (Publicaciones del Instituto de Historia Argentina 'Doctor Emilie
Racignani,' N o . 101.)
V E R G E R , Pierre. Flux et Reflux de la Traite de Noirs entre le Golfe de Bénin et Bahia. Paris
and The Hague, Mouton, 1968.
V E R L I N D E N , Charles. Les Débuts de la Traite Portugaise en Afrique. 1443-1478 Studia
Histórica Gundensia. Ghent, University of Ghent, 1967.
W I L L I A M S , Eric. Capitalismo y Esclavitud. Havana, 1975.
Negro resistance to slavery
and the Atlantic slave trade
from Africa to Black America
Oruno D . Lara
Introduction—approaches to the problem
In order to study the Atlantic slave trade and the slave system one must first
review a number of problems and order them according to the way they link
up. Before such research is undertaken a preliminary remark is called for:
central to this vast set of problems is their c o m m o n denominator—which
should be studied in the general History of Africa—the Negro. Captured in the
course of wars or raids, dragged on foot, stocked and then embarked on slave
ships, an African was treated as a piece of merchandise before being sold into
slavery on the American plantations. This h u m a n merchandise has been written
about in two connections : (a) in connection with the slave trade, from the time
it seized the African in Africa u p to the time it sold him in America; and (b)
in connection with the slave system in which the African was forced to work
under a colonial regime.
At the beginning of any survey of the slave trade, mention must also be
m a d e of the historical links between sugar, monoculture and Negroes. These
three elements in combination remain a constant of the slave system and colo-
nial society. The slave trade is approached by historians in two ways, according
to their geographic and social environment. In the first case, the heritage of
colonial history weighs heavily, the mother country and the colony being
regarded as forming a whole. With this approach, interest is centred on Europe,
and the various questions are considered separately instead of being seen as a
whole in relation to the different government policies. For example, the French
West Indies are regarded as appendages of France in French history and there
is no link with the other West Indies or with the American mainland. They are
studied, casually, in connection with the economic history of a port such as
Marseilles, Bordeaux, Nantes or Saint-Malo where an attempt is m a d e to
follow the fortunes of natives of these towns after they went out to the Indies.
Adopting this approach, the Negro workers m a y be totally disregarded and
only the colonists studied.1 O r again the study m a y be centred on the slaves,
but without seeing the dynamics of the system and wondering, after summing
up a whole series of case histories, whether the fate of the slaves was not
102 Oruno D. Lara
improved at the end of the eighteenth century.2 Colonial historians do not

merely give statistics of slaves living in huts and domestic servants. They
attempt to extrapolate and construct mathematical models. With some authors
it becomes a matter of quantities and series; with others, ' n e w economic
history', in which an attempt is m a d e to measure with mathematical formulae
the profits to be gained from slaves and slavery. This serves two purposes:
the social and historical role of the Negroes is minimized and the advantages
of colonization are set forth in a strictly scientific fashion with the help of
mathematics and political economy. T h e use of mathematical formulae in
economics and economic history has already been strongly criticized by Pro-
fessor Tinbergen and Professor P . Vilar. Such procedures, even if used only
for statistical purposes, lead to disastrous results w h e n applied to the history
of the slave trade.3
F r o m the scientific standpoint, three processes are involved : (a) stating
the problem in such a way as to place the emphasis on the form of slave exploi-
tation and relating it to a particular geographical area; in this geo-historical
totality 4 the productive forces and the social relationships of production are
studied; (b) listing the sources, subjecting them to critical scrutiny, then using
them by considering them from the same angle; (c) adopting a set of methods
based on scientific criteria in keeping with the geo-historical totality.
F e w authors have so far approached the rational study of the slave trade
from this scientific standpoint. Limited by the traditional framework of colo-
nial history, whether they realized it or not, research workers have found it
difficult to tackle the subject impartially, that is, to centre the discussion on the
dynamics of the form of slave exploitation. T w o complementary research
procedures can be envisaged.
O n e procedure consists in studying this form of slave exploitation as
seen from inside, that is, by the Negroes. This view of the bases of slave society
implies a radical reversal of the colonial outlook. T h e history of the West
Indies, for instance, of the slave system on the West Indian plantations, should
be based on a specifically West Indian approach to the problem, on West
Indian archives preserved in D e n m a r k , France, the Netherlands, Portugal,
Spain, the United K i n g d o m , the United States of America, etc. This specificity
should not be interpreted too narrowly; it is a question of structural specificity.
For instance, in studying the slave trade and slavery in the West Indies, research
already effected or under way on colonial Brazil must be taken into account;
for Brazil and the West Indies have histories which are structurally inseparable
owing to the Dutch hegemony in the seventeenth century.
The other procedure consists in recognizing the Negro as a person w h o
never accepted slavery, contrary to what is implied by a number of authors
writing history from the colonial standpoint.5 T h e Negroes always refused to
submit to the slave system, as is stated by Alejo Carpentier, w h o is very famil-
Negro resistance to slavery and the Atlantic 103
slave trade from Africa to Black America
iar with the history of the Caribbean. Anyone w h o is willing to refer to the
sources will see that the whole history of the slave trade and slavery is a sequence
of revolts. Seen in this light, marginal elements6 such as the M a r o o n Negroes
assume decisive importance. Studying them makes it possible to clarify the
economic and social aspects of the slave system. Centring the problem on the
M a r o o n Negroes and the slave revolts ' has the advantage of allowing one to
deal with the whole question of the method of slave exploitation without
getting involved in the intricacies of sectoral analysis.
This is the procedure adopted here. T h e history of Africa and
the black Americas extends from thefifteenthto the nineteenth century along
m a n y lines of emphasis—extrema, as the mathematicians would say—which
have economic, political, sociological and cultural aspects. A t a time when
several African and American countries are freeing themselves from colonial
tutelage, it is necessary to go back to origins, to the beginning of a process of
revolts extending over several centuries. It is impossible to understand the
liberation movements in various African countries without going back to the
violent revolts which broke out sometimes as soon as the Europeans arrived
in Africa.8
Approaching the problem from the standpoint of the Negro, in opposi-
tion to the slave system, the protagonist in a long process starting in the fifteenth
century and continuing up to our o w n time, is tantamount to founding a n e w
historical anthropology.
T h e basic records
Thefirstessential step is to go methodically through the tremendous volume
of scattered documents recording the main feature of the revolts in English,
Spanish, Portuguese, French, Dutch, Italian, Danish, Latin, etc. S o m e record
offices appear to have more material than others: the Public Record Office,
London; the Archives Nationales, Paris; and Torre do T o m b o , Lisbon. Other
centres, less well k n o w n to research workers, hold additional material which
must be consulted: the Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen; Algemeen Rijksarchief, T h e
Hague; and Det Kongelige Bibliotek, Copenhagen. It is also important, of
course, and often advantageous to consult records in provincial towns, overseas
territories and the Vatican Archives in order to obtain different viewpoints
and see the problem more clearly.
S o m e archives sources that have not been used and which afford different
approaches to the problem are listed in the Appendix (p. 115).
Research to be undertaken
It would be desirable to undertake a research programme centred on different
topics.
104 Or uno D. Lara
African resistance to European expansion of the slave system
The Jaga problem comes under this head, or what I have called 'the long
transit of the Jaga, from Africa to the N e w World'. The Jaga broke in upon a
foursome already at loggerheads: Portugal, Congo, N d o n g o and Sao T o m é .
They were very cruel warriors enjoying political, religious and military sup-
eriority. Operating from kilombos, or stockades, they invaded the K o n g o and
laid waste the country when D o n Alvaro I (1568-87) came to the throne. H e
was obliged to abandon his capital, Säo Salvador, and take refuge on an
island in the Zaire. Their invasion disorganized the Portuguese slave trade.
The Jaga invasion should be considered in conjunction with an invasion
of Sumbas and that of the M a n e of Sierra Leone at the end of the sixteenth
century and the beginning of the seventeenth. In Guinea, a very belligerent
people, the Bijagos, w h o inhabited the Rio Grande islands, also inflicted great
destruction and took m a n y captives at the same period. Slave revolts have been
mentioned as taking place in the Cape Verde region, at Cacheu, in the seven-
teenth century (1661).
Diogo G o m e s relates in De Prima Inventione Guinée that the Portuguese
were stopped from pursuing the slave trade in the vicinity of Cape Verde and
the Guinea islands by the m e n of Besagichi, w h o greeted them with poisoned
arrows. S o m e caravels were burned. This happened towards the beginning
when the system was getting started, in the middle of thefifteenthcentury.
The Jaga invasion, in which the K w a n g o was crossed in 1568 and the
Congo invaded, was also connected with migrations which completely changed
the African interior and upset the balance of power on the Atlantic seaboard :
(a) migration of the Imbangala, w h o set out from Luanda to found the Kasanje
Kingdom in Angola at the end of the sixteenth century ; (b) Luba migration
from the old Songai empire ; (c) Lunda migration, which followed closely that
of the Imbangala; and (d) Pende migration from the coast eastwards into the
interior in Angola, under pressure from the Portuguese occupying the Luanda
salt-marshes, which were worked by the Pende, and the Imbangala and Jaga
invasions.
The following points might be mentioned:
These migrations were spread over the sixteenth century, starting at the
end of thefifteenthand continuing into the seventeenth, that is, a period which
brought the inhabitants of the African seaboard into contact with the European
slave-traders.
They were not mass migrations in which a whole people was displaced,
but military expeditions with specific targets to be destroyed. W h e n the Jaga
arrived to the west of the K w a n g o , they lived on a war-footing in their fortified
camps or kilombos between brief and effective raids. M e n and w o m e n fought
side by side, newborn babies apparently being put to death so as not to hamper
the progress of the expedition. According to Batteil, the youngest and finest-
looking prisoners were m a d e to go through the ordeal of being used as targets.
The object of these invasions, whether or not they brought to a close
an earlier phase of migration, was to conquer and destroy the coastal kingdoms
which owed allegiance to the Europeans.
W h e n the Dutch took possession of Luanda in August 1641, they became
the allies of the Jaga, w h o cleverly exploited the conflict within the European
camp between the Portuguese and the pirates.
Four lines of research are therefore strongly advocated: (a) the Jaga
problem ('an African reaction to the slave trade'); (b) internal migrations—
origins and movements—causes. S o m e migrations had their origins in the
Sudanese—Moslem conflicts of the ninth and tenth centuries ; (c) related inva-
sions—Mane, S u m b a , Imbangala; and (d) recording oral traditions and c o m -
paring them with any written sources.
Afinalcomment: the Jaga problem is connected with that of the Angolese
of Sao T o m é , w h o apparently had the same origin, and also that of the kilombos
of colonial Brazil.9 The study of the Jaga kilombo, as described by Cavazzi,
with its seven sections carefully oriented and with several Nganga to run it,
helps us to understand the structure of its Brazilian counterpart, whichh as
similar features.
Sugar industry and slave uprisings in the African archipelagos
After Cape Verde and Bijagos, the Portuguese tried to occupy Sao T o m é c.
1470-86. The island of Fernando Po, the largest, which was already inhabited
at that time by Bubis Negroes, triumphantly resisted the Portuguese invaders.
' F o r m o s a ' remained theoretically under Portuguese sovereignty right until
1777, which, as the population of Sao T o m é increased, enabled the colonists
to draw on fresh supplies of slaves. Under a treaty between Spain and Portugal
ratified on 11 March 1778, Spain was granted rights over Fernando P o and
A n o - B o m and entitled to engage freely in the slave trade along the African
coast from Cape Formoso at the mouth of the Niger as far as Cape L o p o
Gonçalves, south of the G a b o n estuary, in exchange for Catarina Island and
the Sacramento colony in South America, which came under Portuguese rule.
It was not until 1858, however, that Spanish sovereignty was established firmly
by an expedition led by C o m m a n d e r Carlos Chacon.
Through the development of the sugar industry in Sao T o m é in the
sixteenth century, at the instigation of the Jewish element in the population,
the island had a considerable export trade with ramifications in the Mediter-
ranean and Europe. A s early as 1574, there were sixty engenhos producing
over 150,000 arrobas of sugar. During the years 1575-80, the production had
increased to 200,000 arrobas. By the end of the century it had reached 300,000
106 Oruno D. Lara
arrobas and, in 1624, according to an account given by Garcia Mendes, some

twenty big ships loaded 400,000 arrobas of sugar aboard in Sao T o m é harbour.
After this there was a decline, caused chiefly by the destruction wrought by
the Dutch and the Angolese.
Tradition has it that a vessel loaded with slaves from Angola was wrecked
between 1540 and 1550 near the Sete Pedras Islands not far from the south-
east coast of Sao T o m é . Most of the Negroes were drowned or eaten by sharks.
Only a few dozen survivors reached land. T h e fine bay of the Lulas where
they landed was uninhabited at the beginning of the sixteenth century, as were
the nearby southern regions of the island. They settled to the north-east of the
bay in the mountains which were later to take their n a m e and they lived pro-
tected by the forest, raising pigs, cutting w o o d and engaging in a typically
African form of agriculture. Furthermore, Cunha Matos states that up until
1550 the island prospered and the Angolese did not become a threat until the
second half of the century.
In 1574, he says, they revolted, drawing other Negroes into the fray, and
armed with bows and assegais they invaded the fazendas agrícolas, or agricul-
tural estates, and the city, sacking everything, pillaging and destroying the
engenhos and killing anyone w h o tried to stop them. The terror was such that
years later, in 1593, Philip I commuted the sentence of banishment to five
years for those exiles w h o had participated as volunteers in supressing the
revolt. This had already been done in the case of other convicts w h o fought
against the slaves in 1584. C u n h a Matos also mentions the last and most
destructive revolt of the Angolese, the one which occured in 1693 and ended
with the capture of Negro w o m e n in the surrounding fazendas. It was Mateus
Pires, capitäo do mato or da serra w h o drove them back into the mountains
and rescued the captives. However, Sao T o m é had already lost a large propor-
tion of its moradores (inhabitants) almost a century earlier, the richer ones
having left for Brazil for fear of the Negro revolts.
T w o documents dated 1536 lead us to think that thefirstact of violence
of the Angolese did not occur in 1574, as was believed,10 but around the years
1530^40," at which time the king of Portugal, John III (1521-57), after again
receiving alarming reports from Sao T o m é , wrote that he was sending Paulo
Nunes with arms to restore order. Three days later he wrote again—the matter
was urgent—to the island authorities to tell them that Paulo Nunes would not
be going. In fact he demanded extraordinary privileges to c o m m a n d the capi-
tanía, which could not be granted in view of the fact that a corregedor (mayor)
had already been appointed with authority 'to act in the island against the
rebel Negroes and with the mission of pacifying them '. The revolt had broken
out several months beforehand, since the king had had to appoint a corregedor
and send him out with instructions to deal with it. T h e king must then have
received further information to the effect that the insurrection had spread and
was a serious threat to the inhabitants of the city since, feeling that events
were likely to be precipitated, he mentioned in a letter the possibility of the
colony as a whole embarking with the forces at its disposal. It is not k n o w n
what turn the situation took after thisfirstinsurrection, which lasted more
than a year.
In 1574 the Angolese Negroes, w h o had then taken refuge in the matos
(forests) in the south of the island, in the present Pico de C a b u m b ê , came out
of their kilombos and fell upon the engenhos, pillaging and burning them. They
next m a d e for the city of Povoaçoa, where they were repulsed by firearms.
However, they occupied the whole island and Negroes employed in the engenhos
joined them. They had their headquarters on the mountain in the centre of the
island, the Pic de M o c a m b o .
The terrified inhabitants found themselves faced with an enemy enjoying
the protection of a hostile natural environment enabling it to launch surprise
attacks and then withdraw into the forest whose unexplored paths m a d e retreat
easy. T h e canefieldsand the engenhos, which were so vulnerable, had to be
defended, so a long guerra de mato had to be waged, a war of attrition which
adversely affected the prosperity of the island.
For years, the Negroes in revolt held the maquis all around the h o m e -
steads, 'at a distance of three leagues around the town', and from time to time
they attacked a roça (village) and lit a fewfireswhich devastated a district, caused
a disturbance in the town and frightened the colonists still more. W h e n Father
Baltazar Antonio visited the island in 1577, the war was still going on, if it
can be called a war with an elusive enemy moving through the woods and on
the mountain and attacking when and where it willed. H e noted that : ' os mais
dos moradores della sao pretos, porque os broncos sao poucos [most of the
residents are black; there are few whites]'. T h e exodus had already begun.
Father Diogo de Costa, w h o reached Sao T o m é in June 1584 after a four
months' voyage from Lisbon, sailed with 'ten quintals of powder and harque-
buses to arm some 70 to 80 soldiers '. Little indeed to defend the population
against those Angolese devils ! 12 So it is not surprising under the circumstances
that in 1595-96 the Angolese succeeded in taking the city under the leadership
of the legendary chieftain A m a d o r , w h o assumed the title of King of the Island.
The Portuguese, with their backs against the wall, managed to capture him
by means of a ruse and mete out retribution. The Angolese then left the city
for their kilombos in the forests, whence they continued to threaten the terror-
stricken colonists.
T o explain the economic decline which began at the end of the sixteenth
century, it is customary to refer to the sugar-cane disease13 and the promising
start of Brazilian development. However, there are other internal factors pecu-
liar to the island of Sao T o m é which must not be overlooked, such as the disor-
ganization and permanent political instability.14 Governors, bishops, commis-
108 Or uno D. Lara
sioners of audit and judges had been quarreling about land and possessions
since the time of the last donee, Joäo de Melo (sentenced in 1522). W h a t is
more, from 1567 on, foreign pirates, mainly French, then Dutch, began to
harass (apoquentar) Portuguese shipping. At the end of the century the first
Dutch attacks struck a hard blow at the island's trade. In 1599, a Dutch
squadron attacked and plundered the city of Sao T o m é . In 1641, the Dutch
took possession of the island and destroyed more than sixty engenhos de
acucara Their squadron then ruled the whole of the west coast of Africa, where
the Sao T o m é merchants traded, and m a d e things very difficult for them.
It was in this situation of internal disorder and disturbances due to
foreign competition that the insurrection of the Angolese developed. A number
of documents discovered by chance in the course of research at Torre do T o m b o
in the boxes of uncatalogued archives throw light on the tumultuous events
which attented these Negro revolts.
For instance, it would appear that 1616 marked the end of one insurrec-
tion and 1617 the beginning of another. Negro maquis existed at a distance
of three leagues from the city throughout the century. The year 1693 witnessed
a dramatic episode referred to as 'the rape of the Sabine w o m e n ' . Wives of
moradores were carried off by the Angolese, w h o attacked the engenhos. A
foray {entrada) organized by the planters to recover their wives was unsuccess-
ful. Most of the w o m e n carried off into the woods and taken into the quilombos
were coloured, if the traditional story is to be believed.
The eighteenth century began with a violent uprising of the Negro
maquis in 1709 and it is mentioned in the documents that the Mina Negroes
actively participated. Whenever the privateers attacked the homesteads, the
Negroes took advantage of the situation and attacked too. In 1709, the Angolese
went into action during the invasion of French privateers and unchained slaves
from Mina. Garrison mutinies in 1734 and 1736 also favoured these slave
revolts.
The Angolese, w h o were still a constant worry to the population, obtained
letters patent giving them a certain autonomy. Their chieftain and his represen-
tatives were respected. W h e n Mateus Sampaio climbed to the top of the Pico
de Säo T o m é in 1880 the island began to be 'rediscovered'. F r o m 1884 on,
the Angolese started abandoning their difficult existence in the kilombos.
Anthropometric studies were carried out in 1950 and 1954 by the Anthropo-
biological Mission of Angola and the Ethno-sociological Brigade of Säo T o m é
respectively.
In 1895, the Angolese formed a community of 2,000 people spread over
the area extending from Vila de Santa Cruz to Vila das Neves on the west coast
of the island.
Slaves and slave-ships across the Atlantic—life on board—

resistance in the hold
M a n y revolts broke out on board the slave-ships which transported all these
unwilling workers from Africa to America. F e w voyages were completed
without the Negroes in the hold attempting, sometimes desperately, to get
free. M a n y of them preferred death to captivity and the sources record m a n y
cases of suicide, achieved by a variety of means, after unsuccessful attempts to
escape. A study of the revolts on board the slave-ships remains to be m a d e ,
chiefly on the basis of the considerable volume of British records, in particular,
the log books or slave-trade ships' journals and the tales and letters written
by slavers. T h e greater part of these sources is at present lying dormant in
London, in the National Maritime M u s e u m , the British Library, the Public
Record Office, and in Bristol, Liverpool, Oxford and Edinburgh. The important
place occupied by Great Britain from the time of thefirstvoyages undertaken
by Francis Drake and John Hawkins in the reign of Elizabeth I,16 but more
especially from 1713 on, after the Treaty of Utrecht and the Asiento, which
gave that country the possibility of providing Hispanic America with an annual
supply of African workers, explains the great wealth of material to be found
in the British records.
In Dutch, French, Portuguese, Danish and American records, too, docu-
ments are to be found concerning voyages of slave-ships across the Atlantic,
which sometimes came to a tragic end as a result of the Negroes in the hold
breaking their chains andfightingfuriously for their freedom.17
The first k n o w n landing of slaves from Africa on Brazilian soil took
place in 1552, although the documents lead one to suspect that there had been
earlier ones. S o m e thirty years later, in 1580, after the founding of Loanda
in 1575 and just before the rise of the sugar industry, there were at least 10,000
Africans in Brazil. O f course this represents far less than the 4,000 slaves
imported annually to Pernambuco fifty years later. Before the time of the
bandeiras (1590-1625), that of the entradas was a period during which fugitive
Negroes, few and far between, were captured in the course of 'reconnaissance
expeditions to the interior or along the coast by the Nordeste colonists'. T h e
Negroes were already mixing with the Indian tribes pursued by colonists in
search of labour, despite the famous 'law on the freedom of the indigenous
inhabitants of Brazil' (1570), which they had amended and revised.
The Negro revolts were a great nuisance to the Governor of Pernambuco,
Diogo de Meneses, for in a letter to the king dated 23 August 1608 he requested
that aldeas be organized in the capital near the sugar-mills. In this w a y the
Negroes, w h o were so expensive and revolted against their masters, could be
advantageously replaced by Indians.
110 Oruno D. Lara
The dramatic consequences of the 'Negro shortage' (1625-50), which

disturbed the market for a long time, must also be noted.
Taking advantage of the fact that the colonists were in a constant state
of war, fighting furiously to combat Dutch competition and occupation, the
Negroes broke c a m p and when the opportunity arosefledto the forest, which
always offered protection.
During thefirstphase of the entradas, the Negroes rebelled and lived
' in hiding in the forest, concealed by the winding paths of the serras shielded
by the darkly-massed palm-trees'. T o begin with, they lived by robbing and
pillaging nearby plantations and sacking the fazendeiros, then they settled d o w n
to farming themselves. The runaway slaves cleared, planted and cultivated the
land which they occupied for a time. A s they became better organized, they
abandoned their primitive life of pillage and theft and started trading and
bartering their produce with the fazendeiros and their neighbours, w h o needed
farm tools and weapons.
For several years they lived peacefully enough with their fields, cattle
and crops and attracting very little attention until more and more Negroes
joined them as engenhos and plantations were abandoned, the Dutch invasion
having forced the senhores to take up arms to defend the Portuguese colony
in an epic resistance.
The rebels seized the opportunity to seek refuge in Palmares where a
bountiful nature offered a fertile soil and rivers, swamps and woods favourable
to hunting,fishingand fruit-picking. They were not the only ones to find a safe
refuge in Palmares; E . Ennes assures us that in these times of war, free Negroes,
mulattos, indios mensos, or 'civilized' Indians, and even white criminals and
deserters availed themselves of it.
This was h o w the famous Palmares Confederation developed. The con-
federation, in which some saw a strong organized republic and others just
another slave revolt, lasted throughout the eighteenth century.
The runaway slaves left m a n y quilombos in their wake, but Palmares was
the most important a m o n g them. T h e first quilombo was founded in the six-
teenth century, probably w h e n the slave trade was just beginning. It was
destroyed by Luis Brito de Almeida. A number of these camps were formed
near Bahia over the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and the colonists
greatly feared them. O n e such, in 1601, cut the route from Bahia to Alagoâs
at Itapicum. In 1650, Captain Mancel Jourdan da Silva destroyed quilombos
near Rio de Janeiro with difficulty. There is a reference to another quilombo in
Alagoâs in 1671.
Several military expeditions were sent to Palmares in the seventeenth
century : the figure of thirty-five entradas has been established beyond doubt.
They include the following: Bartolomeu Bezerra, between 1602 and 1608;
Rodolfo Baro, 1644, and Jan Blaer, 1645 (Dutch expeditions); Fernäo Carrilho,
1676, 1683, 1686, and Domingos Jorge Velho, 1692,1694 (Portuguese-Brazilian

expeditions).
The capital of the quilombo of Palmares, Macaco, fell on 26 February 1694
after a siege of twenty-two days. Thefightingwent on in the other mocambos:
U n a , Catingas and Engana-Colomim.
The death of Nzumbi, w h o was killed by the Paulistes on 20 November
1695, put an end to this gallant quilombo. After the destruction of Palmares, a
number of quilombos continued to give vent to the threats of the Negroes up
to the time of the nineteenth-century insurrections, which broke out in the
colonial towns of Bahia and Säo Paulo.
Maroons and privateers slip through the Hispanic American net—

sixteenth to nineteenth centuries
With the M a r o o n Negroes holding sway at N o m b r e de Dios on the P a n a m a
route and controlling the traffic from Mexico City to Vera Cruz, a whole system
was being overturned and America began in the sixteenth century to slip out of
the grasp of the Spaniards. With the support of these rebel Negroes, British,
French and Dutch adventurers weakened the defences of the Spanish monopoly.
The Negroes armed themselves in the process and were better able to hold their
o w n , for example, in the isthmuses. They built fortifications on land, in Vene-
zuela and Colombia, where they constitued a threat, and at the end of the
eighteenth century and during the first half of the nineteenth, they played an
important part in the liberation movements in those countries. A s an example,
one has only to mention Venezuela. The insurrections of M a r o o n Negroes in
the Coro peninsula were a determining factor in the building of the nation.
Caribbean Maroon Negroes

Several slave-struggle sectors can be distinguished in the archipelago of the
West Indies :
The Lesser Antilles (Leeward and Windward Islands), seventeenth to nine-
teenth centuries.
The ' M a r o o n ' wars in Jamaica, 1655 to 1860.
The C u b a stockades and the slave uprising in the sixteenth to nineteenth
centuries. The wars which took place in the second half of the nineteenth
century, the Ten Year W a r and the 1898 W a r , in which Negro troops
led by Antonio M a c e o w o n renown, must be studied as part of this
process of Maroon Negro revolts.
The slave uprising at Santo Domingo, from the time of L a Española and the
revolt of Enriquillo, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, which
Spain had such difficulty in suppressing, to the destruction of the slave
system.
112 Oruno D. Lara
The resistance of the Negroes in Haiti during the French occupation, from
the second half of the sixteenth century up to the W a r of Toussaint
Louverture (1790-1803), which enabled Haiti to overthrow the colonial
regime.
Negro communities in the Guiana woods
Negroes w h o ran away from the Surinam plantations had been taking refuge
in the virgin forest and organizing themselves with the help of the Indians since
the middle of the seventeenth century. Under the governorship of Sommelsdijk,
the Dutch m a d e several attempts to wipe out bands of Maroons.
The number of rebel slaves was constantly growing, it rose from 6,000
in 1725-30 to 8,000 by the end of the century. The Dutch were obliged to
conclude a peace treaty with the Negro rebel chiefs, as were the British in
Jamaica, w h o were vanquished in the field. In 1760, Governor Crommelin
set about renewing the peace offers to the Maroons along Djuka Creek. O n
22 M a y 1761, peace was concluded with the Djuka, then in October Major
Meyer confirmed the official peace with the two most important Djuka chief-
tains : Arabi and P a m o . A year later, on 18 September 1762, the Saramaccaners
signed a peace under the same conditions. In 1767, the Becu-Musinga group,
w h o were Matwari Negroes, led by the chieftain Musinga, concluded a separate
peace with the Dutch and remained on board the Saramacca. They secured
free passage along the Vanica Creek for their products.
Afro-American insurrections
The history of the United States of America is marked by slave insurrections

from the time of the Thirteen Colonies onwards. Starting in the seventeenth
century with the outbreaks of 1663 and 1687, going on in the eighteenth century
—in 1709, 1710, 1722, 1723 and 1730 in Virginia alone—slave uprisings steadily
increased. In N e w York itself there were two insurrections, in 1712 and 1741.
In South Carolina the situation was still worse, the insurrections following
closely one another—1720, 1723, 1738, 1739, 1740. A law on slave control
tells us that there were m a n y revolts before 1704.
The conspiracies instigated in Virginia by Gabriel in 1800 and by Nat
Turner in 1831 are well known. During this period, there were several uprisings
in the area—1802 (Nottaway County), 1808 and 1809, 1812, 1814, 1816, 1829,
1856. In Maryland and North Carolina there was a succession of uprisings
too—1802, 1821, 1831, 1843, 1859. In South Carolina, after the 1797 and 1816
outbreaks, there was an insurrection in 1822 led by a Negro from Saint-
Thomas in the West Indies, Denmark Fesey, which stands out as a landmark
in the history of Afro-American resistance. In Georgia, there were threatening
disturbances in 1810, 1819, 1831, 1834-35, 1851, 1856 and 1860. The Negroes
revolted in Florida in 1820 (Talbot Island) and in 1856 (Jacksonville). Other
revolts occurred in Alabama, in 1837, and Mississippi, in 1835.
Louisiana was also the scene of frequent insurrections. There was one
in 1804, in N e w Orleans, two in 1805 and nearly 500 Negroes marched on
N e w Orleans in 1811. There were revolts on the sugar-cane plantations in 1829,
1835, 1837, 1840, 1841, 1842 and 1856. Tennessee, Kentucky and Texas had
their share in 1831, 1856 and 1857.
All this is a far cry from the submissive 'Uncle T o m ' so readily imagined
by American authors.
Conclusion
In recent years some progress has been m a d e in historical research as a result
of the studies of a number of African, West Indian and Afro-American research
workers, w h o have tried to analyse slave society in depth. If such studies are
to be continued and if these links between Africa and America and these
sources are to be taken fully into account, group pluridisciplinary research
will have to be envisaged.
The aim should be to build up an historical anthropology bringing in
history, geography, sociology, economics and ethnology. A study of the slave
trade and of slavery as it relates to Negro resistance is essential to the under-
standing of the economic, political and ideological implications of the slave
trade for Africa and its effect on societies and powers. Incidentally it enables
one to measure the demographic implications for the African continent and
to evaluate all that the economies based on slavery gained from the slave
trade.
Notes
1. Charles Frostin, in a recent thesis, ' L e Sentiment d'Autonomisme des Colons de Saint-
Domingue, XVII e -XVIII e Siècles ', goes so far as to maintain that the Negro slaves
accepted their condition and that only the white colonists revolted against the royal
power in Santo D o m i n g o .
2. cf. Gabriel Debien, Les Esclaves aux Antilles Françaises, C h a p . X X , Fort-de-France,
Société d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe, Basse-Terre et la Société d'Histoire de la
Martinique, 1974.
3. cf. P . D . Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade, Madison, Wis., University of Wisconsin
Press, 1969.
4. W e are indebted to Fernand Braudel for the term ' geohistory'.
5. cf. for example, Gilberto Freyre, Casa Grande e Senzala, Rio de Janeiro, 1943. (Coleçao
Documentos Brasileños N o . 36, 36a), in which it is maintained that the slaves were
better fed than the whites and that they enjoyed their work.
6. Marginal because they refused to h o w to the constraints of the method of slave
exploitation.
114 Oruno D. Lara
7. cf. Oruno D . Lara, De l'Atlantique à l'Aire Caraïbe: Nègres Cimarrons et Révoltes

d'Esclaves, XVI'-XVII' Siècles, Paris, 1971, 4 vols., typed.
8. This was the case in Guinea-Bissau and Angola, for example.
9. A s , for example, the Kilombo das Palmares, in the Capitanía of Pernambuco, which
held out against the attacks of Dutch and Portuguese expeditionary forces for more
than a century, from the end of the sixteenth century to 1698.
10. F . Tenreiro, A Ilha de Säo Tomé; Antonio de Aimeida, Da Origem dos Angulares.
Habitantes da IIha de Sao Tomé, Lisbon, 1895; Frédéric Mauro, Le Portugal et
l'Atlantique au XVIIe Siècle. See also Almada Negreíros, Historia Ethnographica
da Ilha de Säo Thome, Lisbon, 1895.
11. J. D . M . Ford (ed.), The Letters of the Council of John III, King of Portugal, Cambridge
Mass., Harvard University Press, 1933; letters dated 22 October 1536 and 25 October
1536 from the king to D . Antonio d'Ataide, Count of Castanheira.
12. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, 'Fonds Portugais 8 (15)', N o . 93, p. 278; Gaston Sousa
Dias, Relaçoes de Angola, p. 95; cf. Bol. Soc. Geo., Lisbon, 4th ser., N o . 7, p. 349.
In 1580, Fructuoso Ribeiro wrote to Father Francisco Martins that the Negroes
in revolt occupied the mountain in the centre of the island, the Pic de M o c a m b o .
T o defend the island and the town against their attacks, the territory was divided
up between three captains.
13. 'For a w o r m has got into the sugar-cane as in Madeira', F . M a u r o , op. cit., p. 190;
cf. Luciano Cordeiro, Vol. I, Chapter IV.
14. Between 1586 and 1636, for instance, there were twenty governors and seven serious
incidents, two of which resulted in excommunications.
15. There were over 300 of them on the island at the time.
16. These voyages were mainly for the purpose of the slave trade.
17. The Fonds de Nantes ( A . D . Loire Atlantique) (B 4.584, B 4.585, B 4.592, B 4.595,
B 5.004/5) is mentioned as a reminder. A list of United Kingdom sources relating
to the slave-ships is annexed.
Appendix
Archives sources that have not been used
Denmark1
Rigsarkivet, Copenhagen. Vestindisk-Guineisk K o m p a g n i , 1671-1755. Kompagniets

Kobenhavnske arkivalier (Vestindien v e d k o m m e n d e et Guineakysten v e d k o m -
mende). Hjemsendte arkivalier fre guvernements-sekretariatet for St. T h o m a s
og St. Jan: Guvernorens rad, 1672-1703. Journaler og rapportbeger m . v .
Kopib0ger m . m . , 1673-1740. Vestindiske inventarier, 1680-1752. Hjemsendte
regnskaber fra St. T h o m a s og St. Jan (see especially Partikulaere regnskaber,
1686-1725). Hjemsendte arkivalier fra guvernementet pa Guineakysten 1698-
1754.
France
Archives Nationales, Paris. A . N . Fonds Marine: Série B 2 (2.4, 234, 283); Série B 3
(235, 251, 315, 330); Série 4 JJ, Journaux de bord A/Voyages en Amérique 20,
21, 22, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 37, 38,43, 4 4 ; B/Voyages sur les côtes occidentales
d'Afrique 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71 ; Série 4 JJ Supplément: 144 A ,
144 B , 144 D , 144 F, 144 G .
Records in the Departments. Bouches-du-Rhône: Série B and Série C . Gironde:
Série B , Série C (navigation and trade). Ille-et-Vilaine : Sous-série 9 B , Amirauté
de Saint-Malo; Série C=Série 4 F g (Navy and Colonies). Loire Atlantique:
Série B , Amirauté de Nantes—Records of the reports of captains of ocean-
going ships: B 4570 to 4593 (1692-1766). Inventories and documents deposited
1. Here I must thank Miss Elena N . Schmidt, w h o is at present working, thanks to a

fellowship from the Danish Government, on the uncatalogued West Indian holdings
of the Rigsarkivet. The latter possesses a large collection of historical sources concern-
ing the Danish Antilles (the Virgin Islands) and the slave trade with West Africa.
Miss Schmidt has been enabled to work for six months on the collection of local
records contained in hitherto unopened boxes kept on the topfloorof the Royal
Archives, Copenhagen. It is to be hoped that this task of classifying the records
concerning the Danish Antilles can be completed.
116 Oruno D . Lara
with the Admiralty Record Office by ships' captains: 4977 to 4995. Logs:
5004 to 5006 (1706-53). Série C , Chambre de Commerce de Nantes: 722,
738 (slave trade) (1671-1790), 739 to 742, 753 (account of a Negro revolt in
Jamaica, 1760).
Municipal records. L e Havre: Série H H , 66 (1716-72)—trade with the colonies;
72 (1741-86)—the slave trade. Nantes: Série EE-267 (1691-1788); Série
FF-202 (1725); Série H H - 2 0 5 , 206, 241.
Chambers of commerce and industry. Dunkerque: Deliberations and declarations of
slave-ships' captains. Marseilles ( A . C . C . M . ) : Série H . L a Rochelle ( A . C . C . R . ) :
Boîte X I X , D o c . 6511-6767; Boîte V I (Grand Bureau); Boîte X X I , E.g. 7317
and Dossier 102. Municipal Library of L a Rochelle: N o . 856 (1787) Logs of
the Amitié.
Netherlands
Algemeen Rijksarchief (ARA). West Indian Affairs, 1637-1790 (9217-9224).'Loket-

kas' ; 120, 145, 114. Records of thefirstW I C , 1621-74. Records of the second
W I C , 1674-1795. Records of the Surinam Company, 1683-1795 (498 entries).
Records of the Dutch possessions, Antilles and Surinam, 1669-1845.
Amsterdam Record Office. Brazil, 1647. Curaçao, 1683-1743.
Dordrecht Record Office (seventeenth century).
Hoorn Record Office. 452, 1548-1807.
Leyden Record Office. Records of Daniel van der Meulen, 1573-1648, 684 items.
Rotterdam Record Office. Records of the burgomasters and town clerks of Rotterdam:
83, papers concerning the W I C , 1616-87. 84, papers concerning trade with
the Antilles, 1700-10. 85, papers concerning the Surinam Company, 1685-1708.
Zeeland Record Office, Middelburg. 2036, I vol., 1667-76. Private records of the
Verheye-Van Citters family. Collection of manuscripts: 83, 1672-74; 277,
1639-40.
Portugal
Archivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon. Caixas: Angola, Guinea, Sao T o m é , Pernam-

buco, Cape Verde—royalty and insignia of royalty. M a n y documents in several
boxes at the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. General Collection.
United Kingdom
Bristol Record Office, Council House, Bristol. M S S . 08226: Bills of lading, 1719-
21; M S S . 16073—H. Bright, slaver, The Sally; transporting slaves to the
Antilles. M S S . 12162: Ship's logs, 1777-91. M S S . 15326: J. H . Morgan.
M S S . 04058: town dues, 53 vols., 1790-1846.
The British Museum, Manuscripts Department. Cotton Manuscripts: C . Otho E . VIII;
C . Vespasian C . XIII. Egerton Manuscripts: 742, 929, 1806, 2395, 2543, 2597.
2648. Harley Manuscripts: 35, 39, 253, 280, 1511, 3361, 5101, 6845, 6922, 7021,
Lansdowne Manuscripts: 52, 100, 844, 1197. Sloane Manuscripts: 159, 358,
750, 793, 894, 2292, 2496 (ff. 70-112). Stowe Manuscripts :(Stowe M S S . 166-77)
Edmondes Papers (Stowe M S S . 256-61) Phelps Papers. Additional M a n u -
scripts: A d d . 12428-40 relating to the Negro insurrections and the slave trade.
A d d . 19049, idem (1733) Newcastle Papers (add. M S S . 3286-33057). Auckland
Papers (Add. M S S . 34412-71). Liverpool Papers (Add. M S S . 38190^89), in
particular A d d . 38343 : plan to reduce the number of Caribs in Saint-Vincent,
c. 1778. Mackenzie Papers (Add. M S S . 39187-211).
Broadlands Archives. Slave Trade: S L T 1-37.
Cambridge, The University Library. D o c . : Extracts from the G . R . G . C o n w a y Col-
lection. Foreign papers : Asiento C o m p a n y , slave trade with Hispanic America.
Negro Treaty at Jamaica, 1739 (Section 21).
Historical Manuscripts Commission. Weston Underwood Manuscripts.
House of Lords, London (The Record Office). Sessional Papers: slave trade (slave-
trade ships' journals and African and West Indies trade accounts, including
slaves, 1759-1800).
Liverpool Record Office. M o o r e Papers : 920 M O O / 3 1 5 ; 1641. Norris Papers : 920 N O R ,
c. 1695-1709. Tarleton Papers: 920 T A R / 1 9 4 - 2 3 2 , 1749-1810. In particular,
K f 7, 1779-1782, K f 96, 1779-1811, concerning the voyages of different slavers,
Liverpool, West Africa, the West Indies.
National Maritime Museum. Navy Board, Lieutenants' logs: 5,205 vols. 1678-1809.
Personal papers : logs of ships sailing to the Antilles. Artificial collections, in
particular a report o n the slave trade in 1730 in the Wellcome Collection.
Individual documents: slave-ships' logs.
Oxford, Bodleian Library. Tanner Manuscripts. Ashmole Manuscripts. Clarendon
Manuscripts. Rawlinson Manuscripts: logs of several ships trading with the
Antilles and North America (Virginia). Miscellanea: M S . E n g . misc. b. 4 ,
1799.
Public Record Office, London. T h e key items are the log books. Captains' logs, 1669
to 1852, 4,563 vols., Admiralty 51. Masters' logs, 1672 to 1840, 4,660 vols.,
Admiralty 52. Ships' logs, from 1799 on, Admiralty 53. T w o additional series:
Series I, masters' logs, 1837 to 1871, 339 vols. A d m . 54. Series II, Explorations,
1766 to 1861,162 vols. A d m . 55. Slave trade: 1816 to 1892. F . O . 84, 2,276 vols.
Slave trade: archives of commissions: F . O . 312 to 315, Cape T o w n , Havana,
Jamaica, Sierra Leone.
Atlantic slave trade : documents concerning the slave-ships' voyages

from Africa to America
United Kingdom
Archives of Commissions. Slave Trade. Cape T o w n : (F.O. 312) 1843 to 1870.43 vols.
Havana: ( F . O . 313) 1819 to 1869. 67 vols.
Berkshire Record Office. Leicester manuscripts: D / E K m B 2 and B 3 (1724, 1734).
Bodleian Library, Oxford. M S . E n g . misc. b . 44 ff. 50-1 (1799). M S . E n g . misc. b . 44
ff. 9 3 - 4 (1792).
118 Oruno D.Lara
Bristol Record Office. Bills of Lading: 1719-21 (08226). Elbridge family, estate papers:
A C / W O / 1 0 (1744-1800). Bright, Henri, Insurance policy: 1762 (16073).
Robinson, John and Tench, John: 1772 (10931). Morgan, James H : 1778
(15326). T o w n dues, 53 vols: 1790-1846 (04058).
British Museum, Department of Manuscripts. Harley Manuscripts. Lansdowne M a n u -
scripts. Sloane Manuscripts. Stowne Manuscripts. Additional Manuscripts.
Broadlands Archives, London. Slave trade: S L T 36 (1859).
Hampshire Record Office, Winchester. Blachford papers: 8 M 57 (1725), 8 M 57/194-
226,235 (1852, 1853).
House of Lords original papers. Slave trade: slave trade ships'journals (1789-1800).
Individual documents. 1743; 1793-94; 1833-36.
Lancashire RecordOffice. D D X 22/8 (1774-78); D D d 239/3-14; D D X 428/5 (1833-36).
Liverpool Record Office. Tarleton papers: K f 7, 1779-82; K f 96, 1779-1811; 380
M D 33-6 (1754-69).
The National Maritime Museum. Natural Collections: Section I. Central Records.
Merchant Navy: shipping records 1787-1856, 44 vols.; ships' log books and
crew lists, 34 vols.
Public Libraries, Bristol. Jefferies Collection: Vol. XIII letters c. 1722-36.
Public Record Office. Legal Records: C.108/280 1606, 1746. High court of Admiralty:
slave trade—government reports (H.C.A.35) 1821 to 1891, 89 vols.; slave
trade: additional papers (H.C.A.36) 1837 to 1876, 8 cartons; treasury papers:
(H.C.A.37) 1821 to 1897, 229 boxes; warrant books: (H.C.A.38) 1541 to 1772,
77 vols.; miscellanea: (H.C.A.30) 1531 to 1888,803 boxes and vols. Admiralty:
log books; station records: Africa, North America and West Indies. Colonial
Office: colonies, general—colonial papers, general series (C.O.I.) 1574 to 1757;
America: original correspondence (C.O.5) 1606 to 1807. Antigua and Mont-
serrat: (C.O.7). Bahamas: (C.O.29). Barbados: (C.O.28). Curaçao: (C.O.66).
Dominica: (C.O.71). Grenada: (C.O.101). Guadeloupe: (C.O.110). Guiana,
British: (C.O.lll). Jamaica: (C.O.137). Leeward Islands: (C.O.152). Marti-
nique: (C.O.166). Montserrat: (C.O.175). St Christopher: (C.O.239). San
D o m i n g o : (C.O.245). St Vincent: (C.O.260). Surinam: (C.O.278). Tobago:
(C.O.285). Trinidad: (C.O.295). Virgin Islands: (C.O.314). West Indies:
(C.O.318). Windward Islands: (C.O.321).
Scottish Record Office Edinburgh. Seaforth: G D 46/17/24 (1803-06). G D 46/17/2a
(1804-05).
C. E. Turner, Esq., Messrs E. W. Turner and Son, Liverpool. Letter books of instruc-
tions to masters of slaving ships with replies from captains, principally concerned
with West Indian voyages, eighteenth century.
Portuguese participation in the slave
trade : opposing forces, trends of opinion
within Portuguese society : effects on
Portugal's socio-economic development
Françoise Latour da Veiga Pinto assisted by A . Carreira
The origins of the slave trade and Portugal's monopoly
Slave trading went hand in hand with the great Portuguese discoveries of the
fifteenth century. It was probably not initially one of the purposes of trading
expeditions ; but it was in keeping with the spirit of the time, and people took
naturally to it. Its progressive growth was the result of changes in the economic
motives underlying Portugal's expansion.
The conquest of Ceuta in 1415 marked the beginning of Portugal's
maritime adventure, which subsequently started other nations off on the road
to the conquest of new continents and led to the expansion of Europe.
The earliest navigators to round the coast of Africa were prompted
mainly by two economic motives : to discover the source of production of
Sudanese gold, which had so far reached Europe via North Africa, and to
find the sea route to India and her silk and spice markets.
But the ideals of the crusades also played their part, and gave moral and
religious backing to the expeditions. W h e n thefirstsailor-knights rounded the
coast of Africa, they were also in search of the kingdom of Préster John, in
the hope of making c o m m o n cause with him against the infidel. Taking Muslim
prisoners was in any case regarded as a deed of valour deserving the Church's
indulgence. Thus thefirstNegroes to be captured were taken by m e n convinced
that they were doing a great feat—and also a virtuous deed, since every one
of the 'wretches' baptized meant a soul w o n for G o d . The technique initially
used to acquire thefirstslaves,filhamentoor kidnapping, was likewise inherited
from the Middle Ages : surprise attacks were m a d e on isolated n o m a d camps
and the captives brought back to Portugal, with—as recorded by G o m e s Eanes
de Zurara in his Guinea Chronicle (1453)—the 'holy purpose of saving lost
souls'. It was N u n o Tristao w h o in 1441 had the dubious honour of bringing
back thefirstNegroes direct from the west coast of Africa, south of Cape
Bojador: they were Zenaga nomads.
The island of Arguin was discovered in 1443, and on 8 August 1444
(writes Zurara) thefirstpublic sale of slaves was held at Lagos in the presence
120 Françoise Latour da Veiga Pinto,
A . Carreira
of Prince Henry, instigator of the African expeditions. The choicest slaves had
previously been offered to the Church.
F r o m this time on, slave trading came to be regarded both as a means of
providing a commodity exportable to Spain and Italy and as a source of domes-
tic and agricultural labour for Portugal itself. The latter aspect became increas-
ingly important during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, as Portugal's
expansion called for more and more manpower. At that time Portugal had a
population estimated at only around 1.5 million. M e n w h o went to sea or
settled in the colonies needed to be replaced; and Negro slave labour met this
need. A third factor very soon came into the calculation when it was realized
h o w useful the blacks were for sugar cultivation. This commodity, still extremely
rare, had been introduced into Europe by the Arabs. Attempts had been m a d e to
grow it in Portugal itself, in the Algarve, but with only very limited success
because it took too m u c h out of the soil. The discovery of the Atlantic islands,
however, was to bring about the rise of the sugar-cane industry and pave the
way for the introduction and development of its corollary, the Atlantic slave
trade.
The Spaniards had earlier introduced sugar cultivation into the Canary
Islands, using the Guanches as slaves. Prince Henry, w h o had been granted by
the crown a trading monopoly for the newly discovered territories, followed
their example in Madeira and the Azores. The Negroes turned out to be more
docile as labourers than the Guanches, and were very soon being re-exported
from Portugal to the islands. D e m a n d grew rapidly in consequence, compelling
the traders to introduce a less 'primitive' method of acquisition than kid-
napping. They had quickly realized that the filhamento system was excessively
bad for trade : for the coastal peoples had soon learnt to beware of ships, and
avoided going on to the beach so as not to be taken prisoner. T h e traders
therefore sought to establish normal trading relations on a barter basis; and
for this they very early used thefirstcaptives as interpreters. The role of the
latter was very important for the development of the trading system. T h e
Venetian C á da Mosto, employed in the service of the Portuguese crown,
records that some slaves, once they had been baptized and could speak their
masters' language, were put aboard caravels and sent back a m o n g their kins-
m e n : they then became freed m e n when they had brought in four new slaves.
They also furnished valuable information, both geographical—e.g. about
deposits of precious metals—and commercial, such as lists of goods in demand
a m o n g the natives, and their habits and customs. Once the Portuguese realized
that they could acquire slaves by a peaceful exchange of goods which the chiefs
and their go-betweens were avid for, a regular trade began to operate. There
was, after all, a meeting of supply and demand : for slavery formed part of
the social system a m o n g the peoples of Senegambia and Guinea, and it was
normal to sell one's o w n kind if they were prisoners of war or were under
Portuguese participation in the slave trade 121
sentence for adultery, felonies or magical reasons. It was also a more refined
way of getting rid of hot-heads and undesirables than by putting them to
death. The traders were therefore to find the same ease of exchange all round
the coast of Africa.
The Portuguese, moreover, were also reaping the benefit of the m u c h more
long-standing internal trade which had been set up by the Arabs. Trans-Saharan
trade started from the Sudan, which furnished gold and slaves taken by the
Islamized Sahel peoples in forays on the area to the south. O n e route was via
the staging-post of H o d e n in the Sahara, where the captives were split u p : some
were bound for Barco, on the coast of Cyrenaica, whence they were sent on to
Tunis and Sicily, while others were taken to Arguin to be sold to the Portuguese
in exchange for horses, wheat and textiles.
This trading system led the Portuguese crown in 1455 to build a fortress
at Arguin. A s Jaime Cortesäo has shown, the foundation of Arguin marked a
turning-point in the organization of Portuguese trade. Conquest and its corol-
lary, the kidnapping and forcible taking of slaves, were replaced by peaceful
trade accompanied by a show of force in the shape of the building of a fortress
—which could in case of need serve as a refuge. The establishment of Arguin
was also to set the pattern for buildings subsequently erected all along the coast
of Africa, not only by the Portuguese but also by their European rivals. Arguin
likewise served as a port of call for ships sent to reconnoitre the south ; and
the trade soon began to thrive. C á da Mosto in 1455 reckoned the number of
slaves brought to Portugal annually at 700-800. A special administration, the
Casa dos Escravos, was set up in Lisbon, and the customs house in the capital
recorded the entry of 3,589 slaves from 1486 to 1493, not including arrivals
from Lagos. C . R . Boxer puts the number of slaves captured by the Portuguese
in Africa between 1450 and 1500 at 150,000.
Then, as territories suitable for colonization were discovered, sugar-cane
cultivation was introduced into them, entailing a need for manpower which had
to be brought from the coast of Africa. This was w h y , after the discovery of
the Cape Verde archipelago, the king of Portugal in 1466 granted the first
settlers a monopoly of the slave trade on the African coast opposite the archi-
pelago, both to provide labour for the plantations and also to help populate
these uninhabited territories. They were, however, forbidden to sell the slaves
outside.
A s the trade increased, the crown wished to control it—without, however,
being able to take it in hand directly. It therefore sought to derive profit from
the trade while keeping its o w n risk to a m i n i m u m ; accordingly it set u p a
farming-out system, the contratos. In 1469 Afonso V granted Fernäo G o m e s
thefirstcontract, giving him the exclusive right to the Guinea trade for five
years (subsequently extended for a further three) in return for an annual
lump-sum payment to the crown and an obligation to discover a hundred leagues
A . Carreira
of coast a year, working southward from Sierra Leone. The Arguin trade and
that of the coastal belt, which had been granted to the inhabitants of Cape
Verde, were excluded from the contract. Fernäo G o m e s was successful in his
enterprise, and thanks to his initiative the islands of Sao T o m é and Principe
were dicovered between 1470 and 1472. Thus the contract system, which was
to operate throughout the duration of the Atlantic trade, came into being.
The Spanish asiento was based on a similar system for the delivery of slaves.
Meanwhile the gold trame was increasing in volume, though the Portu-
guese failed to reach the mines and had to be content with trading on the coast.
In 1482 they built a fortress, Säo Jorge da Mina, which m a d e possible a great
expansion of trade in that area. Ironically, one of the barter items the Portu-
guese used to obtain gold dust was slaves, brought mainly from Benin.
F r o m 1483 onwards Diogo Cäo's voyages of discovery opened the doors
of Central Africa to the Portuguese, through the intermediary of the Kingdom
of K o n g o . Thus another centre of the slave trade came into being contempora-
neously with the colonization of Säo T o m é , where the cultivation of sugar cane
quickly developed. Thefirstsettlers on the island were deportees and converted
Jewish children—'new Christians'—who were married off to slaves brought
initially from Guinea and subsequently from K o n g o . This mestico society soon
became slave-traders, after the inhabitants of Säo T o m é had obtained from the
king the privilege of resgate or purchase on the African coast opposite the
archipelago.
W h e n the Portuguese reached the mouth of the Zaire (Congo) river they
found themselves, for the first time in Africa, in contact with a powerful,
well-organized kingdom. T h efirstembassy to arrive at the capital, M b a n z a ,
situated upstream in the interior, was well received by the sovereign, w h o was
receptive to European beliefs and skills. Despite some vicissitudes, after the
accession in 1505 of the manikongo D o m Afonso a very special relationship
grew u p between the Portuguese crown and this African monarchy. D o m
Afonso was genuinely anxious to transform his country with the help of the
whites, while preserving its independence. Several members of the royal house
went to Lisbon, and Catholicism became the State religion. Nevertheless the
real interests of the Portuguese crown in the early sixteenth century were
elsewhere; and, although the king of Portugal kept up a correspondence with
the manikongo, and sent him missionaries and craftsmen, D o m Afonso's hopes
were disappointed and his country fell inescapably into a state of decline. There
were several reasons for this, all more or less directly connected with the slave
trade. Portugal at that time was being pulled in different directions by wide and
varied interests. Having m a d e herself mistress of the route to India, her main
commercial activity was concentrated on the silk and spice trade. The discovery
of Brazil in 1500 led to the introduction of sugar cultivation there in the mid-
sixteenth century; and this in turn brought about an increased demand for
African labour, once its superiority to native labour was realized. The Spanish
West Indies also began to import slaves for their sugar plantations, while
there was still a demand for labour in metropolitan Portugal and its Atlantic
islands. Thus the m o m e n t when Central Africa, through the kingdom of K o n g o ,
was opening its doors to Western influence coincided with a need for manpower
which was to be met by slave trading. It would be hard tofinda clearer example
of the deep misunderstanding to which the slave trade gave rise between Africa
and Europe : here an opportunity was lost and never regained. It is of course
true that in K o n g o , as elsewhere in Africa, traditional institutions were such
as to facilitate the development of the slave trade; but the fact remains that
the manikongo's hopes of giving his people access to white skills, and so
bringing them out of their isolation, were cruelly betrayed. Moreover, the
kingdom of K o n g o had no other goods to offer except slaves; and, once it
engaged in this trade, it was bound sconer or later to be at the mercy of the law
of supply and demand, and of various competing interests, both abroad, in
the shape of slave-traders, and at h o m e , in the shape of neighbouring peoples
also involved in the trade.
The settlers of Sao T o m é grew more and more active and imported slaves
in ever-increasing numbers, not only for their o w n h o m e market but also for
export. At the same time they gradually established themselves in the kingdom
and along the river, continually improving their links with the hinterland.
During his reign, which lasted until 1543, D o m Afonso managed to curb the
trade within his kingdom; and m a n y times he repudiated it in his letters to the
king of Portugal. But he could not prevent his vassals from enriching themselves
through the trade, while his o w n enfeebled kingdom became the object of
covetousness from across his borders. W h e n he died, his successors were unable
to stop either the growth of slave trading or the attacks of neighbouring tribes
aimed at making prisoners of war to exchange for the whites' barter goods. The
number of slaves being exported from the port of Mpinda around 1530 has
been estimated at 4,000 to 5,000 a year. Meanwhile Brazil's manpower needs
led the traders to look towards the south. Angola was at that time more thickly
populated than K o n g o , and was better able to meet this increased demand.
Moreover the dealers were interested in having their purchasing areas closer
to their embarkation points, so as to reduce as m u c h as possible the loss of
slaves in transit, which was always heavy. Early in the sixteenth century,
traders developed the habit of going direct to the Angolan coast : they first
reached Ambriz, then the Dande and the Cuanza. In so doing they were acting
against the interests both of the Portuguese crown, to which they paid no taxes,
and of the manikongo, by encouraging his vassals to deal with them direct.
With the decline of the kingdom of K o n g o , Portugal's focus of interest shifted
to Angola. In 1571 the king of Portugal granted Paulo Dias de Nováis a deed
of gift over Angola: in so doing he abandoned his policy of exercising loose
A . Carreira
sovereignty, and for thefirsttime in Africa adopted the sytem of direct rule.
Dias de Nováis, w h o hoped to find silver mines in the interior, was appointed
governor for life and donee of the area between the D a n d e and the Cuanza
rivers. The crown, as it had done in Brazil, also granted him a captaincy, while
itself retaining the monopoly of the slave trade. But Paulo de Nováis' hopes of
finding precious metals were disappointed; and Angola, in its turn, lost any
means of arousing Portugal's interest except through her manpower. The slave
trade was in fact to m a k e rapid strides at Luanda and, from 1617 (the date of
its foundation), at Säo Filipe de Benguela.
Thus by the sixteenth century the triangular trade, which was to continue
until the nineteenth century, was already established. Apart from Mina gold,
and a few secondary products, Africa was regarded solely as a reservoir of
manpower for the sugar plantations of the Atlantic islands, Brazil and Spanish
America: Europe supplied the manufactured goods.
But the size of the sugar-cane industry, and with it of the slave trade,
aroused the envy of the European powers ; and from the end of the sixteenth
century onwards they did everything in their power to break Portugal's m o n o -
poly. For, after the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, the Pope had divided the
world between Spain and Portugal : Africa, Asia and Brazil went to Portugal,
and the rest of America to Spain. The disparity of these rights led to a change
in international law, and the authority of the Pope came under attack from the
Protestant schism. With the enunciation of the Grotius doctrine, the freedom
of the seas was proclaimed; moreover, in practice, the British and Dutch
shattered the maritime hegemony of Spain and Portugal by the end of the
century.
U p to then, Portugal had nevertheless held the monopoly of the slave
trade, although smuggling had been going on from the beginning. But, u p to
the end of the century, attacks by foreign powers—Britain and Holland—had
been mainly directed against the monopoly of Mina gold rather than against
that of slaves. The Dutch-Portuguese war at the beginning of the seventeenth
century, and the foreign competition that followed, finally broke Portugal's
monopoly.
However, despite domestic difficulties caused by the crisis over the m o n -
archy, and foreign wars, Portugal succeeded in keeping an important role in
the slave trade. This was due to the connections she had built up between the
centres of supply—Africa—and of demand—Brazil ; and also to the systems
instituted by the crown for controlling the trade. There were three such systems.
The commonest was that of farming out to a con tratador (thefirstbeing Fernao
G o m e s ) , w h o did virtually nothing but collect an indirect tax, for he was
authorized to issue licences (avengas) to slave traders. The contratadores usually
lived in Lisbon, while the avençadores were the actual slave-traders. Secondly,
the crown itself, quite apart from farming out under contract, issued licences
direct for the purchase of a specified number of slaves against the payment of
a per capita duty. Lastly, the crown sometimes had recourse to direct manage-
ment through an administrator. This system was rarely used, and was only a
temporary measure to tide over the interval between two contracts. At certain
times these systems co-existed. Farming-out contracts and licences came within
the purview of the royal institutions, such as the Casa da Guiñé (later k n o w n
as the Casa da Guiñé e Mina, and then as the Casa da India), of which the
Casa dos Escravos was one section. Persons authorized to deal in slaves were
also allowed to deal in imported barter goods.
Table 1 is a list drawn up by Antonio Carreira of the main farming-out
contracts from the end of thefifteenthcentury to the beginning of the seven-
teenth :
T A B L E 1. Farming-out contracts, 1486-1642.
Date Area farmed out Contractor Notes
1486-93 Slave River Bartolomeu Marchione

1490-95 Guinea rivers Bartolomeu Marchione —
1500-03 Gambia and Joäo Rodrigues This contract was cancelled
Cantor rivers Mascarenhas after two years, at the
contractor's request, in
favour of Filipe and Diego
Lopes.
1502-03 Slave River Fernäo de Lorenhas —
1504-06 Sao T o m é Joäo de Fonseca and —
Antonio Carneiro
1505-07 Guinea rivers Joäo Rodrigues Mascarenhas died before
Mascarenhas the expiry of the contract,
and it pas sed in 1607 to
Afonso Lopes dos Couros
1509-12 Guinea rivers Francisco Martins —
1510-13 Säo Tiago and (unidentified) Payment was to be m a d e
Fogo Islands (Cape in slaves
Verde) and Guinea
1510-13 Sierra Leone Joäo de Castro and Joäo —
de Lila
1511-13 Säo T o m é Joäo Fonseca —
1511-13 Senegal River (unidentified) —
1527-30 Cape Verde Ascenso Martins —
1536-37 Guinea Afonso Lopes de Torres —
1562-68 Guinea Antonio Gonçalves de
G u s m ä o and Duarte de
Leäo
1574-80 Guinea, Säo Francisco Munes de —
Tiago and Fogo Beja and Antonio
Munes do Algarve
A. Carreira
T A B L E 1—contd
Date Area farmed out Contractor Notes
1583-89 Cape Verde and Alvaro Mendes do Because of the great drought
Guinea rivers Crato and Diogo of 1585-87, the contractors
Fernandes were granted an extension
of the contract to the
end of 1590 by way of
compensation.
7-1591 Cape Verde Alvaro Vieira
(Windward
Islands)
1587-93 Angola, Congo Pedro de Sevilha and
and Sao T o m é Antonio Mendes de
Damego
1600-03 Angola Joäo Rodrigues
Coutinho
1613-14 Angola and Cape Antonio Fernandes de
Verde Elvas
1607-08 Cape Verde (unidentified)
1609-14 Cape Verde Joäo Soeiro
1615-? Cape Verde Duarte Pinto de Elvas
1616-? Cape Verde Joäo de Sousa
1617-23 Cape Verde Antonio Fernandes de
Elvas
1624-27 Cape Verde Jácome Fixer
1627-32 Cape Verde and André da Fonseca
Angola
1632-42 Cape Verde Joäo Gonçalves da
Fonseca
There are some gaps in the list. It gives the dates of the drawing-up of the
contracts but not of their signature. It also shows h o w vaguely geographical
areas were defined, thus demonstrating: (a) the lack of accurate geographical
knowledge of the African hinterland (only the points on the coast are stated);
and (b) the fact that the crown had no control over the contractors.
Examples of licences granted by the king north of the Equator, quite
apart from and contemporaneously with farming-out contracts, include one
to Lourenco Alvares for 100 Negroes in 1563; to Dento V a z for 600 Negroes
in 1565; to Manual Caldeira for 2,000 Negroes in 1568 (he also had a farming-
out contract for Sao T o m é and Mina); to Alvaro Mendes de Crasto for 3,000
Negroes in 1583; to Joäo Batista Ravalesca for 1,800 Negroes in 1583; and to
Joseph Ardevicus for 600 Negroes in 1680 for Para and Maranhäo. It is inter-
esting to note that these avengas were issued in large numbers: thus, from 1604
to 1608 the contratador for Angola issued 17,000 licences, while himself remain-
ing in Lisbon.
The royal monopoly did not extend to Brazil, where slaves could enter
freely, in contrast to the Spanish West Indies which were subject to the asiento
system. The original law providing for the collection of export duty o n slaves
is not extant : the most plausible document on the subject is one by Abreu de
Brito (1592), in which he gives afigureof 3,000 reis a head when the destina-
tion was Brazil and 6,000 reis for the Spanish West Indies. Joäo Rodrigues
Coutinho seems to have arbitrarily increased the duty by 1,000 reis a head
during the 1600s. The vagueness of the texts and the lack of other sources led
Antonio Carreira to the conclusion that the contractors altered the rate of
duty to suit their o w n interests and convenience.
Portugal and the slave trade in the seventeenth

and eighteenth centuries
At the end of the sixteenth century, Portugal underwent a great political change
with the union of the crowns of Spain and Portugal in the person of Philip II
of Spain. The sixty years (1580-1640) of Spanish rule over Portugal were far
more important than this item of domestic politics might atfirstsight suggest :
indeed, the period marks a turning-point in European colonial history, and
in the development of the American colonies and its corollary, the slave trade.
During the sixteenth century, Portugal's rivals had tried to break her
maritime supremacy in the Atlantic. These attacks were the work of pirates
and traders, and were successfully repulsed. There had been attempts at occupa-
tion and even raids against the coasts of Mina, Guinea, Cape Verde and Brazil ;
and though they were pointers to the envy aroused by the trade in gold, slaves
and sugar, they were no more than sporadic. The French had tried to establish
themselves in Brazil in 1555, and often carried out attacks on shipping. Cape
Verde likewise underwent regular assaults by the French and British: in 1578
Drake even went so far as to try to occupy Mina.
But after the union of the two crowns these activities, which had hitherto
amounted to nothing more than smuggling and piratical forays, became inter-
national conflicts. Attacks directed against the presence of Portugal in Africa
were obviously designed to wrest her trade from her. T h e wars which Spain
and Portugal faced with the powers of northern Europe had three main objects
as far as Portugal was concerned: to supplant her in her trade with the Orient,
to take over the sugar plantations of Brazil, and (as a sequel) to take over the
sources of African labour.
The union of the two crowns enabled Spain's enemies to turn also against
Portugal; for, though Philip II had decided to leave internal affairs in the hands
of the Portuguese, foreign policy was joint. In this struggle, the most relentless
foes were the United Provinces. Incursions into Africa started in 1598. Then a
twelve-year truce was signed with Holland, in return for the freedom of Portu-
A . Carreira
guese ports to Dutch trade. But when the truce ended,fightingbroke out afresh.
The Dutch systematically attacked the vital centres of the empire, disrupted the
trade with the Orient, and occupied one by one the key points of sugar produc-
tion in Brazil and their sources of supply of slaves in Africa. F r o m 1630 to
1641 north-eastern Brazil, including Recife, Pernambuco and Maranhäo, fell
into the hands of the Dutch, while Bahia was twice compelled to surrender.
After the signature of the peace treaty with Britain in 1635, Holland continued
the war and m a d e themselves masters of the Portuguese possessions in Africa :
Mpinda, Sao T o m é , Luanda and Benguela fell into their hands in rapid succes-
sion in 1641.
The Dutch then gained the support of the African chiefs, w h o were
anxious to shake off the Portuguese yoke. The manikongo Garcia II and the
Governor of Sonho dealt direct with the Dutch East India C o m p a n y , even
sending emissaries to Brazil and Holland to establish closer trading relations.
Angola, moreover, was very far from being pacified or colonized, and took
advantage of the Dutch-Portuguese conflict; the uprising there was personified
by the legendary Queen Nzinga, w h o succeeded in rallying around her the
M b u n d u peoples of N d o n g o and M a t a m b a . Caught between twofires,the
Portuguese in Angola seemed to be in a desperate situation. Events turned in
their favour, however, after the restoration of a Portuguese dynasty in 1640.
The Dutch refused to m a k e peace, for Portugal in her weakened state seemed
doomed to lose her Atlantic empire. But the Portuguese settlers in Brazil
rebelled against the Dutch and drove them out of the country. Then, following
the liberation of the American colony, the great landowers were soon concerned
to re-establish the slave trade on a normal footing so as to provide their
plantations with slaves. Thus it was from Brazil that the three expeditions set
out that were to drive the Dutch from the coasts of Angola and the mouth of
the Congo. In 1648 the Portuguese reoccupied the main centres of the slave
trade south of the Equator.
F r o m that time onwards, Brazil became the mainstay of the Portuguese
empire. Trade with India having become secondary, Portugal's economic sphere
of influence was to be centred on the Atlantic through the triangular trade :
the two poles of attraction being Brazil with its plantations (and later its mines)
and Africa as the supplier of manpower. Portugal's role was merely to provide
manufactured goods and to serve as a staging-post between her two colonies.
Portugal then directed all her efforts towards her American colony,
which was rapidly developing. Sugar was n o w in everyday use in Europe. The
plantations needed slaves, and the Brazilian Indians (who had the protection
of the Jesuits, and were not such good workers as the Africans) were replaced
by Negroes. T h e industrialization of sugar-cane cultivation was to lead to a
great 'slave famine' from the second half of the seventeenth century onwards,
not only in Brazil but throughout America.
All the great powers of Europe then organized themselves to engage in

the slave trade. By the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 the British obtained from the
Spanish crown the asiento contract for the Spanish West Indies, thus securing
the cream of the slave trade for themselves. The French came next, encouraged
by Colbert w h o , in setting out to develop the plantations in the French Antilles
and the French possessions in the Indian Ocean, gave afillipto the slave trade.
In the face of this competition the Portuguese had lost their hegemony
on the West Coast, and the majority of their settlements there had fallen into
foreign hands. But Cape Verde remained a centre of the slave trade, for farming
was hard and unprofitable, and the colony, composed of half-castes, lived
mainly by slaving. In the course of the seventeenth century the increased demand
for slaves led to a resurgence of Portuguese activity north of the Equator: this
took the form of the building between 1677 and 1680 of the fortress of St John
the Baptist at Ajudá (Ouidah) in D a h o m e y , while a small factory was set u p
in 1696 at Bissau. The population of Angola was decimated at about that time
by great smallpox epidemics, the most lethal being that which raged from 1685
to 1687. But this resurgence was incidental: Portugal's slave-trading activity
was really concentrated on Angola. Säo T o m e was declining due to the competi-
tion of Brazilian sugar cane with its poorer-quality crop ; and the half-caste
population, in defiance of the central government in Lisbon (which had great
difficulty in imposing its authority), took up smuggling and slave-trading. Since
the Dutch occupation at Mpinda, Portuguese influence in the n o w disintegrated
Kingdom of K o n g o was reduced almost to nil; and foreigners traded freely
on the coast of Loango, at Cabinda, at the mouth of the Congo, and on the
Angolan coast as far as Ambriz. T h e Portuguese several times tried to re-
establish themselves at Cabinda, even going to the lengths of starting to build
a harbour—which was destroyed by Admiral Marigny's fleet in 1783. T h e
authority of the Portuguese crown was really exerted only on the coast south
of the Dande as far as Benguela, and it was even so unable to check the smug-
gling that was rampant out of Luanda and Benguela.
The history of Angola up to the nineteenth century was entirely domi-
nated by the slave trade, for all attempts to encourage agriculture and mining
ended in failure. The climate, for one thing, was lethal ; of 2,000 soldiers sent
out between 1675 and 1694, only 300 survived; and, in contrast to farming,
slave-trading offered the appeal of a quick profit. Unlike what had happened
in Brazil, the Portuguese came up against organized populations w h o would not
let them through into the interior, where the climate was healthier. Native
brokers formed a screen between the coast and the hinterland so as to be able
to act as middlemen in the trade; consequently the only w a y inland was up
the rivers.
At the end of the seventeenth century the discovery of the gold mines of
Minas Gérais, in Brazil, led to an increased demand for slaves; and it was
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Angola that supplied the bulk of them. The mine-owners needed strong m e n ,
and the yellow metal allowed them to pay higher prices for them than the plan-
ters did. There was thus more incentive to import slaves through Rio de Janeiro
—for Minas Gérais—than through Bahia, and this led to conflict between the
two towns. T o end the dispute, the crown eventually had to introduce an import
quota system as between Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, Recife and Paraiba. Thus
Angola, forsaken by the mother country, and with a population m a d e up of
slave traders, convicts, adventurers and slaves, was nevertheless, as C . R . Boxer
has pointed out, 'the corner-stone of the Portuguese Empire'. For Brazil's
prosperity depended on Angolan manpower, and Portugal's prosperity
depended on Brazilian sugar, tobacco, gold and diamonds.
However, foreign competition and the extent of smuggling led the Portu-
guese crown to attempt some reforms. Following the example of its competi-
tors, Lisbon was to set up large companies to counter the decline of the Guinea
trade and to m a k e good the military forces, which were inadequate to protect
the slave trade. N o n e of these companies was ever as successful as their foreign
counterparts, but they are still worth mentioning. The oldest, the Guinea Coast
or Port Palmida C o m p a n y , was founded on 1 September 1664; little is known
about its activities, which were of no great importance. The same applies to the
Companhia de Cacheu, Rios e Costa da Guiñé, set up in 1676, which was
granted a six-year monopoly of the transport of slaves from this area for
Brazil. But the people of Säo Tiago viewed the setting up of this enterprise
with deep mistrust, thinking (no doubt rightly) that it was directed against them
and would deprive them of their freedom of action. O n 12 February 1682 it
was succeeded by the Companhia do Estanco do Maranhao e Para, with a
twenty-year concession: it undertook in that space of time to introduce 10,000
slaves (i.e. an average of 500 a year) into that part of Brazil. It also had a
monopoly of trade in that province. Produce for export was exempt from duty
for ten years. The purchase of slaves had to be carried out in Angola. This
enterprise aroused such hostility a m o n g the settlers that it was disbanded after
three years of operation and its property was confiscated.
O n 14 January 1690 the Companhia de Cacheu e Cabo Verde was set up,
with a lifespan until December 1696: a clause was included in the contract
forbidding the sale of slaves to ' heretics '. Its powers were limited, and conse-
quently its activities were of no great importance. W h e n the contract expired,
the crown negotiated with Spain the transfer of the company's powers and
part of its property to the (Spanish) Royal Commission for India, which on
12 July 1699 obtained the asiento, for a period of six years and eight months,
for the following ports: C u m a n a , Caracas, Havana, Cartagena, Puertovelo,
Honduras and Vera Cruz. Purchasing had to be carried out on the Guinea
Coast to a total of 10,000 tons (of slaves), each estimated at three 'India pieces'
(i.e. a strong full-grown m a n ) of uniform seven-foot stature, the old and those
with physical defects being excluded. The Spanish crown associated itself with
the enterprise, contributing 200,000 pesos towards the building up of its fleet
This company was as short-lived as the rest, for it was dissolved in 1706.
It was only with the Pombal government that well-structured companies
m a d e their appearance. A s far as the slave trade was concerned, they were
intended to reorganize the triangular trade and to combat the smuggling that
had prevailed on a large scale since the demand for slaves had increased in
Brazil. Ship-owners in the service of Brazilian planters had got into the habit
of obtaining supplies direct, outside the contracts allocated by the crown—
even, in times of acute shortage, going as far as Mozambique. T w o companies
were set up almost simultaneously: the Companhia Geral do Gràu Para e
Maranhäo in 1755 and the Companhia Geral de Pernambuco e Paraiba in
1759. They divided the slave-trade area between themselves, the former c o m -
pany operating in the Guinea coast and Cape Verde area, the latter in Angola
and on the Mina coast. They both had exclusiverightsto the slave and other
trade for twenty years. The Companhia do Maranhäo was in 1757, by a secret
rider, granted additional powers authorizing it to exercise military and political
authority for twenty years in the part of Africa for which it had a concession.
These powers entitled it to organize the trade in Guinea and Cape Verde,
where it likewise fostered the production of subsidiary exports such as cotton
goods and archil. It also took the praiseworthy step of giving a great impetus
to agriculture (particularly the growing of rice, cotton and cocoa) in the
Maranhäo area. O n e of the aims in setting up the company was to ensure a
regular supply of slaves ; and the policy was therefore adopted of making a
profit not so m u c h on the sale of slaves as on the produce of their labour.
Hence, though both companies were reasonably prosperous and could dis-
tribute regular dividends to their shareholders, the Companhia de Pernambuco
e Paraiba showed a loss on the slave trade, and the C o m p a n h a do Maranhäo
a slight profit. The goods supplied by Brazil in exchange were mainly tobacco
and rum. These two companies were dissolved, the former in 1778 and the
latter in 1787, without having been able to eliminate the smuggling, which
remained considerable both in slaves and in overseas produce. It was carried
on from Brazil, mainly by the British. The setting u p of these companies is
clear proof that the triangular system and the so-called 'colonial pact'
inspired by mercantilism, which together formed the basis of the Portuguese
empire's prosperity, were threatened by the free trade which the British were
beginning to practise.
Portugal and the abolition of the slave trade
Just as, at the end of the sixteenth century, Portugal had been confronted by
one of the greatest crises in her history, as the result of failure to adapt herself
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to the nex order of the freedom of the seas which had replaced the Papacy's
arbitrary division of the world between two nations, so, at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, she w a s unprepared to face the n e w economic order dic-
tated by Great Britain on the basis of free trade. This system again threatened
the existence of her empire, based as it was on the triangular trade and the
colonial pact. T h e slave trade, with its rules and its organized markets, was
inimical to free trade; and the atrocities that had followed one another endlessly
for centuries in the course of the trade were beginning to revolt public opinion.
It would perhaps be more accurate to say that the voices that were raised in
opposition were beginning to get a hearing—others raised earlier having fallen
on deaf ears—and this was happening in Great Britain. Following a long
humanitarian campaign in which such m e n as Sharp, Wilberforce and Macaulay
w o n renown, Great Britain abolished the slave trade on 25 M a r c h 1807. Thence-
forth, the British Government did its utmost to persuade the powers that prac-
tised it to m a k e an end of it. Under pressure from Great Britain, Portugal,
on 19 February 1810, signed a treaty of alliance and friendship, under Article X
of which she undertook
to co-operate in the cause of humanity and justice, by adopting the most efficacious
means for bringing about a gradual Abolition of the Slave Trade throughout the whole
of her territories . . . while reserving to her own vassals in the African territories of the
Portuguese Crown the right to purchase and deal in slaves.
The Portuguese Government, however, had only given in to Great Britain out
of weakness. It had had to take refuge in Brazil, and British support was its
only hope of reconquering its metropolitan territory. T h e abolition of the slave
trade in so rapid and radical a w a y raised problems that were practically
insoluble. Portugal at that time had virtually n o industry; and the economic
transformation of the country was bound to be slow, laborious and beset
with great difficulties.
At the congress of Vienna, Portugal managed to m a k e her case heard.
Under the treaty of 22 January 1815 she obtained the annulment of the previous
agreement. F r o m then on the prohibition applied only to the slave trade north
of the Equator, thus exempting Brazil's trade with Angola, the C o n g o and
Mozambique. The powers that Great Britain was urging to abolish the slave
trade confined themselves to declaring that they were animated
by the desire to co-operate in the most prompt and effective execution of this measure
by all the means at their command, and to use these means with all the zeal and perse-
verance due to so great andfinea cause; [adding that]... thefixingof the time when
this trade must universally cease shall be a matter for negotiation between the Powers.
This clearly shows that, with the exception of Great Britain, no country at
that time genuinely desired to take immediate or decisive steps.
But the slave trade as a method of recruiting manpower was d o o m e d
in the m e d i u m or long term. The planters and slave-traders realized this—so
m u c h so that the trade took on a spectacular n e w lease of life.
At the same time, Portugal's Atlantic Empire was undergoing profound
and irreversible changes. Since 1808 Portugal had been brought by Great
Britain to take a series of measures that were to impair her future relations
with Brazil. They entailed the opening to trade of all Brazilian ports, and the
ending of the rules reserving to Portugal the processing of colonial raw mat-
erials. Then, in 1810, Great Britain obtained 'most favoured Nation' treatment;
andfinally,in 1811, all ports in Portuguese colonies were opened to trade. But
these liberalizing measures, which were particularly advantageous for Great
Britain, were also highly beneficial to Brazil : for the presence of the government
and the court at Rio de Janeiro, and the liberalization of the economy, gave
rise to an unprecedented development in the colony : administrative, political,
economic and cultural. In 1815, Brazil was elevated to the status of a kingdom,
and became aware of her national identity for the first time. Portugal, on the
other hand, was passing through a severe crisis, aggravated by the effects of a
ruinous war and invasion, and was still under occupation by the British army.
The mother country had become virtually a colony of her former colony, while
Portuguese Africa became daily more dependent on Brazil. In this situation
independence seemed inevitable, and it was consummated when the king
returned to Lisbon. Passed into law in 1822, it cut Portugal off from the
motive power of her economy. Once trade had been liberalized, Brazil no
longer needed the mother country : only Africa was essential to her, to keep
her plantations going. But, because of the slave trade, the development of the
Portuguese possessions in Africa had been completely neglected, thus reducing
Portugal's economic role to one of slave-trader. The prohibition of the trade
north of the Equator had benefited smuggling and the trade in the south.
Angola and the C o n g o were the main suppliers. Great Britain, however, tried
as far as possible to check infringements.
A supplementary convention to the treaty of 1815, signed in L o n d o n in
1817, established the distinction between licit and illicit trading, while Portugal
and Great Britain agreed to a reciprocal right of search by their warships of
vesselsflyingtheirflags.Joint commissions were also set up to try prizes.
But, despite these measures—or perhaps because of them—the slave
trade flourished more than ever. It became clear that the only possible step
was absolute prohibition : this would m a k e it possible to prosecute smugglers
w h o sheltered behind the Portugueseflag.Great Britain, faced with continual
changes of government in Portugal, had several times to break off negotiations.
Finally, on 10 December 1836, barely two months after coming to power,
A. Carreña
Sá da Bandeira announced the complete abolition of the slave trade throughout

the whole of Portuguese territory. His intentions were sincere; and, though
humanitarian motives came into the decision, so also did political and economic
ones. For the slave trade had impeded the development of Portugal's African
colonies while helping Brazil's; and the object of Sá da Bandeira's policy,
given that Portugal had lost her American colony, was to m a k e Angola into
another Brazil.
But before Angola's huge territory could be developed, the trade in
h u m a n beings would have to be stopped, the tribes pacified, and the traditional
pattern of emigration from Portugal to Brazil switched to Africa. T h e Portu-
guese Government, however, lacked the material resources for carrying out
this enormous task. A s far as the slave trade was concerned, there were not
enough ships to maintain effective surveillance, for the fleet was hopelessly
depleted; and the slave-traders had great influence both in Africa and outside
it. In fact, the slave-trading powers stood to gain by the secession of Portugal's
African colonies. In 1838, therefore, Sá da Bandeira formally requested Great
Britain's help. In view of ' the depleted state of the Portuguese navy . . . and the
Exchequer's lack of resources', he sought in return for Great Britain's right
of surveillance ' an explicit formal guarantee of the possessions of the Portu-
guese crown against any uprising that m a y take place in these provinces, and
against any attempt whatsoever by foreign powers to foment rebellion or seek
to take over the said possessions '. Spain and Brazil were specifically mentioned.
But Great Britain shrank from such an undertaking, which could have involved
her in defending the Portuguese colonies, and proposed a two-year limit, which
Sá da Bandeira rejected. Great Britain's anxiety was not altogether without
foundation, for already in 1824, in the midst of the crisis in metropolitan
Portugal, Brazil had suggested federation to the African settlers, her associates
in the slave trade. This suggestion had been sympathetically received in Ben-
guela, which led Lisbon to take steps to promote trade between Angola and
Brazil by granting a reduction of customs duty ranging from 50 per cent to
complete remission.
The negotiations dragged on; and meanwhile the slave trade continued
with renewed vigour from the C o n g o and Angola, because of the Portuguese
authorities' inability to enforce the prohibition, and despite Great Britain's
expenditure of m o n e y and effort.
T o overcome the shilly-shallying of the Portuguese negotiators, Pal-
merston passed a bill through the British Parliament authorizing the Royal
N a v y to stop and search Portuguese slave-trading ships and indict their crews
for piracy before an Admiralty court. This measure was taken as a grave
affront by Portugal, while, on account of the instability of the government,
the negotiations were not concluded until 1842. London gave Portugal no
guarantee regarding the preservation of her colonies; and joint commissions
with British and Portuguese members were set u p to try the crews of vessels
apprehended. These tribunals were set up in British as well as Portuguese
territories : namely at Luanda, B o a Vista, Cape of G o o d H o p e and Jamaica.
The naval patrol responsible for the surveillance of the trade increased in size :
in a single year, from April 1846 to April 1847,fifty-eightcruisers—British
and Portuguese, but also French—were recorded as entering Luanda harbour.
The machinery for enforcing the prohibition had been adopted as the
result of laborious diplomatic negotiations : but m a n y difficulties remained to
be overcome in practice before the slave trade as a whole, and in Portuguese
Africa in particular, could actually be stopped. For one thing, there was no
certainty that these measures would succeed in eradicating the habits of cen-
turies ; and furthermore two types of slave trade had grown up, with a h o m e
market and an overseas market. T h e former gave rise to disguised forms of
slavery, or at any rate forced labour. The latter, which resulted from the Atlan-
tic trade, was hardly likely to disappear until the slave-owning nations gave
up using this form of labour. T h e profits being higher every time, the slave
traders, w h o had well-organized networks of agents both at h o m e and over-
seas, naturally found it hard to resist the appeal of gain: especially since
smugglers could always shelter under theflagsof countries not liable to checking
by the naval patrol.
At the time of abolition there was a clash of opposing interests in Portu-
guese Africa : on the one hand, those of the government, which for various eco-
nomic and foreign-policy reasons genuinely desired abolition, and, on the other,
those of the traders, w h o continued their smuggling with the connivance of the
Brazilian and Cuban planters. It is undeniable, however, that up to 1842 the
slave trade had had the benefit of a good deal of complicity at the highest
levels, and that the Portuguese administration in Africa was riddled with
corruption. Officials at Luanda found it hard to resist the temptation of easy
money. Nevertheless, thanks to the energy and integrity of several governors
(the most notable example being Pedro Alexandrino da Cunha, Governor
from 1845 to 1848), the slave trade in Angola was eventually eradicated. His
predecessor, on the other hand, had been relieved of his office, having c o m e
under strong suspicion of being implicated with the slave-traders.
O n e of the main centres of the slave trade was still the C o n g o area,
together with the coast of Loango, Cabinda, M o l e m b o , Ambriz, etc., where
slave-traders of all nationalities came to get their supplies. Portugal wished to
occupy this area, and one of the subsidiary reasons she adduced, in addition
to her claim to 'historic rights', was the abolition of the slave trade. This ques-
tion dominated Anglo-Portuguese relations for more than a quarter of a
century.
Meanwhile, in July 1850, in the face of strong opposition, the Brazilian
Parliament passed the abolition law; and, for thefirsttime, the government
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was strong enough to enfore such a measure. F r o m that time on the Atlantic
trade dwindled.
But the slave trade left m a n y after-effects; and it continued in various
forms throughout the Portuguese colonial period. There are several reasons for
this. O n e derived from the habits that had been formed, and the existence of
a h o m e market organized by the Africans themselves. Another was the need to
solve the problem of 'pockets' of slaves still collected together for sale. A
third was the colonial administration's intention of improving the land, which
led it to 'engage' labourers on terms very similar to those of their forebears
w h o had been transported across the Atlantic. Slavery was abolished in 1858,
though with a twenty-year transitional period. But before that, on 23 October
1853, a decree had been promulgated authorizing the transport of slaves from
Angola to the island of Principe to develop coffee and cocoa growing there.
After being baptized, they were marked on the right arm with a mark signifying
that they 'were freed' (sic). According to the law, they had to serve for seven
years in the plantations ; in other words, they were free by right and slaves in
fact. In one form or another, the laws of 1875 and 1878 and the decrees of
1899, 1903 and 1909 countenanced disguised forced labour in the Portuguese
African colonies and the transfer of labour to Sao T o m é and Principe.
So shocking was this institutionalized state of affairs that Norton de
Matos described and denounced it in 1912. H e was Governor of Angola at
the time, and tried to change conditions of work in Africa : but the Portuguese
colonial administration continued to engage African labour on terms very
close to slavery. This led Henrique Galväo, then Inspector-General of the
Colonies, to write in 1947: ' T h e situation is worse than simple slavery. . . .
The native is not bought, he is hired by the State. . . . A n d his employer cares
nothing whether he falls ill or dies : he merely asks for a replacement. ' This
courageous voice was not the only one to be raised against a disgraceful state
of affairs, and several colonial careers were cut short because of protests by
officials unwilling to fall in with this system. But, as Antonio Carreira testifies,
having had direct experience of it, the majority were willing to be cogs in a
machine in which corruption arose from collusion between the administration
and private interests.
A n d , as always happened when the slave trade was flourishing, public
opinion only heeded the protests raised against abuses when it was ready to
do so, and only when conscience was no longer stifled by the interests at stake.
Trends of opinion within Portuguese society
Slavery formed part of the w a y of life of the Mediterranean peoples from

antiquity. In thefifteenthcentury it was a consequence of the wars against
the infidels, and drew its justification from that. The Church differentiated
between just and unjust wars. The prisoners of a just war could be reduced to
slavery, and if they embraced the Christian faith all the cruelties associated
with their condition were justified. Nevertheless, it is clear from accounts that
have c o m e d o w n to us that some charitable souls strove to draw attention to
the horrible fate of the poor wretches w h o were uprooted from their homeland
and separated from their kin in conditions of unspeakable misery. For instance,
Zurara in his Chronica da Guiñé, while exalting Prince Henry's virtues, records
h o w the slaves were split up quite without pity, the sole criterion for the
division being equality between 'lots', in turn subdivided into 'pieces'. It
was not until a century later, however, that a voice was boldly and vehemently
raised in opposition. It was that of Fr Fernando de Oliveira, w h o in 1555, in
his book Arte da Guerra do Mar, severely criticized the slave trade in general
and denounced the criterion of the just war. H e asserted in substance that it
is wrong to m a k e war on people w h o are not warring and w h o want peace;
that a slave should only serve for a time limited by law; that slave-traders do
not seek only the slaves' conversion, for if ' their advantage were removed, they
would not go in search of them ; and slaves serve their masters m u c h more
than they do G o d , since they are compelled to carry out certain tasks which
are contrary to divine law'.
D o w n the centuries, there is no lack of descriptions of the violence
involved in the capture of slaves in Africa and at the depots while awaiting
shipment, and then the horrors of the crossing in the tumbeiros, or coffins, as
the slave-ships were called. The level of losses, initially as high as 20 per cent,
fell as time went out, reaching an average of 5 per cent towards the end. The re-
bellions and the ensuing punishments, the epidemics, the disasters in storms—
all this has come d o w n to us in eye-witness accounts, often imbued with horror
or compassion. Yet the slave trade was only enabled to last so long because
there was a convergence of economic interests, coupled with a religious justi-
fication, and because circumstances in Africa were propitious. F e w African
chiefs were averse from taking part in a trade from which they stood to gain.
Paradoxically, the Jesuits, in protecting the Indians against the Brazilian
colonists, encouraged the slave trade. W h e n they first arrived on the American
continent the colonists enslaved the native Indians, w h o were neither as tough
nor such good workers as Negroes. The Jesuits took their part successfully,
thanks to their influence at Court and the eloquence of the most famous of
their number, Antonio Vieira. H e also protested, along with other Jesuits,
against the despotic attitude of the slave-masters towards their Negro slaves;
but they never condemned the principle of the Negro trade. The ban on the
enslaving of Indians, proclaimed by the government in Lisbon in 1570, served
on the contrary to give it a new lease of life.
The Church's attitude with regard to the question was moreover ambi-
valent. Whereas under the Papal Pull of 1639 all Catholics w h o engaged in
A . Carreira
slave trading with Indians were excommunicated, it was not until 1839 that
a similar measure was taken in respect of the Negro trade. In addition, as far
as Portugal was concerned, the Church had a material interest in the business
from the start, through the dues she collected for the baptism of slaves. Every
slave shipped had to be baptized ; and, though the ceremony of baptism was
carried out in groups, the officiating priest m a d e his charges on a per capita
basis. In the eighteenth century the rate was 300 to 500 reis for adults and
50 to 100 reis for children and infants in arms. T h e payment of these dues
often led to conflicts between the traders and the clergy (notably in 1697 and
1719), so that the civil power was compelled to intervene. In other words, the
State religion, which in Portugal was ruled by the Inquisition up to the eigh-
teenth century, not only gave its moral sanction to the traffic in h u m a n beings
through baptism, but also m a d e a profit out of it. In such circumstances public
opinion could hardly have been expected to condemn a situation which enabled
the maintenance of the economic system responsible for the prosperity of
Brazil and the Kingdom. W h e n , therefore, Pombal abolished slavery in Portu-
gal, in 1773, the aim was primarily to avoid drawing off the manpower that
was desperately short in the mines and plantations of Brazil.
It was not until the nineteenth century that Portuguese public opinion
revolted against the slave trade. Unlike Great Britain, where it was extremely
vehement and was led by great humanitarian figures, in Portugal it was led
by a liberal political élite. Admittedly Portugal was so torn by domestic strife
up to the middle of the century that it would have been difficult for her to
turn away from her immediate conflicts and concern herself with an overseas
problem. O n the other hand, politicians such as Sá da Bandeira saw the advan-
tage to Portugal, after the loss of Brazil, of developing Africa, and the impera-
tive need to halt the manpower drain which the slave trade represented.
Humanitarian opinions also found expression, in keeping with the spirit of
the age. Naval officers posted to the coast of Africa were as a rule genuinely
shocked at the continuance of the trade. Later the Lisbon Geographical Society,
which was founded in 1875, conducted an anti-slavery campaign. Accounts by
Portuguese explorers from the interior of Angola, like those of their foreign
predecessors, told of the horrors of the internal trade—sequels of the Atlantic
trade and of that with the Arab countries.
But, above all, opinion was extremely alarmed at the international
campaign directed against Portugal. T h e various diplomatic vicissitudes that
had marked the negotiations between Palmerston and the Portuguese Govern-
ment in favour of abolition had aroused British public opinion against Portu-
gal; and its conviction of Portuguese insincerity w a s strengthened by the
accounts of explorers such as Livingstone, Cameron and Stanley, w h o on
their travels in Central Africa had witnessed gangs of slaves being escorted
by Portuguese pumbeiros. Portuguese public opinion was outraged at the accu-
sations, which were taken up again by Leopold II w h e n he was seeking to

counter Lisbon's ambitions at the mouth of the Congo. The Geographical
Society, under the leadership of Luciano Cordeiro, was at that time at the hub
of the controversy; it published articles rebutting the accusations from Great
Britain, which took the form of a press campaign skilfully conducted by the
king of the Belgians just when Portugal was seeking to take her place in the
European economic order. These attacks were obviously inspired by political
motives, and were manifestly insincere: for Portuguese explorers were every
bit as indignant as the others at the abuses they witnessed, which resulted
from a state of affairs that was past. Moreover various incidents that took place
seemed to the Portuguese to show that the powers were themselves continuing
a clandestine trade. Thus, Portuguese opinion was particularly incensed in
1858 by a serious diplomatic incident between France and Portugal. Portuguese
warships stopped and searched the French ship Charles et Georges off the coast
of Mozambique, where it had gone to pick up 'free emigrants'. Her captain,
accused of slave trading, was arrested and taken to Lisbon, as was the Charles
et Georges. The incident was turned into a matter of prestige by the govern-
ments in Paris and Lisbon, and France sent a squadron up the Tagus which
m a d e the Portuguese give way.
Hence, during the nineteenth century, public opinion in Portugal was
very often indignant at the attitude adopted towards her by the powers, and
developed a real persecution complex where the other European nations were
concerned. This came out sharply over the question of the Congo at the
Berlin conference of 1885.
Nevertheless, she was, as indicated above, the European country that
despite numerous international protests carried on a clandestine slave trade
for longer than any other. The explanation is no doubt to be sought in a shor-
tage of the necessary capital and h u m a n resources for the development of her
African colonies, which was offset by the used of cheap labour.
Lastly, the Portuguese Government's desire to develop these territories
resulted from the loss of Brazil, which, as w e have seen, was the main recipient
of the influx of humanity supplied by Africa. The next question that arises is
the socio-economic influence of the slave trade on Portugal itself.
T h e effects of the slave trade on Portugal's socio-economic

development
It is impossible to m a k e a proper appraisement of this question in the present
state of our knowledge : more especially as the slave trade was never more than
a secondary aspect of primary activities such as the improvement of land for
agriculture (especially plantations), mining, the peopling of desert or under-
populated areas, and so on. It is very difficult to assess it in isolation, since it
has always been indissolubly linked with these other activities. W e can, however,
A. Carreira
try to pick out the areas in which its influence m a d e itself directly and specifi-
cally felt; and w e accordingly propose to take the demographic and the financial
aspects.
S o m e writers, such as Joël Serräo, consider that the population influx
arising from the slave trade was essential in thefifteenthand sixteenth centuries,
in that it m a d e up for the population losses caused by the discoveries and over-
seas expansion. C . R . Boxer estimates that in the course of the sixteenth century,
2,400 m e n , mostly young and fit, left Portugal annually. This is a large number,
considering that—according to the 1527 census—the total population of Portu-
gal at that time varied between 1 million and 1.4 million.
O n the opposite side, it is generally reckoned that imported slaves m a d e
u p a tenth of the population of the large cities, and this proportion seems to
hold good for the duration of the slave trade. W e have no accurate figures
for the rural areas.
At the beginning of the sixteenth century the slaves imported into Portu-
gal were as heterogeneous as the discoveries themselves: M o o r s , Chinese,
Indians and Negroes were all to be found in Lisbon. The last n a m e d were in the
majority: they were employed in the hardest agricultural work, sent w h e n
necessary to unhealthy parts of the country, used for clearing the ground and
also in domestic service. The growth of a society based on slave labour undoubt-
edly had a variety of consequences. Moralists attributed the laxity of morals
to it, and d o w n the centuries kept up a barrage of criticism of the licentiousness
and frivolity of all classes of society, accompanied by a highly developed taste
for idleness—the heavy work being left to slaves.
N o r must w e overlook Brazil's influence on Portugal: for Brazil was
herself profoundly marked by the centuries-old influx of African labour. This
factor, however, is virtually impossible to evaluate, because it is, so to speak,
'two-way'.
It is interesting to note, on the other hand, that, after abolition, white
Portuguese emigration to Brazil to some extent took the place of the slave
trade, being in a way a clandestine form of it similar to those mentioned above.
W h a t happened was that Brazilian planters 'engaged' Portuguese workers on
terms very similar to those of the Negroes shipped to the plantations of Säo
T o m é . This is borne out by a very marked increase in Portuguese emigration
to Brazil from 1850 onwards. These Portuguese, mostly from the northern
provinces were indebted almost for life to their bosses for the cost of their
passages; they took the place of the Negroes on the plantations, and led exactly
the same sort of life.
Turning n o w to the financial effect of the slave trade on Portugal's
socio-economic development, the most reliable data available from existing
sources are those concerning the profits m a d e by the crown. These can be
calculated from the duties collected on contracts and the various charges and
taxes levied to meet particular items of expenditure: for instance, the levy
introduced in 1664 to cover expenditure on the celebration of the peace between
Portugal and the Netherlands, and to help pay for Catherine of Braganza's
dowry on the occasion on her marriage to Charles II of England, originally
intended to be applied for sixteen years, this levy was subsequently extended
for a further twenty. In 1724 a tax was introduced to pay for the construction
of the fortress at Ajudá; while in 1757 the rebuilding of Lisbon, which had been
destroyed in the earthquake of 1755, was charged to the slave trade. Thus the
royal treasury received a substantial return throughout the duration of the
trade. It is, however, very difficult to attribute it to this or that particular
activity, except in the case of taxes levied for specific purposes, as mentioned
above.
In regard to the financing of the slave trade, and hence the question of
those w h o m a d e money out of it, Frédéric M a u r o has drawn attention to the
part played by the Jews—and the ' n e w Christians' from the sixteenth century
onwards—in the formation of the Portuguese upper middle class. There is
room for a thorough study not only of the general question of their importance
for Portugal's commercial vitality at the time of the expansion, and their role
in the early stages of development of Brazil's sugar economy, but also of the
slave trade, which is inextricably bound up with those topics. After all, there
were m a n y Jewish and ' new Christian contractors ' whose commercial activities
were never confined to the slave trade. Moreover, while it is difficult to assess
the profits that were m a d e out of legal slave trading, it is impossible to estimate
those m a d e by smugglers. The latter played a considerable part over the cen-
turies, but w e can only guess at the purpose for which the capital thus acquired
was used in Portugal itself.
Once again, the question of the slave trade is inseparable from the overall
problem of a given economic system. In very general terms, the main benefi-
ciaries were not so m u c h those w h o engaged in the trade as those w h o turned
cheap labour to account to improve their land and their mines. In this sense
the effects of the slave trade on the socio-economic development of the country
were greater, and are m u c h more apparent, in Brazil than in Portugal.
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The slave trade within
Africa and between Africa
and the Middle East
The slave trade
within the African continent
Mbaye Gueye
The slave trade was a very ancient practice in Africa. The Europeans did not
invent it. They only exploited it by impelling the Africans to ' derive the greater
part of their resources from it'.1 With the coming of the Europeans, the volume
of the trade swelled to huge proportions, causing widespread social upheaval
in Africa.
Unfortunately w e do not have all the necessary material on the internal
slave trade. W e cannot attempt to m a k e even a rough assessment of its m a g -
nitude from currently available sources. The little information w e d o possess
is either fragmentary or written long after the event, comes mostly from the
colonial authorities and deals m o r e with the struggle to suppress the domestic
slave trade than with the trade itself.
Prior to foreign intervention, the slave trade was undoubtedly practised
in Africa but on an extremely small scale. It was devised chiefly as a means of
reintegrating into society individuals w h o had been cut off from their families
following a war or other catastrophe. For the organization of African society
does not allow for isolation and individualism. The African ideal is that of a
community existence based on powerful family ties with a view to a 'well-
ordered, secure life'.2 People only count in so far as they are part of a harmoni-
ous, homogeneous entity. In these conditions, a m a n on his o w n formerly
had n o chance of survival. Enslaving peoples w h o m natural or other disasters
had cast adrift was a useful means of providing them with a social framework
relevant to their expectations in life. Those w h o purchased them gave them a
new identity. The slaves would give up their o w n patronyms for that of their
new master. This type of integration did not jeopardize the group and could
not fundamentally disturb the original balance of the community for it con-
cerned only a tiny minority of individuals.
It was the steadily increasing demand for slaves a a result of foreign
intervention in the affairs of the continent which brought about a fairly sub-
stantial increase in the volume of the trade, hitherto restricted to transactions
on a narrow local scale. The material advantages to be gained by trading in
slaves were an incentive to some of the clans, especially in medieval times, to
intensify their raids on neighbouring tribes, to have something to barter for
The slave trade within the African continent 151
Mediterranean or Asian goods. 'The people of L e m l e m ' , writes Edrisi, 'are

perpetually being invaded by their neighbours, w h o take them as slaves . . .
and carry them off to their o w n lands to sell them by the dozen to the merchants.
Every year great numbers of them are sent off to the Western Maghreb'. 3 Arab
traders also took m a n y captives from East Africa and sold them in Arabia,
Iraq and as far afield as China. In both cases, however, the number of slaves
was actually comparatively small. T h e traders did not have the transport to
carry their h u m a n cargoes in bulk. The trans-Saharan crossing precluded the
purchase of great numbers of slaves. Arab authors state almost unanimously
that it was chiefly w o m e n w h o were purchased tofillthe Maghrebian emirs'
harems. The Arabs were in fact drawn to the area mainly by gold, regarded at
the time as the 'blacks' main commodity'. 4 Slaves were only used as currency
in very large transactions. Otherwise cowrie shells and animals were quite
adequate for barter purposes.
Between 1441 and the middle of the nineteenth century, the expanding
slave trade ultimately became Black Africa's only link with Europe and A m -
erica. T h e establishment in the N e w World of European sugar, cotton and
tobacco plantations, as well as mining for precious metals, gave rise to a
demand for an abundant, cheap manpower force which could not be met by
either the Amerindians or the European workers. T h e answer was the Black
Africans, w h o were regarded as good farmers. W h a t is more, they would have no
difficulty in adapting to the tropical climate. Once they had been enslaved and
transported to America, they would find it easy to work the settlers' estates.
The constant rise in demand led the African dealers to set up well-
organized trade structures to keep the Europeans supplied in slaves.
The true beginnings of the Atlantic slave trade coincided with the collapse
of the last great African Empire, the Songhai. The breaking up of the land into
a number of kingdoms and small political divisions at the tribal or small
village community level, m a n y of which were hostile to one another, favoured
the expansion of the slave trade. Ambition and vanity caused the chiefs to
turn on one another. Acute jealousies and sudden retaliation by the defeated
led to incessant warfare and raiding. W a r thus became the simplest means of
procuring slaves. After the battle, the victorious side, not content to capture
those w h o had been unable to flee, would penetrate into the defeated tribe's
territory and seize captives from amongst the people living in the border areas.
Free m e n w h o were taken as slaves and were able to pay a ransom were gen-
erally freed in exchange for two good-quality slaves.5
With the growth of the slave trade, some chiefsfinallylost all sense of
responsibility. Claiming that some members of a village had said something
against them, they would not hesitate to order the guilty parties' village to
be razed to the ground and the inhabitants reduced to slavery.6 In the dead of
night the village would be encircled by the chief's warriors. At d a w n the attack
152 Mbaye Gueye
would be launched. They would setfireto the huts. A n y m a n trying to resist would
be put to death. The w o m e n and children were taken and put up for auction.
The spoils would be shared out evenly between the chief and his warriors.7
The recurrent wars and the devastation they brought with them m a d e
the hideous spectre of famine a familiar sight. T o obtain food, the heads of
some families would sell some of their household slaves. If they had none, they
would sell their children or p a w n them to wealthy people in the hope of redeem-
ing them when times were better.8
During periods of famine, chiefs would intensify their raiding forays to
procure slaves w h o would then be sold in exchange for food supplies. The
poorer inhabitants of the famine-stricken areas would try to flee to avoid
being captured. But usually the chiefs of the territories in which they sought
asylum would promptly seize them and sell them without any further ado.
This is what happened to some of the inhabitants of Kajor and Jolof w h o went
to Waalo to escape the terrible famine which had swept through their land. The
king of Waalo seized them and sold them to the Compagnie des Indes.9
The chiefs' desire to acquire European goods at a low price induced them
to sharpen the penalties for offences and crimes; the apparently most trivial
offences were n o w severely punished.
Insolvency n o w became liable to the penalty of slavery. The creditor
would take the offender and put him up for auction.10 Theft, murder and canni-
balism were likewise punishable by enslavement. Thieves whose guilt was
proved became their victims' slaves. Those guilty of certain offences liable to
afinewhich they were unable to pay also forfeited their freedom. But although
thieves, criminals, insolvent debtors and cannibals were all mercilessly reduced
to servitude and sold as slaves, war and slave raids nevertheless remained the
main source of slaves.
Caught up in the mesh of the slave trade, which was m u c h more lucrative
than trading in kola, ivory or cattle, the African traders progressively went
over to trading in slaves, organizing it in such a way as to minimize the risks
inherent in such a large-scale business. A category of local traders emerged
k n o w n as merchants (French : courtiers) by the Europeans and as Juula by the
Africans. They were mostly to be found a m o n g the Sarakole, the Mandingo
and the Hausa.
These slave-merchants would go to the various markets where the slaves
were bought and sold. Each territory had its market-day, on which all the
different dealers would meet. The largest slave markets were Segu, Bambarena,
Khasso and Bambuhu. 1 1
Every year the African merchants would set off for the regions of Upper
Senegal/Niger and Hausaland in search of slaves w h o m they would then take
off to the places where they would be most likely to secure the highest prices
for them. A s the slave trade developed, particularly in the eighteenth century,
the Africans themselves came to organize their commerce on a more rational

basis. Because of the risks of all kinds involved in trading independently, they
decided to join forces and 'form a caravan led by one or more overseers'.12
Each slave train was composed of 'two or three slaves chained together, in
groups of four to twelve, depending on whether they [belonged] to a single
merchant or to several in the same partnership'.13
T o forestall mutiny or evasion, the African merchants would m a k e their
captives carry a stone or some sand, weighing between forty andfiftypounds,
for the whole length of the journey; or alternatively trade goods such as sor-
g h u m , elephants' teeth, hides or wax, so that sheer exhaustion would rob them
of any desire to escape.14
Shortly before the date for departure to the coastal markets, where they
would meet up with the European slave-traders, the African merchants would
begin to round up the slaves w h o were to be sold along the coast at specific
rallying-points. T h e European goods they had acquired at the previous sale
had been used to purchase more slaves. They always had a way of having their
fellow countrymen repay them in slaves for loans in kind.15 In Bambarena,
writes Pruneau de Pommegorge, the long-established institution of slavery led
the local rulers to set up villages where they kept the captives they had seized
during raids.16 Whenever they wanted European goods they would select a
few of them and sell them to the Mandingo and Hausa merchants. According
to M u n g o Park, the people captured and put in these special villages outnum-
bered those w h o were free. They m a d e up three-quarters of the entire
population.17
The African merchants preferred these people born in captivity to free
m e n w h o had been m a d e slaves. For they were accustomed to hunger and fatigue
and stood up better to the hardships of the long voyages. They were resigned
to their unhappy fate. Never having been exposed to the joys of freedom, they
probably regarded their lot as the normal course of events. They presented no
danger to the African traders for they never attempted to run away. 18
Once thisfirstbatch had been gathered in, the African merchants would
fill up their caravans by going around to the various slave markets to buy more
slaves. W h e n all was in order, the merchants would set off for the coast or for
the markets where they would periodically meet company agents. Those w h o
supplied the French would m a k e for G a l a m but only when the rainy season was
imminent. Those w h o supplied the British would head for Gambia, but only
when the rivers could be crossed and the bush was destroyed byfire.19In this
way the merchants were less in danger of being attacked by the wild beasts
which roamed the lands between Faleme and Gambia.
During the march to the coastal termini or trading posts, the captives
were treated harshly. Regarded as nothing but merchandise transporting
another sort of merchandise, they were chained together by poles cleft at both
154 Mbaye Gueye
ends slung behind their necks.i0 They were given just enough food to keep
them going from one stage to the next. At each halt they were put in irons
before being allowed to go to sleep.51 The slave-drivers would take it in turns
to keep watch over them until it was time to depart. All along the way the
caravan would leave a trail of h u m a n beings w h o were no longer able to endure
the fatigue and hunger in its wake, to be devoured by the hyenas and jackals.22
Those w h o could not keep up with the rest of the caravan would be driven on
with whips, and those w h o could not go on form sheer exhaustion would be
slain in cold blood in front of their terrified companions, and their bodies left
to the wild beasts.23 This implied that the same punishment would be inflicted
on any slave showing any signs of ill-will. H u m a n bones laid strewn all along
the routes that led from the interior to the trading posts.
These gruesome slave-trains were m a d e up of long lines of
haggard, emaciated men, worn out by the lack of food, dazed by the blows they were
dealt, doubled over with the weight of their loads; crippled, spindle-legged women
covered in hideous wounds and forced to help themselves along with long sticks; old
people completely spent, bent double with fatigue and age.24
W h e n after several days' march in the silence of those African desert trails
they would reach the trading posts, it was only thefirststage in their grim
Odyssey.
At the trading stations, the African merchants would bide their time
over the sale of their slaves in anticipation of substantial profit margins. If the
price they were offered was too low they would refuse to sell. While they were
waiting for the highest bid, they would deposit their captives in the neighbouring
villages, and there the slaves would be chained together, unable to m o v e , until
such time as they would be purchased by the agents of the European companies.
F r o m there they would be dispatched to the coastal termini where they would
be kept until there were enough of them to warrant shipment to America.
A s the slaves were bought up by the traders, they were shackled together
two by two with collars and chains until their turn came to be sent d o w n to
the coast. The device used was ' an iron chain five or six feet long with a flat
iron collar at one end which would befittedaround their necks and clasped in
such a w a y that it could not be unlocked without tools ' 2 5 Once the whole
operation was settled, the merchants would return h o m e . 2 6
The slave trade organized in this way was not the only means of supplying
the European traders with slaves. For States like Benin, Ashanti and D a h o m e y
were not prepared to b o w to a system in which they were merely middlemen.
At the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century,
first Ashanti and then D a h o m e y resolved to put an end to their inland position
and open up a window to the coast in order to trade directly with the Europeans.
They did away with all the merchants w h o had previously passed through
their territories to take their slaves to the coast to sell them to the European
slave-traders. F r o m that time on, they became involved in slave-dealing on a
large scale.
Periodically they would send troops into the neighbouring countries to
capture slaves w h o m they would then sell in order to secure arms and other
European goods. In Ashanti and D a h o m e y the slave trade became a State
monopoly. Most of the slaves were n o w sold by the State and no longer by
private individuals.
In Central and East Africa the internal slave trade was controlled by
foreigners. T h e Portuguese led expeditions inland. F r o m ancient times the
Arabs had specialized in hunting d o w n Africans and reducing them to slavery
Slave raids and the search for ivory were the two main activities of the Arabs,
in East Africa.27
Alongside this slave trade which served to export captives to America
or Asia there was another trade network within the continent itself which
helped to meet local labour demands.
For the expansion of the Atlantic trade did not bring about the collapse
of the old trading traditions. Although the economic nerve-centres had shifted
from the hinterland to the coast, the former trade relations between Black
Africa and North Africa were as lively as ever. Only luxury goods were traded.
Lacourbe reports that at the end of the seventeenth century an Arab horse was
worth twenty-five slaves.28 Pruneau de Pommegorge claims to have seen an
African chief buy a horse for 'a hundred slaves and a hundred oxen'. 29 T h e
emphasis on horses was due to the fact that war had become a truly lucrative
industry and cavalry necessarily played an important part in military strategy.
Slaves were also used in marriage negotiations as part of the 'bride
price'. In princely marriages, the bride price was mainly composed of slaves,
whereas for commoners it consisted simply of a handful of tobacco leaves and
a few animals. Since local custom did not allow mastes to part with their o w n
household slaves, they would buy trade slaves or ordinary slaves to give away
to their future parents-in-law.
At the time of the overseas trade, slaves captured in raids or purchased,
or prisoners of war, were not all sold to the European slave-traders. S o m e of
them were bought by Africans and remained in Africa. They then became part
of their master's domestic slave household. But since they had not been born
under their master's roof, they were called ordinary slaves. Admittedly they
did the same work as the household slaves, but their status was inferior, for
their master could sell them without incurring any recrimination, whereas
household slaves could not be parted with unless it was absolutely necessary.30
Ordinary and trade slaves were regarded as foreigners. They had virtually
no legal protection in c o m m o n law against arbitrary treatment by their masters,
156 Mbaye Gueye
w h o could maltreat or sell them as and when they thought fit. They could be
included as part of their master's property in payment of some object purchased
by him, or be pawned to a distrustful creditor.31
The internal trade by itself was not sufficient to meet domestic labour
requirements. With the extension of the Atlantic slave trade, the local rulers
became increasingly caught up in the relentless workings of the slave machine.
W a r became their normal occupation. W h a t was needed was a category of
people w h o would cultivate the land to provide food for the local population.
Agricultural villages were set up everywhere, peopled with slaves w h o had been
purchased or captured during raids. Thus the Bakuba in the Congo neither
maltreated 'nor sold their prisoners of war. They settled them in areas far from
their native lands, and called them Mitsungi.'32 Their masters could pick out
any number of them and sell them or hand them over as hostages, 'as pledge
for a debt or in payment of the bride price \ 3 3
In West Africa, ordinary slaves were used for a variety of purposes.
During the rains, they were employed to work in the fields. F r o m dawn to
about two o'clock in the afternoon they would work for their masters. F r o m
then on they could work for themselves. O n Fridays and feast days they were
free all day.34 W h a t they produced on those days was their o w n , and could be
used to buy back their freedom or that of their children. But the price of freedom
was extremely high, and cases of self-redemption were extremely rare. A n d since
when they died, 'their sole heir was their master, it was he w h o reaped the
benefit of the extra work'. 3 5
In Senegambia ordinary slaves were divided into two categories : slaves
w h o had been captured during the countless raiding expeditions, and slaves
bought at the slave markets. The former were kept in special villages both in
time of peace and war. After several years in such villages the bravest of them
were selected to become warriors, and were henceforth royal slaves. They
would fight under the c o m m a n d of the chief, and he alone had the right to
punish them. Slaves w h o had been purchased could be sold at any time. They
were part of their master's concession and he had the right to maltreat them.
Their existence was often an unhappy and degrading one. Their main preoccu-
pation was to satisfy their 'animal needs: eat when they could, sleep as m u c h
as possible and breed when the opportunity arose'.36 The master's only obli-
gation was to feed and clothe them. 37
A trade slave w h o had been in his master's service for some time could
request permission to marry. T h e master would then choose a wife for him
without any regard for the candidate's wishes. H e could also take her away
again as and when he wished. However, a trade slave w h o was fortunate enough
to be given a wife w h o had been born in her master's house automatically
belonged to his wife's category. H e was only sold if he tried to escape, was
particularly insolent or committed a crime. Marriages between two trade slaves
were on the whole only afleetingsource of joy to them, for the imperatives of
their existence or the whims of their masters could separate them from each
other or from their children. A n d yet there is no evidence of revolt. It m a y be
that it seemed futile to attempt anything of the kind, although it would appear
that individual escapes were not infrequent. At any event runaway slaves m a d e
no attempt to form armed gangs to take their revenge or free their brothers w h o
were still in captivity.
Ordinary female slaves were not allowed to do private work. They were
permanently at the beck and call of their masters' wives. A child born of ordi-
nary slave parents automatically acquired the privileged status of household
slave. H e could neither be sold nor maltreated, and was usually given the
same upbringing as the master's o w n children. N o r could his mother be sold
until she had weaned him.
A s w e have already said, w e cannot give an accurate appraisal of the
extent of the domestic slave trade. Apart from a few references in accounts by
travellers, there are no texts giving detailed information on the subject. F r o m
a certain time on, the internal trade was probably practised on a very large
scale since it served both as a reservoir for the export trade and as a form of
currency in commercial transactions at h o m e . It even contributed to the devel-
opment of household or domestic slavery. W e do not k n o w exactly h o w it
operated or h o w it compared in volume to the export trade.
It would perhaps not be presumptuous to suggest that the height of the
internal slave trade was between the end of the eighteenth century and the
middle of the nineteenth. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the slave-
trading nations of Europe had already organized themselves in readiness for
the large-scale export of slaves overseas. The slave trade then went deep into
the forest and mountain areas which were as yet untapped. A s a result, even
remote communities became involved in the trade.
The slave trade engendered a permanent state of internecine conflict.
D r a w n into its web, the local rulers spent most of their time at war. Plunder,
theft, rape, capture of h u m a n beings and animals became the order of the day.
The air was rent with the wails of the victims.
This atmosphere of violence, hatred and terror affected the spiritual and
moral values of society. The ancestral moral virtues were flouted daily. T h e
rulers were n o doubt conscious of the danger, but the cogs of the infernal
machine m a d e short work of their better thoughts and drove society o n to its
downfall.
It was for this reason that the Muslims resorted to armed combat to
defeat the despotic regimes, in the hope of restoring a more equitable society.
They took the offensive as from the end of the eighteenth century. In 1776 came
the establishment of theocratic rule in Fuuta Tooro. A few years later, U s m a n
D a n Fodio was victorious in Nigeria, and A h m a d o u Cheikou in Massina. In
158 Mbaye Gueye
the middle of the nineteenth century, El Hadj O m a r took u p the combat and
islamized the Nigerian Sudan. 3 8 All these wars, which furthered the expansion
of the internal slave trade, coincided with the decision by the Western European
nations progressively to put an end to the slave trade.39 In 1807 Great Britain,
and in 1815 France decided to abolish it. Finding no outside market for their
slaves, the Africans were compelled to use them at h o m e . Slavery was the natural
ransom that conquering armies would d e m a n d of those they had defeated.
The sudden slackening of European d e m a n d presented the serious prob-
lem of h o w to dispose of the slaves. Around 1843, after a war between the
Bambara and the Sarakole in which the latter were defeated, the Bambara
king arrived in Bakel with 800 prisoners for sale. But he found no market for
them. N o t knowing what to d o with his prisoners, he
ordered the unfortunate wretches to be systematically slaughtered. A s was customary,

they were lined up, tied down firmly and gagged so that they could not spit on the
executioner, in which case he would have been unable to kill them. The executioner
slew nine of them and spared the tenth' who was the executioner's tithe.40
In the Podor region, 'laptots' witnessed a similar massacre. Dervish Moors,

unable to sell their prisoners for lack of prospective customers killed off the
children and cripples.41
In spite of the anti-slavery laws, however, the British and the French
continued to trade in slaves in order to meet some of their m a n p o w e r problems.
Thus in order to provide Senegal with new sources of income, the French had
recourse to agricultural resettlement projects, 'the success of which would add
a huge continent to France's possessions'.42 Since the American colonies had
been developed by African labour, there would surely be no dearth of willing
workers to do the same in plantations on African soil.43 France followed the
example set by Great Britain and in 1822 established a system of indenture by
virtue of which slaves could be used in the European areas by those w h o had
redeemed them. T h e planters could thereby procure cheap labour for their
concessions.
All they needed to do was to buy slaves inland, where they were assured that the slaves'
lives were in danger from the harsh treatment they had been subjected to ever since
the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade had made it impossible for the African
merchants to dispose of their merchandise.44
The colonial service also bought indentured slaves for military purposes. In
spite of the measures taken by Faidherbe to reorganize the battalion of Tirail-
leurs Sénégalais (an infantry battalion), most of the conscripts were in fact
young slaves w h o had been purchased and were enlisted for fourteen years in
the French army. They were given an intensive military training and were
subsequently used during the conquest of French West Africa and Madagascar.
With the adoption of this system by the Europeans soon after the official
abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, the purveyors of slaves were given a new
incentive to resort to ' every immoral and criminal method of procuring slaves \ 4 8
The indenture system thus led to a revival of 'surprise raids, kidnappings,
plundering and war' 4 6 in the French and British possessions, just as there had
been in the heyday of the Atlantic trade. W h a t was even m o r e serious, the
number of slaves taken in by the French and British authorities was minute
in comparison with the vast numbers that were offered for sale. In 1845,
Breghost de Polignac estimated that 60,000 slaves were put up for sale in the
various markets in Upper Senegal/Niger. France's average annual purchases
barely exceeded 500. Thus even if this institution potentially saved a few
hundred lives, it nevertheless had an extremely prejudicial effect on the hinter-
land peoples w h o carried on waging war as a veritable industry. The prevailing
insecurity was obviously incompatible with the development of a modern
economy.
By 1830 the agricultural resettlement schemes had c o m e to grief. It was
suggested that the system be suppressed to put an end to abusive practices.
It was thought that w h e n the order abolishing it became k n o w n inland, the
caravans which would periodically m a k e their way to the trading posts would
no longer have any slaves to sell, and the hinterland peoples would cease trading
in slaves and turn to other occupations.47 In 1844 France abolished the inden-
ture system but allowed the colonial administration to carry on buying slaves
to swell the ranks of the African battalion.48 In spite of the precautions taken
by the administration to restrict conscription to the numbers strictly required
to organize the black troops for the defence and security of the colony, the
internal traffic continued to be plied as briskly as before as long as there was
some market for at least part of its merchandise. W h a t could not be sold to
the Europeans automatically reverted to the category to be put u p for sale
on the various market-places, to supply the African domestic market. T h e
result was a net increase in the number of ordinary slaves.
The difficulty of finding markets for their trade slaves led some of the
African merchants to seek new occupations. S o m e sought to compensate for
the loss of the enormous profits they had earned with the slave trade by going
into agriculture. T h e Sarakole forsook the slave trade for the cattle trade,
while the Hausa and Yoruba increasingly devoted themselves to trade in palm
oil.
These new ventures meant that the hinterland peoples were at last able
to take part in the economic revolution that Europe sought to stimulate in
Africa for the benefit of its o w n captains of industry.
The overall result was a metamorphosis in the outlook of the chiefs in
he years following the abolition of the indenture system. Realizing that there
160 Mbaye Gueye
would no longer be a market for their slaves, they encouraged their subjects to
devote their energy to the production of export crops which would be the only
way of procuring European goods. In 1858, one of the hinterland chiefs declared
that he had had no slaves to sell since the d e m a n d for them had ceased. H e n o w
employed them in ground-nut plantations, which was far more lucrative.49
With the increased production of lawful export goods, the domestic
slave trade progressively declined. The new farmers, w h o had an ample, assured
supply of servile labour in the shape of their household slaves, were quite
capable of doing without ordinary slaves, w h o were always tempted to escape.
A s the colonial conquest progressed, the internal slave trade lost its vitality.
T o give weight to their campaign against slavery, the colonial authorities
sought the support of the hinterland chiefs. Each time a trade treaty was
concluded with the native leaders, the Africans had to commit themselves to
ceasing all slave traffic. Faidherbe adopted this policy in all his dealings with
the Senegambian chiefs. T h e treaties provided that never again would they
sell free subjects, nor allow raiding parties to destroy villages, nor capture and
enslave foreigners travelling through their lands.50 But the mere fact of signing
the treaties did not m e a n that the slave trade simply vanished. Only those w h o
had found a suitable substitute really gave it up. T h e development of export
crops alone provided 'a means of alleviating and then gradually eliminating
this noxious trade'.51
The European authorities were quick to grasp the situation. T o begin
with they were careful to be extremely tactful with the chiefs over the thorny
issue of slavery. Their courts only tried cases of slavery committed by European
citizens in the European possessions. In the occupied territories, colonial
authorities and African chiefs co-operated to combat the slave trade until its
final extinction. In 1892, the governor of the French possessions took a wise
decision on slavery : he m a d e all the African chiefs in these territories sign an
agreement whereby they agreed to prevent slave traffic in the territories ruled
over by them. Ordinary slaves w h o in principle could be sold out of hand were
n o w given the same privileges as household slaves, w h o as time went on came
to be regarded more as servants than as slaves.52
Their subjects did, however, retain the right to buy slaves from foreigners.
It was deemed preferable to ' admit slaves from distant, barbaric lands into the
homes of people w h o 5 3 agreed to treat them as servants, rather than leave
them in the hands of people w h o would truly treat them as slaves'.54
A s can be seen, the main object was to weaken the internal slave trade.
The African chiefs still practised it, to be sure, but less ostentatiously. S o m e of
them, claiming to apply the provisions of the agreement, would confiscate the
caravans passing through their territory and keep them for themselves. Caravan
drivers would refuse to go through areas where their slaves might be arbitrarily
seized at the w h i m of a chief.55 They would only m o v e w h e n it was dark.
Because of all the inherentrisks,after 1893 it was more often children w h o fell
prey to the slave-traders. Slaves freed by the colonial authorities were kept
in 'free' villages where the authorities could requisition them at any time for
head porterage.
A s from 1898, with their supremacy firmly established, the colonial
authorities increased their coercive measures against the African slave-dealers.
The definitive abolition of the internal slave trade compelled the Africans to
turn to agriculture. Around 1900, numerous directives were issued with a view
to ending the slave trade once and for all. For example, a circular promulgated
that year provided that 'all caravans of slaves intended for sale, from any part
of the colony, should, o n being reported, be immediately put under arrest \ 5 6
The slaves should be freed an placed in free villages, the slave-owner given a
penalty offifteendays' imprisonment and a one hundred franc fine per slave,
and his merchandise confiscated.57
At the beginning of the twentieth century the slave trade was still prac-
tised. But by and large it had declined substantially, owing to the strict appli-
cation of the administrative directives. In 1905, the Governor-General of
French West Africa prohibited all purchase of slaves. In spite of severe sanc-
tions, some Africans continued to derive the greater part of their income from
this traffic. Slaves were as a rule exchanged for cattle.58 But transactions were
becoming difficult or even impossible because of the precautions the African
traders had to take, and especially because of the scarcity of prospective buyers
w h o were disinclined to run the risk of being involved in illicit dealings, or
took advantage of the situation by forcing the sellers to d o business at absurdly
low prices under threat of denunciation.59 Although it was an undeniable fact
that the slave trade still existed, all the reports by colonial authorities at the
beginning of the twentieth century stated that it was n o longer the powerful
institution it had been. There was a period of calm in internecine conflicts
following the colonial conquest. The modernization of the economy meant
that recourse to slave labour was increasingly hazardous. It could legitimately
he hoped that the domestic slave trade would eventually die a natural death.
But the slave trade is an institution that dies hard. It persisted on the African
continent for more than a century after the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade.
Notes
1. G . Hardy, Histoire Sociale de la Colonization Française, p. 69, Paris, Larose, 1953.
2. James Pope Hennessy, La Traite des Noirs à Travers l'Atlantique 1441-1807, p. 37,
Paris, Fayard, 1969.
3. Edrisi, Description de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne, p. 90, trans, by Dozy and Goeje,
Leyden, 1866.
4. Edrisi, op. cit., p. 9.
5. M u n g o Park, Travel in the Interior Districts of Africa in the Years 1795-1777, p. 433,
London, 1800.
162 Mbaye Gueye
6. J. B . G a b y , Relation de la Nigritie Contenant une Exacte Description de ses Royaumes,

p. 49, Paris, 1689.
7. Binger, Esclavage, Islamisme et Christianisme, p. 17, Paris, 1889.
8. C h a m p a g n e and Olivier, Le Voyage de la Jeunesse dans les Quatre Parties du Monde,
p. 396, Paris, 1882.
9. Archives Nationales, C . 6 14—Delacombe à Messieurs de la Compagnie, 3 June 1754.
10. C h a m p a g n e et Olivier, op. cit., p. 396.
11. Park, op. cit., p. 37, 38.
12. Pruneau de Pommegorge, Description de la Nigritie, p. 76, Amsterdam, 1789.
13. ibid., p. 76.
14. ibid., p. 76.
15. Park, op. cit., p. 383.
16. Pruneau de Pommegorge, op. cit., p. 76.
17. Park, op. cit., p. 433.
18. ibid., p. 433.
19. ibid., p. 377.
20. ibid., p. 287.
21. ibid., p. 37.
22. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent, 1878.
23. Park, op. cit., p. 493.
24. Frey, Campagne dans le Haut-Sénégal et le Haut-Niger, p. 134, 135, Paris, 1889.
26. Park, op. cit., p. 37.
27. R . Coupland, The Slave Trade and the Scramble, p. 136, London, 1968.
28. Lacourbe, Premier Voyage du Sieur Lacourbe Fait à la Côte d'Afrique en 1686, p. 126,
Paris, 1913.
30. Pelletan, Mémoire sur la Colonie du Sénégal, p. 99, Paris, A n X (1801).
31. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, K 17, Poulet's report on domestic slavery in French
West Africa, 1905.
32. Jonghe (ed.), Les Formes d'Asservissement dans les Sociétés Indigènes du Congo-
Belge, p. 79, Brussels, 1959.
33. ibid., p. 80.
34. J. H . Saint-Père, 'Les Saracollés du Guidimakha', BCEHS, p. 24, A . O . F .
35. ibid., p. 24.
36. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, K 18, C o m m a n d a n t Poder's report, p. 6.
37. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, 13 g. 195, C o m m a n d a n t Bakel's report on slavery.
38. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, K 27, Report on slavery by the President of Tut,
1902.
39. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, 1 g. 283, Chauchon, Report on the area of Nioro du
Rip, 1901.
40. Arch. Rég. Sénégal, K 8, Breghost de Polignac's report on slavery, 22 January 1844.
41. ibid.
42. Raffenel, Nouveau Voyage au Pays des Nègres, Vol. II, p. 67, Paris, 1856.
43. Schefer, Instructions Données aux Gouverneurs de 1763 à 1870, Vol. I, p. 228, 229.
44. ibid., Vol. I, p. 363.
45. Arch. Françaises d'Outre-Mer-Sénégal, X I V - 1 8 , Report by Under-Secretary of State
for Colonies on temporary recruits.
46. ibid.
47. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, 3 E 17, Governor Bouet's report o n the indenture
system, 16 January 1844, in privy council meeting.
48. Archives Nationales d u Sénégal, op. cit.

49. Faidherbe, Le Sénégal, La France en Afrique Occidentale, p. 383.
50. Annales Sénégalaises de 1854 à 1885, p. 407, Paris, 1885.
51. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, 2846 Folio 122, Brière de l'Isle to the Minister of the
N a v y and Colonies, A n o n , 1878.
52. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, K 18, Agreement of 2 December 1892 between chiefs
and the governor.
53. ibid.
54. ibid.
55. Archives Nationales d u Sénégal, K 13, Letter from M o d y Ndiaye to the Governor,
9 January 1893.
56. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, K 16, W . Ponty, Circular to area commandants of
Senegambia-Niger, 18 October 1900.
57. ibid.
58. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, K 18, Report by C o m m a n d a n t of Kaolack on slavery.
59. Archives Nationales du Sénégal, K 18, Report by C o m m a n d a n t of Tivaouane area on
slavery.
Bibliography
A N E N E , J. C . Slavery and Slave Trade in Africa in the XIX and XX Centuries. Ibadan
University Press, 1962.
C H A M P A G N E A N D O L I V I E R . Le Voyage de la Jeunesse dans les Quatre Parties du Monde.
Paris, 1882.
D U I G N A N A N D C L E N D E N E N , C . The U.S.A. and the African Slave Trade 1619-1862. Stanford,
Calif, Hoover Institution Studies, 1963. 72 p.
D U R A N D , J. B . L . Voyage au Sénégal ou Mélanges sur les Découvertes, les Établissements et
le Commerce Européen. Paris, Agasse, 1802-1807. 3 vols. 360, 384 and 67 p.
E D W A R D S , B . History of the West Indies. Stockdale, 1794. (2 vols.)
G A B Y , J. B . Relation de la Nigritie Contenant une Exacte Description de ses Royaumes et
de leurs Gouvernements. Paris, Couterot, 1689. 91 p.
G O L B E R R V , S. Fragments d'un Voyage en Afrique Fait Pendant les Années 1785, 1786, 787.
Paris, Treutel, A n X (1801). 2 vols. 512 and 523 p.
K A Y , G . La Traite des Noirs. Paris, Laffont, 1968. 287 p.
L A M I R A L . L'Afrique et le Peuple Africain. Paris, 1789.
P A R K , M u n g o . Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa in the Years 1795-1797. L o n d o n ,
Bulmer, 1800. 551 p.
P O M M E G O R G E , P . de. Description de la Nigritie. Amsterdam, 1789.
S A U G N I E R . Relations de Plusieurs Voyages à la Côte d'Afrique, au Maroc, au Sénégal, à
Gorée, à Galam. Paris, Gueffier Jeune, 1791. 341 p.
L A V A L L É E , C . Journal de la Traite des\Noirs. Comments^by J. Mousnier. Paris, Éditions
de Paris, 1957.
W I L L I A M S , E . Capitalisme et Esclavage, Paris, Présence Africaine, 1964. 355 p.
The slave trade and the
population drain from Black Africa to
North Africa and the Middle East
I. B. Kake
It has been customary for historians to study the phenomenon of the slave trade
in the perspective of America and the West Indies only. Yet long before Euro-
peans began trading in slaves, the peoples of North Africa and the Middle
East had been transferring black populations to their countries.
The slave trade in that part of the world goes back to antiquity, but
it was from thefifteenthto the end of the nineteenth century that it was devel-
oped on a particularly large scale.
W h a t routes were used to bring the black slaves back ? W h o organized
the expeditions ? Where did the slaves come from ? Where did they go to ? H o w
did they travel ? W h a t fate awaited them at their destination ?
Attitude of Islam to slavery
Islam, like Christianity, did not do away with slavery but tempered it. M o h a m -
m a d accepted the Arabs of his time as they were. The Koran, while acknow-
ledging bondservice as an established fact, sought to alleviate its conditions and
possibly to prepare the way for its disappearance. T o free a slave, says the
Book in m a n y of its verses, is one of the most laudable acts a Believer can
perform, worthy enough to merit redemption of one's sins. T o enslave a
Muslim against his will is an offence against G o d . According to the sharVah,
prostitution of captives or even trading in them for purely lucrative ends is no
less reprehensible: 'the worst of m e n is he w h o sells m e n , ' said the prophet
M o h a m m a d , w h o appointed one freed slave, the Ethiopian, Bilal, to the much-
coveted position of Muezzin, and another to the commander of an army.
During his lifetime O t h m a n , the third Caliph, bought 2,400 captives for
the sole purpose of setting them free, and was highly praised by the devout for
doing so.1
Only non-Muslims could be taken as slaves. In practice, it was not easy
to m a k e the distinction. After the celebrated Battle of Tondibi, the Moroccans,
having defeated the Songhai, took back with them forty camel-loads of gold-
dust and 1,200 prisoners. O n e of them, A h m e d Baba, a famous jurisconsult
The slave trade and the population drain 165
from Black Africa
from Timbuktu rose u p in the name of Islamic law and even had the audacity
to demand an explanation from the Sultan, w h o eventually freed him.
In 1611, A h m e d Baba was approached by his admirers from the region
of Tuat. They were appalled by the enormous consignments of'ebony' passing
through their oases, and spoke to him of their misgivings.2
Could one be involved in this kind of traffic without putting one's soul
in peril ? In the Sudan, they knew, there were m a n y Muslims ; was it not to be
feared that there might be some 'brothers' a m o n g those poor wretches torn
from their families?
In reply to these questions, A h m e d Baba drew up a treatise entitled
Frame-work for an Appreciation of the Legal Position of Sudanese Taken as
Slaves. It contains a wealth of quotations, good intentions, and reservations,
and in it the Sudanese jurisconsult declares that although it is difficult to dis-
tinguish Muslims from non-Muslims, it is nonetheless a crime for a Muslim
to buy a Muslim. Slavery, he goes on to say, is admissible in the context of the
Holy W a r if the slaves are non-Muslim, but the forms must be respected. First,
pagans must be called upon to embrace the Muslim religion. If they refuse,
they have the option of paying capitation, in exchange for which they are
allowed to keep their religion. Only if they refuse to comply with either of
these alternatives can they be taken as slaves.
It can be seen that the attitude of Islam to slavery and the slave trade
was, like that of Christianity, not very clear. Without going as far as Berlioux,
w h o maintained that to abolish slavery and the slave trade the Koran would
have to be torn up, 3 one is forced to face the fact that the Eastern slave trade
was carried on solely by the Muslims of the Maghreb and the Middle East.
Routes used to bring the black slaves back
Let us n o w look at the great routes along which The consignments of 'ebony'
were, for centuries, brought back to the Muslim countries via the same trade
routes as the other commodities (gold, ivory, etc.) that took the Muslims to
Nigritia. Four main routes were followed: the West-East route, from the
Maghreb to Western Sudan ; from Tripolitania to Central Sudan ; from Egypt
to the Upper Nile; and from the Middle East—Egypt to Waday-Darfur. Each
of these routes had its 'golden age' in the history of the slave trade.
Marcel Emerit has attempted to describe some of these overland routes.4
Every two or three years, he writes, a great caravan would leave the W a d
N o u n for Timbuktu, bearing a cargo of woollen or silk bands, spices and
incense. F r o m the W a d N o u n it took seven days to reach Seguiet el Haura, a
large river that flows into the ocean. Then for three days it would follow its
tributary, the River Butana. After another seven days it reached Ouadane.
F r o m Ouadane some caravans went on to Senegal by a relatively easy route.
166 /. B. Kake
Those caravans going to Timbuktu, took twelve days to reach Tichitt, and
another twenty days marching eastwards, to get to Araouan, whence they m a d e
their way to Timbuktu. In 1591, it took Pjouder's troopsfiftydays to go from
W a d N o u n to Timbuktu.
In the sixteenth century and throughout the period of the Gaoan Empire,
the flow of caravan traffic from the West was considerable. It helped to increase
the circulation of gold in North Africa and thereby indirectly aided the devel-
opment of the Barber towns. But by the eighteenth century it had declined
considerably.
The central route started from an area extending roughly from Lake
Chad to Hausa territory. T h e slaves were taken northwards via Zinder and
Agades. It was a twenty-five-day journey on foot to Ghat.
The caravans, including those bringing slaves from Darfur, would
converge on the Fezzan. They were then taken over by the Tuaregs and were
either taken off to Tripolitania via Marzuq, or to Ghudamis via Ghat.
At Ghudamis, another staging point, the caravans split up, some bound
for Morocco and others for Tunisia. F r o m K a n o to Tunis, changing masters
at each main halt, the black slaves would cover a distance of 3,000 kilometres
on foot, and in what a climate! That hundreds survived the journey at all is
to be wondered. For some the adventure was not yet over. F r o m Tunis, or
from Tripoli, they were dispatched to the Levant and sold for the fourth or
fifth time.
In the East the main centres were Zanzibar and Kilwa, which in the
nineteenth century were the principal suppliers of slaves to the Middle East.
In March 1826, Ali Khûrshîd Aghâ was appointed Governor of the province
of Sennar by the Egyptian authorities ; in his ' reign ', slave trading became a
seasonal and well-organized government activity. Using the thin pretext of
military manœuvres, his troops raided the Dinka, Ingassawa and Shilluk tribes
and marched them off d o w n river.
Subsequently, in 1870, Zobeir, a notorious slave trader, was appointed
Governor of the province of Bahr-el-Ghazâl and devastated both Darfur and
Kordofan.
The volume and magnitude of the slave trade greatly increased after
1840 when Sa'id (Ibn Sultan), ruler of Muscat, moved permanently to Zanzibar.
H e introduced the clove to Zanzibar, and large plantations were developed
which demanded a substantial labour force. A third reason for the increase
in the slave trade was the instability of the hinterland, which m a d e it easy for
the Arabs to side with one or other faction against another and to use the pris-
oners taken during these internecine conflicts to augment their trade.
The decisive factor in the Arab slave raids was their ample supply of
fire-arms, which enabled m e n like Tippoo Tib to muster well-trained raiding
parties against which the bows and arrows of the hinterland tribes were powerless.
from Black Africa
The major centres of the slave trade on the coast were Malindi, M o m b a s a ,
Tanga, Pemba, Zanzibar, Kilwa and Bagamoyo. Although the latter had
become an important terminus by the middle of the nineteenth century,
Zanzibar still remained the nerve centre of the trade. Hence the truth of the
saying ' W h e n you pipe in Zanzibar, they dance at the lakes.'
N o r m a n R . Bennet mentions three main routes of trade penetration in
the nineteenth century :5 thefirst,based on Kilwa, extended to the area around
and beyond Lake Nyasa. All along this route, the Y a o tribe procured slaves
for the Arab traders ; the second route began at Bagamoyo, opposite Zanzibar,
passed through Tabora and the land of the Nyamwezi, and then went on to
Ujiji, across Lake Tanganyika and into the interior of the Congo; and the
third itinerary began at such ports as Pangani, Tanga and M o m b a s a , passing
by M o u n t Kilimanjaro across Masai territory to the eastern shores of Lake
Victoria.
With the expansion of the slave trade, centres like Ujiji and Tabora
became the outposts of the trade, and tribes like the Y a o , the Nyamwezi and
the Ganda became the sorry intermediaries in that ignoble commerce.
The Arab traders penetrated deep into the Congo and even Angola,
according to accounts in 1852 by Portuguese officials w h o had come in contact
with them. Some authors report that up to 10,000 slaves were being sold
annually at Kilwa and Zanzibar around 1810, whereas by the 1860s the figure
had risen to 70,000 for Zanzibar alone.
The best example of the popular image of the ruthless slave-trader was
Tippoo Tib, w h o ruled supreme in the Congo basin during the last quarter of
the nineteenth century. This skilful trader raised a private army, establishing
his basefirstat Ujiji, then moving to Kasongo, Kibonge and Ribariba. His
empire stretched from Lake Tanganyika to the Ituri forest and into the Congo
basin as far as Basoko. H e met and assisted a number of explorers such as
Livingstone, Stanley, Wissman and Junker. For a time his position was legalized
by the Belgian authorities, w h o appointed him Governor of the Falls region
in the Congo Free State. But he represented such a threat that they took up
arms against him, defeating his son Sefu and nephew Rashid in 1893 during
the Arab W a r of 1892-94. Tippoo Tib withdrew to Zanzibar, where he wrote
his autobiography in Swahili.
Another condottiere of the same ilk was Râbih Ibn Abdullah, w h o
dominated the Chad region between 1892 and 1900. H e controlled Bagirmi,
Bornu, K a n e m , Tibesti and the regions of Borku and W a d a y . Most of the
slaves sold by Râbih were brought from Dâr Fartît, on the northern frontier
of the present-day People's Republic of the Congo. Like Tippoo Tib, he clashed
with European interests. H e was killed in 1900,fightingthe French troops at
Kousseri in the Baguirmi region west of Lake Chad.
The slave trade in Central and East Africa was thus mainly in the hands of
168 /. B. Kake
the Arabs, w h o between 1840 and the turn of the century transformed it into
a ruthless,flourishingand well-organized business.
Travel conditions and slave markets
During these voyages, the slaves were treated with great cruelty by the Muslim
traders. The ghellabis (slave-traders) were utterly inhuman, with more regard
for their camels than for their black slaves.
Since the camels in the caravans were heavily loaded with their cargoes
of water, g u m arabic, elephant tusks, etc., all the black slaves, with the exception
of children under the age of 10 or 12 had to follow on foot. A n y w h o lagged
behind from sheer exhaustion were goaded o n by the ghellabis with a whip or
kurbash.
The caravan would usually set off at d a w n and not halt until evening.
Water was parsimoniously rationed out, and the wretched slaves would often
drink only once a day. They died more from thirst than exhaustion. Berlioux
recounts the horror of those desert crossings :
Only by seeing the caravans in the immense solitude of the desert can one imagine
how much the heat and the privations must have added to the suffering of those slaves
newly deprived of their freedom. . . . Along that interminable route there are a few
oases, but sometimes there is nothing but stark desert for several days on end. This is
where the slave caravans suffer their greatest losses, not only from exhaustion, but
because the slave-traders prefer to economize their provisions rather than save the
lives of a few of these poor wretches.6
Those w h o were shipped off to be sold in Arabia or the Persian Gulf Emirates
were scarcely better off. They were transported in boats k n o w n as dhows.
D h o w s were usually fairly small, and since they had to cater for a relatively
heavy traffic, the slaves were packed into them and m a d e the journey in
extremely arduous conditions.
W h e n merchants spoke of the arrival of a caravan, they would assess its
size by the number of heads, amking no distinction between camels and slaves.
The leader of the caravan used the same expressions to goad on the slaves as
the camels.
W h e n a Turk bought a black slave, Frédéric Cailliaud wrote, he would
have him circumcised and then choose some bizarre n a m e for him, for fear of
giving him a n a m e that a m a n might bear.7
Slaves, w h e n not captured during raids, were acquired at markets special-
izing in the trade. S o m e of these were to be found in Black Africa, like the one
at K u k a (a town in the C h a d region), whose slave market was described by
m a n y European travellers in the nineteenth century.
Throughout the year it would be teeming with unfortunate creatures of
from Black Africa
all ages and origins—old m e n , white-haired old w o m e n , babies, sturdy ado-

lescents—from Bornu, Bagirmi or W a d a y , in other words from all the neigh-
bouring regions. It was a wholesale market, and the buyers were chiefly dealers
working for the export market. In the Maghreb, as w e shall see, were the retail
markets where the slaves would be sold to private customers.
The difference between the two kinds of sales point was the same as the
difference between a factory warehouse and a department store. T h e former
was for the knowledgeable and contained nothing but great piles of merchandise,
whereas the latter was dressed up and embellished with all sorts of decorations
in order to attract the public.
In the wholesale markets, the merchandise was displayed in all its sorry
ugliness. The slaves were dirty and clothed in rags. The dealers examined them,
measured them, opened their mouths to look at their teeth, and inquired after
their appetite, for this was regarded as a sign of health.
At the end of the nineteenth century, a young boy was worth 15 to 30 tha-
lers,8 a girl between 30 and 60 thalers and an old m a n or a mother between
3 and 10 thalers.
Once they reached the Maghreb or the East, the slaves werefirstcleaned,
then put up for sale on the market-place. The sales procedure here was rather
more elaborate than at K u k a . In the Fez and Marrakesh markets, public sales
were held three times a week. The prospective customers would be sitting around
the small square on their haunches, waiting for the h u m a n merchandise to
arrive. W h e n it did, the dellal (town crier) would lead each slave from group
to group, crying out his price. Potential buyers would ask questions, inquiring
about the poor creature's age, antecedents and the various prices he had fetched;
they would touch him and prod him as though he were a horse or a mule. A n d
when at last, after m u c h discussion and inspection, the deal was concluded,
the purchaser, the dellal and the slave would go to the adoul, or notary, w h o
ratified the sale and made out the official deed.
The slave always had with him a sort of identity document giving his
origins, his service record and the successive prices paid for him. Only one or
two lines had to be added to record his entry into a new household. The sale
of a beast of burden or a draught animal would have been no different, apart
from the fact that the m a n had papers, the animal did not.
T h e number of Africans transferred from Nigritia

to the Muslim countries
It is not easy to set a precise figure on the drain represented by this traffic,
but an average of 20,000 a year seems a probable figure for the centuries
during which the Muslim slave trade was at its height.9
By way of hypothesis, R a y m o n d M a u v y estimates that 100,000 black
170 /. B. Kake
slaves were taken to the Muslim world in the seventh century, 200,000 in the
eighth, 400,000 in the ninth, 500,000 in each of the tenth to the thirteenth
centuries, 1 million in the fourteenth, 2 million in each century from the fifteenth
to the nineteenth inclusive, and 300,000 in the twentieth century, making a
total of 14 million altogether. These are provisional figures pending m o r e
detailed studies, which in fact will only be possible for the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries.
The Arabs kept n o official record of the numbers, nor did they write
about their o w n slave trade as s o m e European authors wrote about the Atlantic
slave trade. In any general history of the black slave trade, the role of the
Muslims cannot be ignored. Their trade, however, appears to have been o n a
smaller scale than that of the Europeans, although it lasted longer; indeed
s o m e of its consequences are still apparent in the Middle East to this day.
Although the conditions in which the slaves were captured and carried
off to the Muslim countries were particularly atrocious, the treatment which
the survivors of the desert crossing received o n arrival w a s o n the whole
reasonably tolerable.
Treatment of black slaves in the M u s l i m world
T h e living conditions of black slaves in the Muslim world varied according to

their sex and the country in which they were to live.
B y and large, w o m e n were better treated than m e n . Those w h o were
not admitted to the dignity of favourites became servants in the harems and
resignedly submitted to the w h i m s of the wives.
The brothers Jérôme and Jean Tharaud have left us s o m e picturesque
descriptions of the different functions of black w o m e n in M o r o c c o .
In Morocco, there is the bedchamber negress, w h o is more inclined to admire her

master; what the Fassi (inhabitant of Fez) likes about his négresses is that their skin
is supposed to be warmer than that of white w o m e n . A n d for a Moroccan, every
ailment comes from the cold, whereas all healing is the result of heat.
Next to the bedchamber négresses is a category of slave known as the dada,
or wet-nurse, a person of great importance, a despot even. Finally, there is the dowry
slave-girl ; when a girl marries, her husband has to give her a slave, w h o is her mistress's
go-between for messages or gifts.10
Negresses were sought after by the Moroccans not only as concubines, but
also as wives, o n a par with white w o m e n . This explains the large n u m b e r of
mulattos of every shade in M o r o c c o today. E d m o n d o de Amicis remarks :
Curious twists of fate! A poor ten-year-old black boy, sold at the confines of the
Sahara for a bag of sugar or a piece of cloth, can, if fate is kind to him, find himself
from Black Africa
30 years later a Minister of Morocco discussing a trade treaty with the British A m b a s -
sador, or, even more likely, the little black girl, born in afilthyhovel and exchanged in
the shade of an oasis for a skin of eau de vie, canfindherself while still almost a child,
bedecked with jewels and richly perfumed, in the arms of the Sultan.u
In any case, in Muslim countries the Negress was regarded as an object of
pleasure. She was also a musician and a highly esteemed cook.
The fate of the m e n , with a few individual exceptions, was less enviable.
M a d a m e Valensi, in her study of the black slaves living in Tunisia in the nine-
teenth century, observes that their condition w a s lowly.12 There are n o k n o w n
cases of social ascension a m o n g them. S o m e did become saints, and their
miracles are reported in the hagiography; but here there w a s no escape from
slavery, no hope of ever being redeemed or repatriated.
At best, they were freed, mainly on the death of their owner. In this way
blacks could put d o w n new roots in Tunisia and, before slavery was abolished,
merge with the Tunisian population and even o w n property. But their status
was always one of inferiority.
At times even black slaves had to endure hardships reminiscent of those
suffered by their brothers in misfortune on the plantations of tropical America.
According to G . Mouette, the black slaves in M o r o c c o during the reign
of the Sultan Mouley Archy (eighteenth century) were very badly off.13 They
were put to death for the slightest mistake. T h e workshops were full of them,
in irons and covered in wounds.
But the fate of the eunuch slaves was even worse. At the end of the nine-
teenth century, there was still a vast establishment at Messfoua (Morocco)
preparing eunuchs for the Sultan. Eight out of ten of those w h o were operated
on died. Léon Frank records that between 100 and 200 m e n were turned into
eunuchs annually at A b u Tig, a small town in Upper Egypt. 14
O n e of the last bastions of black slavery in the Muslim world w a s the
army. F r o m the earliest days of the Hegira, Islam employed what M a n g i n
calls the 'black force'.15
' A m r ' , the second Caliph's lieutenant, conquered Egypt and Nubia and
there raised black troops. It w a s these troops that were the backbone of the
army which invaded North Africa. It was this force that provided the sover-
eigns of Spain and the Maghreb with the disciplined, loyal and brave element
which their armies lacked. In the eighth century, the O m a y y a d Caliph Adb-ar-
R h a m a n I (755-87), founder of the Caliphate of Spain, rescued the Spanish
peninsula from anarchy with the help of a 40,000-strong black army. T h e last
of the sovereigns of this dynasty also had m a n y blacks brought from the interior
of Africa and shaped them into a formidable cavalry corps.
The ostentatious H a r u n Al-Rashid himself bought a great n u m b e r of
black slaves, w h o m he armed. In Egypt, the Tulunids and later the Fatimites
had black troops.
172 /. B. Kake
The role of the black force during the Crusades is a subject that remains
to be studied; it must have been an important one and no doubt accounts for
the tenacity of Islam.16
The black slaves imported into the Maghreb as a result of this flourishing
trade were used as guards and soldiers.
The Moroccan Sultan Moulay Ismail (1647-1727) called upon blacks
not only for a bodyguard of unswerving loyalty but also to form a large stand-
ing army; he also gave them a political role of the highest importance through-
out his realm by establishing military colonies.17 The Turks had done the same
before him, when they created at different points groups of auxiliaries w h o were
k n o w n as abids (slaves) when they belonged to the black race.
Mulay Ismail gathered together, through purchase, tribute or war
contribution, all the black slaves in the country, a huge operation that was not
conducted without difficulty, particularly in Fez. His nephew Abhed, Governor
of Draa, led an expedition as far as the Sudan, bringing back a large number
of slaves. H e provided them all with wives, then settled them in vast agri cultural
colonies established at selected points, such as road junctions or in the middle
of turbulent tribes. The Sultan raised a black army under the patronage of an
Islamic saint, Sidi el Boukhari.
E z Ziani, w h o held an important post at the Sharifian court at the
beginning of the nineteenth century, tells us that at the end of Moulay Ismail's
reign, 150,000 abids were on the army lists. It was these troops w h o defended
Morocco's independence against the Spaniards and the Turks. A n d after the
death of the founder of their corps they were to become king-makers.
Conclusion
All in all, the Muslims, as well as the Christians, contributed through the
slave trade to the spreading of the black race beyond its original frontiers.
The Sanaran oases and the southern confines of the Maghreb are largely
populated by blacks, w h o constitute a quarter of the population of southern
Tunisia, three-quarters of the inhabitants of the Draa valley, and almost the
entire population of the Fezzan.
In the Maghreb and in Egypt, negroid types are not unusual. In Arabia
there is still a faily strong element of black blood a m o n g the coastal population.
A s noted earlier, the black question is not often spoken of in the Muslim
world. This is due primarily to the fact that the black slaves were not confined
to ghettos as they were in America; more often than not they mingled with the
white families, the black servants living under the same roof as their masters.
However, in spite of their integration into social life, the black is still a second-
class citizen in the Muslim countries.
from Black Africa
N o one has s u m m e d u p the problem of Arab-Black relations better than

the Egyptian historian Samir Z o g h b y :
A n abscess can lead to blood poisoning. It may also develop into gangrene which
may require amputation of a limb. Yet, if treated surgically it will probably leave an
ugly scar and the memory of a throbbing pain. Such have been Arab relations with
Black Africa. The past brings forth the ugly image of the Arab slave-trader which mars
the present and strains the dialogue, creating awkward moments of embarrassment.18
This article should be seen as an attempt to lance the abscess, to open a dialogue
and to plan for the future in full awareness of the past.
Notes
1. André Falk, Visa pour l'Arabie, p. 169, Paris, Gallimard, 1958.
2. E . Zeys, 'Esclavage et Guerre Sainte', consultation d ' A h m e d Baba aux Gens du Touat,
X V è m e Siècle, Bulletin de la Réunion d'Études Algériennes, 1900.
3. E . Berlioux, La Traite Orientale, Histoire des Chasses à l'Homme Organisées en
Afrique, Paris, Guillaumin, 1870.
4. M . Emerit, Les Liaisons Terrestres entre le Soudan et l'Afrique du Nord au XVlWme
e
et au Début du XIX ™ Siècle, Algiers, 1954.
5. N o r m a n R . Bennet, 'Christian and Negro Slavery in Eighteenth Century North
Africa', Journal of African History, 1960.
6. Berlioux, op. cit.
7. Frédéric Cailliaud, Voyage à Méroé, au Fleuve Blanc, Paris, 1826.
8. 1 thaler = 3.75 francs.
9. R a y m o n d M a u v y , Les Siècles Obscurs de l'Afrique Noire, Paris, Fayard, 1970.
10. Jérôme and Jean Tharaud, Fès ou les Bourgeois de l'Islam.
11. E d m o n d o de Amicis, Le Maroc, p. 323, trans, from the Italian by Henri Belle, Paris,
Hachette, 1882.
12. L . Valensi, Esclaves Chrétiens et Esclaves Noirs à Tunis', Annales-Economies-Sociétés,
November/December 1967.
13. G . Mouette, Histoire des Conquestes de Mouley Archy, Connu sous le Nom de Roy de
Talifet, p. 407.
14. D r Louis Frank, Collection d'Opuscules de Médecine Pratique avec un Mémoire sur le
Commerce des Nègres au Kaire, p. 202, Paris, 1812.
15. Charles Mangia, La Force Noire, Paris, Hachette, 1910, 355 p.
16. See Crusade Historians, Historiens Orientaux, Vol. IV, p. 147-8.
17. See Magali Morsy, Moulay Ismail et l'Armée de Métier, Revue d'Histoire Moderne
Contemporaine, April-June 1967.
18. Samir M . Zoghby, 'Blacks and Arabs: Past and Present', Current Bibliography on
African Affairs, Vol. 3, N o . 5, M a y 1970.
Bibliography
North Africa and Egypt
B R A I T H W A I T E , John. History of the Revolutions in the Empire of Morocco Upon the Death
of the Late Emperor Muley Ishmael. London, J. Darby Brown, 1729. 381 p.
174 /. B. Kake
B U S N O T , Père Dominique. Histoire du Règne de\Mouley Ismael, Roy de Maroc, Fez,

Tafilet, Souz, etc. Rouen, G . Behourt, 1714. 254 p.
F R A N K , Louis. Mémoire sur le Commerce des Nègres au Kaire et sur les Maladies auxquelles
Ils Sont en y Arrivant. Paris, A . Koenig, 1802. 52 p.
H E Y D , Wilhelm. Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age. Vol. II. French ed.,
recast and considerably expanded by the author. Leipzig, Furey Raynaud, 1885-86.
J A C K S O N , James Grey. An Account of the Empire of Morocco and the District of Suse. To
which is Added an Account ofTimbuctoo. London, G . W . Niiob, 1809. 288 p.
K H A L D O U N , Ibn. Histoire de VAfrique sous la Dynastie des Aghlabites et de la Sicile sous
la Dynastie Musulmane. Paris, I m p . de Firmin-Didot Frères, 1841. 80 p.
D E L A F O S S E , M . Les Débuts des Troupes Noires au Maroc. Hesperis. 1st quarter, 1923,
p. 1-12.
L E V T Z I O N , Nehemia. Ancient Ghana and Mali. London, Methuen & Co., 1973. 283 p.
M O R S Y - M A G A L Y , Mouslay Ismaël et l'Armée de Métier. Revue d'Histoire Moderne et
Contemporaine, Vol. X I V , June 1967.
M O U E T T E , Germain. Histoire des Conquestes de Mouley Archy, Connu sous le Nom de Roy
de Talifet; et de Mouley Ismaël ou Sméin son Frère et son Successeur à Présent Régnant,
tous Deux Rois de Fez. Paris, E . Couterot, 1683. 469 p.
P E L L O W , Thomas. The Adventures of Thomas Pellow. Three and Twenty Years in Captivity
among the Moors Written by Himself, London, 1890. 279 p.
P I N G N O N . L'Esclavage en Tunisie, 1930-1932. Revue Tunisienne, p. 18-37, 345-77.
R E N A U T , François. Lavigerie, l'Esclavage Africain et l'Europe. Paris, Éditions E . D e
Boccard, 1971. 2 vols.
S A M I R M . Z O G H B Y . Blacks and Arabs: Past and present. A Current Bibliography on African
Affairs, Vol. 3, N o . 5, M a y 1970.
W E S T E R M A R C K , E . Ritual and Belief in Morocco. London, Macmillan, 1926. 2 vols.
Z E Y S , L . Esclavage et Guerre Sainte, Consultation Adressée aux Gens de Touat par un
Érudit Nègre de Tombouctou au xvn e Siècle.
Middle East
B E R L I O U X , Etienne Félix. La Traite Orientale, Histoire des Chasses à l'Homme Organisées

en Afrique depuis Quinze Ans pour les Marchés de l'Orient. Paris, Guillaumin, 1870.
350 p.
E L B A Z , Elie. Le Judaïsme Noir. Essai sur les Falachas. Paris, Sorbonne, 1974. (Mémoires de
l'Histoire.)
F A L K , André. Visa pour l'Arabie. Paris, Gallimard, 1958.
FISHER, Allan G . B . ; FISHER, H . J. Slavery in Muslim Society in Africa. London, C . Hurst,
1971.
H A R R I S , Joseph, E . The African Presence in Asia. Evanston, Northwestern University Press,
1971.
M A N G I N , Charles. La Force Noire. Paris, Hachette, 1910. 355 p.
P E R R O N , D r . Précis de Jurisprudence Musulmane ou Principes de Législation Musulmane
Civile et Religieuse selon le Rite Halekite par Khalil Ibn Ish'Ak. Traduction, Paris
1848-1849. Réponses des Falachas dits Juifs d'Abyssinie aux Questions. Faits par
M . Luzzato. (Extraits des archives israélites no. 5 du 1 avril au 15 mai 1851.)
Population movements
between East Africa, the Horn of Africa
and the neighbouring countries
Bethwell A . Ogot
Although the African diaspora is of global significance, very little research

has been done on the African presence in the Middle East and Asia. H o w m a n y
Africans migrated to Saudi Arabia, Y e m e n , Aden, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, India
and China? W h a t happened to them? W h a t contributions did they m a k e to
the history and cultures of their adopted lands ? These are all important ques-
tions which deserve the same serious treatment as that given to the Atlantic
slave trade.
A s on the west coast, the slave trade was the major cause of population
movements in the Indian Ocean region. Historians still differ about the volume
of the trade before the nineteenth century. Coupland in his East Africa and Its
Invaders (1938) and The Exploitation of East Africa 1856-1890 (1939), argued
that the trade had gone on between East Africa and Asia for at least 2,000 years.
During that period the theme ran 'like a scarlet thread through all the sub-
sequent history of East Africa until our o w n day '. Millions of East Africans
were shipped from the region, resulting in a general depopulation of the area.
This thesis is repeated in standard school textbooks.1
Recently, m a n y scholars have rejected the Coupland thesis. G . S. P.
Freeman-Grenville, for example, has contended that it was only after O m a n i
Arabs began to intervene in East African affairs in the seventeenth century
that slaves were exported from the Somali region.2 Edward Alpers goes even
further and categorically states:
It is very clear that the east African slave trade as a factor of continuing historical
signifance traces its roots no further than thefirsthalf of the eighteenth century.
Coupland's argument that it was of continuing importance from the earliest contacts
with Asia simply cannot be substantiated.3
While Coupland might have exaggerated the volume of the traffic in

h u m a n beings and its duration, it is difficult to accept the modern revisionist
theory championed by Freeman-Grenville and Alpers that it was negligible
before the eighteenth century. Writing in the same book as Freeman-Grenville,
Gervase M a t h e w shows that slaves were exported from O p o n e (the southern
176 Bethwell A. Ogot
Somali coast) to Egypt in ancient times and also that black slave soldiers from
East Africa were exported to Mesopotamia. H e concludes that the slave trade
was a constant factor on the East African coast between A . D . 100 and 1498. *
A Chinese scholar, Tuan Ch'eng'shih, writing in the middle of the ninth cen-
tury, refers to slave exports from Po-pa-li which, according to Oriental scholars
such as Fredrich Hirth, J. J. L . Duyvendak and Paul Wheatey, is in Somalia.
According to a document dated 1119, most of the wealthy families of Canton
possessed African slaves.5 Another Chinese writer, Chan Ju-kua, makes several
references to African slaves in his work published in A . D . 1226. H e asserts, for
instance, that African 'are enticed by offers of food and then caught and carried
off from P e m b a for slaves to the Ta-shi [Arab] Countries, where they fetch
a high price'.8 The Arab book Adjaib al-Hind, written during the latter part of
the tenth century, stated that 200 slaves were exported from East Africa to
O m a n annually and that 1,000 ships from O m a n were involved in the trade
with East Africa.7 R . B . Serjeant, using the Hadrami Chronicles, also confirms
that slaves were being exported from East Africa to Arabia before the Portu-
guese period.8 East African slaves were also being imported into the Persian
Gulf, especially into Bahrain, between the tenth and twelth centuries.9 The case
of India is m u c h clearer. Substantial numbers of African slaves were reported
by travellers in the Middle Ages to be in Gujarat and the Deccan Areas. F r o m
1459 to 1474, King Barbuk of Bengal possessed 8,000 African slaves.10 M a t h e w
has argued that most of these slaves came from the present United Republic
of Tanzania.
Slaves continued to be exported from East Africa during the Portuguese
period to Arabia and the Persian Gulf. In 1631, for example, 400 Africans from
M o m b a s a were shipped as slaves to the market at Mecca. 1 1
It is thus clear that from at least the seventh century slaves were being
exported in small numbers from eastern Africa, stretching from Ethiopia and
Somali in the north to Mozambique in the south. They worked on the date
plantations in Basra, Bandar Abbas, Minab and along the Batinah coast;
in the pearl-diving industry in Bahrain and Lingeh on the Persian Gulf; as
slave soldiers in various parts of Arabia, Persia and India; as dock workers and
d h o w crews in m u c h of the Arab-controlled Indian Ocean; and as concubines
and domestic servants in Muslim communities throughout Asia.12
The African exodus to Asia and the Middle East and the presence of
Africans in the eastern world is a crucial subject which can only be understood
by paying greater attention to the pre-1800 period. W h a t were the specifics of
the Asian economic situation which created the need for slaves ? W a s there any
difference in status between African and non-African slaves ? H o w did the
Islamic ideas on the institution of slavery affect the slave trade ? W h y is it
that today there are few socially or culturally separate Afro-Asian communities
in Asia ? W h a t was the impact of the African presence upon the indigenous
Population movements between East Africa, 177
cultures of Asia and the Middle East ? These and other similar questions need
to be explored.
Moving on to the nineteenth century, w efindthat the historians' main
concern has been the volume of the slave trade. Scholars such as R . P . Baur,
R . W . Beachey and Richard Rensch maintain that several millions of East
Africans were sold into slavery in the nineteenth century. Baur, for instance,
asserts that 30,000 slaves were exported from the East African coast annually
in the 1880s.13 Professor Beachey affirms that over 5 million east Africans were
sold into slavery during the nineteenth century.14 Three doctoral theses have
recently shown that the above estimates were nothing but wild guesses.15
Before w e can engage meaningfully in a quantitative discussion of the
Indian Ocean slave trade, w e should emphasize that before the nineteenth
century, the majority of slaves were household servants, artisans, soldiers,
sailors, c o m m o n labourers and concubines. They rarely engaged in large-scale
production of commodities. (The only known exceptions are the salt works of
Persia in the ninth century and salt mines in the Sahara). The expansion of
commerce in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries gradually
transformed agriculture in eastern Africa. M o r e and more land was brought
under cultivation between 1820 and 1870. Traders became farmers, and slave-
traders became slave-owners. A slave system fradually emerged in East Africa,
in which the ownership of the means of production—land and slaves—defined
the principal social groups in society.
The development of European sugar plantations in the islands of Bourbon
and Ile de France relied on slave labour. The slave population of Bourbon grew
from 387 in 1808 to 30,000 in 1779 and 50,000 in 1809-10, while that of Ile de
France rose from 19,000 in 1766 to 55,000 in 1809-10. 16 Most of these slaves
came from Mozambique, although about a quarter of them came from Kilwa.
Numerically, this slave trade to the Mascerene islands was not large, amounting
to about 6,000 per year at the most. Furthermore, it was hampered by the
Anglo-French rivalry, which led to the British taking the Ile de France (now
renamed Mauritius), a ban on slave importation in 1821, and a treaty with the
Sultan of Muscat in 1822 banning the export of slaves by Omanis to Christian
nations. But Bourbon (renamed Réunion) remained in French hands and con-
tinued to receive slaves from various East African ports—Zanzibar, M o m b a s a ,
Takaungu and L a m u . Moreover, in the 1840s and 1850s the French obtained
slaves from Zanzibar under the so-called 'free labour' system, according to
which slaves had to sign a labour contract affirming that they were going
voluntarily before their Arab masters could be paid by French agents. Soon
'free labourers' were coming from Zanzibar, Kilwa and M o z a m b i q u e in
large quantities.
In 1847, Seyyid Said, under strong pressure from the British, signed a
treaty banning the exports of slaves beyond his dominions in East Africa. But
by the 1850s and 1860s, more slaves than ever were still being exported to
Arabia and the Persian Gulf. Moreover, slaves in large quantities were n o w
needed by the expanding agricultural economy of East Africa.
Most of the successful Arab traders had decided to invest their profit in a
new cash crop—cloves—which had been imported into Zanzibar from Réunion
by about 1820. Between 1835 and 1845, most of the successful O m a n i traders
became large estate owners, possessing 200-300 slaves per plantation. The large
profits from the clove industry stimulated migration from O m a n . According
to estimates, the population of the Omanis in Zanzibar rose from 300 in 1776
to about 5,000 in 1872. In 1877 alone about 1,000 Arabs emigrated from O m a n
to Zanzibar. In the 1840s, clove cultivation spread to Pemba, where both Arabs
and the W a p e m b a themselves took to it.
The clove trade was not limited to the Indian Ocean market. Ameri-
can and European traders took their share of cloves. For example, in 1841,
American traders bought 110,200 pounds of cloves and, in 1859,840,000 pounds.
The French bought cloves worth $47,983 in 1856 and $60,000 in 1859. The
British and the Germans also joined in the trade. Nevertheless, India and Arabia
remained the most important consumers of Zanzibar and P e m b a cloves.
The clove planters invested heavily in slaves. By 1849, Zanzibar alone was
estimated to have 100,000 slaves. True, it is difficult to have any accurate popu-
lation censuses at this time. Nevertheless, all estimates by contemporary
observers agree that the slave population in Zanzibar had increased to over
200,000 by 1860 out of a total population of about 300,000. Most of these
slaves were owned by the O m a n i Arabs and numbered less than 5,000.
Seyyid Said w h o had acquired forty-five plantations had 6,000 to
7,000 slaves on one plantation alone. Indeed, the period of large and steady
clove harvests coincided with the time when the export of slaves from the inte-
rior of East Africa was greater than ever. According to Cooper, between
15,000 and 20,000 passed through Zanzibar each year. Including slaves that
were sent direct to the Persian Gulf and Arabia, the slave trade of the northern
section of the East African coast was in the neighbourhood of 20,000 to
25,000 slaves a year. According to Curtin, the Atlantic slave trade did not
exceed this magnitude until the eighteenth century.17
Throughout the nineteenth century, Kilwa was the major supplier of
Zanzibar slaves, drawing them from a wide area, especially from the Lake
Nyasa region and northern Mozambique. The neighbouring peoples such as
the W a h a d i m u of Zanzibar or the Mijikenda of Kenya, did not provide slaves.
Perhaps the slave traders did not wish to antagonize them because of their
proximity.
W h a t kind of a plantation society emerged in East Africa? By 1860,
m a n y observers were referring to the Arabs as a landed aristocracy. But not
all Arabs were planters, nor were all planters wealthy aristocracy. At the top
of the hierarchy was the Sultan. Seyyid Bargash, for instance, earned $25,000
per year from his estates, which were worked by about 4,000 slaves. B y 1890,
he possessed 6,000 slaves. His sister, Bibi Z e m Z e m , owned about 600 slaves;
and Seyyid Suleiman, another member of the Al-Busaidi tribe, owned over
2,000 slaves. O n the whole, the largest landlords owned between 1,000 and
2,000 slaves, while the average landlord owned thirty slaves. A t the bottom of
the scale was the smallholder w h o owned one or two slaves. The important
point to bear in mind therefore was that free laboour was marginal to the Zanzi-
bari economy, and on the plantations virtually all labour consisted of slaves.
By 1870, Zanzibar society had undergone a profound change. The
plantation had become important as an investment and as a way of life. But
it did not dominate society. Commerce was still important to a large segment of
the Omani élite. Moreover, political power was a matter of dynastic and c o m -
munal politics, not a derivative of plantation ownership.
But the plantation system was not restricted to Zanzibar and Pemba.
It extended to the mainland, with old crops such as grain and coconuts as the
main bases. W h a t changed was the farming methods—from subsistence farm-
ing depending on a family supplemented by a few slaves, to plantations, a
large-scale operation based on slave labour. Arabia and the Horn of Africa
imported foodstuffs from East Africa. In East Africa, places like Zanzibar
with expanding populations and reliance on cash crops had to import food
from the mainland.
Grain cultivation therefore expanded all along, the East African coast,
from Mrima Coast to L a m u , supplying markets in Somalia and Arabia, as well
as Zanzibar.
The significance of this development is demonstrated in the history of
Malindi, an old town which had been abandoned. But from about 1860,
Malindi soon became an important grain-exporting centre. It also contained
thousands of slaves.
By 1874, Malindi was well established. Grain exports were worth about
$150,000 a year. Each year, thirty dhows left Malindi with millet, destined
for the Hodramant, whilefifteento twenty exported sesame. In the words of
John Kirk, Madindi had become 'the granary of East Africa'. The height of
Malindi's prosperty was reached in the 1880s.
Thus infifteenyears, Malindi had graduated from being an abandoned
town to the granary of East Africa. The main reason was the abundance of land
slave labour. B y 1873 Kirk estimated that Malindi had 6,000 slaves. B y the
1880s, there were about 10,000 slaves, owned by about 2,000 Arabs and
Swahili. The richest of them all was Salim bin Khalfan Al-Busaidi, w h o
migrated to Malindi from Muscat in the 1860s, as a m a n of modest means. H e
became Governor of Malindi in 1870, and from 1885-87 and again from 1891
until his death in 1920, he was Governor of M o m b a s a . H e became the largest
180 Betwell A. Ogot
Arab landowner in M o m b a s a and Malindi. A t the time of his death, his pro-
perty was worth £175,000.
The important conclusion is that Malindi was built up in a generation by
immigrants with no local roots, but with connections in their places of origin—
L a m u , Muscat, the Hodramant and Zanzibar.
Between 1873 and 1907, several restrictions were placed on the slave
trade in East Africa, resulting in itsfinalabolition in 1907.
Notes
1. See, for example, Z . Marsh and G . W . Kingsnorth, An Introduction to the History of

East Africa, Cambridge University Press, 1957.
2. Freeman-Grenville,'The Coast, 1498-1840', in R . Oliver and Gervase Mathew (eds.),
History of East Africa, Vol. I, p. 152, 1963.
3. The East African Slave Trade, p . 4, Historical Association of Tanzania, 1967 (Paper
N o . 3).
4. The East African Coast until the Coming of the Portuguese, p. 101, 121.
5. G . S. Graham, Great Britain in the Indian Ocean 1810-50, p. 148, 1967.
6. 'Loarer's Report, 1849', in C . S. Nicholls, The Swahili Coast: Politics, Diplomacy and
Trade on the East African Littoral 1788-1856, 1971, p. 199.
7. L . Krapf, ' O n the Slave-Trade within the Iman of Muscat's dominion and the Inde-
pendent States of East Africa between 2 degrees North and 10 degrees South of the
Equator', C . M . S . Archives, London, (CA5/016, 18 February 1849).
8. Graham, op. cit., p . 148, footnote 2.
9. Nicholls, op. cit., p . 204.
10. Alpers, Ivory and Slaves in East Central Africa, p. 252, 1975.
11. M . W . Jackson Haight, European Powers and South-East Africa, p. 264, 1967.
12. Joseph E . Harris, The African Presence in Asia, p . 3-25, 1971.
13. R . P. Baur, Voyage dans l'Ondoé et VOnzigona, p. 91, 1882.
14. ' T h e African Diaspora and East Africa'—an inaugural lecture delivered at Makerere
University, Kampala, Uganda on 31 July 1967, p . 14.
15. Abdul Sheriff, The Rise of a Commercial Empire: An Aspect of the Economic History
of Zanzibar, 1770-1873, University of London, 1971 (Ph.D. thesis); Fred James
Berg, Mombasa Under Busaidi Sultanate : The City and Its Hinterland in the 19th
Century, University of Wisconsin, 1971 (Ph.D. thesis); Fred Cooper, Plantation
Slavery on the East Coast of Africa in the 19th Century, Yale University, 1974
(Ph.D. thesis).
16. Auguste Toussaint, Histoire des Iles Mascareignes, p. 335-6, 1972.
17. The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census, p. 266, 1969.
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and Pemba. London, Headley Bros., 1898.
N I C H O L L S , C . S. The Swahili Coast: Politics, Diplomacy and Trade on the East African
Littoral, 1798-1856. London, Allen & Unwin, 1971.
P E A R C E , F. B . Zanzibar: The Island Metropolis of Eastern Africa. London, T . Fisher
Unwin, 1920.
PHILLIPS, Wendell. Oman: A History. London, Longman, 1967.
R A S H I D BIN H A S S A N I . The Story of Rashid bin Hassani of the Bisa Tribe, Northern R h o -
desia. (Recorded by W . F . Baidock). In: Margery Perham (ed.), Ten Africans. London,
Faber, 1963.
R U S S E L L , C . E . B . (ed.). General Rigby, Zanzibar, and the Slave Trade: With Documents.
London, Allen & Unwin, 1935.
SHERIFF, Abdul M o h a m e d Hussein. The Rise of a Commercial Empire: An Aspect of the
Economic History of Zanzibar, 1770-1873, University of London, 1971. (Ph.D. thesis.)
S U L I V A N , G . L . Dhow Chasing in Zanzibar Waters. London, 1873.
T I P P O O TIB. Maisha ya Hamed bin Muhammed el Murjebi yaani Tippu Tip. Trans, by W .
H . Whiteley. Supplement to the East Africa Swahili Committee Journal, Vol. 28-9,
1958-59.
T R I M I N G H A M , J. Spencer. Islam in East Africa. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1964.
The slave trade
in the Indian Ocean
The slave trade in the Indian Ocean :
problems facing the historian
and research to be undertaken
Hubert Gerbeau
Problems facing the historian
Disruption, violence, silence—keywords conveying the suffering which the

laws of the slave trade seemed to inflict on their victims. Keywords, too, which
the traditional historian of the Atlantic slave trade was able to use without
compunction when he wrote a paragraph of commercial history, in so far as he
was not troubled by the silence of the two-footed commodity transported
across an ocean which was more of a barrier than a connecting link between
two continents.
These simple observations introduce us to problems with three basic
aspects which should be stressed. Thefirstis a truism : the Indian Ocean is not
the Atlantic. The second is a question: is it possible to write the history of
silence ? The third is a postulate : interest in the history of the slave trade grows
if w e d o not insist on reducing it to a paragraph in commercial history but
place it at the level of a history of civilizations.
The preponderance of the Atlantic slave trade still weighs heavily on
historians because it was on such a large scale, and especially because it has
been more thoroughly studied than that of the Indian Ocean. The very dates
that have been suggested to m e are an additional sign of this. If I were to confine
myself to the period from thefifteenthto the nineteenth century, it would
m e a n adhering too closely to an Atlantic pattern. A n 'Indian Ocean' perspective
implies that the phenomenon should be relocated in a continuous process
starting well before thefifteenthcentury and overlapping into the twentieth.
Seeing the subject in this same perspective, w e are reminded that while the
uprooting from 'Mother Africa' was perpetrated in an identical fashion by
w a y of the oceans to the east and to the west, the receiving countries were
quite different. O n the one side was a N e w World, o n the other the lands
bordering o n an ancient ocean. In the latter, there were three stata of unity :
' a kind of racial unity resulting from Malay and other emigrations . . . a
cultural unity spreading out from the Indian sub-continent. . . and a religious
unity created by Islam' (Allen, 1969).
The historian of the slave trade in the Indian Ocean is concerned with a
The slave trade in the Indian Ocean 185
domain whose global nature cannot escape him. That it should be exceedingly
hard for him to grasp its components does not surprise him. T h efirstdifficulty
he meets with is that of the ill-defined limits of the oceanic area. A s an initial
hypothesis, he m a y consider that any phenomenon involving the transport
of slaves from Africa or arriving there via the Indian Ocean falls within his
purview. M o r e difficult to solve are the problems relating to the immensity
of the geographic sectors, the h u m a n diversity in the coastal countries and
islands, and the length of the periods concerned. Each of these aspects has
been dealt with in the works of m a n y specialists w h o usually have no connection
with one another. T h e historian of Zanzibar or of Mauritius in the nineteenth
century had little occasion to do any work on India or China in the fifteenth
century, and vice versa. This is a drawback, but not a serious worry ; that, as
w e shall see, stems from the very nature of the subject-matter involved.
T h e specialist in the slave trade is a historian of m e n and not of m e r -
chandise, and he cannot accept the silence of those transported. Traders,
sailors, administrators and planters cannot give him enough information.
W o u l d one write the history of Auschwitz drawing only on Nazi sources?
This comparison makes us aware of a twofold danger : those w h o , using only
one type of document, see but a part of the picture and are therefore biased,
and those w h o , reacting against deception, put their o w n interpretation on
the thoughts of silent actors and are therefore overbold. T h e study of the
transported slaves is not as simple as that of deported persons during the last
war. The zeal of the abolitionists sometimes lights the way, but often obscures
it too. Does the historian himself remain uninfluenced by the irrationalism of
a history where opposing schools of thought seem to be divided on the basis of
colour, where some side with the victims and others with the executioners?
Whether this difficulty is felt or not, it is reflected in the tone and arrangement
of published works. Those w h o are more technically minded will be criticized
for their dispassionate indifference, others, more givan to polemics, will be
taken to task for their unscientific bombast. Those w h o are concerned about
the dearth of records become over-meticulous, counting, standing up and
knocking d o w n their Negroes like skittles; others, obsessed by the existence
of this forest of fossilized m e n , of w h o m only patchy traces remain, launch
into bold hypotheses and parade their millions of captives in flamboyant,
funereal processions. At best, must the historian not borrow from both schools
of thought, introducing a h u m a n dimension into the infinitely detailed analyses
and building up his general assumptions with scientific accuracy ? But even so,
will he be able to force the slaves out of their silence ? The ways of approach
are narrow, and often very indirect, as w e shall see in the last part, but the
postulate that I have advanced on the content of a history of the slave trade
n o w inclines m e in this direction.
If the requested study on the slave trade is taken to m e a n a history of
186 Hubert Gerbeau
civilizations, in other words an approach to the 'total history' of which

Michelet dreamed, the task becomes more significant. There is then the twofold
obligation of broadening thefieldof investigation and of using working tools
with which the historian is not always familiar. It will no longer suffice to
date the cargoes and count the m e n and the piastres ; he must think in terms
of cooking, religion, magic, dancing, music, population, social organization,
agricultural practices and cultural themes. T h e historian will have to be an
archaeologist, an ethnologist, a specialist in oral traditions, a biologist, a
linguist and perhaps a psychiatrist. These research techniques should not be
excluded on the assumption that the history of the slave trade is but the study
of a certain type of transportation, that the h u m a n being traded does not
concern us before his departure or after his arrival. T o limit the subject thus
would be like trying to reduce the history of nutrition to the analysis of food :
foodstuffs arefirstof all living substances and they are ingested by h u m a n
beings w h o will assimilate this or that nourishment from them. The history of
nutrition would be futile if it were not rooted in economics and did not include
its social aspects. In m y opinion, it is not irrelevant to the subject of the slave
trade to inquire into the life of the m a n w h o is leaving and of the one w h o has
arrived. This history should be anchored in the history of Africa and the
countries concerned, and should go so far as to include the slave society. Its
subject, however, remains specific, and is not to be confused either with general
history or with the history of slavery.
If the historian of the slave trade were to be refused this scope for his
study, he would still be forced to broaden hisfieldand the range of the tools
at his disposal. This second requirement springs from his ignorance of m a n y
facts concerning the slave trade. W h e n there are n o records concerning a
large-scale transport of slaves, must he resign himself to a blank page, or can
he formulate hypotheses with supporting arguments? I shall return to this
point which concerns the research to be undertaken.
Having suggested a certain conception of the history of the slave trade
and of the man-object to which it applies, and having drawn a distinction
between the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean approaches, I can n o w turn to two
corollaries which will give rise to a number of associated problems. The first
concerns the slave trade and the 'Indian Ocean' unity, and the second is an
attempt to delimit periods or m a k e a classification outline.
Disruption and violence wrenched the traded slave out of the traditional
world in which he lived, often as a free m a n , and placed him in a new world
which was to him a psychological and physical shock. This transition some-
times took him as far as the N e w World when the ships carrying captives from
West Africa to the Indian Ocean and those sailing from the 'Indian Ocean'
area towards the Atlantic passed one another while rounding the Cape. But
this extreme uprooting was unusual. A s a general rule, the slave taken to the
heart of India or the Arab countries, or even more so if employed in the coastal
regions and islands, continued to form an integral part of an oceanic whole
whose unity has been emphasized by Allen.
Here a crucial question arises: was the 'Indian Ocean' slave trade a
factor for destruction or construction? Did it alter, strengthen or undermine
the three 'strata of unity'? The land and sea networks covered by the slave-
trader on the ocean and its precincts must be evaluated with the yardstick of
the history of civilizations within the scope of which I have sought to place this
study of the slave trade. There are additional questions to be borne in mind:
Are those elements which were not originally contained in the crucible going
to melt and enrich the alloy, or are they going to introduce the straw that will
cause future cracks ? Those elements are not only the slaves transported from
the heart of Africa but also the Europeans w h o came late to the Indian Ocean
and settled in other lands.
It is not easy to distinguish between those w h o are actors or objects in
the traffic and those w h o are not. The term 'slave trade' m a y seem quite clear,
yet in fact it is anything but so. At the Unesco meeting of experts in Mauritius,-
in July 1974,1 w e expressed the wish that to the Cartesian notions of 'free' and
'slave' should be added the notions of 'half-free', 'subjected', 'dependent',
'quasi-', 'pre-' and 'post-' slave. T h e exact term has not yet been found, but
it does correspond to a real situation which can be outlined empirically. Models
exist in R o m a n antiquity (the client, the freedman) and in the European Middle
Ages (the serf). The characteristic of the intermediate models between free m a n
and slave seems understandable in the Indian Ocean in terms of a discrepancy
between the legal status and the real position. In Madagascar there were slaves
w h o owned slaves, and in India other slaves legally ran the State as high
officials and counsellors, before becoming sovereigns. But in the sugar-produc-
ing islands, 'free employees' were marched, with pitchforks at their throats,
to the beaches of Mozambique before being crammed into ships as wretchedly
as their 'freely employed' companions in India and ended u p , like them,
in work camps where the commander's stick and the master's arbitrary at-
titude survived the abolition of slavery. In this intermediate category w e must
also include the 'patronized' slave of the last years of French colonial slavery
and the affranchi à livret (freedman with papers) of thefirstyears of emancipa-
tion, the 'apprentice' of the English colonies, certain domestic slaves in
Madagascar and certain 'family captives' in Africa. These last four or five
examples, it will be objected, are admissible in a history of slavery but ill-
chosen in a history of the slave trade. In self-defence, I might refer to the sale
of punished domestic servants to slave-traders, but the problem on which w e
must concentrate is more general. In order to define it with greater precision,
I shall request a twofold favour : that I be allowed to quote an example chosen
some distance away from the Indian Ocean, and that if the slave trade be taken
188 Hubert Gerbeau
to m e a n the purchase or capture of a m a n , followed by his displacement

and sale, then certain compulsory voyages, which were the result of slavery
and of the greed of masters, were indeed akin to the slave trade. In 1957-58,
while conducting research in the Niger Valley, I had occasion to see that the
manifold survivals of the phenomenon of 'family captives' sometimes involved
compulsory displacements. The most extraordinary one seemed to m e to be the
annual trip m a d e by a bellah doctor, i.e. a captive of the Tuareg, w h o owed his
promotion to the fact that he had been a hostage at school, where he had,
against his will, replaced a chief's son. H e lived in an African capital, but
travelled regularly 2,000 kilometres to visit his former masters in their tents
and turn over to them one-twelfth of his average annual income.
W h e n thousands of the emancipated slaves in the sugar-producing islands
fled the plantations, were they moving of their o w n free will to the uplands or
the towns where they would die of poverty ? W a s it not the colonial society
which, having always connected working on the land with the stigma of servility,
drove them to such a desperate flight towards reintegration in the h u m a n
species from which, despite baptism and the law, an attempt had been m a d e to
exclude them ? This was a death-blow dealt them by the social system, because
legal emancipation was not backed up by any welfare measure in a free economy
and society. A century later, it was discovered that some islands had operated
as a population trap and a new migration was organized.
I have alluded to these extreme cases only in order to show that by its
extent and its connotations, the slave trade m a y lead the historian further
afield than he had expected. O n the immediate fringes of slavery, there are
m a n y slave-trade phenomena which he will in any case be unable to overlook
and which concern the 'half-free'. It was not by chance, I imagine, that Unesco
proposed to m e the subject of the traite esclavagiste and not that of the traite
des esclaves.2 This former term lends itself not only to a value judgement on
the trade, but also amounts to an invitation to approach the phenomenon in
a broader context. A m a n with a pro-slavery mentality has no need of slaves
in the legal sense in order to carry on his trade. For that reason the slate's
substitutes, the 'free employees' and the forced labourers, were to become
provender for the slave trade. Their inclusion in m y subject is therefore more
in order than it appeared atfirstsight.3
There is still the problem of agreeing on what m a y be regarded as the
slave trade. I have already suggested that the traffic in Indian and African
'free employees' w h o worked on sugar plantations would fall within this
category. But there are, too, the Malagasy 'free employees' and the Chinese
'coolies', the political prisoners of Indo-China and Madagascar, the forced
labourers on Indonesian plantations, and perhaps even the Indian labourers
laying the railways in East Africa or the Mozambique Negroes migrating to
work in the Transvaal mines.
While these migrations are still rooted in disruption and violence, the
silence of those concerned is less heavy. Research on them would probably be
rewarding. T o attempt to m a k e an inventory of them would lead m e too far
from m y subject, and I shall therefore confine myself to drawing attention to a
problem which is one both of vocabulary and of classification. It would be
convenient to exclude from m y study all those w h o were not slaves in the legal
sense of the term. But caution is advisable—an unduly meticulous legal ap-
proach m a y distort reality to the point of making a travesty of history.
In the list of research projects to be undertaken—which I shall therefore
restrict here to slaves properly so called—I shall have to deal with extensive
geographical and chronological sectors in which the state of knowledge varies
considerably. Sometimes such knowledge is like a building, strong and firm
yesterday, but today rocked by the effects of new research. Often the accumula-
tion of problems to be solved seems overwhelming but the specialists w h o are
going to tackle them will surely manage to clarify them. Yet will light be
fully shed on the Arab slave trade, on the slave trade in the Far East and on
the clandestine slave trade of the nineteenth (and twentieth) century ?
The Bureau of the Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General
History of Africa, at its meeting in Fez in February 1975, expressed the wish
that w e should not ' attempt to sum up the wealth of material already published ',
but it seems to m e that the best way of presenting the ' forms to be assumed by
the research on this vast subject and the avenues such research might explore'
is to cutline, in a periodic framework relating to the Ocean, what is already
k n o w n and what might be learned, before concluding with a brief synopsis.
Forms and avenues of research to be undertaken
To the end of thefifteenthcentury
W h e n H . N . Chittick expresses the opinion that the Indian Ocean constituted

the 'largest cultural continuum in the world during thefirstmillenium and a
half A . D . ' he keeps us to the straight and narrow path of our problem: what
place does the slave trade have in this continuum, and is it a factor making
for dispersion or for cohesion ?
There is no doubt about the age-old nature of the slave trade. Its m o v e -
ments were governed by the regular alternation of the monsoons observed as
early as thefirstcentury by the Greek, Hippalos. Four months a year, in
winter, the north-east winds blew ships coming from Arabia and north-west
India towards the east coast of Africa. For about six months in the summer,
winds blowing from the south-west favoured the return journey.
The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, an anonymous work by an Egyptian
Greek written between thefirstand the beginning of the third century A . D . ,
190 Hubert Gerbeau
tells us that slaves were taken from the Horn of Africa, in other words present-
day Somalia. T h e Berbera region furnished a small number and the Ras
Hafun region even more. Beyond that zone, the Periplus, which describes the
southern Arabs as beingfirmlysettled along the East African coast, makes no
mention of slaves a m o n g items traded. F r o m the end of the seventh century
onwards, these Arabs were joined by Muslim refugees. The towns of M o g a -
dishu, Brava and Kilwa were founded by the latter in the tenth century. F r o m
there they flocked to the island of Mafia, to various points along the coast,
and to the C o m o r o Islands. T h e earliest contacts of Arab traders with the
Malagasy coast seem to date also from the tenth century (Vérin, 1967).
Between the time with which w e are familiar through the Periplus and
Ptolemy, and the turning-point marked by the tenth century, the source
materials contain practically no information about the East African coasts and
islands which the Greeks called Azania and the Arabs, Sawâhil. But there must
have been a considerable slave trade there, if w e are to judge by the 'Zendj'
or 'Zanj' revolt, in other words the Bantu w h o were taken to Mesopotamia to
work in the sugar-cane plantations and, in the ninth century, played a decisive
part for twenty years in the waging of war and the formulation of a n e w State.
The Zendj werefinallyexterminated, but their revolt contributed to the fall
of the Abbassid Caliphate and put an end to the construction of dams in
southern Iraq, which H . Deschamps sees as the 'firstmodel of a great tropical
construction project involving the labour of hundreds of Negro slaves '.
F r o m the tenth century onwards, the accounts of Arab geographers
enlighten us to some extent on the slave trade. Masoudi, about 1050, speaks of
trade between Mogadishu and P e m b a in slaves, ivory and iron which were
exchanged for pottery from China and Persia. Edrisi, in the middle of the twelfth
century, tells h o w children from Zanguebar were lured with dates and captured,
and refers to the expeditions that enabled the prince of the Island of Qishus,
in the Sea of O m a n , to supply himself with captives in the 'Zendj' country.
The prosperity of Mogadishu and Kilwa which Ibn Battuta visited in the
fourteenth century is not unrelated to the slave trade practised by the sultans
of the east coast. Along this coast, an Islamized mercantile society of mixed
blood raised to its zenith a culture which Chittick proposes to call ' primitive
Swahili'.
Arab sailing boats from the R e d Sea took on slaves in the C o m o r o
Islands from Muslim traders. In thefifteenthcentury, those traders, with
reinforcements from Shiraz, increased their activities and brought wealth to
these islands which ' had become slave-trade centres and stores of h u m a n flesh
between Africa and Arabia' (Faurec, 1941).
However, the mass conversion of the Negro peoples along the east
coasts of Africa certainly obstructed the slave trade; indeed, it was m u c h more
rife in western Sudan during the same period. For although the practice of
slavery had spread despite the recommendation of the Koran, it was still agreed
that only non-Muslims could be forced into slavery. The result was not the
disappearance of the slave trade, but an extension of the distances travelled by
the traders and captives as the non-Muslim territories became more and more
remote. All in all, the slave trade was one of the major activities of the Muslim
merchants in the Indian Ocean. Their best outlets were in the Near East,
which they reached by way of Y e m e n and the Persian Gulf. (C. Cahen, 1970).
It m a y be that the decline in the exportation of slaves from Malaysia and the
Indonesian Islands at the end of the Middle Ages caused an increase in the slave
trade along the coasts of East Africa for the markets of Islam. The strong
position held by Muslim traders in all the ' South Seas ' towards the middle
of thefifteenthcentury, after China gave up her maritime policy in the Indian
Ocean, is another factor weighing in favour of this hypothesis (Labib, 1972).
W h a t was the extent of the slave traffic up to that time in the trade
between Africa and China? This is a difficult question to answer. Exchanges
seem to have been controlled by Indonesian intermediaries and appear to have
been considerable, judging by the number of Chinese porcelain pieces discovered
by East African archaeologists. The slave traffic, however, is scarcely mentioned
in the records. In the eighth century, two Negro slaves were shown to the
Emperor of China, and in the twelfth century inhabitants of Canton were
using African slave labour. The seven naval expeditions carried out by the
eunuch admiral Cheng Ho—the first began in 1405 and the last ended in 1433—
attracted considerable attention. They stopped briefly at points along the East
Indies, the Persian Gulf and a number of ports on the east coast of Africa,
including Brava and Malindi. The exploit became a favourite topic in Chinese
popular literature, but the ruling classes found these prestige operations
launched by the emperor unnecessary and ruinous (Wang G u n g w u ) . W e r e
African slaves brought back by the Chinese ships o n that occasion ? It seems
reasonable to put the question.
The African slave trade to India was on a larger scale and is better k n o w n .
W h e n the Muslims conquered the valley of the Ganges in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries, a ' slave dynasty ' held power for some time. In the thirteenth
century, from Ceylon to Gujarat, Ethiopian slaves k n o w n as habshis or siddis
were m u c h sought after. They served as soldiers and sailors. There is a record
of the arrival in India of a large number of slaves from East Africa in the
fifteenth century. A number of them rose to responsible positions, and some
even to high office. For instance, in Bengal where the sovereign owned 8,000
African slaves, King Fath Shah tried to get rid of the most influential ones.
In return, they killed him. F r o m 1486 to 1493, two slave soldiers of African
origin ruled over Bengal. Under the succeeding sovereign, w h o was an Asian,
the Africans had to take refuge in Deccan (Keswani, 1974).
T o take stock of thefifteenthcentury which, in the Indian Ocean, some-
192 Hubert Gerbeau
times seems like the rather insipid continuation of exploits of civilization and
slave-trade phenomena that had been going on for centuries, would be a very
premature undertaking. There are still a great m a n y obscure areas. Specialists
in Indian, Chinese and Islamic studies m a y one day bring new manuscripts to
light or propose a 're-reading' of extant documents, concentrating on the
problem of the slave trade. Archaeology should also shed further light on places
and movements. I shall return to this point later.
W h e n Vasco da G a m a ' sfleetpenetrated into the Indian Ocean from Cape
Guardafui to Sofala in 1498, the coast was lined with prosperous sultanates.
Its Arabization and Islamization m a d e it appear to the caliphs as a dependency
of the Muslim world, 'a notion whose full implications were to be discovered
by the Portuguese when they came face to face with the Egyptians and Turks '
(Otinno, 1975).
From the sixteenth to the eighteenth century
Progress in the Mediterranean area and the first phase of the voyages of
discovery across the Atlantic were stimulated by the planting of sugar cane
and the concomitant search for slave markets. Profits from the Negro slave
trade were a consideration in the financing of later voyages of exploration
(J. Heers, 1966). W h e n the Portuguese entered the Indian Ocean, however,
they were 'in quest of spices and nothing else' (Godinho, 1969). W h e n they
visited the towns along the East African coast at the beginning of the sixteenth
century, they noted that slaves there wore simple loincloths, that buildings
were beautiful and that the social élite wore silk and jewels. But their goal was
farther off. They were interested in East Africa 'to the extent that it lay on
the "route to the Indies", and controlled access to it and traffic along it'.
This was the Portuguese attitude d o w n to the nineteenth century (Mollat,
1974). Slaves and gold came later. In Sofala, merchants from Gujarat exchanged
cotton goods from C a m b a y and glassware from Melinda, for gold from
M o n o m o t a p a , ivory and captives which they took h o m e with them. Following
their example, the Portuguese entered into relations with the Kaffirs (Godinho,
1969). In the course of punitive expeditions against the Kingdom of M o n o m o -
tapa, a handful of Portuguese Africans remained behind between the Zambezi
and Limpopo rivers and, after 1574, lived largely on the slave trade (Mauny,
1971).
The Portuguese, sailing towards India, recognized a number of islands in
the south-west of the Indian Ocean and gave them names. O n e of D o n Sebas-
tian's captains, w h o took it upon himself to send his sovereign 'a host of slaves
for his galleys ', had a short-lived plan to conquer the C o m o r o Islands. M o r e
tangible were the slave-traders' activities in Madagascar. In the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, the Portuguese, through the intermediary of Malagasy
chieftains, loaded their ships with slaves from the northern part of the islands.
Their preference was to frequent the north-west coasts, which were lay-over
points between Mozambique and G o a , and there take on slave cargoes bound
for India (Vérin, 1972). Miss Keswani had pointed out that the importation of
African slaves was carried on actively in Madagascar during the Portuguese
period (Unesco, 1974).
Other slaves were taken away by the various Europeans w h o penetrated
into the Indian Ocean. The Dutch, on their way to Indonesia, began as early as
1596 putting into the Bay of Antongil which was to become the favourite place
for their Negro slave trade in Madagascar. Their settlement in Mauritius in
1638 and in the Cape in 1652 stimulated this traffic. But it was for a more
distant destination that the Jacht Sillida carried off 236 Malagasies on 5 D e c e m -
ber 1681 : they were to join other slaves, mostly from Malabar, to work in a
gold-mine in western Sumatra (Lombard, 1971). Here there was a sharing of
wretchedness, and a meeting of cultures, but h o w m a n y acculturations failed
to take place because of the 'mandor's' whip?
The English ports of call, the Danes stopping along the coast of Coro-
mandel on their way to their outpost at Tranquebar, and the French settled in
Fort-Dauphin, all provided new opportunities for slave trading, but the best
ones were seized by the pirates, beginning in 1685, when the European powers
temporarily withdrew from Madagascar. Driven out of the West Indies by the
advance of colonization, hundreds of freebooters took refuge in the ' Great
Isle'. They became the brokers of the slave trade until about 1726, buying
Malagasies and reselling them to the English of Bristol, the Dutch of Batavia
and the French of Martinique, as well as to the Arabs of Boina and Majunga.
The corsairs delivered their o w n merchandise and slaves to the neighbouring
island of Bourbon (Réunion) where a French governor had signed a contract
with them to purchase slaves w h o m he then resold to those under his admi-
nistration. According to the account of the Provençal pirate, Misson, the
founder of Libertalia, ' A slave in Barbados costs from £750 to £1,250, whereas
in Madagascar with some £12 of merchandise one can buy all one wants. W e
can get a fine chap there for an old suit' (Filliot, 1975).
This cynical calculation had been made before Misson, since Barbados
Island had received 335 Malagasy slaves as early as 1664. The need for m a n -
power in the West Indies and on the American continent was to keep up this
long-distance traffic until the eighteenth century, with a peak period between
the years 1675 and 1725. All told, approximately 12,000 inhabitants of M a d a -
gascar went to the N e w World in servitude (Hardyman, 1964). They were soon
joined there by slaves from East Africa, for example, in Santo D o m i n g o where
the Governor estimated that in 1785, some 3,000 to 4,000 slaves came in from
the Mozambique region, as compared with 34,000 slaves from the Atlantic
coast (Debien, 1974; Toussaint, 1967).
194 Hubert Gerbeau
It is perhaps in the microcosm of the Mascarene Islands that the multi-

plier effect on the slave trade of the intrusion of Europeans in the Indian Ocean
can best be analysed. The colonization of Bourbon and Ile de France (Mauritius)
gave rise to a need, as in the West Indies, for manpower from afar, and for
somefiftyyears slaves were brought from India, Senegal and the Gulf of Guinea.
At the same time cargoes of slaves were brought from Madagascar. These were
increased in the eighteenth century and reinforced by those from East Africa.
Atfirst,the only suppliers were the Portuguese trading stations South of Cape
Delgado. In the second half of the century, slaves were also purchased from the
Muslims on the Zanguebar coast, i.e. from Cape Delgado to the Gulf of Aden.
F r o m 1670 to 1810, the Mascarene Islands thus appear to have imported
approximately 160,000 slaves, 115,000 of them between 1769 and 1810. O f
these 160,000, 45 per cent were Malagasies, 40 per cent Africans from the east
coast, 13 per cent Indians and 2 per cent Africans from the west (Filliot, 1974).
In Bourbon, which accounted for approximately half the total traffic, the slave
population in 1808 is estimated to have been 53,726 persons, 23,013 of w h o m
were Creoles, 17,476 ' Mozambiques', 11,547 Malagasies and 1,690 Indians or
Malays (Wanquet, in press).
The volume of the traffic stimulated the activity of local slave dealers,
but it is difficult to say h o w m a n y slaves were intended for Europeans and h o w
m a n y went to supply the old traditional markets. S o m e of the latter operated
in an autonomous fashion, as for example the Egyptian markets along the Red
Sea which gave rise to a traffic in eunuchs and Abyssinian and Galla girls.
Other enterprises had a twofold object, as illustrated by Malagasies and
Muslims. F r o m 1785 to 1823 the Malagasies organized their o w n raids on the
C o m o r o Islands and along the east coast of Africa, between Mafia and the
Kerimba archipelago. Froberville describes expeditions of 400 to 500 pirogues
carrying over 15,000 m e n . The extent of the phenomenon can be judged by
contemporary accounts and also by the living witness of oral traditions that
can still be heard on Great C o m o r o , Mayotte and along the Mozambique
coast, and by the size of the fortresses which were built there to withstand
attacks by Malagasy slave traders (Vérin, 1972).
Less spectacular, but part of the long history, was the Muslim slave trade.
O n the east coast of Africa, Portuguese domination, though discontinuous and
unstable, included the capture of a transoceanic commercial system that
stretched from Mozambique to Canton. In the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries this resulted in 'an uninterrputed economic and cultural decline'
for the Muslim towns (Oliver, 1970). Nevertheless, in the lulls between pillaging
expeditions and revolts, Muslim ships pursued their traffic. The slave trade was
re-established on a large scale between 1622 and 1650 from the Zendj coast
to B o m b a y by Muslims from Muscat. Muslim ships are reported to have been
active at the end of the seventeenth century at Mogadishu, Kilwa and Zanzibar.
The bell tolled for the Portuguese in northern M o z a m b i q u e when the

Jesus Fort in M o m b a s a fell in 1698. The conquering Arabs from O m a n settled
along the coast and, in the eighteenth century, there was a rebirth of Swahili
civilization. Save in a few exceptional cases, this return in force of Islam was
final. The Islamic trading stations in the north-west and north-east of Madagas-
car had been prosperous since thefifteenthcentury. In the eighteenth century,
operations were divided up—Arab traders on the west coast, particularly at
Majunga, imported African slaves, and European traders, mostly French, on
the east coast exported them to the Mascarene Islands (Valette, 1970; Vérin,
1972).
The period running from the sixteenth century to the end of the eighteenth
is better k n o w n in m a n y respects than the previous one. Nevertheless, the slave
trade in the eastern part of the African continent from the Cape to the Red Sea
still faces us with m a n y enigmas. Research should be focused mainly on the
Arab and Portuguese sources, with archaeology still being the most essential
auxiliary. T h e traffic towards the Far East should be studied in detail. A n
investigation into slavery on the eastern side of the Ocean would be rewarding.
For example, slavery seems to have been stimulated in the Indonesian archi-
pelago by the spread of Islam from the sixteenth century onwards and the
formation of large sultanates (Lombard, personal communication).
The long nineteenth century
Recent studies on Madagascar and the archipelagos in the south-western part

of the Indian Ocean in the eighteenth century give a fairly accurate picture of
this area. For the nineteenth century, however, these islands seem to call for
more sustained attention. The eastern part of the African continent, which was
the centre of a ferocious and massive slave trade at a time when world slavery
was dying out, has been the subject of a number of works over a period of more
than a century. This does not m e a n , however, that everything has been clarified.
The measures taken by the French Revolutionaries against the slave
trade and slavery had a paradoxical effect in the Mascarene Islands, in that the
hindrance to the two systems was offset, to say the least, by the feverish reac-
tions of the advocates of colonial organization. At the end of the eighteenth
and beginning of the nineteenth century, slave labour continued to be imported
into the islands from Madagascar and especially from the African mainland. T h e
British occupation in 1810 led to a half-hearted application of the prohibition
of the slave trade as decided by the British Government in 1807. The return of
Bourbon to France in 1815 and the continued possession of Mauritius by
Great Britain had little effect on slave-trade activity. Farquhar, the Governor
of Mauritius, even tried to persuade the English authorities to grant legal
recognition to 'clandestine' traffic. France, which in her turn abolished the
196 Hubert Gerbeau
slave trade in 1817, was equally tolerant of the slave-traders in Bourbon.

Repressive laws became more severe in 1820s but there was a world of dif-
ference between theory and practice. Hypocrisy often vied with inefficiency.
For every zealous governor, such as Hall in Mauritius or Milius in Bourbon,
there were ten accommodating judges, officials w h o dealt in the slave trade
themselves, corrupt police, and inhabitants fanatically supporting slavery.
In Bourbon, the gendarmes, w h o spent more in the taverns than they earned,
turned a blind eye w h e n captives were disembarked, and the judges w h o had
interests on the island, demanded a superabundance of proof before they
condemned a guilty party, even when all the evidence was against him. In
Mauritius, the chief registrar responsible for the slave register, which was the
principal means of checking on the illicit trade, was himself an opulent importer
of slaves brought in secretly from East Africa. Investigations carried out in
Mauritius by a Royal Commission from 1826 to 1828 show that the slave trade
was practised there at least up to 1824. This needs to be studied further.
Research could be based on the London archives and the voluminousfilesof
the Mauritius Record Office (for example, series IA, IC and series IB which
contains the ' Minutes of Evidence and Other Records of the Eastern Enquiry
Commission, 1826-1828'.
The Seychelles archipelago played a specific part in this traffic. By virtue
of its geographical position, it served as a relay point, and by registering the
slaves it facilitated their re-exportation towards Mauritius. Local archives
shed light on the slave trade in the archipelago, particularly for the 1823-28
period (Seychelles Government Archives, at Port Victoria, M a h é ) .
In Réunion, a thorough study of the local archives has led m e to conjec-
ture that at least 45,000 slaves arrived secretly, most of them between 1817
and a final date around 1831, although some arrivals apparently continued
into the 1840s (Gerbeau, 1972).
After the abolition of slavery, enforced in 1835 in Mauritius and in 1848
in Réunion, latent or derivative forms of slavery persisted. I referred above
to the methodological problem thus facing the historian of the slave trade.
While the traffic in Indian 'free employees' had its roots mainly in poverty,
that of the African coast, Madagascar and the Comoros was linked with the
continuance of slavery in those areas. A great deal remains to be discovered
about the manoeuvres governing the 'employment' of these slaves. Reports by
English consuls might well be supplemented by French archives, e.g. those
concerning Nossi-Bé, Sainte-Marie de Madagascar and Mayotte (Dépôt des
Archives d'Outre-Mer at Aix-en-Provence).
Mayotte was the only island in the Comoros which was annexed by
France in 1843 and was consequently subject to restrictions on the slave trade.
Throughout the rest of the archipelago the trade from East Africa continued.
O n Great C o m o r o , the Sultan of Itzandra built a walled enclosure in the m o u n -
tains to hold slaves. S o m e distance away, Humblot, the director of a company

and soon to become the 'Resident', bought slaves at sixty rupees a head, then
'hired' them, allowing them to buy back their freedom in five years by their
labour, valued at one rupee per month (Vérin, 1972). O n Johanna Island,
Sunley, the British Consul, traded in slaves himself and this enabled him to
supply manpower for thefirstof the large plantations which were to prosper
on the island. This trade, and the forced labour resulting from it, aroused
Livingstone's indignation and after leaving Johanna he persuaded the British
Government to remove Sunley (Robineau, 1967). Throughout the archipelago,
slavery, which was an integral part of traditional Comorian society, was still
being practised in 1912, when union with Madagascar officially put an end to it.
At that time, Madagascar itself had only recently given up slavery.
Abolition was contemporary with the transformation of the country into a
French colony. T h e origin and fate of the 500,000 slaves freed in 1896 varied
considerably, as the m a n y Malagasy terms used to designate them show (Nolet,
1974). Throughout the entire nineteenth century a clandestine trade, about
which little is yet k n o w n , continued. T h e principal effect of the prohibition
measures taken by the Europeans and the Malagasies themselves seems to have
been to m o v e the centres and m a k e the traffic more covert. In 1817, R a d a m a I
forbade the slave trade, and in 1877 Ranavalona II freed the ' Mozambiques'.
The slave trade disappeared theoretically in the territories controlled by the
Merina, as well as at Majunga, from 1823 onwards. But shipments continued
elsewhere, especially from Mozambique, with partial redistribution in the
neighbouring archipelagos. A s late as 1891, Merina merchants were coming to
Maintirano for supplies of recently landed slaves. A s for the effects of the
emancipation in 1896, they were less radical than expected, not only on the
traditional forms of servitude, but even on the slave traffic. In the north-
west, and particularly in the Bay of Baly, the clandestine trade seems to have
been carried on u p to 1900 (Vérin, 1972).
The problem of Arab ships registered under French names and carrying
on a slave traffic under the protection of the Frenchflagdeserves to be studied
further. W e have m a n y unpublished details on a number of cases at the end of
the nineteenth century concerning Arab ships out of Muscat and Zanzibar that
were stopped with slaves aboard, taken on in Madagascar and on the African
coast, w h o m their owners were preparing to deliver to Mayotte or to take back
to Muscat (Gerbeau, in press).
Behind the effervescence of the slave traffic discernible in all the islands
was the immense h u m a n reservoir of the African continent whose east coast
offered a feast on which the slave-traders of four continents threw themselves
during the nineteenth century. T h e 'Indian Ocean' area, even more than the
Atlantic side, fell increasingly into the hands of the dealers in blackfleshas the
century wore on.
198 Hubert Gerbeau
The B o m b a y Record Office enables us to follow the last stages of the

importation of African slaves into India in the nineteenth century, while the
N e w Delhi archives reveal the struggle of the British against the slave trade
during the same period. In 1814, ships from Muscat brought slaves from Africa
w h o m they exchanged for Hindus to be sold in Zanzibar. By the 1840s it would
seem that only a few hundred African slaves a year were being brought to India
(Keswani, 1974). The huge demand for slave labour came from the islands of
the Indian Ocean, to which I have already referred, the Muslim countries
where slavery had existed for thousands of years, and the American continent
with its adjacent islands.
For the slave trade in the Portuguese possessions, a great deal remains to
be unearthed in the Lisbon archives and in those of Lourenço Marques, and
these data should be compared with those to be found in the receiving countries
and with diplomatic records, especially British ones. Estimates based on Foreign
Office documents already reveal the extent of the traffic in Mozambique in the
1817-43 period, both as regards departures from Africa and arrivals in slave
countries such as Brazil and C u b a (Curtin, 1969). The existence of slaves in the
Portuguese colonies until 1869 undeniably stimulated the clandestine traffic,
despite the Anglo-Portuguese Agreement of 1842 prohibiting the slave trade.
The incident of the Charles-et-Georges, intercepted in 1857 while sailing from
Mozambique to Réunion with 110 Negroes aboard, w h o were theoretically
'free-employees' but claimed to be slaves stolen from their masters, has a
certain piquancy when discovered in both the Portuguese and the French
archives. A commerce in slaves seems to have been carried on as late as the
1870s along the coasts of Mozambique (Filliot, 1974).
At the latitude of the Islamized towns along the coast, the slave routes
penetrated into the interior. In the centre, across from Zanzibar, was the road
of the Nyamwezi; to the north that of the K a m b a ; and to the south that of
the Y a o . A great deal has been written about this slave trade, its volume, its
atrocities and the reactions to which they gave rise. For the record, I would
mention the accounts of such European travellers as Burton (1857-59), Living-
stone (1858-64 and 1866-73) and Cameron (1873-76). T h e interior routes
were dotted with supply centres and the traffic was in the hands of local chiefs
and a few hundred Arabs. The money-lenders were Banyans, i.e. Indian mer-
chants settled in Zanzibar. The slave trade was stimulated on that island when
Seyid Said, the Sultan of Muscat, established his capital there in 1832. T h e
cultivation of clove trees, sugar cane and copra in Zanzibar and P e m b a
created the need for a fresh batch of slaves every three or four years. But this
manpower drain does not suffice to explain the annual importation of 15,000
slaves from 1830 to 1873, as recorded in the customs registers of Zanzibar
(Marissal, 1970). S o m e of these slaves, to w h o m must be added those w h o
arrived fraudulently and those w h o were disembarked in other ports, were
exported. In certain years, as m a n y as 20,000 left Zanzibar, Kilwa Pate and

P e m b a . Most of them were sent to Arabia and the Persian Gulf, particularly
Muscat. There, some of them were taken away by the 'Arabs of the North',
whilst othere were re-shipped to Bahrain, Karachi and Bushire, in Persia,
and some went as far as Baghdad and Isfahan. The length of the overland
journeys and sea voyages, the extent of the traffic despite the anti-slavery
struggle, and the serious consequences for Africa are dealt with in studies by
Newitt and Alpers, in their articles published in the Journal of African History,
in Alpers (1967), to which I shall return, and in the thesis by Renault (1971).
Touching in places on the borders of the Indian Ocean, the large-scale slave
trade on the Red Sea and along the Nile should also be mentioned. R . Pank-
hurst estimates that over 25,000 slaves a year were exported on an average
from Ethiopia up to 1865. The traffic had by no means ceased at the beginning
of the twentieth century. The slave trade declined slowly in the second half of
the nineteenth century in Egypt, Arabia and the Sudan, but controversy over
thefigurescontinues, and in more than one region disquieting practices were
still occurring in the twentieth century.
The danger of persistence of the slave trade and slavery in the present
century so concerned the United Nations that it arranged to have the problem
studied. I refer the reader to the Engen Report in 1955 and the M o h a m e d A w a d
Report. The latter recommended that absolute priority be given to the establish-
ment of a committee of experts on slavery.
Forms and avenues of research to be undertaken:

a tentative synopsis
A s regards the ' slow abolition of the slave trade in the Indian Ocean ', there
are m a n y avenues beckoning the historian. The period of this study should
extend from the second third of the nineteenth century into the twentieth.
Before the years 1830-60, with chronological variations depending upon the
sectors, it would seem a trifle rash to speak of a ' slow abolition '. The fifteenth
century saw the end of a phase of traditional slave trading that had lasted for
over a thousand years. It did not disappear, however, but was taken over and
stimulated by the colonial slave trade which was at its height in the second half
of the eighteenth century and thefirstthird of the nineteenth. Then came the
period of secondary and clandestine forms of the Western slave trade accom-
panied and then outdone by the Muslim slave trade.
The study of these questions would be greatly facilitated by the publica-
tion of new inventories of archive sources. Valuable guides already exist and
might be used as models. For example, there are those of M . D . Wainwright
and N . Matthews. 4
The Guide to Sources of African History, prepared with the help and under
200 Hubert Gerbeau
the auspices of Unesco, is invaluable, but unfortunately the volumes are appear-
ing rather slowly and there are still m a n y gaps in the geographicalfieldcovered.
The authors of this guide themselves are hoping that an inventory will be m a d e
of the wealth of documentation preserved in Africa itself. But w e should go
further and try to secure the participation of all the countries bordering on
the Indian Ocean or involved in its history. Portuguese archives are still little
k n o w n . Godinho's thesis5 gives an idea of their volume and mentions the
enormous amount of inventory work that remains to be done in certain record
offices such as that of Torre do T o m b e . There is still m u c h material to be
discovered and catalogued in the National Archives of India (Keswani, in
press). This would seem to be equally applicable to most of the archives in the
Far East. A very helpful list concerning the Indian archipelago was drawn up
by Denys L o m b a r d at the request of Unesco. Y . A . Talib and H . N . Chittick
have stressed the need for new editions of Arab sources. It has emerged from
discussions on this subject that it would be useful not only to m a k e inventories
and publish new texts, but also to devote specific attention to the texts already
available. This applies to the m a n y accounts of travellers as well as to printed
documents of parliamentary of legal origin.6
However m u c h the inventories of archives in some European countries
m a y have progressed, research on the slave trade encounters a number of
difficulties. Since the store of documents has grown with the centuries, those
subsequent to the eighteenth century are often abstracted rather briefly and
sometimes catalogued in an approximate fashion. The ideal would be to have a
c o m m o n index for all the record offices, and the computer m a y perhaps m a k e
this possible. Then research workers would simply have to press the keys
marked 'slave trade' and 'Indian Ocean' in order to receive a plan of the itin-
erary to be followed round the world, with trails blazed so that they would not
get lost in the voluminous but scattered archives obtaining in large cities, such
as London, Lisbon and Paris. Sometimes the working tools already exist but
funds for their publication are wanting. This is true of the remarkable inven-
tories that have just been m a d e at the French National Archives, Overseas
Section, and which relate in Paris to the 'Réunion' series, and in Aix-en-
Provence to the 'Madagascar and Dependencies' collection. O n e example
should be cited, namely the Bibliography of Mauritius (1502-1954) by A Tous-
saint and H . Adolphe, published in Port-Louis in 1956. T h e work includes a
list of archives concerning Mauritius to be found in collections throughout
the world. This volume, which it is hoped will be updated, is a prototype of
what might be attempted for the whole of the Indian Ocean.
A n evaluation of the wealth produced by the slave trade in external
economic systems could be m a d e only in conjunction with a study of the receiv-
ing countries. This question was of concern to those w h o lived in the years
immediately following emancipation of the slaves. They carried out studies on
the comparative profitability of free and slave labour. Such studies were
conducted in the West Indies as well as in the Mascarene Islands and often
show slave labour to be the less economical. However, m a n y assiduous inquiries
are still needed before it can be proved that the slave's output was 'unecono-
mical '. Having read the work by R . W . Fogel and S. L . Engerman, 7 one would be
tempted today, on the contrary, to look into the profitable aspects of slavery,
even in the mid-nineteenth century. Another point that needs clarification
has to do with the financing of the slave trade, and the profits m a d e by the
exporter and the carrier. S u m m a r y evaluations do exist. I quoted Misson's
sally about the price of slaves in Madagascar and the value that was put upon
them in Barbados. In the mid-nineteenth century, a slave exchanged for two
goats near Lake Tanganyika was sold for $20 in Zanzibar and over $60 in
Muscat. These two towns, which were relay points along the slave routes and
centres for financing and redistribution, owed their wealth to the slave traffic.
The constitution of commercial networks, the profit-and-loss balance, and the
share of the slave trade in commerce as a whole are studies which still need to
be undertaken in most of the regions in the Indian Ocean. A remaining task
would be to study the slaves' descendants—freed slaves or fully fledged
citizens. This is not only a demographic problem but also one of integration in
society or rejection by it. In what generation is restitution m a d e for the rob-
bery of Africa? At what point is a balance struck between what the slaves'
descendants have received from the host country and what they have given it?
The major difficulty is still that of counting the slaves. This is the key
both to an accurate answer regarding the enrichment of external economic
systems and to an evaluation of the demographic consequences for Africa.
E . A . Alpers has criticized Coupland's views on the connections between the
slave trade and the low population density in East Africa (1967). The matter
does not seem to have been fully settled. While plenty of estimates have been
m a d e for the eastern part of the continent from the middle of the eighteenth
century onwards, there are virtually none for the previous periods. The contri-
butions m a d e by the slave trade in the islands, m a n y of which were 'population
traps ', are beginning to be assessed more accurately. But losses in the trans-
portation over land and sea are often still u n k n o w n and m a n y generalizations
seem to be rash. Internal displacements—a sort of slave trade in a vacuum—are
still certainly being minimized, as are the volume and duration of the clan-
destine traffic in the European colonies and Muslim countries. It is on these
last points that the overall evaluations m a d e by Curtin and Deschamps will
probably have to be modified most.
A great deal is expected from G . I. Inokori's work on population and the
impact of the slave trade on societies and powers in Africa. In the eastern
part of the continent, I would suggest only a few avenues of research : u p to
about 1750, the political and social balance seems to have been very little
202 Hubert Gerbeau
affected by the slave trade; after that date devastation and anarchy were
rampant along the slave routes. But all the regions were not involved to the
same extent. Sometimes a strengthening of power was not unconnected with
profits from the slave trade, as in the case of Seyid Said in Zanzibar; in other
cases, a n e w power was set up thanks to the trade, as for example that of
Tippoo Tib w h o , about 1872, founded a State on the Lomani River, a tributary
of the Congo.
Sometimes the slave trade brought about a certain interpénétration of the
African and European social systems, as for instance in Portuguese territories.
M o r e often, it accentuated cultural antagonisms and helped to establish a firmer
claim to political, social and religious originality, especially in the Islamized
portion of East Africa. In casting about for types of research to be undertaken,
the need for a methodical correlation between lands of departure and lands of
destination becomes evident. The slave trade is sometimes overworked as an
explanation of events. Thus 'it is impossible to go on maintaining that the
"Africans" of Madagascar w h o came there before the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries (Makoa, Mozambika) were brought in as slaves' (Ottino, 1974).
M o r e often, however, w e are afraid of going too far the other way, because the
silence about the slave and the silence of the slave are profound. W e are
afraid of minimizing the economic and cultural influence of the slave in a
receiving society by failing to pay attention to the quality of the transplanted
African values or by being ignorant of the quantitative extent of the slave trade.
Although the slave trade sometimes brought about a reduction in the population
when an epidemic was carried by a contaminated ship, it was generally found to
add to the population, as the clandestine arrivals alone show. While still
aboard ship, the slave in transit gave vent to his feelings by his songs, his
rebellion or his suicide. It m a y not always be possible to locate him in the
archives, but he did leave traces of his departure and his arrival. I should like
to recall that there are two ways of approaching the phenomenon of the slave
trade when written documents are scarce. O n e way is via archaeology, which
m a y confirm, ' sometimes in a spectacular fashion, realities of ancient times
that are reflected in the texts'; and the second is via oral tradition which,
although 'a very tenuous Ariadne's clew',8 m a y save us from losing our way
once and for all. P . Vérin observed in the Boeny area, in Madagascar, the
presence of eighteenth-century monuments whose construction was directly
linked to slave-trade profits. T h e excavations currently under w a y in East
Africa and Madagascar, those recently begun in the Comoros, and perhaps
even those being planned in the Laccadive and Maldive Islands m a y yield a
wealth of information. N o site in the Indian Ocean should be excluded out of
hand. The difficulty facing the historian of the slave trade is h o w to single out
the detail which is significant for his subject from the mass of data available,
without making arbitrary additions.
At Bangui, in Africa, J. L . Miège collected oral evidence from living

witnesses about the slave trade which had been carried on across the continent,
from the K a n o region as far as Zanzibar, Jedda and Muscat. Inquiries m a d e of
old people in Réunion seem to warrant situating the arrival of their forebears
at the time of a clandestine traffic, which is later than one would have suspected
from the texts.
These remarks lead m e , by way of conclusion, to venture a hypothesis :
even when there are no texts concerning a slave-trade phenomenon, the historian
can sill proceed with his work. H e will have to go to the spot himself, i.e. to the
land whence the slaves departed and to the one where they arrived. It is essential
for him to glean information from the local inhabitants, to search their m e m o -
ries and their land. His archaeology should extend to the sites inhabited by
the Maroons. Perhaps then w e shall understand better h o w far the slaves, and
more particularly the rebel slaves, have kept Africa alive in the ' Indian Ocean '
area. The absence of studies does not necessarily m e a n the absence of a subject
requiring study. The Atlantic side of the continent alone has produced the Boni
Negroes of Guyana, the V o d u n Creoles of Haiti, and American jazz, whereas
the Indian Ocean slave has not so far m a d e history. The sega (dance of the
Mascarene Islands), short stories, proverbs, Creole languages, cooking recipes
and religious beliefs can teach us a great deal about the qualitative and quan-
titative impact of Africa. Even anthropological blood-group research m a y shed
1 ight on the dominant features of a particular population. A n d so at the level
of forms of research w e find this converging of h u m a n sciences which I suggested
was necessary when I was endeavouring to identify the problems inherent in
defining the coverage of a study of the slave trade. In the Indian Ocean, as
in the Atlantic, Africa has probably survived the convoys, the plantations and
cultural alienation. ' Mediterranean seas—and the Indian Ocean is one such—
have always been centres of civilization ', writes M . Mollat. The slave m a d e his
o w n contribution to this centre. A s part of the 'cultural continuum', he trans-
ported Africa eastwards for centuries. A s his Odyssey drew to an end, hordes of
Indian and Chinese 'coolies' began to flow in the opposite direction. The trade
in 'free employees' and slaves was an insult to civilization but it was also a
feature of civilization; more effectively than ivory, gold, pottery of spices,
it forged between the shores of the Indian Ocean a living link—man. Above
and beyond disruption, violence, bloodshed and tears, there was acculturation.
The islands are beginning to bear witness to this. A s for the continental coast
lines, scarcely any stones have yet been scabbled in this quarry of history.
Notes
1. Meeting of Experts on the Historical Contacts between East Africa and Madagascar
on the O n e Hand, and South-East Asia on the Other, Across the Indian Ocean,
Port Louis, Mauritius, 15-19 July 1974.
204 Hubert Gerbeau
2. Translator's note—The English translation of both terms is'slave trade'. A n esclava-

giste is a partisan of slavery.
3. B y w a y of illustration, I would mention a m o n g current studies and recent works
written on the same lines, the title of a book by H u g h Tinker, A New System of
Slavery. The Export of Indian Labour Overseas 1830-1920, Oxford University
Press, 1974.
4. A Guide to Western Manuscripts and Documents in the British Isles relating to South
and South-East Asia, London, 1965; A Guide to Manuscripts and Documents in the
British Isles relating to Africa, London, 1971.
5. op. cit., p. 49 et seq.
6. For example, the British Parliamentary Papers, published by the Irish University Press,
or the Recueil Général des Lois et des Arrêts, by J. B . Sirey.
7. Time on the Cross, Boston, 1974.
8. J. Ki-Zerbo, Preface to La Tradition Orale, Niamey, 1972.
Bibliography1
Bibliographies, inventories of source materials, methods
Specal importance should be attached to meetings of experts, symposia and congresses

whose proceedings are unfortunately sometimes published m u c h later, and sometimes, too,
with the discussions omitted. For a methodological study of the slave trade in the Indian
Ocean, a great deal of information will be found in the following:
Beirut Symposium. Sociétés et Compagnies de Commerce en Orient et dans l'Océan Indien,

1966. Paris, S E V P E N , 1970.
Dar es Salaam Congress on the History of Africa, 1965. Nairobi, East African Publishing
House, 1968.
Lourenço-Marquès Symposium. Océan Indien et Méditerranée, 1962. Lisbon, Studia,
1963; Paris, S E V P E N , 1964.
Meeting of Experts on 'Les Contacts Historiques entre l'Afrique et Madagascar d'Une Part,
et l'Asie du Sud-Est d'Autre Part, par les Voies de l'Océan Indien', Port-Louis, 1974.
Paris, Unesco. (Distribution limited.) The papers submitted by Messrs Dévisse, Glélé,
Mollat, Mutibwa, Ogot, Rabemananjara, Talib and Vérin as well as the Final Report
by Jean Dévisse are most useful for this subject.
Meeting of Experts on Malay Culture, Bangkok, 1973. Paris, Unesco. (Distribution limited.)
Meeting of Experts on Malay Culture, Kuala Lumpur, 1972. Paris, Unesco. (Distribution
limited.)
Saint-Denis de la Réunion, Symposium on 'Les Mouvements de Population dans l'Océan
Indien', 1972. In press.
San Francisco Seminar, 'Course et Piraterie' held in August 1975 by the International Com-
mission for Maritime History during the Fourteenth International Congress of Historical
Sciences. Foreword by Michel Mollat. Paris, Unesco, 1975. ( M i m e o , 3 parts.)
Symposium on the Slave Trade, Colby College, Waterville (USA), 18-22 August 1975.
(See particularly ' A Census on the Transsaharan Slave Trade' by R . A . Austen.
1. I have mentioned only those reference works and publications of a general nature which contain
important information about the slave trade in the Indian Ocean and I have confined the list
of articles and specialized publications, as far as possible, to the most recent ones. Those often
contain summaries or critical analyses of previous studies and lists of source materials and
bibliographies.—H.G.
Books and articles:

G E R B E A U , H . Les Esclaves Noirs. Pour une Histoire du Silence. Paris, A . Balland, 1970.
Guide to Sources of African History. Prepared with the aid under the auspices of Unesco,
Zug, Inter-Documentation C o m p a n y A G , 1970.
H O G G , P. C . The African Slave Trade and its Suppression. A Classified and Annotated
Bibliography of Books, Pamphlets and Periodical Articles. London, Cass, 1973.
L A Y A , D . (ed.). La Tradition Orale. Problématique et Méthodologie des Sources de l'His-
toire Africaine. Niamey, C R D T O , 1972. Preface by J. Ki-Zerbo.
L E B L E V E C , D . L'Océan Indien Occidental avant l'Arrivée des Portugais. Orientation
Bibliographique pour une Étude des Côtes Africaines, des Iles et des Routes Maritimes
du Sud-Ouest de l'Océan Indien, Antérieurement au X V I e Siècle. Cahiers du Centre
Universitaire de la Réunion. Saint-Denis, 1976.
L O M B A R D , D . Les Études sur le M o n d e Insulindien. Situation et Perspectives. ASEMI,
Vol. VI, N o . 1, 1975. (Document prepared at the request of Unesco, Kuala L u m p u r
meeting, 1972.)
M A T T H E W S , N . ; W A I N W R I G H T , M . D . A Guide to Manuscripts and Documents in the British
Isles and Relating to Africa. London, Oxford University Press, 1971.
M O L L A T , M . Les Relations de l'Afrique de l'Est avec l'Asie: Essai de Position de Quelques
Problèmes Historiques. Journal of World History, Vol. XIII, N o . 2, 1971, p. 291-316.
T O U S S A I N T , A . ; A D O L P H E , H . Bibliography of Mauritius (1S02-1954). Port-Louis, Mauritius,
Esclapon, 1956.
W A I N W R I G H T , M . D . ; M A T T H E W S , N . A Guide to Western Manuscripts and Documents in
the British Isles Relating to South and South-East Aasia, London, Oxford University
Press, 1965.
Studies on the Indian Ocean and the slave trade

A L L E N J. de V . , Proposition en V u e d'Etudes sur l'Océan Indien. Kampala, 1969, and
Port-Louis, 1974.
A L P E R S , E . A . The East African Slave Trade. Nairobi, East African Publishing House,
1967.
A w A D , M . Rapport sur l'Esclavage. N e w York and Paris, United Nations, 1967.
B E A C H E Y , R . W . The Slave Trade of Eastern Africa: A Collection of Documents. Rex
Collins, 1976.
B E N N E T T , N . R . ; B R O O K S , G . E . , Jr (ed.). New England Merchants in Africa. A History
through Documents 1802 to 1865. Boston, University Press, 1965.
B O N T I N C K , Tippou Tib, Brussels, A R S O M , 1976.
C A H E N , C . Le Commerce Musulman dans l'Océan Indien au M o y e n Age. p. 179-93.
Colloque de Beyrouth, 1966. Paris, S E V P E N , 1970.
C H I T T I C K , H . N . L'Archéologie de la Côte Orientale Africaine. Arabes et Islamisés à
Madagascar et dans l'Océan Indien, p. 21-38. Tananarive, 1967.
. East Africa and the Orient: Parts and Trade Before the Arrival of the Portuguese.
Port-Louis, 1974.
C O O P E R , F . Plantation Slavery on the East Coast of Africa in the Nineteenth Century.
Yale University, 1974 (Ph.D. thesis.)
C O U P L A N D , R . East Africa and its Invaders. From the Earliest Times to the Death ofSeyid
Said in 1856. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1938.
. The Exploitation of East Africa 1856-1800. The Slave Trade and the Scramble. London,
Faber & Faber, 1939.
C U R T I N , P. D . The Atlantic Slave Trade. A Census. Madison, Wis., University of Wisconsin
Press, 1969.
206 Hubert Gerbeau
D E B I E N , G . Les Esclaves aux Antilles Françaises (XVIIe-XVIIIe Siècles), Basse-Terre,

Fort-de-France, Sociétés d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe et de la Martinique, 1974.
D E S C H A M P S , H . Histoire de la Traite des Noirs de VAntiquité à nos Jours. Paris, Fayard,
1972.
D E S C H A M P S , H . et al. Histoire Générale de l'Afrique Noire. Paris, Presses Universitaires de
France, 1970 and 1971. (2 vols.)
F A U R E C , U . L'Archipel aux Sultans Batailleurs. 1st éd. 1941; 2nd ed., Moroni, Promo
Al Camar, n.d.
FILLIOT, J . - M . La Traite des Esclaves vers les Mascareignes au XVIIIe Siècle. Paris,
ORSTOM, 1974.
. Pirates et Corsaires dans l'Océan Indien. Colloque de San Francisco sur Course et
Piraterie. Part II, p. 766-84. Paris, 1975.
F R E E M A N - G R E N V I L L E , G . S. P. The East African Coast: Select documents from the First
to the Earlier Nineteenth Century. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1962.
G E R B E A U , H . Quelques Aspects de la Traite Interlope à Bourbon au X I X e Siècle. Colloque
de Saint-Denis sur les Mouvements de Population dans l'Océan Indien. In press.
G O D I N H O , V . M . L'Économie de l'Empire Portugais aux XVe et XVIe Siècles, Paris,
S E V P E N , 1969.
G R A H A M , G . S. Great Britain in the Indian Ocean, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1967.
H A R D Y M A N , J. T . The Madagascar Slave-Trade to the Americas (1632-1830). Colloque
de Lourenço-Marquès sur Océan Indien et Méditerranée, p. 501-21. Paris, S E V P E N ,
1964.
H E E R S , J. Le Rôle des Capitaux Internationaux dans les Voyages de Découvertes aux
X V e et X V I e Siècles. Colloque de Lisbonne sur les Aspects Internationaux de la Découverte
Océanique aux XVe et XVIe Siècles, p. 273-93. Paris, S E V P E N , 1966.
K E L L Y , J. B . The Arab Slave Trade, 1800-1842. Britain and The Persian Gulf, 1795-1880.
p. 411-51. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1968.
K E S W A N I , D . G . Archival Documentation on the Indian Emigration to Indian Ocean
Countries. Colloque de Saint-Denis sur Les Mouvements de Population dans l'Océan
Indien. In press.
. Indian Cultural and Commercial Influences in the Indian Ocean, from Africa and
Madagascar to South-East Asia, Port-Louis, 1974.
K I - Z E R B O , J. Histoire de l'Afrique Noire. Paris, Hatier, 1972.
LABIB, S. Islamic Expansion and Slave Trade in Mediaeval Africa. Colloque de Saint-
Denis sur les Mouvements de Population dans l'Océan Indien. In press.
L O M B A R D , D . U n ' Expert' Saxon dans les Mines d'Or de Sumatra au XVII e Siècle. Archipel,
Vol. 2, 1971, p. 225-42.
M A R I S S A L , 3., La Traite Orientale à Zanzibar. Paris, Centre de Recherches Africaines, 1970.
M A U N Y , R . Les Siècles Obscurs de l'Afrique Noire. Paris, Fayard, 1971.
M I È G E , J. L . La Libye et le Commerce Transsaharien au X I X e Siècle. Revue de l'Occident
Musulman et de la Méditerranée (Aix-en-Provence), N o . 19, 1975, p. 135-68.
M O L E Ï , L . Le Vocabulaire Concernant l'Esclavage dans l'Ancien Madagascar. Perspectives
Nouvelles sur le Passé de l'Afrique Noire et de Madagascar. Paris, Publications de la
Sorbonne, 1974, p. 45-65.
M O L L A T , M . Historical Contacts of Africa and Madagascar with South and South-East
Asia: the Rôle of the Indian Ocean, Port-Louis, 1974.
O L I V E R , R . L'Afrique Orientale. Histoire Générale de l'Afrique Noire, Vol. 1, p. 423-49.
O L I V E R , R . ; M A T H E W , G . (eds.), History of East Africa. Vol. I. Oxford, Clarendon Press,
1963.
O T T I N O , P. Madagascar, les Comores et le Sud-Ouest de l'Océan Indien (Projet d'Enseigne-
ment et de Recherches). Université de Madagascar, 1974.
O T T I N O , P. Le M o y e n Age de l'Océan Indien et le Peuplement de Madagascar. Annuaire

des Pays de l'Océan Indien, p. 197-221. Aix-en-Provence, C E R S O I , 1974.
P A N K H U R S T , R . The Ethiopian Slave Trade in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth
Centuries: A Statistical Inquiry. Journal of Semitic Studies (Manchester), Vol. 9, 1964,
p. 220-8.
R E N A U L T , F. Lavigerie, l'Esclavage Africain et l'Europe (1868-1892). 2 vols. Paris, E . de
Boccard, 1971.
. La Traite Transsaharienne et Orientale en Afrique. Godo Godo, Bulletin de l'IHAAA
(University of Abidjan), N o . 2, July 1976, p. 25-46.
. Libération d'Esclaves et Nouvelles Servitudes (Abidjan), 1977. (Nouvelles Editions
Africaines (B.P. 20615).)
T I N K E R , H . , A New System of Slavery, the Export of Indian Labour Overseas (1830-1920).
London, Oxford University Press, 1974.
T O U S S A I N T , A . La Route des Iles. Paris, S E V P E N , 1967.
V A L E T T E , J. Considérations sur les Exportations d'Esclaves Malgaches vers les Masca-
reignes au XVIII e Siècle. Colloque de Beyrouth, 1966. p. 531-40. Paris, S E V P E N , 1970.
V É R I N , P. Les Arabes dans l'Océan Indien et à Madagascar, Arabes et Islamisés à Mada-
gascar et dans l'Océan Indien, p. a-c. Tananarive, 1967.
. Histoire Ancienne du Nord-Ouest de Madagascar. Tananarive, Taloha 5, Université
de Madagascar, 1972.
W A N G G U N G W U , The Chinese and the Countries across the Indian Ocean. Port-Louis,
1974.
W A N Q U E T , C . La Réunion pendant l'Epoque Révolutionnaire. In press.
. La Réunion et la Guerre de Course pendant l'Époque Révolutionnaire. Cahiers du
Centre Universitaire de la Réunion, N o . 8, 1976, p. 23-60.
S u m m a r y report
of the meeting of experts
on the African slave trade
Port-au-Prince, Haiti, 31 January to 4 February 1978
The meeting, which was attented by thirty-three experts and nine observers,
was inaugurated by H.E. Dr Raoul Pierre-Louis, Secretary of State for National
Education (Haiti) who gave the opening address (see page 236), after the
observance of one minute's silence in memory of all the victims of the slave trade.
Amadou-Mahtar M ' B o w , Director-General of Unesco, then outlined the main
features of the experts' task, and stressed the positive spirit of international co-
operation manifested by the holding of such a discussion on this difficult subject
in Haiti, the scene of great suffering from the slave trade and of the struggle
for the liberation of the black man (see page 239).
The meeting selected its officers as follows: Dr Raoul Pierre-Louis (Haiti),
Chairman; Professor B . A . Ogot (Kenya) and Professor H. Tolentino (Dominican
Republic), Vice-Chairmen; Professor J. Dévisse (France), Rapporteur.
This summary report sets out the most constructive suggestions which
emerged from the discussion, and includes the most recent information. It is not
a point-by-point record of the discussion.
Summary report
Scale of the slave trade
Record and criticism of results so far achieved
Despite serious efforts in recent years to reach a comprehensive conclusion,

differences in the assessment of the global extent of the slave trade remain
acute, and they emerged during the discussion. According to some participants
w h o wished to take into considerations factors such as losses during capture
and land journeys across Africa, and deaths during the sea crossing, Africa's
losses during the four centuries of the Atlantic slave trade must be put at some
210 million h u m a n beings.
According to others the overall total of slaves transported between the
tenth and the nineteenth centuries from Black Africa to the various receiving
territories should be put at between 15 and 30 million persons.
In the case of particular receiving territories there is similar uncertainty.
For Brazil, for example, the highest estimated figures are four times as large
as the lowest.
The majority of the experts considered that, in any event, even n o w ,
thesefiguresare not sufficiently exact, since different data series which d o not
permit of superposition or comparison have been assembled hitherto with n o
coherent overall plan. Research should therefore be pursued in accordance
with the following guidelines.
Account should be taken, for example, of hitherto neglected data such as
deaths on capture, during land of sea journeys, and following insurrec-
tions. Interesting statistical information was provided concerning deaths
on board the slave-ships. Depending o n the length of the crossing,
percentages varied greatly in the Indian Ocean at the end of the eigh-
teenth and beginning of the nineteenth century. These were approxi-
mately 25 per cent in the case of transportation from the west African
coast to the Mascarene Islands, 21 per cent w h e n it was from the east
coast of Africa, and 12 per cent on ships out of Madagascar.
There should be more extensive research into the transportation of slaves over
212 Summary report of the meeting of experts
at least ten centuries towards the Islamic countries, for which very little
precise information has been collected up to n o w .
A n evaluation should be m a d e of the slave trade in the Indian Ocean, which
lasted from ancient times to the twentieth century, m u c h longer than
that in the Atlantic. Here again present estimates vary greatly: they
range from 1 to 5 million for the period from 1451 to 1870.
A very thorough study should be m a d e of the post-abolition clandestine slave
trade in all its forms, particularly in the south Atlantic and Indian Oceans.
Although m u c h good work has already been done, the meeting considered
that in too m a n y instances the establishment of thefiguresused was based on
a partial, or even partisan, critique of the sources and that the investigation
should therefore be broadened. However there should be preparation for the
further research to be carried out by basing it on the adoption of stricter working
methods.
While recognizing that regional or global quantification was necessary
in order to satisfy the legitimate concern for a proper assessment of the damage
caused to Africa, and also to m a k e the requisite economic analysis, the meeting
hoped that the research entailed, which would certainly be of long duration,
would not block all the discussion and research that needs to be pursued in so
m a n y other fields.
The meeting noted that hardly anyone disputed the fact that several
tens of millions of black Africans were uprooted from Africa and transported
to more or less distant receiving countries and that this drain, quantitatively
huge and qualitatively catastrophic, could not be compared, so far as its effects
were concerned, to the voluntary or at least free migration of Europeans to
North America in the nineteenth century.
Possibilities of improving our present state of knowledge
T w o main theoretical approaches emerged during the discussion, with some

experts on one side and some on the other. However, these approaches are not
methodologically irreconcilable, even though they are linked to different phil-
osophies or historical methods.
The inductive method is to present the slave trade, a logical and not
at all accidental phenomenon, in the context of world-wide social and economic
evolution.
The slave trade arose from the needs of the capitalist economy to develop
outside Africa, and variations in the scale of the drain from the African con-
tinent and in the distribution of slaves a m o n g the receiving countries reflected
the variations in those needs. Very different situations were mentioned as
between the Atlantic islands (Fernando Po, Sao T o m é , Cape Verde, Canaries-
Azores-Madeira), the Caribbean area, North and South America, the countries
Summary report of the meeting of experts 213
bordering on the Indian ocean and the islands of that ocean. The examples
given show that each degree of increased intensity in the production of the
colonies was reflected in different degrees of intensification of the slave trade.
Similarly, the introduction of the steam engine and of the cotton-gin
were important factors in speeding up the d e m a n d for black labour.
In most cases it was necessary for such labour to be renewed very fre-
quently. The life-span of slaves was short and the birth rate very low, thus the
maintenance or increase of the labour force required was possible only by
increased slave imports to keep pace with the development of economic c o m -
petition a m o n g European countries.1
M o r e empirically, the other deductive method would be the further
preparation of serious monographs before attempting to generalize and draw
together numerical results or m a k e classified assessments.
Those in favour of this method, less concerned with overall explanations,
stressed the urgency of certain improvements in the technical methods of
research, such improvements were felt to be needed also in the case of the other
approach.
The meeting stressed that archives should receive special attention. In
certain cases, they had been removed or concealed where they related to the
slave trade;2 in other cases they had not been classified;3 or insufficient use
had been m a d e of them where they were abundant.
In general, the meeting advocated the preparation as proposed by the
Director-General in his opening address, of a Guide to Sources relating to the
History of the Slave Trade in the Archives of the Caribbean Area.
The meeting also considered that a careful re-reading of k n o w n sources
could provide m u c h new quantitative material (for example concerning deaths
at sea) and also linguistic information. While the records were mostly drawn
up by and for slave-owners, they could yield m u c h hitherto scarcely used
information. A thorough scrutiny of the various kinds of sources would m a k e
it possible to classify in the order of its real importance the information
published by each of those sources.
Finally, it was considered desirable to carry out a systematic search
in certain countries (e.g. Turkey, Egypt, the Maghreb countries, Iran, Arabia,
India and Europe) a m o n g sources hitherto inaccessible or not sufficiently avail-
able to the public and which could provide information on the various aspects
of the slave trade. It was thought that private archives and those of European
trading companies could also yield important details if their owners agreed to
co-operate in the collective search.
Oral tradition was thought to be no less deserving of attention. In Africa
itself it could, in particular cases, still provide valuable material. In Brazil,
the Caribbean area, the United States, the islands of the Indian Ocean, and a m o n g
the African communities which had returned from India to Kenya, in Gujarat
and in the region of the Persian Gulf, however, it was important that intense
and speedy action should be taken before the disappearance of elderly witnesses
able to provide both information on the slave trade and important linguistic
material.
T o increase our information on the transplantation of African cultures,
a careful survey should be undertaken, rapidly and in depth, of all the traces
of African languages in the three Americas. This study might initially be under-
taken through co-operation between African linguistic specialists and American
scholars, pending the creation of institutes of African linguistics, particularly
in the Caribbean area.
In Africa, a systematic mapping should be undertaken of destroyed or
deserted villages wherever they can validly be linked to the slave trade.
In the Caribbean, Brazil and North America, immediate action should
be taken systematically to assemble objects related to the slave trade, or objects
which have African prototypes.
In a more general vein, the present vagueness of definitions relating
to the ethnic origin of the transported slaves led the meeting to recommend
that scholars should not be satisfied with vague epithets referring to the embar-
kation area in Africa (e.g. ' C o n g o ' , 'Angolan') or to a general linguistic group
(e.g. 'Bantu').
Interesting examples were given of the results obtainable when greater
detail is sought. In the Cape Verde Islands between 1834 and 1856, a register
gives 5,890 names of slaves of w h o m 141, w h o had not been baptized, were
entered under their African names with an indication of their origin (Mandingo,
Joloff, M a n d y a k , Flup, etc.). O n the other hand, the example of the Malays in
the Indian Ocean should be carefully distinguished from that of the ' M a l e '
of Brazil. In connection with these latter the meeting received divergent infor-
mation. However, the word ' M a l e ' is synonymous with Muslim, as is 'Fulani'
in Guyana.
M o r e generally still, reference was m a d e on several occasions to the
advantage of having a descriptive graph of the quantitative evolution of the
slave trade. The information provided by recent studies o n this point could be
gradually corrected and m a d e more accurate as research methods become more
sensitive. Such an overall picture of the phenomenon, in conjunction with
regional and country graphs, would m a k e it easier to perceive the variations
and contradictions of the slave trade. It would also contribute to emphasizing
the importance of never overlooking chronological factors in any quantitative
assessment of the phenomenon.
Effects of the slave trade
The results so far achieved by research vary considerably. Information becomes

ever more scanty the further back one goes in history. The state of knowledge
is relatively good concerning the routes used in transporting the slaves and
the ports of embarkation, but study of the economic and political impact of
the slave trade is m u c h less advanced. It is difficult to break d o w n such work
into component parts and dissociate the quantitative elements from the quali-
tative, the economic from the political.
Demographic repercussions in Africa

It was clear that no one n o w supports the idea that the slave trade played a
positive role by averting a population explosion in Africa, but there are con-
siderable differences of opinion concerning the responsibility of the slave trade
for the underdevelopment of the African continent. Investigation of this subject
is difficult, because the usual tools for analysis are non-existent.
The meeting recommended that for such studies resort should be had to
the techniques of demographers, which would provide indications as to the
m i n i m u m population density of a particular area capable of ensuring the
survival of its inhabitants and as to the optimum population density range
within which the best conditions for development were to be found.
Likewise, the study of works on environmental effects in Africa (for
example on the tsetse fly or onchocerciasis) could provide interesting evidence
as to the secondary causes of depopulation or population movements.
The use of global economic analysis techniques should m a k e it possible
to obtain a quantitative and qualitative assessment of the negative influence of
the slave trade on African productivity. The preparation of monographs for
area of Africa would be useful in obtaining a complete picture of the effects
of the slave trade.
Impact of the slave trade on political, economic and social

structures in Africa
N o n e of the experts present disputed the idea that the slave trade was respon-
sible for the economic backwardness of Black Africa. S o m e experts discussed
the positive role that might have been played as producers and consumers
by the Africans removed from the continent if they had not been transported
as slaves away from Africa.
It was found that the external demand for labour became increasingly
pressing with time and that in the overall study of the slave trade chronological
sequences must be preserved. T h e demand by the Muslim labour markets
was followed, after thefifteenthand sixteenth centuries, by that arising from
the first European experiments with plantations. Then, as the major phenomena
of the plantation economy and mining developed in the seventeenth and eigh-
teenth centuries in the Americas and later in the Indian Ocean, the slave
trade grew to massive proportions. Despite its legal abolition, it was maintained,
to a varying extent according to region in the nineteenth and in places even into
the twentieth century, and took different clandestine forms.
While the analysis of the pressures exerted on Black Africa by the demand
for labour appeared to be relatively well developed today, the analysis of eco-
nomic and social consequences was found to be far less advanced. In m a n y
cases, hypotheses still have to suffice.
It would seem that, before thefifteenthcentury, there was an economic devel-
opment that was characteristically African. The accelerated demand for
labour abroad impaired and then put an end to this development. This
is the most logical explanation for the absence of economic vitality in
African societies at the time of the European capitalist expansion.
The slave trade appeared to have provided some already organized African
trading societies with the ready-made solution of exchanging h u m a n
beings for imported goods. Where no specialized trading function existed,
those w h o held political power had to m a k e a choice between accepting
the proposed slave trade or refusing, with all the consequences. European
pressures in thisfieldcontinued to increase from the sixteenth century—
when they already existed for example in the Congo and in Z i m b a b w e —
to the eighteenth century. In the case of some African societies the choice
was often decisive, for instance the O v i m b u n d u in Angola, in order to
survive as an organized group, entered into the system of the Portuguese
slave trade.
The import of manufactured articles probably reduced the Africans' incentive
to produce: this was no doubt the case of iron production in Senegambia.
There was a similarly increasing demand for raw materials—ivory, furs
and skins, g u m , etc.—which were useful for industrial development in
Europe. It is also probable that the diversion of a considerable part of
the labour force to slavery and the slave trade prevented the establish-
ment of a pool of m a n p o w e r available for agriculture and the production
of manufactured goods.
Little by little the slave trade acquired the support of a new class of rich mer-
chants, whose origins varied according to the region and w h o were often
able to oppose the African political authorities successfully w h e n the
latter showed unwillingness to co-operate in the slave trade. This mer-
chant class should be carefully studied.
It was considered that the development of a deep-seated sense of insecurity
and the increase of inter-ethnic or social tensions created an 'anti-
economic mentality' in Africa: all that the Africans were concerned
about was to survive through modest and routine work in proportion
to needs. It was felt that this point should also be the subject of very
careful studies.
F r o m another point of view, the experts considered that it would be desirable

to analyse qualitatively the losses suffered. While it is already k n o w n
that those uprooted from Africa were generally the young people, too
little is k n o w n of their social level and the circumstances of their capture.
It is relatively easy today to m a p the main places where the slave trade was
carried on. Such a m a p shows areas whose relative importance varied with the
time and 'collecting areas' related to ' d e m a n d markets'. It was considered
that in thisfieldit would be easy to produce fairly quickly a collective publica-
tion summarizing the results achieved to date for the whole of Africa between
the tenth and twentieth centuries.
The experts examined the question of the changes undergone by the
African political authorities owing to the slave trade. Divergent opinions
emerged on certain points.
The idea that the authorities m a y have shown organized opposition to the
slave trade has often been put forward in recent years. Recently, oral
traditions have been found which advance such a reason as one of the
basic causes of the emergence of the Empire of Mali. It was considered
that no study had yet been m a d e of the forms taken by such authorities,
which varied greatly institutionally according to the region and the
society concerned.
The traditionally organized authorities, for example in Jolof, Cayor, Balol,
Songhai, C o n g o and Z i m b a b w e , were, in various ways and at various
times, confronted with the pressure of European or Muslim demands for
slaves. They were all upset by this pressure. They all suffered immediate
defeat, or such a transformation of their relations with the societies that
they represented that they became either the forced instruments of the
traders or the victims of less scrupulous political rivals. The slave trade
had an indisputably destructive effect on the oldest African authorities.
O n the other hand, n e w forms of authority arose more or less directly out of
the slave trade. There were some kings w h o sought, through the formation
of docile groups of slaves, a means of domination without opposition,
contrary to traditional customs. Others created a privileged military
caste as a defence for their group, thus establishing a warrior class
supported by domestic slaves in greater numbers than formerly. In the
nineteenth century such authorities emerged all over Africa, even inland.
Subjected to the aggression of the European slave trade, the black
Muslims of West Africa reacted by encouraging the organization of
religious authorities whose primary concern was to defend the Islamic
communities by refusal to co-operate with the slave-traders, and also
by the use of force.
The political m a p of Africa was profoundly modified as a result of such m o v e -
ments. In general neither the authorities nor the societies of the nineteenth
century bore any resemblance to those which had existed at the begin-
ning of the slave trade.
The question arises w h o best protected those dependent on them and to the
detriment of w h o m , in this redistribution of political factors.
In any event, it seems indisputable that such upsets were accompanied
by an increase of social tensions, a worsening of servitude, especially quanti-
tatively and by a transformation of the former processes of social integration
that the various forms of personal dependence provided in African society
prior to thefifteenthcentury.
A s an extreme case, it must be recalled that, at least in East Africa, and
no doubt elsewhere, rulers founded their power and wealth in the nineteenth
century on the systematic exploitation of the sale of slaves destined for the
Indian Ocean ports or for plantations which were by that time established on
the soil of Africa itself.
Economic consequences in the countries benefiting from the slave trade
It was considered that, from the outset, a distinction must be m a d e between

the receiving countries and the colonial powers which certainly derived the
greatest advantage from the slave trade. The latter controlled the competitive
process carried on under cover of the monopoly system and dominated capi-
talist growth from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. They benefited twice
from the export of African slaves,firstthrough the transportation of slaves
and secondly by the production of marketable commodities m a d e possible by
the local use of slave labour. The receiving countries benefited m u c h less
uniformly from the arrival of their labour force; to a large extent this lack of
uniformity is due to the degree of power of the colonists, which varied over
the years, and to the varying degree of their participation in competitive trade.4
A careful distinction should probably be m a d e between State profits,
m a d e mainly out of the slave trade in certain cases and out of the power
provided by the marketing of colonial produce in other cases, and private
profits, of a more modern kind, m a d e for example in Great Britain and in the
United Provinces.
This is a very complex question. First, because it is linked with the
development of Western capitalist economy over three or four centuries and
because it is difficult to identify quantitatively the proportion of the means of
capital accumulation derived from the slave trade. Secondly, because the very
question of the role played by the slave trade in this development of pre-
industrial and industrial capitalist Europe is in itself a novelty, at any rate
for some European scholars. Similarly, methodological changes and perhaps
even changes of attitude are required to link the analyses of the economic
development in Africa with that of the development of Europe in a single

overall perspective. The meeting expressed a strong hope that European his-
torians would co-operate in the research that would have to be undertaken
along these new main lines of historical reasoning.
In the area of generalities a place apart has to be given to the Muslin
countries of Africa, Arabia, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. It is
difficult to assess the role played in enriching this part of the world by the
Africans present from the seventh century in Iraq, w h o specialized in the diffi-
cult processes of cultivating dates and sugar cane, and of pearl fishing. H o w
can an accurate assessment be m a d e of the contribution of black soldiers and
African sailors to the power of the Muslim world?
It is only in the nineteenth century that the Muslim slave trade, linked to
the labour needs of the Indian Ocean colonies, m a y be regarded as being inte-
grated in the capitalist system. Thus, for the earlier periods, other approaches
and other scales of assessment are needed than for European capitalism.
H o w can an equitable assessment be m a d e of the contribution of black
Africans imported into Europe,firstthrough the Muslim countries u p to the
fifteenth century, and then directly ?
The meeting voiced concern that these phenomena, which are so complex
and so full of contradictions, should always be studied in a historical perspec-
tive, that is to say as an evolving phenomenon, with chronological references.
The colonizing countries benefited in disparate ways from the conse-
quences of the slave trade.
The countries of the western Mediterranean, which were the richest in capital
before thefifteenthcentury, slowly lost their predominant position from
then on to the Atlantic European countries.
Portugal was late in taking the path of modern capitalist economic development,
because of the lack of a well-to-do middle class. Brazil benefited more
from the slave trade than the mother country. In Brazil, the massive
influx of labour from Africa, regarded by the Portuguese simply as a
manpower reservoir, m a d e possible the development of the mines and
also the plantations, both of which, in the eighteenth century, produced
commodities for which there was a large-scale international market.
Portugal invested in Brazil alone, and hardly invested at all in Africa
before 1930.
Spain was not able to take any better advantage, through development of an
entrepreneurial middle class, of the profits m a d e possible by the slave
trade. It was unable to keep the monopoly of the slave trade and did not
develop any major trade in the produce of the plantations. Its colonies,
therefore, did not share in the rapid development of the colonies of its
European rivals in the eighteenth century. The importation of manpower
was not as necessary in those colonies as elsewhere, and labour was
hardly involved in any large-scale production of exportable wealth. F r o m

this standpoint, there is a great contrast between the Spanish part of
Hispaniola and the part which became French in the eighteenth century
and is n o w called Haiti.
The United Provinces benefited only from the transportation of slaves and from
the import of African raw materials. Their colonies in the Caribbean
demonstrated no great need for imported m a n p o w e r nor any particular
productive vitality.
France, particularly in the eighteenth century, obviously m a d e considerable
real profits from the slave trade, but perhaps even more profits from the
intensive exploitation of the Caribbean islands which it owned and which
enabled it to take part in the production of sugar and fresh food products
for the British North American colonies as well as the French colonies.
The basis for an economic and military alliance of converging interests
emerged between France and the British colonies.
The extent to which this manpower was exploited and driven, in Haiti for
example, created violent tensions in the relations between masters and slaves,
relations which constantly worsened with the arrival of more slaves. The rapid
reaction to the very success of the French farming economy was what led to
the revolt of Santo D o m i n g o and Haitian independence.
Great Britain, which benefited during the eighteenth century from increasing
mastery of the seas, would seem to have m a d e greater profits from the
slave trade itself than from the plantation colonies.
It is not clear whether it was the northern or the southern colonies in North
America which really benefited economically from the contributions of
black labour.
In any event, the slave-trade economy brought wealth to the population of
the ports and those w h o worked for them in France, Great Britain and
Holland, in which countries it m a d e some contribution to capital accu-
mulation. It certainly increased the wealth and political influence of the
West European middle class, but it must be remembered that the riches
of Asia and the Indian Ocean also played a part in that prosperity.
In the American islands, in Brazil, and in the sugar-producing islands of the
Indian Ocean, the rapid growth of the plantations created conditions for basic
development. This development was brought about mainly by black labour,
with the co-operation of the few Amerindian groups that survived the massacres
of thefirstcolonial period. The receiving countries, looked at from this stand-
point, received the Africans not just as objects of trade but as creators of
wealth—even though in the eighteenth century that wealth accrued solely to
their European masters.
The plantation societies were violently split and racial prejudice created
an even stronger barrier there than elsewhere between white masters and black
slaves. T h e tension was m a d e even more dangerous as the quest for larger-
scale production m a d e the treatment they received more and more unbearable
for the slaves.
In Brazil and in Réunion there gradually emerged a society in which
apart from agriculture, most of the 'small trades' were carried on by the slaves.
There thus developed a whole series of producing trades which were not under
the control of the planters. These are at present being studied by C u b a n
scholars.6
Socio-cultural consequences in the receiving countries,

particularly the Americas
While Haiti considers itself born of the slave trade, the societies to which it
gave rise became creóle by force of circumstances in the course of time. In
these culturally and ethnically more or less composite societies, it is still diffi-
cult to identify the role of Africa and African cultures. T h e degree of survival
of African influences is quite clearly linked directly with social and political
developments in each case under consideration.
Wherever the Black Africans' reaction to protect themselves w a s not
rapid and radical, integration of the slaves into the culture of the European
master class took place, more or less quickly. This gave rise to a linguistic and
religious fragmentation. T h e greater the religious, linguistic and day-by-day
integration of the slaves into a European type of life, the more one-sided the
process of ' creolization ', the m o r e difficult it is to find traces of African culture.
The meeting considered that these very processes of integration should in
themselves constitute a subject of research.6
T h e Muslim societies were in a different category. T h e religion and the
language of the Arabs would appear to be irreversible factors making for
integration, at least in the case of Africans removed from the black areas of
the continent to the Middle Eastern Islamic countries.
The areas where research should eventually be carried out are enormous.
They should include Fernando P o , Sao T o m é , the Cape Verde Islands, the
Azores, the Canaries and Madeira, which were k n o w n and populated in certain
cases before their discovery by Europeans. It should also include the islands
in the Indian Ocean, the Caribbean, Brazil, the United States and Mexico.
Brazil offered m a n y examples of African survivals. In addition to existing
inventories, there should n o doubt be more thorough and scientific studies.
Bahia has a million black inhabitants; African Muslims set u p a resis-
tance movement in the nineteenth century north of Bahia and organized
themselves into a theocratic republic linked to the African continent. Afro-
Brazilians returned in the nineteenth century to the countries round the Gulf
of Benin. A n old m a n of 96, Baba Ijesa,7 spoke in Yoruba with two of the
experts attending the meeting. Special attention should be given to Brazil,

which probably constitutes a useful example. 8
Evidence noted in the Caribbean islands is no less interesting. In the
Dominican Republic, in Haiti, in Guadeloupe, in the Guianas and in Brazil,
relations between Amerindians and blacks were neither as infrequent nor as
bad as the colonists would have it believed. T h e role of the Amerindians in
the early stages of the presence of blacks would seem to have been greater
than had long been thought. In C u b a , even today, the vestiges of this prejudice
are so strong that it is still stated that the population is entirely Afro-Cuban,
and that the Amerindians have quite disappeared. The same was said to be the
case in Guyana, whereas there are still Amerindians surviving today, in both
cases. It would be of interest to m a k e a study of the real relations of the blacks
with the Amerindians.
A n avenue of research could be opened up by using the apparently
tenuous vestiges of African languages in the social, military or religious life
of the diaspora. However, this should not lead to neglecting study of the various
creóle languages of Central America and the Indian Ocean. 9
Stories having great similarities with African stories have been found in
the Caribbean, Réunion and Mayotte. It would be interesting to undertake a
systematic and careful analysis of them, particularly to note the differences
between non-African and African versions.
It is undoubtedly thanks to the maroons, of w h o m there are particularly
large numbers in the Spanish colonies, but w h o also exist in other Caribbean
regions, and in the islands of the Indian Ocean, that a large proportion of
African cultural tradition has been preserved. T h e existence of marronage as
a social, political and military phenomenon should thus be studied along with
its cultural implications.10
The official cultural doctrine of the Dominican Republic, based on
' Indian-ness ' and excluding reference to Africa would seem to put this country
in the opposite category from Haiti. History obviously explains this paradox.
Haiti, born of a slave insurrection on the part of those w h o arrived in
great numbers at the end of the eighteenth century, derives the force of its
political cohesion from a basic choice m a d e on 14 August 1791 at Bois Caiman.
T o the careful observer, V o o d o o would still appear today to be the focal point
of Haitian cultural life.
This people sprang from ethnic groups that were faced with the same
problem of freeing themselves from slavery but w h o had been at loggerheads
a m o n g themselves until then. V o o d o o , as reinterpreted and integrated into the
Caribbean situation, is the best preserved heritage of African religious and
cultural traditions.11 O n this ground, it deserves careful study. In Haiti, it
has taken on a value different from that which it has in Africa where it origi-
nated, or in other regions of Central America.
Ideological positions with regard to the problem of the

slave trade
This topic was discussed from three different points of view:

First, the discussion of cultural heritages prior to the eighteenth century,
the role of the Enlightenment, racialism and Marxism were not pushed very
far.
Research needs to be done on the responsibility of classical philosophy
and also on certain monotheistic trends which m a d e it philosophically possible
to justify the unequal position of the blacks. Perhaps it can at least be said
that it was a far cry in fact from the principles proclaimed and those of Chris-
tianity, the Enlightenment to the social reality of slavery. A number of experts
strongly stressed the historical contradiction between the statements of prin-
ciple on the part of the authorized representatives of Christianity and the reality
of actual support for the slave trade over a long period on the part of church-
m e n and missionaries, even if they were disavowed by their superiors.
The real centre of interest lies therefore in the conception of slavery
held by the societies which practised it to the detriment of the Africans. Clari-
fying studies must still be carried out in order to arrive at closer definitions
of the meaning attaching to the term 'slave' in the different societies involved.
Similarly, the meeting decided to refer to the International Scientific Committee
for a General History of Africa the controversial problem of the terminology
that should be used in connection with the topics under discussion.
The circumstances in which anti-black racism arose were not defined
with sufficient vigour. H o w , by what means and at what time did the transition
take place from the notion of'natural inequality' of individuals and the notion
of racialism?
The contribution of theoretical Marxism to the discussion of slavery
was mentioned; it consists mainly in the denunciation of the labour force and
of the surplus profits m a d e possible by the slave trade.
A t this initial level, the meeting contributed neither decisive information
nor the beginnings of any n e w thought. It simply noted that the debate remains
open.
The question of the theoretical attitude of Indian communities confronted
with the presence of African slaves was raised but no answer was forthcoming.
Second, whatever the noble intentions and proclamations of churchmen and
philosophers, the ideology applied in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
supported the interests of the European middle class. This explains the con-
tradictions mentioned by m a n y experts.
For example, ideology justified the capture of slaves—who were 'pagan'
and thus destined to eternal damnation—by the 'possibility of salvation' con-
ferred on them through baptism or conversion to Islam. This attempt at justi-
fication conceals another inegalitarian, Mediterranean-oriented value judge-

ment regarding 'civilization' as distinct from the pagan way of life devoid of
rules, culture and religion.
There was thus a confrontation of values between one world, that of the
Mediterranean, certain of the coherence of its values and traditions, incapable
of understanding that there were other cultural paths and values than its o w n ,
and the unsung, rejected African cultures, looked d o w n upon because their
values were unwritten, non-imperialistic.
W h e n these two worlds came in contact, two conflicting conceptions
prevailed of m a n seen as a producer. In the Western view, m a n was perceived
as pursuing his individual path within the developing capitalist society and
exploiting the work of others to the extent that he was stronger than they were:
in the African conception, the individual producer was a m e m b e r of a cohesive
production group. These two opposing values of individual work, both of
which had profound underlying religious significance, m a d e any real under-
standing between the European and the African cultures impossible.
The 'superiority' of the white m a n , which was 'demonstrated' by his
economic success, proved the ' inferiority ' of the black m a n , which was ' d e m o n -
strated' by the fact of his capture and enslavement. T h e blacks were m a d e to
feel radically inferior in their dependent situation, thus breaking the individual
and collective capacity to put up any resistance. They were only able to regain
that capacity when they had faith in the values of their o w n society, values
which the enslavement process sought to m a k e them forget as rapidly and c o m -
pletely as possible.
The violence done to the Africans in enslaving them is perceived as
justified by the foregoing arguments. Likewise the contamination of African
society by the violence of the power relationship is perceived as 'justified'
by the success of this inegalitarian violence.
It would be interesting to investigate the ideological reaction of Africans,
so far as it can still be discovered, to the slave trade seen in this light. It would be
also interesting to find out h o w the slave trade is n o w interpreted in the African
villages, ethnic groups and regions that were affected in various ways by that
trade.
A third type of ideological analysis should be systematized. It relates to
the change of outlook of the slaves in the receiving countries. H o w did they
preserve some notion of freedom? In a Spanish document of 1503 the c o m -
plaint is m a d e from this standpoint that the blacks were contaminating the
Amerindians. H o w did they preserve the m e m o r y of their values and cultures ?
H o w were the maroon societies organized ? O n what political or military bases ?
W h a t was the background of the leaders w h o led the revolts ? W h a t was the
genesis of the successful revolution in Haiti ? There can be no doubt that one
of the reasons w h y the meeting was unable to arrive at clear and concise con-
elusions on this matter was that m a n y of the local studies have not been cir-
culated widely enough—for example, the studies on marronnage carried out in
Haiti, C u b a and the Caribbean region in general.
Abolition of the slave trade
The dates of abolition of the slave trade and later of slavery vary widely and
reflect different factual situations. W h e n theirfinancialinterests were at stake,
owners frequently found it more economical to free their slaves ! Such reasons
explain w h y emancipation began in C u b a and Brazil a long time before slavery
was officially abolished. S o m e of the freed slaves travelled back to what is
n o w Nigeria and to D a h o m e y (now Benin) at their o w n expense. The abundance
of such examples, particularly in the Caribbean, indicates that a general study
of the subject would be worth while12.
Slave revolts undoubtedly played a part in accelerating abolition and
in the development of a wage-earning structure. The Haitian Revolution spread
terror in the slave-trading colonies and metropolitan countries and the slaves
regarded it as symbolic. During the period between the abolition of the slave
trade and that of slavery itself, frequent revolts occurred in the English- and
Spanish-speaking Caribbean, with the support of Christian sects or churches.
In this respect, and perhaps involuntarily, Christianity encouraged the appear-
ance of emancipation movements and Messianic cults.
Here, too, Islam was in a unique position. Rejecting the idea that a
Muslim could ever be a slave, and believing that a 'pagan' one ipso facto was,
Islam had nothing to say about the two abolitions which were the cause of so
m u c h ideological and political discussion in the Christian world.
Whether early or late, abolition of the slave trade hardly ever put an
end to the manpower drain of Africa. In the Indian Ocean clandestine slavery
continued to exist until late in the nineteenth century. Other means of procuring
labour, such as the identure system, took the place of the slave trade.
Abolition m a d e very little difference. The relations of the masters and
the newly emancipated did not improve. The condition of the emancipated was
often worse,financially,than before.
Under cover of the n e w legality, all sorts of schemes were introduced
to enable the masters to perpetuate their control of the labour force (the
gourmettes of Senegambia and the 'freedom villages' of West Africa are exam-
ples). The existence of a free labour market meant that the masters could avoid
part of the costs they had previously borne in connection with their slaves.13
Slavery was an obsolete system, but in addition it was n o w a less economical
proposition than wage-earning labour. Moreover, w h e n the labour market was
saturated, wages fell.
A s a rule, 'official' liberalism considered that freedom was a sufficiently
generous gift to absolve the liberators from any further responsibility for the
fate of the former slaves. Irrespective of the status of those w h o organized their
return—States institutions, churches, benevolent societies—the Africans w h o
were repatriated to Sierra Leone and Liberia constituted a relatively small
minority. T h e same was true of the blacks repatriated from B o m b a y to Kenya,
whose case merits further study.
The experts were generally inclined to conclude that abolition brought
no radical changes, but simply led to the transition from one state of production
and exploitation to another. Abolition m a d e it possible to exploit an expanding
African labour market. A t that point, trade with Europe could have served as
an incentive to the development of the domestic economy of Africa. But habits
acquired during the period of slavery appear to have limited the stimulus that
might have been expected.
Before such a stimulus could m a k e itself felt, it was stifled by the colo-
nial conquest which blocked the development of African industry by intro-
ducing foreign business enterprises—and these, once again, exploited the con-
tinent so as to meet the needs of other countries.
There is ample room for further economic study, based on these initial
reflections, concerning the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
T h e abolition of slavery by Portugal in 1888 led Brazil to break off its
relations with that country a year later. T h e Portuguese economy suffered the
ill-effects of this secession for m a n y decades.
Lastly, the experts turned their attention to the effects of abolition on
inegalitarian attitudes towards blacks. They concluded that abolition had led
to an increase in racialist attitudes of all kinds with regard to the Negro world
which was regarded as 'uncivilized', a world that had no right to its o w n culture
or its o w n religion. ' Scholars ' were quick to justify this harsh and unjust atti-
tude and to draw a distinction between the 'primitive' Negroes, with w h o m
nothing could be done, and the 'superior' Negroes, w h o could be assimilated.
N e w lines of research
The experts recommended the following activities and subjects for research:
Exchanges, with assistance from Unesco, of teachers and students from uni-
versities in Africa, the Caribbean and the Indian Ocean region, w h o are
interested in the study of the various forms and consequences of the
slave trade.
T h e establishment of bilateral research teams of Latin American, Caribbean
and African scholars to m a k e an inventory of African cultural survivals
(linguistic expressions, for example) of African life in the Americas.
T h e African States should be asked to include the teaching of Caribbean
cultures in their educational syllabuses at all levels and the Caribbean

States should d o the same with African cultures.
Assistance should be given for the microfilming of documents published all
over the world o n the slave trade; one collection should be deposited in
a university centre in the Caribbean, another in a centre in Africa a n d
a third in a centre in the Indian Ocean region.
Economic studies of the slave trade in the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries should be developed with particular reference to its effects o n
the history of Africa and the history of the Americas.
The various forms of African resistance to the slave trade should be studied :
(a) in Africa itself; (b) on the slave ships; (c) in the M a r o o n communities;
(d) in the form of individual or collective cultural resistance to integration
in the receiving country, particularly in Brazil, the Caribbean and North
America.
A study should be m a d e of the participation of Africans as soldiers and sailors
in the life of the Islamic world in North Africa, the Middle East and India.
T h e meeting was informed of the decisions taken by the Director-General of
Unesco concerning the development of studies of the cultures of the Caribbean
region : (a) assistance in the exchange of information between African research
workers and those in other countries; (b) organization in July 1978 of a multi-
disciplinary conference of experts in the Caribbean region, with the aim of
studying the different aspects of the cultures of the region and preparing a
research and publication p r o g r a m m e ; and (c) organization in 1979 of a meeting
of experts on ' The African Negro Presence in the Americas and the Caribbean ',
in connection with Unesco 's programme for the study of African cultures.
Closing session
A t the end of the meeting, the Director-General stated:

In the last few weeks, I have been approached directly by black communities in various
Latin American countries, w h o are n o w taking an interest in problems related both
to their historical origins and to the situation of their contemporary cultures. I believe
this to be evidence of the existence of new aspirations, which Unesco should take into
consideration and which academic circles in general can no longer afford to ignore.
A s far as the future is concerned, I a m in a position to assure you that the Organization
will do everything in its power, in co-operation with the International Scientific
Committee, to find ways and means of ensuring that publications dealing with your
discussions are issued without delay, and of increasing our support for the research
under way in different universities and institutions. Indeed, w e way decide to take
further measures to meet your wishes.
Your meeting has shown that specialists from different countries of the world
—from Africa, Asia, Europe, the Caribbean, Latin America and America in general—
are capable of examining, with complete lucidity and objectivity, issues that are
extremely controversial because they have a connotation that is in some cases ideolo-
gical as well as affective, and of arriving at recommendations that are satisfactory from
the scientific point of view . . .
Recommendations
T h e meeting drew the attention of the Director-General of Unesco to the

following points, and asked him to m a k e their importance k n o w n to all the
governments concerned in Africa, the Caribbean, Europe and Asia.
Archives concerning the slave trade
All the archives concerning the slave trade must be m a d e accessible to scholars,
without any restrictions. Unless matters were improved, m u c h archival material
might be lost, and hence international opinion should be alerted.
It is matter of urgency that a scientific classification be undertaken of
public and private archives in Africa, the Americas and Europe relating to the
slave trade.
It would be desirable that Unesco provide rapid assistance in the prepara-
tion of a guide to sources relating to the slave trade to be found in collections
of archives in the Caribbean area.
Oral traditions relating to the slave trade
There exist, particularly in Brazil, in the Caribbean area, but also in various
parts of the Indian Ocean region and in North America, persons w h o possess
traditions concerning the slave trade, as well as surprising vestiges of trans-
planted African languages. Rapid and vigorous efforts should be m a d e to
record this living evidence of survivals of African influences outside Africa.
Traces of African languages o n a large scale (Haiti, Bahia, etc.) or in
more fragmented form must be preserved and recorded, and then studied by
competent experts, pending the establishment, which w a s also recommended,
of linguistic institutes for the study of the African languages in the countries
of the black diaspora, particularly in North and South America, the Caribbean
and the Indian Ocean region.
Missions by African experts to the Caribbean
Participants in the meeting strongly recommended that African specialists

should be sent to inventory and study the vestiges of African cultures in the
Caribbean.
Education of children and students in African and Caribbean history
The experts strongly hoped that the governments concerned would agree to
include the history of Africa in syllabuses in the Caribbean area and the history
of the Caribbean in syllabuses in African countries.
Notes
1. It was suggested that the experts pay the greatest attention to the pitfalls of inadequately
digested mathematical techniques used on behalf of a dangerous ideology. T h e
following works were recommended by one of the participants: Calcul et Anthro-
pologie Paris. (Collection '10/18'); André Régnier, La Crise du Langage Scientifique,
Paris; Pourquoi la Mathématique, Paris (Collection '10/18').
2. Examples were given for Portugal and Guadeloupe.
3. The Copenhagen Archives relating to the Virgin Islands are a case in point. However,
D r Neville Hall, D e a n of the History Faculty at the University of the West Indies,
M o n a (Jamaica), was given access to them recently.
4. It should be emphasized that the benefits of the slave trade accumulated by the receiving
countries were a powerful stimulus to international trade, both in volume and in
value, and that this commercial development was itself an incentive to modern
economic development in Western Europe and North America.
5. See Pedro Deschamps Chapeaux, Contribución a la Historia de la Gente sin Historia,
Havana, Editorial de Ciencas Sociales, 1974.
6. Scholars in Puerto Rico have begun to undertake research of this kind.
7. E b u n Ogunsanya, The Yoruba Dialect in Bahian Portuguese, R o m a n c e Languages
Department, Radcliffe College, Harvard University, 1971 (Senior Theses, B . A . ) ;
Interviews with Eduardo Magobeira (Baba Ijesa), Bahia, June-August 1970.
8. See Jane McDivitt, From Anguish to Affirmation—A Study of the Poetry of the Afro-
Brazilian, Harvard University, 1976, (unpublished doctoral thesis); Anani Dzid-
zienya, The Minority Position of Blacks in Brazil, London, Institute of Race Rela-
tions, 1972.
9. See the final report of the Meeting of Experts o n the Historical Contacts between
East Africa and Madagascar on the O n e H a n d , and South-East Asia on the Other
across the Indian Ocean, held in Mauritius in 1974 (Unesco doc. S H C . 7 4 / C O N F /
611/10.
10. See Richard Price, Maroon Societies, A n n Arbor, Michigan.
11. See R . Berrou and P. Pompilus, Histoire de la Littérature Haïtienne Illustrée par les
Textes, Paris, Éditions de l'École, 3 vols.
12. See Revista la Torre, special issue published in November 1973 on the abolition of
slavery in the Caribbean.
13. See Antonio Carreira, Angola, da Escravatura ao TraballoLivre, Lisbon, Arcadia, 1977
Appendixes
Appendix 1 : List of participants
J. F . A D E A J A Y I L. E D M O N D S O N
Vice-Chancellor, University of Lagos Department of Government
(Nigeria) (and Vice-Dean, Faculty of Social
Fitzroy A . BAPTISTE Sciences), University of the West
Department of History, M o n a (Jamaica) Indies,
University of the West Indies,
Jean F O U C H A R D
St Augustine, Trinidad (West Indies) Société d'Histoire de Haïti,
Max BENOIT
B.P. 64, Port-au-Prince,
N o . 19 Turgeau, Port-au-Prince (Haiti)
(Haiti)
Edward K . B R A T H W A I T E Hubert G E R B E A U
Department of History, University Centre Universitaire de la Réunion,
of the West Indies, M o n a (Jamaica) 97489 Saint-Denis, (Réunion)
Antonio C A R R E I R A Mbaye G U E Y E
Rua Maestro Jaime Silva, N o . 9-80, Faculté des Lettres et Sciences
Dto Lisboa-4 (Portugal) Humaines,
John H . C L A R K E Dakar (Sénégal)
Hunter College, 695 Park Avenue, Joseph E . H A R R I S
N e w York, N Y 10021 History Department, Howard
(United States) University,
Philip D . C U R T I N Washington, D . C . 20059
Department of History, (United States)
Johns Hopkins University,
J. E . INIKORI
Baltimore, M D 21218 (United States)
J. DÉVISSE
Department of History,
A h m a d u Bello University,
14 Avenue de la Porte de Vincennes,
Zaria (Nigeria)
75012 Paris (France)
Alioune D I O P Ibrahima Baba K A K E
Société Africaine de Culture, 79 R u e Marcadet,
Paris (France) 75018 Paris (France)
Michèle D U C H E T D . LARA
E N S Fontenay, Institut Caraïbe de Recherches
Université de Paris VII, Historiques
29 Rue Boussingault, 14 R u e Henri-Wallon,
75013 Paris (France) 93800 Epinay s/Seine (France)
234 Appendixes
M . LIMA Frank M o y a P O N S
Rua Alves Redol, 17/CV/Esq, Atarazana N o . 3 (Altos),
Lisboa-I (Portugal) Santo Domingo
Pierre M O N O S I E T
(Dominican Republic)
Musée d'Art Haïtien Waldeloir R E G O
P . O . Box 1309, Port-au-Prince Ladeira do Desterro, 19,
Caixa Postal 1023,
(Haiti)
Salvador/Bahía (Brazil)
D.T. NIANE
Walter R O D N E Y
Fondation L . S. Senghor,
186 South Ruinveldt Gardens,
B.P. 2259 Dakar (Senegal) Georgetown (Guyana)
René PIQUION Rubén SILIE
Directeur de l'École Normale Calle Diagonal ' C N o . 54,
Supérieur d'Haïti Santo Domingo
2 bis Rue de Bois Patate (Dominican Republic)
Port-au-Prince (Haiti) Y . A . TALIB
Bethwell A . OGOT Department of Malay Studies,
Director, University of Singapore
International Louis Leakey M e m o - (Singapore)
rial Institute for African Prehistory, H . F. S. TJOE N Y
P . O . Box 46727, Nairobi (Kenya) Dean of the Faculty of Social and
A. F. PAULA
Economic Sciences,
Head of the Central Historical P . O . Box 2611,
Archives, Paramaribo (Suriname)
Roodweg 7 bis, Willenstho, Hugo TOLENTINO
Avenida Bolívar 110,
Curaçao (Netherlands Antilles)
Santo Domingo
Raoul P I E R R E - L O U I S
(Dominican Republic)
Secretary of State
J. Michael T U R N E R
for National Education (Haiti) Departemente Geographia e Historia,
F. L . Veiga P I N T O Fundaçao Universidade de Brasilia
37 Avenue D u m a s , (Brazil)
Geneva (Switzerland)
Observers invited by Unesco
Holy See Menil Foundation

M g r L . Conti, Mrs J. de Menil,
B . P . 326, 1506 Branard Street,
Port-au-Prince Houston, T X 77006
(Haiti) (United States)
Frère Raphael Berron, Mrs Karen Coffey,
B . P . 1, 1506 Branard Street,
Port-au-Prince Houston, T X 77006
(Haiti) (United States)
Appendixes 235
Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation International Councilfar Philosophy and

Mario Antonio Fernandes de Humanistic Studies
Oliveira, Sir Ronald Syme,
Avenue de Berna, Lisboa Unesco House,
(Portugal) Paris (France)
Other observers
Association des Historiens et Géographes Leopold Sedar Senghor Foundation

de Haïti P . O . Box 2035, Dakar (Senegal)
c/o Ministry of Education, M a x G . Beauvoir
Port-au-Prince (Haiti) Groupe du Péristyle de Mariani,
P . O . Box 2187. Port-au-Prince
P . T . Ndiaye, representing the (Haiti)
Unesco
Adadou-Mahtar M ' B o w , Maurice Glélé, Cultural Studies Divi-

Director-General sion, Culture and Communication
Nadjm-Oud-Dine Bammate, Deputy Sector
Assistant Director-General for Monique Melcer, Cultural Studies
Culture and Communication (atten- Division
ded the inaugural andfinalsessions)
Appendix 2 : Opening speech of the
Secretary of State for Education, Haiti
M r Director-General of Unesco,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In opening this meeting, and with the Director-General's permission, I invite the
meeting to observe a minute of silence in m e m o r y of all the u n k n o w n maroons, of all
our ancestors, and particularly of a greatly lamented 'Griot' François Duvalier.
W e are grateful to His Excellency, the Life President of the Republic for having
extended his patronage to this meeting, and w e sincerely thank him for all his interest
and support in connection with this meeting of experts jointly organized by Unesco
and the Haitian Government.
W e are very happy and proud, M r Director-General, to have you a m o n g us
on this occasion, and it is a great pleasure to be able to express to you directly the
respect, admiration and fraternal affection which, for m a n y reasons, w e bear you.
Your participation in this inaugural sitting is for us a major contribution which w e
greatly appreciate.
Allow us, M r Director-General, to present our respectful greetings to one of
our o w n people, your o w n wife, so modest and yet so distinguished. Both of you are
here a m o n g your o w n .
I n o w welcome the honourable participants and observers to the sunny and
friendly land of Haiti, the h o m e of Toussaint Louverture, B o u k m a n , Halaou, Biassou,
Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Alexandre Pétion, Henri Christophe and François Duvalier.
A visitor w h o sees Haiti for thefirsttime from the air is bound to be struck by
the craggy nature of the country. If he comes closer, he will, if he looks carefully,
perceive the teeming of intense life, he will hear virile songs accompanied by drums,
which provide encouragement and support for those working on the land, according
to the fantasy of the combite musicians. Here and there, smoke rises from modest
cottages, from hamlets scattered on the tops of the mountains, on the hillsides, and
in the lush valleys.
The visitor then exclaims: 'This is Haiti', Haiti the country of plateaux and
mountains, Haiti the land of places of great suffering, glory and hope, and of unsus-
pected potentialities. The names of these places are Breda, Cormiers, Haut du C a p ,
Arcahaie, Vertieres, La Crête à Pierrot, Gonaives, Marchaterre and Bonnet à l'Evêque
where rises King Christopher's Citadelle in all its majesty.
Appendixes 237
There are other secret spots which do not have well-known names; these are
the dark caves in our mountains, our steep cliffs and hidden dells in our plains; all
of them friendly and impregnable hiding places for the maroons of former times. W e
can include in this context every inch of the tortured and holy land of Haiti, for long
the cradle and bulwark of négritude in America, so often burned, ravaged and bathed
in blood, sweat and tears, but which continued to nourish that mysterious 'tree of
black freedom', the trunk of which, although hacked and scattered to the winds, still
each time grows again from its m a n y deep roots.
Ladies and Gentlemen, participants and observers, w e welcome you with
respect, trust and friendship. Y o u will find here surprising survivals from our Mother
Africa in gestures, words, songs, dances and m a n y other significant details. Y o u will
also find kindness which reflects a real wish to please, but which does not exclude
dignity and self-control, a welcome full of the warmth of easy-going h u m a n friend-
liness which does not exclude respect for others; a sense of solidarity born of long
suffering which does not exclude independence of character; a w a y of smiling tinged
with melancholy and dreaminess, the gaiety of laughter clothed in light, music, colour
and dancing which does not exclude clear-headedness and is often a m a s k behind
which life's aggressions can be challenged. There is also the faithfulness to ourselves
and our values born of our determination to survive, but which does not exclude
openness to h u m a n contacts and discussions.
In order to become at last truly ourselves, w e k n o w that at the crossroads of
the present w e still have to overcome obstacles of a new creeping and insidious kind,
such as land erosion, drought, floods, the slow destruction of our historical m o n u -
ments, the unsuitability of our educational system in comparison with our needs and
aspirations, underproduction—in a word : underdevelopment.
In this new kind of struggle, applying the development strategy which w e have
chosen, w e Haitians need sincere, understanding and reliable friends w h o are able
to avoid wounding our native pride, to accept us as w e are, and to give their friendly
co-operation as w e tread the difficult path ahead.
N o w is the time for thought, joint effort and mutual enrichment. In this connection,
the great migrations and the wanderings of those willingly or unwillingly uprooted
from their native lands are particularly revealing. M a n is in himself a whole universe,
and even when he was transported naked, empty-handed and far from his o w n kin,
he still kept his memories of h o m e , his visions, his dreams, his ideas and his emotions
and, in his n e w surroundings, his daily acts still reflected the traditions of the past,
imprinted indelibly on his innermost unconscious.
By studying these movements, w e get a deeper grasp of the contributions and
reactions of different civilizations, and can discern through the curtain of time our
ancestors kneeling to their o w n gods in their hidden temples.
The studies which you will undertake on the slave trade in all its aspects,
implications and consequences will be both moving and valuable.
F e w terms evoke in us such strong reactions, such an emotional shock, as the
words'slave trade', few terms carry such tragic memories, so indelible that no passage
of time could ever quite efface them.
W e , too, following on the original inhabitants of this land, have our eyes
238 Appendixes
ceaselessly fixed on the ocean over which through the centuries has c o m e so m u c h
good and so m u c h evil. Thefirstpredators w h o settled on our countryside brought
with them the cross in one hand and the sword in the other; in doing so they set the
course of our historical destiny. The result of their despoiling passage was the slave
trade, suggested and indirectly instigated by Las Casas.
Y o u will, during these few days, identify the cultural imprint which, through
their long journey, their complex process of adaptation and their protective and
survival mechanisms, the victims of the slave trade clearly and indelibly impressed
on the differentfieldsof h u m a n activity in the places and societies where they had
to m a k e their lives.
This is, without doubt, an exciting and constructive task which, while there
m a y be gaps in our knowledge and m a n y traps to be avoided, is pregnant with unex-
pected discoveries that will provide the impetus for n e w historical, sociological and
philosophical advances for the benefit of mankind.
While these remarks are not off the subject, they must seem to you w h o are
precise m e n of science rather illusory and pointless.
Y o u will have to set d o w n the interactions, extrapolations and end results of
extraordinary adventures lived by our fathers uprooted from Africa and cast into
the outer darkness of slavery.
F r o m the confrontation of your different theories and painstaking research
w e shall obtain a clear, precise and informative picture of the impact of the slave
trade and its indelible imprint on the old as well as the new world.
I d o not wish to take up more of the precious and unfortunately limited time
which you have to discuss your researches and reflections on so fascinating a subject
as the slave trade, but in this arduous task, you have m y warmest wishes for the
successful accomplishment of your task. M a y you have a happy and fruitful stay in
Haiti.
Raoul P I E R R E - L O U I S
Secretary of State
for Education, Haiti
Appendix 3 : Opening speech
of the Director-General of Unesco
M r Minister,
Excellency,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
First of all I wish to express m y deep gratitude to the Government of the Haitian
Republic for its kindness in hosting this meeting of experts in connection with the
General History of Africa project. I also wish very sincerely to thank M r Raoul
Pierre-Louis, Secretary of State for Education, for his personal co-operation in the
preparation of this meeting and for the important address that he has just delivered.
I a m grateful to him for having so affectionately welcomed the Haitian lady w h o has
shared m y life and efforts for more than twenty-five years. This is thefirsttime that
Unesco has organized a meeting on this important project concerning the history of
Africa outside the African continent. It was right that it should be held in Haiti. But
the occasion has above all a special significance by the very reason of the topic of your
discussion, the question of the slave trade. For Haiti remains a living symbol of both
the sufferings and the heroic struggles of the black slaves uprooted from their African
soil but never resigned to their fate. Their victorious action m a d e possible for the
first time in the history of mankind the establishment, out of the ruins of a slave
society, of a State based on the right to individual freedom.
While the slave trade determined the future of the communities resulting from
the African diaspora which today form the population of m a n y Latin American and
Caribbean areas, it also left a very deep imprint on the history of Africa. This means
that the results of the work of this meeting will be very important for the project o n
the General History of Africa, the drafting of which has been entrusted by Unesco to
an international scientific committee composed of specialists from Africa and all the
other regions of the world. I have pleasure today in welcoming a number of its m e m -
bers here present.
T o further its work the committee recommended the holding of just such
meetings of experts, colloquia and seminars on certain vital topics such as that for
which w e are convened today.
There are five main items on the agenda for your discussion. T h efirstis the
scale of the slave trade. In the study of this subject, comparisons of the different
methods employed should enable more precise statistical data to be evolved.
Following on this quantitative approach, you are called upon to discuss in
substance the demographic, political, economic, social and cultural consequences of
240 Appendixes
the slave trade, both in Africa and the receiving countries, particularly in the
slave trade, both in Africa and the receiving countries, particularly in the Americas.
Next it is proposed that the meeting study movements of thought and ideolo-
gies, both those used to justify the slave trade and the abolitionist movements, together
with the interpretation of different contemporary schools of thought and research.
M o r e particular attention will be focused o n the factors which led to the abolition of
the slave trade.
Finally, turning to action and the organization of future studies, you are asked
to m a k e proposals for the practical follow-up of this meeting. O n its side, Unesco
pledges itself to contribute its full co-operation.
While it is true that other peoples, for example the Amerindians, have suffered
at one time or another in history from violent oppression which forced them into a
situation of slavery, it is essentially the Africans w h o , in modern times, were reduced
to slavery and transported in large numbers to other continents by means of an orga-
nized m o v e m e n t . T h e slave trade, of which it has been said that it w a s an endless
bloodletting, drained the African continent of a large part of its vital resources, for
it w a s generally of their youngest and strongest members that their peoples were
bereft.
T h e slave trade therefore had far-reaching consequences for the economic,
social, cultural and even political life of Africa, although it is not yet possible to quan-
tify them precisely. A great deal has been said and written about the slave trade but,
in fact, there is still n o satisfactory answer to a number or questions, starting with
the far-off origins of the traffic in African slaves, which probably go back as far as
the beginning of Mediterranean history. Similarly, still too little is k n o w n about the
traffic through the Sahara or that via the east coast of Africa across the Indian Ocean
in the direction of India, Indonesia and as far as China. There is indeed evidence that
black slaves were presented to the Emperor of China in the seventh century, while
African slave labourers are reported in Canton in the twelfth century.
It would seem that in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, after the conquest of
the north of India by the Muslims, power w a s in the hands of an 'African slave
dynasty'.
T h e African slave presence in Asia was reinforced in thefifteenthcentury,
particularly in Bengal where social, economic and political life is said to have been
enlivened by the activities of some 8,000 black slaves.
T h e traffic grew between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, w h e n
Portuguese and Dutch traders selected Antongil Bay in Madagascar as the bridgehead
in the direction of Sumatra. Little has been written about this period and w e must
wait until various archives give up their secrets. These include the Portuguese and
Arab records, documents which m a y exist in countries lying between M o z a m b i q u e
and the R e d Sea, archives in the Seychelles which served as a staging-post between
Africa and the other Mascarene Islands, plus archives in India and the Indonesian
archipelago.
However, the real slave trade which was to have far-reaching repercussions m a y
be taken as that which developed across the Atlantic. Quantitatively large, it was also
important by virtue of its organized character and n o doubt also because of the extent
of its manifold consequences.
Appendixe!, 241
The most recent research, even that which has m a d e use of the most modern
technology such as computerization, is still far from providing complete information
on the loss of h u m a n resources forced upon Africa. T h efiguresput forward so far
remain approximations. Methods of estimation, moreover, vary from one school
to another. Y o u are therefore asked to compare the different approaches followed by
establishing statistics and to suggest a method that might provide m o r e precise results.
But apart from methodological problems, there still remains a question of
scientific interpretation. Here again, your meeting has an important task to perform.
This is to find a w a y to deal with certain basic questions, from the standpoint of the
strictest objectivity, through use of more varied and m o r e numerous data, drawing
on all the sources that have remained hitherto inacessible or have rarely been con-
sulted, or those containing information which has been wrongly interpreted. Such
sources include oral tradition, an invaluable store of ethnic memories.
In connection with the very substance of your meeting, I should myself like,
in a very personal w a y , to lay before you a number of questions.
First, what were the circumstances in which the slave trade was carried on in
Africa itself? It is important ot get a clear idea of what is k n o w n about the trading
posts and holding areas in which the captives were assembled in conditions such that
some died even before embarkation on the slave-ships. It would, n o doubt, be advisable
to have recourse to sources hitherto inadequately investigated, and to cross-check
information supplied by the various documents, such as the records of ship-owners,
slavers, the big monopoly companies and national naval archives. In particular an
even closer analysis should be m a d e of ships' articles which provide valuable evidence
concerning the loading, travel and unloading of slaves; and court records of civil and
criminal proceedings concerning slaves and slave-traders should be more thoroughly
studied.
It is also desirable to s u m up present knowledge concerning the w a y in which
the man-hunts were carried out, the victims captured and reduced to slavery on the
African continent, and to study completely objectively the role both of foreign powers
and of the local authorities.
O n e of the too little k n o w n and yet real aspects of the subject on which fresh
and more thorough research is required is the topic of domestic anti-slavery and anti-
slave-trade movements. T h e resistance struggles leading to the victorious winning of
independence in America have their early roots in this determination on the part of
the victims of the slave trade to maintain their h u m a n dignity and safeguard their
existence.
While new life can thus be instilled into the study of the circumstances of the
slave trade, there is also need for a more precise appraisal of its consequences in Africa.
The foremost of these are in the h u m a n context. There was a terrible loss of life, which,
as I have said, literally drained the blood of Africa and also, n o doubt, left huge
stretches of land uncultivated, seriously interfering with social and economic life
and hindering cultural development and technological progress.
Thus for more than four centuries, population growth in Africa lagged greatly
behind that in any other continent over the same period.
While these losses, in terms of h u m a n life, are, if not precisely, at least with
increasing accuracy, being quantified in all their tragic reality, other, and not the
242 Appendixes
least important, effects have not yet been elucidated. Examples of such effects are the
perversion of men's minds caused by the slave trade and interferences of all kinds
which had a direct impact on the normal development of Africa. T h e fact that there
were some Africans w h o turned into accessaries to the heinous crimes committed in
the course of the slave trade, so becoming the suppliers of the slave-traders, deserves
further elucidation. But at the same time it is important to give consideration to a
basic fact, namely the strength of the spiritual and moral values, and the peoples'
powers of resistance, which gave rise in Africa itself to opposition movements.
Thus these values survived, and cultural identity persisted through all the
sufferings of enslavement and transportation. This is because this culture was deeply
rooted in the heart of men's innermost consciousness, an integral part of the very
existence of the communities concerned. It formed the very essence of their lives. It
was thus able to stay alive during exile, preserve dignity in servitude, and supply the
inspiration for revolt and the conquest of freedom and independence.
T h e qualitative factors connected with the study of social systems and of
spiritual, moral and cultural values thus have a part in your work alongside the
quantitative factors being determined under increasingly strict control and with ever
greater precision.
This work, while essential for a proper African epistemology, is also of prime
importance in throwing light o n the history and the present situation of Europe and,
of course, Africa.
It is becoming increasingly clear that the slave trade had a fundamental part
to play as far as Europe was concerned, for thefirstindustrial revolution can n o
longer be isolated from the primitive capital accumulation deriving from the 'triangu-
lar trade' and the monopoly system. In recent years m a n y historians and economists,
belonging to different schools of thought, have endeavoured to ascertain h o w his
kind of trade, based on the exploitation of slave labour, can have stimulated the
technological explosion.
These studies have clearly shown that the contribution of the slave trade to
the industrial and commercial development of countries embarked on an era of
capitalist expansion was decisive, as was therefore its influence on the socio-economic
and political institutions of Europe and North America.
Thus, to paraphrase A i m é Césaire, 'those w h o invented neither gunpowder
nor electricity' were, whether they liked it or not, at the origin of the extraordinary
economic drive which produced modern technological civilization; it can be said of
them, to quote the poet again, that 'without them the earth would not be the earth'.
M a y b e it will be for them to contribute n o w to bringing this civilization into better
balance and harmonizing it so that the earth m a y be a better place for each individual
and for all mankind.
A s regards Latin America and the Caribbean, by a happy chance the Inter-
governmental Conference on Cultural Policies, held by Unesco for thefirsttime in
this region, and which has just ended in Bogotá, almost coincided with your meeting.
In the course of that conference a number of delegates stressed that m a n y liberation
movements had started in the Caribbean and then spread to the continent, thus
sealing the historic link of unity between the Islands and Latin America. In an initial
summing up of the situation on the closing day of the conference, I myself m a d e a
Appendixes 243
point of stressing the pioneer role of Haiti and the value of the example set by its
struggles, which indissolubly linked together liberation from slavery and the winning
of political independence.
There is one other basic feature of the Caribbean to which I should like to
draw attention here. This is the welding into an original identity of the differing cultural
traditions coming from Africa and elsewhere. T h e old-time slave-traders were accus-
tomed to split up ethnic and linguistic units so as to dominate more easily the groups
subjected to the slave trade by reducing them to the single elementary status of slave.
However, by some miracle, despite this forced separation, a real cohesion survived.
This miracle is essentially that of culture, a community of culture. It was linked to
shared values and beliefs, and to religious, spiritual and artistic forms of expression
which m a d e it possible to create a sense of c o m m o n origin and active solidarity.
Thus, through this very uprooting, culturally integrated communities were created
all over again ; while they used borrowed languages, they none the less provided the
foundation for the awareness of a collective consciousness, which itself became the
basis for a will to c o m m o n action.
This meeting will also have to take into account this cultural integration both
to understand the past with its independence and abolitionist movements and to
look into the future. Y o u r meeting is indeed called upon at the end of its work to
frame practical plans for future action. T h e results of your work will primarily contri-
bute to the drafting of the chapters and sections concerning the slave trade in the
General History of'Africa. However, they should also open up n e w avenues of research,
including the organization of collective undertakings and the publication of books
intended for the general public, and works of reference. In this connection, I have
asked for a study to be m a d e of the possibility of supplementing the Guide to the
Sources of the History of Africa series published under the auspices of Unesco, with
a publication on archival sources relating to the slave trade to be found in the Americas
and the Caribbean.
In addition, organized efforts to stimulate the collection of historical documents,
and the reproduction of texts which are difficult to find could supplement documen-
tation n o w available.
Your recommendations should also be directed towards strengthening Unesco 's
programmes concerning relations between Africa and the Caribbean and, I would
say, America in general. These programmes should, moreover, help to increase our
understanding of the way in which ethnic groups and peoples transported from dif-
ferent African regions were welded into a national community.
I have the intention of proposing, at the next session of the Unesco General
Conference, the convocation of a meeting of experts on the black African cultural
presence in the Americas and the Caribbean. It would be the purpose of such a
meeting to facilitate the framing of a research and cultural dissemination programme
on the African diaspora.
Arrangements are also being m a d e to assemble and translate for publication
oral traditions transmitted in the African languages. A t the same time the exchange
of information and cultural programmes, specialists and students, between Africa
and the African diaspora will be encouraged. This will contribute by the same token
to strengthening the bonds of solidarity existing between Africa and the peoples of
244 Appendixes
the diaspora, w h o continue, with an acute consciousness of their history, to bear

witness to the originality and vital strength of black African cultures and values.
Unesco is, moreover, planning in the years to come to lay particular stress on
the study of Caribbean cultures. This will involve the framing and implementation
of a complete research and publication programme concerning the Caribbean cultures
in all their component parts—autochthonous or Amerindian, Asian, European and
African.
In the context of African contributions to cultural identity and the struggle
for freedom in the Caribbean, it is impossible not do commemorate those leaders
of independence movements and protagonists of h u m a n dignity, Toussaint Louver-
ture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the incarnation of the will and aspirations of all
those peoples uprooted from Africa w h o were none the less able, despite their oppres-
sion, to create new nations out of the strength which they found by drawing on their
ancestral values.
Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I hope that with these brief remarks I
have been able to indicate the importance of the meeting that is opening today. T h e
meeting is m a d e up of the contributions and the whole accumulated experience of
specialists from the Caribbean, Africa and other regions of the world. I also wish to
welcome members of the diplomatic corps, the observer from the Holy See and the
representatives of the Gulbenkian Foundation and the International Council for
Philosophy and Humanistic Studies, which contributed to the organization of this
meeting. I also welcome a m o n g us the representatives of the Ménil and Leopold
Sedar Senghor Foundations, and of the African Culture Society, w h o have been good
enough to join us in our work.
In conclusion, I reiterate m y gratitude to the host country, to the Haitian
people, to its government, and in particular to H . E . Jean-Claude Duvalier, President
of the Haitian Republic, w h o , by granting his patronage to this meeting, has given
it still deeper significance.
T o you w h o are the experts, I wish to say that, through your study of the m o d a -
lities and consequences of the slave trade, you will not only be helping to throw further
light on a historical problem: you will be making a personal contribution to thought
on a scandalous practice contrary to the most elementary h u m a n and national rights.
In this way, your work will be a factor in the awakening of concern about
injustices and inequalities which still in our time oppress m a n y peoples and which
can only be brought to an end as the result of a real determination to establish a
world of justice, solidarity and peace in which progress would, in a spirit of redis-
covered fraternity, be guaranteed for all countries and all m e n .
It is with this hope that I give you m y warmest wishes for the complete success
of your work.
Amadou-Mahtar M ' B o w
Director-General of the United
Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization
Part II
Supplementary papers
In order to promote a fuller exchange of views during the meeting, each partici-
pant was requested to submit, in the space of a few pages, the following:
An account of research in his country, to include: a bibliography, including theses;
work in progress; areas of research to be explored and gaps to befilled;a
list, with addresses, of national and foreign specialists working on the problems
of the slave trade.
Statistics on the slave trade.
Principal ports or trading-posts in Africa, serving as outlets to America or to
the countries of the Indian Ocean, and in the receiving countries.
A list of archives (public archives in North America, Latin America, the Carib-
bean, Europe and Asia; private archives (individuals or families, commercial
firms, churches, etc.).
The role and impact of slaves: economic—contribution to the development of the
receiving country (e.g. the sugar industry, the coffee industry, etc.) ; cultural—
the African influence, through slavery, on many countries of the Western
hemisphere; political—the participation of Negroes in the social and political
strife and the wars of independence of the receiving countries, and in the
building of new nations.
The reports submitted are reproduced below and arranged alphabetically by
author.
A n account of research on the
slave trade in Nigeria
J. F. Ade Ajayi and J. E . Inikori
Whereas a number of Nigerians have m a d e important contributions to African

history, for reasons that are difficult to explain, the slave trade is a neglected
theme in Nigeria. However, there are one or two specialists w h o have specifi-
cally treated some of its aspects and a number of others have dealt with issues
and periods closely connected with it.
Taking the second groupfirst,w e have Professor K . O . Dike (now at
the Department of History, Harvard University, United States) whose book,
Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, touches on a number of issues relating
to the slave trade, especially the impact of abolition. Professor E . J. Alagoa
of the University College, Port Harcourt, has done a large amount of work on
the history of the Niger delta during the slave-trade era. D r K . Princewill of the
Department of History, University of Ibadan, wrote her P h . D . thesis on the
impact of external trade on the Fante during the slave-trade era. D r I. U . A .
M u s a of the Department of History, A h m a d u Bello University, Zaria, has
worked largely on issues closely related to the trans-Saharan slave trade.
D r M a h d i A d a m u of the Department of History, A h m a d u Bello University,
Zaria, has studied the contribution of the central Sudan of West Africa to
the transatlantic slave trade.1
The present limited researches in Nigeria have raised a number of issues
which should be pursued further. In particular, more work should be done on
the economic and social impact of the slave trade on West African societies.
O f particular interest are the following: (a) export slave trade and the incidence
of wars in West Africa; (b) export slave trade and the expansion of internal
slavery in West Africa; (c) export slave trade and demographic processes in
West Africa; (d) export slave trade and the pattern of settlements in West
Africa; and (e) the economic consequences of the export slave trade, especially
the opportunity cost of the trade for West African economic development.
Research work relating to these topics should be based on a thorough
examination of archival materials and oral evidence. Wherever possible quan-
titative analysis should be applied. T h e application of social and economic
theory will be particularly helpful both in the selection and evaluation of facts
as well as in the analysis of the ascertained evidence. For this reason, scholars
248 J. F. Ade Ajayi and J. E. Inikori
in disciplines such as sociology and economics should be encouraged to take

an interest in such research work. M o r e important, undergraduate and post-
graduate programmes in history departments should be structured in such a
way that interested students can acquire the analytical tools needed for a proper
study of the slave trade along the lines w e have suggested.
Statistics on the slave trade
Professor Curtin's book, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (1969), has
stimulated a great deal of quantitative research relating to the slave trade. O n e
recent contributor to the debate is Leslie B . Rout, Jr,2 w h o shows that Curtin's
estimate of slave imports into Spanish America up to 1810 is about 67 per cent
too low. O n present evidence it would seem that Curtin's global estimate for
the Atlantic trade m a y be at least 10 per cent too low. W e think therefore that
it would be more realistic for the m o m e n t to raise Curtin's figures for the
Atlantic trade by 40 per cent, making total exports from Africa by way of that
trade 15.4 million.
F r o m the comments of Professor Hubert Gerbeau w h o is familiar with
the slave trade from the East African coast, the figure for the Indian Ocean
trade is about 4 million. O n present evidence, thefigurefor the trans-Saharan
and R e d Sea trades m a y be put at about 10 million. This brings the total to
about 29.4 million. The present evidence permits us to say, therefore, that
19 million represents the lowest possible number and 30 million, the highest.
N e w research should provide more statistical information, especially
on mortality between the time of capture and the time of departure from Africa.
While in some aspects of the slave trade the total numbers m a y not be very
important, in other aspects a proper understanding of the issues requires a
quantitative analysis.
Notes
1. O f the specialists w h o have worked specifically on some aspects of the slave trade,
w e have the following:
J. U . J. Asiegbu, University College, Port Harcourt, whose main work on the
subject is Slavery and the Politics of Liberation 1787-1861, London and N e w York,
L o n g m a n , 1969.
E . A . Oroge, formerly of the University of Lagos, Lagos, whose main work
is ' T h e Institution of Slavery in Yorubaland with Particular Reference to the Nine-
teenth Century' (University of Birmingham, P h . D . thesis, 1971).
J. E . Inikori of the Department of History, A h m a d u Bello University,
Zaria, whose main works relating to the slave trade are: 'English Trade to Guinea:
A Study in the Import of Foreign Trade on the English E c o n o m y 175&-1807'
(University of Ibadan, P . D . thesis, 1973); 'Measuring the Atlantic Slave Trade:
A n Assessment of Curtin and Anstey', Journal of African History, Vol. XVII,
An account of research on the slave trade 249
in Nigeria
N o . 2, 1976, p. 197-223; 'Measuring the Atlantic Slave Trade: A Rejoinder',

Journal of African History, Vol. XVII, N o . 4, 1976, p. 607-27; ' T h e Import of
Firearms into West Africa 1750-1807: A Quantitative Analysis', Journal of African
History, Vol. XVIII, N o . 3, 1977, p. 339-68; ' T h e Origin of the Diaspora: T h e
Slave Trade from Africa', Tarikh, Vol. 5, N o . 4 (in press); 'West African Import
and Export Trade 1750-1807: Volume and Structure Essays in Honour of Profes-
sor K. O. Dike, edited by professor Obaro Ikime, Ibadan University Press (in press) ;
'Slave Trade: A Retardative Factor in West African Economic Development'
(paper presented at the Seminar on Economic History of the Central Savannah
of West Africa, K a n o , 5-10 January 1976.
2. The African Experience in Spanish America 1502 to the Present Day, p. 61-6, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press, 1976.
Portuguese research on the
slave trade
Antonio Carreira
Bibliography
Most of the literature on the subject is listed in the short essays recently pub-
lished under the title Notas sobre o Tráfico Portugués de Escravos na Costa
Occidental Africana. The only authoritative work is E d m u n d o Correia Lopes'
Escravatura—Subsidios para a Sua Historia, Lisbon, 1944.
Current research
Various occasional research projects of a purely bibliographical nature have

been undertaken recently by students of the Faculadade de Letras de Lisboa.
T o the best of our knowledge, there are no other Portuguese research projects
in progress specifically on the slave trade. For reasons which are irrelevant
here, the limited number of Portuguese studies on slavery have generally formed
part of broader-based works in which they have been included with a view to
corroborating and clarifying (or complementing) other material (V. Magalhäes
Godinho, Texeira da M o t a , Oliveira Marques and a few others). In concrete
terms, the only studies on the slave trade k n o w n to us are limited to the activi-
ties of the Companhias Pombalinas (first dealt with by Cunha Saraiva in 1938
and 1940), the studies by Dias Nunes (Brazilian) in 1965, and our o w n works
in 1968, 1969 and 1972. A number of these works relied (for the most part)
on the wealth of documentation available in Lisbon : accounts and records
of the Companhia do Grao Para e Maranhäo and the Companhia de Pernam-
buco e Paraiba. However, these sources have not yet been explored in relation
to the main economic aspects of the slave trade. W e embarked upon such a
project, but were forced to abandon it owing to a lack of funds and other forms
of support.
W e have, however, accumulated a considerable amount of material from
the archives in Lisbon and Cape Verde, with a view to studying the subject in
greater depth (and more extensively). Other activities have prevented us from
pursuing our research and analysis as rapidly as w e would wish.
Portuguese research on the slave trade 251
Areas of research and gaps to be filled
In our view, a major research project should be set u p to study records and
accounts connected with the slave trade. Such a project would also involve an
overall survey of the economics of the slave trade: vessels used, products and
goods transported, origins and destinations, costs at the places of origin and
selling prices on the consumer markets, the purchase and selling prices of slaves
and, lastly, all the factors that would facilitate an appraisal of the significance
of this movement of goods and persons and its repercussions on the economic,
social and political lives of the nations which benefited from it.
This is a difficult and exacting task, but it could be accomplished by a
number of research teams if the necessary funds were m a d e available.
In our view, this is the only way tofillthe large gaps in practically all
the data available for each area, particularly in regard to the number of slaves
shipped from each sector (and, where possible, the various ethnic divisions),
and mortality at the ports of embarkation, during the voyage and at desti-
nations. With such information (if obtained) w e could attempt more accurate
estimates of the numbers of slaves shipped and correct points of view expounded
in the existing literature.
Portuguese research specialists working on questions

connected with the slave trade
A s w e have already mentioned, Portugal's contribution to the study of the slave

trade has been fairly negligible. The studies carried out are quite fragmentary
and tend to concentrate on specific areas, without the overall approach which
is to be desired in this type of research. T h e most significant study of the slave
trade is the work by Correia Lopes, to which w e have already referred. Various
research specialists in history, economics, sociology and otherfieldscan also
m a k e a valid and significant contribution to the clarification of questions
associated with the slave trade.
In this connection, w e would like to mention the following research
specialists : Professor D r Vitorino Magalhäes Godinho, Professor D r A . H . de
Oliveira Marques, both at the Universidade N o v a de Lisboa (Faculdade de
Ciencias H u m a n a s e Sociais, Avenida de Berna, Lisboa) and Comandante
Avelino Teixeira da M o t a , Avenida do Réstelo, 46 Lisboa 3.
Statistics on the slave trade (Portuguese)
O u r studies over the past ten years would suggest that the biggest gaps in our
knowledge relate to the seventeenth century. Until n o w , the figures for this
period have been no more than estimates—at times of a dubious nature. The
252 Antonio Carreira
figures which w e give further on in this study show glaring disparities in the
volume of the slave trade in each of the areas of the different traders and/or
contractors. A s a basis for our work, w e divided the west coast of Africa into
three sectors. This should provide a framework for examining the disparities
in the variousfigures(whether estimated or available from the customs records).
First sector
F r o m the Bay of Arguim and the mouth of the Senegal River to Cape
Palmas (the southernmost part of Sierra Leone) or the rivers of Guinea and
Cape Verde.
The slaves taken here (fifteenth century) were legally shipped to Portugal,
Madeira, Cadiz, Seville, Sanlucar de Barrameda and other ports in southern
Spain. Slaves were also shipped illegally to the West Indies. T h e slave raids
and sale transactions occurred in Argium, around the mouth of the Senegal
River and the ports of Sine, Salum, Cacheu, Bissau and Ribeira Grande (San-
tiago Island, Cape Verde). However, there are no accurate figures for this
traffic; there are estimates for the years 1455-99 and for the entire sixteenth
century (see Table 1). Figures are available only for the period 1757-94 when
a total of 24,594 adults and seventy-two children were dispatched to Bahia,
Pernambuco, Para and Maranhäo from Cacheu and Bissau. With respect to
the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries w e have only passing references to the
fierce slave wars waged against the populations in large areas of Senegal
(south), G a m b i a , Firdú, Casamansa (including Futa Toro and Futa Djaló),
Guinea and part of the interior of the continent. O n e of the main aspects of
these wars was the involvement of the dominant classes seeking to gain political
power and further the cause of Islam. Religious interests were more powerful
than political and social considerations. F r o m 1840 onwards, the slaves were
practically always sent to C u b a or another Caribbean island d o w n the Gambia,
Casamansa and other rivers. O n e of the main reasons for this was the war
between the emancipated Fulas and the black (i.e. captive) Fulas which lasted
from 1863 to 1888.
F r o m our knowledge of the region and its history, w e are convinced that,
of the three sectors, this area supplied the lowest number of slaves for foreign
markets. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, Oliveira Mendes wrote :
Bissau, Cacheu and some other islands are hardly worth mentioning. While there
are blacks in the backlands those who could be taken into slavery are barely sufficient
for working- the land on the islands.
The social and political organization of the peoples in the area did not favour
(but rather went against) any significant volume of slave trading with other
countries. Considerable numbers of slaves were absorbed by the h o m e markets.1
T A B L E 1. S u m m a r y of the slave traffic1
Periods From Bay of From Cape Palmas From Luanda and

Arguim to Cape to Cape Lopo Benguela
Palmas Gonçalves
Adults Children Adults Children Adults Children
Fifteenth century (1455-99) a 33,750

Sixteenth century 3 350,000
Sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries (1531-1680) * 927,000
Eighteenth century (1726-32
and 1797-1806) 158,291
(1756-94) 5 24,594 72 312,403 169 943,182 17,788
Nineteenth century (1800-36) 6 ... 494,529 263
(1837-50) 7 62,786 623,214 ...
TOTAL 408,344 72 533,480 169 2,987,925 18,051
Assuming that contraband

traffic amounted to around
50 per cent of the total shown
in customs records and that
other traffic was outside the
control of the Portuguese w e
m a y add a further 204,172 36 266,740 84 1,493,962 9,025
G R A N D TOTAL 612,516 108 800,220 253 4,481,887 27,076
1. Most of thesefigureswere obtained from the available Portuguese literature and through m y
own research in the Lisbon and Cape Verde archives. Certain details m a y have to be corrected
or altered (figures, and origins and destinations) in the light of a study of the sources of the
various authors. Thefiguresfor children include babies.
2. Figures estimated on the basis of 750 slaves shipped a year x 45 years.
3. A s above on the basis of 3,500 slaves a year.
4. Statistics from Abreu e Brito and estimate by Cadornega.
5. 19,940 shipped by the Companhia de Gräo Para and the Companhia de Pernambuco e Paraiba;
and 4,654 slaves shipped by individual traders in the period 1778-94.
6. The total number of slaves shipped from Angola in the nineteenth century was 1,117,743 adults
and 263 children. The legal traffic (over 28 years) amounted to 494,529 adults and 263 children
(= 494,792) giving an annual average of 17,691.
7. In the 12-year1 period of illegal traffic in Angola, an average of 51,934 slaves a year were shipped,
which adds 20.7 per cent to the legal traffic.
From Cape Palmas to Cape Lopo Gonçalves, comprising the area which
used to be known as Costa da Mina (Malagueta Coast—Liberia, Ivory Coast,
the Gold Coast (now Ghana), and the Slave Coast including the Forcados,
El-Rei and Escravos rivers).
254 Antonio Carreña
Trafficking began here very early (1482-85), but the Portuguese were so
obsessed with the idea of gold that they failed to develop the slave trade. Sub-
sequently, the problems arising from the conflict of interests between the British,
Dutch and others led to a climate of instability and the decline of the Portuguese
slave trade. Thefigurescompiled relate to the period 1726-1806 when 470,694
adults and 169 children were shipped through Cotonou, Popo, L o m é , Badagri
and other ports. In the nineteenth century only 62,786 adults were shipped
(giving a total of 533,480 adults and 169 children). W e do not k n o w the rele-
vantfiguresof the trade carried on by the British, Dutch and others.
Most of the slaves were sent to Babia, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro,
Para and Maranhäo (with smaller consignments going to Para and Maranhäo
than to the other States).
Third Sector
F r o m Cape L o p o Goncalves (more specifically from Loango) to the

Coporolo River (to the south of Benguela) including Luanda and Benguela,
the most prominent slave-trade area.
Most of the availablefiguresrelate to this sector, particularly the area
between the D a n d e Straits (to the north of Luanda) and the Coporolo River,
which came under the jurisdiction of the Luanda and Benguela customs
inspectorates. The entire sector to the north—from Luanda to Loango—was
practically always outside the control of the Portuguese authorities. It was
dominated by more powerful nations with a greater interest in the slave trade.
F e w , if any,figuresare available for this area. Even so, w e m a y say that, overall,
Angola was the sector where the 'hunt for the African' was carried on with the
greatest intensity.
According to the records of the Feitorias of Luanda, 79,052 adults were
shipped to Brazil or the Spanish West Indies in the years 1575-91. It is also
estimated that another 847,848 adults were shipped to these destinations,
making a total of 927,000 for the period in question.
In the eighteenth century (from 1726 onwards, although figures are
missing for certain years), 943,182 adults and 17,788 children (including infants)
were exported to the above destinations. These figures are taken from the
customs records, governors' reports and official correspondence. In the nine-
teenth century, during the period when the slave trade was still legal (1800-36),
494,529 adults and 263 children were dispatched (giving an annual average
of 17,691). Between 1837 and 1850 when slave traffic went on illegally, a further
623,214 adults (an annual average of 51,934) were shipped, that is 20.7 per
cent of those transported during the period of legal slave trading.
F r o m the three sectors, 3,929,749 adults and 18,292 children were shipped
(making a total of 3,948,041). However, if w e accept, as a working hypothesis
for purposes of appraisal, that during the slave-trade period the clandestine
shipments m a y have totalled roughly 50 per cent of the legal traffic entered in
the customs records (plus the slaves taken by other nations engaged in the
African slave trade) it is probable that a further 1,974,019 adults were shipped,
giving a total of at least 5,822,060 slaves (adults and children).
U p until 1578, the slaves taken from Angola (Luanda and Benguela
and to a certain extent from Loango and other river areas) were assembled o n
the island of Sao T o m é from where they were exported to Brazil and the
Spanish West Indies. Subsequently, the slaves were shipped directly from Pinda,
Luanda and Benguela to Central and South America (particularly Brazil).
Spanish domination (after 1580)—particularly in the seventeenth century—
resulted in the shipments of slaves to the River Plate (Montevideo and Buenos
Aires) being stepped u p in view of the better prices and the fact that the tran-
sactions were settled in silver coinage (pataca and peso), whereas at most other
destinations they were bartered for goods (cloth, beads, ornaments, iron bars,
guns, spirits, etc.).
In all the sectors (besides omitting the ethnic origins of the slaves) the
records generally fail to indicate embarkation and destination ports. This
makes it difficult to arrive at specific figures. In other instances, there is con-
siderable confusion over the names of the ports of disembarkation. Alongside
these irregularities, w e must also consider the fact that vessels often m a d e out
their papers for a certain port and then diverted their consignments to other
ports where the prices were higher. These diversions were justified by 'protests'
stating that they were forced to put into port.
Other questions which need to be clarified, particularly in relation to
Angola, are : the organization of the markets where slaves and produce were
sold, which date from the early seventeenth century at least; and the activities
of the Pumbeiros, Aviados, Fuñantes and others involved in slave trading in the
backlands, w h o sometimes acted as allies and other times as enemies of the
captains and majors. The same applies to the role of these agents in setting off"
tribal wars with the aim of buying u p prisoners and shipping them into slavery.
These aspects are dealt with in Angola—daEscravaturaaoTrabalhoLivre{\911).
Table 1 gives a clearer picture of the development of the slave trade in
these three sectors.
Archive materials
Public archives
Generally speaking, the public archives in Lisbon are badly organized and in
some cases to not have the catalogues and index-cards which would facilitate
research work. In some archives, the documentation is arranged somewhat
haphazardly and without any respect for chronological order. This is due to a
lack of trained personnel andfinancialresources. Despite this, most of the
documents are in a good state of preservation. Research into the slave trade
basically involves going labouriously through thousands of records and account
books.
The most important repositories of documentation in Lisbon are:
(a) Arquivo Nacional da Torre do T o m b o ; (b) Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino ;
(c) Arquivo Histórico do Ministerio das Finanças (covering a specific period) ;
(d) Biblioteca Nacional (particularly in the reserve stock); (e) Biblioteca do
Ministerio da Marinha; (f) Biblioteca da Ajuda (the latter two are not all that
important); (g) Biblioteca da C á m a r a Municipal de Lisboa; (h) Fundo do
Erario Público (the latter two house only certain types of documentation).
It would be extremely useful if Spanish research specialists were inter-
ested in this subject. This would facilitate access to the Madrid, Simancas and
other archives. In view of the obstacles involved, this kind of archive research
can only be undertaken with positive government support.
Private archives
T o the best of our knowledge, there are few private archives in Portugal (on
family estates, in churches, etc.) apart from the archive at the h o m e of the
Marques do Lavradio (which has been the subject of research projects and a
number of brief publications). If any other private archives do esist, they are
not likely to house any significant material concerning the slave trade.
In the former Portuguese colonies (Cape Verde, Guinea, Sao T o m é and
Angola), there is hardly any documentation available on the slave trade, if w e
discount Angola. A wealth of material (historical and recent) has been
destroyed through lack of suitable premises, indifference on the part of the
public authorities, the climate (hot and humid) and the usual pillagers. Coupled
with this, there is the difficulty (or impossibility) of reconstructing m a n y of the
relevant facts. In Angola (and to some extent on Sao T o m é ) , a fair number
of documents have yet to be examined. This is not the case with Cape Verde.
M u c h of the Angolan archive material would have been lost had it not been
for the far-sightedness of a dedicated group of civil servants, w h o published
part of the catalogued documentation. W e are referring to the publication
Arquivos de Angola, founded in 1933, which appeared fairly regularly over a
period of thirty years. It is the most important repository of documents relating
to the slave trade, the markets and the economic life of the territory since the
sixteenth century.
The parish registers in Portugal and in her former overseas territories
are another valuable source. These registers should contain useful information
on the slave trade.
For tugúese research on the slave trade 257
T h e role and impact of the slaves
In economic terms
It would be quite impracticable to give a detailed account of the role of the

African slave in the development (in its various aspects) of all the territories
with slave-based economies. For this reason w e endeavoured to give a very
brief (and incomplete) description of this subject in Notas sobre o Tráfico
Portugués . . . (p. 9-12), so far as the form of such an essay would allow. It
is a subject that calls for m u c h more research and analysis.
The forced transfer of vast numbers of Africans to sparsely populated
areas brought about changes in local life and had various other repercussions.
O n e of the most notable of these repercussions was the extensive population of
unoccupied areas, and farming and mining on a scale which would have been
out of the question with the local populations of each region. The other signi-
cant repercussion was the retreat (or stamping out) of the indigenous popu-
lations w h o had to take refuge in an alien and in some cases hostile environ-
ment, which served only to hasten their decline or disappearance.
It is difficult (or impossible) to single out every aspect of the influence
exerted by slave labour in the general economic development of these areas.
For this reason w e are confining our study to Brazil and, specifically, to a
survey of certain products exported in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
This should give us a clearer idea of the way things developed.
Sugar
In 1591, Abreu e Brito drew up an inventory recording the existence in Per-
nambuco of sixty-three sugar plantations with an annual production of
378,000 arrobas of 'brown sugar' worth 75,600 cruzados (one cruzado —
400 reis). In 1629 (Mauro), the number of sugar plantations rose to 346; and
in 1761 (Antonil), exportable production (batido, white, macho and brown)
accounted for the following quantities and values:
Bahia: 14,500 35-arroba chests = 507,500 arrobas. 1,070,204,400 reis.
Pernambuco: 12,300 35-arroba chests = 430,500 arrobas. 834,140,000 reis.
Rio de Janeiro: 10,220 35-arroba chests = 357,700 arrobas. 630,796,400 reis.
Total: 37,020 35-arroba chests = 1,295,700 arrobas. 2,535,142,800 reis.
In 1638, exports were in excess of 1,800,000 arrobas (Mauro).
Hides (sole leather)

Bahia: 50,000. 99,000,000 reis.
Pernambuco: 40,000. 70,000,000 reis.
Rio de Janeiro and other captaincies: 20,000. 32,800,000 reis.
Total: 110,000. 201,800,000 reis.
Thesefiguresalso give an idea of the volume of cattle production, particularly

in the north-east of Brazil.
Tobacco
Bahia: 25,000 rolls. 303,100,000 reis.
Alagoas and Pernambuco: 2,500 rolls. 41,550,000 reis.
Total: 27,500 rolls. 344,650,000 reis.
Gold
100 arrobas 'apart from what was extracted (and is till extracted) secretly from
other streams which the miners did not declare as they did not wish them to
be taxed', 614,400,000 reis.
Between 1721 and 1754, the gold sent from Brazil to Portugal fluctuated
between 11,000 to 20,000 arrobas a year (Magalhäes Godinho).
In the space of a century sugar took over as the leading export product.
It supplied vast sections of the European market, and brought about a radical
change in eating habits. Sugar exports rose from 378,000 arrobas a year at the
end of the sixteenth century to 1,295,700, which means that they increased
around three and a half times.
Thesefivekey products had a total value of 3,743,992,800 reis. They all
relied heavily o n slave labour.
W e should also mention the discovery of diamonds (1729). They proved
to be a further source of revenue. But like gold they were badly used. They
enabled the Portuguese aristocracy and upper middle classes to give full rein
to their propensity for ostentation, vanity and luxurious living. The country
began to import somewhat wildly (especially from Great Britain) a whole
range of useful, essential and superfluous consumer goods as a form of regale-
ment for the privileged classes, thus mortgaging Brazil's production. Great
Britain recognized an easy way of advancing the 'Industrial Revolution', by
having the Portuguese trading deficit settled in gold and diamonds.
W e should mention two other Brazilian products: cotton and coffee.
In 1776, the exportable cotton production was 42,664 arrobas; it had risen to
560,000 arrobas by 1796 (Borges de Macado).
Coffee growing, which dates from the end of the eighteenth century,
relied just as heavily on slave labour. The slave was responsible for clearing
and setting out the plantations, tending the seedbeds, weeding, and cultivating
the coffee plants. In the space of a hundred years, coffee rose to head the list
of exports, taking over from sugar which had begun to feel the effects of c o m -
petition from producers in the West Indies. In regard to coffee, w e should also
note the influence of the European immigrant, w h o arrived at the d a w n of
the nineteenth century to contribute to the development of the south of Brazil
at the very time when it was recognized that the slave trade and African forced
labour had to end. But w e should not forget that the slave was an important
factor (indirect, to be sure) in the recruitment and transportation to Brazil of
European immigrants. Recruitment was financed from a percentage of the
customs duties levied on the slave trade. Coffee proved to be a turning-point
in the Brazilian agricultural economy and superseded sugar as the country's
leading product. Conditions favourable to increased coffee consumption had
developed in Europe (and elsewhere). Coffee became widely drunk for its
stimulative effects at the expense of tea, which until then had been drunk
throughout Europe.
The economic development of Brazil has to be ascribed in part to vol-
untary and involuntary immigration. Voluntary immigration, in particular,
m a y be considered a constant feature of Portuguese life.
The African slaves working on the plantations and in the mines soon
began (in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries) to disturb agriculture and
other forms of economic activity. They destroyed farms and settlements; they
established quilombos with the aim of shaking off the yoke of slavery and
trying to wipe out or reduce the effects of their submission to the white m a n .
Slave rebellions occurred here and there and became c o m m o n , or very frequent,
in the nineteenth century. It is our view that they were fomented, led and directed
by Muslim slaves, m a n y of them learned m a n from the Costa da Mina, where
there was a struggle to impose the Islamic doctrine.
Gold and diamonds also brought about an unaccustomed upsurge of
wealth, which unhinged the economy of regions specializing in sugar cane,
tobacco, manioc and the manufacture of sugar and spirits, because of the high
cost of slaves. With his highly valuable products, the miner could buy his
labour force at prices which the farmer could ill afford. The miner did not
haggle over prices. A slave costing from 150,000 to 200,000 reis in Bahia would
fetch, in the mining areas, between 250 and 500 oitavas of gold (an oitava
generally equalled 1,400 reis) which was between 310,000 and 700,000 reis
(1700-03). Agricultural production could not support a similar increase in
labour costs. The price disparity led to the emergence of 'the poor [or impo-
verished] farmer or plantation owner' and the wealthy miner or prospector.
Panic broke out in m a n y agricultural regions ; the cost of essential foodstuffs
soared out of all proportion in the ports and in the interior. In m a n y respects,
the situation of the poor and the middle classes became critical. The less-well-
to-do farmers and plantation-owners were forced to sell their slaves. It was not
that they had to realize their capital; they could simply n o longer afford to
feed and clothe them. However, apart from these considerations, they also
had to cope with the continual problem of runaway slaves and incitement by
trouble-makers. W h e n slaves escaped, a double loss was usually involved:
the loss of the labour force and the capital investment which it represented;
the need to replace that labour force and the corresponding new investment.
For a brief period the mining area was invaded by a legion of runaway
slaves and others, brought from the north-east by the atravessadores (contra-
bandists). In 1735, a government census showed that there were 101,651 slaves
in the mining areas; by 1750, thisfigurehad risen to over 150,000. A n d w e
have no idea h o w m a n y slaves w h o escaped from the farms and plantations of
the north-east took to the backlands, the rivers and igarapés and hid there.
The euphoria over the gold and diamond discoveries was felt at all levels
of society. Contraband trade went on unchecked and developed its o w n orga-
nizational structure. This phenomenon resulted in a spread of highway rob-
beries, killings and m a n y other forms of violence. The entire mining and pros-
pection area became unsafe.
At the same time, Portuguese emigrants flocked to the Brazilian mining
areas from Europe in the hope of striking it rich, or just to escape poverty,
the hardships of rural life or even the persecutions of the Inquisition.
F r o m Trás-os-Montes, das Beiras, do Minho, etc., virtually anyone w h o
had the price of a ship's passage embarked in search of his 'bonanza'. People
from the most varied walks of life headed for the mines : gypsies, vagrants,
N e w Christians and Jews, rural labourers, craftsmen, small farmers and small
traders, mixed with adventurers and criminals. They all sold their belongings
and set their sights on Brazil. Crews went missing immediately after their
ships put into port and hid with friends or acquaintances in the backlands. In
this w a y , around 800,000 Portuguese migrated to Minas Gérais and other
regions in southern Brazil between 1705 and 1750; and this was at a time when
Portugal's population numbered only a little over 2 million. Faced with such
a large-scale abandonment of the country, the Portuguese Government intro-
duced various measures aimed at controlling embarkations and the issue of
passports.
The wave of emigration in the eighteenth century proved to be a decisive
factor in the 1822 Secession.
In the main, it was Brazil that benefited from the economic progress
m a d e in the country with the aid of slave labour. Only the occasional 'crumbs
of wealth' reached Portugal, and even these were badly used, as already
mentioned. A sizable portion was simply given away to Great Britain, while
another part went to various other European countries. In m a n y of these
countries a class of nouveaux riches burgeoned, engaged in the slave trade;
the shipping and trading companies connected with the slave traffic also
flourished. This prosperity is quite evident in the movement of ships and goods
in the ports of Great Britain (Bristol, Liverpool and others), France (Bordeaux,
Marseilles, Nantes, etc.) and Holland.
All in all, the (limited) benefit which the Portuguese derived from all
these ventures is reflected in the sweat and toil of the immigrant, whose main
concern was to save up enough money to support his family in Portugal, to
acquire a plot of land (or increase it if he already had one), to buy a few teams
of oxen, and to improve his house or build a new h o m e . Relatively few immi-
grants m a d e their fortunes in a big way. Those w h o did, bought or built manor
houses—especially in the north of the country—or invested their capital in the
trading and slave-trafficking operations which were set up in the middle of the
eighteenth century, Such was the background to the emergence of the rural
and merchant middle classes in northern and central Portugal and the 'joke'
of our second-rate capitalism. The fact that so few Portuguese became rich in
Brazil gives a certain idea of the cultural standing of the vast majority of emi-
grants, particularly those w h o went to South America. Emigration proceeded
without any reference to qualitative considerations ; it was a purely quantitative
phenomenon, and the majority of emigrants were unskilled or minimally
trained workers w h o were as a rule illiterate. Brazil accepted anyone w h o was
willing to work in the country, as it was interested in building up the Brazilian
population. Hence most of the Portuguese found themselves on the lower
rungs of the employment ladder. This is borne out by the kind of epithets
with which the Portuguese immigrant was tagged, m a n y of which were dispar-
aging. These workers were never afraid to take up a new type of work and could
turn their hand to anything that came along.
Despite all this, emigration was largely responsible for the fact that the
Portuguese acquired new habits and new forms of behaviour, and evolved a
different view of the world and other peoples, which was m u c h broader and
more enlightened than the narrow-minded approach characterizing life in
Portugal. The Portuguese acquired a new mentality and raised his o w n cultural
level. W e should also mention eating and other habits in European countries,
which were the outcome or the large-scale introduction of tropical products :
sugar, coffee, cocoa (hence chocolate), peanuts, piñón seed, palm oil and coco-
nuts, etc. Most of these foodstuffs entered Europe as raw materials and were
then processed. Sugar had to be refined and purified; peanuts were imported
for their edible oil (in view of the growth of the population and the inadequate
olive-oil production) and for their bagasse which was used in soap-making;
piñón seed was also used in soap-making; palm oil and coconut oil were used
in the manufacture of margarine and in the soap industry. T h e processing
operations required the construction of large factories (for processing oils,
cocoa and chocolate). Cocoa and chocolate became very popular in Europe.
The peanut, introduced into Africa in the first half of the nineteenth
century, became a leading crop within little overfiftyyears. T h e seed headed
the list of exports in Senegal, Gambia, Guinea-Bissau and other areas. T h e
expansion of peanut farming brought about a radical reorganization of local
economies and significant social and political changes in practically all the
areas concerned.
Cocoa, which was originally a leading crop on the islands of Sao T o m é
and Principe, was also introduced on the island of Fernando Po, on the Ivory
Coast, the Gold Coast, n o w Ghana, and other places ; a very high volume of
production was achieved, particularly in the Ivory Coast and in the Gold Coast.
This kind of agriculture and mining could only be developed because of
the huge demand on the European and American consumer and producer
markets.
These products were grown in the tropics for two reasons :first,to meet
the demand on the domestic consumer market and/or the export markets;
second, to obtain the revenue which would enable African producers to engage
in the trade from which they were practically excluded during the slavery era.
These products served as a basis for thefiscalsystems necessary to the European
administrations in the various territories (through the hut levy, taxes, licences
and other forms of taxation). T h e administrations also resorted to indirect
strategies, such as creating a demand for certain essential goods a m o n g African
populations w h o had never or hardly ever felt the need for them. This was the
practical way to control the African markets and import European and Ameri-
can manufactured products.
These processes occurred persistently over a long period of time. H o w -
ever, they only gained a certain m o m e n t u m in the second half of the nineteenth
century, at a time when European policies on the domination of the African
continent were clarified and defined. The main historical development in this
lengthy process of evolution was the political and social crisis of the eighteenth
century (the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars, etc.) which culminated
in the General Act of the Berlin Conference (1884-85) with all its political and
economic implications.
There is no doubt that a number of European countries derived con-
siderable wealth from Brazilian gold and diamonds ; raw materials (especially
those w e have listed) brought them even greater prosperity. Portugal benefited
the least from all this trade. Despite her pioneering activities, she received a
very small slice of this prosperity. The blame for this phenomenon m a y be laid
squarely upon the society of the day, which saw everything purely in terms of
territorial occupation.
Cultural considerations
In a limited study such as this, it would be quite impracticable to attempt even

a brief survey of the impact of the slaves on the cultural life of each area where
slave-holding was a c o m m o n practice.
W e shall confine ourselves to a number of passing references which are
necessarily incomplete and do not therefore give a full and accurate picture of
the cultural interchange and miscegenation which occurred.
W o u l d Central and South America be as they are today without the

contribution m a d e by the African, whether as a slave or as a free m a n ? T h e
answer is obviously no.
Brazil, for example, was profoundly influenced by the Bantu culture
(which in certain aspects was far more influential than the Sudanese culture)
in the areas of music, language, food, magical and cult practices, even though
the latter are quite syncretistic. Most Brazilian musical instruments are nothing
other than adaptations of Angolan instruments. Another sign of this influence
is the way society was organized at the time when the 'Casa Grande' was one
of the prominent social features. Apart from these generic aspects, the most
' vital ' sign of African cultural influence is the presence in Brazilian society of
the Negroes and mestizos (individuals of mixed blood: from a white m a n and
Negro w o m a n , or even from two mestizos). Despite the 'injection' of white
blood, Negro blood is still very strong in Brazil.
Another, perhaps more interesting, example is the creóle islands : Cape
Verde, practically all the West Indian islands and, on another level, Sao T o m é .
Generally speaking, these islands have a creóle population with a creóle lan-
guage and a creóle culture. The degree of miscegenation, and linguistic and
cultural intermixture m a y vary. Nevertheless, the reality of these islands should
not be underestimated or denied.
The creolization, in the broadest sense of the term, of the inhabitants of
the Cape Verde islands has the Portuguese language and culture as its base,
just as the creolization of Haiti, Guadeloupe and Martinique is based on
the French language and culture, and the creolization of the Dominican Repub-
lic on the Spanish language and culture. The same applies to other islands and
areas which w e are unable to mention owing to lack of space.
In all these areas, the dominant h u m a n type is markedly African, although
there is evidence of hybridism. Apart from physical appearance, w e should
consider the main aspect of culture: the language. T o give an example, the
Cape Verde creóle, spoken by all the inhabitants (although the majority under-
stand Portuguese), has a vocabulary which is 90 per cent Portuguese (including
various archaic forms), 5 per cent Mandingo or Fula, with the remaining 5 per
cent being derived from various other European languages. However, the basic
grammar of the language is of African origin.
The same sort of situation m a y be encountered in Haiti where 90 per
cent of the population speak a creóle French, and in the Dominican Republic
where the language is a creóle Spanish.
Various European languages, and Portuguese in particular, were in
some degree influenced by the African languages. However, this influence was
confined to the acceptance of a limited number of words which today form
part of the national vocabulary. Such a phenomenon is the normal outcome
of this type of relationship between peoples w h o speak different languages.
W e have focused on the language question as language is one of the

fundamental aspects of the culture of a people.
Note
1. See Notas sobre o Trafico Portugués de Escravos na Costa Occidental Africana, p. 33-4.
The Catholic Church
and the slave trade
Luigi Conti
The official position of the Church towards the slave trade is the same as its
position with regard to slavery in general.
The Catholic Church's action concerning the slave trade has been both
direct and indirect.
Direct action
Scientific research, when conducted in depth and without ideological prejudice,

shows that the action of the Popes and the missionaries played a decisive part
in the abolition of slavery and of the slave trade.
It is worth while remembering that Pope Calixtus I (218-22) himself bore
the stigmata of slavery.
O n 7 October 1462, at the very beginning of the slave trade to Europe
Pius II rose in defence of Negroes reduced to slavery and denounced the trade
as ' m a g n u m scelus' (a great crime), ordering the bishops to inflict ecclesiastical
sanctions on those w h o practised it.1
Paul H I (1534-49), in a Brief on 29 M a y 1537 to Cardinal Juan de Tavera,
Archbishop of Toledo, forbade on pain of excommunication that American
Indians should be reduced to slavery or despoiled on any pretext whatsoever
of their possessions (' ne praefatos Indios quomodolibet in servitutem reidgere,
aut eos bonis suis spoliare quoquemodo praesumat'). 2 A few days later, at
the beginning of June 1537, the Pope in the Bull 'Veritas Ipsa', addressed to all
Christendom, proclaimed the absolute condemnation of slavery and annulled
retrospectively all contracts providing for it, so that slaves had the right to
free themselves from their state of servitude.
Urban VIII (1623-44), in his Letter of 22 April 1639 to the Representative
of the Holy See in Portugal during its union with Spain, condemned slavery in
his turn, threatening all those w h o practised it with excommunication. 3
But people did not take sufficient notice of these papal documents. The
missionaries, in their letters to the Sacred Congregation ' d e Propagande Fide'
(founded 6 January 1622), were always describing the dire effects of slavery on
266 Luigi Conti
their evangelical mission and pressing for a fresh condemnation. This was
issued by the Holy Office on 20 March 1686.
At the beginning of the eighteenth century, during the pontificate of
Clement X I (1700-21), R o m e was forced to take more severe measures: despite
all the previous documents on the subject it was clear that slavery continued to
exist and was even spreading. But R o m e was convinced that no improvement
was possible without the real co-operation of the King of Portugal, whose
colonial Empire included a large part of the N e w World. So in 1707 the Sacred
Congregation 'de Propaganda Fide' adjured the Papal Nuncios in Lisbon and
Madrid, and all those in a position to do so, to act so as to bring about the
abolition of slavery—'di procurare in ogni canto l'estirpazione degl'istessi
gravissimi sconcerti'. But this appeal met with practically no response.
In the Instruction sent by the Sacred Congregation 'de Propaganda Fide'
to the new Papal Nuncio in Lisbon, Vincenzo Bichi, the question of slavery
was dealt with at length. The Congregation required slaves to be given a
holiday not only on Sundays and feast days but also on Saturdays. This is
probably thefirstdemand in history for a five-day week.
In their meetings on 15 December 1738 and 28 November 1741, the
Cardinals of the Sacred Congregation 'de Propaganda Fide' again dealt at
length with the question of slavery. Thus on 22 December 1741, Pope Benedict
X I V (1740-58), in the Papal Constitution Immensa, once more condemned
slavery in the same terms as Paul III and Urban VIII. Although the Constitu-
tion referred specifically to the enslavement of the American Indians (and, as
a result, the king of Portugal, by the law of 6 June 1755, forbade the enslave-
ment of the Indians and ordered them to be set free), it was also applied to the
enslavement of Negroes. In several other documents the Sacred Congregation
extended the ban on slavery a m o n g the Indians to slavery a m o n g the blacks.
In 1758 a copy of the Constitution Immensa was sent to the Prefect of the
Capuchins in the Congo.
W h e n the anti-slavery movement was gaining ground in Europe and
Africa at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century,
the Popes and the Sacred Congregation 'de Propaganda Fide' contribued
amply to the eradication of slavery and the awakening of consciences.4
Pius VII wrote to the governments of Spain, Portugal and Brazil. In
1823, in a letter to the king of Portugal, Pope Pius VII again insisted on the
abolition of slavery in the king's colonial empire.5
A n y scientific inquiry on the subject should appraise the decisive part
that Pope Pius VII played through his Representative at the Congress of
Vienna (1814-15) to bring slavery to an end. It was through this Congress
that Pius VII brought the full weight of his authority to bear on the subject.
A n d in fact he did bring about abolition.
O n 3 December 1837, Gregory X V I , in the Brief 'In Supremo Aposto-
The Catholic Church and the slave trade 267
latus Fastigio', after listing his predecessors' provisions with regard to slavery,
went on to condemn it severely in all its forms. The reference to the trade in
black slaves is clear, for it was still widely practised despite the fact that it
had been legally abolished by the Congress of Vienna. 8
Pius I X raised his voice against slavery in 1851 at the beatification of
Pierre Claver (1580-1654), a Jesuit missionary k n o w n as 'the Negroes' apostle'.
O n 5 M a y 1888, Leo XIII, in a letter to the bishops of Brazil, congratu-
lated them warmly on what they had done to abolish slavery, and recalled the
teaching of the Church in this matter.7
Throughout the period in which the slave trade was being carried on the
missionaries, also encouraged by the declarations of the Popes and of the Sacred
Congregation 'de Propaganda Fide', tried with all the means at their disposal
to teach slaves, both Indians and blacks, to baptize them and set them free.
The Sacred Congregation 'de Propaganda Fide' and the Charity of the Holy
Child frequently provided money for this purpose. A well-known example of
this kind of activity is the mission at Bagamoyo in East Africa.
Naturally, after the abolition of slavery a m o n g the American Indians,
the Church's activities in thisfieldturned m o r e towards slavery a m o n g the
blacks.
The work of the missionary bishop Cardinal Lavigerie (1825-92) for
the abolition of slavery is well k n o w n .
It should be noted that the missionaries—Dominicans, Franciscans,
Jesuits and others—who went to the N e w World soon found themselves
fighting against those w h o exploitedfirstthe Indians then the blacks. M a n y of
them were tortured or even killed by the settlers.
The bad example set by those owners receives a good deal of attention,
but this cannot detract from the vast and beneficent work carried out by the
Church a m o n g the Indians and the Negroes.
Indirect action
A s some people nowadays deplore, the Church did not organize crusades or
stir up revolutions against the various forms and manifestations of slavery.
But the Church did act, in obedience to Christ and to the Gospel, in an indirect,
patient, constant, planned and effective manner—one which was the more
likely to succeed because it could create an environment and conditions
favourable to the abolition of the slave trade in general and of the trade in
African Negroes in particular.
The Church has always preached monogenism, and so has taught and
practised the principles of equality and fraternity between m e n in the universal
fatherhood of G o d . The Church has done this despite and in the face of times
conditioned by the h u m a n and social sciences.
268 Luigi Conti
It the Church urged slaves to be patient, it also demanded that masters

should consider them and treat them like m e n , like brothers, for before G o d
'there is neither bond nor free ... for ye are all one in Christ Jesus'.
Furthermore, if the Church was careful to baptize slaves it was because
it considered them to be m e n , or rather sons of G o d . But the spreading of the
Gospel also meant developing them as h u m a n beings, giving them a greater
awareness of their dignity, which would lead them to accept the responsibility
for their o w n liberation. This is the reason for the hostility that existed between
settlers and missionaries, and for the resistance of the latter, which finally
aroused or fostered liberation movements a m o n g the slaves themselves.
T h e Church's missionary activities in thisfieldcan be seen in detail in the
archives of the religious orders and institutes which throughout the centuries
of slavery devoted themselves, sometimes in tragic circumstances, to preaching
the Gospel to the Indians and the Negroes, and to promoting their h u m a n
dignity.
Notes
1. O . Rainaldi, Annales, X (a. 1482), Lucca 1752, p. 341-2.

2. Bullarium Taurinense, X I V , Turin 1868, p. 712-13.
3. ibid., p. 712-14.
4. In a letter of 20 September 1841 addressed to the king of France, Pius VII wrote:
' A d interponenda vero huiusmodi officia religio ipsa nos movet, quae improbat
execraturque turpissimum illud commercium, quo Nigritae, tamquam si n o n
homines sed pur putaque animantia forent, emuntur, venduntur, ac miserrimae
vitae durissimisque laboribus usque ad mortem exantlandis dovoventur. Itaque
inter maxima, quae sanctissima eadem religio orbi contulit, hona, servitutis m a g n a m
partem abrogatae aut mitius exercitae beneficium mérito ab omnibus recensetur.'
In the same Letter Pope Pius VII addresses both churchmen and laymen in these
terms : ' A n d w e forbid any ecclesiastic or layman to dare on any pretext whatever
to maintain that this trade in Blacks is allowed, or to preach or teach in public or
private, in any manner whatsoever, anything in contradiction to this Papal Letter. '
5. Itaque ad maiestatem tuam, cuius egregiam erga nos voluntatem cognitam penitus
planeque perspectam habemus, paterna haec officia dirigimus, maeque intomo
cordis affectu hortamur in D o m i n o atque obsecramus, ut, singulari sua prudentia
in consilium advocata, o m n e m det operam, uti opportunae illae hac de re legum
poenarumque sanctiones in omnibus suarum, qua late patent, ditionum partibus
accurate serventur, ac probrosum d e m u m Nigritarum commercium s u m m o c u m
religionis atque humani generis c o m m o d o radicitus extirpatur.'
6. Acta Gregorii XVI, II, R o m e 1901, p. 387 et seq.
7. Acta Leonis XIII, VIII, R o m e , 1889, p. 169-92.
Supplementary report
on slave-trade studies in the
United States
P. D . Curtin
Research on the slave trade in the United States is n o w very extensive and I
cannot k n o w all of it. But the most recent bibliography is :
H O G G , Peter C . The African Slave Trade and its Suppression. A Classified and Annotated
Bibliography of Books, Pamphlets, and Periodical Articles. London, 1973.
Other more recent important contributions have been:

R U B I N , Vera; D U D E N , Arthur (eds.). Comparative Perspectives on Slavery in New World
Plantation Societies. N e w York, N e w York Academy of Sciences, 1977. (Annals of the
N e w York Academy of Sciences, Vol. 292.)
D R E S C H E R , Seymour. Econocide. British Slavery in the Era of Abolition. Pittsburgh, Univer-
sity of Pittsburgh Press, 1977.
G E M E R Y , Henry; H O G E N D O R N , Jan. A volume containing papers originally presented at a
slave-trade conference in Waterville, Maine, in August 1977, published in 1978.
K L E I N , Herbert. S. The Middle Passage; Comparative Studies in the Atlantic Slave Trade,
Princeton, N . J., Princeton University Press, 1978.
V I L L A V I L A R , Enriqueta. Hispano-America y el Comercio de Esclaves. Seville, 1977.
Other important ongoing research is being carried out by David Eltis, Depart-
ment of Economics, Rochester University, Rochester, N . Y . ; Stanley Engerman,
Department of Economics, Rochester University, Rochester, N . Y . ; and Joseph
Miller, Department of History, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia.
The slave trade and the peopling
of Santo Domingo
Jean Fouchard
Contemporary accounts and recent studies alike have provided us with gener-
ally accurate information about the living conditions of the Negroes w h o were
imported into Santo D o m i n g o , their physical and moral characteristics, their
temperament, age, stature, reactions to slavery, religious beliefs, food, housing,
furniture, names, physiological condition, artistic sense, tastes, customs and
so on.
But there are two main questions which still preoccupy historians and
ethnologists : h o w m a n y slaves were imported into Santo D o m i n g o , and what
were the relative proportions of the different ethnic groups a m o n g the Africans
w h o formed the island's population?
W e still have n o answer to thefirstquestion. Statistics relating to the
slave trade in Santo D o m i n g o are too partial and fragmentary. W e d o k n o w
that at certain periods in the history of the colonization of the country, the
southern strip was supplied principally through the illicit slave trade, which
increased considerably during the American W a r of Independence and towards
the end of the official slave trade; but w e do not possess thefiguresthat would
enable us to estimate the size of this parallel traffic.
F r o m the beginnings of colonization up to 1764, all w e have to go by is
scattered information, incomplete and occasional statistics, and necessarily
partial estimates. Between 1764 and the end of the official trade in the island
in 1793, the Santo D o m i n g o newspapers supply us with invaluable informa-
tion about the arrival of the slave-ships.
W e are thus reduced to a rough estimate, but one which confirms the
'dreadful number' of deaths and the fact that Santo D o m i n g o 'devoured'
its slaves at a terrifying rate. Neither the ridiculously low birth rate nor the
increasingly large consignments of imported slaves could compensate for the
high rate of consumption, which was due to harsh conditions, forced labour
driven to inhuman limits, tyranny and cruelty, not to mention almost universal
and permanent malnutrition.
Hilliard d'Auberteuil, a notary at C a p Haïtien for twelve years, gives
a horrifying account:
The slave trade 271
and the peopling of Santo Domingo
A third of the negroes from Guinea die normally during thefirstthree years after
their transplantation, and the working life of a negro acclimatized to the country
cannot be put at more than 15 years More than 800,000 negroes have been brought
into the colony since 1680: so large a nursery should have produced millions of slaves,
yet there are only 290,000 now [1776] in the colony.1
If w e accept the apparently very reasonable figure of 800,000 as the total

number of Negroes brought to Santo D o m i n g o between 1680 and 1776, this
means an annual intake of fewer than 8,000. If w e add to this the slaves imported
by most Christian Spain from 1503 on—in the year, by the way, when Leonardo
da Vinci painted the M o n a Lisa—and the large consignments received during
the French period (sometimes amounting to more than 45,000 Negroes a year,
not counting the illicit trade), w e should probably be not far from the truth in
estimating the total number of Negroes imported into Santo D o m i n g o at about
2 million.
S o m e such number would have been needed for Santo D o m i n g o , during
three centuries of colonization, to have become the gold mine which in turn
enriched the crown of Castille and accounted for almost two-thirds of the
general trade of the kingdom of France. At that time, the island was the most
important colony in the N e w World, with an economy far outstripping those of
Canada and of the embryonic Confederation of the United States of America.
T w o million is a reasonable estimate, taking into account the frag-
mentary information which has come d o w n to us either through the works of
such classic authors as Charlevoix, Moreau de Saint-Méry and d'Auberteuil,
or through the data provided by Bryan Edwards and, more recently, Pierre
de Vaissière and Gaston Martin, or through the more detailed statistics derived
from Santo Domingo's o w n newspapers.
The second question concerning the ethnic distribution of the African
slaves w h o formed the population of Santo D o m i n g o is of the greatest interest
to us. It is indeed essential to k n o w the exact origin of our forefathers, and
fortunately the Haiti School has recently been able to determine this thanks
to a hitherto unexploited sources : statistics on runaway slaves and their ethnic
distribution based on descriptions of 48,000 runaways, announcements of
slave-ship consignments as they arrived in the chief ports of Santo D o m i n g o ,
and the almost daily book-keeping of the slave trade as reflected in the island's
newspapers between 1764 and 1793.
The slaves imported into Santo D o m i n g o came from a vast geographical
area and an infinite number of different 'nations' or tribes with varied and
imprecise designations difficult to connect with definite locations. T h e list put
forward by Moreau de Saint-Méry, the list Robert Richard drew up from the
minutes of the Santo D o m i n g o notaries2 and the data supplied by Descourtilz
and de Malenfant reveal this diversity. I myself have added to these lists some
272 Jean Fouchard
designations supplied by the Santo Domingo papers and apparently relating

to cantons and villages rather than to ethnic groups in the proper sense of the
term. Fortunately, from 1780 on, the newspapers of C a p Haïtien and of
Port-au-Prince began to describe slaves, maroons and Negroes for sale in
terms of the major ethnic groups to which they belonged.
Details given in notices of sale from 1764 on and descriptions of maroons
from 1780 on are more revealing. O n the basis of this information, I shall try
to arrange in three categories the ' nations ' which went to make up the popula-
tion of the colony, using the geographical divisions put forward by Moreau de
Saint-Méry.
This classification is less hazardous than a classification based only
on religion, or on a c o m m o n language, or again, on c o m m o n political or
social interests.
N o doubt a very exacting critic couldfindin the suggested classification
several details which are not entirely consistent with the norms adopted.
Nevertheless this system is the one that comes closest to the facts, and that
gives the best general outline of the origins of our ancestors.
Sudanese
This group includes the various peoples of the West African coast and the
nearby communities on the banks of the Senegal, Gambia and Niger rivers :
Senegalese, Wolofs, Calvaires; Fulani, Tukulors; Bambaras, Mandingos,
Bissago(t)s; Susus.
Guineans
These are the peoples w h o lived further south but still north of the Equator,
in the whole of the area round the Gulf of Guinea, including the Ivory Coast,
the Slave Coast and the Gold Coast (now Ghana) : Kangas, Bourriquis, Misé-
rables, Mesurades, Caplacus, Nagos, Mines, Minas, Yorubas, Thiambas;
Fons, Agousas, Socos, Fantins, Mahis, Dahomans, Aradas, Cotocolis, Popos,
Fidas, Hausas, Ibos, M o k o s of Benin.
Bantus
These peoples lived south of the Equator, chiefly in the kingdoms of Congo
and Angola, which marked the limits of the French slave trade. They included:
Kongos, 'Francs Kongos', Musombis, Mondongos, Malimbas, Angolas.
T o these were added, towards the end of the colonial period, large n u m -
bers of Mozambicans (especially from 1773 on), together with a very few
Negroes from such places as Madagascar and Mauritius—the sole contibu-
tion, though a large one, from East Africa.
The slave trade 273
It is generally agreed that the settlement of Santo D o m i n g o was carried

out in thefirstplace by the Sudanese group, then the Guiñean group and
finally the Bantu group.
W h a t is certain is that early slave consignments to Santo D o m i n g o came
from St Louis in Senegal and the island of Gorée.
Imprecision begins with the second phase of imports. W e do k n o w
that the Guinea group was thefirstto take over from the Sudanese group as
the colony's main provider of Negro slaves, but w e do not k n o w whether in
the latter part of the colonial period, the Guinea group or the Bantu group
predominated. The chief point of any inquiry into this subject is to find out
which ethnic groups were in the numerical majority in the last half-century
before independence. These groups were our most immediate ancestors, not
only bequeathing us their physical and moral characteristics but also, at a
deeper level, forming and influencing our cultural heritage.
Were they Guineans or Bantus ?
N o definite answer to this question has yet been found. Attempts had been m a d e
to solve the riddle by examining voodoo and oral tradition, settlers' correspon-
dence, the minutes of the Santo Domingo notaries, the bills of lading of the
slave-ship owners, and workshop inventories, but without being able to satisfy
our legitimate curiosity.
Let us briefly examine these various approaches. S o m e specialists have
tried to maintain that the practice of voodoo as the predominant popular
religion in the colony is conclusive proof that Guiñean slaves were in the
majority in Santo Domingo. It is an attractive theory, but it does not stand
up to analysis. Furthermore, it is contradicted by the advertised descriptions
of slaves and by the workshop inventories, which on the one hand show that
Kongos were in the majority a m o n g the maroons and on the other hand
reveal no very considerable proportion of D a h o m a n s (Aradas excepted).
While it is true that voodoo, originating in D a h o m e y (now Benin), did take
root and spread in the colony, this was not because of any massive presence
of D a h o m a n slaves, for there was never any such thing. The reasons for the
introduction and widespread practice of voodoo must be sought elsewhere.
In a recent paper, Lilas Desquiron 3 pointed out the considerable
contribution m a d e by Kongos of the Bantu group to the establishment of
voodoo in Haiti. Moreover ethnologists have shown that voodoo had borrowed
some elements from Catholicism. It thus appears that voodoo, by reason of the
disparate nature of its elements, cannot indicate the predominance either of
the Guiñean or of the Bantu group a m o n g the early population of Santo
Domingo. True, the word 'Guinea' for a long while symbolized Africa, but
so, towards the end of the colonial period, did the word ' C o n g o ' . The runaway
274 Jean Fouchard
chief Macaya recognized the king of Congo as 'born master of all blacks',
and even before the ceremony at Bois-Caiman a Congolese song was adopted
as an anthem for the rebels and for voodoo assemblies.
Be that as it m a y , while the voodoo songs with their m a n y verses refer
to the gods or has of Africa, in terms either of the rada or of the petro ritual,
they always refer to them together, for instance:
Mrin sôti Ian Guinin, mrin sôti Guéléfé [Ifé] . . . palez hounsis congos Ian Guinin . . .
of té-léguey . . . Legba Petro, Legba Ibo, Legba Dahoumin, Legba Allada, Legba
Badagri . . .
The litany k n o w n as the 'Prayer of Djor' shows even more clearly the number
of'peoples' which combined to form the Haitian community:
Rélé toutes toutou l'Afrique Guinin, toutes nanchons [nations] rada [Aradas], ibo,
caplaou, en-mine [Amine, Mine], mondongue, mandingue, sinigal [Senegal], canga,
congo, nago, danhomé, wangol, mahi, foulah, mayoumbé, fon, bambara, haoussa,
congo-franc . . .
The voodoo songs thus reflect a recognition of the original loas of all the
'nations' contributing to the peopling of Santo D o m i n g o and of the m a n y
different contributions to the growth of voodoo itself, rather than any ethnic
distribution.
Does an examination of the settlers' correspondence, of the accounts of
contemporary historians, of workshop inventories or of bills of lading give any
better results ? No—colonial documentation provides no exact answer to our
questions as to whether the Guineans or the Bantus were in the majority at
the end of the colonial period.
But it is certain that if workshop inventories, for example, are analysed
systematically as more and more archives are discovered, w e shall obtain an
increasingly accurate picture. In the end w e shall k n o w what was the most
usual 'distribution' for the period w e are concerned with, in the workshops
and in the sugar, indigo and coffee mills and plantations. Were the Aradas in
the majority in the sugar industry, and the Kongos in the coffee industry?
W h a t was the real proportion oîbossales (newly imported slaves) and 'creóles'
(born in the colony) used in agricultural labour, domestic service and factory
work at the end of the colonial period, even before the slackening off and
eventual abolition of the official slave trade?
The inquiry is only just beginning. It will be a long and difficult one:
workshop inventories do not abound. Every so often a fresh bundle of them
is found in some dusty old cupboard.
M . Debien has analysed several hundreds of workshop inventories and
brought together an invaluable source of documentation. At the same time, in
The slave trade 275
order to find out the origins of the West Indian slaves, he also consulted the
even rarer bills of lading of slave-ship owners, but came to the conclusion that
these documents threw no light on the subject. N o n e of the bills of lading
consulted so far has shown the cargoes broken d o w n in terms of ethnic groups,
though they do tell us the names of the slave-ships' h o m e ports (Nantes,
La Rochelle, L e Havre, Bordeaux, Lorient, Marseilles, St M a l o , Honfleur)
and sometimes the ship's tonnage and the length of the crossing.
There still remain the announcements and advertisements in the Santo
D o m i n g o press. These notices are of two kinds. O n e group refers to slaves w h o
are up for sale as the result of the temporary or permanent return of some
settler to France. Unfortunately, these advertisements d o not give exact
descriptions of the slaves. Moreover they relate to only a tiny fraction of the
total number of slaves, and generally to domestics. M o r e interesting for us
are the notices about slaves w h o had run away, w h o were in prison or were up
for sale for having attempted to run away. These advertisements are numerous
enough to provide a very serious basis for investigation. W e possess no fewer
than 48,000 of them spread out over some thirty years. With a few exceptions
they all indicate the 'nation' the fugitive belonged to. It might be objected
that, since such advertisements refer to maroons, they necessarily m a k e n o
reference to the 'peoples' w h o were not given to running away. But there were
no such peoples. A more serious drawback is that the lists of runaways do not
show the actual proportion of each 'nation' in relation to the total slave
population of Santo D o m i n g o , but merely the proportion of each 'nation'
in relation to the total number of runaways. But this information is in itself
very important, because it reveals that K o n g o slaves were in a clear majority
a m o n g the runaways. This remained true almost without exception from 1764
to 1793, i.e. throughout the last phase of the colonial period.
So were K o n g o slaves in general in the majority, or were they merely
the 'people' most given to escaping, despite their reputation in the colony for
being 'the most lively and the readiest to submit to servitude'?
The table appended to this paper shows h o w Kongos were in the majority
a m o n g the runaways for the years 1764, 1765 and 1766 for example, while in
the same years the slaves imported came largely from the Guinea and Gold
Coasts.
The notices of slave-ship arrivals in the colony provide another source
of information. These represent the actual voices of the colonists, the evidence
of the slave-traders themselves, the day-books of Santo Domingo's trade in
slave labour.
Here too there will be certain instances of lack of precision, but fortu-
nately these d o not invalidate the overall information supplied; and the great
majority of these notices are absolutely exact. Only the professional scruples
of the historian compel m e to quote the few exceptions.
276 Jean Fouchard
At all events, the arrival notices of the slave-ships enable us to conclude

with certainty that Bantus were in the majority in thefinalpeopling of Santo
Domingo. They almost always say where the cargo is from, or give the n a m e
of the African port from which the ship sailed.
Unfortunately, the Santo Domingo newspapers often give somewhat
contradictory information. Towards the end of the colonial period, and more
especially between 1783 and 1785, the papers habitually ascribed to the 'Gold
Coast' not only cargoes of Guiñean Ardas but also Kongos from the Bantu
group and Senegalese from the Sudanese group. The term 'Gold Coast' was
sometimes used to mean the Congo, Angola, Senegal, D a h o m e y of even M o z a m -
bique, and to cover slaving centres such as Malimbe, Porto Novo, Ardre or
Adra, Aunis, Juda, A n a m a b o u , Gorée and Badagris, which by no means all
belong to the geographical or ethnic region of the Gold Coast. W e also see,
though this is not so serious, the term ' Kongos ' applied to cargos from Angola
and Mozambique—people belonging, it is true, to the same Bantu group.
The Santo Domingo newspapers and slave-traders were aware of these
occasional distortions. That was w h y they sometimes took the precaution of
specifying that some cargoes came from 'the real Gold Coast'.
W e can therefore reach the following conclusions: from St Louis and
later from Gorée came the Senegalese, the Bambaras, Quiambas, Sudanese and
Fulani from Futa; the Mandingos were supplied by Gambia; the Aradas
represented the real Gold Coast or Slave Coast from D a h o m e y to eastern
Nigeria, and were grouped in the slaving centres of Juda, Porto Novo, Ouidah,
A b o m e y and Aliada.
The Mines and the Thimbas came from present-day Ghana, the Mocos
from Gabon, the Cotocolis from Togo, and the Nagos from south-west
Nigeria.
The Misérables and the Bouriquis came from the Malaguette Coast
(present-day Liberia), and the Mondongos from the kingdom of Benguele;
Angola's slaving ports were Cabinda and Loango. The Mandongos were
wrongly put in the same category as the neighbouring Kongos from the king-
d o m of Congo, which lay between Capes Lopes and Negre, and thus between
Gabon and Angola. 4
O n this basis w e can rectify the few minor errors and inaccuracies
previously referred to. This is what I have tried to do in m y appended sum-
mary account of the slave trade based on notices of slave-ship arrivals in the
various ports in Santo Domingo and of advertisements of public sales of their
cargoes.
According to the results of this inquiry, therefore, the Haitian c o m m u -
nity's most immediate ancestors were mostly slaves belonging to the Bantu
group, which reinforced and then predominated over slaves imported from
the Guiñean group and over declining supplies from the Sudanese group.
The slave trade 277
These three groups have fashioned our people and, via the strangest of
melting-pots, have stamped it for ever. They came to sow and quicken our land,
and they worked in blood, sweat and tears to produce stitch by stitch, with
French thread and Bantu spindle, a new ethnic fabric, without ever cutting the
umbilical cord that links us forever to Africa.
Notes
1. Considérations sur l'État Présent de la Colonie Française de Saint-Domingue, II, p. 62-3.

2. Revue d'Histoire des Colonies, N o . 135, 3rd quarter, 1951, p. 310.
3. Evolution Historique d'une Religion Africaine : Le Voodoo (paper presented by M r s Lilas
Desquiron de Heusch at the Free University of Brussels for the academic year
1967-68).
4. See Moreau de Saint-Méry, I, 52 et seq., and Rosseline Siguret, 'Esclaves . . . au
Quartier de JacmeP, Revue Française d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, N o . 2, 1968, p. 224.
Appendix: Summary account
of the slave trade to Santo Domingo,
1764-93
1764 1765
Papers consulted: Gazette de Saint- Papers consulted: Various notices and

Domingue, various announcements Affiches Américaines.
and Affiches Américaines. Number of slave-ships: 15.
Number of slave-ships : 31. Declared Provenance: (a) Guiñean
Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean group (Gold Coast, 6 ; Guinea Coast,
group (Gold Coast, 1 0 ; Guinea 6); (b) Bantu group (Angola Coast,
Coast, 9 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola 3); and (c) Sudanese group, 0 .
Coast, 10); (c) Sudanese group Group providing most imports: Guiñean.
(Goree, Senegal, 1) and (d) other Number of Negroes declared: Only
places (bought in Martinique, 1). 2,180, whereas for the ports of the
Group providing most imports: Guiñean C a p e and Port-au-Prince alone the
group (Guinea and Gold Coasts), 19, real total was 11,900 {Affiches Amé-
as against 10 ships from the Angola ricaines, 12 M a r c h 1766).
Coast (Kongos, 'Francs-Kongos') Group providing most runaways: Bantus,
dealing in slaves from the Bantu (Kongos), out of about 600 an-
group. nouncements.
Number of Negroes declared:1 6,681.
Group providing most runaways in same
year: Bantu group; out of 405 announ- 1766
cements, the majority already related
to K o n g o s . 2 Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines
Number of slave-ships: 35.
1. While the gazettes usually give the slave- Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean
ships' provenance, they often omit to
show how slaves there were in each cargo. group (Gold Coast, 1 1 ; Guinea
So the number of Negroes declared every Coast, 7 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola
year does not always correspond to the group, 15); and (c) Sudanese group
volume of imports. But it does give some (Goree, Senegal, 2).
idea of which group predominated at the
time in the peopling of the colony. Group providing most imports: Guiñean :
2. Thefiguresgiven here for runaways are 18.
not always strictly accurate. For most Number of Negroes declared: 9,602.
years I have preferred to give only an Group providing most runaways: Bantus
estimate, since there was not time to
examine one by one the 48,000 announce- (Kongos), out of about 800 an-
ments spread over some thirty years. nouncements.
The slave trade 279
1767 Group providing most imports: Bantu.

Number of Negroes declared: 7,950.
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines. Group providing most runaways: Bantus
Number of slave-ships: 52. (Kongos), out of about 1,250 an-
Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean nouncements.
group (Gold Coast, 2 1 ; Guinea
Coast, 4 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola
Coast, 27); and (c) Sudanese group, 1770
0.
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines,
Group providing most imports: Bantu
Supplément aux Affiches Amécicaines.
group.
Group providing most runaways: Bantus Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean
(Kongos), out of 1,095 announce- group (Gold Coast, 18; Guinea
ments. Coast, 1); (b) Bantu group (Angola
Coast, 15); (c) Sudanese group
(Senegal, 2).
Group providing most imports: Guiñean.
1768 Number of Negroes declared: 8,768.
Group providing most runaways: Bantus
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines (Kongos), out of about 1,300 an-
and Avis du Cap. nouncements.
Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean
group (Gold Coast, 1 1 ; Guinea 1771
Coast, 6); (b) Bantu group (Angola
(Coast, 20); and (c) Sudanese group Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines
(Gorée, Senegal, 2). and Supplément aux Affiches Amé-
Group providing most imports: Bantu. ricaines.
Number of Negroes declared: 8,841. Number of slave-ships: 30.
Group providing most runaways: Bantus Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean
(Kongos), out of 1,100 announce- group (Gold Coast, 9 ; Guinea Coast,
ments. 1); (b) Bantu group (Angola Coast,
17); and (c) Sudanese group (Gambia
and Senegal, 3).
Group providing most imports: Bantu.
1769
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines, (Kongos) out of about 950 an-
Avis du Cap, and Supplément aux nouncements.
Affiches Américaines.
Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean 1772
Coast, 2); (b) Bantu group (Angola Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines
Coast, 21); and (c) Sudanese group and Supplément aux Affiches Amé-
(Goree, Senegal, 1). ricaines.
280 Jean Fouchard
Number of slave-ships: 39. Number of slave-ships: 35.

Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean
group (Gold Coast, 1 1 ; Guinea group (Gold Coast, 7 ; Guinea
Coast, 5 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola Coast, 2 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola
Coast, 2 1 ) ; a n d (c) Sudanese group Coast, 2 4 ) ; and (c) Sudanese group
( G a m b i a a n d Senegal, 2). (Gorée, Senegal, 2).
Group providing most imports: Bantu. Group providing most imports: Bantu.
Number of Negroes declared: 8,821. Number of Negroes declared: 7,629.
Group providing most runaways: Bantus Group providing most runaways: Bantus
(Kongos), out of about 1,000 an- (Kongos), out of about 1,600 an-
nouncements. nouncements.
1773 1775
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines, Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines

Supplément aux Affiches Américaines, and Supplément aux Affiches A m é -
and various announcements. ricaines.
Number of slave-ships: 35. Number of slave-ships: 4 4 .
Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean
group (Cold Coast, 15; Guinea group (Gold Coast, 1 9 ; Guinea
Coast, 0); (b) Bantu group (Angola Coast, 1 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola
Coast, 19); and (c) other places Coast, 2 0 ) ; and (c) Sudanese group
(Mozambicans, l).1 (Gorée, Senegal, 4).
Group providing most imports: Bantu. Group providing most imports: Bantu. 2
Group providing most runaways: Bantus Group providing most runaways: Bantus
(Kongos), out of about 1,000 (Kongos), out of about 1,300 an-
announcements. nouncements.
1774 1776
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines

and Supplément aux Affiches A m é - and Supplément aux Affiches A m é -
ricaines. ricaines.
1. This is thefirstdeclared import of Negroes Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean
from East Africa. From n o w on, slaves group (Gold Coast, 2 6 ; Guinea
from Madagascar and above all from
Mozambique became more numerous.
(The Supplément aux Affiches Américaines, 2. A s the Guiñean and Bantu groups were
24 July 1773, cargo unloaded on the 18th equal this year as regards provenance,
of the same month.) Despite the difficulties I was obliged in this case to use the list
of carrying on the trade in this area, of Negroes declared to arrive at the rela-
Quiola and other East African slaving tive numbers of Guineans and Bantus. Out
centres were often preferred to the Gold of 7,965 Negroes declared, more than half
and Angola Coasts. are said to come from the Angola Coast.
The slave trade 281
Coast, 1); (b) Bantu group (Angola bicans, 2 ) ; and (c) Sudanese group
Coast, 30); and (c) Sudanese group (Senegal, 2).
(Gorée, Senegal, 1). Group providing most imports: Guiñean
Croup providing most imports: Bantu. (Gold Coast).
Group providing most runaways: Bantus Group providing must runaways: Bantus
(Kongos), out of about 2,100 an- (Kongos), out of about 1,700 an-
nouncements. nouncements.
1777 1779
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines

Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines
and Supplément aux Affiches Améri-
and Supplément aux Affiches amé-
caines (double supplement).
ricaines.
Number of slave-ships : T h e long Ameri-
can W a r of Indépendance disrupted
the slave trade. Because of insecurity
at sea there are practically n o an-
Coast, 1); (b) Bantu group (Angola
nouncements of slave-ship arrivals,
Coast, 2 2 ) ; (c) Sudanese group
apart from the following three, from
(Gorée, Senegal, 5) and (d) other
which it is not possible to determine
places1 (Mozambicans, 2).
the respective size of the groups:
Group providing most imports: Bantu.
(a) 2 M a r c h 1779—The Négresse of
L e Havre, coming from the Gold
Coast and arriving at the C a p e o n
(Kongos), out of about 2,000 an-
25 February. O u t of this cargo,
nouncements.
89 Negroes are announced for sale;
(b) Affiches Américaines, 15 June
1 7 7 9 — ' T w o English ships with car-
goes of Negroes from captures m a d e
1778 in the rivers of G a m b i a and Sierra
Leone in Africa by the division
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines c o m m a n d e d by M . de Pondevis-
and Supplément aux Affiches Améri- Gren. T h e names of these ships are
caines (double supplement) the Providence and the Herifort.'
Number of slave-ships: 49. Affiches Américaines, 17 August—
Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean T h e Nymphe coming from the
group (Gold Coast, 28); (b) Bantu African coast.
group (Angola Coast, 1 7 ; M o z a m - Group providing most runaways: Bantus
(Kongos), followed first by a higher
than usual percentage of creóle or
West Indian Negroes, and then by
1. The Mozambicans belong to the Bantu N a g o s and M o n d o n g o s ; out of about
group. 1,300 announcements.
282 Jean Fouchard
1780 runaways: Mandingos, Minas, M o -

zambicans, Nagos, Thiambas. This
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines suggests that it had become difficult
and Supplément aux Affiches Amé- to supply slaves, and to provide them
ricaines Santo D o m i n g o was still in quantities adequate to the colony's
feeling the effects of the war and of a requirements. Such supply as there
blockade which paralysed the arrivals was Santo Domingo owed to the
of slave ships. The gazette still kept illicit trade rather than the official
the heading 'Arrivals of shipping'. traffic, which had become dangerous
S o m e escorted convoys were de- if not impossible.
scribed as 'coming from France or Kongos are still in the majority
'having called at Martinique', or among the runaways, followed by
' coming from the Windward Islands', creolized Bossales no longer labelled
but not a single ship is noted as as new Negroes; large numbers of
coming directly from the coasts of creóles belonging to Santo Domingo
Africa. itself or to the neighbouring West
Indies (Dutch and Spanish Negroes,
Group providing most runaways: Bantu
creóles from Curaçao and Marti-
group (still the Kongos), A n d a m o n g
nique); and Mississippi Negroes,
the runaways there are still more
together with Nagos, Mandingos,
Bossales than creóles. The number
Ibos and other Bossales given to
of runaways noted for the year is
escaping.
about 1,250.
Another source of supply was the
occasional capture on the high seas.
1781 It is also interesting to reproduce
the announcements in the Affiches
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines Américaines, which show better than
and Supplément aux Affiches Amé- any commentary the small number
ricaines (reduced format). of Negroes arriving in 1781 :
Number of slave-ships: Hostilities con- Supplément aux Affiches Améri-
tinued and maritime transport still caines, 27 February 1781: ' O n
encountered the same difficulties, 28 February 1781, at the Cape, at the
although m a n y merchant ships c o m - request of Bernard Lavaud [agent
ing from France arrived under escort representing the captains responsible
at the Cape and A t Port-au-Prince for the capture], sale and auction of
—veritable caravans, with sometimes 202 new head from the Gold Coast,
as m a n y as sixty-nine ships anchored taken from the Diamant of London,
off the Cape at the same time. captured from the enemies of the
The slave trade consisted of a few State by the frigate Saratoga of the
ships that managed to get through the United States of America together
blockade, and of a few neutral ships, with two frigates, a privateer brig-
Danish or Spanish for example, antine of Philadelphia and the King's
which called at Havana and brought brigantine the Chat^ Also sale and
small consignments of Negroes to auction of the ship Diamant, known
Santo Domingo. as the Duc de Laval, a slave-ship of
M o r e new names occur among the L a Rochelle.1
The slave trade 283
Affiches Américaines, 29 M a y : The "The Fleurie of Nantes, coming

Lion, privateer of the Cape, has taken from Senegal with 130 Negroes.
and brought to Les Cayes afénau [ ?] "The Chambellan Schask, a Danish
with a cargo of Negroes being sent ship with a cargo of 400 blacks from
from St Lucia to Jamaica under the the Gold Coast for Foache, Hellot
Portuguese flag. and C o .
Supplément aux Affiches Améri- 'The Patience of St Thomas, with
caines, 24 July: 'The Senac arrived at a fine cargo of 200 Negroes from the
the Cape coming from Senegal with Gold Coast for Lory, Plombard and
a cargo of 56 blacks. Co.
'217 blacks traded on the coast of 'Foache, Morange and Co., an-
Mozambique introduced into this nounce that they have just received
port by the Gänge, from Lorient.' a veryfinecargo of 271 Negroes from
Affiches Américaines, 16 October the Gold Coast.
Stanislaus Foache, Hellot and C o . , 'Lory and Plombard announce
'hold a sale from the slave-ship Acrà that they have for sale 31 head of
coming from the Gold Coast'. new Negroes of the Arada nation,
Affiches Américaines, 20 November : and in the following week 59 other
The Danish ship Kristiansborg 'with new Negroes, also Aradas.
a veryfinecargo of 200 Negroes from 'Foache, Morange announce the
the Gold Coast' to be disposed of by arrival of a very fine cargo of
Foache, Hellot. 207 Negroes from the Gold Coast.
Group providing most imports: Guiñean 'Abeille and Guys have for sale
(Gold Coast), but this cannot be 12 fine Negroes from the Angola
vouched for because of the irregu- Coast, and Foache has 50 head of
larity of the announcements. Negroes from the Gold Coast.
Group providing most runaways: Bantu "The Duchesse de Polignac of
(Kongos), out of about 1,900 an- St Malo, coming from Gabinde, with
nouncements. arrival of 800 blacks from the Angola
Coast.
1782 'Martineau and Blanchard have
50 fine new Negroes for sale.
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines ' R o u x and Rivière have received a
and Supplément aux Affiches Amé- cargo from the brigantine Elsinore.'
ricaines Group providing most imports: Guiñean.
Number of slave-ships: The list below Group providing most runaways: Bantu
includes all the announcements relat- (Kongos), out of about 1,000 an-
ing to the slave trade for 1782: nouncements.
1. Out of the 202 Negroes in this cargo, seven

ran away soon after arrival: [Seven run-
aways new Negroes of the Mandingo
nation, unbranded, from the sale of the 1783
slave ship captured from the enemies of
the State early last month; they ran away Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines,
from the domicile of M . Sainte-Marie in
the district of Le Borgne in the night of and Supplément aux Affiches A m é -
the 16th to the 17th." ricaines
284 Jean Fouchard
Number of slave-ships: 29. Group providing most runaways: Bantu

Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean (Kongos), out of 1,489 announce-
group (Gold Coast, 13; Guinea ments.
Coast, l);1 (b) Bantu group (Angola
Coast, 9); (c) Sudanese group (Sene-
gal, 3); and (d) other places (Porto- 1785
Cabello, Cape of G o o d H o p e , 3).
Group providing most imports: Guiñean. Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines
Number of Negroes declared: 5,531. and Supplément aux Affiches Améri-
Group providing most runaways: Bantu caines (enlarged format from 1785
(Kongos), out of 1,386 announce- on).
ments. Number of slave-ships: 50.
1784 Coast, 1); (b) Bantu group (Angola
Coast, 23); (c) Sudanese group
Papers consulted: Afßches Américaines (Senegal, 5); and (d) other places
and Supplément aux Affiches Amé- (Mozambique, 1).
ricaines. Group providing most imports: Bantu
Number of slave-ships: 71. (Angola Coast).
Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean Number of negroes declared: 12.148. 3
group (Gold Coast, 2 7 ; Guinea Group providing most runaways: Bantu
Coast, 0 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola (Kongos), out of about 2,400 an-
Coast, 37); and (c) Sudanese group nouncements.
(Senegal, 7).
Group providing most imports: Bantu
(Angola Coast). 1786
Number of Negroes declared: 14,161?
1. This cargo is said to the ' from the Coast of Supplément aux Affiches Américaines,
Guinea', but at the sale the same cargo Feuille du Cap-François and Feuille
is referred to as 'Negroes from the Gold du Port-au-Prince (with supplement).
Coast'. Similar errors in the location of
certain ports or even of certain ethnic Number of slave-ships: 62.
groups are corrected in the statistics which Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean
follow. group (Gold Coast, 22 ; Guinea Coast,
2. A table showing arrivals of slave-ships 0); (b) Bantu group (Angola Coast,
for 1784 was published in the Affiches in
1785. This table shows 82 ships, a figure 27) ; (c) Sudanese group (Senegal, 11) ;
fairly near the one given above, but as and (d) other places (Mozambi-
against the 14,767 Negroes indicated cans, 2).
above as put up for sale, it says that
22,830 were obtained for the trade, of
w h o m 3,578 died during the crossing. This 3. The Affiches published in 1786 a summary
brings the real number of imports to table for 1785 with the following figures:
19,252. The table deals only with sales of number of slave-ships, 65; number of
Negroes in the ports at the Cape and at slaves sold, 21,652. This time it is speci-
Port-au-Prince, omitting other slaving fied that this figure concerns the ports of
ports in Santo Domingo such as Saint- Port-au-Prince, the Cape, Léogâne, Les
Marc, Léogâne, St Louis, etc. Cayes, Saint-Marc and Jacmel.
The slave trade 285
Group providing most imports: Bantu Declared provenance: (a) G u i ñ e a n

(Angola Coast). group (Gold Coast, 16; Guinea
Number of Negroes declared: 17,432. 1 Coast, 0 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola
Group providing most runaways: B a n t u Coast, 19); and (c) Sudanese group
(Kongos), out of about 2,600 an- (Senegal, 1).
nouncements. Group providing most imports: B a n t u .
Number of Negroes declared: 12,048. 3
Group providing most runaways: Bantu
1787 (Kongos), out of about 2,800 an-
nouncements.
Supplément aux Affiches Américaines,
Feuille du Cap-François a n d twice- 1789
weekly supplement.
Number of slave-ships: 8 7 . Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines,
Declared provenance: (a) G u i ñ e a n Supplément aux Affiches Américaines,
group (Gold Coast, 4 4 ; Guinea Feuille du Cap-François a n d supple-
Coast, 0 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola m e n t ; various other n e w s items.
Coast, 20); (c) Sudanese group (Se- Number of slave-ships: 120.
negal, 14); and (d) other places Declared provenance: (a) G u i ñ e a n
(Mozambique, African Coast, Sierra group (Gold Coast, 4 8 ; Guinea
Leone, G a b o n , Quiola. Coast, 2 ) ; (b) Bantu group (Angola
Group providing most imports: G u i ñ e a n Coast, 4 4 ; M o z a m b i q u e , 10); (c)
(Gold Coast). Sudanese group (Senegal, 6 ; G a m b i a ,
Number of Negroes declared: 22,726. 2 1); and (d) other places (not specified,
Group providing most runaways: Bantu 4).
(Kongos), out of about 2,500 an- Unusual provenances: Isles of L o s (at
nouncements. the entrance to the port of Conakry,
Guinea), 1 ; Cape of G o o d H o p e
(Bantu), 1 ; H e de France (east of
1788 Madagascar; n o w Mauritius), 2 ;
Prince's Isle (gulf of Guinea); 1; a
Papers consulted: Feuille du Cap- total of 5, of which 3 are Bantu.
François a n d Affiches Américaines, Group providing most imports: B a n t u .
published Thursdays a n d Saturdays. Number of Negroes declared: 33,937. 4
Number of slave-ships: 36. Group providing most runaways: B a n t u
( K o n g o s ) , out of about 3 , 1 5 0 a n -
1. The total number of negroes imported in nouncements.
1786 is 27,648, i.e. 2,592 at Léogâne, 873 at
Jacmel, 385 at Les Cayes, 2,014 at Saint-
Marc, 12,319 at the Cape, and 9,465 at 3. Bryan Edwards gives 29,506 Negroes
Port-au-Prince (Affiches Américaines, imported in 1788. A t least two cargoes
10 March 1787). declared as being from the ' Angola Coast'
2. Bryan Edwards gives afigureof 30,839 for were from Mozambique.
Negroes imported in 1787. The nine car- 4. The announcements of slave-ships arriving
goes shown under 'other places' include in 1789 mention the Cape, Port-au-Prince,
4 from Mozambique, 4 from the Gold Les Cayes, Jérémie, Jacmel, Léogâne and
Goast, and 1 from the coast of Africa. Saint-Marc.
286 Jean Fouchard
1790 coast, 2 , Ile-de-France (Mauritius),

1; unspecified: 3).
Papers consulted: Affiches Américaines, Group providing most imports: Bantu.
Feuille du Cap-François, various news Group providing most runaways: Bantu
items, Supplément aux Affiches Amé- (Kongos, followed by m a n y M o z a m -
ricaines and Journal Général de bicans), out of about 4,600 an-
Saint-Domingue (October to nouncements.
December).
Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean 1792 and 1793
group (Gold Coast, 68); (b) Sudanese
group (Senegal, 3); (c) Bantu group, Papers consulted: Journal Politique de
(Angola Coast, 6 8 ; Mozambicans, Saint-Domingue (edited by a m e m b e r
26; and (d) other places (unspeci- of the Colonial Assembly), Affiches
fied, 3 ; Ile-de-France (Mauritius), 2). Américaines, Journal des Révolutions
Group providing most imports: Bantu de la Partie Française de Saint-
(Kongos and Mozambicans). Domingue, Moniteur de la Partie
Number of Negroes declared: 46,471. 1 Française de Saint-Domingue (daily
Group providing most runaways: Bantu and supplement), Observateur Co-
closely followed by Mozambicans), lonial and Gazette des Cayes.2
out of about 3,500 announcements. Number of slave-ships: T h e official
slave trade w a s coming to an end,
amidst serious upheavals in Santo
1791 D o m i n g o and increasingly vigorous
activity o n the part of the aboli-
Papers consulted: Gazette de Saint- tionists. Announcements of slave-
Domingue, Politique, Civile, Écono- ships' arrivals become m o r e and m o r e
mique et Littéraire, Affiches Améri- rare, as if the n e w spirit forbade too
caines (Wednesdays and Saturdays, m u c h attention being paid to this
plus a supplement), Journal Général controversial traffic. But slave ships
de Saint-Domingue (January to with well-known names continued to
March), Courrier de Saint-Domingue, c o m e and go to and from the Cape
Courrier National de Saint-Domingue, and Port-au-Prince. T h e papers show
Journal de Port-au-Prince and Assem- that it is a slave ship by the length
blée Coloniale de la Partie Française. of the crossing, but the ships' pro-
Number of slave-ships: 58. venance and the size of their cargoes
Declared provenance: (a) Guiñean are not mentioned. T h e runaway
group (Gold Coast, 2 2 ; Guinea, lists include creóles from Marti-
Isles of Los, 1); (b) Bantu group nique, Charleston and Marie-Galante
(Angola Coast, 2 4 ; Mozambicans, (showing that s o m e slaves were
3); and (c) other places (African supplied by these neighbouring coun-
tries) as well as n e w Negroes, some-
1. Both thisfigureand that for the number

of slave-ships are very large. Between 2. These papers form part of the Moreau
14 October, 17 slave-ships are announced de Saint-Méry Library, Archives de la
as arriving at the port of the Cape alone. France d'Outre-Mer.
The slave trade 287
times not yet branded and unable to Coast, with a very fine cargo of
speak French: the newly imported 331 head of Negroes for D e m o n -
Negroes included Kongos, M o z a m - haison Lelong and C o . , w h o will
bicans, Nagos, Senegalese, Mandin- start putting them up for sale the
gos and Ibos. All this confirms that 25thinst.';(d) 25 March 1793—'The
the slave trade was still going on in Bonne Henriette of Bordeaux with a
1792 and even up to the end of superb cargo of 378 blacks coming
March 1793. from the Angola Coast ' ; (e) 27 March
It would be especially interesting 1793—'The Postilion of St Malo com-
to know more about the slave trade in ing from Senegal for Foache, M o -
its final manifestations. But, unfor- range, Hardivillier.
tunately, for these last two years the This annoncement is the last to
evidence of the newspapers is limited appear about the official slave trade.1
to just a few announcements: the Curiously enough it ended with an
Sérapis coming from Mozambique; uprooting of the same Senegalese
a cargo of 282 Negroes from the Negroes as those with which it had
Gold Coast; three others from the begun a century and a half earlier.
same place (Gold Coast); Nine It was the firm of Stanislas Foache
cargoes coming from the Angola —the biggest slaving company in
Coast. Santo Domingo—which had the
In 1792 the press was generally melancholy distinction of being re-
silent about the composition of sponsible for the final crime, so
cargoes, and the number of Negroes nonchalantly recorded in the colonial
announced did not exceed 2,000. gazettes.
In 1793 the Moniteur Général, Group providing most imports: Bantu
though a daily paper carrying a (Kongos and Mozambicans), fol-
supplement, made only the following lowed by cargoes from the Gold
announcements: (a) 14 January 1793 Coast and Senegal.
—3 Kongos, new Negroes from on
board the General Washington; (b) 1. The illicit trade was to continue a little
20 February 1793—Sale of Bossales longer. In this last brief period supplies
from Senegal from a boat coming came largely from neighbouring countries.
from Havana; (c) 22 March 1793— The trade ended as it had begun, with
slaves sent from the nearby islands, as in
'The Nouvelle Société of Nantes the early operations before the foundation
arrived from the Zaire River, Angola in 1664 of the West India C o m p a n y .
Bibliography
M y main documentation c a m e from the Santo D o m i n g o newspapers (Moreau

de Saint-Méry Collection in the Bibliothèque National in Paris and the Archives
de la France d'Outre-Mer).
Following the early studies of Père G a b o n , Gabriel Debien and Marie-
Antoinette Ménier drew u p a complete list of these journals in the Revue
Historique des Colonies, Vol. X X X V I , 3rd and 4th quarters 1949, p. 424-75.
288 Jean Fouchard
All these newspapers were consulted for this article, which supplements
and summarizes some of m y o w n earlier work on Santo Domingo, especially
that on slavery and runaway slaves, to be found chiefly in two books: Les
Marrons du Syllabaire, Port-au-Prince, Imprimerie Deschamps, 1958; and
Les Marrons de la Liberté, Paris, Éditions de l'École, 1972.
Note: The Congrégation des Frères de l'Instruction Chrétienne, established

in Haiti in 1864, has a Bibliothèque Haïtienne (Haitian Library) in Port-au-
Prince which contains only books by Haitian authors or written about Haiti
by foreign authors. It is the biggest library in the country and includes some
20,000 volumes and documents.
A commentary on the slave trade1
Joseph. E . Harris
A major problem the historian confronts in assessing the scope and impact
of the slave trade is the quantitative factor which of course relates to the scope
and qualitative impact. Joseph E . Inikori,2 a m o n g others, has commented in
several places on this critical issue, focusing particularly on efforts to quantify
the Atlantic slave trade. His criticisms of the pioneer book, The Atlantic Slave
Trade: A Census, by Philip Curtin, seem to be basically sound and underscore
the dilemma historians of the slave trade face, namely, the need to develop
numerical guidelines or parameters while at the same time guarding against
presenting unjustified figures.
Whatever one m a y think or say against existing estimates for the Atlantic
slave trade, and there are grounds for scepticism, suchfiguresdo serve the vital
function of providing a basis for critique which should clarify problems so that
additional research might bring us closer to truth.
It seems to m e that such a point might n o w have been reached for the
Atlantic slave trade so that within a few years there should be a greater
consensus. However, estimates for the trans-Sahara, R e d Sea and Indian Ocean
trades still lack the documentation even to propose a basefigurewhich would
very likely assume undue acceptance as authoritative. T h e data for those
areas are just too scattered and insufficient to warrant an overall estimate at
this time. Simply to conclude that the likely underestimation or overestimation
m a y be compensated for by some other more plausible, but still unsure, factor
should be undertaken with great caution, especially in publications.
The preferred data for estimates are records of companies, government
customs and census bureaux. U p to the nineteenth century, these kinds of evid-
ence hardly exist for the Indian Ocean, R e d Sea and Mediterranean trades.
After 1800, there are still virtually no company records; and census data for
recipient countries do not seem to be m u c h better. However, European observers
recorded some customs returns of a few African and Arabian ports, and some
counts have been m a d e of slaves on captured vessels. But this still leaves us
with very little direct evidence for the Indian Ocean and R e d Sea trade. This
has not, however, prevented a controversy over the scale of the trade.
For the R e d Sea area, estimates have been m a d e by Richard Pankhurst
290 Joseph E. Harris
(1964) w h o averaged reports for ports and noted a likely high count of 1 million
for the nineteenth century. For the southern (Swahili) coast, nineteenth-
century data came from British consular reports in Zanzibar and the navy
patrols. Most estimates have been based on those reports, which are criticized
as reflecting abolitionist proclivity for highfiguresto justify greater vigilance
for suppression. S o m e observers have argued further that abolitionists also
did not take into account the d e m a n d for slaves for plantation labour in East
Africa and thus assumed that all slaves were for export when in fact some were
kept in Zanzibar and P e m b a . A distinction should therefire be m a d e between
local and export trade for Zanzibar which seems hard to establish at this point,
especially since the Zanzibar archives have been closed to researchers since
1964.
The problem of quantifying becomes greater at the Asian points of entry.
In the Persian Gulf for example, one of the most active ports, Sur, had n o
customs office, and Muscat's records are scattered and difficult to obtain. In
addition, quantification is hampered by the inability to distinguish between
sales and resales. Slaves were frequently m o v e d from Mecca, Jidda, Sur,
Muscat and other points to Basra, Bushire, and on to India which itself received
some direct shipments.
Indian shipments came through several small areas in the north-west,
Gujarat in particular, but estimates are virtually non-existent. For at least two
depots, Surat and B o m b a y , there are scattered documents in the East India
C o m p a n y records which are available in India; police records are also useful
since the Commissioner of Police was charged with the responsibility of
monitoring the import of slaves and later with the distribution of freed slaves
a m o n g families in India or placing them in mission stations or on government
farms.
The argument here is for the organization of a concerted approach to
these problems in a number of key locations k n o w n to have been important
slave depots, markets, etc. Critical aspects of this would be the identification
of all available official and unofficial records in East Africa and across the
length of Asia. This obviously would require the involvement of researchers in
the affected areas; and the search should not be limited to coastal regions.
Indeed, m y research in India, Hyderabad in particular, revealed the importance
of the slave trade and documentary evidence in an interior centre. Repositories
in Hyderabad contain numerous uncounted stacks of uncatalogued documents
on political, economic, and military matters written in Arabic and Urdu. A
cursory examination of a sample of those documents by an informant confirmed
their relevance to the slave trade and the African presence in the area. A some-
what similar situation exists in Iran, K e r m a n province and the area around
Bandar Abbas in particular, where evidence in Arabic and Farsi needs to be
identified and m a d e available to interested researchers.3
A commentary on the slave trade 291
Related to the problem of sources are the communities of African descent

in various parts of Asia. Here again, those communities m a y have documents
or k n o w where pertinent material exists; and the inhabitants of those c o m -
munities can provide oral accounts useful for the nineteenth century and
perhaps earlier. M y experience in some of those areas confirmed the presence
of people w h o acknowledged their slave heritage and African links. Without
a doubt, this approach would provide valuable data on the slave trade.
The cities of B o m b a y and Surat in India include uncounted persons of
African descent, and while it would be time-consuming and difficult to locate
them to establish their African identity, a rewarding effort is still possible.
O n e starting-point should be the early census records which are available from
the seventeenth century. Africans m a y be listed as African, Siddi, Habshi, or
Hubshi. O n e set of records I studied, for example, referred to a seventeenth-
century settlement of africans in B o m b a y being forced to m o v e so that Euro-
peans could settle in the area.4
O n several occasions Indians returning from East Africa and M a d a -
gascar brought African servants w h o often remained in B o m b a y or Surat as
runaways or attached to a family in India. In either case they cultivated links
with other Africans in the city.
Still another approach would be a meticulous investigation of East India
C o m p a n y records which contain data collected by company agents involved
in attempts to control and later suppress the slave trade in the Indian Ocean.
Those agents sometimes co-ordinated activities in India and the Persian Gulf
and Red Sea areas. These records help to quantify the trade, identify dealers,
origin and the ethnicity of the slaves, and overland slave routes. In addition,
one could expect to find data on the extent to which Africans were sold in
India where Hindu w o m e n were purchased or kidnapped and taken to the
Persian Gulf and Arabian regions for sale.
Impact on non-African countries
Economic Consequences
Agriculture
Although little has been done, w e do k n o w that African slaves worked on date
and coconut plantations around Basra (Iraq), Bandar Abbas and Minab in
Persia, and the Batinah or Trucial coast on the Persian Gulf. The relationship
between date plantations and the slave trade needs serious investigation;
indeed, dates were exchanged for slaves. W h a t other sources of demand
existed ? H o w and when did that demand impact on the slave trade and slavery
—and what were the economic benefits for the producing economies ?
There is a very valauble source I should mention here: J. G . Lorimer,
A Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf, Oman and Central Arabia, Vol. II, Calcutta,
1908. In that Gazetteer, Lorimer provides estimates of Africans in certain areas.
For Bahrein he estimates some 11,000 Africans; Kuwait, 4,000; Lingeh,
1,500; Qatar, 6,000; for O m a n he simply notes, 'exceptionally numerous'.
His counts were based on various British reports for 1905-07. W e should note
that some of thesefiguresare for areas in which intensive date-palm cultivation
occurred—Bassa, Qatar, O m a n , for example.
Pearl Diving
The other area with a high African population in Lorimer's survey is Bahrein.
Here several nineteenth-century observers noted the major economic activity
for African slaves in Bahrein was as pearl divers. The d e m a n d for them w a s
reportedly very high, as was the mortality rate. Captain Prideaux reported
that pearl diving was so deliterious to the health in the 1840s that middle-
aged Africans were hard to find, and a Bahrein Sheik told the British political-
officer in the 1890s that the demand remained great. Lorimer simply observed
that 'free negroes or negro slaves' were a large proportion of the divers.
W h a t needs to be determined is the specific relationship between the
Persian Gulf pearl industry and companies in Europe and elsewhere. A n d what
about the profitability of the industry, whether it was of long standing—that is,
prior to the 1840s when observers seem to have been noticing it ? For the present,
no conclusion is m a d e here other than that African labour m a d e this economic
contribution. The extent must await further research.
African crews
In addition to agriculture and the pearl industry, I will comment briefly on
African crews serving on Arab and European vessels. There m a y be studies on
this subject, I just do not k n o w since I have not devoted m u c h attention to it.
But there are frequent references to the African crews on dhows going to and
from East Africa, and one British official in India observed the large number
of Africans in the British navy during the 1850s. Africans also worked on the
docks at several ports on the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean. These occupations
certainly contributed to economic development in affected regions.
Military
O n e final area is the military. O f course the use of African soldiers contributed
to political and economic development in several Asian areas, India in particu-
lar. There is some documentation for this in general histories of India and
travel accounts of Ibn Batoutah and others. But I prefer to call attention to
two examples. Thefirstis to Malik A m b a r , the Ethiopian w h o usurped power
in central India in 1602 and governed until 1626. A bit has been written on
him and his achievements, including the expansion of trade, construction of
roads, canals, mosques and public buildings, etc. H e also imported Africans to
serve in his army, a point of interest in terms of African settlers in India.
But the key point I wish to m a k e here is that in addition to promoting
trade with Persians and Arabs, he negotiated also with the Portuguese and
British and this aspect of A m b a r ' s contribution has not received m u c h attention
to m y knowledge.
A different aspect of this relates to relations between A m b a r and another
area ruled by Africans, Janjira Island which emerged under Africans (Siddis)
in the latefifteenthcentury and became a critical naval force on the north-
west coast of India. A m b a r sought an alliance with them in 1616 and failed;
the Moguls negotiated an alliance about which an Indian military historian
has written :
It is only when the Siddis of Janjira offered their services to the Moguls against the
Maratha power on the sea that Arangazib (the Mogul emperor) gave half-hearted
recognition to afleetbeing organized on a reasonable scale. During 200 years of
Mogul greatness, the Indian Sea was under alien control.5
The Moguls thus began to subsidize the navy of the Janjira Siddis in exchange
for an alliance.
Another Indian scholar, Jadanath Sarkar, has written that Shivaji, the
Maratha hero :
achieved this [building a Maratha nation] in the teeth of the opposition of four
mighty Powers like the Mogul empire, Bijapur [another Indian kingdom], Portuguese
India, and the Abyssinians of Janjira.6
The Janjira Siddis were subsequently w o o e d by several European powers

—Portugal, Holland, Great Britain. Alliances were m a d e during the seventeenth,
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries for the protection of European trade in
north-western India before Janjira succumbed to British colonial rule in 1834.
There is clearly a need to investigate these economic, political and diplomatic
dimensions of Africans in India.
The better k n o w n revolts of Africans in Bengal Province during the
fifteenth century, as well as A m b a r ' s usurpation of power deserve intensive
research.
In addition to economic effects, certain social and political consequences
should be explored more intensively. H o w and w h y did African slaves rise to
economic and political power in various parts of Asia ? They acquired power,
frequently if not always with Arab support, a m o n g the northern Aryans a n d
a m o n g the darker southerners, of present-day India in particular. Yet, full
assimilation has not occurred, nor has it been an expressed policy goal of
present leaders. W h y ? A n d h o w significant is the fact? W h a t have been the
effects of miscegenation and the appearance of mulattos on relations between

Afro-Asians and Asians and h o w do these groups perceive Africa and Africans ?
W h a t is the ethos of Afro-Asian communities T
W e k n o w that some Africans liberated in Asia returned to Africa. But
to what extent? For what reasons? A n d with what effects? This subject is in
great need of research. M y o w n work has revealed links between present-day
families in Kenya and Africans liberated from slavery in India. Descendants of
liberated Africans have been pioneers in Kenya as teachers, preachers, jour-
nalists, trade unionists, and politicians since the last quarter of the nineteenth
century;8 and there is some indication that a somewhat similar situation
developed in Tanganyika and Zanzibar (now the United Republic of Tanzania),
and possibly Ethiopia. While those examples m a y not compare in scale with
Sierra Leone and Liberia, they share with their West African counterparts a
link with the slave trade and slavery and had a similar local impact. Further-
more, such a study m a y produce results of surprising importance.
Let m e n o w conclude with a personal experience. While conducting
research a m o n g repatriated Africans in Kenya I discovered two rather obscure
small books of highly significant relevance for the study of the slave trade in
East Africa.9
Both works are about Yaos; Chengwimbe in Rempley's book and
Mbotela by Mbotela; both were in the Lake Malawi area and provide physical
and historical continuity for the slave trade because they experienced the first
stage of the capture and sale in East Africa, the subsequent sea voyage, eventual
abolition, and repatriation. O n e of them, Chengwimbe, also experienced free-
d o m and education in India prior to repatriation. These two cases, therefore,
are especially valuable in that they reveal the personal insights of victims of
the slave traffic and also because they help to illustrate some of the broad
generalities so c o m m o n in studies of the slave trade, especially for East Africa.
Indeed, the whole story of the slave trade and repatriation in Kenya become
more vivid and real as one follows Chengwimbe and Mbotela, and their
descendants, through their experiences of the slave trade, freedom, repatriation
and nation-building in Kenya.
In sum, w e k n o w m u c h about the slave trade and its consequences, but
the need for continued investigation, critique, and publication remains sub-
stantial.
Notes
1. 'Black American Diasporic Relations'. I would like to m a k e this observation on the
American diaspora. W h e n Africans liberated Haiti in 1804, that country emerged
as a symbol and rallying point for the evolving black identity in the American
hemisphere. Whites in the United States were fearful that the Haitain example
would spill over into the United States and blacks began to establish Haiti and its
revolutionaries as legends in song and literature; and the 1820s witnessed United
States blacks migrating to Haiti, a continuing tradition in the American black
diaspora.
2. Joseph E . Inikori, 'Slave Trade and the Atlantic Economies, 1451-1870'; and
'Measuring the A tlantic Slave Trade', Journal of African History, Vol. X V I I ,
N o . 4, p. 495-627.
3. Joseph E . Harris, The African Presence in Asia: Consequences of the East African
Slave Trade, Evanston, 111., Northwestern University Press, 1971.
4. ibid., p. 69.
5. K . M . Panikkar, India and the Indian Ocean, London, 1945, p. 8.
6. Jadunath Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, Calcutta, 1919, Vol. IV, p. 237-8. Note that
Janjira is regarded as a 'Mighty Power'.
7. In recent years Afro-American historians have contributed m u c h to the understanding
of the ethos of black Americans by studying their songs and literature. See : Sterling
Stuckey, 'Through the Prism of Folklore: The Black Ethos in Slavery,' The Mas-
sachusetts Review, IX, 3, 1968; and John Blassingame, The Slave Community
(Oxford University Press, 1972). Perhaps these works could serve as models for
similar studies of Afro-Asian communities.
8. Harris, The East African Slave Trade and Abolition in Kenya, Department of History
Howard University, 1974;'Blacks in Asia,' World Encyclopedia of Black Peoples,
Algonac, Michigan, 1975 ; Abolition and Repatriation in Kenya, Nairobi, East African
Literature Bureau, 1977.
9. O n e is the biographical study: W . J. Rampley, Matthew Wellington: Sole Surviving
Link with David Livingstone (London, n.d.); and the other is autobiographical,
James J u m a Mbotela, Uhuru wa Watumwa (London, 1934) and translated as The
Freeing of the Slaves in East Africa (London, 1956). Both of these studies had a
limited circulation, mainly in London and East Africa, and are n o w out of print,
except for the Swahili account. Both studies contain valuable data pertinent to the
East African slave trade and to the repatriation of ex-slaves on the Kenyan coast
during the nineteenth century.
T h e present state of research
in Brazil
Waldeloir Rego
It was on the Bahia coast that the Portuguese discoverers and colonizers
landed, and it was there, in 1549, that Brazil'sfirsttown was founded, later to
become thefirstcapital and the centre of important events. So it was from
Bahia that the African slaves spread outward over the rest of Brazil. It should
be noted, however, that most of them stayed in Bahia, where one still meets
with survivals of D a h o m a n religious rites. Bahia is also the only place where
religious ritual is practised in the F o n language. O n e can still distinguish rituals
which originated in Mahis, Savalu, A b o m e y and m a n y other places in D a h o m e y .
Traces of Nigerian ritual, in the Yoruba language, are even more marked.
Until recently a Nigerian teacher was giving lessons in the Yoruba language,
and innumerable foreign researchers (mostly African) c o m e to Brazil, and to
Bahia more especially, to study the African diaspora.
Studies concerning black people are very inadequate in Brazil. Genuine
specialists are rare, though m a n y people toy with the subject w h o are not really
interested, w h o have not the necessary training for scientific work, and w h o
really pursue other, sometimes commercial, ends. S o m e use the subject just
to lengthen their curriculum vitae or to obtain grants for travel abroad, using
studies about the black people as a pretext. Others again have purely political
aims.
The Brazilian Government gives some support, though it is still modest,
to studies on this subject, especially through the Cultural Department of the
Ministry for Foreign Relations. T h e Joaquim Nabuco Research Institute in
Pernambuco has long been interested in the question of the black people in
Brazil. In Bahia, where most of them are concentrated, a section of the Federal
University of Bahia, the Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais (Centre of Afro-
Oriental Studies) enjoys limited support from the Ministry of Education and
Culture. But lack of resources has so far prevented it from achieving anything
of importance, apart from a course in the Kikongo language given by a teacher
from Zaire, N ' L a n d u Ntotila. This is a high-level course, but it is in danger of
being dropped this year through lack of funds. A s for the course in the Yoruba
language mentioned above, that has already been suspended despite the
interest it aroused a m o n g students and followers of the Yoruba religion.
The present state of research in Brazil 297
Säo Paulo has a Centre of African Studies (Centro de Estudos Africanos)

which has a different policy from that of the centre in Bahia; under the admin-
istration of Professor Fernando Augusto Albuquerque M o u r ä o it is carrying
out word of the highest quality. The centre is a section of the University of Säo
Paulo. It has just brought out thefirstvolume of its periodical, Africa, which
makes a valuable contribution to studies o n Brazil's black culture.
In Bahia a Black M u s e u m , built at the suggestion of the Brazilian Ministry
of Foreign Relations, is soon to be opened. It will be attached to the Ministry
of Education and Culture, through the Federal University of Bahia.
Steps that need to be taken
Create a scientific body able to collect as quickly as possible all the available
material o n existing black culture, some of which is in the process of
disappearing.
M a k e all Brazilian archives concerning black people available without restric-
tion, whether the material is held publicly or privately.
Finance, through public or private, State or para-State institutions, visits b y
experts to countries where studies on the blacks are necessary.
Help researchers in their studies by providing them with the facilities needed
for their work, copies of documents, etc.
Recruit as quickly as possible Yoruba-, F o n - and Kikongo-speaking African
teachers to give courses in Bahia.
K e e p African specialists in touch with Unesco activities in this field.
The state of research in Guyana
Walter Rodney
G u y a n a has n o past or ongoing research into the history of the slave trade to
Guyana. Historical work on the regime of slavery itself is dated and superficial.1
Rodway's History was based on secondary sources and translations from
the Dutch. General texts compiled in the present century have not gone beyond
this point.
A number of theses have been concerned with economic and social life
in G u y a n a in the nineteenth century, with emphasis on post-Emancipation
developments. They provide only brief introductions to the last years of slavery.
References to slavery in British Guiana are also to be found in reconstructions
of Caribbean history and of the history of the British West Indies in particular.
In effect, therefore, the field is still completely open and the areas of
research correspondingly wide. A s an exception to the prevailing neglect, there
is a researcy project into the phenomenon of escaped slaves in British Guiana
conducted by Alvin T h o m p s o n of the University of the West Indies, Barbados.
The development of slave society in Guyana is assumed to have followed
the sam^ patterns as that of slave societies emerging under similar conditions
in the Caribbean. The crops were cotton, coffee, cocoa and above all sugar.
Slaves grew their o w n provisions and were also briefly engaged in gold-mining
in the eighteenth century. The only unusual activity in British Guiana (relative
to the Caribbean islands) was the creation of polders on the s w a m p y coastal
environment.
The Guyana National Archives house documents which relate mainly
to the British period of slavery. Efforts are being m a d e to recover copies of
relevant documents in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom.
1. See, for example, James Rodway, A History of British Guiana, Georgetown, 1890,
3 vols.
T h e slave trade from the fifteenth
to the nineteenth century
Y . Talib
Documentary sources
Accounts and Papers (1837-38). Vol. II, Paper 697, House of C o m m o n s , Slave Trade.
Correspondence, orders and regulations.
Accounts and Papers (1841). Vol. XXVIII, Paper 238.
Slave-trade correspondence presented to Parliament in 1842. (F.O. 54/5.)
Public Record Office, London. (F.O. 84) Slave Trade. ' U p to 1840 this series contains little
material on the Arab slave trade from East Africa and Abyssinia; after that date the
volume of relevant correspondence increases greatly. Slave-trade correspondence between
the Foreign Office and the other departments of State before 1839 is collected in the
"Domestic Various" volumes of the series ; but after that year the concentration of the
direction of slave-trade policy in the Slave Trade Department of the Foreign Office
brought such an increase in the volume of correspondence that the "Domestic Various"
category had to be replaced by a number of new categories, "India Board", "Admiralty",
"Colonial Office", etc. F r o m 1840 onwards all correspondence on the slave trade received
at the India Board from the Indian Presidencies was passed to the Foreign Office, to
be dealt with in the Slave Trade Department.—J. B . Kelly, Britain and the Persian Gulf,
1795-1880, p. 868, Oxford, 1968.
Report from the Select Committee on the Slave Trade (E. Coast of Africa). Parliamentary
Paper, XII (1871), United Kingdom.
Report addressed to the Earl of Clarendon by the Committee on the East African Slave
Trade, 24 January 1870, LXII, 1871.
Correspondence respecting Sir Bartle Frere's mission to the East Coast of Africa—1872-
73, Parliamentary Paper, L X I , 1873.
Correspondence respecting the abolition of the legal status of slavery in Zanzibar and
P e m b a (C.8858) (1898), London.
Enclos to B o m b a y See. Letters, Vol. 51, enclos to See. Letter 115 of 15 Oct., 1842. Report
on the Slave Trade of Abyssinia by Capt. W . C . Harris, enclosed in Harris to Willouby,
20 July 1842 (No. 37, Sec. Dept.). Enclosed with the report is a m a p of the slave routes
through Sheoa. See also Vol. 34, enclos to See. Letter 59 of 17 July 1841, Haines to
Willouby, A d e n , July 1841 (No. 54 Sec. Dept.).
S A L D A N H A , J. A . (ed.). Precis on the Slave Trade in the Gulf of Oman and the Persian
Gulf—1873-1905, with a retrospect into previous history from 1882, Calcutta, 1906.
(A principle source for the history of the slave trade of East Africa with the Arabian
peninsula.)
Archive du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères (Aff. Étr.j Paris. (Mémoires et documents,
Série Afrique ( M é m o et doc. Afrique). Boutres Françaises, Recrutement de Travailleurs
pour les Colonies Françaises de l'Océan Indien.)
300 Y. Talib
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Additional bibliography
Slavery
C R A T O N , Michael; W A L VIN, James; W R I G H T , David. Slavery, Abolition and Emancipation.
Black Slaves and the British Empire. London, 1976.
E D M O N D S O N , L . Transatlantic Slavery and the Internationalization of Race. Caribbean
Quarterly, Vol. X X , N o s . 2 and 3, June-September 1976.
ELTIS, D . The Traffic in Slaves between the British West Indian Colonies, 1807-1833.
Econ. Hist. Rev., Vol. X X X , 1972, p. 55-64.
G O I T I E N , S. D . Slaves and Slavegirls in the Cairo Geniza Records. Arabica, Vol. 9, 1962,
p. 1-20.
G R E E N , William A . British Slave Emancipation : the Sugar Colonies and the Great Experi-
ment, 1830-1865. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1976.
T E M P E R L V , Howard. Capitalism, Slavery and Ideology. Past and Present, N o . 75, M a y 1977,
p. 94-118.
W H E A T L E Y , Paul. [Nu Pi] Slaves. Geographical Notes on S o m e Commodities Involved in
Sung Maritime Trade. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
Vol. 32, Part 2, N o . 186, 1961, p. 54-5.
Statistics
East Africa to the Persian Gulf
Few figures are available on this aspect of the slave trade and they vary greatly.
Kelly quoting nineteenth-century sources, gives thefigureof 8,000 to 15,000 slaves exported
annually from the East African littoral to the southern Arabian coast and the Persian Gulf.
R . M . Colomb gives the figure of 10,000 to 20,000 slaves exported from Zanzibar to the
Persian Gulf annually.
Mozambique
William Wilburn {Oriental Commerce, London, 1813, Vol. I, p. 60) mentions that the prin-
cipal trade of Mozambique is slaves, of which about 10,000 are annually exported at an
average of from $40 to $50 each.
Cape Town
In 1801, 'the population of Cape T o w n is estimated at 6,000 whites, inclusive of the mili-
tary, and 12,000 slaves' (William Wilburn, op. cit., p. 35).
304 Y. Talib
Mauritius
' E n 1820 il n'y avait pas moins de 16,000 esclaves malgaches à l'île Maurice.' Hilsenberg,
Noue. Ann. Vay. Vol. XI, 1829, p. 160.
List of specialists on the slave trade

A n n Pescatello, 8 William Street, P a w Catuck C o n n , Los Angeles. (Has m a d e partial
study of the Historical Archives of Goa—relating to the place of the African in the Portu-
guese colonial structure.)
Moses D . E . Nwulia, H o w a r d University, United States. (Especially interested in the
Church's role in the abolition of the slave trade—worked on archival sources of CMS.)
W o r k in progress
I a m at present conducting research on the theme 'Africans in South-West Arabia, the

Y e m e n and the Hadramaut. A Critical Survey'.
New lines of research
List of archival sources relating to African slavery, awaiting publication

Arabic manuscripts having references to Africans and slavery.
Archives of the Estado da India (Goa) touched upon by D r A n n Pescatello needs
a fuller study. Several important guides on this collection have already been published,
namely: B O X E R , C . R . A Glimpse of the G o a Archives. Bulletin of the School of Oriental
and African Studies, Vol. XIV, June 1952; P I S S U R L E N C A R , P . S. S. Roteiro dos Arquivos da
India Portuguesa (Bastora Goa) 1958.
The India Office Records, studied partially by J. B . Kelly in preparing his monumental
work, Britain in the Persian Gulf, should be thoroughly searched for items relating to
Africa and slavery.
Information on the 'African diaspora' obtained through oral tradition is extremely
valuable as in the case of Arabia, where slavery was a continuing institution until very
recent times. Information thus collected would supplement valuable data collected on the
attitude of the local inhabitants vis-à-vis Africans not to be found in published texts or
in archives.
I would like here to m a k e a special plea for the study of the slave trade and slavery
as an institution in the Island of Madagascar. These aspects were overlooked during the
meeting of experts in Haiti : French, British, Danish, Dutch and Arab slavers with the
collaboration of local rulers exported slaves from Madagascar to Cape T o w n , islands in
the Indian Ocean (Réunion, Mauritius, Seychelles, etc.) and even as far away as Batavia—
the former Dutch colonial capital in the island of Java.
H . and G . Grandidier in their monumental Histoire Physique, Naturelle et Politique
de Madagascar, Vol. 4, Ethnographie de Madagascar, Vol. 1, Parts 1 and 2, Vol. 4, Paris,
1908, 1914, m a d e valuable allusions to these aspects of slavery, using both archival and
published sources.
Principal ports of trading-posts in Africa, serving as outlets

to America or to the countries of the Indian O c e a n , and in the
receiving countries
Ports—Africa facing the Red Sea

Zeila, Massawa, Tajura, Berbera, Suakin, Roheita.
East African littoral
Quilimane-Mozambique, Kilwa, Zamzibar, Pemba, L a m u , M o m b a s a , Juba, Brava.
Islands of the East African littoral (Madagascar)
Mahajamba, Boina, Bombetoke, Antongil, Fort-Dauphin, Tamatave, Saint-Augustin,

Narendry.
Ports in receiving countries
Middle East
Jeddah, Mukalla, Shihr, Muscat, Bushire, Basra, M o c h a , Hodeida, Qatif, Sur
India
Sind, Kutch, Kathiawar, B o m b a y Presidency, Portuguese India (Diu, G o a , D e n a m ) ,
Mauritius
Port-Louis
Réunion
St. Denis
South Africa
Cape T o w n
Research on African influence
in the Dominican Republic
H u g o Tolentino Dipp and Rubén Silié
Introduction
The Dominican Republic is perhaps one of the countries in which detailed

studies on the contribution m a d e by African culture to its national formation
are most necessary, as a series of historical factors caused it very early on to
forget its direct link with the African continent.
This was because the Spanish colony of Santo D o m i n g o very quickly
became a forgotten region of the Iberian metropolis, breaking off its con-
nection with the slave trade owing to the fact that the sixteenth-century type
of sugar-plantation economy requiring considerable slave manpower was not
established there. The subsequent development of a cattle-raising economy in
a situation of unlimited supply of land and with a very scattered white and black
population provided the basic conditions for a vigorous racial miscegenation.
W h e n in a second phase, towards the end of the eighteenth century, the
French colony of Santo D o m i n g o became one of the wealthiest on the continent
and its type of economy called for a massive influx of African slaves, the eastern
part of the island, which was still in Spanish hands and where the above-
mentioned type of economy prevailed, became a place of refuge for slaves
brought over from Africa and desperately seeking their freedom. Thus was
developed what w e have described as a 'strong migratory current towards the
eastern part', composed of fugitive slaves.
These fugitive slaves were to increase the black population in that part
of the island. W h a t interests us here is precisely the study of h o w those same
fugitive slaves, while forming the black population of the east, systematically
allowed the basic and original values of their mother country to fall into
oblivion; ideological propaganda o n the part of the Spanish colonizers was,
of course, a contributory factor; for, unable to obtain the services of black
people in any other way, they openly abetted the movement in escaped slaves.
F r o m then onwards, the escaped slave w h o managed to reach freedom
in the Spanish part of the island had a certain interest in forgetting his past and,
so as not to be confused with the French slaves, began to adopt the idea that
he hailed from the Spanish part, which meant identifying himself directly
Research on African influence 307
with the aboriginal inhabitants of the island. A t the same time, by so doing,
he denied his origins as he placed his ancestral m e m o r y in the hands of a new
type of colonizer w h o subjected him to a rather less rigid form of slavery.
In addition, owing to the fact that the Dominican Republic achieved
its independence in a struggle against the Haitian occupation, the problem of
racial prejudice and, consequently, a more pronounced repudiation of African
origins was considerably accentuated.
Hence our ruling classes largely identified themselves as a national entity
negatively with respect to Haiti, creating from then onwards a strong anti-
Haitian feeling and, through this feeling, bringing about an anti-African
psychological projection. Thus of all the cultural contributions which go to
m a k e u p Dominican national identity today least is k n o w n about the African,
and it is the one about which Dominicans in general feel a certain shame.
Such an attitude, as w e k n o w , merely helps to strengthen the bonds of
social domination over a people which, being for the most part mulatto, is
discriminated against on account of the colour of its skin and, in its rush to
acquire Spanish characteristics, has succeded in creating a new colour—that
of the 'Indian', which is what all Dominican mulattos call themselves. This
is a way of solving the problem of origins by eliminating the black and recuper-
ating the autochthonous population element only.
That is w h y when w e visit Dominican museums African history is shown
as something incidental and in history textbooks the part played by Africans
is not mentioned except with reference to their backwardness.
Concrete suggestions for a study in depth of African influence

A n exhaustive study of the national archives is necessary to select the docu-

ments to be found in them—work of great importance but difficult to carry out
owing to the present state of our archives. However, it is possible to d o so
if the necessary institutional support and material resources are forthcoming.
Little study has been m a d e of the archives of the Cathedral of Santo D o m i n g o ,
which are likely to provide m u c h information on the religion of the slaves,
parish registers, freeing of slaves, purchase and sale of slaves, wills, etc.
A m o n g municipal archives, w e have those of Bayaguana which have been
consulted sporadically; up to n o w information has been found on purchase and
sale of slaves, day labourers' wages, etc.
The Archivo General de Indias in Seville (Spain) also requires to be
visited. Here most of the documentation on the problem of the black people
of Santo D o m i n g o in colonial times is to be found, also documents dealing
with the economic, political and social activities of the colony in which the
relations with the slaves and freedmen of African origin are necessarily relevant.
308 Hugo Tolentino Dipp and Ruben Silii
Also to be consulted are : Expedientes de Negros y Desertores Franceses

Refugiados (Records Concerning Black People and Refugee French Escapees),
1776; Expediente Integro sobre la Reducción de los Negros de Maniel (Complete
Records Concerning the Black Settlement of Maniel), 1795. The latter refers to
a group of runaway slaves w h o spent the whole of the eighteenth century in
the Bahoruco Mountains.
W e have little information on what the Archivo Histórico Nacional,
Madrid (Spain) contains with regard to the black people of Santo Domingo,
but w e do k n o w that quite a lot of information on other West Indian countries
is to be found there.
Function and influence of the slaves
F r o m the economic aspect—contribution towards the development of the

host country (sugar industry, coffee industry, etc.).
F r o m the cultural aspect—African contribution through the institution of
slavery to several countries in the western hemisphere.
F r o m the political aspect—black participation in social and political move-
ments, in the wars of independence of the host countries and the building of
new nations.
The special interest shown by Unesco and by all those of us w h o are dedicated
to the study of African culture in Latin America can only produce positive
results on the basis of such documentary research.
It should be pointed out that in other Latin American countries where a
more lively awareness has been shown by the authorities than in our o w n ,
documentary material has been compiled in various national and foreign
archives as is the case with Porto Rico and Venezuela: in Porto Rico—El
Proceso Abolicionista en Puerto Rico: Documentos para su Estudio (Abolition
Process in Porto Rico: Relevant Documents); Vol. 1, La Institución de la
Esclavitud y su Crisis: 1823-1873 (Crisis of Institution of Slavery). So far only
thefirstvolume has been published and the remaining two volumes to complete
the collection are awaited. The work has been carried out by the Historical
Research Centre of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Porto Rico and
the Porto Rican Cultural Institute, San Juan, Porto Rico, 1974.
In Venezuela—Documentos para el Estudio de los Esclavos Negros en
Venezuela (Documents for the Study of Black Slaves in Venezuela), selection
and introductory study by Emilia Troconis de Veracoechea. Caracas, Biblio-
theca de la Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1969. (Colección de Fuentes
para la Historia Colonial de Venezuela).
In the case of Santo D o m i n g o , as w e have already proposed, Unesco
might possibly take the initiative in carrying out this work, trying to supply
at the same time the material together with an introductory study concerning it.
Research on African influence 309
A similar proposal was made at the Symposium on African Cultural

Contributions in Latin America and the Caribbean, held in Havana (Cuba)
from 17 to 21 December 1968, at which one of the recommendations submitted
and approved by the experts present was the following : ' to promote the carrying
out of systematic studies in those parts of America in which the Africans and
their descendants have been little studied or analysed by specialists, with a
view to augmenting the material likely to be of help in drawing up an inventory
of Afro-American cultures '-1
In the event of Unesco deciding to sponsor the research on the black
problem in Santo Domingo w e could secure the backing of such Dominican
institutions as the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo and the D o m i -
nican M u s e u m of Mankind, both of which are deeply interested in the discovery
of data concerning a subject of such importance as the revelation of our true
national identity.
Bibliography on the problem of the black population in

Santo Domingo in colonial times
A L F A U D U R A N , Vatilio. Documentos Históricos. Ordenanzas para el Gobierno de los

Negros de la Isla Española. Anales de la Universidad de Santo Domingo, Nos. 57-60,
January-December 1951, Santo Domingo, 1961.
A L V A R E Z , José de Jesús. La Mezcla de Razas en Santo Domingo y los Factores Sanguíneos.
Santiago, 1973.
B E R N A L D O D E QUIROS, Constancio. Penalidad en el Código Negro de la Isla Española.
Boletín del Archivo General de la Nación, 5th year, N o . 23, 1942.
C O R D E R O , Walter. El Tema Negro y la Discriminación Racial en la República Domini-
cana. Revista Ciencia, N o . 2. Dirección de Investigaciones Científicas. Universidad
Autónoma de Santo Domingo, March 1975.
ESTEBAN DEIVE, Carlos. Vodú y Magia en Santo Domingo. Edit. Museo del Hombre Domi-
nicano, 1975.
F R A N C O , Franklin. Los Negros, los Mulatos y la Nación Dominicana. Santo Domingo,
Edit. Nacional, 1969.
L A R R A Z A B A L B L A N C O , Carlos. Los Negros y la Esclavitud en Santo Domingo. Colección
Pensamiento Dominicano. Santo Domingo. Julio de Postigo, 1967.
LIZARDO, Fradique. Cultura Africana en Santo Domingo. Eistin Diario, 1978.
M A L E G Ó N Barceló, Código Negro Carolino. Santo Domingo, Edit. Museo del Hombre
Dominicano, 1974.
M O Y A P O N S , Frank. La Primera Abolición de Esclavitud en Santo Domingo. Eme y Eme,
No. 13, July-August. 1974.
ROSARIO CANDELIER, Bruno. Los Valores Negros en la Poesía Dominicana. Eme y Eme,
N o . 15, 1974.
SILIÉ, Rubén. Economía, Esclavitud y Población. Ensayos de Interpretación Histórica del
Santo Domingo Español en el Siglo XVIII. Edit. Universidad Autónoma de Santo
Domingo, 1976.
TOLENTINO DIPP, Hugo. Raza e Historia en Santo Domingo. Los Orígenes del Prejuicio
Racial en América. Vol. I. Edit. Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo, 1974.
310 Hugo Tolentino Dipp and Ruben Silié
T A L E N T I N O DIPP, Hugo. La Trata de Negros en Santo Domingo. Revista Ciencia. Vol. I,

N o . 3, Santo Domingo, 1975.
. Indio. Color 6 Una Categoría Social (sobre el Prejuicio de Color en Santo Domingo).
Impacto Socialista, 1975.
U T E R A , Fray Cipriano. La Condición Social del Negro en la Época Colonial. Eme y Eme,
N o . 17, March-April 1975.
Persons w h o are currently studying the subject of African

influence in the Dominican Republic
Hugo Tolentino Dipp. Is finishing the second volume of his work Raza e
Historia en Santo Domingo. Occupies the post of research professor in
the University of Santo D o m i n g o .
Rubén Silié. Isfinishinga study on fugitive slaves in the frontier region; he
also directs a study o n 'anti-Haitianism' in the Dominican Republic.
Occupies the post of research professor in the University of Santo
Domingo.
Fadrique Lizardo. Isfinishinga study on the influence of African culture in Santo
D o m i n g o ; also engaged in systematic research on general themes con-
cerning the country's folklore directly connected with African influence.
Carlos Esteban Deive. H a s just started a research on slavery in the Dominican
Republic. H a s also carried out studies concerning the question of popular
religiousness from the point of view of African influence on it. Occupies
the post of researcher on contract at the Dominican M u s e u m of Mankind.
Brazilian and African sources for
the study of cultural transferences from
Brazil to Africa during the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries
J. Michael Turner
This article seeks to be a panorama or general overview of the various sources

of information and research possibilities for study in the field of African-
Brazilian studies, treating archives and other sources of documentation in
Brazil, countries in West Africa and a small selected group of European sources.
For the purposes of this brief survey, centres of documentation consist of
national, State and local archives, national and local libraries—research insti-
tutes and collections which pertain to government offices. Certain private
collections of manuscripts and documents will also be presented for discussion
as they include useful, often rare information which cannot be duplicated in
the public collections and archives. While the primary research for this general
study was based on essentially historical methodology and sources, it is evident
that the research facilities employed hold useful information for research in
other academic disciplines, particularly those involving the social sciences.
The uses of oral history, its possibilities in complementing m o r e traditional
historical sources constitute a subsidiary theme of the present essay.
The great scope and depth of the current research in African-Brazilian
studies will be illustrated by a brief description of some of the m o r e recent
projects conducted by interested ' Africanists' in Brazil and West Africa; these
various studies are related in that they are based in the complicated and varied
set of historic-cultural relations which link Brazil and the African continent.
The projects range from cultural anthropology and linguistics to race relations,
comparative government to intellectual and social history. Those involved in
the research are Brazilian, African, European and North American. A s the
group of researchers in African-Brazilian studies as yet remains relatively
small, the opportunities for joint studies and comparative research remain
good. Combined efforts in the selecting of data and sharing of informational
holdings by the various documentation centres is a real possibility, particu-
larly as their efforts to receive funding m a y be successful only as a function of
institutional co-operation. Future research projects and possibilities, which
form the final part of the essay, despite the enormous costs infieldresearch,
dealing often with three continents—should be considered with cautious
optimism based on the totality of subjects and themes yet to be sufficiently
312 /. Michael Turner
researched and analysed. O f importance also is the fact that these themes often
have a direct as well as indirect bearing on certain foreign policy strategy that
is currently under consideration by governments, thereby not being relegated
to forgotten library shelves or local archives. T h e contemporaneousness of
African-Brazilian studies should also be considered a point of interest and
emphasis.
Salvador, Bahia serves as a point of departure for any study concerned
with African-Brazilian cultural and historical connections. Bahia because of
its economic importance during the era of the Atlantic slave trade received
large numbers of African slaves, w h o in coming to Brazil brought not only
their ability to work in the sugar-canefields,but also their varied African
cultures and personalities. These cultural traits were representative of different
ethnic groups from Senegal to the Cameroons, and also from Angola and
M o z a m b i q u e , all mixing racially and socially with Portuguese and Amerindian
cultures with the result being the cultural heterogeneity which is today's almost
mythic Bahia, a region considered both by its native Bahians and the rest of
Brazil as an area apart and culturally special from the rest of the country.1
Research on Afro-Brazilian culture, as manifested in the various cults and
sects of Afro-Brazilian religion has tended to focus upon the city of Salvador
and to a lesser extent upon the interior of the stade of Bahia. The literal 'centre'
for research in Bahia concerning African influence in Brazil is the Centro de
Estudos Afro-Orientais, C E A O , semi-independent from the Federal University
of Bahia. Founded in 1959,2 the centre was thefirstinstitute in Brazil to be
concerned with Africa and African studies. Being situated in Salvador, quite
logically it concentrated its research interests on the city and the constellation
of African retentions in that particular urban environment. Its library facilities
during the 1960s represented the most comprehensive collection of books and
periodicals concerning Africa to be found within Brazil. A s m a n y of the first
research fellows of the centre were trained ethnologists and anthropologists
the library tended to mirror these interests, ethno-cultural studies being m o r e
numerous than political and economic monographs. Important as the centre's
organ of diffusion and m e d i u m of information expression within Brazil of the
international research concerning Africa is its journal, Afro-Asia. This remains
the sole Brazilian-African studies journal.3 Despite a series of economic vicis-
situdes the C E A O and its journal have continued with pioneering work, while
having to deal with the problems of having been the first in the field.
For researchers in Bahia w h o wanted to concern themselves with African
influence within Brazilian, perhaps more specifically Bahian, culture the centre
proved an invaluable agent. But if the research was of a more general nature
concerning Afro-Brazilian history or a more global project concerning the
African continent the research facilities of C E A O by 1970 were seen to be
increasingly inadequate, as for reasons offinancialexigency the latest publica-
Brazilian and African sources for the study 313
of cultural transferences from Brazil to Africa
tions were not being purchased. There was a certain introspection within the
centre and its research which tended to define Africa as being a coastal strip
between G h a n a and the Cameroons, with heavy emphasis being given to the
cultural transferences between Benin, Nigeria and Bahia. 4 Researchers, par-
ticularly foreign researchers were guided into certain cultural areas and during
the early 1970s Ihe orientation of C E A O seemed to be linked to a series of
repetitive studies of candomblé cults and rites located in Salvador and its
environs.6 Certain transformations occurred in the mid-1970s and the centre's
definition of Africa also changed as a new cultural axis was established between
C E A O and the Université Nationale du Zaïre, with an exchange of language
professors, Portuguese being taught in the African country, a Bantu language
in Bahia. The major influence within the Bahian African Studies Centre remains
ethno-cultural, with linguistics occupying a major portion of the research time
of the centre's members. 6
Researchers whose concerns are more directly related to themes within
Afro-Bahian, Afro-Brazilian history are to be directed to the Archive of the
State of Bahia and to the Municipal Archive in Salvador. Despite the tragic loss
for researchers in the burning of documents relative to Brazilian slavery
in 1890,7 ample material relative to property exchanges, sale of slaves, Church
ownership and African commerce to Bahian ports can be obtained in the two
major public archives. Classification of documents, seemingly the bane of
researchers in any country, remains a problem in the Bahian archives, although
incomplete guides are available. Because of interest in the subject of Bahian
slave rebellions and revolts, particularly in the nineteenth century, a brief
collection of holdings of the State Archives is available to researchers, although
personal experience of the writer has attested to the limitations of that particu-
lar guide and the necessity of direct 'attack' upon the shelves of the archives
for unearthing potentially useful cartons of information. Another problem of
a logistical nature for the researcher in Salvador archives is the daily operating
schedule, 2 p . m . to 6 p . m . on weekdays. Fortunately one other important source
of research material for Afro-Brazilian history has morning work hours—the
State Library—thus allowing for organization of a full workday.
The new State Library was completed in 1971, and at the time of utiliza-
tion by the writer, was still in a test phase, surely concluded with refinements
in the institution's workings and organization, five years later. The newspaper
holdings of the library are of interest as they date from the nineteenth cen-
tury, with also a rather complete collection of twentieth-century newspapers
from throughout the state of Bahia, particularly Itabuna and Ilhéus. A n unex-
pected discovery while reading newpapers from Ilhéus for the 1930s was the
presence of an Afro-Brazilian organization in that city, ideologically linked to
the United Negro Improvement Association of Marcus Garvey and his ' Back-
to-Africa M o v e m e n t ' that had attracted Afro-Americans in the United States
during the 1920s.8 During m y research visit to Salvador in 1971, plans were
being m a d e for the transference of quantities of State newspapers, miscel-
laneous periodicals and journals, and magazines pertaining to Bahia and its
history. Mechanisms were being installed for microfilming and reading of
microfilms, the catalogue system of the library was both logical and useful
to the novice researcher. Important also is the fact the complex was seen to be
a model of n e w bibliographic techniques, a break in the traditional information
sources represented both by the archives and the Geographical and Historical
Institute of Bahia, a m o n u m e n t to Bahia's past historic culture and at present,
dimished grandeur.
T h e Bahia Institute, in c o m m o n with m a n y historical m o n u m e n t s is
exhibiting tangible signs of old age and disrepair. However, for its collection
of nineteenth-century Salvador newspapers, rare books and manuscripts the
institute demands consultation from the serious historical researcher.9 Salvador
is a citadel of tradition as apparent and representative within its intellectual
and academic life as within its social institutions. O n e method of meeting and
conversing with this academic establishment is through the institute, whose
members tend to congregate for genteel intellectual exchange and cafezinho
two or three evenings a week. T h e academic disciplines are not limited to only
history or geography, but can include a fair range of the old guard from all
areas of the humanities and the social sciences. These contacts are also useful
in that they provide the possibility of gaining entrance to private library
collections, which can only be consulted through personal recommendation.
Presenting a greater problem to the researcher is the actual condition
of the institute and the lack of facilities for working within the ancient building.
A very cramped reading r o o m which during its single daily afternoon session
occupied by the city's university and high-school students working on historical
assignments, ofen requires a researcher to work with crumbling nineteenth-
century newspapers or documents in a hallway or under a staircase, for simple
lack of desk space. Preservation of documents is at best rudimentary, with
time and small animals making irreparable inroads on the newspapers. Plans
have been discussed but never initiated for a systematic microfilming of the
institute's newspaper holdings, but have been indefinitely delayed for lack of
financial resources. The necessity to reclassify and re-order the system of docu-
mentation has also been discussed but not enacted by those responsible for
the institute. A part of the problem clearly is in the nature of the institution
itself, an historical tradition attempting to function as such within contempo-
rary society and academia; the primary characteristics of the institute are its
insularity to excessively ' innovative ' techniques and methodology in the h u m a n -
ities,10 and in an effort of self-preservation an almost blind commitment to
maintaining the Salvador academic status quo. Gaining their confidence is a
researcher's decision which obviously is based on the requirements of the
particular project and the utility of the institution and members to the success-
ful completion of the research. For studies concerning eighteenth- and nine-
teenth-century slavery in Salvador and surrounding area, the newspaper col-
lections are useful. Social and family historians would also benefit from the
holdings of the institute, its collection also interesting economic historians.11
Private collections either owned by individuals or institutions are numer-
ous in Salvador and also relevant to the study of Bahian slavery or Afro-
Brazilian history in various eras before and after abolition. T h e two major
Salvador convents, C a r m o and Desterro, have oflicial histories and substan-
tial documentation of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century commercial transac-
tions that shed good insights o n the relationship between the Salvador Church
and the institution of slavery.12 Also of interest is the collection of the recently
deceased professor and cocoa fazendeiro Frederico Edelweiss, an extensive
collection of books and documents covering a range of academic disciplines all
dealing with Bahia. H e called his collection a 'Bahia Studies P r o g r a m m e ' cap-
tured in a multi-room library;13 in the case of Afro-Banian Studies while dupli-
cation does exist between some of the Edelweiss holdings and that of C E A O ,
there are sometimes singular holdings owned by Edelweiss not found in the
centre. His collection of Amerindian linguistic texts and tracts is unmatched,
truly invaluable. It is m y sincere hope that the collection in its entirety will be
quickly m o v e d to a special section of the library of the Federal University of
Bahia, access to be m a d e available to all interested researchers. During the
past Edelweiss was at the disposition of all researchers w h o c a m e to Salvador,
allowing one to work unrestricted in his library; as his Bahian collection w a s
symbolized by an inclusiveness and globality of approach, its utility to the
researcher in varied disciplines should be stressed.
Culture and cultural history clearly dominate research patterns of the
recent past in Salvador and in Bahia state. With its African studies centre
performing the function of intellectual patron, little emphasis has been placed
upon more contemporary Brazilian-African relations, something of an irony
as the centre itself was a result of the first Brazilian diplomatic initiative
towards Africa in 1960 during the government of Jânio Quadros. 1 * This m o r e
contemporary approach to Africa and Brazilian-African relations is to be
found in the African studies centres in Rio de Janeiro, (linked to the Candido
M e n d e s University Foundation) and Säo Paulo, a more integral part of U S P .
T h e Centro de Estudos Afro-Asiáticos in Rio is administratively an
integral part of the Candido M e n d e s University Foundation and offers multi-
disciplinary courses concerning Africa (Asia receives significantly less atten-
tion), to any interested university student in the Rio area, regardless of the
student's institutional affiliation.16 The heart of the Rio centre is the library,
a collection very strong in contemporary African affairs and recent African
independence movements. This contemporary interest of the Rio centre is
316 / . Michael Turner
reflected in its director and staff, the majority with personal experience in
Portuguese-speaking African countries, and countries in southern Africa. The
centre has attempted to chronicle Brazil's developing relationship with Angola,
M o z a m b i q u e , Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, and is receiving ample docu-
mentation and primary sources from these countries, including newspapers.
The centre has also been able to establish personal contacts with m a n y of the
leaders of these new Portuguese-speaking countries and it has served in an
advisory capacity to Itamarati, the Brazilian diplomatic service, in helping to
define Brazil's evolving contacts and possibilities of exchange with these
countries.16
S o m e attention has been given by the Rio centre to that city's Afro-
Brazilian population and it has sponsored some seminars which have allowed
Afro-Brazilians an opportunity for some self-analysis and group expression.
The major emphasis of the Rio centre is international relations within Africa
and between Brazil and the African continent. The centre is less culturally
oriented, less involved with anthropological and ethnic studies than C E A O in
Salvador. The course offerings in Rio are concerned with an analysis of con-
temporary African political ideology and strategies for economic development,
other courses tending to focus upon the problems of decolonization and neo-
colonialism and the role of international cartels and multinationals on the
African continent.17 A s described by its director, the major function of the
Rio centre is to disseminate information about Africa, serve as an essentially
neutral African information ' b a n k ' to the Rio community; unfortunately
these functions at times have tended to compromise academic excellence as a
large part of the centre's time is devoted to a quasi-public-relations effort for
the continent. In an effort to redress this intellectual imbalance the centre is
inaugurating in N o v e m b e r 1977 its o w n journal. The centre's plan for the
journal is to include scholarly research papers, primary African documents
and opinioned interpretations of contemporary African events all under one
cover.
While admittedly courting the Rio public, the centre's staff exhibits
a sound knowledge of Africa and a working experience of the continent; it
has set a difficult task for itself as it has taken a middle position between a base
popularization of a subject catering to a capricious public interest stoked only
by media coverage of Africa and those serious students of Africa w h o are
interested in analysing a continent of multi-cultures or attempting to under-
stand h o w their o w n country of Brazil fits into (or is attempting tofititself
into) the overall African picture. T h e Rio centre because of these various
contradictions is recommended to the researcher with an interest in Brazil-
African relations, particularly in terms of international relations and political
science. It provides alternative sources of information and a balance to the data
provided by the Itamarati archives and the National Archive and Library,
holdings obviously of a different value. T h e Rio centre is in contact with

Itamarati but remains very far from being an official spokesman for Itama-
rati African policy, it is independent in thought and pronouncement.
Apart from the Rio centre, the city seems to be experiencing a m u s h r o o m -
ing number of institutes, centres organizations devoted to the study of Afro-
Brazilian culture. S o m e are con.nected with universities and institutions of
higherj learning (Candido^Mendes Federal University of Fluminense), others
more administratively independent located both in the more fashionable Z o n a
Sul (Copacabana, Ipanema) and in the at times mythologized Zona Norte
(Bangu). Newspapers, news-sheets and pamphlets are beginning to trickle forth
from all of thesefledglinginstitutes ; unfortunately m a n y of the organizations
seem to be engaged in fractious internecine skirmishes one aga nst another.
They are and at the same time are not members and a result of the cultural
'Black Rio' movement, however their at present fragile nature should not
serve as a denial of their potential future importance and usefulness for the
researcher attempting to understand the reality of the Afro-Brazilian experi-
ence. It is important to remember also that the 'Black Rio' movement is
not confined solely to the carioca city, but can be encountered in Salvador,
Säo Paulo and Brasilia; in fact in any urban area where there is a significant
concentration of Afro-Brazilians. It is evident that this contemporary pheno-
m e n o n or cultural movement a m o n g Afro-Brazilians will become the subject
of m a n y interpretations and intellectual analyses, as its meaning and signifi-
cance become more defined in social, economic and quasi-political terms.19
The Rio African studies centre is aware of the movement and plans in the
future to involve itself more directly with the community's programme inter-
ests as expressed through 'Black Rio'.
In terms of institutional support and interest, the number and varied
types of publications, diversity of groups and interests and research possibil-
ities, it is the author's conviction that Rio de Janeiro provides the most fertile
area for research on contemporary Afro-Brazilian culture and mores, serving
as a kind of national centre and testing ground, 20 and also as a mirror for the
rest of the national society. Säo Paulo while also providing a strong c o m m u -
nity has or exhibits another kind of insularity which does not permit its c o m -
munity to serve as a kind of mirror as that of Rio.
The third major African studies centre is located at the University of
Sao Paulo (USP), more directly integrated into its university than either C E A O
in Salvador or C E A A in Rio. The U S P centre is the only African studies pro-
g r a m m e in Brazil which offers advanced degrees (masters and doctorate) to
its students through direct entrance to the post-graduate departments of U S P .
While the centre itself is less well defined than the other two, exhibits less of a
specific personality, its contacts with Itamarati, with the African diplomatic
corps in Brasilia and with various African universities through the m e d i u m of
professor/student exchange programmes is very far reaching and extensive.

T h e U S P centre has been active in recruiting African students to attend the
University of Säo Paulo, has encouraged the students to m a k e special presenta-
tions concerning Africa at the school and often served as a kind of unofficial
liaison and at times o m b u d s m a n between the African students (including
African diplomat-students before their entry into the Instituto Rio Branco)
and Itamarati. In a manner different from the Salvador and Rio centres, the
group at U S P has acted in the role of government adviser for African affairs,
enjoying a free and open relationship with Itamarati.21
T h e Säo Paulo centre has presented s o m e public programmes concerning
Africa to the city, however its major focus is academic, providing post-graduate
courses and orientation within the institutional structure provided by U S P . At
times the centre has also provided orientation and information for Säo Paulo
industrialists interested in the possibilities and potential growth of the so-
called African markets. 22 Certain Afro-Brazilian groups in Säo Paulo fault
the centre for its lack of interest in Afro-Brazilian affairs and needs and its
overemphasis on seemingly abstract or 'theoretical' problems of African devel-
opment and culture. T h e overall direction of the U S P centre seems to be in
establishing direct university-to-university links with an increasing n u m b e r of
African institutions in a growing exchange programme. 2 3 For the foreign
researcher the Säo Paulo centre's influence and advising role with the Brazilian
Government, its good reputation a m o n g Brasilia's African embassies and its
reputation within African academic circles should be seen to offer a variety
of useful contacts and orientation, different in nature from those available
in Salvador or Rio. Obviously if time would permit the researcher to visit all
three centres this diversification in orientation could prove valuable for the
study as each centre exhibits a distinctly different approach to the study of Africa.
W h a t possibilities exist for the consolidation of certain kinds of documen-
tation and information provided by the Brazilian African studies centres?
T h e need for a central documentation centre and a kind of research clearing
house for information concerning actual research projects involving Africa
and Brazil (concomittantly Afro-Brazilian studies) has been discussed by a
n u m b e r of researchers and continues to d e m a n d further investigation and
debate.24 While institutional co-operation is often difficult to initiate in
academia, if a sufficiently strong case can be m a d e that such sharing of resources
could result in increasedfinancialsupport for the various institutions involved,
particularly during this period of scant finances for research—it is hoped this
admittedly monetary spur would result in fresh initiatives between the major
centres and some of the other m o r e established institutes of Afro-Brazilian
cultural studies.25 Clearly thefieldof study is changing every day and expanding
in n e w directions, presenting to the novitiate researcher both bewildering
complexities and myriad possibilities.
O n the African continent sources of documentation for the study of

African-Brazilian relations are found more in traditional archives than in the
research institutes connected to universities. International relations programmes
exist in African universities but tend to treat and analyse problems on the con-
tinent itself, or Africa's relationship with Western Europe and/or the United
States. Latin America as a research topic for international relations has been
only recently discussed and analysed.26 However with the emergence of inde-
pendent Portuguese-speaking Africa, it is expected that Africa will also be
re-thinking its policies towards Latin America, particularly Brazil. Conferences
such as the recent Nigerian F E S T A C of January 1977, the more narrowly
focused Yoruba Cultural Diffusion and Diaspora Conference of July 1976
at the Nigerian University of Ife, and the African Influences in the Americas
Conference, held in Colombia during August 1977 have all presented scholarly
discussions of the varied cultural historical links between Africa and the Ameri-
cas. Interesting to note that the basic context of these discussions has been
from the African not the American side or axis.27 Hopefully with more confer-
ences such as the present meeting in Houston, this international forum for
African-American contact and exchange can be increased.
In Dakar, Senegal, the well-organized and also well-supervised and con-
trolled national archives provide complete documentation for what was under
colonialism the French West African Empire. 28 A s direct Brazilian-African
historical influence was strongest in Benin and T o g o (passing over into French
administrative control from a defeated G e r m a n y after the First World W a r ) ,
the Dakar archives are a useful alternative to the Paris colonial archives located
on R u e Oudinot. 29 Information which should be located in the Benin National
Archives is better sought in Dakar or in Paris. T o g o has yet to open a national
archive, thereby also relegating strict historical research to the Senegalese
repository.
French-speaking Africa is also the subject of serious study at the Institut
Fondamentale de l'Afrique Noire ( I F A N ) , located o n the campus of the Uni-
versité du Dakar. I F A N in 1957 in its series, Mémoires, published the multi-
disciplinary 'Les Afro-Américains', an early study of African and Latin-Ameri-
can cultural connections. It was I F A N which sponsored some of the early
research of the photographer/anthropologist Pierre Verger, the indefatigable
researcher and pioneer in the field of African-Brazilian relations, the organ-
ization also supporting at certain stages the work of the late French ' Brési-
lienist' Roger Bastide. T h e library of I F A N is excellent and quite diverse;
the monograph series, while at times highly specialized and localized in terms
of subject-matter also has m a n y monographs of a more general interest. I F A N
also serves as a kind of unofficial mecca for researchers involved in francophone
African research and acts as a clearing-house for discovering what researchers
are in what countries, working on what kind of topic and project. O n e can
320 J. Michael Turner
receive the names of valuable contacts in thefieldat I F A N , helping to orient

the researcher.
Benin remains the cultural and historical centre of Brazilian influence
in Africa. Despite a change in official nomenclature, (ex-Dahomey) and a
radical change in national government (Marxist-socialist), this economically
poor country, in particular its coastal cities, are a reflection of nineteenth-
century Bahia, Brazil. Bahian culture and social divisions were all transported
by the former Bahian slaves during their peregrinations to the West African
coast.30 Research was never easy to accomplish in Benin even during the period
when it was called D a h o m e y and boasted a triumvirate presidency.31 T h e
National Archive has neither catalogue nor any form of organization, seem-
ingly defying any system of organization and defying all archivists, foreign
or national, to devise a suitable one. During the period before the revolution
(most recent?) the researcher could travel freely throughout the country and
conduct interviews, collecting oral history at will. Unfortunately this is no longer
true. The National Research Institute in Porto-Novo, the Institut de Recherche
Appliquée au D a h o m e y I R A D or I R A B , w h e n visited by the writer in 1975
had received no n e w funding from the revolutionary government, and was
completely paralysed, being unable to publish a new edition or number of its
monograph series Études Dahoméennes, or its infrequent but often excellent
journal of the same n a m e . The m u s e u m in the Portuguese fort in the coastal
town of Ouidah had also c o m e under more strict government control. While
m a n y of the most valuable documents had been burned by Portuguese officials
in 1963 when they abandoned the fort on demand of the D a h o m a n Govern-
ment, in 1975 there remained some useful resources for the study of Brazilian
influence in Africa. T h e records of the Ouidah R o m a n Catholic Mission
(African Fathers based in Lyons, France and in R o m e ) while incomplete in
D a h o m e y , remain open to public use (at least as of 1976) providing baptism,
marriage, birth and death certificates for the returned Afro-Brazilians.32
Curbing the researcher's ability to collect oral data is obviously a handi-
cap, particularly as the Brazilian-Dahoman families spread themselves along
the coast between Benin and Togo and Benin and Nigeria. In the writer's
research interviews proved critical in supplementing lacunae encountered in
the documentation, not only in the African archives but also in European
sources. A n y study of Brazilian historical influence in Africa, also any assess-
ment of the African reaction to current Brazilian diplomatic offensives on the
continent must take into account the oral data which was collected over time
and with repeated sessions between interviewer and interviewee. In Benin this
is no longer possible and constitutes a serious loss to any researcher, as all
research must n o w receive clearance from the Ministry of the Interior
after the lengthy process of being approved for a research visa to work in
Benin.
The situation in Togo is better than in Benin. While the absence of a

central archive is a serious problem, possibilities d o exist for substantial oral
data-collection with Afro-Brazilian families located in the capital, L o m é , and
in the small coastal towns of Porto Seguro and Anécho. A s familial connections
between D a h o m a n and Togolese 'Brazilians' are extensive, information not
secured in Benin might be possible in the neighboring Togo. 3 3
G h a n a and Nigeria present different problems and possibilities. T h e
Nigerian national archives located on the campus of the Federal University
of Ibadan present a well-organized system and for the researcher with a fair
amount of research time, the archive is a useful source to delineate the social
mobility of the Afro-Brazilians during thefinaldecades of the nineteenth cen-
tury and the early part of the twentieth century in British-ruled Nigeria. For
the cultural and social historian, the various Nigerian-Brazilian descendant
friendly societies present varied and useful data: these organizations, while
the majority are to be found in Lagos, can also be located in western Nigerian
Yoruba cities such as Abeokuta, Ijebu O d e and Ibadan—their collections of
old newspapers, manuscripts, programmes from anniversary meetings of the
1920s and 1930s, lists of memberships all aid the process of re-constructing
the cultural history of the Afro-Brazilians.34
The Ghanaian archives, while well run and well staffed, yielded less
concrete information about the Ghanaian Brazilians, or so-called Tabon
people. Researchers with adequate research time might do well to check
through all the series dealing with the Keta region (on the border with
Togo and h o m e of the E w e ethnic group, which becomes M i n a in T o g o and
Benin, and a major component of Afro-Brazilian culture in West Africa),
might prove a valuable source. T h e Tabon or Brazilian society in Accra,
G h a n a , is fragmented and subject to serious social class divisions. W h e n c o m -
pared with Benin, Togo or Nigeria there is a lack of historical sentiment a m o n g
the Ghanaian Brazilians which forces the researcher in turn to have a more
one-to-one relationship with each Ghanaian Brazilian family. T h e research
would probably be more effective in the Keta region and in the G a ethnic
regions to the west of the capital, as there was an interesting and as yet unex-
plained massive integration of returning Afro-Brazilians into the G a group
on the Gold Coast during the middle of the nineteenth century.35
Also of interest is the ethnographic work being conducted by the G h a n a
National M u s e u m , whose assistant director is very interested in Brazil (having
visited the country in 1974), and w h o is tracing historical and cultural connec-
tions between his country and Brazil. The m u s e u m has some interesting occa-
sional papers which can be put at the disposition of the researcher. The exper-
ience of the writer was that the m u s e u m , the families themselves all proved
more helpful than the moribund Institute of African Studies at Legon, the
University of Ghana. Cape Coast University would be recommended over
322 / . Michael Turner
Legón, as there is a definite interest on the part of some of its staff in Latin
America, specifically Brazil.38 G h a n a is not usually considered a traditional
area of Brazilian historical influence but the country proved to be an inter-
esting source, one requiring m o r e than the limited research time available
to the writer. A s a recipient of current Brazilian economic and diplomatic
influence and interest, G h a n a along with Ivory Coast, Nigeria, G a b o n and to
a lesser extent Senegal and Zaire constitute the Black African focus of Brazilian
approximation towards Africa, as distinct from Brazil's special (if indeed it
could be called special) relationship with Portuguese-speaking Africa.37 W h a t
is needed is research on the African reactions to this diplomatic initiative, as
seen distinctly from the African side.
Newspapers published by the Brazilian-Africans themselves also provide
an excellent source for studying social and cultural history. This is particu-
larly true in francophone Africa during the period 1920-40 with the D a h o m a n
newspapers. 38 While some of the collection can be found a m o n g the families
themselves and in the Benin archives, the most significant holdings are in the
Versailles deposit of the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. T h e Afro-Brazilians
are the editors-in-chief, the reporters, and are engaged in discussing events of
interest to their specific community, at that time attempting to achieve vertical
social mobility and class ascendency, envisioning for itself a kind of lateral
group identity, an intermediary position between the African 'masses' and
the European colonialist élite. T h e contradiction and at times evident anxiety
of this position is most accurately reflected in the newspapers. 39 Family history
is well served by the newspapers, as well as additional perspectives o n the
colonial era as witnessed by that small literate African public of the early
twentieth century. They also provide data for comparative history studies
(if m o r e are needed) of models of British and French colonial patterns, cause
and effect and of the influence of the different métropoles, Paris and L o n d o n .
A s a footnote to the interest in pan-African studies, the continuing research
into the historical attempt to self-define 'Africaninity', the D a h o m a n press
again proves its utility.
If one surveys thefieldof African-Brazilian studies it becomes evident
that the initial studies were concerned with cultural transferences from one
side of the Atlantic to the other, Bastide, Pierson, even Gilberto Freyre noting
the African presence generally in the Americas and specifically in Brazil.
With Pierre Verger's publication of the massive Flux et Reflux in 1968, 40
a data bank was established for future research in thefield.Verger's almost
forty years offieldwork not only definitively established the African historical
presence in Brazil, but also returned the cultural Odyssey to Africa. Transatlan-
tic cultural studies had been given a firm base. Verger, by his presence in Bahia,
influenced young researchers in the late 1960s most particularly a fellow of
C E A O , anthropologist Julio Braga, w h o did research in Benin on the Afro-
Brazilians,41 and w h o is currently working in Zaire. F r o m within an essentially

anthropological matrix Braga and the current director of C E A O , Guilherme
de Sousa Castro, and his wife leda Pessoa de Sousa Castro did research in
western Nigeria on Brazilian influences in the Yoruba language and on Yoruba
influences in Brazilian Portuguese. Additional linguistic work was done in
Bahia in 1970 by E b u n Ogunsanya, a Yoruba student at Radcliffe College,
Harvard, whose senior thesis concerned Yoruba retentions in Brazilian Portu-
guese. Recently the former Cultural Attaché of the Nigerian Embassy in
Brasilia, Abiola Joseph has also conducted linguistic research into the Yoruba
spoken in candomblé ceremonies throughout Brazil.
Jose Honorio Rodrigues using essentially secondary sources from Brazil,
in his two-volume work Africa and Brazil provides a general outline of Brazil's
historical relationship towards the African continent. T h e present author
taking his departure from Verger tended to focus his doctoral research on
Benin, Togo and Lagos, Nigeria and the returned Afro-Brazilian slaves, while
the Brazilian couple Carneiro da Cunha, w h o are presenting a paper at this
conference, have focused their interest on the Brazilian returnees to Nigeria.
Brazilian historical influence in G h a n a has been the subject of a brief research
trip of the author to that country in 1975.
W a y n e Selcher's publications in thefieldof international relations have
attempted to analyse Brazilian political and diplomatic interest in Africa, its
relationship to Portuguese-speaking Africa beginning in the 1950s and with
his latest articles and manuscripts bringing attention to the latest approxima-
tion attempts on the part of Itamarati to win support in Black Africa.42 Also
developing from his earlier interests in Brazilian race relations, specifically in
Bahia, the Ghanaian social scientist Anani Dzidzienyo widened his scope of
interest with a series of articles on Brazilian diplomatic approximation attempts
in Africa during 1972. Dzidzienyo has gone on to analyse the at times confused
role and response of the Afro-Latin to his o w n Latin-American culture and
towards Africa. Professor Dzidzienyo is presenting a paper at this conference
on that topic. Pierre-Michel Fontaine, a political scientist from Haiti, in his
work for Unesco has analysed the relationship between Brazil, Africa and multi-
national corporations, continuing with this research n o w at Cornell University.
Professor R o y Glasgow, currently Federal University of Fluminense, Rio, and
also Boston University, has also writen on Brazil's approximation towards
Africa during the period 1971-72. 43
In discussing possibilities for further and future research I would like
to mention a doctoral dissertation study of Professor Monica Schüler, c o m -
pleted for the University of Wisconsin. The study concerns the migration of
West Africans to Jamaica as labourers during the early part of the twentieth
century. There were significant parallels between the West Indian/African
economic-cultural interchange, and that of Brazil and West Africa during the
late nineteenth century. C u b a also saw large numbers of its free black popula-
tion leave the island and return to Nigeria during the nineteenth century. There
was significant competition between the returned Cubans and the returned
Brazilians in nineteenth-century Lagos, although both groups were less
favoured than the English-speaking returned former slaves from Sierra Leone,
the Saros.45 The subject of African emigration, the quasi-stranger groups such
as the West Indians and Afro-Latins arriving in West Africa are deserving
of a systematic study and analysis together with the collective problems of
'the return' and re-integration which need further research and discussion. W h a t
were the contributions of other areas in Brazil, the central-south, Pernambuco,
Maranhäo to the immigrant groups that left Brazil for Africa? W h a t apart
from the obvious slave-trade links were the relations between Angola, M o z a m -
bique and Brazil during the nineteenth century. W h a t is the evidence of Afro-
Brazilians returning to these countries? Central Africa needs considerably
more study to determine the range and extent of its historical ties to Brazil.
Archives and sources newly available in Lisbon hopefully should provide
some of the answers, while awaiting a sincerely desired era of stability in Angola
and M o z a m b i q u e which might permit access to archival sources n o w closed
and a population n o w distracted by seemingly incessant civil strife.
The m u c h discussed Brazilian approximation towards Africa of the
1970s is still wanting m u c h interpretation and analysis. Still to be heard from
in a significant way are the African countries themselves, to give voice to their
interest in this approximation effort, to articulate their conditions and require-
ments of Brazil, in particular as they relate to Brazil's relationship towards
southern Africa and to the so-called south Atlantic strategy. It would also be
instructive to study the differences and similarities between Brazilian and
United States foreign-policy initiatives towards Africa, as seen from an African
perspective or viewpoint, to determine each policy's strengths and weaknesses.
Is Brazil in a distinctly better position than the United States because of history,
culture and climate to offer to the African continent the needed technology
and resources for that continent's future development? W h a t are the possibil-
ities of Brazil's acting as mediator between 'north' and 'south', to the Third
and the First world ? W h a t is the image and meaing of Africa for the Afro-
Brazilian, and does this image have any bearing on Brazil's international
image within Africa?48
These are some of the m a n y research-oriented questions and problems
awaiting further elaboration and work. T h e subject, Africa-Brazil relations
covers at multitude of countries, more than one continent and a variety of
of languages and cultures. Research costs are prohibitive, there is always the
danger of becoming a generalist as the researcher is partly involved with Africa
and partly involved with Latin America. However, the compensations in h u m a n
terms are also intercontinental and for growth and development as a field
researcher and as an individual, the transatlantic flow has m u c h to recommend

in its favour.
Notes
1. Salvador, Bahia, is called popularly boa terra, in part because of its being Brazil's
first capital, the alleged moral laxity of m a n y of its inhabitants, a casual attitude
towards life's problems, essentially a kind of living m u s e u m , where architecture,
art and the populace represent a more ancient Brazil, one lost with the coming of
the twentieth century.
2. Waldir Freitas Oliveira, 'Desenvolvimento dos Estudos Africanistas no Brazil',
Cultura, N o . 23, October-December 1976, p. 114.
3. T h e Rio Centro de Estudos Afro-Asiáticos is planning through the series, Cadernos
Candido Mendes, to begin publication of its o w n Journal of African Studies.
4. Primary study of Banian-African cultural relations was m a d e by Pierre Verger, Flux
et Reflux de la Traite des Nègres entre le Golfe de Bénin et Bahia de Todos os Santos
du XVIIe siècle, Paris, 1968. Iexla Pessoa de Castro and husband Guilherme tended
to focus their studies studies of Portuguese-Yoruba linguistics in Ife, Nigeria,
results were published in several numbers of the C E A O African Studies Journal, Afro-
Asia (1968-69). Julio Braga, C E A O anthropologist, Didi dos Santos, a pai de santo
and ethnologue and his wife Juanita Elbein dos Santos, anthropologist, all focused
their studies of the origins of Afro-Banian religious cults in western Nigeria and
eastern Benin, period 1968-71.
5. O n e African researcher, Elbun Ogunsanya, a linguistics and romance languages
student from Radcliffe College, Harvard, in 1970 encountered certain difficulties as
she attempted to research in cults and with people not officially under the patronage
of C E A O . B y 1974 three or four foreign researchers began appearing at the more
celebrated candomblé terreiros on the same evening (period June-August 1974),
causing the present writer to think that the researchers would to better to research
the influence of the researcher on the ritual process of candomblé.
6. O f importance is the work of the Swiss linguist Rolf Reichert, Os Documentos Arabes
do Arquivo do Estado da Bahia, Salvador, 1970, w h o as the resident Islamicist of
C E A O worked with all of the existant Arab documents from the 1836 jihad in
Salvador, providing Portuguese translations. See Turner, review article ' O s D o c u -
mentos Arabes', International Journal of African Studies, Boston, 1975.
7. After the end of Brazilian slavery, it was decided by the new republic that the historical
blot of having had slavery as a national institution could perhaps be erased by
destroying all relevant documentation, which occurred in 1893 as mandated by the
State.
8. O Commercio de llheus, June-October, 1931.
9. Nineteenth-century newspapers included in the collection of the I G H B are: Diario da
Bahia (1830s), O Commercio (1840s), O Diario da Bahia (1850s), Journal da Bahia
(1850s-1870s).
10. In 1973 a P h . D . candidate frotn Harvard University, Jane McDivitt, was doing a study
of Afro-Brazilian poetry and other literature which evoked at times hostile responses
from the members of I G H B w h o refused to admit the existence of such a field of
study. T h e Ghanaian researcher Anani Dzidzienyo also encountered incredulity
at his insistence that political behaviour of Afro-Brazilians could serve as a subject
for study and analysis in 1970-71.
11. Newspapers in collection with listingTof port activities in Salvador, other relevant
commercial news a represent valuable secondary source or, depending upon availa-
bility of archival material, at times a primary source.
12. Study of Susan Soeiro, thesis for P h . D . N e w York University, 1975, economic history
of eighteenth-century Salvador as indicated by documents located in the Convent
of the Desterro, research in Salvador 1970-71.
13. The Edelweiss collection for Afro-Brazilian culture was also extensive and worth a
visit for encountering old and very rare books. H e also had old but general works
concerning Africa, most anthropological studies.
14. Freitas, 'Desenvolvimento', p. 114-15.
15. T h e C E A A of Candido Mendes offers a series of extension courses, open to the Rio
community attracting as wide an audience as possible, charging tuition fees for
each course offered.
16. In 1976 its director, José Maria Pereira journeyed on a semi-official mission to Angola,
Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau to investigate the possibilities of greater cultural
and educational exchange between Brazil and those countries, principally to bring
African students to study in Brazilian universities, and aid in Brazilian technological
assistance in African educational projects and planning.
17. Course offerings for academic year 1977, include several courses on African ideology,
decolonization (the Portuguese example) and problems of African development using
models from North Africa, West, Central and Southern Africa.
18. T h e m u c h contested and discussed 'Black Rio' cultural social movement despite
alledged foreign influence and intervention in Brazilian culture is serving to provide
a sense of cultural identity to m a n y of Rio's Afro-Brazilian residents. M u c h of the
intellectual life of the city's Afro-Brazilians, conferences and symposiums are
beginning to take into account the cultural phenomenon that began with the popu-
larity of American ' soul ' music and black American life styles but is slowly finding
its o w n Brazilian voice and raison d'être.
19. The Second Annual Conference on Black (Afro-Brazilian) contributions to Brazilian
culture were held at the Federal University of Fluminense, Niteroi, in November
1977.
20. In Salvador, while there is also evidence of the 'Black Rio' movement, for Afro-
Brazilians of that ciiy it is necessary to m o v e past the omnipresent Afro-Bahian
religious cult life which has so marked Afro-Bahian culture. In Rio there is not the
same strong cultural tradition for that city's Afro-Brazilian population, allowing
greater possibility for self-expression, for this 'Black Rio' began in Rio and not in
Salvador.
21. O n e of the advisers to Itamarati's participation in the recent World Festival of African
Art and Culture in Lagos, Nigeria, was the U S P centre, whose director, Professor
F. M o u r ä o gave one of the seminar papers at the Colloquium on African Culture
which opened F E S T A C .
22. In October 1976, African students at U S P presented an exposition on Africa, aimed
at the Säo Paulo business community to demonstrate investment possibilities and
potentialities on the continent, the exposition was held at U S P , with administrative
assistance by the centre.
23. In July 1977, Professor M o u r ä o went in the company of the Rector of U S P on a tour
of West African universities to begin a series of exchanges between U S P and these
African universities.
24. O n e of the topics for the Fluminense Conference in November, 1977 was the need
for a kind of clearing-house of information on Afro-Brazilian studies, what resources
Brazilian and African sources for the study 'ill
are available in terms of documentation and what kinds of research are currently
being undertaken within Brazil.
25. In Säo Paulo, the sociologist Eduardo de Oliveira e Oliveira is engaged in a study of
Brazilian Négritude, with interested Afro-Brazilian students at Campinas, there
are functioning Afro-Brazilian institutes in Joinville Santa Catarina (a week of
Afro-Brazilian culture sponsored by the institute and the state of Santa Catarina
was planned for July 1977), Porto Alegre, and a number of similar centres in Rio and
Salvador, that of Did dos Santos, Institute of Afro-Bahian Studies.
26. Personal communication from Professor Fola Soremekua, History Department,
Universite of Ife, Nigeria, 21 October 1976.
27. Paper presented by Professor Anani Dzidzienyo at Ife Conference, in July, 1976 on
'Images of African and the Afro-Latin American', paper of Dzidzienyo at South
Eastern Conference o n Latin American Studies, Tuskeegee, Alabama, April 1977,
'Activity and Inactivity in the Politics of Afro-Latin America'.
28. Dakar served as the administrative centre for l'Afrique Occidentale Française thereby
receiving the archival collection after the dissolution of the massive African colonial
empire.
29. Archives d'Outre-Mer, also called because of its Paris address, R u e Oudinot, the most
complete repository of French colonial documentation.
30. See Turner, 'Les Brésiliens—The Impact of Former Brazilian Slaves U p o n D a h o m e y ' ,
Boston University, 1975 (unpublished P h . D . thesis): ' O s Escravos Brasileiros n o
D a o m é ' , Afro-Asia, N o s . 8-9, 1970; Lathardus Goggins (ed.), 'Reversing the
Trend: Afro-Brazilian Influences in West Africa' The Thematic Conceptual Ap-
proach to African History, D u b u q u e , Iowa, in press; ' A Manipulaçâo da Religiäo:
o Caso dos Afro-baianos', Cultura, N o . 23, October-December, 1976;'Brazilian-
African Points of Contact', Cadernos de Candido hiendes, Revista do Centro Afro-
Asiático, N o . 1, November, 1977.
31. Dahomey-Benin, a country the size of Kentucky has had an unfortunate political
history since its independence from France in 1960. During the period 1970-73, a
rotating three-president council was enacted in an attempt to stop almost chronic
coups d'état. The system ended in a coup with brought to power present military
Marxist dictatorship.
32. Documents from the Cuidah Catholic mission proved invaluable in reconstructing
the social life of returned Afro-Brazilians during the nineteenth century, aided by
African Mission Society records in France and Italy which cover the society's
nineteenth-century workings in T o g o and Nigeria as well as D a h o m e y .
33. Example of African neighbours, thefirstPresident of T o g o , Sylvanus Olympio (assas-
sinated while in office), was born in D a h o m e y and is buried in D a h o m e y , on ancestral
land of his Afro-Brazilian descendants. T h e D e Sousa family, a key Afro-Brazilian
clan, has branches in T o g o as well as in Benin.
34. O f great value is the collection under the jurisdiction of M r s D a Rocha T h o m a s , of
Casa de A g u a , Lagos, Nigeria. She is President of the Lagos Brazilian Friendly
Society and provided the writer with invaluable leads during his time in Lagos
in 1972.
35. Turner, 'Manipulaçâo', Cultura, p . 61; 'Points of Contact', Cadernos.
36. In personal communication from Professor Dzidizienyo, Ghanaian professor at Cape
Coast University, G h a n a , did a thesis on Portuguese Africa and Brazil, 15 March
1977.
37. W a y n e Selcher, The Afro-Asian Dimension of Brazilian Foreign Policy, Gainesville,
1974.
38. D o v Ronen, ' T h e African Élite as Represented by the D a h o m e a n Press', African

Studies Association Review, Vol. X V I , N o . 1, September 1973.
39. Principal D a h o m a n Newspapers, La Voix du Dahomey, La Suprême Sagesse, Le
Guide du Dahomey, L'Echo du Bénin.
40. Verger's work is more a compendium of information than a synthesis and analysis
of the cultural Bahian-African connections, serving as a reference work.
41. Julio Braga, 'Nota sobre o "Quartier Brésilien" e m Uida, D a o m é ' , Afro-Asia, 1969.
42. Selcher, op. cit.
43. R o y Arthur Glasgow, 'Brazil's Attempted African Approximation', Issues African
Studies Association Notes, 1973.
44. Jean Herskovits Kopytoff, A Preface to Modern Nigeria, Chapter III, Oxford, 1968.
45. ibid.
46. During the 1950s and 1960s the image of the United States in Africa was directly
linked to its internal racial problems and their attempted resolution. Africans m a y
in the future ask Brazilians about social and economic conditions in Brazil for
Brazilians of African descent, placing Brazil in a similar position to that of the
United States, with its domestic affairs influencing its international image.
Appendix : Partial list of researchers
working on slavery in Brazil
Leslie Bethell (author of The Abolition of the Brazilian Slave Trade, Cambridge,
United Kingdom, 1970).
Professor Julio Braga, Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais, Universidade Federal da
Bahia, Salvador.
C E B R A P Research Centre Sao Paulo.
Professor Colson, Universidade de Santa Catarina.
Robert Conrad (author of The Destruction, Universityof California, Berkeley Press.)
Professor Carl Degler, History Department, Stanford University, Palo Alto,
California.
Professor Anani Dzidzienyo, Department of Afro-American Studies, Brown Univer-
sity Providence, Rhode Island.
Professor Florestan Fernandes, Dept 0 Sociología, Universidade de Säo Paulo.
Professor Katharine Fringer, Dept 0 Geog./História, Fundacäo Universiadade de
Brasilia.
Jean-Claude Garcia-Zamor, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida.
Professor Brasil Gerson (author), Pallas Editora, Rio de Janeiro.
Professor R o y Glasgow, Dept 0 de Historia, Universidade Federal de Fluminense,
Niteroí, Rio de Janeiro.
Professor Carlos Hasenbalg, I U P E R J , Rio de Janeiro.
Marvin Harris, Department of Anthropology, Columbia University, N e w York.
H . Hoetink, University of Puerto Rico, Puerto Rico.
Octavio Ianni, Dept 0 de Sociología, Universidade de Säo Paulo.
D r M a r y Karasch, Fulbright Professor, Universidade de Brasilia.
Herbert S. Klein, Department of History, Princeton University.
Professor Jane McDivitt, Department of Portuguese, University of Iowa, Iowa City.
Professor Katia M . Mattoso, Universidade Católica da Bahia, Salvador.
Professor Corcino Medeiros dos Santos; ' G E H ' , Fundacäo Universidade de Brasil.
Professor Michael Mitchell, Afro-American Studies Department. Department of
Politics Princeton University, Princeton, N . J .
Clovis M o u r a c/o C E A A , Candido Mendes, Rio de Janeiro.
Professor Maria Beatriz do Nascimento, C E A A , Conjunto Universitario de Candide
Mendes, Ipanema, Rio de Janeiro.
Professor L . Nieilson, Dept 0 de Historia Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina,
Florianopolis, Santa Catarina, Brasil.
Professor Edson Nunes e Silva, Instituto Geográfico e Histórico da Bahia Piedade,

Salvador (Bahia).
Professor José Honorio Rodrigues, c/o Dept° de Historia Universidade Federal
de Fluminense, Niteroí, Rio de Janeiro.
Professor Vicente Salles, R a d i o - M E C , Brasilia.
Professor Stuart Schwartz, History Department, University of Minnesota, Minnea-
polis-St Paul, Minnesota.
Professor Thomas Skidmore, History Department, University of Wisconsin, Madison
Wisconsin.
Professor Leo Spitzer, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N e w Hampshire.
Robert Brent Toplin (author of The Abolition of Slavery in Brazil, N e w York, 1972).
[B. 46] CC. 78/XXX. 2/A
ERRATUM
Owing to an oversight, Appendix 3 'Opening Speech of the

Director-General of Unesco' (p. 23944) should have been
published as an introductory chapter entitled 'Introductory
Statement of Amadou-Mahtar M ' B o w , Director-General of
Unesco' and placed before the section 'Ideological and
Political Aspects of the Slave Trade' on page 15.
The African slave trade from the fifteenth to the nineteenth century

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The general history of Africa: studies and documents 2

Published in 1979 by the United Nations

Part I: Working papers and summary report

Ideological and political aspects of the African slave trade

The Atlantic slave trade

The slave trade in the Indian Ocean

Part II: Supplementary papers

A n account of research o n the slave trade in Nigeria, / . F. Ade Ajayi

T o facilitate the discussions, Unesco drew up an annotated agenda highlighting

Scale of the slave trade

Effects of the slave trade

Furthermore, through discussion of the papers before them, the partici-

Ideological positions with regard to the problem of the slave trade

Although an outline of this aspect of the problem can be found in several

Abolition of the slave trade, particularly in the Indian Ocean

The experts were also requested to consider the consequences of the

New lines of research

work in progress, areas of research to be explored, names of specialists doing

'There is no topic in African history o n which so m u c h has been written and

Development of the slave trade

In 1441, an expedition headed by A n t a m Gonsalvez and N u n o Trista brought

Evidence of the European countries' huge interest in African trade as a

T h e struggle for abolition of the slave trade

The abolitionists A . Benezet, T . Clarkson and W . Wilberforce proved

Illegal export of slaves

(S. Crowther, J. Horton), whose names are widely k n o w n even n o w , came

position of serfs in Russia. The magazine Sovremennik, edited at the time by

W . B . Dubois in The Negro.M Historians are well acquainted with Dubois's

1. T . O . Ranger (ed.), Emerging Themes of African History. Proceedings of the Inter-

5. E . Williams, ¡Capitalism i Rabstvo, p. 69, M o s c o w , 1950; Capitalism and Slavery,

Phillips, Journal of a Voyage M a d e in 'the Hannibal' of London from England to

T h e slave trade and anti-slavery from the fifteenth

It should not be forgotten that the introduction of African labour to America

It was here that the anti-slavery movement, based on an ideology of protest

thropy and the spirit of the Reformation tofindtheir outward expression in

Humanitarianism, the economists and the Enlightenment

A noble-minded primitivist trend had emerged from within Protestant theology

conscience'. W e k n o w that the Negroes' resistance to slavery came out in a

speeches, addresses, etc.—the slave trade is spoken of as an 'act of barbarism

Slave trade, slavery, forced labour

ships was immaterial: Spanish, French, Brazilian or American. If one compares

Buxton, w h o drew u p a proposal to 'civilize' Africa, urging Great Britain to

Within a comprehensive theory of capitalism, Karl M a r x defines the slave

trade in h u m a n beings imposes the further insuperable obstacle of the distance

and 'migratory labour' means migrant or emigrant workers w h o do not have

of man's exploitation of m a n have become extinct; sporadically they reappear;

published in the review Dialectiques, 1977, N o . 21 in which Claude Meillassoux

B O U C H A U D , J. L'Église en Afrique Noire. Geneva, L a Palatine, 1958.

Old texts and documents

Magnitude of the external slave trade

O n e problem which is central to our question is the magnitude of the external

T h e slave trade and the expansion of international trade

The buying, shipping and employment of over 11 million slaves in capitalistic

d e m a n d for insurance cover was important in the development of marine

the purchase of slaves was an important Birmingham industry. The production

It w a s this which m a d e possible the concentration of large-scale industrial

H e further points out that if

this regional specialization based originally on the production of cotton in the

W a g e or indentured labour would have been forthcoming in some additional numbers