5

The Evolution of Authority and Power at Chavín

de Huántar, Peru
John W. Rick
Stanford University

ABSTRACT
The Early Horizon type site of Chavín de Huántar, located in the north-central Andes of modern Peru, is distinguished
by a long sequence of construction, as well as outstanding features such as abundant lithic art, use of cut stone in
construction, a complex of underground gallery systems, and exceptional alteration of local land forms. This chapter
explores the implications of these characteristics for the evolution of power and authority at this site across the later
Initial Period and Early Horizon (approximately 1300 to 600 B.C.). Particular attention is focused on the concepts of
power and authority in relation to religious belief systems and the intrinsic factors that might have connected the
site’s characteristics to a developing system for convincing populations to increasingly accept the dominance of a
priestly leadership. These characteristics argue that not only were the emerging authorities at Chavín exceptionally
creative in their manipulation of the human mind through landscape, architecture, images, sound, light, and the use
of psychoactive drugs but also that this apparent highly planned ritual context demonstrates the very intentional
and conscious strategies employed in the transformation of early politico-religious organization.
Keywords: Chavín, Early Horizon, Peruvian Andes, monumental architecture, authority

T he Andes has long been acknowledged as the site of the

evolution of extremely powerful and autocratic politi-
cal leaders and organizations. The transition from relatively
scious, calculated political strategy on the part of those who
designed, built, and utilized this center.

egalitarian society to states and empires is long and begins at

least as early as the third millennium B.C. (Shady and Leyva Background
2003). The increasing concentration of power in the hands of
relatively few people was accompanied by a complex pro- I will not attempt a full description of the well-known
cess that established and justified the authority of power- site of Chavín de Huántar but rather emphasize certain as-
ful entities like those known in many regions, although the pects that are important to my purposes. Chavín as a monu-
Andean process may have its own character relative to the mental center is concentrated in an area of about 0.5 square
rest of the world (Isbell and Silverman 2002). This chap- kilometers and consists of stone-faced platform mounds per-
ter looks at the extensively investigated type site of Chavín meated with stone-lined drainage canals and galleries in
de Huántar for evidence of how such transitions might have a labyrinthine distribution (Burger 1992; Lumbreras and
occurred. Chavín probably was not the locus of the earliest Amat 1965; Tello 1960) (Figures 5.1 and 5.2). The site was
trends toward political and economic differentiation, but it originally decorated with engraved stone cornices, facings,
has a long record that should encompass significant change columns, tenon heads, and obelisks characteristically en-
in this arena. The site has long been known for its graphic graved with humans, animals, plants, and, most often, an-
art and complex monumental architecture; this chapter will thropomorphs combining these elements (Figure 5.3). The
attempt to relate these and other features of the site to an site can be best described as a temple complex, empha-
argument that the evolution of authority resulted from a con- sizing formal and costly architecture designed to be quite

Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association, Vol. 14, pp. 71–89, ISBN 1-931303-20-7.
C 2005 by the American Anthro-

pological Association. All rights reserved. Permissions to photocopy or reproduce article content via www.ucpress.edu/journals/rights.htm.
72 John W. Rick

Figure 5.1. Overall site map of Chavı́n de Huántar, showing distribution of major buildings (labeled A–G) and external features (1 =
Circular Plaza, 2 = Plaza Mayor, 3 = Falcon Gateway).

impressive by accentuating height differentials between low tion materials, the primary finds are caches, offerings, or
plazas and high platforms. I have argued elsewhere (Rick in other concentrated intentional deposits of elaborate, costly,
press) that these architectural arrangements also served to exotic materials evidently associated with ritual or political
isolate ceremonial participants from the outside world, es- activities. At the same time, work by Burger (1984) and my
pecially within sunken plazas and internal galleries, which project outside the ceremonial precinct has revealed the pres-
encompass the viewer, often completely. Access across lev- ence of a substantial community that apparently grew over
els and to platform tops was tightly regulated by a series of time. Most recently, we have found abundant evidence for
formal and mostly narrow staircases, which are often foci of the growth of craft production and increasing segregation of
architectural planning themselves, forming axes and framing highly differentiated elite and commoner residential archi-
elements in the overall architectural layout (Rick et al. 1998). tecture over time (Figures 5.4 and 5.5). The difference in the
Decades of work by dozens of archaeologists in the mon- archaeological record of ceremonial and residential archi-
umental center have yet to reveal any occupation deposits tecture is also striking, with residences containing abundant
associated with the major temple construction periods, and by-products of craft production and daily routine activities,
most Chavín structure surfaces and fills are nearly devoid as well as being interbedded with repetitive fills containing
of any cultural materials whatsoever—outside of construc- similar refuse.
Authority and Power at Chavı́n de Huántar 73

Figure 5.2. Map of the distribution of major gallery systems within the central buildings of Chavı́n de Huántar (from Kembel 2001).

Our recent research in the ceremonial core has concen-

trated on mapping, modeling, and small, strategic excava-
tions for revealing key architectural details and obtaining
dating samples (Kembel in press; Rick in press; Rick et al.
1998). This has resulted in a series of related conclusions
about the site’s age, the chronology of its architecture, and
the strategies represented in the growth of the monument.
For details on the complex relationship between radiocar-
bon dates and the center’s monumental architecture, see the
systematic work of Silvia Kembel (2001, in press). Her anal-
ysis of the galleries in relation to exterior architecture has
shown that Chavín grew through complex and numerous
additions over many centuries and in patterns decidedly dif-
ferent from the simple Old Temple/New Temple pattern that
has been the standard for understanding the site until now
(e.g., Burger 1992; Rowe 1962). Coupling architectural evi-
dence and radiocarbon dates has put many structures in new
chronological positions, including a late chronological posi-
tion for the Circular Plaza and its associated art (Figure 5.6).
Most notably, we can show that the end of monumental
construction came much earlier than previously believed (in
Figure 5.3. Example of stone art from Chavı́n de Huántar demon- the range of 600 B.C.), with a likely, if imperfectly dated,
strating the combination of human and animal attributes: image beginning that may extend well into the Initial Period. The
from Falcon Gateway column. later part of the Early Horizon, from no later than 500 B.C.
74 John W. Rick

Figure 5.4. Example of lower status architecture in 2003 excavations in La Banda. In foreground are the foundations of structures
showing relatively slight investment in construction. On terrace in background are the structures shown in Figure 5.5.

onward, appears not to be a period of great temple growth as times [Lumbreras 1974; Shady et al. 2001]) we are inter-
has been generally thought but rather a time of low invest- ested in knowing how the sociopolitical systems evolved,
ment in architecture and of probable abandonment of ritual perhaps with the historical Inca or even post-conquest for-
activity in the site. Most telling in this regard is that by around mations as the upper limit. But we assume there must be
500 B.C. the most important ritual locations at Chavín, such prior forms leading to the later periods—smaller group sizes
as the Circular Plaza, are congested with relatively informal and less differentiation between individuals and subgroups
residential architecture that often incorporates cut and deco- in both specialization and status. As the changes occur over
rated stone originally from temple contexts in a very secular time in size and differentiation, what are we most seeking
and informal context (Figure 5.7). From this time onward to identify and explain? From the title of this volume, one
Chavín increasingly becomes a modest village of squatters would assume that power is the central issue, and it cer-
living in the shadows of the massive decaying temples. tainly is important, but I argue that it is not in fact the most
central one involved in this long-term process. Let me use
monumental architecture as an example. If large structures
Power and Authority necessarily involving the labor and resources of many indi-
viduals are found, we can assume that power was necessary
For the Formative of the Andes (comprising roughly the for their construction. I am highly reliant on the thought-
Initial and Early Horizon periods; approximately 1800–200 ful and comprehensive discussion of power and authority by
B.C., but arguably also ranging back to the later preceramic Lukes (1978), who would define power as asymmetric (when
Authority and Power at Chavı́n de Huántar 75

Figure 5.5. Example of higher status architecture in 2003 La Banda excavations, con-
sisting of massive stone walls with multiple superimposed components showing.

power is the ability of a subset of a group to carry out its will,

often to its specific benefit, over the interests of others) or
as collective (in which power is the sum of the abilities of an
overall group to carry out actions). In the present case, either
someone or some group had asymmetric power to command
that such buildings be brought into being, or some overall
group could sum its resources and cooperatively produce
the structures. Clearly, the actual process may combine both
types of power, and the assessment of how much of either
type of power is a difficult but critical archaeological en-
deavor. I believe that most uses of the concept of power in
recent archaeological research in the Andes are aimed at the
former, effectively the often-cited “power over” of Weber
(1968:53), and it may be that in fact we see a long-term shift
from collective power to asymmetric power. But I insist that
Figure 5.6. Simple chronological model for current dating of
even in the demonstration that there was “power over” that Chavı́n de Huántar, showing relatively late relative position for
concentrated in the hands of a few the command of many, the Circular Plaza; Support phase is largely a post-temple period
we are far short of understanding the phenomenon at hand. (adapted from Kembel 2001).
Reemphasizing the title of this volume, it is the for-
mation of this power that is of major interest: what pro- long-lived group that holds it. The imaginable find of a sin-
cesses create the foundations of power. Again, let me il- gle very early (say 5000 B.C.) Andean temple and palace,
lustrate. If monumental buildings result from asymmetrical clearly demonstrating a concentration of power in an elite but
power, the situation could be highly historically contingent, without continuity across significant time, would hardly be
in the sense that local use of force, presence of charisma, the primary basis for understanding the circumstances and
or response to crisis might have led to a relatively short- factors of long-term power and authority formation in the
lived ability to construct in massive form. This is conceptu- Andes.
ally separable from an institutionalized, acknowledged, and The concept of authority becomes quite important in
effective long-term tradition of asymmetric power and the helping narrow down the longer-term processes we are
76 John W. Rick

Figure 5.7. Circular Plaza informal architecture, showing initial post-temple period architecture in southwest corner of
Circular Plaza as revealed by 2002 excavations; this layer is dated to 500 B.C.

interested in. Authority is the legitimization and institution- is legitimated by authority, and the authorities are a subset
alization of power, in which the idea of some individual or of the overall group. Such authorities generally qualify for
individuals holding power becomes acceptable and, through their role by having certain characteristics and are typically
tradition, an expectation. It is through authority that power- distinguished, to quote Hobbes, as having “marks whereby
holding is naturalized—to the point that the lack of author- a man may discern in what men, or assembly of men, the
ity, and thus power-holding, is seen as a cultural pathology. sovereign power is placed and resideth” (1958, quoted in
“Take me to your leader,” the phrase we expect aliens to Lukes 1978:641). It is really the process of establishing
enunciate on arrival to Earth, shows just how far we have authority and the characteristics of that “legal or rightful
internalized the concept: we suppose that the idea of ac- power” that I find most important in studying the early so-
knowledged authority would be held by any sapient crea- ciopolitical record of the Andes. How did the concepts upon
ture. Authority refers to a situation in which command and which authority was based come about, what were they com-
decision-making are systematically ascribed to certain indi- posed of, and how does the archaeological record help us
viduals and in which judgment on whether to obey command understand this process?
is based on the perceived position of the decision-maker,
rather than on reason (Lukes 1978); most important, the Belief Systems and the Establishment
perceived position has a widespread level of legitimacy. Au- of Authority
thority is invested and legitimized in individuals or groups
that thereby hold power. This power tends to be asymmet- How then did authority become established, where it had
rical in its nature, since judgment tends to be unquestioned, not previously existed at the same scale and with the same
Authority and Power at Chavı́n de Huántar 77

pervasiveness? The issue is gaining power, but not by any legitimacy comes from the belief in divine connection—pre-
means. Power in the absence of supporting belief is likely to sumably fairly widespread and especially affecting those in
be ephemeral at best and, to the degree it does exist, is prob- key positions to support the purported divinely connected
ably maintained through force by “thugs” (Hayden 1995). leadership.
This situation undoubtedly occurred in many prehistoric and The leadership of religious authorities can be viewed
historic societies; interestingly it is the antithesis of the idea in many ways, but two useful stereotyped and polar ex-
of the theocracy, which traditionally was seen as rulership tremes could be termed the cohesive-devotional versus the
of morally driven, worshipful leaders. While recent devel- manipulative model. In the former, authorities participate
opments in our understanding of “Classic” cultures make in a common devotion with the remainder of a society in a
this idea untenable, it does call to mind an important dis- religion that is broadly shared across status and role. This
tinction raised by Flannery (1972) between system-serving view presupposes the existence of the belief system, and the
and self-serving motivations. Belief systems are as likely to presence of rulers simply is an organized manifestation of
be abused in service to authority as military systems. In the the common devotion. The ability to have more coordinated
case of Chavín, there is an open question over the degree rituals or more impressive contexts for them might be jus-
to which use of force was present and common in the act tification for the increased influence and affluence of the
of establishing authority. It may well prove that there is a religious leadership. This perspective is closely related to
substantial and intrinsic coercive organization in Chavín or the ideas of Durkheim (1947), in which religion serves to
the Early Horizon that has not been widely recognized. I be- create commonalities and social cohesion and certainly the
lieve that the emphasis on “undefended” temple structures, religious leadership is system-serving in the sense of pro-
the relatively infrequent representation or finds of arms or viding a more coherent society. If an effective religion can
armed individuals, and the rarity of conflict or its results in lower suicide rates, for instance (Durkheim 1951), it would
depictions or the archaeological record all direct thinking be worth “funding” a religious leadership to achieve such
away from coercion as a primary element to explain author- an end. One would have to look outside, and perhaps after
ity in these periods. There are notable exceptions, and the the development of such a leadership, for a self-promoting
specter of the “peaceful Maya” serves as a reminder of how authority system in which substantial rewards are implicit in
wrong we might be. My point will not be to disavow a role the higher roles.
for violence in Formative Peru but rather to examine Chavín A more skeptical and opposite viewpoint would be that
specifically for evidence of belief-system–driven features. the leaders have ulterior motives and intentionally manipu-
Archaeologists have long believed that the Formative late concepts precisely to gain greater power and privilege
Period, at least in the New World, involved religion and rit- in the society. This more cynical view sees religion as a ve-
ual in the growth and differentiation of sociopolitical or- hicle by which increasing differentiation can occur through
ganizations (Coe 1981; Keatinge 1981; Lumbreras 1972; promotion of religious concepts. Religion as a tool for the
Willey 1971, among many others). There is a pervasive be- benefit of certain individuals or groups is clearly allied to
lief that early leadership involves ritual roles, often referred Marx’s concept of religion having little primacy in the fab-
to within the broad concept of theocracy (e.g., see Alden- ric of society but rather being derived in great part from
derfer, this volume; Vaughn, this volume). Exploring this economic interests. Although our ideas of Marx’s perspec-
complex of ideas about the primacy of religion in leader- tive on religion are based on very few direct references in
ship and its historical trajectory is beyond the bounds of this his writing, Marx was apparently trying to warn the world
chapter, but theocracy at least requires definition. Theoc- that religion was serving overwhelming and oppressive eco-
racies have been defined as “political regimes that claim to nomic purposes (Raines 2002). By implication Marx did not
represent the Divine on earth both directly and immediately” see religion as inevitably a device of the powerful, but his
(Weber 1998:733). A correlate idea is that the legitimacy of idea of its historical role is in keeping with the manipula-
a theocracy is based on the connection that can be inferred tive model of religion as a strategy for advancement of one
between leader and the divine source of authority. That rela- group’s interests over those of others.
tionship can take many forms, ranging from the ruler being Aspects of the Weberian view also involve religion
the actual deity, as in the known Inca precept of the ruler as a strategy, but his concepts of “power to” and “power
being a close relative of a deity; to the ruler as interpreter over” are very relevant to the two stereotypes of religious
of godly wisdom or dictates; to less clear assertions of con- power; clearly the former implies some degree of leader-
nection. The general inference is that the connection with ship, but with minimal implication of control, whereas the
divine authority is through the top ruler—that is, a priest latter suggests overriding the independent will of individuals
of some sort. This then constitutes a belief system, in which (Weber 1958, 1968). One would expect cohesive-devotional
78 John W. Rick

physical differences, but through beliefs about differences,

intrinsic or otherwise, between individuals and groups. This
may seem terribly obvious, but it needs to be tempered with
a different perspective: the conservative character of belief
systems, especially those we might term religious. Religious
authority generally derives from reference to purportedly
founding-era precepts; it derives from “time-honored” tradi-
tions and concepts. Usually such belief systems are vehicles
for stasis, not change. They serve, among other purposes, to
maintain behavior against nontraditional influences. A con-
tradiction is thus obvious: the realm of culture that we might
most expect to drive change is one that functions to resist
change in many situations. If the Formative is a major time
of reformulation of belief systems, then we would expect
this contradiction to be a point of tension, creating a situ-
Figure 5.8. Simple dichotomous model of stereotypic religious for- ation in which unusual efforts and even creativity may be
mations. expended.
One particular solution to the changing of belief sys-
religious systems to more commonly produce collective, tems is to make use of traditional concepts that are easily
“power to,” system-serving types of leadership, while a ma- subject to reinterpretation or that carry the seeds of their
nipulative religious system would be likely to be correlated own change. If it were possible to make it appear that little
with asymmetric, “power over,” self-serving forms of au- or nothing has changed and that the new order is reasonably
thority (Figure 5.8). in line with the old, or even an improvement or correction to
In the cohesive model, the character of the religion the old system, this would likely meet with less resistance
might be given some primacy within society in the sense by a conservative (or reactionary) population not eager to
that its characteristics seem to shape people’s devotion or change, especially if it involves sacrifice of freedom and
attitudes. In the manipulative model, however, the charac- energy. A similar situation is seen in changing legal sys-
teristics of the belief system are designed to have certain ef- tems, using the concept of fictions, in which laws are seen as
fects and to achieve results in engineering the relationships unchanging, in spite of their clear dynamism under changing
between leaders and followers. In other words, the former social circumstances (Diamond 1991; Maine 1864). Emerg-
is “religion for religion’s sake” while the latter is “religion ing authorities may have been challenged to make radical
for the leader’s sake.” Obviously any given historical situa- restructurings appear as “improved” tradition—something
tion could involve some combination of these models, and that probably will select for individuals, actions, objects, and
in fact determining the degree of cohesion or manipulation settings with both persuasive and tradition-referent charac-
involved in emerging religious authority structures should ter and content, as well as possibly have actual benefit for
certainly be a goal of Formative research. I think it impor- the population. The range of options with these character-
tant to specifically consider the ways that religious structures istics available to authorities may be limited, and thus it is
and authorities diverge from being purely devotional in char- tempting to think that there will be elements of convergence
acter and origin, and in the case of Chavín, we must further between evolving systems in varied locations.
pursue the issue of the possible power-related motives of I raise a final issue before turning to evidence from
emerging authorities. Chavín: if the archaeological correlates of strategic manip-
Put simply, belief systems are not trivial associations ulation of traditional concepts are found (akin to the idea of
with the establishment of authority. A naturalized authority “perversion” in cultural evolution as espoused by Flannery
system is based on a belief system but presumably a differ- 1972), this would be a strong argument for a strategic con-
ent one from its antecedents. Thus, we have to expect that sciousness on the part of early emergent authorities. Belief
belief systems will play a substantial role in the evolution systems are not likely to change directionally and consis-
of increasing authority, not merely accommodating changes tently toward concentrating power on their own; they are
enacted by other means but probably playing a leading role. agents of some individuals within the cultural system. The
After all, the relatively self-evident supposition that humans greater the degree of elaboration of persuasion evident in
are created equal has to be counteracted if sociopolitical in- the rites, materials, and settings of the belief system, the
equality is to emerge, and this will happen largely not through more likely that not only were the leaders aware of being
Authority and Power at Chavı́n de Huántar 79

self-serving in their actions but also they were actually con-

scious of the trajectory of change. If they have realistically
perceived the before-and-after roles of the traditional ele-
ments they are manipulating, it suggests a much greater de-
gree of historical consciousness and intentionality than is
generally inferred for the Formative Period.

Chavín as a Tradition-Based Convincing

System

In the local valley system known as the Callejón de

Conchucos, Chavín is the only massive valley-bottom mon-
ument known from any time period, and thus it is a challenge
to see this substantial project as deriving from any previous
local tradition of strong leadership. The development of this
series of innovations and technologies seems revolutionary;
some such striking features of Chavín are the following:
r The extensive investment of planning and energy in the
stone-lined passages known as galleries (Lumbreras and
Amat 1965), architectural features employed throughout
the phases of monumental construction (Kembel 2001).
The galleries were underground facilities of very limited
floor space, volume, and use potential but were relatively
expensive to build and maintain. In order to preserve their
structural integrity, a series of measures had to be taken
Figure 5.9. The Lanzón monolithic sculpture, still standing in the
to avoid water penetration in the surrounding platform Lanzón Gallery.
mound fill. The Lanzón Gallery has direct evidence of
ritual character in the form of the 5-meter-high Lanzón,
an original idol-like stone sculpture (Figure 5.9). The mission is effective in illuminating the galleries or their
Ofrendas Gallery contained an apparent massive offering features.
of elaborately crafted ceramics (Lumbreras 1993), and r A number of site objects and icons suggest the ritual
the Caracolas Gallery that we recently excavated seems use of psychoactive drugs (Cordy-Collins 1977; Sharon
involved in the storage of long-used, highly decorated 2001) and perhaps shaman-like transitions between hu-
heirloom Strombus shell trumpets (Figure 5.10). These man and animal entities in the form of abundant tenon
shells, played in groups, would have produced impressive heads (Burger 1992:157–159). Some of the drugs inferred
amounts of noise from an object rarely seen in this area to have been used at Chavín were from distant areas,
prior to the period of monumental construction, given their and animals that might have been the alternative state
origin in tropical ocean waters north of Peru. for shamans may not have been of great familiarity to the
r The galleries have ducts known as ventilation shafts and Chavín populace. Together with the exceptionally graphic
drainage canals, but these are likely to have had mul- depiction of the drug effects and transitions, these factors
tiple functions. They have been argued to produce and seem to argue that these features were seen as attention-
channel sound (Lumbreras et al. 1976), and many ven- grabbing, unusual, and exotic.
tilators were placed in linear alignments that aim down
gallery segments, span galleries, or are directed into niches Overall, the monumental construction at Chavín seems
or at sculpture in the case of the Lanzón. These straight- designed to impress, to set the location apart, to dominate
line characteristics, of little importance to gallery venti- the local landscape, and to so completely span the valley
lation, make better sense if the ducts were used to bring floor that travelers and residents alike would be constantly
reflected sunlight into galleries, perhaps employing the faced with this novel feature of the landscape. The use of cut
small anthracite mirrors commonly found in Chavín exca- stone, so prominently placed on the monument, further sets
vations. Our tests with small mirrors show that light trans- the structures apart from anything else found locally. The
80 John W. Rick

Figure 5.10. Three of 20 Strombus shell trumpets excavated in 2001 from the Caracolas Gallery, showing wear that has effaced
engravings on the two examples on the left (drawings by Helene Bernier).

transport of exotic stone materials such as granite and lime- example, the complex of evidence for drug use and transi-
stone from significant distances and altitude differentials tion between human and animal has been argued to represent
(Turner et al. 1999) and the development of elaborate stone shamanism. While this may be correct to a degree, it is pre-
cutting and fitting technologies involved unprecedented co- cisely here that I see the greatest evidence for a perversion
ordinated effort and technical development. Even with to- of this widespread New World tradition. I think it likely that
day’s decayed version of the monument, the visual effect is some aspects of Chavín iconography and perhaps ritual activ-
striking. ity derive from shamanistic origins, but it is doubtful that this
This center’s long-term program of growth adapted lo- monument and its features can be seen as a result of system-
cal geology and topography; the engineers and architects of serving activities of a problem-solving group of shamans. I
Chavín used massive fills to raise land surfaces to serve as believe that the familiarity of shamanism and its preexisting
elevated foundations for the massive structures. There also acknowledgment of human contact with powerful natural
appears to have been substantial cutting away of land sur- elements is a credible foundation for arguments that those
faces to form terraces and otherwise sculpt the topography. involved with Chavín practice (priests at the site, inductees
Megalithic foundation structures were put in place under into the cult) are, or can become, imbued with nature-derived
plazas, using huge boulders to stabilize the new cultural fea- powers, or perhaps were even arguing descent from power-
ture in a previously swampy landscape (Figure 5.11). Even ful natural ancestors (i.e., Flannery and Marcus 1976). Drug-
the course of the adjacent Mosna River seems to have been involved practices at the site may have not only been linked to
altered to accommodate the growth of the later monumental traditional shamanistic practice but also served to convince
construction stages (Kembel and Rick 2004; Rick in press). newcomers that this cult could truly confer such powerful
The extensive decoration of the site, involving hundreds connections. The effects of the substances may have helped
of precisely cut and frequently engraved cut-stone plaques to create an overall experience that would validate the con-
seems unparalleled. At Chavín, cut stone appeared in the cept of systematic or intrinsic difference between those re-
upper courses of the platform walls; in columnar portals ceiving cult knowledge and the “lay public.” Psychoactive
and terrace fronts, lintels, and cornices; in three-dimensional substances could obviously be quite helpful in creating cred-
tenon heads and obelisks; in staircases; and in planar plaques ibility of an otherwise rather incredible assertion of connec-
that formed the walls of the most formal plazas (Figure 5.12). tion between certain humans and natural powerful elements,
At this time in the Andes, and even in the New World as a not to mention the non-self-evident message of inequality
whole, there were few locations with this development of and difference between conspecifics. The strong emphasis
high-cost stone surfaces and decoration. in Chavín depictions on entities combining human and an-
Yet, many of these seemingly innovative, radical, or ex- imal attributes makes excellent sense in this regard as an
otic developments seem linked with traditional elements. For extension of shamanistic belief but further emphasizes the
Authority and Power at Chavı́n de Huántar 81

Figure 5.11. Part of culturally placed boulder field underlying the floor of the Plaza Mayor, 2001 excavations.

connection with natural sources of power. The representa- ism has probably been transformed from a set of relatively
tion of combined human and animal character particularly system-serving practices involving temporary contact with,
emphasizes the idea that the incorporation of natural power or assumption of, natural powers to practices involving an
is an ongoing, perhaps constant and permanent condition of apparently self-promoting argument for the permanence of
individuals who retain the powers of animals typically as- those powers. This is all aimed at increasing credibility of an
sociated with alternate states of consciousness. In essence, emerging authority—a legitimation of power-holding using
it may be the argument that the powerful animal identity to the traditional referent of shamanism. Employing the con-
which traditional shamans transform is in fact present and cepts of shamanism may be part of an argument that there
active at all times in these differentiated individuals. had been little change in the overall system; the ideas had in
The most common nonhuman elements of the iconog- essence not been highly altered but definitely extended in a
raphy derive from traditions that well predate Chavín, espe- way that would support an argument for increasing power in
cially the feline, serpent, and raptorial bird elements, present Chavín leadership.
at such sites as Huaca Prieta, Asia Unit 1, and La Galgada In this, as in other phenomena observed at Chavín, we
(Bird and Hyslop 1985; Engel 1963; Grieder et al. 1988). might well ask who was the intended recipient of the active,
More novel are the fairly detailed and realistic, if anonymous, apparently intentional messaging in the depictions and archi-
human or humanoid depictions (Figure 5.13). The added tecture. To answer the question fully would require a more
emphasis on the human element may be significant if trans- complex reconstruction of the accessibility of the images and
formed shamanism is now emphasizing the human-world buildings to different groups of people than space will allow
powers of certain individuals. Thus, I argue that shaman- here. Most of the Chavín graphic images for which we have
82 John W. Rick

Figure 5.12. Example of cut and engraved stone in the Circular Plaza, a highly isolated ceremonial precinct. Visible are part of the
southern arc of feline plaques, a cut-stone curb, and carefully laid yellow stone flooring.

known context seem to be in locations that were likely of re- indicate. This suggests that a fair amount of the messaging
stricted access or even restricted visibility—in galleries, in was probably aimed at those within a privileged group of
key locations at façade entrances, high on walls, or in smaller practitioners or initiates and was perhaps purposefully de-
plazas. Some of the most complex images, perhaps carry- signed to obscure comprehension by those not inside that
ing the most complex messages, are on in-the-round objects circle.
such as the Tello Obelisk or the columns of the Falcon Portal Still, we could ask who those practitioners and initiates
(Figure 5.14). This complex messaging, however, was not were, and the answer is almost assuredly a mixture of local
easily accessed, because comprehending the content of the elite, probably of priestly nature, whose ranks were renewed
wraparound graphic is difficult even with a roll-out of the and maintained over hundreds of years, and a component
image; it is nearly impossible to comprehend the image in of outsiders. Exotic raw materials (Burger et al. 1984), art
its original state. The same is true for the highly elaborate styles, and ceramic provenience (Druc 1998) all argue that
sculpted ceramics of the Ofrendas Gallery, whose images Chavín had strong connections with other centers in the cen-
are in cases even more difficult to comprehend (Lumbreras tral Andes, and the likelihood is great this involved visits of
1993) (Figure 5.15). This suggests two important and rele- outsiders to Chavín. The idea of oracular consultation at
vant factors to this discussion: (1) that there probably needed Chavín is widely held (Burger 1992; Lumbreras 1989), but
to be some expert orientation or guidance for the novice to Chavín also may well have been a place where cult informa-
gain any message at all and (2) that access to information tion was imparted to nonlocals (Kembel and Rick 2004). Cer-
was even more restricted than the architectural context would tainly the organization based at Chavín needed the support
Authority and Power at Chavı́n de Huántar 83

Figure 5.13. Chavı́n art showing semirealistic human figures: the cactus-carrying indi-
vidual from the Circular Plaza.

of local populations and even indirect support by distant arguments that were used by emergent authorities at Chavín
populations in the form of contributions of labor or material to justify their increasing authority.
channeled through their own elite. Beyond appearing to maintain tradition, could Chavín
Chavín’s galleries probably served a number of pur- have also portrayed itself as an old place, in spite of its
poses, but they must be understood in the context of a con- massive and novel architectural imposition in a tight valley
stantly growing site. In the case of the Lanzón Gallery, doc- setting? We must try to keep time in perspective—Chavín
umented in detailed fashion by Kembel (2001), the chamber for most of its life was an old place, with origins beyond
in which the Lanzón sculpture currently resides was once direct memory of any living person for probably 90 to 95
an open structure on a much smaller building. The even- percent of its existence as an active ceremonial center. The
tual construction of the gallery can be seen as an attempt architecture conserves tradition in most aspects of design
to maintain access to this image and its location in spite of and functionality across its 500–1,000 years of monumental
subsequent building growth and suggests a willingness to construction. We still lack knowledge for the earliest build-
invest in expensive construction to achieve that end. There ing configuration at Chavín; while at least one early temple
is an interesting convergence between conservatively main- was accessed from the north, in later periods all featured
taining access to traditional sacred locations and perhaps access comes from the east, along clear-cut axes. Even gal-
objects and at the same time radically restricting that access leries seem to begin early in construction and continue as a
and even visibility for anyone beyond those privileged to lasting tradition through the monumental sequence (Kembel
immediate presence within the galleries. Yet, it could be ar- 2001). Technology certainly changes through time, with in-
gued that nothing has changed; the restriction is just due to novation in gallery roofing, in cut-stone technology, and
the architectural design limitations on the passageway that probably the ability to construct massively in a variety of
allowed internal visits to the traditionally sacred location. I substrate conditions (Rick in press). Yet, most of these up-
suspect this is exactly the type of convenient, tradition-based grades are aimed at allowing merely bigger versions of what
84 John W. Rick

Figure 5.14. Chavı́n art in the round, showing the poor visibility of images engraved on
the columns of the Falcon Portal.

came before, not major restructurings of the site template. multiple, as major access ways are maintained to older por-
Kembel (2001) has argued for increasing importance of out- tions of the complex, themselves upgraded with new plazas
side space, presumably to accommodate larger numbers of and depictions, and galleries are added (Rick in press). No-
participants, but even this is done within temple layouts that table is the continuing access to early galleries—we have
seem congruent with earlier plans. detected no gallery that was allowed to be blocked off by
Understandably our biggest knowledge gap for Chavín continuing growth or intentionally abandoned, with the pos-
is the very nature of the ritual activities that undoubtedly oc- sible exception of the Ofrendas Gallery, which may have
curred there. The design of the temple emphasizes straight- been closed after deposit of a major offering whose contents
line ceremonial ways to confront the temples and then prob- covered a large proportion of the overall floor space. Later
ably a much more indirect and probably restrictive access to constructions, in fact, are carefully designed to preserve con-
temple tops and interiors. Over time, this pathway becomes tinued access to earlier galleries (Kembel 2001). The Lanzón
Authority and Power at Chavı́n de Huántar 85

flecting subdivisions of ritual content, timing, participants,

or other factors. But the effort put into maintaining access
to traditional locations, perhaps even a partial explanation
for the very origin of the galleries, conforms strongly to the
idea that Chavín was dependent on the past as a justification
for the present, even as the present was changing away from
the past.
A fair number of Chavín engravings seem to repre-
sent processions of multiple individuals. Lumbreras (1989)
has interpreted engraved plaques of humanoid individuals
from the Circular Plaza as a depiction of procession toward
the western, temple-ascending staircase giving access to the
temple top and galleries. Our recent discovery of a cornice
fragment, matched to an earlier known piece of the same
stone, shows two apparent procession scenes on face and
edge, very similar to the Circular Plaza figures (Figure 5.16).
While it is adventurous to infer a direct depiction of rit-
ual activity from such schematic, potentially multireferent
evidence, recent advances in Moche iconographic interpre-
tation would argue that Andean peoples relatively near in
space and time to Chavín did in fact decorate temples with
scenes of ritual activities actually carried out there. Summing
these known processional figures, there seems to be a limited
number of classes of individuals distinguished principally by
what they are carrying, which includes the following:
r Barbed and perhaps fletched spear-like shafts in one hand
and apparently atlatls in the other.
r Strombus or Spondylus shells, with the Strombus being
Figure 5.15. Pottery excavated in the Ofrendas Gallery by Lumbr- played during the procession and the Spondylus carried
eras, showing the difficulty of understanding the complex, wrapped-
prominently.
around monster image on the vessel (from Lumbreras 1993). r A columnar object clearly identifiable as a cactus, proba-
bly the San Pedro cactus of known shamanistic use and of
Gallery, with its central image, suggests that at least one of
frequent depiction in other Chavín images (Figure 5.13).
the galleries witnessed underground ritual of some sort. The
accumulation of galleries could argue that types or grades of Thus, roles of arms bearers, noise makers, and drug
rituals may have grown in number across time, possibly re- porters seem to be present. Of these, no arms bearers have

Figure 5.16. Drawing of engraved cornice from Chavı́n de Huántar, mostly excavated
in 2000 from west side of Building A, showing an apparent procession.
86 John W. Rick

animal attributes or apparently animal-connected acces- development of increasingly effective means to manipulat-
sories; two of three shell bearers have claws or fangs and ing beliefs. Looking forward from Chavín times, social insti-
some garment or other accessory of serpents; and the drug tutions such as belief systems can become more conservative
bearers not only have fangs, claws, and snake hair, but vir- once authority exists in its own right. This leaves the Forma-
tually all their clothing and accessories are transformed to tive as a fascinating time of inherent contradictions, in which
snakes or eyed entities. This is reminiscent of the transitions the understanding of human credibilities, and the potential of
seen in the tenon heads (Burger 1992) and raises the possibil- actions playing upon them, must have selected for original,
ity that processions might be passing through states of being, creative, yet tradition-sensitive strategies in those emerging
instead of or in addition to space. Could a procession thus be in positions of power. The potential payoff in increased au-
a symbolized space-condition transition, following the tra- thority would be great for those who learn to manipulate
dition of shamanistic processes? These structured attributes credibilities by understanding the effects of media, actions,
and the likely reference to traditional access to natural power, and contexts on the susceptibilities of the human mind.
symbolized by combining human and long-recognized pow- Alteration of belief systems must be necessary in the de-
erful natural animal forms, seem to conform well to the idea velopment of systematic authority and inequality. Not only
of building authority by subtle, calculated use of tradition. must belief systems be altered, but also they probably will be
the primary vehicle through which authority is established;
for a time they are more the propeller than the anchor. In fact,
Conclusion it may be the human ability to create authority-reinforcing
belief systems that is one of the hallmarks that distinguishes
Our traditional ideas view Chavín as a religion-based our species from other animals, whose hierarchies tend to be
system with broadly shared icons, but we need to understand based on domination-intending forceful actions or the im-
the nature of the strategies that were being employed in mediate threat of them. I argue there is an intrinsic contradic-
Chavín’s manipulation of concepts. Early authorities were tion between the conservative character and role that belief
building contexts laden with symbols and populated with systems have and the likely radical role they played in ma-
ritual that was channeled by tradition, fueled by self- jor changes in political society. This contradiction leaves us
promoting creativity, and aimed at developing paths to au- with the implication that the transition toward greater levels
thority and power. Clearly we do not know all that went of authority and inequality is not likely to be a simple pro-
on at Chavín—so little is preserved of the actions. We cess of allowing the motivations of a few to easily dominate
probably have but a small proportion of ritual material others. Rather, it suggests that the use of belief systems in
correlates—garb, paraphernalia, and decoration—since the transitions was likely highly conscious and strategized.
there is little preservation of materials beyond ceramic, bone, There is no likelihood that the normally conservative belief
and stone at Chavín and ritual contexts seem to have been systems would by themselves put in motion the trends to-
kept exceptionally clean. Still, with its fairly well-known ar- ward greater authority in human organization, but rather it is
chitecture and graphic art, Chavín perhaps offers a better likely humans recognized the potential of conscious manip-
vantage than the average context in which authority was es- ulation of belief systems in a strategized trajectory toward
tablished. Quite apparent is a strong use of human ingenuity greater levels of realized power. What form this conspiracy-
applied to the problem of changing belief systems toward like forethought might have taken remains to be seen, but I
an acceptance and naturalization of authority. There was as believe the sophistication seen at Chavín argues for the pri-
much as a millennium at Chavín for experimentation with macy of the manipulative model of theocratic formation, at
actions, contexts, noises, images, and other phenomena, for least at this point in the evolution of inequality in the Andes.
learning how to produce the desired effects in onlookers Monumental Chavín is not likely to result from random or
and participants. The highly use-worn condition of Strom- system-serving actions of emergent authorities nor anything
bus trumpets found in the Caracolas Gallery (Rick in press) approaching the cohesive or devotional theocratic model
corroborates a long tradition of shell-playing, with possible mentioned earlier. In the multiple media used or transformed
virtuosity in both noises produced and experienced effects at Chavín—landscape, architecture, decoration, light, sound,
from the output of these loud instruments in closed, sound- drugs—I find evidence of finely tuned manipulation on the
reflective spaces. Chavín, of course, was not alone in the part of the site’s planners, executors, and orchestrators. This
Formative Period, and as I have argued elsewhere (Kembel was an attempt to promote a vision of the world at variance
and Rick 2004), there was both a competitive and a mutu- with prior experience, a world of differentiated humans of
ally reinforcing interaction sphere of evolving centers and intrinsically different qualities, among them authority. This
authorities that would have formed a greater context for the rebuilding of the sociopolitical world must have been based
Authority and Power at Chavı́n de Huántar 87

on deception at some level, in some moments, and for some Peru. University of California Publications in An-
individuals. The image of the Wizard of Oz comes to mind; thropology 14. Berkeley: University of California
clearly deceptions may derive from a variety of motivations, Press.
but it strains credibility that such a highly developed system 1992 Chavı́n and the Origins of Andean Civilization.
would have happened without strong intentionality and cog- London: Thames and Hudson.
nizance on the part of those putting it together. The conjunc-
tion of these means, roles, and intentionalities is what I call a Burger, R. L., Frank Asaro, and H. Michel
convincing system, and I believe that such a complex design 1984 The Source of Obsidian Artifacts at Chavı́n de
for convincing implies a conscious process of developmen- Huántar. In The Prehistoric Occupation of Chavı́n
t—perhaps planning, experimentation, and observation of de Huántar, Peru. R. L. Burger. Pp. 263–270. Uni-
the efficacy of the effort. Sites such as Chavín may be key to versity of California Publications in Anthropology
our understanding of this critical time, when ambiences, ob- 14. Berkeley: University of California Press.
jects, and organized behavior aimed to create credible state-
ments of differential power through legitimized authority. Coe, Michael D.
1981 Religion and the Rise of Mesoamerican States. In
The Transition to Statehood in the New World.
Acknowledgments Grant D. Jones and Robert R. Kautz, eds. Pp. 157–
171. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
I would like to thank the hundreds of graduate and un-
dergraduate students, alumni, and professionals, both Peru- Cordy-Collins, Alana
vian and foreign, who have helped in various stages of the 1977 Chavı́n Art: Its Shamanic Hallucinogenic Origins.
Chavı́n research. Silvia R. Kembel, my former student and In Pre-Columbian Art History. A. Cordy-Collins
now colleague in Chavı́n research, and Luis G. Lumbreras S. and J. Stern, eds. Pp. 353–362. Palo Alto: Peek
have shared their insights; most ideas here were developed in Publications.
discussion with them. Rosa G. Rick and Maria Mendoza F.
have been instrumental in carrying out the fieldwork and the Diamond, Alan
subsequent analysis of Chavı́n materials. Officials of Peru’s 1991 Fictions, Equity, and Legislation: Maine’s Three
Instituto Nacional de Cultura in Lima, Huaraz, and Chavı́n Agencies of Legal Change. In The Victorian
have authorized and made possible our work in generous Achievement of Sir Henry Maine. Alan Diamond,
fashion. The townspeople of Chavı́n and their neighbors ed. Pp. 242–255. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-
have worked with us to make our efforts effective. A spe- sity Press.
cial thanks goes to the Chavı́n Conservation Corps, a group
of young Chavı́n professionals who are making the past Druc, Isabelle C.
their future. Our overall work has been supported by Stan- 1998 Ceramic Production and Distribution in the Chavı́n
ford University, the National Science Foundation, National Sphere of Influence (North-Central Andes). BAR
Geographic, the Heinz Family Foundation, the Asociación International Series, 731. Oxford: British Archae-
Ancash, Barrick Corporation, and especially the Global Her- ological Reports.
itage Fund. This work owes a great debt to the many archae-
ologists who have worked in Chavı́n over nearly a century; Durkheim, Émile
we stand in their shadow. 1947 The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life: A
Study in Religious Sociology. Glencoe: Free Press.
1951 Suicide: A Study in Sociology. George Simpson
References and John A. Spaulding, trans. New York: Free
Press.
Bird, Junius B., and John Hyslop
1985 The Preceramic Excavations at the Huaca Prieta, Engel, Frederic
Chicama Valley, Peru. Anthropological Papers of 1963 A Preceramic Settlement on the Central Coast of
the American Museum of Natural History 62(1):1– Peru: Asia, Unit 1. Transactions of the American
294. Philosophical Society, n.s., 53, pt. 1.

Burger, Richard L. Flannery, Kent V.

1984 The Prehistoric Occupation of Chavı́n de Huántar, 1972 The Cultural Evolution of Civilizations. Annual
88 John W. Rick

Review of Ecology and Systematics (Palo Alto) ology. Helaine Silverman, ed. Pp. 51–76. Oxford:
3:399–426. Blackwell.

Flannery, Kent V., and Joyce Marcus Lukes, Steven

1976 Formative Mesoamerica and the Zapotec Cosmos. 1978 Power and Authority. In A History of Sociological
American Scientist 64:374–383. Analysis, Tom Bottomore and Robert Nisbet, eds.
Pp. 633–676. New York: Basic Books.
Grieder, Terrence, Alberto Bueno Mendoza, C. Earle Smith,
Jr., and R. M. Malina, eds. Lumbreras, Luis G.
1988 La Galgada, Peru: A Preceramic Culture in Transi- 1972 De los origenes de la civilización en el Peru. Lima:
tion. Austin: University of Texas Press. Editorial Milla Batres.
1974 The Peoples and Cultures of Ancient Peru. Betty
Hayden, Brian J. Meggers, trans. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
1995 Pathways to Power: Principles for Creating Socioe- Institution Press.
conomic Inequalities. In Foundations of Social In- 1989 Chavı́n de Huántar en el nacimiento de la civi-
equality. T. Douglas Price and Gary N. Feinman, lización Andina. Lima: Instituto Andino de Estu-
eds. Pp. 15–86. New York: Plenum. dios Arqueológicos.
1993 Chavı́n de Huántar: excavaciones en la Galeria
Hobbes, Thomas de las Ofrendas. Materialien zur Allgemeinen und
1958 [1651] Leviathan. Chapter 7. Oxford: Oxford Uni- Vergleichenden Archaologie bd. 51. Mainz am
versity Press. Rhein: P. von Zabern.

Isbell, William H., and Helaine Silverman Lumbreras, Luis G., and Hernán Amat
2002 Theorizing Variations in Andean Sociopolitical 1965 Informe preliminar sobre las galerias interiores de
Organization. In Andean Archaeology I: Variations Chavı́n (primera temporada de trabajos). Revista
in Sociopolitical Organization. Helaine Silverman del Museo Nacional 34:143–197.
and William H. Isbell, eds. Pp. 3–11. New York:
Kluwer Academic. Lumbreras, Luis G., C. González, and B. Lietaer
1976 Acerca de la función del sistema hidráulico de
Keatinge, Richard W. Chavı́n. Lima: Museo Nacional de Antropolog’a
1981 The Nature and Role of Religious Diffusion in the y Arqueologı́a.
Early Stages of State Formation: An Example from
Peruvian Prehistory. In The Transition to Statehood Maine, Henry
in the New World. Grant D. Jones and Robert R. 1864 Ancient Law. New York: Holt.
Kautz, eds. Pp. 172–187. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press. Raines, John
2002 Introduction. In Marx on Religion. John Raines, ed.
Kembel, Silvia R. Pp. 1–14. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
2001 Architectural Sequence and Chronology at Chavı́n
de Huántar, Perú. Ph.D. dissertation, Depart- Rick, John W.
ment of Anthropological Sciences, Stanford In press Context, Construction and Ritual in the Develop-
University. ment of Authority at Chavı́n de Huántar. Washing-
In press The Architecture at the Monumental Center ton, DC: Dumbarton Oaks.
of Chavin de Huantar: Sequence, Transforma-
tions, and Chronology. Washington, DC: Dumb- Rick, John W., Silvia R. Kembel, Rosa M. Rick, and John
arton Oaks. A. Kembel
1998 La arquitectura del complejo ceremonial de
Kembel, Silvia R., and John W. Rick Chavı́n de Huántar: documentación tridimensional
2004 Building Authority at Chavı́n de Huántar: Models y sus implicancias. In Perspectivas regionales del
of Social Organization and Development in the Ini- Perı́odo Formatı́vo en el Perú. P. Kaulicke, ed. Bo-
tial Period and Early Horizon. In Andean Archae- letı́n de Arqueologı́a PUCP (Lima) 2:181–214.
Authority and Power at Chavı́n de Huántar 89

Rowe, John H. Tello” de la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San

1962 Chavı́n Art, An Inquiry into Its Form and Meaning. Marcos 2. Lima: Universidad Nacional de San
New York: University Publishers. Marcos.

Shady, Ruth, Jonathan Haas, and Winifred Creamer Turner, Robert J. W., Rosemary J. Knight, and John W. Rick
2001 Dating Caral, a Preceramic Site in the Supe Valley 1999 The Geological Landscape of the Pre-Inca
on the Central Coast of Peru. Science 292:723– Archaeological Site at Chavı́n de Huántar, Perú.
726. Current Research (Geological Survey of Canada)
1999-D:47–56.
Shady, Ruth, and Carlos Leyva, eds.
2003 La ciudad sagrada de Caral-Supe: los orı́genes de Weber, Max
la civilización Andina y la formación del estado 1958 The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.
prı́stino en el antiguo Perú. Lima: Instituto Nacional New York: Scribner.
de Cultura. 1968 Economy and Society. New York: Bedminster.

Sharon, Douglas Weber, P. J.

2001 Ethnoarchaeological Evidence for San Pedro (Tri- 1998 Definition of Theocracy. Encyclopedia of Politics
chocereus pachanoi) Use in Northern Peru. Eleusis and Religion. Robert Wuthnow, ed. Washington,
5:13–59. DC: CQ Press.

Tello, Julio C. Willey, Gordon R.

1960 Chavı́n: cultura matriz de la civilización Andina. 1971 An Introduction to American Archaeology, vol. 2.
Publicación Antropológica del Archivo “Julio C. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.