ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY

GEORGE GORELIK

A..Bogdanov

Essays in Tektology
THE GENERAL SCIENCE
OF ORGANIZATION

SECOND EDITION

e THE SYSTEMS INQUIRY SERIES

Published by Intersystems Publications
Eh Ii Ii 'Ia

Gift of

Linda o. Stanford

'THE UNIVERSITY LqHtARIES

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

Ell II II Ie
 A. Bogdanov
~ .

~says in Tektology:
mE GENERAL SCIENCE
OF ORGANIZATION. ~

SECOND EDITION
 THE SYSTEMS INQUIRY SERIES

Systems inquiry is grounded in a philosophical base of a

systems view of the world. It has formulated theoretical pos-
tulates, conceptual images and paradigms. and developed strat-
egies and tools of systems methodology. Systems inquiry is
both conclusion oriented (knowledge production) and decision
oriented (knowledge utilization). It uses both analytic and
synthetic modes of thinking and it enables u.s to understand
and work with ever increasing complexities that surround us
and which we are part of.

The Systems Inquiry Series aims to encompass all three

domains of systems science: systems philosophy, systems theory
and systems technology. Contributions introduced in the Series
may focus on anyone or combinations of these domains or
deVelop and explain relationships among domains and thus por-
tray the systemic nature of systems inquiry.

Five kinds of presentations are considered in the Series:

(1) original work by an author or authors. (2) edited compen-
dium organized around a common theme, (3) edited proceed-
ings of symposia or colloquy. (4) uanslations from original
works. and (5) out of print works of special significance.

Appearing in high quality paperback format, books in the

Series will be moderately priced in order to make them
accessible to the various publics who have an inter~st in or are
involved in the systems movement.

SERIES EDITORS

BELA H. BANATHY and GEORGE KLIR

 ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
GEORGB GORELIK

:1
A.·Bogdanov
V

Essays in Tektology
THE GENERAL SCIENCE
OF ORGANIZATION

SECOND EDITION

.1 ..... .' . ' ,

Ii e T H E SYSTEMS INQUIRY SERIES
'; . . Published by Inters!stems Publications
Copyright @ 1984 of the English Translation (second edition) by
Intersystems Publications

Copyright © 1980 of the English Translation (nrst edition) by

Intersystems Publications

All Rights Reserved. PRINTED IN U.S.A.

Published by Intersystems Publications
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-
copying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of .
Intersystems Publications (p.O. Box 624, Seaside, California 93955).

ISBN 0-91410S·Q6·X
 Contents

INTRODUCTION I
References I Ix

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION OF TEKTOLOGY,

VOLUME I I xiii
PREFACE TO THE NEW EDITION OF TEKTOLOGY I xv

I. WHAT IS ORGANIZATIONAL SCIENCE?

1. The Unity of the Organizational Point of View
i. The Orpnlzadonal Activity of Mankind I 1
II. The Orpnlzadonal Activity of Nature I 4
2. The Unity of Organizational Methods I 6
3. The Path to the Organizational Science
i. The Orpnizational Point of View In Primitive and
Religious Thought I 11
ii. The Unity of Organizational Methods in Generalizing
Sciences I 14
iii. Popular Tektology I 17
iv. SpeciaJi13tion and Transfer of Methods I 21
 v. Contemporary Thought and the Idea of the General Unity
of Organizational Methods I 26
vi. Proletariat and the Universal Organizational Science 32

II. BASIC CONCEPTS AND METHODS

1. Organization and Disorganization
i. Organized Complexes and Activities-Resistances 37
ii. Disorganized and Neutral Complexes J 42
2. ,'Paths and Methods of Investigation
i. The Organizational Point of View I 47
II. The Universal Statement of Questions J 53
J
ili. Methods of the Organizational Science 55
3. The Relationship of T ektology to Particular Sciences
and Philosophy I S9

III. BASIC ORGANIZATIONAL MECHANISMS

1. The Formulating Mechanism
i. Conjunction I 63
ii. Ingression J 68
iii. Disingression I 71
2. The Regulating Mechanism
i. Conservative Selection I 74
ii. Dynamic Equilibrium I 78
iii. Progressive Selection I 79

IV. STABILITY OF ORGANIZATIONAL FORMS

1. Quantitative and Structural Stability I 87
2. The Law of the Minimum I 90
3. The Law of the Minimum in the Solution of Practical
Problems I 94
4. Compact and Diffused Structures 107
S. Systems of Equilibrium I 112
V. DIVERGENCE AND CONVERGENCE OF FORMS
1. The Law of 0 ivergence I 123
2. Complementary Correlations I 127
3. Contradictions of Systemic Divergence 136
4. The Solution to Systemic Contradictions
(contra-differentiation or integration) I 141
S. The Tektology of Struggle Against Old Age I 152
6. Convergence of Forms I 157
 7.. The Question of Vital Assimilation 162

VI. CENTRALIST AND SKELETAL FORMS

1. The Origin and Development of Egression I 167
2. Significance and Limits of Egression I 175
3. The Origin and Significance of Degression I 185
4. The Development and Contradictions of Degresslon I 193
S. The Relationship of Egression and Degression I 198
VII. THE PATHS AND RESULTS OF SELECTION
1. Selection in Complex Systems I 203
2. Selection in Changing Environment I 208
3. Direct and Representative Selection I 213
4. The Generalizing Role of Selection I 218
5. The Relationship Between Positive an4 Negative
Selection I 221
VlII~ CRISES OF FORMS
1. General Notions of Crises I 229
2. Types of Crises I 235
3. A Limiting Equilibrium I 238
4. Crisis C I 241
5. Crisis D I 253
6. Universality·of the Notion of Crises I 263

IX. ORGANIZATIONAL DIALECTIC

1. .. Tektologlc:al Act I 267
2. The Formal and Orpnizational Dialectic I 27S
3. and
Structural Pro.,ess Rearm I 279
4. The Path of Creation and Destruction of Forms I 28S
 Introduction

The purpose of this introduction is to provide the reader with some pertinent
facts about the author of the Essays and his other related works. The introduction also
offers an explanation for the long neglect of the Essays by contemporary scholars and
indicates their relevance to the field of modern generalizing sciences.

A. Bogdanov (pseudonym of A. A. MaJinovskii), a medical doctor by education,

was a prominent Russian philosopher, economist, biologist, writer, revolutionary and
political figure at the turn of the century. He was born on August 22, 1873 in Sokolka,
Province of Grodno, into the family of a teacher. After finishing high school with a
gold medal, Bogdanov first studied natural sciences at the University of Moscow and
then medicine at the University of Kharkov, from which he graduated In 1899. His pre-
tektological works were in the fields of economics (3, 12], natural science [4], socio-
logy [5, 6); and philosophy (7).

In EIIB'IIln Tektology: The GIIIHInII ScltJf1C8 of Organ/nt/on [16}, Bogdanov con-

denses his larger work, the three volume treatise, Tflktologla (from the Greek word
,lCtekton/' meaning "builder") [9, 11, 14}, which he had developed and published
between 1912 and 1928, the year of his death. The Essays appeared first in a seri.es of
articles in Proletarskaya Kultura, 1919-1921, Nos. 7-20, and in 1921 were published in
book form (101.

T ektology can be characterized as a dynamic science of complex wholes. It is con-

cerned with universal structural regularities, general types of systems, the most general
laws of their transformation and the basic laws of organization of any Clements in na-
ture, practice and cognition.

Tektology is relevant today because it has much in common with such modern
generalizing sciences as general systems theory, cybernetics [331, structuralism and catas-
trophe theory. It outlines, complements and further illuminates these sciences.

In formulating the subject matter of tektology, Bogdanov analyzes the material of

the most varied fields and concludes that there exist structural relations and laws which
are common to the most heterogeneous phenomena. "My initial point of departure,"
writes Bogdanov, "consists in the fact that structural relations can be generalized to the
same degree of formal purity of schemes as the relations of magnitudes in mathematics,
and on this basis organizational problems can be solved by methods which are analogous
to the methods of mathematics" [14, Vot. 3, p. 209]. Similar considerations of parallel
evolution and isomorphic laws in science later led Ludwig von Bertalanffy to
" ... postulate a new scientific discipline... " which he called the General S}'St!1ms Theory
[2, p. 139].

The basic focus of tektology is on the acceptance of a necessity to approach the

study of any phenomenon from the point of view of its o~ganization. This necessity
stems from the fact that all activities of man and nature are primarily concerned with
organization and disorganization of some elements on hand. The organizing and disor-
ganizing processes of man and nature create all sorts of forms and complexes of varied
levels of organization. The universe is calibrated on all its levels. In order to understand
and conquer this universe, it is necessary, according to Bogdanov, to adopt the organi-
zational point of view; that is, to study any phenomenon and'!.any system both from the
point of view of relationships among all of its parts and the relationship between it as a
whole and its 'environment, i.e., all external systems" [10, pp. 300-301]; This point of
view is identical to the modern systems approach.

Similarly to modern generalizing sciences, tektology arose not accidentally but as

a natural reaction of generalizing thought against the growing splintering of science. Its
main objective is to systematize the fragmented knowledge of organizational methods so
that they can be studied and developed systematically. Bogdanov elaborates on this as

ii
 follows:

Tektology must clarify the modes of organization that are perceived to exist
in nature and human activity; then it must generalize and systematize these
modes; further,it must explain them, that is, propose abstract schemes of
their tendencies and laws; finally, based on these schemes, determine the
direCtion of organizational methods and their role in the universal process.
This pneral plan is similar to the plan of any natural science; but U;1e objec-
tive of tektology is basically different. Tektology deals with organizational
experiences not of this or that specialized field, bu-t of all these fields to-
gether. I n other words, tektology embraces the subject matter of all the
other sciences and of all human experience giving rise to these sciences,
but only from the aspect of methOd; that is, it is interested only in the
modes of organization of this subject matter [11, p. 82).

Bogdanov insists that the question of organization should be considered on a uni-

versalscale, for in absence of such an Integral approach its solution is ..... impossible. be-
cause a part torn out from the whole cannot be made the whole, nor can it be under-
stood apart from the whole" [11, p. 65).

Tektology is firmly rooted in the natural and sa;iaI sciences. Bogdanov takes great
care to ensure that his new science is not only theoretically sound but also practically
usefuJ. The Essays contain numerous illustrations from the most heterogeneous fields in
order to show clearly .....thepractical applicability of the science- its workable useful-
ness, its necessity" [16, Preface to the First Edition of Volume I]. Bogdanov extends
the application of the methods of tektology in his other works to problems In economics
[12], psychology [8], gerontology and hematology [13], national planning [10, pp. 299-
326], mathematics [10, pp. 315-326]' and many others, including linguistics and biology
[11, pp. 278-306; 412431].

It would seem that tektology should have been enthusiastically embraced by

Bogdanov's contemporaries and, particularly, by the proponents of the Soviet sclentifte-
ally planned society whose need~ it was especially developed to serve. But this had failed
to occur during his lifetime. TektoJogy was attacked from materialistic positions by such
Marxist philosophers as Weinstein [371, Karev [22], Nevsky [29}. Gonikman (20), and
from an idealistic position by Plenge (32), who reviewed the German translation of the
first two volumes of Tektolosv [15]. Most of the criticisms, In fatt, were negative.

The novelty of the subject, the rejection bv Lenin [26} of Bogdanoy's empirlo-monis.-
tic philosOphy, and the subsequent failure of the critics to distinguish clearly between
Bogdanov the philosopher and Bogdanov the scientist, the creator of tektology, appear
.
~
to be the chief reasons· whytektological ideas failed to spread in Bogdanov!s time. Only
.
a handful of scientists understood the nature and problems of tektology. In the words

iii
of Takhtajan:

Foreign in its universality to the scientific th inking of the time, the idea of the
general theory of organization was fully understood by only a handful of
men and, therefore, did riot spread. Partially, this was due to the fact that
Bagdanov had addressed earlier the questions of philosophy, and tektology
was, therefore, perceived by many, by philosophers in particular, as a new phi-
losophical system, despite the fact that the author of Tektology considered
it to be a "universal natural scienCt'," and repeatedly protested against con-
fusion of the universal organizational science with philosophy [35, p. 7].

The Marxist philosophers, in particular, strongly opposed tektological ideas because

they feared that in tektology lurked an attempt by Bogdanov to replace the philosophy
of Marx. There was some justification for their fears.

His historical review of materialism led Bogdanov to the concIL5ion that the existence of
social classes was not due to the distribution of ownership rights, but arose because of
the possession of different levels of organizational experience by individuals in a given
society. Thus, the ruling class in a social system is composed of organi2;ers of production,
and not, as Mane believed, the owners of the means of production .. The elimination of
class distinctions cannot. therefore, be achieved through violent revolutions as advocated
by Marx and Lenin, but rather through education of members of society in organization-
al skills; that is, through mass education and proletarian culture [7]. "Like Hegel {and
unlike Lenin}, Bogdanov saw synthesis and harmony as more permanent and productive
than opposition and conflict" [23, p. 331].

Despite the official condemnation of tektology by the Marxist ideologists, it con-

tinued to exert a powerful influence on a number of Russian scientists and intellectuals,
including such luminaries as A. K. Timiriaziev, I. I. Skvortsov-Stepanov and Nikolai
Bukharin. Historical Materialism: A System of Sociology by Bukharin [19] is rooted in
Bogdanov's theory of dynamic equilibrium. This theory is very close to BertaJanffy's
[2] theory of open systems, which he began to advance in the early 1930's.

Under Stalin, the study of tektology was generally discouraged. Furthermore, the'
intellectual climate between the two World Wars was also unfavourable ,to the. spread of
tektological ideas. Thus, with the passage ot time, tektology was almost 'completely for-
gotten.

So long as tektology remained a unique science, it was difficult to recognize its

significance. With the appearance of the work of N. Wiener [38] and W. Ross Ashby [1]
on cybernetics and the General System Theory of L. von Bertalanffy [2], however, it
became quite clear that tektology was not In vsin. "The point is," writes Setrov, "that

lV
between these works there exists an unquestionable succession. It is especially interes-
ting and important that many generally-theoretic problems of the systemic approach are
elaborated more fully and rigorously by A. Bogdanov than in the case of the contem-
porary theory of systems an1 in cybernetics" [34, p. 59]. Similar conclusions were
reached by other Soviet researchers [17, 18, 27, 35). The original negative evaluation of
tektology was subjected, therefore, to a radical review by the Soviet scientists. Currently,
tektology is regarded by them as the first fundamental variant of general systems theory
and a precursor of cybernetics.

One of the first to evaluate tektology positively and to appreciate its significance
to contemporary science was the Polish scientist Tadeusz Kotarblnski [24], whose
Praxiology [25] has much In common with tektology. Kotarbinski considers Tektology
as one of the few creative works in the field of generalizing sciences which still remains
unutilized by contemporary science. Later, tektology received various degrees of recog-
nition from an increasing number of prominent Soviet scientists and philosophers of
science including Malinovskii [27], Setrov [33, 34), Bogolepov (18), Blauberg, etBI.
[17], Takhtajan (35), Petrushenko [30}, and many others.

Contemporary Soviet scientists, however, " •.. are by no means inclined towards idea-
lization of tektologyu [17, p. 27). They continue to emphasize what they call the old
philosophical and political "errorst! of Bogdanov and cannot forget his Machlst past
Tektology is, therefore, criticized for its elements of relativism, mechanism and positiv-
ism. which characterize Bogdanov's view of the world,and which, in their opinion, pre-
vent Bogdanov from developing convincing answers to a number of questions, including
the fundamental question of tektology: Why is a system as a whole greater than the sum
of its parts?

In fairness to Bogdanov, however, it is important to note that he had never claimed

that tektology represented a completed theory which would provide final answers to
those questions. On the contrary, he conceived it as an evolving science. "What I will
not do,t! 8ogdanov wrote prophetically, "will be done by others. Science is not an in-
dividual but a collective matter and Its realm is infinite" [11, p. 121.

Bogdanov regards any "truth" as relative and valid only within the limits of a par-
ticular epoch [7]. He recognizes that \\1th the addition ofnew facts, the hypotheses of tek-
toIogy may be altered or even rejected. But even then, their usefulness will continue in
gathering organizational experience and in the development of organizational methods, in-
asmuch as th.ey ..... facilitate the learning process of solving organizational problems in
general" [16, j). 166 J. "And in the history of science," writes Bogdanov, "there can be
found a number of theories and hypotheses which became obsolete long ago, but which,

v
nevertheless, can still serve as a valuable tektological material. In this sense, tektology
will preserve for mankind much of its labour, crystallized in the verities of the pasL
Undoubtedly, contemporary verities will also become obsolete and die in their time; but
tektology guarantees that even then they will not be simply discarded, will not be con·
verted in the eyes of future generations into naked, fruitless illusions" [16, p. 166].

Tektology also has common elements with modern structuralism, especially that of
Jean Piaget [31 J. The concepts of wholeness, transformation and self.regulation are com·
mon to both. They receive, however, much more comprehensive and deeper
treatment in tektology. Bogdanov also fully agrees with Piaget's proposition that ..... the
construction of a demonstratively consistent relatively rich theory requires not simply an
'analysis' of its 'presuppositions,' but the construction of the next 'higher' theory!" [31,
p. 34). Tektology is an expression of this point of view in the field of organization.

Chapter VIII of the ESItIYS presents a theory of change or crises. Conceptually, it

is very close to Rene Thom's [36] catastrophe theory, which is a mathematical method
for modelling gradually changing processes producing sudden changes or catastrophes in
forms. Just like Bogdanov, Thom perceives the universe as .....a ceaseless creation, evo-
lution and destruction of forms and that the purpose of science is to foresee this change
of form and, if possible, explain it" [36, p. 1). Both draw their inspiration about ch~nge
from the first pre·Socratic philosophers, Anaximander and Heraclitus.

There are, of course, a number of significant differences between tektology and

contemporary generalizing sciences. Differences in focus, information used in develo~
Ins each of them, and the times when each emerged generally account for the differ·
en"s in terminology, formulation of the subject matter, and interpretation. Bogda-
nov has not foreseen, for example, the contemporary theory of automata, but de-
votes considerable attention to problems of automation and self-regulating mecha-
nisms [12, 16].

Bogdanov ascribes great significance to mathematics and attempts to use it.for

the interpretation of some organizational regularities. Unlike most modern generaliz-
ing sciences, however, Tektology is basically a non-mathematical work. It emphasizes
intuitive understanding and non-mathematical modelling of organizational proces~
One of the objectives of tektology, however, is to develop ultimately an abstract
symbolism similar to that of mathematics, but better able to model organizational
dynamics of systems [16, S6].

On the important question of aging, Bogdanov shares the views of modern reM

vi
searchers who consider aging as a destruction of the organism, its loss of organiza-
tion. But as far as the correlation of vBI'lety and the level of organization is con.
c:erned, Bogdanov differs fundamentally from most contemporary researchers [33).
A~ding to him, the positive correlation of the two exists up to a certain limit.
Differentiation, that is, growth in tektologlcal variety, if not balanced by ia".tergra-
tion, leads to an accumulation of contradictions within a system and eventually to
its complete collapse. This is exactly what happens with aging. According to Bog-
c:!anOv, aging is a co!'!tradiction between form and content, betwee~ the variety of
an organism and its inability to organize this variety [13, 16, pp. 145-157).

Some critics may see little usefulness in tektology. They would probably point
out that the more general the theory, the more trivial are its concepts, laws and,
therefore, usefulness. There may be a grain of truth in not on

Some critics may see little usefulness in tektology. They would probably point
out that the more general the theory, the more trivial are its concepts, laws and, there-
fore, usefulness. There may be a grain of truth in such an argument. But ar"uments
of this type apply not only to tektology but also to the basic generalizations of other
sciences as well - for example, to the axioms of geometry or mathematics. H,:,wever,
few would argue that such axioms are useless. Trivial as tektological generalizations
may appear to be, they yield Insights into the nature of organization which are
neither simple nor obvious.

Generally, by focusing on organization On a universal scale, a feature which is

common to all phenomena, Bogdanov succeeds in outlining or even creating a kind
of metascience for modern generalizing sciences. By being enriched by the organi·
zational experience which has been gained since its creation, tektology can continue
to serve as a cornerstone for the further development of the general science of
organ ization.

In the English speaking world, tektology was rediscovered quite recently.

The first comprehensive outline of its principal ideas appeared in the relevant litera-
ture as late as 1975 [21). Mattessich [28) and Richard and Milan Zeleny [39)
are among the first Western scholars to evaluate it positively. A comprehensive
analysis of tektology is yet to be made. The present translation of Bogdanov's
,Essays, Including the prefaces to the 1912 and 1922 editions of Telctology Is,
therefore, offered to the reader in the hope that it may, at least In an historical
sense, bring the ideas of tektology into a proper perspective and encourage their
further study.

George Gorelik
University of British Columbia

vii
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ix
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22. Karev, N., Tektologia iii Dlalektika (Tektology or Dialectic). Pod Znamieniem
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Publishers, 1927, 329-336.

x
30. Petrushenko, L. A., Edinstvo sistemnosti, organizovannosti i samodvizheniya (Unity
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31. Piaget, J., Structuralism. New York; Harper Colophon Books, 1970.

32 Plenge, J., Um die allgemeine Organisationslehre. Weltwirschaftliches Archiv, Vol.

25, January 1927.

33. Setrov, M. I., Ob Obshchikh Elementakh Tektologjj A. Bogdanova, Kibernetiki i

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1979, p. 8, 17·23. .

xi
 Preface
to the

· First Edition of Tektology I Volume I

The laying of the foundations of, science, unifying the organizational experience of
mankind. the vitally-necessary science. is a matter of enormous importance. In taking
the initiative, , was fully conscious of the seriousness and the responsibility of this
step. Yes. and the responsibility: failure in the attempt, an erroneous statement of the
. basic questions, incorrectness in Initial solutions could have compromized for a long
time the task itself, deflectet1 from it for many years the interest and attention of those
who must work on it. Still I ventured because it is necessary to begin sometime. It is
possible that o~ers could have fulfilled the task better; but one must wait for these
others•••

The first part of the work which is being offered now represents an investigation
of the two universal organizational principles: the formulating prinCiple of ingreSsion
and the regulating principle of universal selection.

The conditions of place and time have allowed me to investipte this only in the
most general form. However, I think that even this will be sufficient in order to Intro-
duce the reader. especially the reader who is studying the subject, to the basic meaning
and spirit of the methods of the new science.

xiii
 I made special efforts to show clearly,in concrete and vital illustrations, the practical
applicability of the science - its workable usefulness, its necessity. In this lies its for-
tunate pecularity: from the very beginning, tektology is able to leave the abstractly-
cognitive realm and occupy an active role in life.

I also attempted to explain distinctly that tektology is not something principally

new; it is not a leap in scientific evolution, but a necessary conclusion from the
past, the necessary continuation of what has been done and is being done by men in
their practice and theory. This is in part a justification for my boldness... if any jus-
tification is necessary.

I am deeply convinced that in further work I will no longer be alone.

28(15), December 1912

A. Bogdanov

xiv
 Preface
to the

New Edition of Tektology

The years which have elapsed since the time of the first edition have brought in
considerable new material; in the work, some new conclusions have emerged and It
has become possible to add greater precision to the old conclusions although, in es-
sence, it has not so far been necessary to repudiate anything of importance. The
least satisfactory appeared to me to be the order of exposition itself, which origInal-
ly proceeded on lines, so to speak, of the least resistance, beginning with that which
was best prepared by the preceding evolution of science and passing on to the less
known conceptions, and not on the lines of the most logical sequence. It was nec-
essary to revise the work. The revision was outlined and partly executed in a series
of journal articles, "Essays in Organizational Science" (Prolt1t6fSkai8 Kultura. 1919-
1921, Nos. 7.20). But because of editorial constraints it was necessary to abridge
the material considerably. In the present edition, the architecture of the Essays
was taken as a basis, and as mu~h of the previous material and some new material
as possible is included - unfortunately, not all the material by far that has accumu-
lated. The limitations of time and energy did not permit this, but to postpone the
revision would not have been poSSible, since the first edition became a bibliographic:
rarity, and even the journal with the Essays was difficult to obtain.

With a new arrangement of the material it was not possible to preserve the former
divisions of Volumes I and II; therefore, they are issued in one book and the newly
written Volume III is added to them.

xv
 The main change in the architecture of the work is that the. formulating
mechanism is placed ahead of the regulating, as it logically should be; moreover, there is
first given a general outline of both mechanisms and then their more detailed investigation.

There is a slight change in terminology. The expression conjunctive sum, inadequately

reflecting the idea of composition of activities which are mentally distinguished by analy-
sis from the whole complex, is replaced by a more precise expression analytical sum. The
term copulstlon is removed, since it is not fully essential, etc.

The third, new volume of the work embraces the teaching about crises and organiza-
tional dialectic. This concludes the exposition of the general organizational theory, so far
as it has becaneclear to me. Next must follow special works on the application of this theory
to separate fields of science, which are destined to be deeply transformed by it Two such
works, one of Which deals with social sciences and the other with psychology, have already
been to a great extent prepared by me. The first of these is even partly published. The
point is that I have systematically applied the methods of tektology, not denoting them by
this name, in a series of works on economic science and on the evolution of ideologies; such,
in particular, are the ~ree textbooks on political economy- The First Course, The Short
~, and the unabridged~, Which were written in collaboration with I. Stepanov, and in
Which the theoretical and methodological parts belong to me; and also The Science of
Social Consciousness. In a public academic lecture, I outlined the application of the same
point of view to the teaching about the development of social technology, etc. Here, by
and large, I will have to bring together into one whole the ready elements. But all of this
should, according to my plan, enter a new cycle of works for which the present work will
serve as a general basis, and which I hope to accomplish not only with my own efforts.

If nine years ago my attempt turned out to be ideologically premature, today the
whole matter is quite different. The experience of the past years, the years of great disor-
ganization as well as of great organizational attempts, have engendered in the entire world
a sharp need for the scientific statement of organizational questions. Partial applied
sciences of this type are being developed- about the organization of a workshop, the organ-
ization of an enterprise, an institution generally, an army ....

Those concerned are increasingly beginning to feel the inadequacy and shaky empi-
ricism of these attempts, the necessity to broaden the task, - although they fail to
approach its world scale and universal regularities. In Germany, 2-3 years ago, one profes-
sor (Plenge from MUnster) arrived, apparently quite Independentiy, and on different
grounds, even at the formulation of the idea of "Allgemeine Organisationslehre," oM1ich
coincides with the title of this book; but he understood by this only the science of·human
organizations, and besides, only within the frame~ork of. their planned functioning;

xvi
beyond the general approach to this question, in a pamphlet containing three lectures
which were read at the Munster University, he has not gone so far.
I

Fortunately, it will apparently not be necessary to await for the time when the
Europeans will independently repeat what is already done. At least, in Russia- I can
state with great joy that my hope for the c:omtade-collaborators joining me is finally justi-
fied. A number of young, and even not so young, scientists have definitely adopted the
path of tektological investiption, applying its methods and the most firmly established
conclusions to various vital questions of practice and science: concerning state-economic
plan, programs and methods of pedagogy, analysis of transitional economic forms, socia-
psychological types, etc. In the literature, so far the results are not great in quantity; but
thecwork goes on- vital, stubborn, convincing work.

Welcoming comrades to common endeavour, I dedicate this book to them.

Moscow
19, November, 1921 A. Bogdanov

xvii
 What Is Organizational
Science?

, t

1. The Unity of the Organizational Point of View

I. The Organizational Activity of Mankind

In the struggle of mankind with the elements, its aim is dominion Olltll' nature.
Dominion is a relationship of the organizer to the organized. Step by step, mankind
acquires control over and conquers nature; this means that step by step it orgsnlz.
the unlllf1lStl; it organizes the universe for Itself and in its own interests. Such is
the meaning and content of the age-Iong labour of mankind.

Natu~resists elementally and blindly with the terrible strength of its dark,
chaotic, but innumerable and Infinite army of elements. In order to conquer it,
mankind must organize itself into a mighty army. Unconsc;iously, it has been doing
this for centuries by forming working col/tlCtlVBI, ranging from the small primitive
communes of the primordial epoch to the contemporary cooperation of hundreds
of millions of people.

If mankind had to organize the universe only with the forces and means
given to it by nature, it would not have any advantage over the other living creatures

1
which also fight for survival against the rest of na~ure. In its labour mankind uses
tools, which it takes from the same external nature. This forms the basis of its
victories; it is this which long ago provided and continues to provide mankind with
a growing superiority over the strongest and most terrible giants of elemental life
and which distinguishes it from the rest of nature's kingdom.

An even more difficult problem for mankind is to individually and collectively

organize itself and its own efforts and activities. In the complexity of the human
organism and society blind and conflicting elemental forces are ~idden, at times
as terrible and destructive as the forces of nature, the dark mother of mankind.
Fate has made us witnesses of the most destructive and monstrous explosion of
these forces; human history speaks clearly about them: ~e chain of centl,lries,
covered with fire and blood, full of the horrors of starvation, exhaustin~ labour
and the helplessness of millions side by .side with the parasitic lUXUry and cruel
rule of the few. The self-organization of mankind is a struggle with its own internal
biological and social primordial forces; for this mankind needs tools just as much
as for its struggle with external nature, although different tools, namely the
Instrum6nts of organization. Mankind formed these tools with great difficulty
and sacrifice.

The first such instrument is the word. Every conscious collaboration of

people is organized by means of words: a call to labour in the form of a request
or an order uniting the workers, division among them of tasks, indication of th~
sequence and relationship of their acts, encouragement to work which concentrates their
efforts, warning about the lack of agreement, work stoppage, regrouping, change
of direction of efforts-all these things are carried out by means of words. Gigantic
collectives are created by the force of a word; gigantic collectives are governed by it.
People of XXth century have seen how the command of the most insignificant
individual has directed millions of people into an unprecedented hell of iron and
dynamite, of murder and destruction. It was not for nothing that ancient thought,
profound in its naivety, begat the myth about the creation of the world by the
word, and believed in the infinite power of the word over the elements: water
and mountains, storms and tempests, disease and death had to obey the person
who knew and uttered an appropriate word. The organizing force of the word
was made into a fetish and general ized over the ~ntire universe, and this did not
slip away from the primitive consciousness as much as it does from the contemporary
mind.

2
 The second instrument of organization, finer and more complex is the Idea.
The idea always appears as an organizational scheme, whether It comes out in
the form of a technical rule, scientific knowledge or artistic conception, whether
it Is expressed in terms of words, by other signs, or through art images. A technical
idea coordinates the efforts of people in a direct and manifest fashion; a scientific
idea, as an instrument of a higher order, does the same thing but more indirectly
a
and on a larger scale, of which striking illustration is the scientific technology
of our own epoch; an artistic idea serves as a living means of rallying the collective
toward a unity of perception, feeling and mood; it rears an indlvldual for his life
in society, prepares the organizational. elements of the collective and introduces
them into its internal order. Ancient thought vaguely realized the organizational
role of ideas, seeing in them the guiding instructions from above; the latest thought,
however, has In most instances lost even this consciousness.

The third Instrument is social norms. All of them-custom, law, morals and
decorum-establish and regulate the relations among people in a collective and thus
strengthen their connections. Social norms were understood by the concrete
consciousness of patriarchal times as the behests d ancestors or commands of gods,
the revered forefathers who organized the collective life; and the latest abstract
thought, not able to penetrate Into the socio-arganlzaticmal nature of these norms,
looked for their basis In the emotional experiences of separate Individuals.

Where does mankind obtain such instruments as speech, ideas and norms?
Not from external nature, as in the case of material Instruments, but from its own;
from Its own activities and feelings, from its own IIXptlrlenctl. All of them are
products of organizlJd IIXperience, realized by mankind in the course of thousands
of years. The word is not an empty sound, but a social crystal of notions and
aspirations transmitted from man to mani and such are also other more comptex
fonns of ideology.

The entire content of human life has unfolded before us and is now
possible to sum up. The old teacher of scientific socialism, Engels, expressed it
by a formula: production of people, production of things, and production of ideas.
The concept of organizing action I s hidden In the term"production." We shall,
therefore, make this formula more precise: organization of the IIXtemal fo~. d,.,..,
OtganiZlltion of human fo~81, IItId of(1llnlZJItion of 8JtperitmCII.

What have we discovered? Mankind has no other activity except organizational

activity, there being no other problems except organizational problems.

3
 But do we not also see everywhere destructive activities and disorganizing
problems? Yes,'but this is' a particular ihstance of the same tendency. If society,
classes and groups 'Collide destructively, disorganizin,g each other, they do so precisely
because each collective aims at an organization of the world and of mankind
for itself, according to its own ideals. This is the result of the separateness and
isolation of organizational forces; the result ofa lack of their unity and common,
harmonious organization. This;s the struggle of organizatioool forms.

Thus the conclusion is supported that all the interests of mankind are
organizational. But it follows from this that there cannot be and should not be
. any other point of view on life and the universe other than the, organizational point
of view. And if this is not as yet realized, it is only because the thinking of people
has not yet completely broken out from the membranes of fetishism which obstruct
the path of its evolution.

it The Organizational Activity of Nature

Well, let it be so: we are organizers of nature, of ourselves and of our experience;
we shall th e n consider our practice, cognition and artistic creations from the organizational
point of view. But is elemental nature an organizer? Will it not be a naive subjectivism
or poetic fantasy to apply to her events and actions the same point of view?

Yes, certainly nature is the fi~ great organizer and man himself is only one
of her organized products. The simplest of living cells, which can be seen only with
thousand-fold magnification, surpasses in the complexity and perfection of its
organization all that man can organize. Man is still a student of natureand'a rather
poor one at that.

But if the phenomena of life can be investigated and understood as organizational

processes, are not there in addition broad regions of the "inorganic" universe, or dead
nature, which are not organized? Yes, life is but a tiny part of the universe, lost
in the ocean of infinity; this does not mean, however, that the lifeless and the
"inorganic" are unorganized. Until recently, this old error reigned over the thought
of mankind just because of man's organizational weakness. It is now coming to an end~

Today, science destroys previously impassable boundaries betwe~n living and

dead nature, filling the gulf between them. In the world of crystals were discovered
some of the typical properties of organized bodies, which had been considered before
as exclusive characterizations of life. For instance, in a saturated solution the crystal

4
 changes its form by an "exchange of matter:' it also restores damages to its form,
as if "healingIts own woundsi" and under certain conditions of saturation it
"multiplies:' etc. And the connections between the realm of crystals and the remainder
of inorganic nature are such that it cannot be maintained that there are some
fundamental and unconditional differences between them. Among liquids there
are formations called '·'fluid crystals" Yklichpossess most of the crystalline properties.
And the "life-like crystals" of Leman, obtained under known temperatures from
ethylene ether,are capable not only of multiplication by division and "copulati'on,"
that Is amalgamation in pairs, but also of feeding and growth by assimilation of
matter, and of moving like an amoeba: all the crucial properties which are usually
held to detennine the lower unicellular organisms.

Also, in the atmosphere saturated with steam, an ordinary drop of water

on a blade of grass grows and multiplies through division. And its surface layer,
physically analogous to an elastic film, ''protects'' its form similarly to the thin,
elastic membranes of many living cells, such as bacteria.

It would be strange to consider as "unorganized" the harmonious, titanically

stable solar systems and their planets which were formed over myriads of ages.
In contemporary theory, the structure of each atom, in its type, with its amazing
stability based on the immeasurably fast, cycllcally-closed mOvements of its elements,
is the same as that of the solar system.

Complete disorganization is a concept without meaning. It is I in reality,

the same as naked non-being. For a complete disorganization it is necessary to assume
a complete absence of connections; but that which has no connections cannot
present any resistance to our efforts, and only in resistances do we learn about
the existence of things; consequently, for us there is no such thing as complete
disorganization. And to think about absolute disconnectedness is possible only
verbally: It Is not possible to put Into such words any real, living representation,
because an absolutely incoherent representation is not representation at all-
senerally It is nothing.

• Even the imaginary emptiness of interplanetary space- the interplane~

! ether-is not deprived of lower, elementary organization. This organization possesses
resistance; motioncan penetrate it only with a limited velocity; and when the
velocity of a moving body increases, then, In accordance with the Ideas of contem··
porary mechanics, this resistance also grows,at first with an imperceptible sluggish-
• ness, then faster; and in the limit, equal to the speed of light, It becomes quite

5
indeterminate and infinitely large.

Thus, the experience and ideas of contemporary science lead us to the only
integral, the only monistic understanding of the universe. It appears before us as
an infinitely unfolding fabric of all types of forms and levels of organization, from
the unknown elements of ether to human collectives and star systems. All these
forms, in their.interlacement and mutual struggle, in their constant changes, create
the universal organizational process, infinitely split in its parts, but c·ontinuous
and unbroken in its whole.

2. The Unity of Organizational Methods

Such is the organizational point of view. It is perfectly simple and immutable

in its simplicity. What does it give us, what pat/ls does it open before us?

Practice and theory would benefit little if the entire matter came to the
philosophical position that"eve,ythlng is organization." Methods are necessary
and important for practice and theory. In this regard, the inference is clear:
"all methods are in essence organizational." The problem, therefore, is to understand
and study every method as organizational. This may be a great step forward, but
only on one condition: organizational methods must be amenable to scientific
generalizations.

If organizational methods were different in different fields, if, for example,

the organization of things, that is technology, had little in common with the methods
or organization of people, that is economics or the organization of experience, that is,
the universe of ideas, then mastery over them would not be facilitated by a mere
labelling of all of them as organizational. It is quite a different story, if after in-
vestigation it tlJrnsout that it is possible to establish between them a connection,
kinship, and place them under common laws. Then the study of that connection
and those laws would permit man to gain mastery over those methods and to'
develop them in a planned fashion; such a study would become one of the most
powerful instruments of any practice or theory. What is in fact true, the first or
the second?

The deepest distinction which is known to exist is that between the spontaneously
blind action of nature and the consciously planned efforts of people. It is here that
we should expect the greatest heterogeneity of methods and the greatest lack of

6
 unity. It is best, therefore, to begin our investigation at this point.

First of all, our investigation runs against the fact of man's imitation of nature
in his modes of organizational activity.

Nature organizes the resistance of many living organisms against the action
of cold by ~overing them with fluffy furs, feathers or other membranes which transmit
IInle heat. Man achieves the same results in a similar way by making Warm clothing.
Elemental evolution has made it possible for fish to move in the water; for this
purpose the fish has developed a definite form and body structure. Man gives a
similar form to his boats and ships and, moreover, reproduces in them the structure
of the fish skeleton: the keel and frame correspond precisely to the spine and ribs.
The seeds of many plants and animals with flying membranes, etc., move from place
" to place by means of "sails;" man has mastered the method of sailing and used It
widely throughout his history. The natural instruments of anima/s, such as the
fangs and claws of predators, most likely served as models for the knives and spears
of primitive savages, etc. Many such examples can be found in the history of man.

The very possibility of imitation is, in essence, a sufficient proof that between
the elemental organizational work of nature andthe consciously planned work of men
there is not, In priniciple, any impassable difference. There cannot be imitation
where nothing is in common. 1 But this basic similarity stands out even more visib-
ly and convincingly where man, while not imitating nature, develops organizational
devices which he later discovers to exist in nature.

The entire history of the evolution of anatomy and physiology is full of

discoveries of mechanisms in the living organism, from the very simple to the most
complex, which were previously invented independently by people.
For instance, the skeleton of man's motor apparatus represents a system of varied
levers which has two blocks (One for the neck and one for the eye muscle) ; but
levers were used by peep Ie for the movement of weights thousands of years before
this phenomenon was explained by anatomi~ts, and blocks were used for many
hundreds of years. Sucking and force pumps containing va/ves were built long be.

1 ''This is a suftklent oof of the estendal homogeneity of the orpnizadonal fUnctiOns

of man and nature: an Etiot cannot imitate the creadvity of a genius. a fish the eloquence
of an orator. a lob.tee the tlight of a swan; imitation Is everywhere constrained within the '
bounds of homogeneity. (TektolOlY. VoL 1. p.23) c

'"

7
 r
fore the discovery of a similar apparatus in the heart. Also, musical instruments
, . contaihingresonators and sound membranes were invented long before the
I
structure and functions of the vocal organs in animals were understood. Similarly, I'
it is most likely that the first gathering lenses were made in an unconscious imitation
of the crystalline lenses of the eye. And the organization of electrical organs in a I
., fish was investigated after the physicists constructed condensing batteries in
accordance with 'the same principle.

These are the most obvious examples from one restricted field; many more
can be cited. But here is another comparison: the social economy of man and that
of ~igher insects. Imitatlon between them is out· of the question. Nevertheless,
there is a striking parallelism in the manner of production and in the forms of
collaboration used by them. The construction of complex, subdivided dwellings
in the case of termites and ants,and the "cattl&breeding" of many ants which keep
grass aphides as a kind of milch catde,are generally known facts. There are also
found the beginnings of agriculture in some American types: the weeding of grasses
around suitable food cereals. Most likely, a similar beginning in agriculture was
made by man. Also, the cultivation of edible mushrooms inside the anthill by
the leaf-eating ants in Brazil is quite well established. The wide collaboration and
complex division of labour among social insects are again well known. True, the
division of labour is primarily "physidogieal:' that is, it is directly related to the
special structure of the organism in various groups, such as workers, soldiers, etc.;
but it is necessary to note that among men the original division of labour was
precisely physiological and that it was based on the distinction between male,
female, adult, infant, and aged organism. The organization of ants is basically
patriarchal in nature; moreover, the queen ant is not the leader at work and has
no power in her community, but is its living cosanguineous bond. There is reason
to suppose that in primitive forms of matriarchy among people the first mother
performed a similar role. Besides, among many ants there is an embryonic
authoritarian division of labour in the form of "slavery~"according to some
authorities, termites have leaders among the castes of warriors- "officers"
and subordinated "soldiers." Finally, there is reason to believe that ants have
some methods of communication, permitting them to transm it quite complex
information which indicates the "articulate" nature of these methods; but it
is not known whether the "speech" is in terms of sound or tactile signals in which
differences in the contact of feelers serve as signals; the latter appears to be the
more probable.

Such is the organizationallyo(;ultural parallelism which arose under the ~~

t:Ompletely independent evolution of both sides: and itcan be rmintained without a

8
 doubt that the common ancestors of people and insects were not at all ,social
animals.

And so, the path of the elementally-organized creations of nature and the conscious-
ly organized work of man can and must be subjected to scientific generalizations. However,
the old thought drew its own "impassable" boundaries not only in this case, but also estab-
lished a number of other differences- "absoluU;" differences in essence. One of such dif-
ferences- that between "living" and "dead" nature- we have already considered, and it turned
out that from the organizational point of view it is not at all impassable, that it represents
a difference in the degree of organization only. And we saw quite parallel organizational
combinations on each side of this border- processes of the "exchange of matter," "pro-
pagation, • and the "restaation d OlSturbed form;" in the inorganic YAJrld, etc. It is now possible
to cite other striking illustrations of this basic homogeneity. Solar planetary sys-
tems on one level of the ladder of inorganic forms, and the constr'llction of the atom as rep-
represented by contemporary science on the other, represent a characteristically centralist
type: one "central" complex- the sun or the positive electrical nucleus of the atom- ap-
pears as chiefly determining the motion and relationships of other parts and the whole. In
the realm of life, the centralist type is one of the most common: it is sufficient to recall
the role of the brain in animal organisms, rulers in autocratic social organizations, and the
queen among bees and ants, etc. The second very widespread type represents a combination
of a firm or elastic membrane with a more mobile liquid or less stable content This
appears to be a form of equilibrium of most planets in the universe or in the simple drop of
water in which the membrane creates a surface layer with its own properties; but the same
form of construction is common in the vegetable world, and is not infrequent in living cells
and a multitude of organisms clothed in an external skeleton.

On a wider scale, periodic oscillations or "waves" are the most widespread

method in nature of preserving or restoring equilibria. This is a kind of general model
for innumerable processes of the inorganic urivEne. from the ones directly observed
to those received by science on the strength of theoretical necessity: waves in the air i
heat vibrations in hard bodies; electrical, light, and "invisible" rays ranging from
hertz ian waves to x-rays; and at the other end of the universe, the "rotation" of the
heavenly bodies, can all be conceived as complex periodic oscillations.....
But this model is also applicable without limit to the realm of life; almost all of
the life processes are of the periodic oscillating type. Such are the pulse and breathing.
work and rest. and the vigilance and sleep of organisms. The replacement of
generations represents a series of waves superimposed one upon the other; it is
the real "pulse of life" in centuries, etc.

9
 Most philosophers and many psychologists subscribe to, the other impassable
boundry between the "physical" and "psychical." Here again it is possible to maintain
the existence of a complete disparity of organizational methods. However, the
Same philosophers and psychologists recognize, to different degrees and under
different labels, the parallelism ofps;):: ch ic phenomena with the physical nervous
~ .
processes. But parallelism means precisely that the relationship of elements and
combinations on the one side corresponds to the relationships on the other; that is,
it denotes the basic unity of modes of organization. How is it possible for a
"psychic image" to correspond to the "physical object,· if the parts of the one were
not joined similarly to the parts of the other? And, for example, the same
oscillating rhythm of work and rest, which is peculiar to physical processes in the
organism, is discovered to be quite parallel in the psychical processes; and it is often
observed in the psychic processes even when it is not yet possible to ascertain
visually the physiological changes; even. if, let us assume, in the form of "waves of
attention. " And any product of "sp iritual"creativity- a scientific theory, a poetic
work, a system of legal or moral norms-has its own "architecture," and represents
a subdivided totality of parts, perforn:'ing a variety of functions complementing
each other: the principle of organization is the same in each physiological organism.

Thus, everywhere we see a unity of organizational methods: in psychical an.d

physical complexes, in living and dead nature, in the work of elemental forces and .
in the conscious activity of people. So far this unity has not been precisely _
established, investigated and studied: there has not yet been ag8ntlf'81 organizational
science. Now its time has come.

10
 3. The Path to the Organizational Science
I. The Organizational Point of VieW in Primitive and Religious Thought

Although this science does not as yet exist, its basic point of view was con-
. ceived during the first steps of mankind, together with the beginning of speech and
thought.

The first word-concepts were designations of human labour actions; these

designations were completely natural, because they were shouts of exertion and
labour Interjections. When reproduced in the absence of such exertions, they
expressed an aspirition, a call to It or Its living representation. Consequently, they
were aroused by everything whkh was a sufficiently vivid reminder of it. Here is,
for example, the primary root "rag," which in Aryan languages means "razblvat' ..
(to break); from it originate our words "vra'" (enemy), ''rule "(strike), "raz"
(once) and the particle "raz"ln verbs. "Rag" probably represented simply a growl
during the striking of a blow; this word could appear on the scene not only while
one was striking a blow or expressing a call to it, but under the most varied conditions
having a connection with such a call: at the sight of an enemy or a thought about him,
at the sight of arms which were used for. striking the blow, or at a result of the blow;
that Is, at the sight of something broken or fractured, ~u:. All of this was designated
~ . or, more correctly, marked by the same sound; thanks to the original vagueness
about the meaning of root words, each of them could become a point of departure
for the development in the future of thousands of other words with Increasingly
ramified yet also Increasingly more definite meanings.

From the very same vagueness arose the basic condition of man's th~ught
about nature: the basic metaphor. A metaphor, which literally means a "transfer;"
I~ generally, the use of aword denoting one phen~enon to derote another ~ 101'IIeilon
having something In common with the first; for example. When a ~.tcalls the
dawn "bloody," the spring ''sweet'' or the sea "feroclous,"he is speak!ng meta- ..
phoricailly. The distant ancestor of the Aryan people did not kn~w the meaning
of the metaphor, but naturally used the sarne root "rat' when he otiserved or imagined
some shattering action of elemental forces,such as a failing rock breaking and crushing
everything in Its fall or a storm breaking trees, etc. Elemental action was denoted
by the same word as human action. ThIs is the basic metaphor. Without It, people
would not be able to talk about external nature and, consequently, develop concepts
about It: thinking about the universe would not have been possible.

11
 With the basic metaphor mankind crossed the deepest gulf of its experience;
it crossed the boundary between itself and its age-long enemy, the elements; The
basic metaphor is the first embryo and prototype of the unity of the organizational
point of view on the universe. The word served as an instrument of organization
for socia-human activities; among other instruments, it was used for the unification
of human experience in relation to the activities of the external world; these and
other activities were principally generalized in the organizational sense. Primitive
thought did not constitute a system or a "worldview;" word-concepts were related
too closeiy to direct actions and were not thought of in their own separate connections
and grouped specifically into one whole. A specific organization of words began
to appear at a higher level of evolution, exactly at the time when in life itself
thought began to separate from the physical-labouring efforts, when there appeared
a division of people into leaders and executors, organizers and the organized.
Where one person considers, decides and orders, and the other executes, there
appear as if two poles: the pole of thought and the word on the one hand, and
the pole of muscular work on the other. The leader, such as a patriarch or a war
chief, had to put together in his head a plan of an often very complex and extensive
nature, consisting of a great number of actions to be executed by other people
subordinated to him; in this plan thought images or notions naturally united
among themselves,not with the actions which were later to be realized separately,
although they were dependent upon such actions. In'this wayan independent
organization of thOUght was conceivedJ thought as a system; what is imprecisely
called a worldview or, more correctly, an understanding of the world.

With this, the initial unity of the organizational point of view is not only
preserved, but also strengthened. The organization of thought, of course, was
determined by the organization of labour, whose ends it served. And in the realm
of labour it was exactly the coordination of organizing and executing actions in
their inseparable union that was typical. Generally, all actions were conceived in
this way, not only socially.labouring individual human actions, but even all elemental
actions. If the act of a man was not stipulated by the instructions of another person
(the organizer), it was taken that the man instructed himself, that he was his own
organizer; thus there appeared in him two sides-the organizational or leading, and
the executive or passive; the first was called the soul, the second the body. The.
same was true of any complex of e~temal nature: animal, plan·t, stone, stream,
heavenly body, all that was perceived as something active-and nothing else existed
for primitive thought-all was mentally organized according to the scheme: "soul-
body." Consequently, the general unity of organizational methods was directly and.

12
 naively acknowledged. And the method of thinking itself, as we have seen, was
taken In ready form from the very place from which it originated; that is, from
social practice and the sphere of production.

On this basis, the many errors and "superstitions" of our remote ancestors and
r contemporary savages become clear and natural. Such, for example, is the belief
that incantations of magic words can affect objects of external nature and change
the course of elementaJ phenomena. Human actions were considered to be determined
by words; namely, by instructions or orders from the organize!r. If it is believed
that the organization of elemental actions is the same, then it is obvious th;tt they obey
words; but, to be sure, the words of a competent organizer spoken In an appropriate
way, intelligibly for the object or the element in question. It is not in vain that
• "rillr" (universe) in the Russian language properly denotes "commune;" for the
naive- consciousness the same connections and relationships exist in the
commune as· In the entire universe. This Is an inevitable stage in the evolution
of the organizational consciousness.

The original unity of the organizational point of view is preserved through-

out the entire epoch of the authoritarian mode of I/fe. Its worldvlew takes the
forms of "religions" which present the structure of the universe either according to
a partriarchal, ancestral or feudal structure; in the earlier religions separate ancestral
gods exist, then come tribal Sods; in the more developed societies, there is a chain
of many lods in which petty Sods are the vassals and the more Important gods
their suzerains, and at the head stands the uniting goc:kovereign; moreover,
the subordinate gods frequentiy pay a tribute or bring sacrifices to the higher
gods•. The practical meaning of the bond between people and gods consists precisely
In that the gods rule equally well over people and things and are able, within the
limits of their field, to prescribe actions to things which are desirable and advan-
tageous to people. The sacred books of these religions-as an example may serve
.the JewiSh Bible,-present encyclopedias of the organizational experience of the
times. In them Is recorded the history of the world and mankind, geography, in-
structions on techniques of production, economics, the domestic relationships of
people, political structure, worship, medicine and hygiene, etc. All of this was,
from our point of view, stated quite disorderly, as things accumulated and were
written down: sanitation Is mixed up with worship and technology, politics with
geosraphyand the rules concerning family; but everything is deeply Imbued with a
naive unity of methods. And the laws of nature and the laws of the life of people
are considered as perfecdy
.
homogeneous organizational prescriptions of the divine
.

13
power; and all knowledge about them as its "revelation;" that is, as a simple
communication or publication of those prescriptions. There is no thought
that the processes of natufe, elemental and social life can have their own
laws, different for different fields of experience, that the subordination of facts
to the known regularities and the obedience of people to authority are things of
a different order.

Here, the growing, crystallising eiperience is always, as if automatically,

complemented according to the same scheme: the sun daily performs the path from
east to west because it was so instructed; sickness develops in a definite sequence
because it carries out a corresponding command, etc. The widest, best understood
truths in experience are the immutable prescriptions of a higher divinity. On their
immutability is based the entire confidence of people in labour calculations and in
planned 'efforts. ~Certainly, the divinity, as any other ruler, can in a special case
suspend or revoke the action of the established law; but this will be an ex-
ception, a "miracle," a special intervention which, of course, happens very in-
frequently. Under this concept are placed the seeming disturbances of the
customary truths of life such as earthquakes, unprecedented epidemics and
destructive floods, etc. Thus the very idea of regularity is not undermined by them;
the notion of a "miracle- serves as a sort of protection-for its evolution, removing
from it all that cannot be put into man's as yet too weak cognition.

ii. The Unity of Orpnizational Methods in Generalizing Sciences

The initial unity of the organizational point of view was based on human
weakness in labour-experience and on the homogeneous authoritarian structure
of society. Evolution, by overcoming this weakness and creating new social relation-
ships, led to a break-up of the original unity, to a splintering of experience and to
a change of its entire bond.
, .r:,~

\ . .~: .:.Y~(,'. '.

The division of labour became the foundation for a transformation of the,';;
social life of people, generally, and thought in particular. Step by step, s~~~i~,i~tion
was strengthened; it narrowed the field of work for separate individuals-;:~u~tin--·
" 1:.... ,~. ~ .
return it raised the productivity of work, and facilitated and accelerated ttleCiCCU-
mulation of experience. A blacksmith, a tailor, and a farmer, each in his own sphere
mastered with the greatest fullness the ways and conditions of production be-
queathed by ancestors, but he himself little-by-little, at first imperceptibly and
later consciously, perfected and amplified these methods. Even more easily and
frequently,a similar progress occured through borrowing from the inhabitants

14
of other regions and countries; this became possible with an exchange of goods
engendered by ~e very division of labour. In both cases, the old organizational
point of view could not be retained; perfected modes and technical organizational
rules were not now prescriptions and revelations of gods: if they were produced
Independently, the absence of divine intervention was obvious; if they were borrowed
from without, then to submit to them as commands of allen gods was Inadmissible,
and it was only possible to: receive them as useful knowledge and no more.

Thus arose,side by side with the former sacred and conservative thought,
different knowledge which was secular and progressive. It was naturally gathered
and ~umufated into branches of labour to which it referred: knowledge con·
ceming agriculture, smithy, etc:. It was transmitted orally and practically from
parents to children and from masters to apprentices. But as its mass grew this
became insufficient; It was written down and, at the same ti me, brought together
Into a system, but of a completely different kind. It was now organized in a way
which permitted as little expenditure of labour as possible for its mastery and
retention, according to the principle of the "economy of effort.· And this Is a
sclfJfItlflc principle; experience began to be organized into science or, more
precisely, Into separate sciences. Agricultural knowledge became the material for
agronomy, the science of farming; blacksmith's knowledge became the material
for metallurgy; that of mlnl~g for the science of mineralogy, etc:. These are, as
we can see, technical sciences. Their number grew With the ramification of social
labour and the gathering of experience In all branches of knowledge; there are
hundreds of them today.

This certainly does not mean that technical knowledge of one branch is
applicable to that branch only: the actual unity of human labour rules over its
formal division, and organizational methods often prove to be suitable far beyond
the limits of the field for which they were originally formed. For example, land
knowledge was concerned with both land measurement and the numeration of
time. Land measurement is generally necessary for the distribution of plots In
farming and for the requisite calculations concerning quantities of required seeds
and quantitltes of expected produce, etc:. In countries where high forms of agrl~
CUlture were flrst developed-in the flooded and fertile valleys of the great rivers
of the Nile, TIgris, Euphrates, Indus, Ganges and Yangtze-Klang -land measurement
was even more necessary in order to reestablish each year the plot borders which
had disappeared in floods. However, methods of land measurement did not ~me
a simple part of the science of farming. These methods- the measurement of lines;
angles, flgures,and the explanation of their mubJai relationships and dependence-

15
proved to be also widely applicable to engineering and the construction of canals,
bridges, sluices, great roads, all kinds of buildings.and subsequently to the black-
smith·instrtimental area as a means of establishing precise devices; to optometry
for polishing the ;Ienses of eye-glasses; to art as a basis of perspective; to the
jewellery ""usiness for the polishing' of stones and to military technique for taking
a precise aim, etc., without end. Methods of land measurement spread to all the
fields of labour and life and, therefore, could not remain as the applied knowledge
of one field; under the name of "geometry" they beGame a special science of a
general or "abstract" character.

From the very beginning, agriculture required a correct calculation of the time in
the year, that is, a "calendar." This calculation is only possible by reference to the sun
and other heavenly bodies, by observing the periodicity of their locations. In countries of
the great river civilizations, these methods had to be developed to a high degree of preci.
sion, because with the elemental course of floods and their dependence on solar heat
at the riverhead and over the entire stretch of the river, any, even the slightest, error in the
calculation of time could be fatal to the mass of people and their econOmY. Thus astro-
nomy was born in agricultural practice. But again its methods and modes did not remain
within the limits of farming. but found a wide application in all branches of social life.
Calendars and the calculation of time are necessary everywh~re, especially in the technique
of communication where distances are calculated by reference to time; besides, only with
reference to astronomical bodies it is possible to establish the precise direction at sea or in the
steppes; and later it was by reference to these bodies that man learned how to calculate
with precision locations in space- longitude and latitude, without which long voyages are
unthinkable. And with the transition to mass production, and especially to machine tech·
nology, all organization of labour requires the distribution of time in hours and minutes,
and sometimes in seconds; and this concerns not only the timetable of railways and trams,
but also many othe,r chemical and metallurgical processes as well. Among other things, the
precise examination and coordination of innumerable hours, according to which the life and
work of people are organized, is achieved only through astronomy. Through these .
methods is developed the only general system of measures, the metric system. The meter
is a forty.millionth part of the earth's meridian, which is the basic measure of the entire
system; but it is only possible to divide this measure into parts with the aid of astronomy
and geometry. Consequently, astronomy serves as a means of organizing not only separate
branches, but the entire production as a whole; it is a meansoforienting human efforts in
time and space.

16
 The science of accounting (calculation) has an even more common character:
all labour processes, merchandise and monetary circulation, and all economic struc-
tures of society are based on the calculation of the labour force, labour hours,
quantity of materials, instruments, and products, on a variety of arithmetic,.l,
algebraic and statistical computations. Here before us is also, obviously, a general
organizational method in the form of an abstract science.

The same can be said of other general sciences. It is not possible to' point
to a branch of production in whose organization are not used the data and methods
of mechanics, physics and chemistry- the sciences about the resistances and activities
of external nature encountered by any human exertion. logic is the science for the
regulation of any collective discussion or reflection, which in the final analysis,
always serves as a means for the subsequent organization of efforts. The life sciences
are the instruments of the control, coordination and harmonization of all the living
processes of man himself, man as a labour force, his domestic animals and cultivated
plants, and also as an instrument for the technical subordination and use of any
other life in nature. The social sciences are a means of introducing regularity into
any collaboration of people, etc.

Consequently, the generalizing sciences are in themselves the embodiment

of the unity of organizational methods in the entire splintered system of collective
human ~ctivity. Despite this, their development did not lead to the maintenance and
strenghtening of the unifying organizational point of view. On the contrary, with
the growing specialization of society and the accumulation of facts, they were
;solated into separate sciences,' . and later they disintegrated into finer specialities,
the number of which is now enormous. This splintering of science complemented
and strengthened the operation of technology, with the result that the former
naive unity of the organizational point of view disappeared from the social con-
sciousness, and nothing new appeared in its place. The world of thought became as
uncoordinated and anarchical as the world of practice: their mutual bonds and
the bond of their parts in reality, of course, did not cease to exist, but were concealed
and disguised by formal separation. Such is the organizational experience of the
bourgeois world, and such is its science.

iii. Popular T ektology

No specialist can live completely and solely within his speciality; as a result
of Contact with other people his knowledge and experience inevitably go beyond its
bOUndaries. For example, asa COnsumer he must have an idea about the variety of

17
I different products of other branches of labour; as a father and husband, about
the consumption needs of his family and the upbringing of children; as a citizen,
about the matters of state, etc. But while in his own specialization he aims at a
precise formulation of his experience, at its certainty, completeness, harmony
and at its scientific organization, in all other fields he is satisfied with minimal,
"r~ntary knowledge and with uncertain, vague, "narrow" or "worldly"
expenence.

This worldly experience plays a tremendous role in life and serves as a strong
cement for the uncoordinated and anarchical collective. And besides, this experience
is comparatively homogeneous and uniform for all the people living in the same social
environment. In spite of the lack of a scientific basis, It is distinguished by the
breadth a~d common elements of its content. It relates to the most disparate
aspects of life: to the organization of things, at least, in a domestic situation, to people
in a family, to everyday relations with neighbours and other~, to the organization
of ideas and to so-called "social opinion."

In this worldly experience, which is not complete or scientifically formed,

but many-sided and practically.vital, is retained a naive unity of the organizational
point of view; it represents an elemental but a deep tendency toward the unity of
organizational methods.

Gener~.1 language serves as its main storehouse. True, also in this field, be-
cause of specialization, separate, partial branches, such as the technical language
of this or that profession and the terminology of this or that science are set apart as
boughs in a tree;and sociat class divisions create even a wider divergence between
the dialect of the ruling classes and the dialect of the subordinated masses. But
there remains a substantial nucleus of language which forms an indispensable
connection between groups and classes and a condition for a sufficient mutual
understanding in their practical intercourse. In it are crystallized the elementarily
!
formed traditions of the past and the experience of millenia. ~I

General language in all its breadth preserves the basic metaphor. In it, judgments
or "sUggestions- concerning human and social actions are organized in the same
way as those relating to elemental activities. For example, the "subject" of a
sentence can be an animate or inanimate object, concrete or abstract, a.symbol
for the body, process or action; the same verb and the same adjective can appear
as a predicate with all these different subjects, that is, as their direct characteristic.
Corresponding to the division of the ruling partiarchal family, all abstractions of

18
 the real world are to this day subdivided into male, female and sexually immature
children; ~ndeed, there is no other reason for the division of nouns into male,
female and neutral genders. This distinctive monism can be easily traced through-
out the entire grammar.

No less strange and even deeper is the same tendency in the "lexicon" of
language, that is, in its word material. From the original roots denoting collectively-
labouring acts, posterity developed thousands of word-concepts and spread them
over its fields of experience, both physical'and psychical. From the single and same
Aryan root mard, whose general meaning is to break, smash, and through numerous
transitions and interval shades arose such words as the Russian "molotok" (hammer),
and "malii It (small), "smert'" (death) and ~oree"' (sea), "molodoi" (young) and
lt
"medlennll"(slow); the German"Meer" (sea) and "Erde lt (earth), "Mord (murder)
and "mild" (soft, delicate), "Mal" (once) and "schwartz" (black), etc. In all of
them there is revealed one and the same idea with sufficient study, which is of
Immense importance for the entire organizational experiene&- the idea of dill/sion
of thfl w/lol.lnto parts, in different aspects and applications. 1 In Russian,
the verb "kryt' " (to cover) is related to a great number of words: "kora" (crust),
"koren' to (root), "korob"(box}, "korabl" (vessel), "cherep" (skull), "cherepakha"
(tortoise), etc.; in other Aryan languages there are also many such wordsj for
ex~mple, German "Korb," French "corbeille" (basket), "ecorce" (bark),
"croute"(crust), etc. In all of them is hidden the idea of one and the same
organizational device, applicable both to technology and elemental nature: the
idea of a linkage between the less stable, but more tender content, and the more
solid casing which protects it from destructive external influences. From the Greek
root "ag, II which again spread into other kindred languages, originate such words
as "tattein" (to build), "tekton" (builder), "taksis" (battle formation and, generally
order), "tekhne" (trade, art), "teknon" (child), and a mass of other analogous words.
With the greatest heterogeneity of these notions, all of them contain the general idea
of the organlzBtlonal procfltl8~

1
For example. "malii" (small) II the result of division into partl; "molodoi" (young) I.e rdated
to the meaning "malU' (small); "moree" (sea) is characterized by the sreatellt eue of division
olitl 'MIter: "Erde" (eanhl mean.. fine oC all, soU. 80fe. loose. or easUy loparated: "schwartz"
(black) and Russian "smol • (tar), "smola" (pitch) are related to the notion abouc .mearing
o~ ItaWng with a substance which pinda or pulverizea.
2
Therefore, 1 proposed to denote the general organizational science by the word from the
, BaIne root-!'tektologia". Haeckel already used this word, but only in rel.tion to the lawl of
organization in 'living beinp.

19
 The word often preserves its organizational idea where the splintered thought
of man has already lost it. For example, the organizational role of religion in social
life slips away completely from the everyday and average consciousness of our
epoch. Meanwhile,the very word quite clearly points to this role, whether it
originates fronl "religare" (~bind" in Latin ). or from "relegere" (lito gather").
Analogously, if not the content, then the use of the word "dusha" (soul) in
Russian and other kindred languages, if carefully traced, provides a clue to one of
the darkest secrets of science and philosophy. It is often used in the sense of
"organizer" or "the organizing principle j" for example, such and such a person
is -dusha'" (the soul) of such a business or society; that is, he is an active organizer
at work or the life of an organization; 'ove is the soul of Christianity," that l~, it
is its organizing principle, etc. It is clear from this that "dusha" (soul) is con-
trasted with the body precisely as its organizer or organizing principlej that is, that
we have here a simple transfer on man <rother things of the notion about a certain
form of cooperation which involves the separation of the organizer from the executant,
or authoritarian labour relations. This is the real solution to the problem concerning
how the idea of the "soul" originated. In this instance,as in many others, the collec-
tive genius of language happened to be superior to the Individual efforts of scientists
and specialists, the children of the splintered, anarchical society.

Furthermore, worldly experience is preserved in more complex forms of so-

called "popular wisdom: "in proverbs, parables, fables, and taJes, etc. Many of them
are expressions of the widest laws of organization in society and nature.· For example,
the proverb "where a thing is thin, there it breaks" is a pictorial and unscleFltific but true
expression of the most general law, according to which disorganization occurs at
all levels in the universe. Whatever entity there may be, it starts to disorganize if
only at one of its points the resistence happens to be insufficient as compared to
the activity of an external force: in the case of a fabric, where it is the "thinnest; ..
the chain, where it is not strong enough or has a rusted lin k; the organization
of people, where its connections areweakest; the living organism, where
its tissues are least protected; a scientific or philosophical doctrine, where the joining
of concepts is vulnerable to criticism, etc. The proverb "strike the iron while it is hot"
is by no means only a technical rule for the trade of a blacksmith; it is also the
principle of any practice and any organizational or disorganizational act; it points
to the necessity of utilizing favourable conditions in view of their limited duration
and the irreversible meaning of their loss. This rule is equally important to a farmer
as far as conditions for sowing or reaping are concerned; and to a politician or
a strategist in respect of changing combinations of social or fighting forces; and to

20
 an. artist or researcher in the sense of a lucky combination of external circum-
stances or psycho-physiological conditions, so-called "inspiration, It and to a person
In love, etc. ;the proverb about the twigs which are easily broken by a child, and
about the wreath made of them which cannot be broken by a strong man, is a
popular expression of the. Idea of organization; it Is equally applicable to people,
things and Ideas. To be sure, not all of the embodiments of popular wisdom.
embrace so widely and deeply the organizational experience; nevertheless, all of
them relate to It not just in the narrow specialized sense, but more generally by
means of a difusion throulPl the limits of separate branches of everyday practice
and thought However, this monism of -popular tektology" is not able by itself
to struuJe against the spirit of specIalization. With technological and Ideological
- progress, it increasingly gives In to the ascendancy of specialization over social
consciousness. The fact is that'. worldly wisdom Is not only unscientific in its
form, but also deeply stagnant in its basic tendency; it belongs to the past and
alms to preserve it; In contrast, specialization appean to be a progressive line of
life. However, by destroying this naive and conservative monism, specialization
calls for the birth of another monism which Is scientific and' progressive, and
as superior to It as it is superior to popular tektology.

IY. Specialization and Transfu of Methods

Specialization has led to a tremendous development of the collective forces

of mankln41 n labour and cognition. It has had, however, a IImlttJd motlVfl-poWtJr
forprog".. Along with conditions facilitating and accelerating progress,
specialization also contains retarding conditions; at first, their impact was negli-
gible, but in the course of time this impact has grown to such an extent that now
it is being converted Into the present deep contradiction which costs mankind
so dearly.

The benefit of specialization arises, first of all, from the economy of efforts.
The worker does not scatter them In various directions, but concentrates them in
one; as a result, their action turns out to be more considerable, precise,and perfect
Because the field of organizational experience is. narrower, mastery over it becomes
easier; the acquisition of skills and methods becomes faSter and more successful.
Nevertheless, along with the economy of efforts goes their dissipation, which is
at first imperceptible, but inescapable from the very beginning. It flows from a
weakening of the bonds among people and the connectedness of their experience.

21
 This, first of all, is quite clearly displayed in the sphere of language. Because
of the separation of fields of knowledge, things which are quite homogeneous
receive different names, and thus the complexity of language and the expenditure
of energy by each member of society in order to master it grow considerably.
And this particularly refers to what is most frequently repeated in experience
and, this means, that which is most frequently found in speech. Thus, "death"
in our language is denoted differently: when it refers to people, we use the word
"to expire;" to animals, "to perish" or "to die" when it predominantly concerns
domestic animals; when it refers to fish, the fisherman says '"to fall asleep," and
for crabs the special term is used, "to stop whispering;" that is, to cease the
rustling peculiar to them, etc. Most striking in this regard is the existence of a
multiplicity of words expressing the organizational process. We use the word
"to organize" mainly in connection with people and institutions. For products of
labour'the general term ~ produce"is used; but its meaning is exactly the same:
to organize definite eJements- in this case the elements of the external environment-
into a combination which is planned in advance. But in the construction industry
the term"to build" is used; for example, to build a house or building; and even in
each of Its branches a special word is used; for example, in the case of a railroad,
''to lay" the railroad denotes the entire organizational process of railroad building,
as can be seen from the fact that the word "to build" is also naturally used there;
but the use of the words "to produce" or "to organize" would sound quite strange,
though the idea would be no less precisely expressed, and the entire special character
of the process could be adequately pointed out by the addition of the word a
"railroad." In the case of products, such expressions as "to manufacture," "to prepare,·
-to execute," etc, are also employed. But in addition, the same meaning is expressed
by a mass of special verbs in narrower branches: in the case of clothes, "to sew;"
moreover, by no means only a mechanical act of sewing is implied here, but the
entire complex organizational process in which sewing is only one of the operations;
in the case of Weapons, "to forge," paintings, "to draw;'" books, "to write," etc.
Futhermore, there is a whole series of words refatlng to ideological acts of the same
kind; for example, "to create'" a work., of art; ~o write" a treatise or a book,
a novel or a play; "to invent" an apparatus (with the shade of meaning of organizing
for the first time); and "to discover" a law (organization of facts into a definite
scheme), Sometimes, a designation is taken form the sphere of concepts of the
opposite character, relating to disorganization: "to break a camp" or "to break a
garden," in the sense of organizing with a requisite disposition in space. The most
general term of human prac::tice, "to do,· means at the same time" to organize"
and "to disorganize."

22
 Elemental-organizational processes are partly expressed with the same words,
partly with special ones, and in different scientific branches by a variety of words.
Such are the physico chemical terms "generation," "formation" and the biological
terms -adaptation," uevolution," used with many changing shades of meaning.
In psychology, orpnlzational processes are frequently called "associative." In
the social sciences the terms which are taken from the construction business pre-
ponderate ("to build a society, It "to establish an enterprise," etc.); but there Is also used,
without a noticeable discrimination, the word "to organize; " strictly speaking,
it refers to the sphere of technical knowledge and in Greek means -to supply with
instruments...

Certainly, the majority of concepts are not expressed in so many different

words; but nevertheless, a great deal of unnecessary expenditure of ~nergy is quite
evident in the development of speech and, particularly, In learning a language.
Besides, specialization engenders still another contradiction: with the divergence
of branches of knowledge the same words acquire different meanings; this creates
confusion and, mess when branches come into contact. Consider, for example,
the scientific term "competition. It In political economy it means the market struggle
of sellers In the course of selling their goods, or 9f purchasers In the course of
acquiring goods when there is no correspondence between demand and supply;
this Is a struggle on the basis of social relations and it camouflages the cooperation
among members of society who are working objectively not for themselves, but
for the social whole. In biology, the same term expresses the everyday struggle
among c>rpnlsms for the nourishment which is limited in nature; thus plants in
a forest stretch their branches and leaves upward to the sunlight, the main source
of their energy, and their roots as deep as possible into the ground, from which
they extract water and the indispensable salts, meanwhile smothering each other.
These are quite different relationships, but because of the common name, they are
often not distinguished; and their confusion became the theoretical basis for an
entire school of "Darwinian sociologists" who transferred onto social life· the concepts
of biological struggle.

Specialization In itself engendered the dlVlrgencs of methods; leading an

Isolated existence, the separated branches of knowledge developed these methods
In various ways. And Insofar as common methods were preserved or even appeared
independently in isolated fields, a special language, concealing this fact from the con-
SCiousness of people and impeding the economy of effort, forced the mastery of
one and the same method under different names; and in other cases the spec:iallzed
language was harmful to the necessary precision because of the divergence in the meani~

23
of the same terms. Henc~ we have an unnecessary expenditure of social energy .
which, with the progress of specialization, has increasingly grown in size and has
increasingly weakened its positive role.

The divergence of the experience and methods of different branches leads

to a narrowing of the horizons of specialists and undermines organization~1 cre-
ativity. Having at their disposal,in islolation, only a negligible part of the accumu·
lated methods and points of view of society, and not having an opportunity to choose
from among them and combine them in the best way, specialists cannot cope with
the continous accumulation of material and harmoniously and holistically organize
it The result is the piling up of material in an increasingly raw from, often stifling
by its quantity. Its mastery becomes increasingly more difficurt;this compels
further splintering of branches into even smaller parts, with a new narrower horizon,
etc. This was noted long ago by the leading scientists and thinkers who led the
fight against "shop-narrowness,"mainly in the field of science.

But splintering was not absolute; from the very beginning there was another
tendency which was not noticeable for a long time because of Its weakness, but
which has continued to force its way and grow in intensity, particularly since
the last century. Contacts among branches existed despite specialization, and
the methods of some of them penetrated into others, frequently causing in them
entire revolutions. In technology and in science, nearly all of the greatest discoveries
came from the transfer of methods beyond the limits of the fields in which they
originated.

Thus, the use of steam engines passed from one branch of industry to another,
giving rise everywhere to a tremendous growth in the productivity of labour; in
transportation, for example, it became widely applied only decades after the trans-
formation of a considerable part of Industry had already taken place. Subsequently,
in the development of steam engines the application of the turbine mechanism was a
great step forward; this mechanism was known for a long time in water technology
(the simplest turbine is a toy called the Sygnerian Wheel). Further, an even bigger
step was taken with the introduction of the -explosive" principle, which for hundreds
of years reigned over the technology of war and demoliiion. Engines constructed
on this basis are distinguished by a gigantic force, despite their small volume and.
weight; they conquered airspace for mankind,'

Precise methods of weighing were developed in the mining technology of

precious meta/s, the jeweller's art and the preparation of medicines, lavoisier,

24
 having applied them subsequently to chemistry, created a great scientific revolution
when he applied these methods. The practical principles of machine production,
which had been put on a scientific basis by physicists, were transformed into ther-
modynamics and later intogeneraJ energetics; the la~ter forms the basis for the
most recent .union of the physical and chemical" sciences. Astronomy was trans-
formed by the principles of mechnics, and the methods of physics and chemistry made
physiology into a precise science. Psychology is changing its character In signlfi"
cant ways thanks to the methods of physiology and general biology which have
also Introduced scientific precision Into it

The transfer of methods objectively and ilTVTlJtably demonstrates the possi-

bility of their development towards unity, towards a monism of organizational
experlenc:e. But this conclusion is allen to the consciousness of the specialist, and
generally to the ordinary consciousness of our epoch. Every step which brings us
doser to this unity meets, at first, fierce resistance from most spec;ialists; the
history of science Is full of examples to support this. Later, when the unlfylnl
Idea gains victory and Is accepted by specialists, this by no means lessens their
resistance to the next step. This resistance flows from the very mechanism of thought
enlendered by specialization. The mechanism is such. that the specialist unwittingly
alms to separate the fleld of his known and habitual work from the rest of experience,
foreign to him and arousing in him the feeling of uncertainty; where the boundaries
are broken, and fields and methods of work draw closer together, the specialist
senses ,an Intrusion of something strange, even hostile, into his private business,
and the mastery of this new knowledge Is morc difficult for him than the following
of the old, well-trodden paths. This is why, for example, the law of the conservation
of energy, which was one of the widest and deepest of ideas unifying the sciences
in the XIX century, had to force Its way for such a long time until it was recognized.
The article by Robert Mayer, the first to express and validate this law clearly, was
rejected by the specialized journal of physics. Darwinism had to suffer no less a
. struggle. When the physicist Yuz accidentally discovered electrical waves with the
aid of his microphone, which transmitted fluctuations of electrical discharges occurring
In his laboratory to him In the street, his friends were able to. persuade him not to
publish this fact and his conclusions: they said that by doing so he would "scientifical-
ly compromise himself." And this discovery, merging the phenomena of light
and electricity. had to be made again by Hertz a quarter of a century later.

Even such essentially practical ideas as the application of the force of steam
to water and land transportation. when it was already applied as a motive power

25
in industry, aroused distrust and mockery from authoritative people in the form
of statements such as "this is as likely as travel on Congreve's rocket." For a man
brought up in the spirit of specialization, it was obvious that methods suitable for
the factory cannot be suitable for the ship and the carriage. By the way, the
"explosive" principle on which the rocket is based was subsequently applied to the
organization of transport technology; and, of course, in a correspondingly changed
and adapted form, to automobiles, motor vessels, aeroplanes and dirigibles. Similar
facts cail be cited without end.

v. Contemporary Thought and the Idea of the General Unity of

Organizational Methods

The unity of organizational methods, forcing itself through the narrow frame-
work of specialization, is imposed by the newest developments in technology and
science. The methods which are used by contemporary thought, both popular
and scientific, to rid itself from this unpleasant and strange point of view are quite
characteristic. First of all, the very concept of -organization" is applied only to
living beings and their classifications. Even technical processes of production are
not recognized as organizational. To this thought is inaccessible, as if invisible,
the simple fact that any product is a system organized from material elements by
means of joining them with the elements of energy of human labour; that, there-
fore, all tec;hnical knowledge deals with the organization of things by means of human
efforts and in human interests.

As far as products of the elemental forces of nature are concerned, the living
-organization"isopposed to the dead "mechanism,". as if it were something different
and separated by an impassable gulf. Meanwhile, if we carefully study how the
notion of '"mechanism" is used in science, then the gulf immediately disappears.
Each time a function of the living organism is explained, it is considered to be
-mechanical." For example, breathing and the activity of the heart were considered
for a long time to be the most enigmatic phenomena of life; when they were under-
stood they became for physiology simply "mechanisms." The same thing occurred
when the electrical nature of the neural current was explained: the transmission
of neural stimulations from sense organs to -the brain and the brain to muscles was
seen as a "mechanism." Meanwhile, have these functions ceased to be a part of the
organizational process of life, its indispensable and essential moments? Certainly not
The "mechanical side ofJlfe" is simply all that has been explained. "Mechanism"
Is nothing more than understood organization'; A machine is "no more than a mechanism,'

26
beC&Use its organization is carried out by people and is , therefore, principally
known to them. And our own body is "not simply a mechanism" for contemporary
man for the same reason that the clock is not for the savage or a child; it is not
a dead machine, but a living being. The ttmechanlcal point of view" is the only
organizational point of view in its development and in Its victories over the separate-
ness of science.

No matter how well the thought of the contemporary specialist is armoured

against this point of view, he cannot but be struck by a growing application of simi-
lar methods and schemes In the most diverse branches of scientific experimentation.
There appears to be a need to somehow understand this unity, mysterious to the
specialized consciousness brought up on separateness, seeking limits, frameworks and
~tions. but ~Ich is neverthele55 unquestionable and unavoidable. It seems desirable
to understand it in such a way as to soften it, to weaken its significance, to find
that It is imaginary, seeming, subjective, or ardfical, that It is riot at all rooted In
the very nature of things or in real existence. The thought of those philosophers who were
Imbued with the spirit of specialization, that Is, most of them, worked in this desired
direction. They were able to create two theories suitable to this problem and to their own
incl inatl on.

The first, Kantian, asumes that the entire unity of schemes and methods
depends entirely on the perceiving sublect; that is, it is completely "subjec:tJve."
Man can think only In definite forms whic:h are primordially peculiar to the very
nature of his c:ognitive abilities. These forms he Imposes on facts, and later on reality
and the nature of the explored world. this leads to an illusion: man, in the words of
Kant, "prescribes laws to nature, " but orIy in the sense that these laws are those of
his own cognition, which he cannot avoid and whose limits he cannot cross; he puts into
them his experience because he himself Is constrained by them and knows no other
law,s. To him everything appears as occurring In time, spac;e and causal relation-
ships, but all of this "seems to be so," Is only a ·phenomenon"(semblance, appearanCe);
these Hforms" are contained In the subject and not In the things "themselves~· not
In the object. Such is the essentJaildea of the old epistemology, or theory of know-
ledge.

Here, for example, Is how this point of view is used in the atomic theory of
the physico-chemical sciences, and how notions in other fields are related to it:
"the atomic hypothesis is psychologically Indispensable. Condnuity cannot be compre-
hended without dividlnllt into parts; hence, the notions about time, space, a straight
line as an element of a curve, about an atom, about a ull as a biological atom, about

27
 man as a social atom, etc, The atomic hypothesis expresses not the structure of bodies, but
rather the structure of our cognitive ability. ,, 1

In connection with the hypothesis of Crookes concerning the primary substance or

protyle which in the course of "aggregation," that is, condensation through regroupings
into tighter combinations, created chemical elements (according to the contemporary
views, this protyle turns out to be atoms of electricity, negative and positive), the same
author says: "Protyle, even if it existed did not have an urge for aggregation, but Crcokes
had an urge to aggregate protyle in order to somehow represent the origin of matter from
the primordial substance." 2

Strained interpretations in such discourses can quite easily be discovered.

It is already erroneous to perceive "atomicity" in the notions of time and space.
The atom is that which cannot be divided into parts; this division is either ab-
solutely impossible or impossible without changing the very nature of the thing
divided. And time and space, according to contemporary scientific thought, are
characterized exactly by the fact that they can be divided without limit; that is,
they are not teatomic." But this is not the important thing.

Let the living cell be a biological atom; it is therefore "psychologically necessary"

to acknowledge its separateness. But was It not necessary to I8fI the cBlI under the
microscope? And was the cell really seen because of this "psychologicaJ necessity?n
On the contrary, it was not until the cell was discovered and its changes and transformations
were traced, that there was any thought about the cellular structure of living bodies.
To be sure, they were represented as being composed of these or other elements;
but there was not and could not be prior to such a discovery the unifying scheme
of cellular organization.

Let us choose our own illustration. In the study of electrical and magnetic
forces there is a widely used scheme: -attrac:tion-repulsion." This scheme

1
M. Goldstein, "Osnovy FDosofii Khimti." (Tbe 8uiI of the Phllosophy of Chemistry), p. 57-58.
2/bld., P. 123.

28
is present In a mass of notions in other fields of science and life, ranging from molecular
theories to the mutual relationships between animals of different sexes which are "attrac·
ted," and of the same sex which are "repulsed," or to human characters, or to psychic
Ima., in consciousness, etc. Obviously, It also expresses Unot che structure of things, but
a strUcture of our cognitive ability" which is also "subjectlve;" that is, It depends on the
perceiving subject But If it does not depend on the "structure of things," it must be ap-
plicable everywhere: wherever there Is the "phenomenon" of attraction there must also
be, under appropriate conditions, the "phenomenon" of repulsion. Unfortunately, this is
not true of planetary attraction, the same attraction which in an unpleasant way chains
us to earth. "The structure of our cognitive ability" which "aims" to complement attrac-
tion with repulsion cannot provide us with the most important fact needed here. It is clear
that "the structure of things" is also present here; that it is possible "to prescribe the laws
of naturet but only by an agreement with it

It is true that there exist certain form8 of thInking which people use to store
their experience; but this has nothing to do with some age-long "structure of cognitive
ability," but simply with modes of organizing experience; they develop and change
with the growth of this experience and the change In Its content To an animist
savage "the structure of cognitive ability" requires that every moving obJect- man,
animal, sun, stream, clock, and all thJop In general- to have its own "soul t' and for us
this kind of thinking Is dying off. For us, time and space are Infinite; but this was
not yet so In antiquity. "Atomism" originated in ancient thought when Indlvld-
usI/IJrn developed in society setting men apart People were accustomed to think
about themselves and others as Isolated entitles, and they transferred this habit'
onto notions about nature: in Greek, Uatom" means an 'ndlvldual," and in Latin
it means "ndlvlslblllty."

Once at the home of a philosopher I saw a child. his son, designate the big
table and a stool by thewords"table-papa" and "table-baby." The philosopher
should have understood by this example what is meant by "forms" or -categories"
of thought. The narrow e-xperlence of family life gave the child a habitual connec·
tlon between similar objects of different size; this connection entered into the
"structure of his cognitive ability," and the child endeavoured with its help to organize
his further experience. In a similar way, the savage living In a commune which is
organized on the basis of authoritarian leadership and passive submission, thinks,
that 15, organizes in his consciousness, of the entire universe In the same way: he
thinks of the ruling "god" and the people and thinSS subordinated to him; and he
organizes them in his thought into the rulin& leading "soul" and the passive

29
"body." In a similar way I the individualistic separateness of life gave philosophers
a scheme for the atomic separateness of the elements in the universe, etc.

The main point is simple. All these unifying schemes are means of organizing
experience; its instruments or "forms." The instrument of organization certainly
depends on who organizes or develops the instrument and uses it, and on what is
being organized; that is, on the material of experience. Thus, the instrument of
labour must correspond in its structure to the harid and strength of the worker,
and to the properties of the object being worked on by the instrument: a fine
instrument which is suitable for the trained European worker is useless in the hands
of a savage, and the instrument which is appropriate for the grinding of iron is unfit
to work on wood. In this regard, there is no essential difference between material
and abstract, instruments, as there is also no difference in r~lation to the historical
changeability of both.

The second point of view on unifying schemes can be called "Philological" or

"symbolical." It Is very close to the first and reduces the origin of these schemes to
language, words, and to the working out of similar designations or symbols for the
various fields of experience. Here is an example of such an interpretation.

"One and the same equation- the Laplacian,- is encountered in Newton's theory of
gravitation, the theory about the motion of liquids, the teaching about electrical potential,
the teaching about magnetism and the diffusion rJ heat, to name a few. What conclusion can
be derived from this? These theories appear to be copied precisely from each other; they
illuminate and elucidate each other and borrow their language from each other.
Ask specialists in electricity what service has been brought to them by the invention of the
term "the flow of energy" suggested by hydrodynamics and the theory of thermal heat.•.
etc."l

The main thing Jies here, perhaps, in a lack of understanding, because the ques-
tion is not put why one branch of experience can borrow its language from another,
and why '"terms" take on such a force. It is suggested that this force is inherent
in the symbols themselves, and that the "common language" is a sufficient explanation.
In fact, it is not at all like this. The use of common terms sometimes only brings

1 H end Poincare. '~aennost' NaukJ," (Value o(Science). French Edition, p. 146.

30
 · )
"

harm to understanding and clarity,as we have already seen In the example of

the notion of ·competition" in the general teaching about life and political ~onomy.
Also, the usage of the same language, as that used for Individual organisms, by the
school of Morganiclsts" In the field of social structure and life bestowed little bene-
fit on science and c:reated a lot of confusion instead. It resulted in a search for
varlous organs and tissues in society, similar to the tissues and organs of the living
orpnIsm; besides, artificial connections were also created, and strained interpretations
were made, Instead of the really general organilational schemes.

In reality, common language is compelled by the unity of organizational

methods or forms to express this unity. It is worked out everywhere only later,
after this unity Is revealed. In many cases, where this unity already strikes the eye,
common terms stili do not exist; due to the specialized language they remain
different.

Thus, the usual structure of the vegetable seed and the egg c:an serve as a
striking example of the coincidence of independently established organizational
forms. In both cases there Is an embryo which is surrounded by a nourslhlng layer,
then by a coarser casing of the "skeletal" type. Frequently, nutritious layers are
even analoguousln terms of their chemical substance, one with the preponderence
of nitrous substances, namely albumen and closely related bodies, the other with
the preponderence of non-nitrous substances, fatty and sugary substances In the
egg and .olly and starchy substances in the seed; besides, the arrangement of layers
is often different. The unity of the structural scheme was noted long ago; but
common terms were only gradually created, and were mainly due to the development
of organic and physiological chemistry.

Another illustration: In the female flower, the central' place is taken by the
canal which serves as the path for fertllizatlon. In front, it is surrounded, first of
all, by folds of tlssue of a more delicate texture; then by a coarser texture("petals of
corola"and a "'cup"). In the depth of it, where the development of an embryo
takes place, an organ (llpistil") of a more or less pear-shaped form is contained.
Exactly the same descrlptlon of this archltec:ture, with the exception of botanical
terms, may be applied to the female organs of a monkey or a woman. But It Is
clear that the "'unity of language"here too leads only to the question concerning
the unity of structural scheme, and hence it does not exhaust the subject.

Despite Innumerable parallels and coincidences in the most varied spheres

of experience, the old world which was anarchically splintered at its social base

31
could not arrive at the idea of a general unity of organizational methods-at the
problem of the universal· organizational science.

vi. Proletariat and the Universal Organizational Science

Mankind needed a new point of view on a universal scale; in other words,

a new mode of thought. But historical changes in thoughtoccur only when a new
organization of the entire society develops, or when there appears a new social
class. In the XIX century exactly such a class came into being- the industrial
proletariat.

Its everyday relationships and its conditions of labour and struggle contained
the cQndltions giving rise to that mode of thinking which was previously absent,
that point of view which had not yet developed~ Time was necessary to
develop it, to realize it, to express it But now this point of view is sufficiently
clear and Its bases are obvious.

The impediments to the development of monistic, scientifically organized

thinking were specialization and the anarchically splintered system of labour.
The proletariat, under machine production and the generally stable conditions
of its social life, had a point of departure for overcoming the spirit of specialization
and anarchy.

With the perfection of the machine, the role of the worker changed its
character. The deepest separation within the scope of collaboration was that Miich
isolated the organizer from the executant, and mental from the physical exertion.
In· scientific work, the labour of a worker embraces both types. The work of an
organizer Is managsment lind control over implementation; the work of an
executant Is physical Influence on the object of labour. In machine production,the
activity of the worker is management and control over his "iron slave," the machine,
by means of a physical influence on It Here the elements of the labour force are
the same as.those which were required before for the organizing function only, .
such as technical competence, understanding. initiative in the case of breakdowns,
and also those which characterized the executing function, such as dexterity and
speed and efficiency of action. This combination of both types is only faintly
expressed at the very beginning of machine technology when the worker was a
living appendage to the machine, when he complemented its coarse, simple move-
ments with the mechanical skill of his hands. It appears more .sharply and

32
 definitely as the machine is perfected, becomes more complicated and approaches
closer and closer to the type of an "automatic," self.activating mechanism where the
essence of work lies in living control, timely interference and constant active attention.
ThIs combination will be fully completed when even a higher form of machine is
worked out-the self.regulating mechanism. This, certainly, Is the business of the
future; but even now the unifying tendency stands out quite sharply, so as to para-
lyze the worker's thinking about the former break between "mental" and" physical"
labour.

Also, the other separation of workers is gradually overcome; that is, their technical
specialization. "The psychological conlent of various labour processes becomes more and
more homogeneous; and specialization is transferred to the machine or the labour instru·
ment. But as far as distinctions in the exper,ience and feelings of workers tending the·
machinery are concerned, they dwindle in scope and, with sophlstJcate~ technology, be-
come negligible in comparison with the sum total of experience; identical features become
a part of the content of labour: observation, control and the direction of the machine. With
this, specialization, strictly speaking, is not destroyed; in fact, branches of production are
not merged and each has its own techniquej but it is IUrmounttld, and loses its harmful as-
pects; specialization ceases to be a net of partitions between peoplej it ceases to constrain
the workers' horizon and limit their Interaction and mutual understanding."t

As far as social anarchy is concerned, which arose out of division of labour,

competition and struggle of man against man, it also loses its divisive influence
with the growth of the labour class, because this anarchy is removed from the worker's
environment. Comradely contact at work and common interests with respect to
. capital rally the proletariat around various class organizations, which will gradually
but inevitably lead to a world union.

The working cla.ss carries out the organization of things in its labour, and
the organization of its human forces in its social struggle. It must connect the
experience of both fields into a special Ideology; namely, the organization of
ideas. Thus, life itself makes the proletariat an organizer of a universal type, and the
organizational point of view is a natural and even necessary tendency for it

1 "VoprolY Sotai~ma" (Quesriona of SocWlam) A. Bosclanov, pp. 12-13, (rom

"KoUecrlvnii StroJ" (Collective Order), Vol 11. "PoUdc:heakaia Ekonomia" (PoUtical
Ec:onomy),Bolcianov and Scapanov, {ourds edition.

33
 ThIs is reflected in the ease with which the worker frees himself from the shop
prejudices of his profession, in the passionate aspirations of the vanguard of pro-
letariat to encyclopedic knowledge, and in its willingness to absorb the most monistic
ideas and theories in all fields. But this does not mean that the new point of view,
appearing in a mass of individual cases, can be easily and readily realized in its
gigantic embrace and formed in its entirety. The industrial proletariat has been
only gradually shaped into a new social type and reeducated by the force of the
everyday relationships which befell it comparatively recently. Ideology is generally
the most conservative asp~t of so.cial nature; it is the result of a new mode of life,
new worldview and new culture; it is the most difficult affair in the life of a class.

The great social crisis of recent years should provide the most powerful jolt
to the .realization and shaping of the general organizational point of view. Both
parts of the crisis-the World War and the World Revolution arising from it-lead
the working class in this direction by different paths.

The World War turned out to be the greatest school of organization; it called
for an unparalleled effort of organizational abilities from any person or any collec-
tive which was directly or indirectly involved in the War, giving it an invaluable
organizational experience. This experience is characterized by an exceptionally
severe demand for the definition of a problem whose solution becomes a matter
of life or death, and by the c;omprehensiveness of the problem. In a war situation
it bec;omes necessary to organize, simultaneously and jointly, human forces, material
means and even the ideology ofamilitary c;ollective, or what is called its
"spirit.· Besides, these three aspects appear in practice as equals; at every step
eac;h element can be substituted for the other. For example, defic;iency in people
is compensated either by a reinforcement of the tec;hnical means of destruction
. or by an ideologic;al rallying of people, raising the fighting spirit of a military
collective through Inspiring and elucidating spe~hes and orders; deficiency in
technic;al means is equalized by a replenishment of human material, etc. The
unity of the organizational point of view intrudes here with the greatest force
and creates an acute necessity for the unity of organizational methods.

The ~r was the first phase of the great organizational crisis j it c;alled for
the second phase, the Revolution. The Revolution forced the working class to
organize hastily and intensively not only its own efforts; it was also put into an

34
unpre(;cdented position: at least in some countries, the working class was compelled
to take over the organization of sooial life as a whole. This situation, whether it
is temporary or flnal, has changed the scale of the organizational point of view for
the working class from a limited to a universal one. The sharper the contradiction
between the nature of the problem and the absence of a systematized organizatiOnal
point of view, and between the habits and the methods of the working class, the
greater appears to be the necessity to systematize it all, and the more vital becomes
the need for a unlVBf8S1 organlzatlonBl sclfHJC8.

Thus were created the fundamental preconditions of this science. Mankind

travelled a long and difficult path to reach It It Is a completety human science
in the highest and fullest meaning of the word. Its idea was excluded from the
minds of the old classes by the divisibility of their existence and the ~eparateness
and one-sidedness of their experience. When the forces of history have pushed
a new class Into a new unifying position, then the time has come for this idea to
be embodied In life, where it is a fore-runner and a mighty instrument for the
actual organization of mankind Into a single collective.

35
 II
Basic Concepts and
Methods

1. Organization and Disorganization

I. Organized Complexes and Activities-Resistances

The first attempts to deflne organization In pr~ise terms led to the idea
of tlXpsdlency. The concept of organization related then, of course, only to
living beings, and separate organisms were taken as the starting point of study.
An expedient combination of parts and connections was not only obvious, but
with further investigation appeared more fully and clearly,startJing by its per-
fection.

The idea of expediency contains an idea of purpose. Organisms and organi-

zations have their "purposes- and are structured accordingly. But the existence of
a purpose presupposes someone who establishes and realizes It, a consciously active
being, a constructor, an organizer. But precisely who posited those purposes for
men, beasts and plants which are being achieved by their vital functions? Who
established organs and tissues in conformity with these functions? This completely
natural and common sense way of raising the question has immediately deprived
any Investigation of a scientific character and has directed cognitive efforts Into the

37
realm of metaphysics and religion, ultimately leading to the concept of a personal
creator or god. And priests of all religions, Christian and non-Christian, to this
day put the "expediency" of the structure of living beings at the base of their "apologe-
tics," that is, the theoretical defense of religions.

With the development of science, however, it became clear that those corre-
lations which are expressed by the word "expediency" could appear and evolve
quite naturaily, in the absence of any "subject" who consciously establishes purposes;
that is, that there is an objective expediency. It is the result of a universal struggle
of organizational forms in which "inexpedient" or "ess expedient"forms are des-
troyed and disappear and the "more expedient" are preserved. This is the process
of natural selection. And the concept of "expediency" itself essentially turns out
to be only an analogy or, more correctly, a metaphor which is apt to lead to con-
fusion. It is clear that the concept is unsuitable for the scientific determination
of organization.

Attempts to define organization formally, as the harmony or correspondence

of parts among themselves and the whole, also fall to solve the problem; this is
simplva substitution of the word "organization" by its synonyms. It is necessary
to explain the nature of this correspondence or harmony; otherwise, it is quite
useless toexchange one label for another.

Biologists long ago characterized an organism as "a whole which is greater than
the sum of its parts." Although they used this formula, it is doubtful that they
cQnsidered it to be a precise definition, especially in view oOts external paradoxi-
calness; it nevertheless has features which deserve special attention. It excludes
fetish or the positing of purposes for a subject; and it does not end in tautology, or the repe-
tition of the same meaning in different words. And its seeming or actual contra-
diction with formal logic does not of itself decide the question: limitations of the role of
formal logic have been fully established by scientific philosophical thought.

What, strictly speaking. is meant by the words "an organism is a whole which is
greater than the sum of its parts?"ln what sense or respect is it greater than this sum?
The question evidently concerns the viability of the living organism and its ability
to struggle with the surrounding environment. In a separated state, parts of a complex
organism possess infinitesimal viability or have their viability so lowered that its
magnitude, if It were measurable, would certainly be much smaller than that of
the corresponding living whole. A body deprived of a hand, and a hand cut off
from it are a sufficient example of this. But to investigate the problem in terms of

38
 such complex systems as the organism, and in such relative and hard to measure
magnitudes as viability, is most inconvenient; it is better to start with simpler
combinations.

Such, for example, is elementary cooperation: Already the joining of identi-

cal labour efforts on some mechanical task can lead to the growth of practical
results in a greater proportion than the sum total of these labour efforts. If the
question concerns, for example, the clearing of a field of stones, bushes and roots,
and jf one man can clear in a day one dessiatine, 1 then two together may carry
out in one day not a double amount of work, but more, 2~4 - 2}l dessiatines.
With 3 or 4 workers, the relationship may turn out to be even more favourable;
up to a certain limit, of course. But the possibility is not ruled out that 2, 3 or 4
workers may together carry out less than two, th·ree or four times the work. Both
cases completely depend on the mode of com bination ~ of given forces. In the
first case, it is correct to maintain that the whole .turned out to be practically
greater than the simple sum of its parts; in the second, that it is practically less
than this sum. The first is designated as organization; the second as dIsorgan-
Ization.

Thus, the essence of these concepts reduces to a combination of activities

which am taken from Its practical aspect; and for the formula concerning the
whole which is either greater or smaller than the sum of its parts to be completely
c1ear,·it is necessary to complement the formula by the word "practically.· Then
It becomes a simple expression of an obvious and indisputable fact Nevertheless,
from a logical point of view a partial paradox still remains in it; at least for average
contemporary thinking. It can easUy picture the case when the joining of activities
lessens their practical sum: this occurs when activities counteract each other,
completely or partly paralyze each other! destroy, or, in a word, mutually "disorga-
nize"each other. But in what way can maWlitudes be joined so as to increaSB their
practical sum? At firstsight we have the creation of something out of nothing.

.. In reality the riddle is easily solved; it is only necessary to visualize the

. organized activities together with those resistances which are being overcome.

Measure of land = 2~7 acres

39
How can two workers together clear the field not 2 times but, for example, 2Yz
times faster than one worker? In response, the economist would point to the
following moments: first of all, the very conjointness of work acts on the nervous
system of the worker in a revitalizing, encouraging way and thereby raises the
intensity of his work; secondly, the joining of two forces makes it possible to over·
come obstacles which cannot be overcome by one worker; and many obstacles,
though not insurmountable but considerable for them individually, are over-
powered much faster.

Let us investigate both of these moments, beginning with the second, which
yields more easily to analysis.

Let the muscular strength of each worker enable him to lift and move a
stone weig.,ting 5 poods 1 and no more. Two workers can cope with a stone, of
course. not of 10 poods. but only of a lesser weight, because it is not possible to
combine efforts without a loss; that is, without some mutual hindrance. This sum
will always tum out to be lesser than the result of a simple addition; let us assume that
it is equal to 9 poods. In such a case, the stone weighing 8 poods represents a re-
sistance, which is for a single worker either generally insurmountable or surmount-
able only with a change in the method of work, .which means. at any rate, a con-
siderable unnecessary expenditure of energy and a loss of time. for example, in
splitting the stone with a hammer or constructing a lever to move it. The coor·
dination of efforts of the two workers removes insurmountability or the need
to change methods. If the stone is less than 5 poods. but close to this limit, then
the individual worker is forced to apply the greatest effort to it, which sharply
exhausts his strengtH and forces him to spend more time; whereas for the two
workers this weight is much below the limit. and they quickly remove it with
an average effort.

As far as "psychic" influences on cooperation are concerned, they relate

to the Inner resistances of the organism. Labouring alons. the worker undertakes
and carries out all actions on his own initiative and with his own stimuli; for each
new act. he has to appropriately tune his nervous-muscular apparatus quite in·
dependently. In a joint effort. however. a considerable part of this process of

1 1 pood .. 16.38 kp

40
 adaptation goes on at the expense 'Of imitation; that is, in a much more mechan-
ical and automatic waYi so that for the imitating worker the inner resistances of
his organism are considerably smaller. The stimulating influence of the apparent
success in work also contributes to the lessening of internal resistences, etc.

In general, we see that the whole matter reduces to a relationship between

the activities which are being organized and the resistances they are directed against.
The activities which are being organized do not combine without losses, so that
taken by themselves, in the "abstract, "their practical sum is less than their precise
numerical. addition whould have been: 5 poods and 5 poods gave us as a result
9 poods. But resistances either do not add up at all-the stone of eight poods
has the same weight for one worker or two workers, or, if they add up, they do
this less perfectly than the activities which are being organized. This can be ob-
served in those inner resistances of the organism which are related to changes in
the direction of efforts: if under conditions of independent transition from one
action to another this resistance is equal to 8 for each worker, then for the two
together it is not 28, because imitation appears on the scene, and for the one
who follows the example of the other, this magnitude is considerably lessened:
a + 8 produces a practical sum of, for example, 1~ a. 1

Thus, the organized whole turned out to be practically greater than the simple
sum of its parts, not because new activities were created out of nothing, but because
its present activities were combined more successfully than the opposing resistances.
OUr world is generally aworld of varitltyi only differences in energy tensions
are revealed in action and only they ·have a practical meaning. Where activities
and resistances collide, the practical sum, embodied in actual results, depends on
the mode of combination of both; and for the whole this sum increases on that·
. side where the combination is more harmonious and contains fewer "contra-
dictions." This also signifies a higher level of organization.

10n this relative charlieability of resistances is based an interesti.rli and i~portan~ practical p:ll'll;d!lx,
I( A ruM awa y, and B pursues him, then in the case of full eqUIIllty of th~lr enerlPe~ ~d capabilmes,
the Second will inevitably catch up with th~ fU's~: A ~ forced to chootle. hill path qUite and~pendendy,
change direction, react to all obstacles, while B In thIS or th:!t measure IS able to follow A s example,
expending correspondingly less energy.
Tektology is full of such paradoxes. showing the ex~ent .to w~ich reality is not embraced by formal.
1
I. abstract notions, such as mathematical equality, lopcalldenmy, etc.

41
 An illustration from another field is the symbiosis of a unicellular infus-
orian with a unicellular alga which lives in it. The first belongs to the simplest
of animals; it uses oxygen and discharges carbon dioxide; the second is the
simplest of plants and contains green seeds of cholorphyll; it decomposes carbon
dioxide at the expense of energy of the sun rays, uses this energy as a material
for its tissues and discharges oxygen. Thus, a certain part of the activities, in the
material form of this or thauubstance, lost by one participant in the symbiosis
is directly acquired by the other, and vice versa; consequently, it is preserved in
the symbiotic whole. It is clear that this whole has at its practical disposal a
larger sum of activities than its separate parts would have had in isolation: it is
a model of a widespread type of organizational connections.

ii. Disorganized and Neutral Complexes

In the foregoing discussion we were concerned with organized actlvlt/.

and the r.istances surmounted by them. It is easy to be convinced that these
are quite correlative concepts; in essence, they express one and the same t.'1ing
and are everywhere substituted one for the other. If two armies or two classes
are engaged in a struggte, then the activities of each side represent resistances for
the other; the whole matter is but a question of the point of view taken. From the
point of view of a hunter, who takes himself as the centre of observed facts, his
efforts represent activities, and the efforts of all animals hunted by him represent
resistances; but if we put the animal which is struggling for life at the centre of attention,
then its efforts embody the activities of its organism. Again, in this sense there are
no fundamental distinctions in nature between the living and the dead, the consc-
ious and the elemental, etc. Formerly, there existed in science a concept of resis-
tance which is not an activity; of the 'nertla" which characterizes matter. This
idea is now obsolete. Matter, with all of its inertia, is being perceived as the most
concentrated complex of energy, that is , precisely activities; its atom is a system
of closed motions, the speed of which ~xceeds all others in nature. Consequently,
the elements of an organization or any complex which is studied from the organi·
zational point of view are being r~duced to sct/Vltlfl8.reliltllflCBIL

The concept of "elements" in the organizational science 15 completely rela-

tive and conditional: it 15 simply those parts into which, In conformity with a
problem under investigation, it was necessary to decompose its object; they may
be as large or small as needed, they may be subdivided further or not; no limits

42
 to analysis can be placed here. Gigantic suns and nebulae have to be taken as elements
of star systems; enterprises or individual people as elements of society; cells as elements
of an organism ; molecules or atoms or electrons as elements of a physical body, deptm-
ding 6n the question at hand; ideas and concepts as elements of theoretical systems;
representations and voluntary impulSes as elements of psychic associations, etc. But as
soon as it is necessary during the course ofan investigation, practically or mentally, to
decompose any of these elements further, it is considered asa "complex;" that is, as
combinations and conjunctions of some elements next in order, etc.

Any decomposition of the whole into elements, actual or mental, is, of

course, disorganization. Such decomposition is undertaken in order to lessen the
opposition of things to our practical or cognitive efforts; this aids us later to or-
ganize elements into new and desirable combinations. The disotg8f!IztKl whole ;s
'practically 18$$ than the sum of i1$ parts; this definition flows naturally from the
foregoing analysis.

With regard to the example from the field of cooperation, it was already
mentioned that the common labour of two collaborators may turn out to be less
than the sum of their separate labour forces. This is a case of disorganization:
two workers do not help, but hinder each other. In a certain combination, their
forces may be completely paralyzed; when, for example, they pull at a rope in
opposite directions, the sligh t push of a child will put this entire system
into motion. If, however, the forces of those pulling are expressed, for example,
as 10 and 9 poods respectively, then the practical sum determining the motion
of the system is equal to' lpood instead of 19.

It is necessary to note that full, ideal organization is nonexistent in nature;

disorganization is always admixed to it to some degree. Thus, even the best co-
operation cannot be free from some, though minimal, inner hindrances and lack
of agreement; the best constructed machine is not free from internal frictions, etc.
Sometimes it is possible in the same system to observe factually all the transitional
steps from the higher organization to the deepest disorganization; as happens, for
example, with a gradually unfolding quarrel between close collaborators or between
spouses.

A natural magnet, as is well known, is a piece of special magnetic iron-ore;

it may be considerably intensified by joining to it a casing of soft iron, which is
not magnetic by itself, or, more correctly, active magnetism in it is practically

43
 infinitely small. This vivid example of "inorganic" organization is explained by
scientific theory in tlie following way. Particles of iron are not magnetic in
, themselves; in the soft iron they are disposed in complete disorder, directed in
all possible directions, and their magnetic actions are mutually destroyed in this
chaos. But when they fall into a sufficiently strong magnetic field; that is, into
a sphere of considerable magnetic action having one difinite direction, then to
a larger or smaller extent they tum or "orient" themselves to the line of this
attraction, and their own actions are now added and do not destroy one another;
the casing itself becomes actively magnetic as a whole and this intensifies the basic
magnet. And here the whole matter reduces to a more perfect composition of
activities, in which they cease to be mutual resistances. However, if we put to-
gether two fully equivalent straight magnets with opposite poles, then their mag-
netic actions will mutually paralyze each other and their practical sum will be
close to 'zero. This is a disorganized magnetic system.

Art. extremely demOhstr'atfve and scientifically Interesting illustration of

the relationship in question Is presented by the interference of waves, electrical,
light, air and others. By superimposing one wave on another, the waves can in-
tensify or weaken each other. Let two equivalent light waves flow so as to have
the rise of one coincide precisely with the rise of the other, and consequently
the valley of one coincide with the valley of the other. Then the common in-
tensity of light received from both of them will turn out to be not double but
quadruple: 1 + 1 is equal to 4. If, one the contrary, the rise of one wave fully
merges with the valley of the other, and vice versa, then light and light together
produce darkness: 1 + 1 is equal to zero. Between these two limits of organi-
zation and disorganization lie all the interval and that ideally average form, in
which the intensity of light conforms precisely to the arithmetic:, 1 + 1 = 2.
This occurs when the rise of one wave half-way coincides with the rise and half-
way with the valley of the other wave. Here correlations of organization and
disorganization are mutually balanced, and the result is a neutral combination.

As we can see, only with the equilibrium of opposite tektological tenden-

cies is "two times two equals four:the sacred formula of the common sense,
realized in reality itself. This does not hinder it to be approximately correct in
a great number of cases; because the organizing and disorganizing processess con·
tinually intermingle in our experience, but onlyspproximately. It is quite precise
only in the limiting, ideal combination; the more perfect are the modes of inves-
tigation, the more departures from it are inescapably revealed; and with a suffi·
cient precision of analysis none of the cases would turn out to conform strictly

44
 to it. For example, we are accustomed to think that th~ weight of a sack of potatoes
coincides absolutely with the sum of the weights of the potatoes and the sack; but
in the contemporary teaching about electrical mass, as the basis of matter, the
equality here also depends on the coarseness of our methods; mass. depends on the
mutual disposition and relative 'motion' of those electrical elements from which
atoms are composed; and weight, besides this, depends on unequal distances
among individual parts of the entire complex, the center of the earth and the
centres of gravity of other surrounding masses.

It goes without saying that two men and two other men always constitute
exactly four men. But then the fundamental imprecision and conditionality are
, contained In that actually different and unequal comp/exes- individual people-
are taken as ideally equal mathematical units; that is, in the designatiOn itself
all Inequalities and differences are removed beforehand. The arbitrariness of this
mode of thinking becomes obvious at once, if we ask the question: are two women
and two unicellular human embryos, just beginning to develop inside their organ-
Isms, actually four people?

Theory is the servant of practice and calculation· exists for practical comp-
utations. And although, for example, individuals who are selected as army recruits
are comparatively homogeneous in strength and endurance, their number is quite
an inadequate datum in itself for military calculations or even approximations.
Experience gained from the French colonial wars in North Africa has shown that
with equal armaments the average Arab soldier in a one-to-one encoUnter is no
worse than the average French soldier; but a detachment of 200 French soldiers
is already stronger than an Arab detachment of 300-400 men; and a force of
10 thousand Frenchmen is able to demolish the army of natives numbering 30-40
thousand men. European tactics give a much more perfect summation of military
forces, and mathematical calculation is in fact refuted. But as the first approxi-
mation for a practical calculation, it is certainly useful and indispensable.

In other cases this first approximation is sometimes quite sufficient for the
needs of everyday life, or even generally quite precise. lil all cases where it can be
establiShed and appl/edlts practical organizational role is enormous. Such Is the
vitaf meaning of mathematics: .without it scientific technology, all modern systems
of productiOn' and market, and 1he planned an:b:t of modem' wars are impossible.

45
 It is easy to note that there is a special correlation and a deep kinship be-
tween mathematics and tektology. The laws of mathematics do not refer to this
or that field of the phenanena of nature, as laws of other special sciences do, but to
all and any phenomenon, and only from the point of view of their magnitudes;
it is,in its own way, as universal .as tektology.

For the consciousness brought up on specialization, the strongest objection

against a possiblillty of the universal organizational science is precisely its univer-
sality: is it really possible that the same laws can be applied to combinations of
cosmic worlds and biological cells, living people and etheric waves, scientific ideas
and energy atoms? Mathematics provides a decisive and indisputable answer: yes,
it is quite possible because it is 50 in fact; two plus two homogeneous separate
elements constitute four such elements, whether they are astronomical systems or
images of consciousness, electrons or workers; for numerical schemes all these
elements are indifferent and there is no place here for any specificity.

At the same time mathematics is not tektologyj the notion of organization

itself is not encountered in it. If so, what then is mathematics?

It is defined as the "science of magnitudes:~ magnitude, however, is the

result of measurement, but measurement denotes successive application to the ob-
ject being measured of a yardstick, and, obviously,originates in the assumption
tha t the whole" equsl to thtllUm of Its parts. To measure a phenomenon or to
consider it as a magnitude, that is, mathematically, means precisely to take it as
a whole which is equal to the sum of parts; in other words, as a flfJUtra/ complex.
And we have established that a neutral complex is one in which organizing and dis-
organizing processes are mutually balanced.

Thus mathematics is simply the tBlcto/ogy of neutral complexes, developed

before other parts of the universal organizational science. It has managed until
now without n9tions of organization and disorganization, because it has as its
starting point combinations in which both ~e mutually destroyed or, more correctly,
paralyzed.

Two departments are distinguished in all natural sciences: ·statics," or the

teaching about forms of equilibrium; and "dynamics," or the Investigation of the
same forms In their motion and changes. For example, the anatomy and histology
of the organism are Its statics, and physiology its dynamics. Statics had evolved
everywhere before dvnamics, and was later transformed under the influence of

46
 dynamics. There is, as we can see, an analogous relationship between mathematics
and tektology: one expresses the organizationally static point of view, the other
the organizationally dynamic. This second point of view is the more general of the
two:' equilibrium is always only a special case of motion, and besides, in essence,
only an ideal case, the result of fully equal and fully opposite changes in direction.

Of course, mathematics also investigates changes in magnitudes, but it does

not touch upon the organizational form of those processes to which they relate:
this form is assumed to be static and unchanging; the result of any such change,
such as a ne,w magnitude, remains a neutral complex as before and is equal to the
simple sum of its parts. In mathematical analysis are also included those cases
where magnitudes mutually destroy each other, completely or in pan; that is, they n
combined in the sense of disorganization as positive and negative magnitudes or as
"vectors;" but this mutual disorganizatiQn of magnitudes, however, leads to new
magnitudes, from one set of neutral complexes to another. 1 COnsequently, math·
ealatical dynamics is not organizational dynamics; it does not relate to the trans-
formation of organized forms.

Thus, for tektology,the first basic notions are those about elements and their
combinations. Elements are activities and resistances of all possible kinds. Com~,
binations result in three types: organized, disorganized and neutral complexes.
They differ in the 'magnitudes of the practical sum of their elements.

2. Paths and Methods of Investigation

L The Orpnizational Point of View

The organizational science is characterized first and most of all by its point of
view. All the peculiarities of its problems, methods and results flow from this.
The difference from other contemporary sciences arises already with the rtatsment
of thsqueJtlon.

lPOflitiv'eand negative magrutudes are symbols of motions directed Itl'8ight In oppoIittl dlrer:tJofll;
vectors are symbols of motions directed in dJHerl1nt dlrer:tJofll, as, for example, the sides of ani-
. angle. folloWing one, then the ocher side of a triangle, we come to the same point, where will brins
US also the third side; this is depicted in the summation of vectors in NCh a way that the sum of
the twO sides oca triangle is eqUal co the third side, althouah numerically, of course, the third aide is
always leucr than the sum of the ocher twO. The cheory o(veccors and the theory of quatcrnions
evolving &omit provide enormoualimpli6cations in problems concerning space, forces. velocity, etc.

47
 Here it is necessary to establish two essential moments:
(1) any scientific question can be posited and solved from the organizational
point of view, which special sciences either fail to do or do unsystemat-
ically, semk:onsciously or in the form of exception only.

(2) the organizational point of view alsO raises new scientific questions,
which the ~ special sciences are unable to contemplate, define,
or solve.

It would seem that the organizational point of view should be closest to the
biological and social sciences, which study organisms and organizations. However,
even there It 15 far from being realized; It Is only partially and unsystematically
applied. Therefore, In many cases it Is sUfficient to apply it decidedly and clearly
to this or that problem, in order to immediately obtain a new insight into all pre-
viously known facts, and later to gain new conclusions, sometimes deeply different
from the previous determinations.

For example, the entire enormous question concerning ideologies, (i.e., forms
of speech, thought, laws, ethics, etc.), a question embracing a broad field of social
sciences, is usually considered apart from the notion of social organization as a
whole, the parts of which are joined by indispensable and vital connections. Marx
was the first to explaln this connection definitely, but not fully; he partly ex-
plained only on~ of its features; that is, the dependence of ideology on the relation-
ships of production, as secondary forms, or forms derived from the basic forms.
He left the objective role of ideology in society and its indispensable social func-
tion unexplained. In an organized system each part or feature complements other
parts or features, and In this sense is a necessary element of the whole in which
it performs a special function. In individual cases, Marxism approached this prob-
lem by establishing that this or that Ideology serves the interests of this or that class,
strengthening the conditions for Its supremacy, or that it 15 an Instrument in the
s~ggle with other classes. But Marx did not posit the question In a general form,
and for many Important cases uncritically took the old, presclentific formulations;
for example, he considered art to be a simple adornment of life; mathematical and
aatural scienCes as non-class; the highest scientific truths as pure and independent
of social realtions. The organizatiOnal point of view changed these concepts at once,
removed dlversity and vagueness from them, and pointed to the real and indispen-
sable place of ideology in the life of societY. Ideologies are organizing forms for the
entire practice of society or, what Is the same thing, its organizational instruments.

48
 Indeed,'they are determined in their evolution by th~ conditions and relations of
production. but not only as their superstructure; they'also organize a certain con·
tent. are determined by it and adapted to it. The entire ideological side of life
appears In a new light, and the whole series of its riddles is explained campara·
tively easily. 1

A special illustration from the same field is the question concerning the
origin of animism, i.e., the division of man and other living beings, and originally,
of all objects of nature. into "soul" and "body:' Previous theories of animism
did not even touch the fact that the relation between "soul" and "body'·
has a clear social organizational character; namely, it corresponds to that form of
cooperation which I called "authoritarian:" the relation of an actively commanding
element and the passively 5Ubrnis5Mdement, or the leading and the executing element.
Meanwhile, as soon as this aspect is introduced into the investigation, a new way
is outlined to the solution of the problem. Animism turns out to be a transfer
of the organizational form of the labour relations of people into thought. Moreover,
there is an opportunity to explain fully all the historical fortunes of animism:
why it did not exist, as it is now acknowledged, during the first phases of life of
mankind before the development of authoritarian cooperation, why it was inten-
sified during some epochs of history, weakened in others, following the rise or
decline of this or that social form, etc. 2

In political economy many important ,questions are resolved incorrecdy or

remain unsolved, bec3use d the inability d $peCialists to adopt the organizational
point of view. A vivid example is the theory concemingthe laws of exchange.
'The notion of "marginal utility,-which rules over the old official science, originates
from principles which can be frankly called -an ti-organizationa I." It takes as its
basis the subjective relationship of a separate man to his individual needs; the indio
vidual psychics with its fluctuating valuations of useful things. Meanwhile, the ex·
change of goods is an expression oftheorpnizational relati<n among people in a sc>
ciety; it is a system of production; and the activity of separate psychics with
its subjective valuations reduces to an adjustment' of a given individual with his

lSystemadc review of ideologies and their evolurion which form this point of view are given in my
work. "The Science of Social ConiCiousnes.' (2nd ed., 1919). Review of miuerialistic and
cognitive philosophical teachinga- "Philosophy of the LivinS Experience." Concern"" class
art and class science- "Art and the Working Clau," "Socialism of Science" (both boolu, 1918).

~his theory of animismwu first outlined by me in the 2nd edition of "Shore Coune of
Economic Science" (1899). There are no substantive objections to it to this day.

49
 ---
economy to the objective, independent conditions of social organization. But none
of the subjective vaJwtions can change even that price of merchandise for the individ-
ual which he finds at a given moment in the market, ,"ot to speak of the technical
conditions of production of the merchandise, which constitute one of the most
permanent moments in the determination of prices.

The theory of labour value, on the contrary, originates from the concept of
the social organization of production and in this sense stands on the organizational
point of view. But to this day it is also not quite completely carried ~ut; meanwhile,
a complete and formal proof of its correctness is achieved only with further steps
along the organizational route. I t consists of an investigation of the conditions of
mutual exchange under which enterprises are able to maintain and increase their
share of work in the general system of production. It turns out that this is achieved
precisely by an exchange on the basis of labour norms, with strictly defined and
indirectly dependent departures. 1

The question concerning the origin of sleep can serve as an illustration from the
field of biology. There are a number of theories which attempt to explain directly
the conditions ofalteration between sleep and vigilance in the organism. It is very
likely that a number of them will turn out to be partially correct. The orpnizational
point of view, in different degrees, is part of their nature as it is, generally. also a
part of all serious physiological theories. In particular, this concerns the theory of
M; Duval, which explains the phenomenon of sleep as an amoeba-like movement
of the brain cells: their appendices shorten and interrupt the connections between
the nerve centers, thus causing an absence of consciousness and all the other symp-
toms of sleep. The same can be said about the views of Klapard, according to which
sleep is a defensive func:tlon of the organism, protectrng it from exhaustion.
But even these broad concepts do not contain the one essential feature of the holis-
tically organizational point of view: they do not contain the notion concerning the
relationship of the organized system to Its changing environment. And as soon as
this feature Is taken into account, something new immediately emerges: the connec-
tion of sleep with the astronomical cycle of days and nights among a great majority
of living beings, and, among those subjected to winter hibernation, with the cycle
of time in the vear.

1 In general, NCh a proofwuac fuse pen by: me! in an article "Exc:hallJe and Tec:hnology"
in the c:oUec:tion, "An Outline of Realilac World View" (ht eeL 1903, 2nd eeL 1905). Similarly and
more prec:iecJy ie II devdo~d in 4th eeL, II volume ''Political Ec:onomy,· A. BOgdanov and
L Seepanov (Pint: c:hapten).

50
 Both daily and yearly cycles denote deep periodic changes in the general
conditions of life on the earth's surface. The light of the full moon is si x hund-
red thousand times weaker than the sunlight; and the sight of a majority of animals;
especially of higher animals, is the mai,n means of orientation with respect to resis-
tances, opportunities and dangers in the environment. There are also changes in
temperature, humidity and other atmospheric conditions. The totality of external
conditions for each organism is quite different: a being which is fit for daylight
activities is quite likely to be unsuited to night activities, and vice versa; complete dual
. suitability may be encountered only as a rare exception. Hence also arises the dis-
tinction in the biological situation as a whole between the night and the day life of
animals and plants, which intensifies even further the unsuitability of each separate
organism either to day or night conditions in the struggle for existence.

If, for example, the organization of man evolved in a sufficiently precise

correspondence to the day conditions, then It could not be fit to the same degree
for night activities. Thus, though his eyes contain a special mechanism for night
sight, man sees much worse at night than during the day. A deep trace of primitive
man's helplessness during night is preserved in the form of an instincdve fear of the
dark in our children, usually taking the form of an elemental, convulsive, "mystical"
fear. Many n,ight animals are similarly helpless during the day; you only have to
look at an owl or an eagfe-owl by daylight to see this.

It is necessary for the organism to have, as fully as possible, isolation from

this iJndesirable, periodically appearing situation; obviously, also a periodic
isolation. Such is the role of sleep. Immobility reduces contact with the environ-
ment to a minimum; the interruption of impressions removes events of the external
world from motor reactions, with all their consequences. Hence, the astronomic
frame for periods of sleep: day, night and winter. Transmigrating birds achieve
isolation from winter conditions by an immense air passase; the bear cannot do this
and therefore hibernates. Man achieves the same by heating his den; in nature, the
same purpose is achieved in a variety of ways. Thanks to artificial light, man can

51
partly deviate from the twenty-four-hour cycle; in general, he sleeps less than the
majority of animals.. However, in. tropical countries the twenty-four-hour cycle
contains one more period of hibernation for him as for many other animals.,- after
midday, the time of inactivity due to intense heat.

This generally organizational con~ontation of the "organism and its environment"

permits us,in principle, to solve the question concerning the origin of sleep; the study.
however, of the mechanism' of sleep still remains to be done, but the governing idea
Is there.

In. practice, the organizational point of view has been most fully implemented
in scien~ which do not use the term "orpnization"- namely In the' physico-chemical
sciences. OnIY.it 15 denoted differently there; namely, as a "mechanical" point of
view. It investigates any system both from the point of view of the internal relationships
among all of its parts and also the relationship between it as a whole and its environ-
ment; i.e., all external systems. As was already explained, "mechanisms"are, firstJy,
those organized systems which are systematically built by people themselves, and
then all those systems whose structure has been learnt to the same degree
as, for example, in the case of technlc::.al systems created by man.

However, in the physico-c::hemical sciences, a fully conscious and therefore

completely consistent application of the organizational idea can also lead to state-
ments. of new questions. Thus, for example, enormous interest is aroused by
the controversy about the "principle of relativity in contemporary physics~' Its form-
ulation and investigation are entirely based on the correlation between observers
capturing given events, and on conditions of signalling which permit the coordi-
nation of their observations. It is clear that in organizational sense the concept
of the physical environment Is widened here; into it are brought elements which
were not taken Into account before; namely, Investigating beings and their inter-
relatlonshlps.l '

11 will note chat the pretent formulations of the principle of relativity by Einstein and othen appear to
me from the orpnizational point of view to be imperfect. They take into account only two observers
and the UPt lilnallinl between them. Since a direCt lignallinai:'imosaible when oblervers move away
!rom each other futer than the .peed ofUaht- the ray of the &om one cannot then catch up with the
other- it iI uaumed that relative speed of\odiea is always leas the .peed ofUght: and the latter is
already the IIb1olur.!imic of lpeed&. MeaDwhDe, al soon as a third oblerver iI introduced into the sys-
tem, aI an Intermediary between the ocher cwo, we have something different. With the decomposition of
radioactive bodiea lOme beca-particln, i.e., electrons NIh with a .peed close to the speed of light, for
example, 285 thousanclldlometera per Reo,", (llabt - 300 thousand Ida). For the observer located in the
middle between two IUCh partidn rulhina In opposite direction, it should be quite dear that they move
away £tom each other widi the lpeed of 570 thousand Ida, i.e., futer chan the speed of Upt. If we aI-
swne the exiltence of obsaYen on each Qf them. direct sianallina between them is, obviously, unthink-
able; but with the help of the fine, located between them, they can enter into communication and n-
tablilh their interrelations, includinl knowlcclp chat they move away from each other. falter than the
speed oflisht.

52
 In general, it should be obvious that the organizational point of view is capable
of yielding new results arid leading to new statements· of the most diverse questions
of cognition from those which have been posited hitherto:

. ii.. The Universal Statement of Quesfions .

The organizational point of view also raises questions which could not be
posited by specialized sciences, but which must nevertheless be acknowledged as
perfecdy scientific"questions. These are the questions which relate to the unity
. of organizational methods in nature, practice and cognition.

There are,.for example, the following scientific; facts. The eyes of the cutde-
fish or the octopus present the greatest resemblance in structure to the eyes of
higher vertebrata, such as man. Both are structures of gigantic complexity, with
hundreds of millions of elements which are highly differentiated and harmoniously
connected with each other. However, it can be undoubtedly assumed that both
evolved completely independendy, from two far-removed branches of the gene-
ological tree of life; the common ancestors of man and the octopus could not.have
had eyes in our sense of the word; at best, they had pigmented specks for a
reinforced absorption of rays In the exterior layer of the body. Independence in
origin is especially emphasized by the circumstance that the layers of the retina
receiving light are arranged in a reverse order in the higher mollusks to the arrange-
ment of similar layers in the higher vertebrata. This is one of the most miraculous
coincidences in nature.

Can biology, as a special science, posit and solve the question of such a c0-
incidence, and a coincidence to such a degree? There is a general proposition that
like functions leadto the evolution of like organs. But the notion of "analogy"
says nothing about the possibility of such a striking coincidence; for example,
the corneous external skin of man, the chitinous membrane of insects and the
limy shell of mollusks, etc., are "analogous." Biology can trace two lines of histor-
Ical evolution and a series of transitions which have led independently from the
simple accumulation of pigment to architecturally indentical optical structures,
a million times more complex than our microscopes and telescopes.. But the
very separateness of both lines excludes the possibility of an answer which would
give reasons for the coincidence of their final results.

53

c.\
 Biology, in fact, did not posit the question in this form, althought more
,than sixty years ~ave elapsed since the investigations by Babo,khin of the eyes of
cephalopoda. But from the organizational point of view, the question still remains,
This is a special case of the general question concerning the unity of organizational
methods in nature. And its scientific solution must be achieved on the basis of an-
alyses and generalizatiOns of organizational experience.

In the physico-chemical sciences there exists the "law of equilibrium," formu-

lated by Le Chatelier. This law states that systems which are in a state of equilib-
rium tend to preserve it by producing internal opposition to forces changing it.
Take, for example, a vessel containing water and ice In equilibrium at C!' C under
normal atmospheric pressure. If the vessel is heated, then part of the ice will melt,
absorbing heat and thus continuing to maintain the former temperature of the mix-
ture. Ii the external pressure Is raised, then part of the Ice will again be converted
Into water which occupies a smaller volume, thus weakening the rise in pressure.
In contrast to water, other liquids decrease in volume with freezing. With the rise
in pressure and under the sameconditJons of mixture, they exhibit an opposite
change: a part of theliquld freezes; the pressure is obviously thereby weakened
as in the previous case. The principle of Le Chatelier is applied at every step to
solutions, chemical reactions, and motions of bodies, thereby permitting the pre- I
diction of changes in the most varied cases.

But the same law, as has been shown by many observations, is also applicable
to biological, psychic and 5O(iaJ systems which are found to be in equilibrium.
For example, the human body reacts to external cooling by intensifying internal
oxidizing and other processes which produce its heat; with overheating the heat is
removed by the processes of evaporation. Normal psychics, when it is deprived of
external sensations, such as when a man finds himself In a prison, compensates
for this lack by intensifying the activity of fantasy and by developing attention
with respect to trifles; on the contrary, with an overload of sensations the atten-
tion to particulars is lowered, and the action of fantasy is thereby weakened, etc.

It is clear that the question concerning the universality of the law of Le

Chatelier cannot be posited and systematically investigated by any of the special
sciences - the physico-chemical sciences have no business with psychic systems,
biology with inorganlc,or psychology with material systems. But from the organ-
izational point of view, the question is obviously not only fully possible but in-
escapable.

54
 Such questions are usually called ·philosophical.- Two ideas are hidden in
,this label. The first is that such questions are beyond the scope of specialized
sciences; this is quite correct. The second is that such questions do not have a
strictly scientific character and are not completely 'investigated by scientific'methods,
but by some "philosophical" methods. This must be refuted.

iii. Methods of the Organizational Science

Thus, the organizational point of view if applied consciously and holistic-

ally leads, on the one hand, to a change in the statement of questions by sp~ial
sciences,and on the other, to new scientifIC questions which go beyond the limits of
these sciences. What methods should be used in investigating such questions?

Generally scientific methods should be used which were predominantly

worked out in the natural sciences. They are essentially the same for all sciences
and vary only in the particulars of application. The psychological and social sciences Ii
are,so far,backward and imprecise; but as they develop, their methods will more ,
II
I

closely approach those of the natural sciences. Therefore, without predetermining

future developments, it should be accepted that the organizational science must
begin with these general methods and strive to apply them as strictly and precisely
as possible to the problem at hand.

Induction,leading from particular facts to increasingly broader generaliz-

ations and eventually to universal ones, is represented by three basic forms:
gBMrallzlll{f-descriptiVtl, statistical lind abstractly BTIlIlyticBJ. All of them are ob-
viously applicable to the phenomena of organization anu disorganization.

As far as generalizing descriptions are concerned, it may be noted beforehand

that they should be distinguished in the organizational science by a tendency to
"abstractness,· to an even greater degree than the generalizations in special ized sciences.
The description of organizational facts aims to embrace the relationships of all
kinds of elements; and this means It must abstract itself from those elemen ts ; however,
the description of facts given by specialized sciences always has in mind various
definite elements from which it cannot abstract itself. For example, even phy-
sical chemistry, one Of the broadest of these scienceS, inveStigates correlations of
'bodies" or "physical things:' its descriptions are always concerned with character-
izations of "bodies" or~ings,-and their connections and Combinations. Tek-
i

-,
I

tology, however, con'stantly aims to transcend these limits; and a generalization is

completed in this sense only when it expresses equally well the connections or

55
combinations of bodies, representations, ideas, etc:. For tektology, as for math-
ematics, all phenomena are equal and all elements indifferent. The few generali-
zations of experience from which mathematics departs are not only universally
general, but also maximally abstract The tektology of-organized and disorganized
Complexes must obviously work ~t m~ny more generalizatio~s th.an the '1:ektoJogy of \
neutral complexes'" i.e., mathematics, but nevertheless generalizations of the same
I
type. The path to their development is longer and more complex, inevitably pre-
senting a series of stages at which generalizations are tied to various elements, as
they are in the specialized sciences; the difference lies in there being posited in
advance an aim to remove this restriction and find formulations which would be
suitable to any other element.

StatisticaJ methods include, as is well known, a quantitative enumeration

of facts and a calculation of their recurrence. Quantitative caJculation is clearly
assumed in the very determination of "organlzatJon"and "disorganization;"only
when It is made, can it be stated whether or not in fact the whole is practically
greater or smaJler, in some definite aspect, than the sum of Its parts and by how
much. It can be assumed, however, that the caJculation of the frequency of various
combinations must playa part, but primarily at the lower ~tages of investigation,
before it has gone beyond the limits ,of a group of special, concrete facts. It would
be strange and hardly expedient to calculate the frequency, for example, of the
centralist forms of organization in the structure of inorganic systems, living beings
and psychic complexes, social and ideological groupings, etc:. BV the way, approxi-
mate estimates, in the sense of a particular frequency or rarity of various combin-
ations, may play an important role even here.

Higher stages of investigation are achieved by the abstract analytical method.

, It establishes the ba81c laM of phenomena which express their invariable tendencies.
-AbstraCtJOI\· th~t is,the separation or removal of complicati~g ~oments,serv~s as
a means for this; it reveals the basis of any given phenomenon in a pure form;
namely, that invar!able tendency which Is hidden urider the visible complexity.
Sometimes, abstraction Is carried out In real terms, as in the case of precise.~exper-,
, ,

Iments", in the nati,tral sciences; sometimes, however, ideally or men~ly, as in

the case of the majority of abstractions in the social sciences. For example,~hen
physicists were Investigating 'the convei"sionof mechanical motion into heat, they',
endeavoured with the aid of special apparatus to eliminate any losses'of the gene-
rated heat In excess of the limits of precise control and any accidental inflow of
heat from outside; or, what is the same thing, they aimed to establish a full equi-
librium of such losses and inflows. In this way they recreated the phenomenon

56
in a "pure form;" that is, they practicably simplified it, freeing it from complica-
ting moments and making its basis accessible to observation-in the scientific, and
not in a metaphysical sense, of 'course,-and found its law: a definite quantity of
mechanical motion is converted into a definite quantity of heat which is strictly
proportional to it.

In the same way chem ists searching for the law concerning the connec~
tion between substances endeavour to get the investigated substances into a pure
form by "abstracting· from them any admixtures by various processes of decomp-
osition or ~nalysis;!I and later, inducing reactions between the "abstracted" sub-
stances, the chemists systematically remove or neutralize all the collateral, obser-
ving phenomena, such moments as, for example, the departure of gaseous products
from the field of observation, etc. This example from chemistry !l'akes particu-
larly clear why the abstract method is also called "analytical:" its essence lies in
the decomposition and analysis of complex objects and complex conditions, and
in working with simplified objects and simplified conditions which emerge
as a result of analysis.

It is easy to see that astronomers are in a different situation from that of

physiCists or chemists~ When observing a tangled motion of some planet or comet
in the heavenly firmament, they are deprived of a possibility to analyze practic-
ally this motion, to simplify it in reality, to remove such complicating conditions
as, let us say, the motion of the Earth itself with its ob5ervations, its perturbiltims resulting
from the pull of various other cosmic bodi~ and the uneven fracture of rays in the
atmosphere, etc. At the same time, abstraction and precise investigation, without
Simplification, is not possible here: it is not carried out in a real experiment, but
mentally. One after another, the attendant moments are eliminated from estimates
and calculations, until there remains the structure of an investigated orbit of the
planet or a comet in relation to the centre of the system, usually the Sun. The
very beginning of the new astronomy lies in the powerful effort of the abstract.
thought of NicholausCopemicus, who found the principal complicating moment
of the visible motion of planets in the motion of the Earth itself and succeeded in
"abstracting· it by mentally placing an observer on the Sun. This was the first step
in astronomical abstfactions;later, it.Was easrer to find and remove by analysis
other observed astronomical facts.

57
 In the social sciences, with the colossal complexity of their subject matter,
a real simplifying experiment is so far only possible in exceptional cases. There-
fore, here too the decisive role belongs to mental abstraction, the first models of
which were given by bourgeois classical economics and later, in a more perfect
and valid form, by the investigations of Marx.1

In what form should the organizational science apply the abstract method?
The answer is provided by facts. The point is that although this science does not
yet formally exist, organizational experiments do exist.

The experiments of Quincke and particularly those of Buchli with "artificial

cells" are well-known. They involved the formation of colloidal mixtures which
approached living protoplasms in their physical structure. In these mixtures
it was poSsible to recreate the principal motor reactions of unicellular organisms:
movement by means of released "false feet," similar to those of the amoeba; the em·,
bracing and enveloping of hard particles, copulation, etc. To what fiel d of science !
should these experiments be referred? To biology? But its subject matter is living
bodies and living phenomena, which are absent here. To the physics of colloidal
bodies? The entire aim and meaning of the experiments lie outside Its problems;
the question concerns a new iIIumina.tion, a new explanation of the processes of
IHe. It is clear that these experiments belong to that science whose problems and I
content embrace both at the same time: the science about the general structure of I
both the living and the dead in nature, about the base of organization of all forms. "
Thus, we have an experiment in which what we are accustomed to think of as
'Ife" is -abstracted" from the living function; everything particular in it is ab-
stracted, so that there remains only its general structure and the basis of its or·
ganization.

Plato's ancient experiment reproduces a picture of the rings of Saturn by

. means of the rotation of a liquid sphere in its balanced environment (composed
of another liquid of the same specific gravity). Again, to which scientific field
does this experiment belong?

1, More bask and in part more dstaIIed explanations of the three phases of inductive method
arepn in the "Polldcal Economy,· A. Bogdanov and I. Scepanov, vol. 1, pp. 5-11 (2nd eeL)
and in "The Science of Social ConsdouBReaa," A. Bo;danov, pp. 10-21 {2nC! eeL}.

58
Neither hydrodynamics nor cosmology can rightfully claim this experiment which
relates to questions concerned with the basic architecture of the universe. It es-
sentially and fully belongs to the organizational science.

. The same can be said of the experiments 9f Mayers, which explain a possi-
ble equilibrium of electrons in the atom by means of an electromagnet and tiny
floating magnets or currents.

The main feature of the application of the abstract method in tektology

can be seen in these iUustrations. In the experiments, for example, of BuchU, or
Of those following the same p... th, such as Rhumbler, Herrer, Leduc and Leman, the
"biological" material is first abstracted frum the living phenomenon; later, it is
.also necessary to abstract mBntSIIv from the material which has served as a basis
for the experiment. Real abstraction is indispensably complemented with mental
abstraction.

Of course, tektology will be forced even more often to limit itself to mental
abstraction.

Such are the inductive paths on which the organizational science must work
out its generalizations and laws. Next, begins the role of deduction which adds
and combines the results so obtained in order to get new theoretical as well as
practical conclusions. It is possible to anticipate that this role will be
enormous. In mathematics-the tektology of neutral combinations- it is so over~
whelmingly great that it has for the majority of thinkers completely overshadowed
the experimental or inductive basis of this science. In the tektology of organized
and disorganized complexes 5Uch a basis must be much broader; a "neutral· con-
nection, or equilibrium of organizing and disorganizing moments, is still an extra-
ordinarily simplified special case which facilitates deduction to the utmost degree.
In general tektology, consequently,the correlation of induction and deduction
cannot be so uneven. As a universal science, it must in full measure and with the
greatest harmony unite in itself the all-scientific methods.

3. The Relationship of T ektology to Particular Sciences

and Philosophy

As has already been explained, questions of the speciaiized sciences can

be posited from the organiiational point of view. that is. "tektologicaJly."This

59
point of view is always broader and,therefore,capable, at least in some and per-
haps in all cases, of leading to results which are fuller and more precise. The exper-
ience of all the sciences shows that the solution of particular questions is usually
~hieved only when they are ·preliminarily converted into generalized forms; and
at the same time, together with the originally posited questions,many other
similar questions are solved. Thus, if someone posited as his problem the expla-
nation of the distance between the Earth and the Moon and constrained himself
within these limits, he would have never come to anything; but the solution of
a more general problem- how to find the distance from an object without
approaching It-has immediately opened the road to the solution of the
given particular problem, and of an unlimited number of others. The basic
significance of tektology lies in the most general statement of questions.
. I

Hehce the relationship of tektology to particular sciences Is easily estab-

lished; It 15 unifying and controlling. Their entire material and all the results they
have obtained lawfully belong to it, as a basis of Its work; all of their generaliz-
ations and conclusions are subject to its verification from the point of precision
and completeness, inasmuch as a relative narrowness of the specialized point of
view may be reflected In both.

The methods of all sciences are for tektology only modes for the organization
of material supplied by experience; tektology investigates them in this sense as
It does any other possible methods of practice. Its own methods are not excluded:
they are precisely the same object of Investigation, organizing modes and no more.
Tektology rejects as fruitless scholasticism the so-c~led "epistemology, If or phil-
osophical theory of cognition which alms to investigate conditions and modes of
cognition not as vital, organizational processes among other processes, but ab-
stractly, as a process which differs essentially from practice.

Tektology should not be confused with philosophy. Philosophy at its birth

was simply an aggregate of scientific knowledge which was not yet separated into
specialities, but \WS connected by naive general hypotheses. In the epoch elf the.
specialization of sciences, it became a super-structure over scientific knowledge,
expressing the striving of human thought toward unity. But it could not achieve
this In fact, for It disintegrated Itself according to the basic break of social life
into theoretical and practical branches. Both differ fundamentally from tektology.

Practical philosOphy has in mind general moral leadership in the behaviour

of people. For tektology morals are only an object of investigation, as one

60
organizing form among others; tektology considers the moral relationships among
people from the same point of view as the relationships of cells in an organism,
parts in a machine. electrons in an atom, etc. It is just as alien to morals as is
mathematics.

Theoretical philosophy strived to discover a unity of experience in the form

of some universal explanation. It wanted to paint a harmonious and intelligibte
picture of the world. Its tendency is contemplation. For tektology the unity of
experience is not "discoverecf,' but activity created by organizational means:
"philosophers wanted to explain the world. but the main point is to change it"said the
greater precursor of organizational science, Karl Marx.! The explanation of
organizational forms and methods by tektology is directed not to a contempla·
tion of their unity, but to a pncticaf mastery over them.

Philosophical ideas differ from scientific ideas in that they are not subject
to empirical verification; for example, a "philosophical experiment" is a completely
unnatural combination of ideas. The constant practical verification of its con·
c1usions is obligatory for tektology; organizational laws are necessary first of all
in order to apply them; and tektological experiments are not only possible, but,
as we have seen, already exist. The fundamental difference between phil·
osophy and tektology is especially clear here.

Philosophy has frequently anticipated broad scientific generalizations in

its unifying work; the most striking example is the idea about the indestructability
of matter and energy. In this sense, philosophy is also a precursor of tektology.
Such philosophical conceptions as dialectic or the teaching of Spencer about evo-
lution have a hidden and unconscious but indisputable tektologi,cal character.
Inasmuch as they will be investigated, verified and organizationally explained,
they will enter into the new science, and, at the same time, lose their ph il·
osophical character. In general,tektology, with its development, should make
philosophy superflous, and from the start it is aJready superior to it since it com-
bines with its universality a scientific and practical character. Philosophical ideas
and schemes are for tektology objects of investigation as are any other organiza-
tional forms of experience.

Tektology is a universal natural science. It is just being conceived; but since the
entire organizational experience of mankind belongs to it, its development should be
swift and revolutionary, as it is revolutionary in its nature.

lOne of lUI 11 theses on Feuerbach.

 III
Basic Organizational
Mechanisms

1. The Formulating Mechanism

i. Conjunction

Man in his. organizational activity is only a student and imitator of the great univer-
sal organizer, nature. Therefore, human methods cannot transcend the methods of nature,
and represent in relation to them special cases only. But for us, these special cases are, of
course, better known and, therefore, the study of organizational methods should begin
with them and then go on to the more general, and ultimately. the universal means of
organization in nature.

It was long ago noticed and established that man in his activity, practiCe and cog-
nition only joins and separates some given elements on hand. The process of labour reduces
to the joining of various "materials" and "instruments" of labour with the "labour force."
and the separation, of various parts of these. complexes, which produce as a result the or-
ganized whole, a "product."

The efforts of the worker, the cutting instrument, and a piece of wood are joined,
shavings and bits of wood are cut off, and the instrument is separated from the wood,
completing its movements; anew force is applied to the instrument, which brings it into a

63
 1

6"ew contact with the wood, etc.: the chain of combinations and disjunctions is sometimes
comparatively simple, frequently very complex and hard to describe in words; but there is
always only this and never anything else that could not be encompassed in these notions.
Similarly, in the field of cognition. The generalizing effort binds and unifies elements or
complexes of experience; the discerning effort separates them; nothing else, going beyond
these limits, can exist here. No logic or methodology was able to this day to find any-
thing else.

But further investigation reveals that these two acts, joining and separation, do not
play an equal part in the activity of man or occupy in it an equal place: one of them is
)

primary, the other a deriva tive; the one can be direct, the other is always only a result.
Assume that a worker must cut a piece of wood into two parts or even break it; he must,
generally, divide it in this way or that. No straight or direct act which would accomplish
this is known to exist: the worker must invariably bring the object being separated into
contact either with the instrument or with organs of his body- the act of joining- and he
must apply to this system a definite effort, which is another act of joining. The breach of
connections in the object occurs only as a consequence of these combinations and as an
event of" secondary character.

The process is no different in cognition. No "distinction," "opposition" or

,jdifferentiation" is possible without a preliminary comparison; that is, without the joining
of separated complexes in some common field, the field of "consciousness" or "experience."
The child does not know for a long time how to distinguish a cat from a dog, or one
strange man from another; only when he happens to see them both side by side,or when
their images become so customary and firmly implanted in his consciousness that he can
compare a clear representation of the absent man with a perception of the man present,
can he Udistinguish" between them, i.e., separate them in his experience. The very effort
which is directed to such a purpose appears only if two complexes have something in
common, have some of their elements merged, or are blended when encountered in the
field of experience. Consequently, separation is also secondary here; it is a· derivative that
occurs on the basis of a union.

Passing now to the processes of elemental nature, we find in them the same two
moments and correlation. It is possible to conceive any event, any change of complexes
and their forms, as a chain of two acts; the act of joining wha t was separated, ··and the
act of separating what was bound together.· For example, the nourishment of an or-
ganism constitutes a connection of environmental elements to its structure; propagation
occurs through separation from it of a certain group of its elements; all chemical reactions
reduce to combinations of atomic complexes or their decomposition; even the simple
If displacement" of bodies should be understood as their detachment from one set of com-
plexes of the environment with which they were spatially bound and an entry into a similar
connection with others. At the same time, one can establish as an indispensable, preceding
moment, some act of a connecting character for any breach of connections. For example,
a free cell usually propagates through division on the basis of its growth, i.e., the joining of
substances from outside; the propagation of a chemical complex takes place as a result of
either a contact with another substance or an entry. into it of new activities from outside,
such as thermal and electrical activities. A completely independent act of separation which
is not induced by some act of joining cannot exist

Consequently, the primary moment begetting changes, emergence, destruction and

the development of organizational forms, or the base of the formulating tektological
mechanism, is the joining of complexes. We will denote it by the term conjunctlon l taken
from biology, which is deeper in meaning and universal in application.

It is necessary to perceive distinctly the universality of this concept in order to oper-

ate with it tektologically. Conjunction is cooperation or any other social contact, such as
speech and the connection of concepts into ideas, the meeting of images and aspirations in
the field of consciousness, the fusion of metals, the electrical discharge between two
bodies, an exchange of goods between enterprises, and an exchange of ray energy between
heavenly bodies. Conjunction binds our mind with the most distant planets which we see
in the telescope, and with the smallest bacteria which we see in the microscope. Conjunc-
tion is the assimilation of nourishment which sustains an organism and of poison which
destroys it, soft embraces of iovers and mad embraces of enemies, congress of workers of
the same trade and a close fight of antagonistic detachments .••

Scientific organizational concepts are as strictly formal as the mathematical

concepts which properly belong to them; "conjunction" is like the addition of magnitudes,
which is its special case. We consider fighting armies as two conjunctive complexes with
the same justification as when we determine the total number of participants in a
battle by adding numbers of both sides. The subjective goals of participants do not matter
here; what is important are objective correlations: two complexes are in an "interaction,"

lIn biology this word it applied to the act of joining two freely existing cella constituting a prototype
embryo of sexual propapuon. With proper "conjunction," two cella unite temporarily and pardy (they
usually exchange a quarter of their nuclear composition); with so-called "copulation" they merse corn-
pletely.ln both cases, this is usually followed by the proc~ of cell division; and each newly created ceD
baa now a combined property inherited from both.ides. thanlca to which propagation turns out to be
the creation of really new form. and not simply an augmented repetition of old forms. Exacdy this
nuance- a hidden indication at creation- makes the term "conjunction." in its univeraally·broadened
sense, the most appropriate f!)r tektology: from ita point of View any creation of new forms is baaed
onjoining ofindepenaent complexes and each such joining leads to the creation of new form ..

65
the elements-activities intermingle, "influence" each other, generally "combine" with each
other, cross from one complex to another in the form of taking prisoners and supplies, and
also in the form of the mutual borrowing of experience, adopting from each other even
SuCh things as modes of struggle and, frequently, also practical information. The unity of
communes, tribes and nations into extensive societies was historically achieved both
thrbughwar and peace and friendly exchange; the difference lies in the quantity of expended
energy, ·the degree of attendant disorganization; but, as we shall see, disorganization exists
in all conjunctive processes, whether they have a "peaceful" or an "antagonistic" tendency.
And the very results are far from being predetermined by this tendency; frequently,they
do not even correspond to it; for example, the knife and energy of a surgeon, conjugating
with vital complexes of his patient, may sometimes disorganize him to a much greater ex-
tent than the knife and enerlY of a felonious murderer; friendly communication may
strike a man .with a mortal blow; and malicious violence often brings about the most
positive changes in life.

Thus, the results of conjunction are sometimes tektologically different While inves-
tigating them In a general form, in relation to the elements-activities, it is easy to trace
three conceivable cases.

1) Activities of one complex and the activity of another join so that they do not
become "resistances" for each other; consequently, they join without any "losses."
This is the limiting positive result. The most typical examples are: the merging of
two waves of the same length with a complete coincidence of their crests and valleys;
the merging of two drops of water into one, taken from the point of view of the
chemical activities embodied in its molecules; the simultaneous and equally directed
efforts of two workers applied under conditions of non-interference, for example,
while lifting a log from both ends.
The more perfect the modes of scientific analysis become, the more decisively
it Is revealed that this represents, In its pure and finished form, an ideal case. In real-
ity,there is no absolutely harmonious combination of activities under conjunction;
combinations which would be characterized by complete absence of resistances on
the part of some of their activities do not exist Two waves do not coincide with ab-
solute precislon,and the direction of efforts of two workers is never fully identical:
"losses" may be practically negligible and, therefore, rightly ignored or even inaces-
sibJe to contemporary methods of investigation, but for strictly scientific thought
they always exist. "Matter" is the most stable form of activities known to man; but
even here, the merging of two drops of water cannot avoid the destruction of even a
few atoms, or, at least, the violation of their structure, during which a part of their ,_
electro-chemical energy is also "lost" and dissipated by vibrations. This does not pre- I·

vent the assumption that in a great many problems of practice and theory such prox.

66
imity to the limit is quite equivalent to its achievement

2) The opposite case occurs when the activities of one complex become complete
resistances to the activities of another and fully paralyze them or are paralyzed by
them. Typical illustrations are the merging of waves of equal length and the same
direction into half-waves; the contrarily directed efforts of two workers; the connec-
tion of charges of the internal and external covers of the Leyden jar, etc.
It seems at first sight that this case must be as ideal, but "only in the abstract,"
as the previous one. But this is not so. It is quite likely, perhaps even unquestionable,
that the direction of the activities of two complexes will never be fully opposite;
that their equal numbers cannot completely paralyze, or "neutralize" each other,
that there are always, though negligibly small, active residues. For example, in the
case of two persons pulling each ot~er with equal efforts in opposite directions,
some side and oscillating shifts are revealed without fail, thanks to the imprecise
lines of these efforts; and even the mutual discharge of co'vers of the leyden jar will
never by itself lead to their absolutely neutral state; as a "suppressed oscillation" it
can never end by itself. But an active residue in activities of one direction, in its tum,
is fully neutralized if it meets the surplus of activities of an approximately opposite
direction. In this sense complete neutralization is quite possible and represents a fre-
quent phenomenon. The efforts of one worker can be completely paralyzed by the
more considerable efforts of the other; a positive electrical charge by a more sizable
negative charge, etc.

3) The most common case occurs when two complexes connect so that their ele-
ments-activities are partially added together and partially become mutual resistances,
i.e., become organizationally subtracted. For example, two workers enter into a co-
operation; both assist and also involuntarily hinder each other while combining their
efforts more or less successfully at the same time; or two waves combine and partly
intensify each other, etc. This or the other correlation dominates and determines the
general nature of the resUlting combination.
This case does not by itself need any explanation. ~ut we should remember
that a "complex" is a conditional magnitude, and that it depends entirely on the in-
vestigation on hand whether or not to subdivide it into parts which can be then con-
sidered as separate complexes. These parts can also be mentally singled out, so that
for some of them there will be a full rather than partial neutralization of their activi-
ties. For example, in a number of the muscular efforts of two collaborators, it is pos-
sibfe to find that some of them are fully paralyzed by the unfavourably directed
movements of the other worker. Consequently, the third case, with sufficient ana-
lysis, also contains as special moments the cases of the second type.

67
 .,

iI. Ingression

Now we are going to examine, in a general fQrm, the results of conjunction from the
point of view of the emerging systems. The process of c:onjunc:tion is apparently accom-
panied by a c:ertain degree of transformation of the c:omplexes which have entered into it. It
c:an result, as Is c:lear from the foregoing, in the udestruc:tion" or, more precisely, neutraliza-
tion of one complex; or, If a number of them enter into conjunction, the neutralization of
some of them. But besides this, transformation may be so deep that observation '''cannot
rocolnize" former complexes and, therefore, does not c:onsider them to be the same: for
example, c:onjunction of oxygen and hydrogen forming water, c:onjunction of two mecha-
nlc:al impulses produc:lng motion as the resultant force, etc. However, the most general c:ase
is when we accept that c:omplexes are "preserved;" even after a transformation they con-
tinue to exlst,although In a changedform. Extreme cases,such as the destruction or radic:al
reorganization of'complexes, reduce to this general form with suffic:ient Investigation: by
trac:lng the elements of former c:omplexes In new combinations, sc:ientlfic thought re-
establishes for Itself those former c:omplexes and finds under the changed forms their
ulndestruc:tible" matter or energy, or those activities-resistances from which they were
composed. If, for example, the positive and negative electrical charges of facings of the
Leyden jar mutually neutralize each other by means of c:onjunctlon and disc:harge, then
this does not mea~ that both of these ac:tJvltles have ceased to exist for cognition; the ab-
sence of their practic:al manifestations is explained by the fa<:t that elements of both former
c:omplexes, grouped In pairs, paralyze each other; but they can be separated again and re-
turned to a former combination by employing an appropriate Influence from outside; that
Is, with the aid of a new conjunction with a third complex. Also, although oxygen and hy-
drogen are "not Individually recognizable" after their combination into the form of water,
chemistry cognltively c:ontlnues to c:onslder them in water molec:ules as their elements or
atoms, and supplies ways to separate and regroup them into former systems. Consequently,
from the sc:lentiflc: point of view, the result of conjunction is, In general, a system composed
of the transformed c:onjugatlng c:omplexes.

These complexes may either remain In mutual contact or separate again in the process
of c:hanges brought about by conjunc:tion. The biological "conjunction" of living cells,
bound with their propagation, relates exac:tly to the second type: two cells, having ex-
changed a part of their elements, separate again and independently divide further. The col-
lision of two bodies, after which they continue their path in new directions and with new
speeds, also belongs here. The process of separation can spread to the parts of the original
complexes, as when two glass bodies break Into piec:es during a collision. Apart from this,
separation sometimes generally proceeds on lines so far removed from the former separate-
ness of complexes that it is not possible to say which of the resulting new complexes
corresponds to this or that original complex; such, for example, are exchanging chemical ij

68
reactions, such as the reaction of sodium (carbonic natron) with sulphuric acid which pro-
duces sulphuric natron, carbonic acid and water. But it is best to begin with a close con-
sideration of the simplest and the most common cases, as when conjugating complexes re-
main in mutual contact without being radically disorganized: the union of animals of dif-
ferent sexes into a family, people 'into a union, links into a chain,and images of conscious-
ness into an association, etc.

What is the connection which unites any given complexes? Considering all kinds of
cases, it is easy to be convinced that its essence always reduces to the same thing: they have
some part or a sum of elements in common. This is their IIn/cagB. It can be different in dif-
ferent cases. The linkage of two conjugating amoebas or bacteria is that merged part of
their bodies which equally belongs to both; in the case of "copulation" it wholly embraces
both bodies. The linkage of two links in a chain is that part of one link which lies inside the
other; and especially the surface of their contact. The linkage of two associating images of
consciousness is their "common feature:' the linkage of cooperatively organized efforts '
is their common object, etc.

All those changes which determine the awmization and di~tion of the created
system occur in the region of a linkage. In the case of conjugating livingcells,it is exactly
there that processes of exchange go on, raising their viability or, in cases of biologically un-
successful combinations, lowering it. For collaborators, it is exactly In the common object
that the application of their efforts occurs, either in the form of the merging of efforts into
a harmonious combination, which creates one powerful movement, or in the form of mu-
tual hindrance which reduces their efforts to a practically small and sometimes an insigni-
ficant magnitude. In consonance and dissonance, the coinciding parts of sound waves form
the field of harmonic and stable intensifying tones, or their disharmonic "beat," etc.

Linkage denotes the "entry" of elements of one complex into another, and vice versa;
therefore, systems which are formed from complexes and bound by a linkage will be called
'tngre.ulve-(ingressio, means in Latin, "entry"}. It is Impossible to imagine any organiza-
tional combination which would not be based on ingression; this form is univen;al. Some-
times experience does not directly reveal the linkage between two complexes which never-
theless constitute a,certain system and are bound by a mutual dependence; then cognition
is forced to construct it and introduce It hypothetically. For example, if a magnetic arrow
follows the motion fAa piece of iron n~r it, then "magnetic forces" belonging simultaneous-
ly to both of them are assumed to emanate from one body to another, and vice versa;
in the case of the sun and planets, a theory is created concerning some specific activities of
"gravity" YAlich,in the same way, serves as a linkage between them, etc. These constructions
may turn out to be, of course, unsuccessful and incorrect; but then, the problem of cog-
nition is not simply to reject them but to replace them with more expedient ones; cogni-

69
tion cannot manage without ingression for precisely the same reasons as practice cannot
manage without it in those cases where it is necessary to organize a definite system from
the complexes on hand.

Cognition in this case, a5 always, derives its methods from practice. Let us assume
that it Is necessary to connect firmly two pieces of metal, or wood, or a rope. Linkage is
created by the entry of elements of one complex into another. To carry out such an entry
directly Is not always possible and, at times, impossible. In the case of ropes, this is, for
example, easily achieved by weaving the fibres of both, or by tying their ends together.
This simplicity and ease depend on the greater rtllstlve mobility of their parts. It is not so
simple with two pieces of metal; their elements, under normal conditions, have very little
mobility, and if the form of the pieces is not particularly suitable for welding, as in the
case of a nut and bolt, this cannot be dIrectly carried out. But technology knows methods
of changing mofecUlar mobility: the pieces of metal can either be completely melted down,
thus permitting their fusion Into one, or each of them can be melted on one side, thus per-
metting their welding directJy or, finally, their mobility can be Increased by heat below the
molten stage to a degree that would permit "welding" with the aid of a strong mechanicaJ
Influence. However, it is not possible to connect two pieces of wood in this way: they are
irreversibly destroyed with heating before acquiring the requisite plasticity. In such cases,
the method of "Introductory" or nlnstNmentsl" complexes is usually applied. This role
can be performed, for example, by glue, which In a liquid form easily attaches itself to the
surface of the wood and then hardens, without destroying the acquired connection. Paral-
lel to these methods, a5 if copied from them, are the cognitive methods of the unification of
various complexes.

Wherever possible, cognition directly blends the common elements of given com-
plexes; this Is called "generalization." If, for example, in one field of thought, there are psy-
chic images of water in a river, water In the stream, water in one or another vessel, etc.,
then the linkage between all of them occurs a5 If by means of superimposition of one image
on another, thus creating unity In the form of a great number of coinciding elements. This
is the basic, primitive phase of cognition. At a higher level, it first decomposes complexes
Into elements; that is, it mentally breaks down connections between them and ~ereby
Imparts to them a relative mobility. For example, the images of man, fish and insect are
quIte difficult to unite dlrectty In the field of consciousness, and If they are superimposed
on each other, the resulting combination Is vague and easily destroyed. But, it must be
noted, when biology at first practically decomposed these complexes into their integral
parts, such as organs, tissues and cells, then it became fully possible tohave such a compa-
rison, I.e., mental conjunction, In which common elements are firmly united, thus bringing
about a stable scientific ingression. Finally, in the solution of even more complex problems
of conjunction, cognition resorts to the method of Introductory or Instrumental complexes.

70
For example, it introduces between man and the monkey an image of their common ances-
tor; between spatially removed but mutually dependent bodies, it introduces ether with
various tensions and fluctuations in it, etc.

Man can create practical ingressions only in the field of his collective labouring
muscular efforts; consequently, only in a limited framework. But this framework is being
expanded with the progress of labour. Besides, experience shows that by means of one or
many introductory links which are expediently chosen, it is possible to establish a real con-
nection between any complexes, no matter how far they are removed in the field of labour,
or how mutually incompatible in the direction of their activities. It is possible to coordinate
the efforts of two workers who happen to be at the two opposite sides of the earth: it is
only necessary to introduce between them a sufficient number of telegraphic stations and
Jines; it is possible to arrange a parley between fiercely fighting en~mies: it is only neces-
sary to find suitable intermediaries; it is possible to obtain a mutual understanding and pre-
cise coordination of actions between an Eskimo and a Papuan, between an English worker
and a Russian peasant: to do this, knowledgeable and intelligent Interpreters are necessary;
it is possible to connect fire and water In the preparation of food, and tender cells of the brain
centres and steel instruments, for production or destruction, etc.

Cognition operates with complexes which are much more plastic; and. its field, which
has as its base the same field of physical labour, expands much faster and easier. Therefore,
it develops its chain of ingressions correspondingly faster and easier. By establishing ever
new connections where they were previously absent and crossing in its unifying,work any
given boundaries in an increasingly shorter period of time, cogn'ition has long ago arrived
at the idea of a continuous connection of all that exists, at the idea of a "universal
ingression. "

iii. Disingression

The result of conjunction may happen to be not only more or less stable ingression.
In many cases something else happens: the disintegration of the conjugated systems, the cre-
ation of new separate systems and new "boundaries." Let us consider one of the simplest
events of this kind.

On a suspended silk thread hangs a small dumb-bell; this complex is known as the
"phYSical pendulum." The thread is stretched out; the weight of the dumb-bell together
with the insignificant weight of the thread represent a definite sum of activities directed at
the centre of the earth. The dumb-bell, however, hangs up and does not fall down because
there is another group of activities- the "coupling," which while (:ounteracting the stret-
ching more than paralyzes it and does not permit the dumb-bell to fall down.

71
 Now let us conjugate a new complex with this system: hang on it another dumb-bell.
The sum of stretching aCtivities grows. If, however, it remains less than the sum of the
1
I
I
I
coupling activities along the entire thread, the pendulum will continue to hang on as before.
But let us assume another relationship: at one point, or more precisely, in one of the dia-
metrical sections of the thread where the thread is, say, the thinnes~the sum of stretching
activities is precisely equal to the coupling activities. What will happen then?

At first sight It seems that nothing exceptional should happen; both activities paralyze
each other; consequently, neither of them manifests itself in real changes. But this is not so.

In the spot where the activities of a complex are fully neutralized, any resistance to
the external activities also apparently disappears. And they always do exist There are not
and cannot be c9mplexes which are completely isolated: each is surrounded by an
(IfIvlronment, by other organized complexes and other activities. They are tektologically
"antagonistic" to it: unfolding in their own ways, they can disturb its form and destroy
it; they do not do this precisely because the complex represents a resistance. As soon, how-
ever, as at any of its points or regions the resistance disappears or becomes equal to zero, external
activities enter there and the linkage of the complex is torn down. In the given case, this will
be, for example, the molecular blows of the particles of the surrounding air. For a normal
coupling of the thread which is in a state of rest, they represent an infinitely small magni-
tude; when the coupling is completely paralyzed, then infinitely small influences are suf·
ficient for the development of an effect which was impossible before: particles of the air
enter between the partJcles of the thread and separate them, thus causing disintegration of
the complex. A tektological boundary passes through it

As we can see, it passed where a complete neutralization of activities had occurred,

wh ich we shall call a"complete disingression."l

To this day there is stili a notion about. "empty space," or the absence of any en·
vironment But this is completely erroneous; it contradicts the entire sense of contempo-
rary science. At each point of this "emptiness," the interstellar ether, any body put there
experiences the Influen:es ci electrical magnetic and gravitational forces; the same forces which
in other more complex combinations characterize the well known "material" environment.

lThia name denotes che fact which is opposite to that o( ingression. In inDesBion the activities which
were not previously connected are joined together creating a "linkage" 01 che conju~ting com~lexe8;
in dislngreasion they mutually parafyze each other, thuslcading to the creation of. 'boundary,' i.e.,
separateness. As long u chey do not paralyze each other completely, che boundary does not exist: this
Is only a IMrtml dl'ln"../tJII; it is always added to any ingression beCAuse as we have seen, there is not
a conjuncdon of complexes without some expenditure of their activities in the form of mutual
resistances.· .

72
If the resistance of the ether environment is very small, this means that it is composed of
complexes which are least organized. A resistance, however, exists; although, for example,
for a moving body it is infinitely small with normal speeds, but with their increase it also
increases; and when the speed approaches that of the speed of light, it grows to an infinite-
ly large magnitude, i.e., becomes practically insurmountable. Consequently, an environment
is always present; and therefore a complete disingression always causes an intrusion of the
elements-activities of the environment on lines of the destroyed resistances; that is, the
creation of a tektological boundary.

A vivid illustration ofa tektological boundary and also the changes in it is the front line.
It passes through the points where the antagonistic efforts of two armies are held in mutual
balance, and for as long as they are so held. As soon as this balance is distrubed, as it hap-
pens with an attack by one side, the front line disappears; this gives rise to conjugating pro·
cesses- battles and skirmishes in which elements of both sides intermingle in various com·
binations and interactions. Subsequently, military activities may again come to a balance
along a new front line; or conjunction may spread further and further and culminate in
the creation ofa linkage, embodied in a peace agreement or a relationship of conquest and
subordination. Another illustration is the boundary between the "north" and "south"
halves of the magnet; it is also caused by a mutual neutralization of opposite activities,
and can also shift when this correlation changes because of the approach of other magnetic
masses or electrical currents. Another example is the main points of standing waves in a
vibrating body: these points appear where opposite fluctuating motions are paralyzed.
Everywhere, all boundaries have one and the same basis: complete disingressions.

A breach in the tektological boundary between any two complexes generally consti·
tutes the start of their conjunction, the moment when they cease to be what they were,that
is, tektological separatenesses, and when they begin to create some new system, with flJ1her
transfCl11'1iUions, the appearance of linkages and llU1ial ex COI1lIIete disingressions; in sUm, this is
an organizational crisis of given complexes. The creation of a tektological boundary which
produces from a given system new entities, also makes the system, in the organizational
sense, different from what it was before; this is also its crisis, but of another type. All crises
observed in life and nature, all "upheavals," "revolutions," "catastrophes," etc., belong to
these two types. For example, revolutions in society usually represent a breach in the social
boundaries between various classes; the boiling of water, a breach in the physical boundary
between the liquid and its atmosphere; the propagation of a living cell, the creation of a vital
boundary between its parts which acquire independence; death, a breach in the living bond
of an organism through paralysis of its activities at some points by others which aim in the
opposite direction, etc.

For the sake of conciseness, we shall denote crises of the first type as "crises C,"

73
the second as "crises 0 ... 1 On the basis of the foregoing it is obvious that crises Care pri·
mary: any division is preceded by conjunctions. Thus, the division of the mother cell into
daughter cells is a result of its growth and nourishment, i.e., the conjunctive ingestion of
elements from the external environment; death is the result of the entry of external activi-
ties into an organism; this entry may be fast and unusual with a violent death, or severe in-
fectiol'\ and gradual and consecutive with death from old age or illnesses involving an ex·
change of substances, etc.

Conjunction, Ingression, linkage, dlsingression, boundary, and crises C and 0 are the
basic concepts for the formulating tektologlcal mechanism; they will serve us in the inves·
t1gatlon of the most varied cases of the creation of organizational forms, complexes and
systems. But th~re later appears a question concerning the fate of forms that have ap-
peared, such as their preservation, consolidation, diffusion, or their decline and destruction.
This is the question concerning the regulating tekt~logical mechanism.

2. The Regulating Mechanism

i. Conservative Selection

All that appears has its own fate. Its first and simplest expression reduces to the dilem-
ma: preservation or destruGtion. Both the former and the latter are governed by laws, so
It is .frequently possible to foresee the fate of forms. Lawful preservation or destruction
is the first scheme of the universal regulating mechanism. It is best to denote it by the name
it received in biology, "choice" or "selection." We are going to disCard, however, the addi-
tion of "natural," since for tektology the distinction between "natural" and "artificial"
processes are not of primary importance.

The notion of selection, having appeared first of all i.n biology, Is, as we have already
said, nonetheless universal: the organizational science must apply it to all complexes, their
systems, connections and boundaries. In order to illustrate this generality, let us take a
number of examples of the most heterogeneous character.

Climatic changes occur in a country: it becomes colder. Of the animals and plants
inhabiting It, some are able to endure this change and survive; others perish. As a result, the
organization of life on a given territory Is regulated in accordance with new conditions.

Instead of a change in climate, let us assume the entry of man who did not live there

1Thac I., "conjunctive" or connecting. and "disjunctive" or separating.

74
before. He destroys certain organisms, takes away the means of nourishment from others,
supports.the third directly, helps the fourth indirectly by destroying their enemies, etc.
Tektologically, this is as similar a case as. the previous one: the organization of life is being
regulated in accordance with the situation; The influence of man, whether planned or un-
conscious, is for each living form the same external activity, as useful, harmless or destruc-
tive as the change in temperature or humidity.

A city is subjected to a fire. Wooden buildings mainly perish and stone buildings are
preserved. The same city happens to be in the area of an earthquake; multi-storied and
wooden structures crumble, one-storied and brick structures endure.

An ear of barley with its beard in a downward position is thrust into the sleeve of the
clothing of a walking man. It receives jolts in all possible directions; all downward move-
ments are destroyed by the resistance of the beard, but the upward movement is free: the
ear rises up the sleeve.

Here a number of complexes-events, which follow one after another in time are sub-
jected to selection, whereas in the previous examples the question concerned complexes-
bodies existing simultaneously. The tektological scheme is not at all changed by this.

If a box, in which lie irregular pieces of broken sugar, is shaken from side to side,
then the pieces will gradually locate themselves so as to have the centre of gravity of the
entire mass occupy the lowest possible position. With various jolts those movements of the
pieces which raise the centre of gravity are destroyed to a greater extent than those which
lower it, because the former encounter the resistance not only from frequent accidental
jolts of the opposite direction, but also from the constantly active earth gravity and the.
weight of the pieces of sugar.

If a man falls into a difficult situation, then new experiences are primarily retained
and fixed in his psychics; and mainly those which have a gloomy, painful character, corres-
ponding to the new situation, surface in his consciousness from the previous experiences;
similarly in the opposite case: psychic complexes are selected by the external environment.

In a society, in its separate class or any collective out of newly appearing tluman
groups, relationships or ideas, those are retained and preserved which correspond to the per-
manent and common conditions of its life, and those disintegrate and disappear which are
in opposition to them; this is the selection of social complexes.

Comparing these various illustrations, it is easy to see that the tektological scheme of
selection differs from the "natural selection" of biologists only in the necessary simplitica-

75
 r
I

tion or reduction. Biological selection assumes propagation to be related to heredity; the

general organizational scheme cannot include this because propagation is a special feature
of living organisms .. Tektology takes points of departure for its constructions from
special sciences, but It is forced to change the borrowed concepts, adapting them to the
universality of Its problems. So it was with the previous concept of "conjunction."

The universality, however, of the scheme of selection is such that it is obviously ap-
plicable to any complex and any of its parts at any time; for this, in essence, is simply a
definite point of view from which any fact can be approached. Man lives, that is, he is pre-
served In his given environment; consequently, a regular correspondence which is sufficient
for this exists between him and the environment; he dles- consequently, such a correspon·
dence does not exist; this or that cell of his body lives as long as It Is adapted to its environ-
ment; that is, fI'1t ~f all to the organism itself and through it to the external world- it
perishes when this correspondence Is violated to a sufficient degree, as does any element of
the cell, any of its partial connections, etc.

Mankind In its practice constantly applies, at each step, the same point of view in
reality, I.e., It operates by means of selectlon. Even in a specially biological sense people
have carried out seml.consciously the "artlflcial selection" of domestic animals and cultiva·
ted plants, producing the most suitable forms of both, and they had done this thousands of
years before "natural selection" was discovered: this is one more illustration of the Inesca-
pable unity of the organizational methods of man and nature. And in the general organiza-
tional sense, all production, all social struggle and all cognitive work are carried out con-
stantly and steadfastly by means of selection; that is, through systematic support for com·
plexes cOrresponding to the vital goals of people and the destruction of those which con-
tradict those goals.

For example, people in all countries destroy predators and other "pests," breed do-
mestic animals and protect useful wild animals, destroy poisonous plants and useless
"weeds" that compete with the useful, and cultivate useful plants which satisfy human
needs. The same Is true of Inorganic nature: people destroy or remove certain complexes
and protect others; blast rocks, sometimes dynamite entire mountains, drain swamps and
lakes, protect shores from erosion, strengthening them in a special way, etc. In mining
minerals and metals, man destroys certain mechnical and chemical connections of moun-
tain rocks, while preserving others which already exist or are created by his effortS. This
also generally relates to the production of any product: production necessarily contains a
moment of selection which regulates the entire process of changes in the material on the
way to the final product; a change which corresponds to the problem on hand is preserved;
what does not correspond to It Is removed by a new influence.

76

Ii.
J
...
The struggle of classes and groups in society is always directed to the destruction of
certain social forms and relati~mships and the support and strengthening of others in con-
formity with the interests of the struggting collective. Selection plays as great a role in the pro-
cesses of cognition, where its two features are expr~sed by the notions of "affirmation"
and "negation." Reflection, meditation and the solution of questions consist precisely i!,
the fact that from a great many combinations, entering the field of thought, certain are
accepted as "successful" or "true" and others are rejected as "erroneous" or "false."

The more complex and difficult is a problem for people, the less they are prepared
by experience to provide a syste~atic solution, the more important becomes the mech-
anism of selection. The history of scientific discoveries and inventions provides vivid illus-
trations of a long "searCh" involving the generation of numerous combinations which are re-
jected one after another until the one which f~ly corresponds to the problem is ob-
tained.

In Ehrlich's famous discovery of "006," the mechanism of selection is both a principle

of decision-making and a method of search. The first consisted in the need to discover a
catalys~, in this case a chemical substance which would destroy the pale spirochete, or
syphilitic microbe, with little damage to the cells of the human organism. Then, by intro- '
ducing a well proportioned quantity of this poison, into the blood, it was possible to carry
out the selection under which spirochetes would perish and cells of the organism survive,
thus eliminating the cause of the illness. Ehrlich looked for such a substance, examining
various organic combinations of arsenic and rejecting one combination after another as
unsuitable until the six hundred and sixth attempt yielded a satisfactory result, and the
nine hundred and eighteenth, in certain respects, an even better result.

For tektological investigations the mechanism of selection must be clearly represented

both in its. entirety and parts. It decomposes into three elements:

1) the object of srlection, or that which is being selected, such as living organisms
in the scheme of Darwin; buildings and structures in the example of an earthquake;
shifts of things in the examples of the ear of barley and the box of sugar; connections
and correlations of things in technical selection of labour; connections and inter-
relations among people in the selection during a social struggle, etc.

2) the agent or factor of selection, or that which acts on the object of selection
by preserving or destroying it, such as living conditions in the scheme of Darwin;
mechanical resistances In the example of barley ear; analogous resistances in the ex-
ample with the box; the activity of people in industrial selection, etc.

77
 3) the basis of selection, or that aspect of the object on which depends its preser·
vatlon or elimination, such as useful adaptability or features of unadaptability in
"natural" selection; dire<:tion of displacement in the examples of the barley ear and
the box; correspondence to human needs in technical selection; correspondence to
the structure of society in social sele<:tion, etc.

The first scheme of selection, which concerns only the preservation of organizational
forms or their non-preservation, can be denoted by the term conservtltiw selection.

II. Dynamie Equilibrium

Tektology is concerned only with activities, but activities are characterized by the
fact that they produce changes. From this point of view it is out of the question to think
about a simple a'nd pure "preservation" of forms, one that would. constiWte a real absence
of changes. Preservation is always only a result of immediately equilibrating each of the
appearing changes by another opposing change; it Is a dYIWmic equilibrium of changes.

The organism in its vital activity constantly expends, IOIIJI and returns its activities to
the surrounding environment, in the form of the substance of its tissues and energy of its
organs. This does not prevent it from remaining approximately or practically "thesame;"
that is, it is preserved. In exchange for the expended activities, it just as continuously takes
and BfJ6lm/lates elements of its activities from the surrounding environment, in the form of
food, energy and sensations. During weeks and months, the composition of the main, most
plastic tissues of our organs is completely renewed; during several years, even the compo-
sition of our skeleton. It is preserved in the way the form of a waterfall is preserved with
the constantly changing material of its water. This is a dynamic equilibrium of the exchange
of matter and energy between the living or inanimate complex and its environment

Dynamic equilibrium is Infinitely, spread In nature; it alone provides a possibility of

finding stable complexes in nature, whatever they are, without which cognition would be
generally inconceivable. And as sdence developed, it became more and ,more clear that where
only stability and Invariability appeared to naive perception, there was really nothing but
motion, and that two currents of opposite changes produce a static illusion. Body temper-
ature remains the same only when it gives to the environment the same amount of heat
fluctuations as it receives from it; the neutral electrical condition of objects surrounding
us remains the same, only with the same exchange of electrical energy. The sea lives in the
rotation of its water, which It gives to the atmosphere in the form of steam, and receives
back from the environment in the formof precipitation and rivers and streams carrying into
the sea water precipitation from the land; the atmosphere has the same rotation of its gases,
In which lu chemical composition is maintained, etc.

78

J
 Any chemical s~bility, with the deepening of scientific investigations, reduces more
and more to an equilibrium of opposite, exchanging reactions; and there are grounds to
suppose that the same will be found in the future with regard to the stability of the elec~
tronically powered composition of atoms.

Formerly, dynamic equilibrium was considered to be a sPecial property of living

bodies. Biologists gave to its two sides, the two currents creating it, the names assimiliation
and d/8aS$/milation, that is, literally, "likening" and "dislikening." The first denotes the as-
similation of elements from the external environment during which these elements, having
entered the composition of a given complex, create in it groupings "similar" to other group-
ings of the complex, that is, are likened to them; the second denotes dissassimilation of
elements, their loss to the surrounding environm~nt during which they enter into new com-
binations, unlike the former ones. For us, the same terms will refer, of course, to any organ-
ized complex and to all possible tektological forms.

Dynamic equilibrium.is never absolutely precise: there cannot be a complete, absolute

balance of opposite changes; it is always only appro?,imate and practical; in other words,
dynamic equilibrium or the preservation of forms can be asserted only if the difference
between assimilation and dissasimilation is practically and sufficiently small enough to
matter, so that, the complex can be considered as being "the same~' that is, as being pre-
served within the limits of time relating to a given problem. Thus, if the question concerns
man, as a labour force, then it is possible to consider this labour force as being preserved as·
a constant magnitude for economic calculations only within the limits of weeks, months
and sometimes years, but no longer; but for precise physiological investigations this is quite
different: within the same limits quite perceptible changes are revealed in both directions
which are important for scientific calculations.

Tektologyshould consider any preservation of forms as their dynamic equilibrium

and any dynamic equilibrium as a practically relative equality of the two processes of as-
similation and disassimilation.

iii. Progressive Selection

Thus, precise preservation does not exist, and approximate preservation means only
practically small changes in the direction of the preponderence of assimilation over disas-
similation, or vice versa. Already this makes the scheme of conservative selection scientifi-
cally inadequate. But this is not all. It is generally difficult to apply this scheme to those
cases in which the form changes and develops progressively: to call this simply preservation
would be im"recise, and such changes certainly cannot be denoted as destruction.

79
 Meanwhile, it can proved that the real preservation of' forms in nature is possible only
through their progressive development, without which "preservation" inescapably reduces
to destruction, even if it is imperceptible for the ordinary methods of investigation. And
the majority of "preserved" complexes in our environment are exactly in such a situation;
they are slowly and imperceptibly destroyed. .

In an eastern fable, the notion about eternity is given by the following comparison.
At the extreme end of the world there is a diamond mountain, one hour of travel in length,
width and height Once every hundred years,a little bird flies by and stops on this mountain
for one minute, cleaning Its beak against It When the entire mountain is erased to its very
foundation by the repetition of this operation, then the first second of eternity will pass.
This picture, of course does not illuminate the notion of eternity; it is a negative notion.
But apparently, if the diamond mountain Is not experiencing any other changes, apart
from the ones mentioned here, thel\ although from a practical point of view it is preserved
for quite a long time, In a precise theoretical formulation this complex is being decomposed
all the same. It is quite likely that the atoms of some chemical elements are being decom-
posed at an even slower speed than the diamond mountain; but for contem porary
theory on the structure of matter there is only a quantltJJtlllfl difference between the disinte-
fP'ation of such elements: there are some emanations with an average period of atomic life
equal to a fraction of a second, and there are emanations with a period equal to approx-
imately one trillionth part of a second. In practice, quick and slow disintegration have
quite different meanings for us; but in scientific analysis this difference is only the question
of a coefficient

Let us suppose that we are successful in ascertaining that complex A does not dis-
integrate at all, and that it does not experience changes in the other direction in the sense
of the preponderance of assimilation over disassimilation, i.e., an increase in the sum total
of its activities. In this case we would have had before us a pure, Ideal statics; but it is easy
to be convinced that this condition could not be retained, and would inevitably collapse.
Complex A happens to be in a definite environment and in full dynamic equilibrium
with it; and as long as this environment remains the same, the equilibrium is guaranteed.
But the environment can by no means be unconditionally stable: it is connected with the
current of world events, and with strict analysis, it spreads in the end, to the entire universe;
consequently, the environment InevltJJbly changes. Apparently, with the environmental
changes also change the relationships of complex A to its environment. Can these changes
be favourable to it? Yes, but only accidentally and, therefore, only temporarily. In general,
however, changes In the environment which occur independently of a given complex are
much more often unfavourable to it because the number of unfavourable possibilities, as
evidenced by the entire experience of mankind, Is Incomparably greater than the number
of favourable ones; this can be compared to the probability of directing a ship without a

80
rudder and sails, during storms and currents, to its appointed destination. Conseque_ntly, in
a changing envi ron men t,the static condition of complex A is inevitably converted into an
unfavourable position: first of all the preponderance of losses over assimilation, then.decay: .

Thus, for preservation in a changing environment, in the final analysis any environ-
ment, it is insufficient to have a simple and interchanging equilibrium. The only thing which
can give a relative guarantee of preservation is the growth of the sum total of activities or
the preponderance of assimilation; then the new unfavourable influences are encountered
by an Increased resistance rather than the famer one. Nature proceeds exactly in this way in
the job of preserving its living forms, and man in his collective self-preservation: by means
of the growth of complexes and accumulation in the stock of activities. Each step in this
direction increases the possibility of sustaining life under changing conditions. In other
words, the dynamic element of the pf98erV8tlon of a complex lies in the growth of its acti-
vities at the expense of the environmenl

Similarly, the dynamic element of destruction should be represented as a diminution

of the activities of a complex and their absorption by the surrounding environmenl The
fact of the destruction of a complex and its disappearance is the result of a process, at
times quite involved; but from the ~tative point of view it appears as a diminution of
the sum total of activities-resistances. This destruction can be perceived as occurring
"instantaneously:' as, for example, in the crushing of a boulder by the blow of a steam
hammer, or the discontinuance of life in organism due to a discharge of lightening; but this
is due only to imperfections in our modes of perception. Theoretically, that is, scientific-
ally, each such event decomposes into a continuous series of changes, successively decre~
ing the su m -total of the elements of a complex. Breaches of connections forming the con-
tent of the process appear, as we know, from disingressions which paralY1;e resistances of
the complex by the opposing activities which are destructive for i.t and tektologically
"external. ..1 Each such disingression develops by means of successive intrusio~ of these
external activities; for the generalizing scheme it is immaterial whether the intrusion which
paralyzes, i.e. practically takes away, or dllSsslmilates the elements-activities of the complex,
Is fast or slow.

lIn tektology the word "external" does not ha~e a spatial meaning. Bacteria in the organism and POisoM
which get into its blood represent complexes which are, in the organizational sense, not "intemal,"
but external to it,because they do not belong to the system of ita organiutional connecaoM. And
those parts of the system which go out of its organiutional connectiona, though spatially located in- I
side it, should also be considered as bein~ tektologically external Por example, cancer cells, the tissue , I

which dev~O in contradiction to the Vltal connections of the organism; a criminal with whom the
society Itru es as an external force, etc. But in this case as in all othen, exacdy ".0 far as:" the or-
ganizaao connection is relative; a criminal, for example, is outside this connection to the extent
that he breaks it; in the remainder of his activity he may belong to it as before.

81
 We come now to a new understanding of selection based on the idea of dynamic equi-
librium and the departures from it. This scheme is broader and deeper; it embraces both
the progressive development of complexes and their relative decay; it decomposes processes
of preservation and destruction into their elements. It is most expedient to denote it by the
term "progressive selection:" it ispollr/llfl with a growth of the sum total of activities of the
complex, that is, under the preponderance of assimilation over disassimilation; fHl9Btive
with a diminution of the sum total of activities, that is, the preponderance of disassimi-
Iation. 1

Here Is on~ of the simplest examples of such selection. lel n the hollow of a ieaf lies a
drop of dew. Water molecules contlnuousiy Ie evaporate " from its surface (disassimilation);
at the same time other molecules fallon it from the atmosphere (assimilation). In a satu-
rated and humid atmosphere both processes are equal, and we have a dynamic equilibrium.
When the air Is ov~rsaturated with moisture, as a result of the lowering of temperature, the
condensation of steam preponderates and the drop grows in size; this Is progressive selection
In a positive form. When the saturation of the atmosphere with steam is partial, then there is a
negative form of prOgressive selectlon.,,2

Other examples include: the growth of a cell in a favourable environment, giving it a

preponderance of nourishment over expenditure of mat~r and energy; a gradual diminution
in the content of a cell; and its "emaciation" in the environment of poor nourishment; the
srowth of society, as an organization of human forces, when prodUction Is greater than
consumption; and the diminution In the sum total of social actlYlti~ In the opposite case;
the rise In the quantity of heat In a physical body when it absorbS more heat than it loses
to the environment; and the fall, when losses preponderate; the intensification of sound
produced by a resonator when it receives a greater quantity of energy in the form of waves,
corresponding to its frequency and, consequendy, assimilated by it, than the quantity
which it loses In the form of waves emanating from It; and the weakening of sound under
the contrary conditions, etc.

The results of progressive selection are, of~ourse, expressed, first of all, in an increase
the increase or decrease of elements
or II dfICl'fJII8IJ In the numbllr of tllBmentJ In II complex;
reduces to the same thing. if they are sufficiently analyzed further by decomposing them
into smaller and simpler ones. For example, positive selection for a mature organism may

Lrhe word "selecdon" here, obVioualy. departs (rom the original meaning; but it corresponda best to
the inner lienee o( the expreaaed COtl'eiarions and their COMec:tion with die previoUi scheme. "Progres.
.ive," however•• taken licre not (rom the word "pr~' but (rom the word "progression," i.e. a
continuoUileries o( events directed in thil or that w a y . ' ,
'-rekcoJogy, Vol. I, p. 63.

82
 not be accompanied by an increase in the number of its cells, but rather reduces to the
growth of these cells; but the latter means an increase in chemical and physical activities
entering into the composition of cells and, consequently, into the structure of the organ-
ism as a whole. But these quantit.1tive results of selection do not at all exhaust the ques-
tion.
. ..
A dew drop has the form of a slightly flattened ellipsoid. This form depends on its
general structure and, in particular, on the correlation between the weight of particles and their
couplings; the surface layer, because of the couplings, represents a kind of tight film which
supports the form of the drop. The drop grows in the air which is iaturated with moisture,
but with ~fficiently\precise observation it is easy to note that its form also changes; it be-
comes more and more flattened. This apparently means that the structure of the drop
changes. If progressive selection continues, then the flattening of the ellipsoid is joined by
a gradual stretching of the drop along the same axis; and the drop finally divides. The ac-
cumulated changes in its internal structure have led to a crisis.

Negative selection- in our example, a gradual evaporation of the drop- also changes
its form, which testifies to the changing internal correlations. The form of the drop becomes
more and more regular and closer to a regular sphere; and finally, the progressive diminution
of the drop leads to its disappearance; this is another crisis. •

The same can be said of any other event of progressive selection: with an addition of
new or a decrease of former elements the internal correlatioos of the complex ~ its structLl'e also
change. In a living cell, processes of growth change molecular connections, what is at
first expressed in a certain variation of its form, and then in its division into equal cells
daughters, or in a separation of parts from it by "gemmation," etc.; with the in~fficient
inflow of matter and energy, in addition to changes in form, the destruction of the cell is
sometimes observed, sometimes the formation of a protective cover around it,accompa-
nied by a weakening of the entire life exchange system, and sometimes the formation of
spores with similar covers, etc. The preponderance of absorption of heat energy over expen-
ditures also causes transformations of molecular connections in physical bodies, leading to
crises of melting and boiling, and sometimes also to a transformation of atomic connections,
leading to chemical reac:tions. Everywhere, growing changes in structure pass into crises at
a certain level.

In the most general form, it is also possible to determine the character of these struc-
tural changes. Under positive selection, as we have seen, the form of the drop be<:omes less
regular and geometrically more complex. At the same time it turns out that it is easier to
divide the drop into parts and its resist.1nce to division relatively lessens; and later, with

:~
)

!~

83
sufficient growth, it divides under the force of its own weight 1 All this apparently points
to the growing compl,x/tv snd heterogsneltv of the InttJrna/ re/atlonshlps of the comp/8x.
Thisalso holds for all other similar cases, and .is understood a priori: new ele-
ments burning into existing connections, of course, complicate them and disturb whatever
degree of homogeneity they may have.

Under negative selection the form of the drop becomes geometrically more regular
and simpler, and its resistance to division relatively groWs. This indicates the simplification
of the Int,rnalstructuTflllnd an Incl'flBS6 of its hOmog8n8irv; this is an opposite tendency
to the former. And it is just as easily understood: under the influence of the environment,
first of all, those elements separate which are least firmly coupled with the whole, and
whose connections lessen the homogeneity of the whole; but a diminution in
the number of connections and an increase in homogeniety mean precisely a simplifi·
cation in structOre.

These characteristics are operative within cerUin limits, until selection brings about
a crisis; and then comparison becomes more difficult, because the form itself is considered
to be qualitatively different ~om the one which existed beforej the direction of selection
may also change sharply. For example, the Industrial capitalistic system of production
under conditions of positive selection- so-called "prosperity"- has certain definite proper-
ties; these properties are sharply replaced by others with the approach of an "industrial
crisis," and the sign of selection also becomes negatlve. 2

Although, as we have seen, the conservative scheme of selection is less perfect than
. the progressive scheme, It does not follow that it is always more correct and expedient to
apply the latter. Conservative selection is especially related, both in practice and theory, to
questions of the development-of given complexes. Therefore, it is especially important and
useful where such a development may practically d8{H1nd on our actions, or where it is sub-

Lrhe reason is chat the fonn of the drop iI malncainedjwc by the surfue layer of molecules. its tension.
But chis aurface CUm, ucording to seometric laws, ~~ not u rUt IS the volume of the drop' and with .
It also ita weiaht. However, the pretlure of h. para Cleforming tho drop depends precisely on their weight;
conaiiuendV, it eNarKOI (uter chan the resinance of the film; the correlation of both determines the
CM B form of the drop, and then at.o lea divillon- when ita weicht exceeds the coupling force of
the •
21n mathematical anaIy.is there II a lpedal Iymbol for the expreaion of the ,rogrelllive selection of
"majp1itudes," Leo, measured complexes; this ia a dMlllfltiWJ. When Ita sign is plUlI, it means positive
llelection; a minu. ~ means negative 1II1eetion. When it become. zero or infinity or is interruped or
changes ia lill'- thIS cOfl'lIIponda to criaa of real numbers. One of the lim pleat examples: with the
motio.n of a tiociy, the derivative or diatance with respect to time ia velocity. When it is greater than
lero, the distance poWl; when Ie.. chan zero, it decreases; when it is equal to zero- this ia thfI crll;' of
/u/rln, the modon.

84
jected to a theoretical in~estigation. Pedagogy can serve as an example of the first scheme;
the problem here lies precisely in gaining mastery over the development of the future
member of society, and controlling and systematically directi-ng this process. As examples
of the second scheme are the theory of the formation of individual psychics in psychology,
and the theory of economic growth and the theory of ideologies, etc., in the social sciences. 1

In those cases when the given complexes, according to conditions of a practical pro- 'I
blem or the limits of investigation, do not percept(bly evolve in this or that direction, but
only serve as ready material for more complex formulations, it is necessary to apply the
scheme of conservative selection. There are numerous cases of this in practice when it is
necessary to single out what is suitable for the attainment of a given purpose from the given .
materiaJs,such as the extraction of gold from ore, the selection of workers from a great I'
I
number offering their services for a certain job, the selection of the best means or methods
from a number of possible ones, etc. Illustrations in the field of theory include numerous
statistical mass events, such as the diffusion of waves with the mutual destruction of the
great majority of vibrations and preservation of those which follow a few definite lines; the !

I
influence of sharp changes in the environments on flora and fauna; the influence of histori-
cal catastrophes on the structure of society, etc.

It is evident that the regulating mechanism is not something separate

from the formulating mechanism: with sufficient analysis any process of positive or neg-
ative selection decomposes into innumerable elementary changes- conjunctions with ingres-
sions and disingressions arising from them. In essence, these are two different points of
view in the tektological investigation; both of them are indispensable and complement
each other. Having gained a mastery over them in the most general terms, we can now turn
to a closer investigation of actual organizational processes.

, I

i
I

i I
lIn relation to the theory of psychic development and, partly, pedagogy, I succeeded in showing how
many important conclUSIOns are derived by systematic applicanon of the scheme of progressive sdec-
I, '
tion (see Tektol0l\fp VoL 1, Chapter "Hedorustic Selection," pp. 75-89, and Em~omonism, Vol. II,
the entire arncle, sychic selection," where the question is considered in detail, t tektological
methods are still insufficiendy worked out.) ,i

85
 IV
Stability of
Organizational Forms

1. Quantitative and Structural Stability

The drop of water in both saturated and unsaturated atmosphere with steam has
served for us as an example of positive and negative selection. It can also be taken as an
illustration of the two basic concepts which relate to the organizational stability of forms.

If the air is not saturated with steam. the drop evaporates and loses its elements to
the surrounding environment After some interval of time under these conditions, it must
disappear altogether: this is a crisis of the destruction of the given complex. Assuming that
the humidity and temperature of the atmosphere remain unchanged, the duration of the
drop's existence depends on its size: a large drop is preserved for a longer period of time
than a small one. A complex embracing a more significant sum of elements is thereby
characterized as a more stable complex in relation to its environment, but only in a strict
quantitative sense, i.e., as possessing a larger sum of activities·resistances opposing this
environment

Positive selection obviously leads to a growth in this "quantitative stability," nega.

tive selection to its decrease; or even more precisely, positive selection is identical with its

87
enlargement, and negative selection with its diminution; for the first is defined as the prepon-
derance of assimilation over disassimilation,i;e., as a growth in the sum of elements in a
complex, the second being opposite to this.
"

But the ac:tual, practical stability of a complex depends not only on the quantity of
activities-resistances concentrated in it, but also on the mode of their coupling and the
character of their organizational connections. We know that under positive selection, along
with the size of the drop, the heterogeneity of its structure also grows; for example, the me-
chanical division of the drop can be attained relatively easier, and at a certain limit the
weight of the drop is itself sufficient to divide it into two. This represents a decrease in the
"structural stability" of the complex. On the contrary, negative selection, along with a
decrease in the size of the drop, leads to a growth in the homogeneity of its structure; and
inasmuch as this is so, the same effort to divide the drop requires the application of a
relatively greater force; this means that its "structural stability" grows. Certainly, this also
occurs within limits, only as long as the basic structure of the drop remains the same, i.e.,
until a crisis, to which negative selection Inevitably leads if it continues further and further:
In this case, until the crisis of the "disappearance" of the drop as a liquid body.

Structural stability itself represents a magnitude and can always be expressed quan-
titatively. So, in meehanicStall kinds of coefficients of the resistances to bending, breaking
and winding are precisely the quantitative expressions of the structural stability of various
bodies In relation to definite external influences. The coefficients of "mass" and "energy"
also characterize quantitative stability.

Two complexes of the same type, composed of homogeneous elements-activities, can

be directly compared according to their quantitative stability, without taking into account
the influences of the environment: if the sum of elements in complex A is greater than the
sum in S, then this stability Is in any case correspondingly greater under the same influences,
no matter what they might be. For example, as an organism grows, its resistance to the ac-
tion of poison increases in any case; whatever poison is used, more poison is needed in or-
der to disorgan.ize a greater quantity of tissues. On the contrary, structural stability must
always be related to particular influences, and not to any influences in general; an organism
presents greater resistance to one kind of poison than to another. For each destructive in-
fluence there is a special coefficient.

However, the concept of structural stability must be frequently applied in a form

which is not so definite. If complex A finds lself In a more or less stable environment, under
a certain totality of influences which change only within known limits, such as man in his
social environment, or an animal or plant In its usual natural situation, then It is possible to
form a summary representation of stability relative to this entire system of conditions. Thu~

88
 when comparing two different political or cultural organizations existing within the frame
of the same society, it is possible to conclude that one of them is structurally better adap-
ted than another, i.e., structurally more stable. But if social conditions undergo an unusual
change, such as a revolution, war or economic crisis, then the correlation will generally turn
out to be different, sometimes quite the opposite.

Contemporary theories on the structure of matter assume that atoms, in general,

. gradually disintegrate in their universal environment, although there is not as yet a ctear
understanding as to the character d the destructive influences. But we know that for radium
the average duration of atomic life is about 2,500 years, for thorium- minutes, seconds,
miJiseconds. It is these numbers that represent summary coefficients of structural stability
of the given forms of substance in those usual conditions under which they are ordinarily
observed and the boundaries of which experiments are unable to cross so far. When science
succeeds in explaining those influences on which the decomposition of atoms depends, and
in systematically changing its speed for different bodies, then not only will the theoretical
question concerning conditions of their structural stability be solved, but also, practically,
mankind will have at its disposal gigantic quantities of activities of "intra-atomic energy."

The notion of structural stability within the bounds of a limitedly changeable environ-
ment has enormous significance for tektological practice. The entire environment of life on
earth, the entire environment in which mankind acts and evolves, with its usual amplitude
of fluctuations in the various conditions of its astronomical, atmospheric and other cycles,
may be considered as Iimitedly-changeable; and this means exactly the environment
in which changes are scientifically considered in advance, either in their totality or in broad
summary combinations.

Propositions 00 how structural stability is Influenced by progressive selection, both

positive and negative, are especially important. We saw in the example of the dew drop that
under positive selection this stability decreases with the growth in heterogeneity of the in-
ternal couplings of the complex; but increases under negative selection with the growth
of homogeneity. The same is true of any complex in an environment of indeterminately
changeable and varied influences: in the first case,the existing structural contradictions are
retained,and are joined, with an entry of new elements, by new contradictions; in the second
case, the ongoing destruction first detaches the elements which are least firmly con-
nected with the complex; it breaks down the most contradictory couplings or those Which
are most closely related to partial disingressions. For example, the growth of a living cell,
parallel to the growth of a dew drop in a saturated atmosphere, leads to the accumulation
of Internal dlsingression,whlch Is also expressed, finally, In the division of the celllnto two;
in biological evolution this division Is utilized as "propagation;" but the drop, having divided
In a saturated atmosphere, has also "multiplied:' because its parts, or "drop-daughters," con-

89
 .......

tlnue to grow under the same conditions as it had done prior to the new division; the same
is Uue of cases of "propagation" in liquid crystals etc.

This regularity appears with particular clarity in the lives of organisms and society.
When, for example, man lives In a particularly favourable situation then, despite the ac-
cum~lation of energy in quantitative terms, the general suength of his resistance to the en-
vironment begins to fall; as the saying goes "he becomes delicate," and this means a de-
crease in his structural stability against unfavourable influences. On the contrary, in many
cases Just after moderate starving, a not too excessive loss of blood, or a sharp feverish ill-
ness, a rer,overy which leads to better health than that which prevailed before the period of
negative seler,tlon Is observed; and "health" is a designation for the same jtructural stability
of the organlsm. 1 Capitalism with its crises provides a mass of examples 'of hidden contra-
dlcti'ons which ~umulate under conditions of "prosperity /' i.e., the conditions of positive
seler,tlon. These contradictions begin to suike the eye, particularly under long periods of
prosperity. Thus, England, after centuries of prosperity in the epoch of its rule in the world
markets, was also distinguished by the development of economic extremes: it had gigantic
wealth and the deepest poverty, and preserved backward ideologies side by side with pro-
gressive ones; It was a country of the greatest piety and obsolete political uaditions, etc.
And if we consider the social classes which lived In an exceptionally favourable situation,
I.e., the ruling, exploiting classes of different epochs in history, we find that they usually
ended In degeneration. On the contrary, severe conditions have often led to the revitaliza-
tion of nations: from difficult wars, after a great expenditure of energy, they often emerged
as If renewed, more Internally united and more active at work; they were able to quickly re-
build what had been dissipated, and rose higher than before. 2 .

The total stability of a system in relatIon to its environment is evidently a complex

result of the partllJl stabilities of its various parts In relation to those influences which are
directed against them. It is necessary, therefore, to find out what exactly is the connection
between the stability of separate parts and the whole which they compose.

2. The Law of the Minimum

Let there be a chain which is composed of links of unequal suength. On this chain weipjlts
are suspended. Most of the links are able to sustain the weight of 1,000 kgs without

1
to
Of course 1 such a recovery does not always hap~: negative selection is also related a gradual des-
truction. Which causes ItfucturalstabtHty to £all; the question concerns the extent of destructive proces-
sea: sene rally , their aigniflCant development brinp about disorpnization. .
2.rhe content of the previous reservation alao applies here.

90
breaking, some of them the weight of 1,500 kgs, and one of them only the weight of 500
kgs. What is the maximum weight that the chain as a whole can support? Obviously, only
500 kgs; with a greater weight the chain will break in the weakest link. The structural stab-
bility of the whole is determined by the least stability of its parts. This scheme applies not
only to mechanical systems, but to all systems: physical, psychic and social systems, to
name a few. If an organization of people, such as an army, is to overcome destructive influ-
ences, then its stability depends on the least stability of its parts; and in exactly the same
way, a logical chain of proofs falls to the ground if one of its links does not sustain the
blows of criticism.

But in practice a system is not subjected to equal and uniform influences at its various
parts. Even in our example of the chain, its higher links must sustain in addition to the sus-
pended weight, the weight of all lower links; this may sometimes. constitute a decisive dif-
ference; a military front is not subjected to blows of a uniform force at different points
and times, etc. It is, therefore, necessary to introduce the concept of a ,fllat/". rtIIistafJCfI.
In the mechanism known as a pulley, one rope must sustain, with the lifting of weights, one
thousand kgs, while another must sustain only 500, the third 2S0, the fourth 125, etc. If.
the first rope is able to withstand a tension of 1,500/1 ,000, i.e., 1~; if for the second the
limiting tension is 600, then its relative resistance is 1 1/5; if for the third it is only 250,
then its relative resistance is equal to 1 ; this will lead to a full disingression between the
couplings of its parts and the influence of the weight and, as we know, the rope will break.
Moreover, it will break if the relative resistance becomes less than one at any of its parts.

If the magnitude of external influences is changing or the structural state of the sys-
tem is changing, then it is sufficient for any of its parts, for no matter how short a period,
to have a relative resistance of less than one for the destructive processes to occur:
their si~flCarx:e and depth will depend, of course, on the sum total of organizational condi-
tions. A giant who falls asleep for just a moment can be killed by an insignificant dwarf. It
is sufficient for the epidermis of a human body to be damaged by a small wound of 1/l00f
a millimeter in length and width- what constitutes less than a hundred-millionth part of its
surface- and for pathogenic microbes to have actual access to it, if only for a second, and
the organism becomes infected, perhaps mortally.

The stability of the whole depends on the least relative resistances of all of its parts at
any moment of time;l this law is of enormous practical and scientific significance.

lContinuing even further to particulars, the same law determines the inescapable historical limitation of
the "authoritarian" type of organization. It is characterized by the fact that the "organizational function," .
i.e. structural adaptability of the entire system, depends entirely on the indlllidlJlll brain of the "authority"
or ru Ie r, whereas the scale of organized life is, of course, colleeti.,.. Cunlequenriy, a partial and even
temporary individual inadequacy is reflected, at times irretrievably or even ruinously, on the entire coUecdYe.

91
 By the way, technical, political or any other "responsibility" is based on this law in or·
ganizational practice. A leader may have been successful for many years in carrying out his
tasks correctly and expediently, maintaining at all points an adequate stability of the organ·
ization by timely and able Interference, but if on one question his intellectual energy betrays
him or his attention simply falters fora moment, then an irreparable damage often occurs
as a result,and, sometimes, as it happens in a battle situation, the result is complete ruin.

Iris necessary to remember that the notions of "activities," "influences," and "resis-
tances" are for tektology entirely correlative and interchangeable when the point of view,
the initial point of analysis, Is transferred from the complex to Its environment Therefore,
the scheme of "the least relative resistances" of the various parts of the complex is fully
equivalent to the scheme of "the least relative activities" of those same parts; that is, "the
greatest relative Influences" of the environment to its greatest relative resistances; and many
cases which are not embraced in their external forms by the first expression we introduced
fall under the same formula.

Let there be a squadron consisting of vessels with different speeds, different draughts
in the water, and different volumes of coal holds. Let the speed of line battleships be 30
kilometers per hour, cruisers 40 kilometers, and destroyers 50 kilometers. What will be the
common speed of the squadron on an extended voyage? The speed of a vessel is a measure
of the IUrmountfJd rBSl~fJCfJ8 of its water environment, or a measure of the activities of the
complex Itself; the least relative magnitude of these activities is equivalent to the greatest
. relative magnitude of the opposing resistances, which is, obviously, expressed by the slowest
speed, 30 kilometers. Indeed, such ought to be the common speed of the squadron, the
greatest speed under which it can stili maintain communication and unity of action; those
vessels which develop a significantly greater speed will break away from the battleships and
scatter the squadron.

Further, let the submerged part of the battleships extend 10 meters, that of cruisers
8 and that of destroyers S. The squadron must pass through the relatively shallow waters of
some strait Which of the most shallow channels will be accessible to it? Here it is more con-
venient to tal k about the greatest relative resistances of the environment; it is clear that they
correspond to the greatest draught, 10 meters; the other vessels will pass where the battle-
ship does, but not vice versa. 1

IThere ia an anecdote about an ensineer who offered a locomotive driver to go through a tunnel, 10 ar.
chines (1-28 inchea)ln height at one end, 6 at another, and the average o( 8 archinea, when the locomotive
with a (unnel was only 7 archinea in height. To be sW'c, such engineers do not exist. However, (ormer ata-
tisticlans often accepted all a meuure o{"sodal well-being" the avcra~e income o( p<)pulation. Assuming
income tobe a mea.uro o( .oclally crystallized activltieIHesilltances wnlch are at the diapoaal of people to
8U~t themaelvea asainat the elemental forces; magnitudes which expr... the level of social wen.being
ah"",d be ehe incomes of the lower strata of aodety. .

92
 Similarly, if one ship has in its coal pits a supply of coal for a voyage of 10 days,
others for 15, still others for 20, then the greatest distance from one coal station to another
must not exceed 10 days' supply of coal, etc.

It is necessary to bear in mind that the tektologjcal notion of a "part" is far broader
than its usual meaning. Let us assume that it is necessary to drag a body of a certain form
through an opening whose walls have an unknown resistance to a given activity: such as car-
rying furniture through a door, or having a prisoner climb through filed prison bars, etc. It
is necessary to consider "the greatest relative resistances of the environment;" and they are
most significant for the greatest cross-section of the body, and even more precisely, for the
greatest dimension of each cross-section. Consequently, the body will go through only if
none of the dimensions of its cross-sections exceeds the corresponding dimension of the
opening; otherwise, the relative resistance of the environment is greater than one in this di-
mension; that is, it is insurmountable. Cross-sections, i.e. "areas" and even their dimensions
or .,ines," are,tektologically,parts ofa complex, in this case the body.1

It is often necessary to consider the relative activities-resistances of a complex and its

environment as changing in time; that is, to investigate a complex as a process. Then all the
moments of this process appear in the form of links of one temporal chain, and it is neces-
sary to apply the same point of view to these links, as parts of the whole. For example, in a
limited territory the question is raised concerning its capacity to sustain population: how
many people, under a given technology, can live there? The answer will be as follows: as
many as can be fed during the most unfavourable years, with the lowest harvest, etc.; during
the years of the greatest relative resistances of the environment

If a product passes through the hands of several workers in a workshop, or a customer

goes through the hands of several officials in a bureaucratic institution, then the number of
manufacwred products and released clients will depend on the worker and the official per-
forming the smallest number of corresponding operations per hour. It is sufficient fur one
out of 10 to have an abnormally low efficiency for the work force of the remaining 9 to be
paralyzed to a corresponding degree.

To this day, language does not specially adapt itself to the precise expression of or-

lA great many contem~orary mathematicians are completely unable to visualize that "area" is nothing
more than a body ofinfsnizely small, or simply disreprded thickneaa, and ''line,'' a ~dy o( disr~cled
thickness and width. Such is still the power of scholastic, abstract thought. Meanwhile, "is sufficJel\t
to arasp the (onowing. The area of only tWO dimensions which they supposecDy "ha.e in mind," just as
the line of only one dimension, cannot exist in perception because they are invilible and impalpable:
they cannot,therelore.,exitsin representation because it is a trace of ,Perception; by the aame token they
Cannot exilt in comprehension, I.e., "thouJPlt." because representaaons serve as the material (or com-,
(Jrehenaion. In Cace, o( course, mathematiCians "think" not whAt they say in their verbally contradictory
de6nitiona, but something quite di((erent- areas and lines accessible to 'sight and viaual represencacioD.

93
J;lnizatlonal couplings and regularities; and concepts of activities-resistances are often vague
and unclear. As is evident from the above examples, a special effort is sometimes necessary
in order to determine what exactly should be considered in this or that case as an expres-
sion of the activities of the complex, what as an expression of the influences or resistances
of Its environment, and also into what parts It should be spilt for analysis. Initially, it is
convenient to take the law In a somewhat different and less strict verbal formula: as the
law of the It1B8t favourable conditions or, In short, as the law of the minimum. The least
favourable conditions and the least positive magnitudes are assumed to operate for the
complex in question; This method of expression is particularly expedient in questions con-
cerning 50cio-organizational practice- economic, political and cultural practice.

Let there be, for example, a party :of "block" composition, whose two wings are
formed by two social classes, one of which is more progressive than the other. Which of the
two classes turns out to be In fact more determining as far as the program and tactics of the
party are concerned? According to the outlined scheme of the least favourable conditions,
the more backward wing. This answer Is unusual and even unexpected because, by and
large, the progressive class or layer apparently "leads" the backward class by predominantly
working out slogans and providing leaders, etc. True, but the actual limit to slogans and
direction turns out to be exactly that to which the backward part of the whole agrees; the
bloc connection begins to break up with attempts to go beyond this, as would the connec-
tions ota detachment composed of infantry and cavalry during a march if the
cavalry does not limit Itself to the speed of Infantry.

The principle of relative resistances does not in itself represent anything new in
science: it was formulated long ago in mechanics, physics and the technical sciences where
it is applied with great precision. But tektology makes this law universal, spreading it to all
complexes, right up to psych ic and logical systems; at the same time tektology must
show how to utilize it In new and more complex applications. This science is consciously
practical from the very beginning.

3. The Law of the Minimum in the Solution of Practical Problems

As with any scientific law, the law of relative resistances can be an expression of
either the reign of nature over man or the power of man over nature. A building will fall if
an Inexperienced architect falls to harmonize Its beams with the greatest pressure upon
them; a dam protecting fields and houses from floods is, in the course of time, inescapably
subjected to destructive breaks. if the greatest possible rise of the water together with the
moSt unfavourable combination of the force of its current and the wind are not taken into
accoUntj an enterprise will not survive if In its organization, unprofitable products, etc.,
are not taken .into account The famous trinity of the Russian national tektology- "per-

94
haps, most likely, and somehow-If expresses nothing else but ignorance of the law of rela·
tive resistances; it is the result of the inadequacy and incoherence of organized experience,
or that which is usually called "low culture." On the other hand, by systematically utilizing
the law of relative resistance people can achieve the greatest stability in their own or·
ganizations and technical and ideological constructions, freeing themselves from the
eternal threat of elemental forces.

The problems that oUght to be systematically and consciously solved according to

this law are innumerable and infinitely varied. The entire series of the most important
methods which have long existed in practice and science, but which are not generalized,
and,therefore,only partially applied to this or that sphere of labour experience, reduce to
this law; beyond these limits, such problems are not only disregarded, but, in addition,
are mastered with an unnecessary effort, due to lack of generalization and systematization.

In general, all problems which relate to the law of the minimum are of two types.
To the first type belong those problems in which it is necessary to overcome detllfTTIinately
changing influences or resistances; to the second belong problems in which the magnitudes
being overcome are Indeterminately changing. Any building, machine or instrument can
serve as an example of the first type: their different parts are subjected to the force of
various pressures, frictions and blows, etc., but these differences can, In general, be ex·
pressed by definite coefficients, on the basis of experience and theoretical calculation.
Examples of the second type are: a child who is being prepared to work and struggle in an
uncertain, changing, and unforeseen social situation; an army in a defensive position on a
temporarily established front line, while lacking objective facts determining the tactic:s of
the enemy; a sc:ientific or artistic: work whlc:h is being exposed by the author to an un·
known "public," etc. Problems of the first and second type are solved by two correspon·
dingly different general methods.

The princ:ipal solution of problems of the first type outlines itself. If it is known that
a given complex or a system mu'st withstand influences at certain points or overcome oppo-
sition of a certain magnitude, then it becomes necessary to concentrate at these points ac·
tivities-resistances of a corresponding character and of a requisite quantity. The whole dif·
ficulty consists in knoWing the nature and magnitude of the activity that must be overcome
and hsvingat onei disposal sufficient activity against it. The first is achieved by collec·
tlve experience, embodi~d in science, the second by collective labour providing the technical
power over elemental energies of nature which makes it possible to exploit them.

It can be said that mankind is generally able to solve such problems. Builders and
mechanics establish materials, forms and magnitude in various dimensions. various parts of a
bridge, a house, machine, or a hand Instrument by precise calculations. If the solution turns

95
 out to be unsuccessful, as it sometimes and not infrequently happens, then the fault does
not lie In the method, but in other moments of the process: either the facts which had
.' served as a basis for plans were imprecise, or error due to the imperfect nervous-psychic ap-
paratus of people executing them crept into calculations, or new conditions arose which
had not been observed before and, therefore, could not be taken into account. What the
method has lacked so far Is the perception of Its universality and, therefore, of its universal
formulation.

However, even this Inadequacy is a matter of no small importance. People who skill-
fully and successfully utilize a given method in the solution of some technical problems,
in essence simpler and easier, completely forget It or apply the method unconsciously, and
therefore, badly, exactly where problems are more complex and difficult: for example, in
socio·organlzational acts, In pedagogy and In the creative arts, etc. Moreover, knowledge
itself is uneconomlcally mastered when it Is not adequately generalized: one and the same
method each tlme requires special efforts for its mastery in various fields because it isap-
pf';hended as something different and new.

Here, for example, Is the rule In war tactlcs: "the attacker has superiority." This is
one of the innumerable special applications of the principle of relative resistances. The per-
son who strikes the blow first chooses Its place and time and, It goes without saying, con-
centrates his energies In so doing. When the first blow has been struck, the relative resis-
tance at that point is already lowered; and if the attack continues, the chances of success
are, of course, raised. French superiors who politely offere~ the first shot to Englishmen
were clearly in error, if only because the killed Frenchmen could not in any way return
the fire.

It Is evident at once to a person who understands the rule of the "offensive" as a special
conclusion from the universal principle that it also applies to any other strugg!e- econo-
mic, political, or ideological. Moreover, as experience shows. very often those individuals
who while creating something original In these fields were unable to anticipate the inevit-
able struggle on its account, master the full practical meaning of the offensive after having
experienced a sufficient number of blows.

The rule of concentfBtBd set/on, different In appearance but essentially identical in

application, reigns over the entire technology. Thus, the significance of the application of
sharp instruments Is due to the entire force of action being transferred to an extraordinarily
small surface over whose stretch the sum of molecular cohesion is relatively smaller; for a
I

Ii,' blunt knife or an ax this surface is larger than for a sharp instrument, and this means that
;i the sum of resistances which must be overcome is correspondingly greater. A blow is more
advantageous than a single application of the blade because it concentrates its force during

96
a short period of time. Assume that the resistance in question is 10 times greater than the
activities per second which we have to overcome. I t is then sufficient to apply the same
force not in one second butin one fraction of a second, and the relative resistance during
this time will not be 10, but only 10/20, or less than one; that is, the resistance will be
overcome, and the contemplated destruction will occur.

The same significance lies behind the application of explosive substances. The energy
of a chemical reaction, contained in a pound of dynamite, is not as great as is commonly
assumed; it only slightly exceeds what is stored in a pound of coal. But if it is necessary, for
example, to bring down a part of a rock, then by applying, say, a steam engine to break it,
it would be necessary to burn perhaps hundreds of pounds of coal in order to obtain the
immediate result which an explosion of one pound of dynamite will give. The energy of
burning coal is distributed among numerous separate acts and over a relatively long period
of time, whereas the entire chemical activity of dynamite is expended in an insignificantly
small part of a second, in a single avalanche-like action; during this time the molecular coup-
lings of the rock are broken and do not later restore themselves. But if the energy of the
coal is concentrated in an act of similar brevity, then the coal will also exhibit the same for-
midable properties: this happens with the explosion of steam boilers.

It is easy to understand how important the rule of concentrated action is in any ideo-
logical and cultural work; for example, in pedagogy, propaganda, or in the creative field,
etc. But the workers in these fields generally arrive at an understanding and sys~matic ap-
plication of this rule independently of each other by using their particular experience at the .
price of errors and failures. An inexperienced lecturer or propagandist tells his audience,
usually with great competence, endeavouring not to omit anything, all that it must know;
and the apprehending activities of the audience scatter in many directions, with the result
that nothing is learned well; the productivity of the efforts of both turns out to be slight.
The ancient rule; "non multa, sed multum" (not much, but well), appears here to be a
suitable particular formulation of the principle of concentrated action, and scientific spe-
cialization with its positive progressive feature is obliged to the same tektological charac-
ter:l the concentration of activities on a limited field of application in the cognitive struggle
with nature.

lIt also has a negative feature, which will have to be explained later. For now, it is sufficient to point
out that the rule of concentrated action serves in the solution of problems realting to a d.renn/".r.I'I
chtlnglng environment. In which the concentrated allocation of activity is carried out in corretpondence
to its definite changes (or differences among ita partl). For the Indet.""I".tfII'I clMnging .nvlrontNnt.
as we already noted, the method of solution is different,and the fmc method is inadequate and ul1luic-
able there. 10 thac adaptations, in the form of specialization. produce in this case unfavourable result&.

97
 Problems of th~ second type are those in which the environment is indeterminately
changing; hence the irregularity of its influences and resistances cannot be ta.ken into ac-
count In advance. Of course, it is understood that the problem may be simply insoluble-
namely, at a time when the indeterminate changes of the environment are not contained
within some limits, sufficiently commensurable with the given means of solution; that is, the
general stores of activities-resistances available for this purpose. For example, the prob-
lem of protecting the anthill against an assault of external foes is generally insoluble for
ants, when the foes are such creatures as people; but the problem of a defense against an
assault of other ants or Insects Is solvable. People, however, are capable of the collective
creation of fortresses which can withstand any living enemies, but they are not as yet able
to guard themselves against geological and, even less so,against cosmic crises. We must,
therefore, study the question within the limits of Its relative solution.

If any part of the system can be subjected to the influences of forces which,cannot be
taken Into account in advance, then It Is quite clear that any unevenness in the concentra-
don of resistances for the benefit of some parts, and consequently to the detriment of
others, 15 completely aimless. At the same time such unevenness is extremely dangerous,
since it creates the probability of a destructive result from even relatively weak influences
If they happen to act against the least firm part of the system. The maximum relative sta-
bility is here achieved by a unlfonn distribution of sctlvltles-reslstanct1S among all the
threatened links of the whole.

The problem is solved generally In this sense- elementally by nature, and more or
less consciously and systematically in the practice of mankind. The shell of a mollusk rep-
resents an approximately uniform protection for the surface of its body against mechanical
and other influences; if in some places there are departures from this uniformity, this is a
consequence of the solution of other special problems, since the problems of life in an or-
ganism are of necessity solved all at once, and naturally these solutions partly limit each
other. Similarly, the threatened surface of a fortress is uniformly protected by its builders
by not leaving weak points, as far as this is allowed by other vital conditions of the system;
for example, when towns were fortified by walls, it was nevertheless necessary to erecl
gates In these walls for communication with the external world; but the forced weakening
of the protective cover in these spots was made up by the efforts of guards, etc:. The same
also holds for the temporal chain of organizational relationships: if chances of an attack
cannot be foreseen beforehand- the matter concerns, let us assume, a detachment of ex-
plorers passing through an unfamiliar country populated by wild tribes- then it is nec:es-
. sary to leave a continuous and uniform protection; its weakening, even for a short period
of tlme, could turn out to be fatal, and a reinforcement without adequate information
would mean ~ further expenditure of energy, whose conservation is so necessary under
these conditions. When the calculation of the chances of obttinirg food suppl ies over an inde-

98
--
finite period of time becomes too difficult, all the members of a collective are given a uni-
form ration, etc.

Evidently, questions of this kind generally arise when in a given system there is al-
ready a definite uneven distribution of activities-resistances among its parts or links which
is harmful to the stability of the system in the indeterminately changing environment.
Typically, such a situation is. quite often created when a system which was formed under
one set of conditions, in accordance with its various and definite influences, finds itself un-
der another set of conditions whose correlations are quite different. For example, a cul-
tured European who grew up in a city, occupied a high social position there, and developed
his "abilities" accordingly, I.e., he has a definite distribution of the activities of his orga-
nism, finds himself in virgin steppes or wild forests. There, among innumerable unknown
possibilities and dangers, his special knowledge, let us assume, of the textile business, math-
ematics, literature, or administrative technique, turns out to be not only useless but much
worse: being attained by means of a special concentration of activities on the definite fun~
tions and organs, it is related to the unevenness of development which was possible and ad-
vantageous in a cultured social environment, but may turn out to be fatal in the lap of ele-
mental nature, from whose blind activities he is no longer protected by the cultural-technical
apparatus of society. The question arises in the form of a necessity for strenuous
work of the most varied organs, when activities of the organism must be redistributed from
the most hypertrophic to the less developed functions. Subsequendy, to the extent that he
is able to cope with the new situation, this environment will also be converted from indeter-
minately changing to a more and more determinately changing one: it is enough for him to
build a hut, and the indeterminate changeability of temperature and humidity will be re-
moved; once he tills a piece of land, conditions of nourishment will assume a more deter-
minate character, etc. The organizational problem of his life will then also change its form,
passing step by step to the type which we have considered first. It can be seen from this
that between the two types are all the interval steps: more correctly, they combine conti-
nuously- in some respects, in the display of one group of activities the environment ap-
pears as determinately changing, in other aspects as indeterminately changing.

Let two hostile armies face each other. The one which seizes the initiative and goes
first into attack must decide the question concerning determinately changing resistances.
Naturally, the region of attack must become a region of the greatest opposition; the cur-
vature of the front line by itself enlarges the surface of the contiguity of attacking units
with the enemy; besides, these units emerge from shelters, which Increases the relative force
of the enemy influence, but the hostile army, of course, begins to concentrate, as far as
poSsible, new units atpoints of the attack. Consequently, the first army must concentrate
an adequate sum of its forces In this region, and in others it must maintain such numbers
as may be necessary to resist possible counter maneuvers, to develop the outcome of a

99
 ......

breakthrough, etc. If all of this is calculated well, and the relative opposition proves to be,
where necessary, less than unity, then the problem is solved, and the enemy is partly or
fully conquered.

If the enemy Is only driven back and holds firmly to his positions, with the relative
resistance equal to unity, then the problem appears in a new form. Here, there can be two
cases. Either the forces are sufficient to attempt a repeated strike; it's then necessary to
organize anew the decision of the same type as the first one but in a new situation; or the
forces are exhausted, the reserves are small, and the army must give up the offensive for the
time being; then, \\hUe the offensive Is not contemplated by the enemy, the problem will
be of the second type- the uniform consolldatlon of the front line and redistribution of
\
forces ID favour of the weaker parts of the front

It Is clear fram these examples that (1) the solution of problems concerned with
determlnately changing resistances are tektoiogicaJly more advantageous, since they corres-
pond to a greater regularity; and (2) the transltlon to this type from the other may depend
not only on the environment, whose Influences become more and more determinate, but
also on the actlve relationship of the system to this environment: by influencing the e.nvi·
ronment, a given system acts as if choosing its resistances.

The education of a child represents an extraordinarily important . socio-organiza·

tional problem. This is essentially a process of Introducing a new member into a social sys-
tem. It prepares man for that living function, more correctiy, for that slim of functions
which Is awaiting him in society. These functions, the conditions under which they will be
performed, and the resistances with which they will have to deal, can in part be predeter-
mined, and in part lie beyond the foresight of educators. Consequently, the conditions of
the problem are twofold: on the one hand, the environment is determinately changing, on
the other, indeterminately changing. The correlatlon of the two sides of the problem are
different In different historical systems.

More ancient types of social organization are distinguished by the conservatism of

everyday life: such are the primitive patrimonial communes from which the autocratic
patrimonial and later feudal societies developed; to a significant extent the same peculiar·
Ity Is preserved by the first feudal barter formations, such as the slave-ownership of various
types, serfs, and even urban artisans. The conservatism of everyday life secures for children
the social position and functions of their parents: the son of a military organizer or feudal
lord must also become a leader of troops; the son of a dependent peasant, the same depen-
dent farmer; the son of a smith, a smith, etc. Their social role.is predetermined to the great-
est extent, and the question of education Is determined correspondingly: it develops the
activities of a child in the image of his father or mother, in both domestic and corporate

100
training. Pedagogical principles are very simple: all reduce to imitation or mechanical lear-
ning by heart, and later to special practical exercises; a special educational apparatus either
does not yet exist or is in an embryonic stage. This is quite adequate as long as the social
situati~n is stable: life stereotypically repeats from one generation to another the same
technical and socio-organizational influences which are used to overcome the same resis-
tances of elemental or human nature. However, if man finds himself in an unanticipated
situation, he is in most cases powerless and helpless. If there is a change in general natural
or social conditions, this lack of adaptability envelopes the entire life of the conservative
collective. Thus, under the forced migrations of wild and barbaric tribes, the extinction
of a significant part of such tribes was, at least initially, quite common. And extinction of
backward nations, even during a peaceful contact with other civilizations, often appears
I

.'
even more vividly, sometimes making it difficult to perceive the direct causes of such an
extinction. But the cause is basic and a general one: conservatively formed organisms are
stable only in a conservative environment; when it changes, then it is inevitable that the
relative resistances of some parts and functions of these organisms must from time to time
turn out to be less than unity.

The replacement of conservative social structures by structures carrying the seeds of

progressive development on the basis of contradictions- authoritarian by capitalistic struc-
tures- basically changes the conditions and problems of education. The tendency to preserve
for children the social position and role of their parents becomes more and more limited,
being increasingly paralyzed!n practice by the elemental forces of social life; but even in
those cases where this tendency is exhibited in reality, children are forced to fulfill their
functions in a changed and continually changing social situation, i.e., they have to deal
with resistances of a different magnitude, and partly of a different character. Stereotyped
education in the image of the past then proves to be inadequate. Consequently, the prob-
lem of education must, to a great extent, be inevitably resolved under indetenninately
changing conditions.

But.the problem cannot be entirely reduced to this for the following reason. So far
as the society of a contradictory progressive type lacks wholeness and is anarchical, a sig-
nificant place in the relations of its elements belongs to strife and disingressions; in such a
society, an individual retains his social position and function only by virtue of some defin-
ite and stable superiority over others. And such a superiority is, of course, nothi,ng but the
solution of a problem under conditions of determinately changing resistances. It inevitably
means that this superiority also must be provided by education. But how?

In one of the previous illustrations we saw that the transition from the first, tektol~
gically less advantageous type of problem to the second depends not only on the environ-
ment, but also on the active relationship to it of the opposing complex itself, in this case '

101
 man: on his part the choice of the resistances is, of cou(Se, only possible to a certain extent
and on a limited scale. Education can predetermine this choice in the form of specialization.

Indeed, specialization in this job or that, with its special materials and instruments,
prede~rmlnes both the character and magnitude of those resistances with which man
should have to deal, and permits him to harmonize most precisely and definitely the expen-
ditures of his activities with the opposition from pbjects of labour, and helps him system-
atically to achieve the intended results. This Is most evident in technology, or the organ-
ization of things; but the meaning of the specializing aspect of education is the same in the
case of the organization of people and ideas'. A specialist achieves growing results by unfol-
ding a growing sum of energy in the struggle with resistances which he selects and which
are more accessible to his calculation; It is this which forms the basic and stable superiority
on which he leans to support his social role and position. The smith in his sphere of labour
deals with determlnately changing resistances of metals, fire, etc.; in this he'surpasses other
people: others who run Into such resistances while, for example, using metal thin~ which
br~k, bend and are subject to damage, are forced to consider them as complexes of inde-
terminately changing resistances. But a sailor fully possesses similar superiority in the solu-
j, tion of another group of problems connected with resistances of the water environment,
I
Iii which for the smith and other people are Indeterminately changing, etc.
II,
Nevertheless, this is only one side of the educational problem: beyong the limits of
his specialization, In all the remainder of his social and natural environment, man must
somehow deal with the general problem of indeterminately changing conditions. To it cor-
responds another side of education which is directed to the development of organs and
functions tlln general," without reference to any previously contemplated special situation
or particular goal. The greater part of what Is called "physical education" and so-c:alled
tlgeneral education" enter here.

Of course, physical education also existed in conservative systems; but insofar as It

did not concern Itself with a predetermined welal function of man, such as strengthening
the muscles of the future warrior and hardening his body against foul weather and adversi-
ties on marches, it was not posited as a question of education. It was carried out elementally
and "by itself," in the play of children and in the work offamily and Interfamily life. How-
ever, the society of a new contradictory progressive type was more consciously forced to
bring out this side of general education as a special and important goal; exactiy because it
could be achieved "by itself' less and less under the conditions of growing social differen-
tiation, with Its Inevitable consequence- the narrowing of the educational environment It
is sufficient to picture the extent to which the elemental-educational influence of nature
Is excluded in the situation of city Children, even the children of ruling classes; the extent

102
to which their physical health suffers from miasmas and air-dust in large modern centers;
the extent of one-sidedness in the development of the bodies of children and juveniles wor·
king in factories, etc. And these disorderly formed organisms, weakened in many parts and
functions, may have to face indefinite fluctuations in environments ranging from the accus-
tomed situation of the workshop to the most capricious combinations of modern war on
land, sea, or air! The question concerning the uniform strengthening of these organisms for
all possible events is being more and more persistently advanced by life itself before social
pedagogy, which already began sometime ago to work out methods for its solution, such
as hygiene, athletics and others.

Of similar significance is the question concerning "general education, " i.e., the training
of the nervous psychic system for undetermined possibilities. Let us assume that a man was
born, lived and grew up in a capital where resistances against spatial and temporal orienta·
tion are reduced to a negligibly small magnitude by inscriptions on streets, numbers on
houses, electrical clocks, etc.; and now he has to struggle, under war conditions with a de-
tachment, through an unfamiliar terrain of forests, and swamps, in the midst of danger
from people and the elements; in order to determine direction he is forced to use a pocket
compass and a map; and if they are not available, to find his way according to the sun and
stars, and with their aid also to tell the time; without some knowledge of geography and as-
tronomy he would have been doomed to perish, and with him his companions. Or, for ex-
ample, from a serene and quiet proviciallife a man falls into a hurricane of the social ele-
ments of a revolutionary epoch with its unexpectedly changing current of destructive ac·
tivities; how is he to -Mthstand them, Wlere does he direct his efforts in the absence"of familiar
objects? He would be fortunate if he could lean on general familiarity with history and
the social sciences. These illustrations deal witt1 comparatively extreme cases; but similar
things happen at each step on a smaller scale; however, thou"gh these extreme events are
encountered but once in the lives of the majority of people, to perish once is enough for
anyone.

The definition of the pedagogical problem is not finished with the raising of the two-
fold question which is subordinated to the principle of relative resistances; in order to un·
derstand the next stage, we need to make one more step in the study of tektological regu·
larities. For the time being, however, we are going to consider how far the solution of the
problem is achieved in practice by a society which does not realize that this problem is an
organizational one and which only vaguely takes into account its tektological experience.

First of all, a continual falling behind of educational materials and methods is re-
vealed in relation to the changing conditions of social existence. Thus, long after the down-
fall of the authoritarian conservative bases of economic modes of life, the family of petty
bourgeOiS, and even schools, have continued to educate children in the spirit of strict

103
authoritarian discipline which kills initiative and criticism. However, such an upbringing,
though suitable for the society in which men had to go through life according to pre deter-
minted paths, does much harm in the world of the anarchical struggle of all against all, with
Its changing directions and combinations of human forces; a world which requires that men,
when necessary, reassess conditions objectively and act independently, not overlooking a
moment. Life demands a continuous solution of the new problem of the second type, bu t
the preparation is provided for the solution of obsolete problems of the first type. 1

The tecond Illustradmis 1he stubborn preservation of anc:ient lansuases in secondary ;and
post-sec::ondary SChoo's. The role of both lies In the preparation of organizers for social practice
at various levels. For a definite epoch, a partial classicism was an important moment in the
solution of problems concerning organizational specialization, Inasmuch as it lay within the
limits of certainty. Latin was th'" language of international Intercourse, and of collective
generalized "sclentiflc" experience, which was predominantly organizational In nature. The
development of new social relationships, such as barter and commercial capitalistic relation-
ships, was at each step putting organizational classes, both old and new, before new situa-
tlonsand new contradictions and difficulties. In order to overcome them suCcessfully, it
was necessary to be guided by the entire social experience of the past- here Greek-Roman
antiquity provided most of It- and of the present, where scientific acquisitions were also
published in Latin. Therefore, the overcoming of the enormous mass of everyday resistances
in organizational work depended on a knowledge of the ancient languages. But in the developed
bourgeois world these conditions are not present, and an enormous amount of work, which
was expended in colleges, gymnasiums, lyceums, and universities, etc., on learning ancient
languages, ceased to be a means of solving real everyday problems: this entire mass of ener-
gy was diverted from the line of real resistances with which people would have to come in
conflict. 2
Also, the principle of relative resistances is very often violated in the teaching of
modern foreign languages. Children of educated classes are very often taught from early
childhood. while at home, and later at school, two or three foreign languages. This con·

1. .

~
I.II instruction In "hoob r.fen cuedy to the ouunoded authoritarian con.servati"e.pedagogy.
n teaches pcoP!e to reprd Jifc u predetermined by .1Uaher po_r; each pason fulfills a predel-
tine tole. meekly arid aubmlutvcly, i.e., wichout initiative and" widiout criticism.
2In de(enae of the "adsot of tho put, there are of'ten advanced new .ubltandAtiona and justifications;
for _tmplo, th.e lChoofdaalctan .. defended IUlder .dae ~ th,at it facilitates th~ development of pn-
cralloaicaJ abilitieund the development of ldea1Jam III die chUd. aou1.ctc. There IS no necessity to consider
all IUCft arguIIlentar they woufd haw had meaning llit were proved that the laJIle })Oaiti"e raWta could
noc be achimd by ocher pcda808k.aI methocla accUally preparing the orguism for the conditions of bit
eoclal and natural OII9ironmenc; onl, chen could cLwIcisila 6e coNidered .. an expemkre but indispen-
able solution to the educ.donal problem in ita Wlcerta.ift pana(i.e., referring to bide terminate chuigel
In the environment).

104
sumes, in fact, a great deal of the free energy of their psychics. Are there many professions
where as large a place is occupied by corresponding everyday resistances? Very few: diplo-
mats, commercial and literary translators, in part sailors, and some groups of scientists. But
parents and educators usually do not posit the question in this way; for them the matter is
not at all concerned with the question of preparation for the forthcoming real resistances,
but simply with the traditionally conditioned "education."

A similar absence of the organizational point of view is also usual in the matter of
physical education. The organization of gymn~tics and children's games rarely proceed,
even today, from the question concerning the real processes of everyday struggle these or"
other applied methods may prepare the children for; and the choice in this sense;s very often
Inexpedient. The hardening of the child's organism is, it would seem, a case of the most
conscious application of the principle of relative resistances. Some parents who think it
necessary to harden children against the cold, dress them up during cold weather much
more lightly than they do themselves. But if, as it is natural to assume, children would dress
up just as warmly as their parents do now when they grow up, then of what use will this
raised level of hardening be to them? And it costs something to the organism, diverting a
considerable quantity of blood to the skin membranes and leading to hypertrophy of the
vessels. A characteristic of this is a widespread European custom, or stubborn fashion, of
forcing children to play with ~re calves when these parts of the body are well covered in
the case of adults.

With the approach of sexual maturity, each child must face severe storms of the
psycho-physiological spontaneity of his own organism which have a deep influence on his
entire future life. But to this day there are few educators who would take the trouble to
prepare the young child beforehand for the inevitable shocks.

One 'of the most curious illustrations of the ignorance of the law of relative resistances
today occurs in the families of many intellectuals and idealists: their children's education
is in the spirit of extreme "humanity," producing unusual gentleness and solicitude,
remOVing from children, as far as possible, any suffering, any coarseness or cruelty of life.
What can these hothouse plants put in opposition to the severe blows of actual reality?
This almost predestines them to destruction.

As we see, the field of education alone provides many examples of the practical sig-
nificance of the principle under consideration, of how it painfully rules over people when
they lack a conscious mastery over it.

The explanatory significance of the law of relative resistances is particularly precious

for Our times. This law alone is able to settle the whole series of the painflJJ cultural puzzles

105
of our time which almost undermine all faith in the development of the social qualities of
humanIty which constitute the basic meaning of civilization.

Herds of millions of people, belonging to the most civilized nations and the most ad·
'lanced claSses; rushed before our eyes to destroy each other with the same zoological fierce-
ness as did their far distant animal·llke ancestors. London and Paris, great centers of world
culture, were conducting the same wild and patriotic pogroms as the semi-Asiatic Moscow.
Armies of the most advanced nations committed as monstrous cruelties as Kurds or Cos--
sacks, Ingushes or Morrocans. The gentleman-officers of free England together with the
generals of tsarist·despotlc Russia shot Russian revolutionary prisoners of war. Not only the
priests of outmoded religions, but also higher intelligentsia, poets, artists, even people of
science, proudly marched at the head of unIversal brutality, etc. Does this not mean that
there only exists the prOj'Sof technology and the external forms of life, but not of human
nature; is it sufficient for a whirlwind to tear off from the European his paper coat of hu·
mane civilization in order to reveal an ag~ld troglodyte?

In reality this is not so, and an explanation of the contradictions which bewilder the
eye is provided by the law of the least advantageous conditions.

Modern capitalistic society is most heterogeneous in structure, and represents, in the

words of one German professor, a "gradation of the most varied existences." Besides, the
lower levels in the development of socIal qualities are distinguished in various countries
much less than the middle and higher levels; differences of small magnitUdes, naturally, can·
not be great: a London hooligan from the bourgeois classes or the corresponding type in
the Russian capitals and an ignorant savage are approximately equal in their ability and in·
clination toward destructive acts. let us assume, that in london from among the 6 million
inhabitants, there is only 1% of these hooligans, i.e., 60 thousands of the elements in ques-
tion; whenever a social catastrophe provides them with a slogan and a possibility of unifica-
tion for one moment, they are able to carry out a cruel pogrom, for example, against all
Germans In London. It is possible that In Moscow, from among the 2 million inhabitants,
90% of them are at the same level, i.e., one million and eight hundred thousand; under simi-
lar conditions they produce the same pogrom, but the magnitude of destruction is not
greater, because i~ Object Is not greater than in the previous example. An enormous inequal·
ity in culture will be concealed by the equality of the lower complexes of a cultural system.

This is not all. Contemporary cultural man, taken in isolation, is also a heterogeneous
whole. His psychomotor system also contains a gradation of inclinations, from the lowest to
the highest, from the animal instincts of his cave ancestor to pure social idealism in its var·
lous forms peculiar to different classes. And again when an external influence of a sufficient
force, directed at the lower complexes of the psychomotor system, overcomes their inertia

106
and upsets their equilibrium, two men may exhibit equal elemental destruction, although
in the psychics of one the lower group of reactions constitutes, perhaps, one-tenth, and in
the psychics of the other, nine-tenth of the whole.

Such "equalization according to the lowest" emerges especially vividly in the herd
actions and emotions of the crowd. A crowd is a collection of individuals related, on the
basis of physical proximity, by direct imitation. And its action is concentrated on those
,.oups of psychic reactions which are most common to all; but such are exactly the lower
"oupSj higher groups, with their complex differentiation,diverge much more. Therefore,
in a crowd the man who has preserved but a small remnant of zoological inheritance in his
psychics may commit the same brutalities as another in whom this inheritance predomi-
nates over social qualities; and a courageous man who under normal stimulation of higher
complexes of his psychics fearlessly looks in the eyes of death, may yield to a panic-
fear just like a weak coward, etc.

The law of the least advantageous condi tions will sternly rule over man for as long
as he does not gain mastery over it. There is a .problem for tektology here, which is how to
master the law in the cultural sphere in order to avoid equalization according to the lowest
common denominator, which subordinates our civilization to the vestiges of savagery, aI·
though these vestiges may be much weaker quantitatively than the activities accumulated
by civilization. This is a ""estion concerning the organizational transition from the lower to
middle magnitudes, and its fundamental solution requires still another step in tektoiog/cal
investigation; formulas of the minimum are insufficient here. 1

4. Compact and Diffused Structures

The structural stability of any system can also be considered from another point of
view. The systemic environment and the system directly Influence each other only where
the two come into contact, in the "frontier region," understanding these words tektolo-
gically and not only spatially. The magnitude of the frontier region, or the I'lJrrber d conti·
guous points, may be increasing or decreasing. For example, when a tortoise draws in its
head and paws, or a man "shrinks," this quantity becomes lesser; a political organization
grows when it sends out agents and agitators to ptaces or social circles where they had not
been previously; this is also true in the case of a scientific theory which embraces new
groups of facts, etc. Two complexes and two systems that are similar and equal in all other
respects may dlffer'precisely in this. How can such changes or distinctions affect structural
stability?

1
See Td:toJogy. Put II. pp. 72-86; and Chapter VI.of the ~

107
 Here is one of the simplest cases. Two pivots of equal length, say one meter ·in length,
are made from two equal quantities of metal, but one of them is of a uniform thickness a·
long its entire length and the other of a "diffused form," with successive contractions and
expansions. The properties of the first and the second will tur~ out to be different in
whole series of cases. The resistance to breaking is lower in the diffused pivot; if the envi·
ronment Is such that it oxidizes them, then it will also rust faster. In a cold environment it
will lose heat faster; but in a warm environment it will also acquire heat faster. Its static
electrical capacity Is greater, the resistance to current is more significant, etc. All these are
consequences of an enlarged surface, a greater sum of contacts with the environment.

It Is evldendyJmmaterlal whether the matter concerns a physical surface, as in this

case, or other contacts with the environment; the mor,.., them there are the lesser is the
concentration, 9.f1 average, of activities-resistances per urlft at such a "frontier regionj" and
besides, in diffused forms this concentration is also uneven and represents m~re fluctUations
from one point to another. ConsequentJy, according to the law of relative resistances, the
destruction of connections in these forms, or their disorganizatiOn, is easier to accomplish.

This can be expressed more generally as follows: negative selection manifests itself
more intensively in "diffused" forms. For example, the cooling of the pivot represents a
negative selection of Its heat activities; it occurs faster in the case of a diffused pivot than
in the case of an even one.

A structure which Is more even and branches out less is generally opposite to a
"diffused" structure; we will denote It by the term "compactness."

Thus, in the case of more compact complexes, negative selection is less intensive.
And positive selection? It Is evident that positive selection is also less intensive. Where tem·
perature rises, i.e., where heat energy is being more assimilated than disassimilated, a dif·
fused pivot will acquire more heat energy during the same period of time. Through a great:
er number of contacts with the environment, assimilation from the diffused pivot is cor·
respondlngly greater.

Hence, a general solution to the question of which structure is more favourable for
the preservation and development of complexes Is as follows: under negatlvtJ 'tJ/ection 8
compact ItructUrtl " mom fsvourable, under posltlVfl, 8 dlffUled structure.

This Is known both to the tortoise which pulls in Its extremities under conditions
which It considers to be negative, and to the man who shrinks In the cold ... But the scien·
titlc, tektologlcaJ formulation makes It possible to obtain a simple solution to many orga.
nlzatlonal problems which appear to be complex and difficult In normal situations. The
question concerning the advantages of a "centralist," or "federal" type of organization un·

108
--
der different conditions can serve as an example.

Of these two types, the centralist, i.e., the system which is characterized by the pre-
sence of a center on which all other parts of thesystcm depend, and to which they are
closely coupled and subordinated, is more compact; the federal type of organization with a
weaker coupling of its relatively autonomous parts represents the case of diffused forms.
For example, tsarist Russia and bureaucratically republican France were centralist; pre-war
England, the United States and Switzerland were federal in comparison to them. The
strengthening of power In a party of the ruling center expresses a tendency toward com·
pactness; strengthening of the autonomy of the local and special organizations, toward dif·
fusion; a religious sect with a definite and strict dogma, which is shared by all, is more com·
pact than a scientific or philosophical school, which incorporates various shades or currents,
etc. These characteristics and our general formula are sufficient in order to be convinced
that a "federal" structure is more advantageous under favourable living conditions and the
operation of p~itive selections, and a "centralist" structure under unfavourable conditions
when selection is negative. In the first case, the autonomy of the parts permits them to un-
fold better, to develop more freely, and to utilize more fully the inflow of energy supplied by
the social and natural environment; in the second case, the couplings are more solid and
tighter, and as a result they endure longer against destructive influences. This can be illus-
trated by innumerable examples.

The governmental structure of Switzerland, the United States, and England with her
wide local self·government and external colonial federal couplings, was possible only be-
cause of exceptionally favourable living conditions, into which they were put by historical
fate. On the other hand, states which developed during long and fierce wars, and which were
surrounded by enemies, could exist only on the centralist basis; such were the eastern des-
potisms, Russia and France. The same correlations are revealed in political parties: . diffi-
cult external conditions are endured more easily under a more compact structure; for ex-
ample, a division into factions at such times is particularly harmful, as is evidenced by the
experience of the Russian parties during the period of reaction. With a particular worsening
of the situation, the couplings of central and local organizations expressing a "diffused"
aspect of party structure, inevitably broke up, and the party was converted into a series of
practically uncoordinated groups. If a unity was maintained, it was only because of the
unity of program or dogma,which then was so much stricter; this is also a compact type,
but of a different kind; namely, it is an ideologically compact complex. Illustrations from
PSychology provide those states which Aristotle called "macropsyche" and "micropsyche,"
the widening and narrowing of the soul. Pleasant, happy sensations, which correspond to a
higher inflow of energy into the nervo-psychicsystem, dispose one to expand one's inter·
course with tne environment, to intensify the activities of external senses to increase mobil·
ity, to raise "sympathetic" tendencies, etc. On the contrary, painful sensations expressing

109
 a:::::;

ne~tive selection call for a "rolling up" of the soul, a weakening of attention to the sur-
rounding environment, a weakening of the entire receptive activity, a lowering of inter-
CQurse With other people, a yearning for peace, etc. Thus, the adapting organism passes
from the more diffused correlations to the more compact ones and back; the psyche of man
functions according to the same law as does the body of a tortoise.

The terms "diffused" and "compact" form are adopted conditionally by us because
better terms could not be found. Their inadequacies are not limited by the fact that they
suggest a picture of a physical structure when the matter concerns any organizational com-
bination. But even for physical complexes, "diffusion" and "compactness" do not neces-
sarily correspond to those concrete forms which are involuntarily summoned by these
. words. The question concerns, it should be remembered, the relative quantity of contacts
with the envir~nlllent, ~d nothing else. If we compare two cylindrical pivots of identical
volume and identically even surface along their entire stretch, without any expansions and
contractions; there may still be the same difference between them. The one is, for example,
shorter and thIcker, the other longer and thinner; then the surface of the first is smaller,
that of the second larger, and the second will reveal,in comparison with the first, all the
"diffused" properties: it breaks more easily, heats and cools faster, rusts faster, etc. But if
the cylinder is shortened and thickened until it acquires the form of a diSC, then the "dif-
fused" properties will also appear In It The greatest compactness presents a sphere which
Is homogeneous In Its Internal structure.

This means that diffusion is generally characterized by uneven couplings in the

various pam ofll complex or In variou. d/rsct/ons; the greater is their uniformity, the great-
e~ their "compactness."

It Is Interesting and Important to note that these concepts are fully applicable not
only to spatial but also to temporal structural relationships.

Thus, many complexes of activities change in time in a wave-like fashion, as if by ex-

pansionand contraction. All fluctuating proCesses, such as psychic, organic, molecular and
etheric processes, can be presented in the form of flows which at one moment expand, at an-
other contract In 1hefr paths; representing this graphically, we will evidently get diffused forms.
And all the conclusions about these forms will remain in force. For example, if two waves
of Identical nature are compared, such as etheric light waves, then from the tWo the dif-
fused character is evidently more sharply expressed in shorter waves. Once having arisen in
the universal environment, all waves are, in some way or another, absorbed by its various
complexes, by matter, plants, and perhaps even by the ether itself; consequently, the waves
are under negative selectIon. And it follows that less diff~sed forms are more favourable for
their stability, i.e., the Wives whose length Is longer. Anq indeed, the shorter the vibrations,

110
paz

the easier they are absorbed by the smallest opaque particles; longer vibrations, as if skirting
around these particles in conformity with the laws of so-called diffraction, are not absorbed.
Inasmuch as there is a partial absorption of the energy of the rays, because of the IncompJete
transparency of the environment, violet rays, being the shortest of all the visible waves,
must weaken in comparison with others, especially the red waves. This is presently accepted
by the physical theory; spectral analysis, apparently, also supports this: in the spectrum of
the farthest stars violet rays are correspondingly weakened, as its comparison with the spec-
trum of the closer stars of the same type shows. 1

The life of our organism also flows according to a type of vibrations: during the day
our organism develops more activities than at night, during summer more than in winter; it
experiences a series of expansions and contractions. In the life of mankind, as a whole,
positive selection generally predominates: it is growing and its forces are increasing. Under
such conditions, diffusion in time oUght to be advantageous for mankind; and indeed, by
lowering the efforts of the organism during the night, a greater intensity of work is achieved
during the day; the greater the amplitude of this fluctuation, the higher is the daily inten-
sity of work, and the more easily can people overcome the resistances of nature. But if the
organism finds itself un~er the conditions of negative selection, such as in chronic malnutri-
tion, then the correlation wlil be different: the greater the amplitude of the 24-hour fluc-
tuation, I.e., the more intensive is the day life of the organism, the less it can endure; and a
Russian peasa~t, for whom this amplitude is lower, will endure, other conditions being
equal, longer than an English worker.

Here, as in many o~er cases, the organizational properties of time do not differ from
those which are revea.ed in space.

It is necessary to note that the question concerning a diffused or compact structure

was considered in relation to an Indtltl,.",inatlJ environment, under conditions of both
positive and negative selection In gtJfJsral, taking into account various and changing influen-.
cas which were not especially concentrated on those or other parts of a complex. However,
where there Is such a stable concentration of external activities or resistances, the problem
deals, of course, with det~rmlnately changing conditions, and the question is not reduced
here to simply a larger or smaller quantity of connections. If, for example, negative selec-
tJon manifests Itself most strongly at one part of the system, then it is advantageous to.
have this part better developed for the preservation of the whole, i.e., under negative selec-
tion It also turns out that a definite ifffI(/UJsrity of couplings is more advantageous. Thus,

lprcYloUl utes re~dlnll chi. I1re being currendy disputed, but ehe que.tion here concern. only the mal-
nhudc of the coefficients of ablorption, and noe Ita nature•

.111
 [.

"
in all machines, parts which are subjected to increased friction, pressure, bending, and
stretching are made either more massive, or from a more solid material, i.e., tektologically
more connected material; and this, of course, imparts a more diffused character to the en-
tire complex; regularity, however, would have been disadvantageous. But this only means
that definite and special correlations always limit and modify the application of general
schemes which express Indefinite correlations.

S. Systems of Equilibrium

The "law of equilibrium," formulated by le Chatelier for physical and chemical sys-
tems, but in reality tektologlcal, or universal, is an expression of structural stability.

A ~ystem of equilibrium will be called such if it maintains a given structure in a given

environment. A common illustration Is scales In a position of rest. If pressure is applied to
one sj::ale, if, for example, a weight Is put on It, then this scale will begin to drop and the
other to rise, and the ann will change Its position from a horizontal to an inclined position:
this Is a structural change. But as this change occurs, a counteracting force appears
In the system Itself: the scale with the weight falls down with a decreasing speed, but only
to a certain lim It beyond which there begins a movement in the opposite direction, and
after a number of fluctuations there is established a new equilibrium, which is determined
by simple mechanical conditions.

A more complex illustration 15 that of water and ice in the same vessel under 00 Cen-
tigrade, i.e., under the temperature of freezing and thawing. If the vessel is heated, then
part of the Ice will absorb the Inflow of heat energy and turn into water, thus counteracting
the rise in temperature: the temperature of the mixture is maintained at the previous level
until all the Ice is thawed. But If, Instead of heating, the same mixture is subjected to a
higher pressure, then part of the Ice, turning again into water of a lesser volume, thereby
counteracts the rise of pressure inside the mixture. A mixture of liquid and hard mercury
when heated also reacts by melting which counteracts the change in temperature; but when
the pressure is raised, the reaction Is opposite- part of the mercury freezes. Why? Because
mercury, similar to a great majority of bodies, takes up a lesser volume in a hard form than
in a liquid form; consequently, the mixture counteracts the increase in pressure not by
thawing but by freezing the mercury; and this is exactly what happens. Water, as an excep-
tion. presents opposite relationships of volume; therefore, the same counteraction is
achieved in the opposite way.1 If a constant current circulates in an electrical conductor,

1
~hc exceptional propertlea of water are explained by the fact that the liquid water is not a aimple che-
mical combination, but a solution of ice changing in proportiora with changes in temperature and pre..
lure, and aubordina ted, conaequendy. to the raw of .o!utiona.

112

I
I:
 then any change in this current calls forth so-call~d self·induction which is contrarily direc.-
ted to this change, thus diminishing it, etc:.

The law of Le Chatelier is formulated as follows: if 8 system of equilibrium Issubjec-

rsd to an Influence changing any of Its conditions of equilJbrlum, then processes appear In
It which 8ff1 directed to counteract such changes.

It has been known for some time from experience that this law is operative not only
in physical and chemical systems,but also in many others. Thus, living organisms under nor·
mal conditions react to external influences in a similar way. If the human body is subjected
to cooling, oxidizing and other chemical processes immediately begin to intensify and deve-
lop warmth in it; if it is heated from outside, then perspiration with evaporation, which ab-
sorbs heat, is raised. The role of "shrinking" from cold, which decreases the surface area of
cooling, Is the same; and when the tortoise draws into its shield, under all kinds of unfavour-
able influences, this again is a decrease in the surface of an external influence. As an exter-
nallrritation Increases, according to the law of Weber-Fechner, sensatiqn does not grow to
the same degree, but only proportionally to its logarithm, i.e., comparatively slower and
~ower;l this means that along with the force of external irritation, resistance to it quickly
grows, so that the smallest amount of energy of the strongest irritations reaches the nerve
centers;otherwise these centres, with their fine sensitivity which depends on tender struc.-
ture, would have been quickly destroyed. Thus, our sight still perceives the light of a star
of the sixth magnitude; but the light irritation from the sun is approximately four million
millions times greater; what brain could dire~tJy endure such differences in the strength
of influences?

It is possible· to show, by a simple analysis, that the law of eqUilibrium is applicable

to any system which preserves its given structure in a given environment Let us begin with
a comparatively simple and quite typical example: the system of "water and ice under 0-
Centigrade." Let it be subjected to heating. According to contemporary scientific symbol-
ism, this means that fluctuations of molecules in the surrounding environment become
more energetic, and their blows, which are transmitted to the molecules of water and ice,
become stronger. This energy of the motion of particles, expressed by their "temperature,"
is an activity of the same order as that of their coupling, capable of conjugating with it, and
paralyzing it This is the way it actually happens here.

lIn other worda, if the firat increases in geometrical prog;ression. for example, 1 :2:.:8 :16:32, etc., the
lecond,ln arithmetic, for example, 1:2:3:4:5:6. The correlation is approximate only.

113
 The heated molecules of water transmit the excess of their energy of motion to the
frontier molecules of ice with their intensified blows. This excess is paralyzed by the
coupling activities of ice, until equality with them is reached; and then there occurs a full
dislngression, which, as we know, results in the breach of connections: the surface particles
of Ice tear away and pass into the mass of liquid water. The entire excess thermal energy,
acquired by the particle until that moment, was used in the struggle with the coupling acti-
vities in order to paralyze them; therefore, the kinetic energy of the particle itself turns out
to be no greater than It was before, and is measured as before by the temperature of 0".
The same thing occurs with other particles of ice. Thus, with the heating of the total mass
of water, the former level of 00 Is maintained in the frontier region of ice, counteracting
this heating until all the ice disappears.

If the question does not concern heating but the rise in" pressure, this means that the
kinetic energy of particles of the surrounding environment does not, on average, increase
for .each particle, but the number of their strikes, which operate in the frontier region of a
given system, increases. And here, the rising activities of pressure are transmitted from par-
ticle to particle Inside the system. These activities increase the frequency of collision
among particles, thereby aiming to limit the amplitude of their notion. And aga,in, this in-
flow of activities can conjugate and enter into disingresslon with couplings of the ice mole-
cules; under dlsingresslon they are, as In the other case, torn away and joined to the liquid,
and the pressure Is reduced b~ause the volume of water is less than that of the ice.

But, as was already mentioned, water is an exception. If another similar system is

considered, such as "solid and liquid mercury," then the opposite effect is observed. Ad-
tional activities of pressure enter Into dlsingression not with the couplings of particles of
the solid body of the system, but with the activities which counteract the couplings in the
liquid. The pressure lessons the amplitude of motion of liquid particles, so that this am-
plitude becomes less than the distance between particles, and they now fluctuate without
entering one behind the other and without Intermingling, but keep arou nd a m idd Ie
position: the particles of a solid body move exactly in this way. Some part of the liquid
freezes up; with this Its volume, however, becomes smaller; as.in the previous case of the
thawing ice, this reduces the pressure.

Why do actl~tles c:I one type- the force of pressure- in two different cases paralyze
through dislngresslon, not identical, but quite opposite activities, as if ,elllCtlng those which
are prescribed by the law of Le Chateller? The matter lies precisely i.n a choice, not a con-
scious one, of course, but an eftlmllntai choice.

Molecular movements are presented by scientific theory in the form of innumerable

and variously directed "infinitely small" activities. If into a system new activities enter

114
from outside, then it is evidently necessary to accept all sorts of combinations created by
them and the former activities, all sorts of collisions, conjunctions and disingressions. But
from among these combinations some will be stable, others unstable; the first will be re-
tained, the second removed by selection.

Thus, in the system of "water and ice," activities of external pressure must enter in-
to disingressions partly with the movement of"molecules of the liquid, transferring them
into a solid condition, and partly with the couplings of ice molecules, thus melting the ice.
But since ice takes up a greater volume than water, from which it is derived, the pressure
will increase in cases of the first kind, bu t will decrease in cases of the second kind. The
question is which of these changes turns out to be more stable?

The answer depends on the structure of the system in which these processes go on;
until the structure is unknown, neither possibility is excluded. But it is necessary to recall
that identical processes took place in the system before the entry of new activities: indivi-
dual particles of water were converted into ice, thus increasing internal pressure, and in-
dividual particles of ice were converted into water, decreasing pressure. If one or the other
of these changes were more stable, then the entire system would not have been a system of
equilibrium; its structure would have been continually transformed, In the first case in one
direction, in the second case in another. But this did not occur: those changes which
crossed a definite border immediately turned out to be less stable and were removed by
selection. The structure of systems of equilibrium, for contemporary scientific thought, is
characterized precisely by their containing opposite processes which neutralize each other
at a certain level. The matter is presented so that, at this level, the tensinns of oppositely
directed activities are equal; when, however, one of the two processes is intensified and
rises above this level, the tension of corresponding activities becomes more significant, and
the flow of these activities is directed in an opposite direction, as in the case of water,
which having risen above its middle level, then falls downward. In this way equilibrium is
maintained, and with it the stability of the system under normal conditions.

Now it is possible to consider in advance what will happen when the activities of
pressure in various conjunctions and disingressions entering from outside condition the
conversion of some particles of water into ice and some particles of ice into water. Changes
of the first kind, increasing pressure, create a new difference in tensions which directs the
flow of activities into an opposite direction; consequently, these changes are unstable and
are removed by selection. Changes of the second kind, decreasing pressure, which is already
raised above the middle level, reduce the difference in tensions and do not call for
the opposite flow of activities; therefore, they are more stable .than the first and selection
is more favourable for them. The result precisely corresponds to the law of
le Chatelier: the process which diminishes the effect of an external Influence is revealed as

115
 ...,
if counteracting such an influence.

In the example with the solid and liquid mercury, on the contrary, the transition of
solid Into liquid particles increases pressure, and the transition of liquid into solid particles
decreases it Therefore, under external pressure, processes of the first kind, increasing the
difference in tensions, will be less stable; processes, however, of the second kind, decreasing
this difference will be more stable. The general result of selection is opposite to the previous
one, again in conformity with the law of Le Chatelier. And the same evidently ought to be
the case with any system of equilibrium, no matter what activities enter into its composition
and no matter what opposite processes neutralize each other within it For example, in our
organism there are processes which continuously free and absorb heat in approximate equi-
librium In relation to a given environment; if the environment changes in the direction of
heating, then the processes which absorb heat are intensified; if in the direction of cooling,
then the opposite, heat generating processes are intensified.

But all of this refers to system8 of equilibrium. In systems of disequilibrium the mat-
ter stands quite differently. If changes simultaneously go on In them in opposite directions,
then one of the two groups of changes is more stable, and therefore, the whole is trans-
formed step by step into its direction. What results are obtained with an external influence
on such complexes?

A mixture of hydrogen and oxygen can serve as an Illustration; this is also called de-
tonating gas. Under normal temperature. this mixture appears to form a completely balanced
system; no methods presently available can directly discover the ongoing chemical changes
in illnfact, however, such changes are present: the mixture is transformed into a water-
steam, I.e., the processes of conjunction of hydrogen with oxygen preponderate over the
opposite ones. But the reaction proceeds so slowly here that its completion takes- accor·
ding to approximate calculations which are based on the observation of the process under
high temperatures and the formula for changes in speed of reactions by Van-Goff- hun·
dreds of billions of years. This is a system of fal. equilibrium, as it is called; it is not chem·
Ically and thermally balanced because heat is being discharged during the reaction, and the
mixture must, though Imperceptibly, heat Itself.

Let an external influence be applied to it, such as the raising of its temperature. In-
ternal changes of the complex_ in this direction were already more stable than the opposite
ones; the same also holds for the newly added changes. Not only is there an absence of
counteraction to them, but the process of conjunction of hydrogen with oxygen is also
speeded up, causing an even greater heating of the mixture; this is exactly contrary to what
happens with systems of equilibrium. With close to normal temperatures, this is again an
insignificant and Imperceptible. magnitude; at approximately 6000 Centigrade, it becomes

116
so great that it quickens the process to a level of explosion, which in turn produces heat
of several thousand degrees. 1 Tektologically, this explosion, however, is not something
new; It is a continuation of the process which went on before; only its tempo has been al-
tered.

Such is "false equilibrium." Two facts are consequently understood by these words:
(1) when equilibrium is continually disturbed in a definite direction, the complex is in a
process of transformation; and (2) we do not directly notice this because of the imperfection
of our organs of perception and methods of observation. When, however, we tal k about a
"true equilibrium," it does not mean a complete equilibrium, but only a tendency to it
with two-sided fluctuations. If a crystal of salt happens to be in a saturated solution, then
this is a "true equilibrium," lust as water and ice are in equilibrium at 00 Centigrade. Bet-
ween the dissolution of salt particles and the deposit of others from the solution, and bet-
ween the thawing of ice and freezing of water, there is not a precise equality at any given
moment; but if the first process now preponderates, and a departure from the level turns
out to be in one direction, then at the next moment the preponderance will pass to the
second process, and the fluctuation will be turned into another direction, etc.

The distinction between systems of equilibrium in this sense and those of disequi-
librium, and especially the systems of "false equilibrium," has tremendous significance
not only In cognition but also in the practical affairs of life. It is extremely important to
dlfferent/at8 one type from another in order to foresee correctly the possibilities which
face this or that system. And this is especially important where the law of equilibrium has
not yet been precisely formulated and used systematically; that is, in the realm of complex
vital, psychic and social phenomena. This can be illustrated by means of examples.

If a herbivorous Greek tortoise is lightly struck, it immediately hides its head, paws,
and tall in its box. The surface accessible to hostile forces is thereby decreased and, conse-
quently, also the direct action of these forces; this is in complete conformity with the law
of Le Chatelier. It means, therefore, that the organism of the tortoise corresponds to sys-
tems of equilibrium in the nature of its psycho-motor reaction, it tends to stability and is
conservative. One cannot, therefore, expect from the tortoise, for example, a progressive
development of its activities and an agresslve conquest cJ the surrounding environment, some-
thing which organisms of another type are capable of doing.

Let us assume, that the tortoise behaves differently; it answers external violence by

IBxactl under theae temperatures hydro~en, oxy n and water-steam now create a reallyutem of equi-
librium Tn which the reactIOn of coupling II neutra~zed parallel with the ongoing reactions of decom-
position. Under 3000° Centigrade, Iuch a combination II composed 88% of detollllting gas and 12% of
water-ateam.

117
blows of its paws or jaws. According to the usual usage of the words, this is areal "counter-
action; "but it would be the greatest mistake to see in this a conformity to the law of equi-
librium: this is something quite different, and it is necessary here from the very start to re-
move verbal confusion. By "counteracting"opposite movements,the tortoise would not
have directly decreased but increased that difference in mechanical tensions on which the
direct result of the external influence depends; only with subsequent consequences, such
as the destruction or flight of the enemy, could this have led to a real decrease of harmful
activity; but it could have also led, when the enemy is stronger, to the opposite effect A
well known bear trap Is based on this- a log, which is so suspended as to prevent the bear
from reaching the beehive, oscillates like a pendulum. The bear pushes it away one time
after another, and receives blows of an increasing force, i.e., the growth of mechanical dif-
ference is being maintained and accumulated. In the law of Le Chatelier, the concern is
with internal processes of the system and the internal regroupings of Its activities" which
dlr8Ctly reduce-the result of an external influence. The acts of struggle against the cause or
carrier of this influence are not, therefore, appropriate; and they indicate that the matter
here is not concerned with a system of equilibrium.

As already mentioned, the human organism reacts to an increased heating from out-
side by an increased evaporation of wa~r, during which hea t is absorbed; th is is fully
consistent with the principle of Le Chatelier and shows that the organism represents a sys-
tem of equilibrium in terms of direct thermal relationships with its environment But fre-
quently, other nerv~mU5Cular acts simultaneously appear with such a reaction: a man
begins to fan himself, open windows, etc. These movements are accompanied by a transfor-
mation of chemical and physical energy into heat and, consequently, in themselves, i.e.,
taken independently from further results, lead to still greater heating of the body tissues.
Hence It 15 clear that the complex is unbalanced in relation to the motor and nerva-mus-
cular activities of the organism. And it Is necessary to remember that, generally, one and
the same system can always be, from the standpoint of some activities which enter its com-
position, a system of equilibrium, and others, a visibly or latently unbalanced system.
Thus, the same detonating gas, which represents under low temperatures a chemically false
equilibrium, can be considered, in a mechanical sense, as being in a true equilibrium; it re-
acts to an increased pressure by an increase in density, and vice versa.

Let us consider the following case: a man is plagued by unfavourable influences of

the environment, such as injuries, oppression, losses, and various blows of fate. How will
he react to all of this? Two basic types can be observed here.

Tendencies to self·limitation appear in some natures: patience, submission, humility;

often also curtailment of wants ("ascetism"), and even thecurtailment of intercourse with
other people (lithe life of a hermit"). What is the meaning of these reactions? The external

118
environment decreases the vital activities of the psychic system by its hostile forces; and
this system narrows down Its active manifestations, the region of its contacts with the ex-
ternal environment; thus, the sum of the unfavourable influences of the environment is directly
reduced, as was the case in our example with the tortoise. Obviously, the principle of Le
Chatelier appears here; this is a system of a balanced type.

Other natures put on a fighting stance is relation to the environment, struggle ener-
getically against its ~ostile forces, and thus broaden their active manifestations and increase
meir tension. Losses of energy, which are brought about by negative influences from out-
side, are Increased by additional new expenditures on struggle; and the sum of contacts
with the external environment, the depth of penetration Into it, generally that what can be
called "vulnerable surface," grows still further. This Is exactly contrary to the principle of
Le Chatelier, and points to a complex of an unbalanced type.

It is ciear that the natures of the first kind are incapable of practical progress, the
development of their forces, or victory oyer the environment; the natures of the second
type are capable of either development to progressive victories over external forces, or to .
degradation through defeats; both often intermlngfe in various proportions; for example,
an artist's creative development Is often connected with a destructive dissipation of life;
even more often one type Is replaced by the other: a disequilibrium of progress by a dis-
equilibrium of regress, when, for example, the environment changes in a sharply unfavour-
able direction; but an opposite shift Is also possible. But natures tending to equilibrium,
being incapable of deVIl/oping resistance to their environment, naturally pass with exhaus-
tion of resistance Into degradation.

In the Russian language there Is a special word for denoting this type, namely, "the
man In the street." Popular consciousness, which develops languages in its elemental
collectivlslm, frequently expresses a deep experience which escapes even the consciousness
of a well-developed individual.l1le concept of"a man in the street" contains an Image of exis-
tence which fluctuatIJ8 around a certain level. The character of a man in the street means
exactly an absence of fighting reaction to the influences of the environment; it consists in
patience, submission, and internal softenings of the blows from outside.

But, it should again be remembered that all tektological determinations are relative.
A man, tending to equilibrium in some fields of his life, may be positively or negatively un-
balanced In others: a "citizen," even a "revolutionary" in political life, may be "a man in
the street" In his family relationships; or, for example, a man in the street in all his contacts
with society, may be a petty tyrant in his own busine~s, etc.

The preponderance of these or other psychic types depends on social conditions- on

119
the structure of society and on the direction and tempo of its development as a whole and
In its separate fJoops and classes. Tendencies In social ideologies are also reflected in a way
that corresponds to these types. An,d Inasmuch as the pinnacle of each ideology, Its highest
charactetlstlc, lies In the vltal/d68l, a tendency to one or to the other type appears in it
especially vividly. The tendency of a collective to equivilibrium is embodied in th~}deals of
passivity and indifference; the purest and the most perfect of them all is the "nirvana" of
Buddhists, an absolute equilibrium of the soul, its complete calm in which it is unperturbed
by anything, other than the c:onterJ1)latioo of eternity. Here,too, belong ideals and dreams; such is
the Christian Ideal, with its image of justice in the other world, of reward for the suffering,
hu m ble an d submissive, of punishment for the wicked and proud; and both the reward
and punishment are not realized by the efforts of people themselves, but by a deity, a
higher universal actIvity who restores a disturbed equilibrium in the life here on earth.
Daydreams are similarly one of the psychic reactions to the hostile influences of the environ·
ment; It Is a reaction of "self-consolation" which corresponds fully to the principle of Le
Chateller: an Internal counteraction of psychics to that pain which is caused by destructive
external forces.

The other group contains socially practical and actively organizational ideals. Such
is, In the highest degree, the Ideal of a labour collective.

Societies, groups and classes which are vitally hardened in their settled forms or
which are already losing their position and are unable to defend it su"essfully,belong to
the first group; growing collectives, conquering elem en tal and social resistances, belong
to the second group.

Systems of equilibrium may pass through structural changes, which are often imper-
ceptible to direct observation, Into systems of disequilibrium, and vice versa. These tran·
sltlons are very important In practice; they can best be captured after a change in systemic
reactions has taken place. In the case of the Interrelationships among people and organiza-
tions, correct evaluations of the tendencies of both kinds, especially their replacement, can
provide safeguards agaInst the greatest and irreparable mistakes. Such evaluations are, in
fact, being continuously made by people on the basis of "common sense," i.e., the common
tektology of the man on the street. From the few observations of the reactions of a man to
these or other external Influences, conclusions are usually drawn about his general consti-
tution, whether It is stagnant, tending to equilibrium, or,on the contrary, full of initiative and
Impetuously militant; and these determine subsequent relationships to him. 1 Popular tek·

1
Thus, during the time of under~ound work, organizera·rccrWterI of the revolutionary parties, divided
the entire human material Into ' active" and "non-activei" the latter, o(.course, were at once eliminated
from consideration. .

120
tology has also noticed the types of false equilibria, as is evidenced by such proverbs as
"stili waters run deep." However, this vague, imprecise and unstable experience was not
subjected to scientific treatm~nt, and each man had to master and formulate it for himself.

Even more important is the ability to recognize both types in the relations between
organlzatlons- state, party, economic, cultural and military- in the creation of cooperation
bet\Wel'\ them and in plans for a victory in the case of struggle. Here the inadequacy of "prac-
tical wisdom" possessed by organizations or their leaders may lead to tragic consequences.

Let us assume there Is an army which reacts to an enemy attack by reducing i~ front
line and passing to more defensive positions, instead of nuking offensive contra-maneuvers: it has
an appearance of a system tending"to equilibrium. However, this may not be its real tenden-
cy, but only a camouflage; then the real condition of the army can be captured in displays
of Its "spirit" and In the character of partial outbursts of its "activities." But if it is, in fact,
unable to grasp the initiative and progressively unfold its battle operations, then, having
won time for regrouping, accumulation and concentration of forces, it can nevertheless again
become a system of the opposite type; but the enemy, having wasted this time, can
lose all when there were conditions for a full victory.

Another example: "A strong. progressive movement springs up in a backward coun·

try, leading to the establishment and growth of democratic organizations. Subsequently,
there arises a reaction against them- a series of constraints, repressions, blows, and external
insults. Ho.w~do these organizations react to the results? Let us assume they do this by
broadening and intensifying their activity, deepening their slogans and passing to more
radical forms of struggle. This characterizes the given organizations as systems of the second
type; that is, points out that the possibility of their growth and victory is not excluded."

UBut accumulated energies are being exhausted in the ongoing struggle. And now
the time approaches when the practical character of these organizations appears to change.
They begin to react to the growing pressure by limiting their operations, rejecting sharper
forms of struggle and narrowing slogans. These processes are essentially internal changes
which partially weaken the effect of external influences, i.e., correspond to the type of Le
Chateller, and express a tendency to equilibrium. Then the question is solved; a subsequent
triumph of the forces hostile to them is assured: the very possibility of a ~uccessful struggle
disappears until new structural changes in the entire social environment take place. "I

lICkto~ay, Vol. II, pp. 111·112. MOlt of the previous i1\u~trations are also taken from there, but with
newei. oratiom. "'

121
 Assume that in this case some sensitive and experienced,palitical figure has captured
the essence of the situation by the analogies >MIich he krlo>M personally from life or history.
But he is able to transmit to others neither his knowledge as a whole nor his practical
sensitivity, and, therefore, his conclusions are not convincing to others. And, perhaps, the
most vital elements would continue to expend their energies in the wrong direction, against
the turning point of the wheel of history. Only a scientific organization of experience per-
mits a real proof of such conclusions.

With all its breadth and importance, the principle of equilibrium is not a special, in-
dependent tektologicallaw. It is a particular application, under definite conditions, of the
.
principle which we have already explained- the principle of an "analytical sum."

In complexes of equilibrium there are always antagonistic activities which neutralize

each other at a certain level, as, for example, In the system of "water-ice" molecular couplings
and thermal motion of particles, in the physico-chemical processes of an organism, which
create and absorb heat, and in cornmon psychics opposite, mutually restraining groups of
aspirations, etc. If such a complex is subjected to an Influence. then new activities, which
correspond to this 0( that antagonistic group, enter it from the external environment Let
the;;e groups be A and 8 ,and our external influence 8, , which is homogeneous with
the second one. Can it amalgamate fully with B and without losses, without a partial dis-
Ingression and, consequently, produce straight and direct changes in the system in its direc-
tion and up to its entire magnitude? As we know, this cannot happen; an ideally harmonic
combination of a former and a new group of activities is not observed anywhere; a disin-
gresslon is Inescapable to this or that extent Consequently, the operating sum of this group
of activities will not be B + 8, • but lesser by a magnitude 8 2 ' i.e., B + 8, - B2 • To
the original B1 was In fact added B1 - B2 • which also expresses the resultant change
in the system. It is, as we see, less than the operating activity. i.e., the point is exactly as if
processes arose in the system which were "so directed as to counteract" this disturbing in-
fluence; this is the law of Le Chatelier. The essence of this phenomenon lies simply in that
the "analytical sum Is always less than the arithmetic sum," as we already know.

This consideration does not apply to systems of disequilibrium, because a new influ-
ence changes the ongoing structural transformation there.

Thus, things which are most distant from each other in everyday experience can be
united by tektologlQllaws which embrace all actUBI and pos;s/ble transformations of
forms.

122
 v
.Divergence and
Convergence of Forms

1. The Law of Divergence

Two complexes which are absolutely identical cannot be encountered in experience.

The differences may be practically insignificant, but with an adequate investigation they
can always be discovered. It is not possible to find two leaves among all the plants In the
world which are completely alike; it is not even possible, as is clearly shown by the molecular-
kinetic theory, to find two drops of water in all the oceans of the world which are exactly
the same. This refers not only to "real" complexes, but also to "ideal," or mental ones.
Geometricians can "think" of absolutely similar lines, U., denote them verbally as such, but
these lines exist only in acts of thought; and the two sets of thought, even of the same person
at different moments, cannot themselves be absolutely the same.

The most similar forms appear through the division a decomposition of homogeneous
complexes; of course, this.homogeneity is only relative. A crystal, a drop of distilled water,
or a piece of a chemically pure metal can serve as examples of such complexes. Let us, as
far as Is possible, divide such a unity into two equal parts: no technology permits the achieve-
ment of a complete equality or a zero difference in magnitUdes. Consequently, by reason of
the original heterogeneity, no matter trow insignificant, there will be some Initial dlfffNfIfIC.
In the structure and dimensions between twin complexes.

123
 This is not all. Their environment and external relations are inevitably also dissimilar. .,,
Let this environment be a "perfect void," i.e., the astronomic etheric environment; but even
in this environment, pierced a$ it is by innumerable and Infinitely varied waves of radiant
energy, the electric and magnetic conditions at any two points cannot be identically equal.
And if this environment Is complex, or "material," i.e., molecular, then the differences are
here Incomparably more significant and varied. In one way or another, they always exist

What is the subsequent fate of our twin forms? As with everything else in nature,
they will evidently be changing. Can exactly the same, precisely parallel changes be expected?
Clearly not They must be different due to the original difference of complexes themselves,
because unequal forms even under the same conditions change unequally due to the variety
in the environment whose influences call forth changes.

Dissimilar changes attach to the initial differences. Differences grow. Therefore, sub-
sequent changes must be even more dissimilar and the growth of new differences intensifies
even more, etc. Consequently, the divergence of the initial forms is "avalanche·like," similar
to the growth of magnitudes in geometric progressions; It is generally of the type of a pro-
gressiVely asc:ending series.

Let us consider a drop of water divided into two, almost equal parts. Then, in conformity
with the la'M of physics, the one which is larger will evaporate relatively slower in the same atmos-
phere. This simple quantitative distinction and the other more complex ones - in the given
. case, concentrations of dissolved substances which are present even in the purest distilled
water, and chemical interactions in these substances, etc. - become departure points for the .
development of new, subsequent differences; and inasmuch as the separation puts the parts
of the water drop under dissimilar conditions of the environment, it begets another factor
of divergence. Two questions arise. The first is: was there a similar progress in differences
going on prior to the division of the drop, and were not both of its parts, now mentally
separated one from the oth~r, different in the same respects? The second is: if distinctions
grf)w as a function of the above two factors, would not both these factors develop them in
opposite ways so as to avoid divergence or even produce something quite opposite?

The first question Is solved in this way. The drop of water is a single complex just as
long as all of its parts are in a continuous connection and Interaction, In a constant conjuction
and In an Interchanging combination of activities. This, apparently, also determines the extent
of the BqU811zarion of the emerging differences among the parts of the whole. For example,
concentrations of dissolved substances change in various places of the water drop, but there
also goes on an intermingling and diffusion which aim to destroy this heterogeneity. In sepa-
rate drops such conjunction is absent, and differences can grow without hindrance; the diver-

124

I: '.
gence then becomes stronger. 1

Since for tektology a full, absolute separateness does not exist, it can be stated that as
far as separateness appears or develops, 50 far progresses the operation of the law of divergence.

The second question can be answered as follows: for individual complexes not only is
divergence actually possible, but alsoconvtll'gcrnc8. The influence of the environment on a
given difference between complexes can turn out to be quite opposite and increase their simi-
larity. Ancestors of the dolphin living on land differed more from the fish of those times in the
form oftheir bodies than does the dolphin today. But each such case Is determined by special
circumstances which partly paralyze or camouflage the tendency to diverge, which, never·
theless, always continues to operate. Between the same dolphin and, say, the sh~k, di·
vergence has not ceased to continue in this and other respects which are not related to
the mechanical properties of the water environment. Consequently, the general law of
divergence is not violated here, but rather its visible manifestations are counteracted by
other tendencies. The law of gravity, for example, is not violated by the fact that an
object thrown with force flies up, or that an air balloon rises and does not fall; any
regular (lawful) tendency may be paralyzed by others which are equally regular (law-
ful) and which, in turn, are subjects of study. In the infinitely complex reality of liv-
ing experience not rI,n one tendency appears fully in isolation and in an absolutely
pure form.
Further, customary methods of thlnkinll itill give rise to the following questions: is it
possIble to speak generally about the "divergence" of complexes, and, besides,complexes which
are completely different? Can the differences which already exist, for example, between two
chemical elements, grow still further? And If the atoms of hydrogen and oxygen in a drop of
water are separated by the force of a galvanic current, will this lead to "divergence" in their
properties and to an increase in the difference between them; that is, will the original difference
be preserved?

But it Is necessary to remember that any differences between complexes are relative and
limited; therefore, a growth in differences is never excluded. This can be easily seen in. the
same example concerning atoms of hydrogen and oxygen, during the analysis of water when
their correlations are studied more closely.

The chemical coupling of atoms is, of course, an ingression which presupposes the

IOl courae the C&H of conjuction pia ys an important role here i.e., the mobWty of ~ementa of the com-
pie., It. int'ernal plalltil:ity. Por example, In a hard piece of ito", electrical and maanetil: activities conjupce
and equalize quite we' thermal, however, much more slowly; and chemical, allO comparatively very slowly,
80 thac one of it. parD'may be completely ruated when the other parts remain untouched. The low mobility
of elemenh ill equivalent co their significant aeparateneu.

125
preserwe of a linkage, I.e., some common elements between these atoms. Exactly what kind of
elements are Involved Is not yet fully explained by the theory on structUre of matter; It is assumed
that the question concerns electrical activities which are expressed in the "lines of force" binding
the opposlt4lfeteetrons. In any event; if the linkage breaks up, It should mean that its component
activities are'also paralyzed at some points by other activities which were supplied by the current
decomposing the water. .

Isolated atoms are then Immediately grouped In pairs, but now hydrogen with hydrogen
and oxygen with <»cygen, composing particles of gases. bearing those names. . However, the
torn links close up so last that It Is not possible to observe the Interval condition; It Is revealed
only Indlreetly in a raised "force of affinity," Leo, the d1emlcal mobility of bodies In statu
fI08CfIfIdl (at· the moment of birth). And despite this elusive time, there occurs a Significant pro·
cess of divergence ~n properties.

The coupling of atoms of hydrogen and oxygen in a particle of water was conditioned,
of course, by their definite I1t1'UI:tUTal CDmIIpDndenu, no matter what It consisted of. Once the
coupling disappears, It follows that this correspondence disappears also. The change is similar
to the disaS)pearartCe of the coinciding threads or of their common elements In a nut and bolt;
this is a rough but a tnle eornparlson expressing the essence of the fact The common electrical
condition for tho water mOlecule is now replaced by the two sharply different conditions for
the new molecules of hydrogen and oxygen. There Is also a change In the speed of "thermal"
mobility: the water partkles had a common speed for all atoms (the average under cr is ap-
proximately 615 meters per sec:ond); after the separation, the speed Is different for particles
of water and oxygen (under the same temperature the first Is approximately 1840 and the
second 460 meten). The sum of differences has,. evidently, grown, and It can be said with
certainty that further development In knowfedge will reveal other changes here in the sepa·
rated atoms and, consequently, an even greater divergence. The same can be said about their
subsequent fate In different environments of nature.

The law of divergence plays an important and guiding role In cognitive activity. It
teaches us to search behind each diversity for that comparative unity from whld1 diversity
originated, I.e., to ascend from the complex to a more simple or more "primitive" -the word,
expressing simultaneously both the primacy and simplicity.

But the practlc:al moaning of the law Is great and direct With the dissolution of any mate·
rial or non-materlal complex and ..tth tho breaking of any connectionS!. the subsequent inevitable
divergence of lsolatocl parts must also be considered beforehand. For example. splits In organiza·
tlons which occur In the political and cultural life of our epoch, which Is full of contradictions,
would probably be tess frequent, If the leaders always clearly understood that In a partial and
temporary separation Is Inevitably concealed a tendency toward a deeper and Irreversible one.

126
 2. Complementary Correlations

A full break-up of connections and abSolute separateness of complexes does not and-
cannot exist In our experience, which is united by universal Ingression. But degrees of separate-
ness are quite varied. In order to solve a problem, it may be sufficient to take into account
separateness in some cases, in others it Is also necessary to consider connections.

Thus, if the concern is with the propagation of an amoeba or bacteria, then daugh-
ter-celis, which diverge in various ways, may be considered In the closest investigation as
fully separate organisms. However, if the question concerns the fate of not only this or that
cell, but of the entire species, then It is necessary to take into consideration the linkage of
species, which clearly manifests Itself after a series of generations in a peculiar union between
cells - In copulations or conjunctions. And the ~tioo of the emtryooic cell of a complex,
such as, for example, the human organism, should ffOm the very beginning be studied from
both points of view. Here daughter-cells do not separate from each other, but remain in a
direct communication and Intercourse, although they are not merged into one. A continual chem-
Ical conjunction Is maintained between them, at first directly and later, when they multiply,
Indirectly through the lymph and blood, which constitute the common internal environment
of the orpnlsm. Naturally, the law of divergence is also limited In its operation in relation to
the chemical content of cells and the tissues which are formed from them. With all the variety
of this content, a considerable community of chemical structure remains; it Is this community
that serves as a carrier of Individuality and heredity.

When In the process of solving a tektologlcal problem the givens simultaneously include
separateness and couplings of complexes, i.e., when it Is necessary to study changes in a system
coflllning of ISparate pam, then we have a problem of l)'Itetnst/c divergence ("systemic differ-
entiation"), We have already considered one side of this problem: the principle of relative
resistances; the law of the minimum gave an answer to the question concerning the conditions
. of preservation or destruction for such systems. Now we will go further and, assuming that the
system Is not being destroyed"shall investigate how and in what direction it oUght to change
and develop under different Influences of the environment. I

We already know two Important thIngs about the preservation of complexes: first, their
preservation Is never absolute and is always approximate only; second, It is the result of a dynamic

leues of deatruction will have to be studied separately, with tho theory of systemic CriseL

127
 lu
oquillbrium of the system with environment, I.e., It II created by the two flows of ac-
tivities .uslm ilatlons: the absorption and a5llmllatlon of activities from outside, and the
disassimilation of activities, their loss or transfer to the external environment. And this
means two uninterrupted and parallel series of proeesses of progressive selection, both
positive and negative. TheY un equalize quantitatively, with fluc:tuatlons In this or that
direction, but each, as we have"a1ready seen, perfonns by itS VfIY nature a special tektdogicaJ
role and hat a SJ)e'lallnfluence on the structure of a system. Together they both regulate
Its development.

In what direction do they regulate this development? ObviOusly, In the direc:tlon of

the most stable correlations, since tho leu stable correlations must be gradually eliminated,
and the more stable arc strengthened by positive selection.

At the same time, this development, it should be remembered, is achieved through

dlverpnce, Inasmuc:h as parts of the whole possess separateness. In this way difference,
grow, leading to IncfUllngly mDftJ 6tBbIe muctural corrtllstlontl. We shall present this
concretely.

Here is an embryo of a plant. With propagation, cells find themselves in an increas-

Insly dlsslmnar envltonment: some go deeply into the ground, others rise Into the atmos-
phere; being orl8lnally the sarne, they Inevitably change In the sense of a growing diver-
gence. Its basic: line Is determined by the fact that there are dissimilar prevailing materials
for assimilation: In the soli, mainly water and salts, In the atmosphere, carbon dioxide,
oxysen and tho energy of the sun rays. Both types of materials, however, enter Into the
structure of all cells, J.e., they are assimilated and disassimilated by all the parts of the
body. In what direction should selection direct the development? Which correlations of
the dlverglns parts wfll be most ltablel The correlations which enable these parts to
complemtmt each other; and dlis Is quite possible exactly thanks to the preservation of
d1elr linkage, which maintains the common Internal environment through the movement
and exchange of sap In the plant. The cells of the root assimilate In plenty c:ertain elements
I
I' 'rom their c:losest erwfronmcnt; tho cells of the leafage and the trunk, other elements; they
pass to eac:hother any surplus by conjunctive means, mutually sustaining their structural
I· stabllltV. These are complementBry COI7'eIatlo",. Those differences develop which raise
the connectedness, stability and durability of the system under external Influences, or, In
a word, Its orpnlzatJon.

The above example refers to the most typical group, to cases of the "division of
functions" or speclaJlutlon. These cases are Innumerable and infinitely varied In the realm of
life. Here Is another illustration: the primary, so-called "physiological" division of labor between
men and women In the patrimonial group at the dawn of the evolution of mankind. The female

128
--organism Is of necessity len mobile than male from the very beginning: pregnancy, nursing and
care of children significantly bind the woman to one spot and create for hera more constraining
environment than that in which the man operates. Thanks to this, In the procurement of the ..
means of IIveJihood- and It is a social form of assimilation- plant·objects, such as roots, fruit and
seeds, are more accessible to women; men, however, can hunt animals incomparably more freely.
At the same time, being longer on one spot, women are able to subject the acquired materials to
a full processing, thus facilitating assimilation in individual consumption. The systemic divergence,
therefore, proceeded so that the male and female parts of the commune increasingly complemented
each other In production: men, as hunters, procured animal food, skins and wool, and later estab-
lished cattle-breeding; women supplied the major part of plant material for food and with the
passage of time laid the foundation of agriculture: moreover, women predominantly prepared
this or that food for consumption and made clothing from skins and wool, etc.

The complement1ry correlations unfold even further and deeper in the most recent division
of labour. The system of production is organized here so that each member of society performs
but an Immeasurably small part of those transformations In the environment which are directly
Indispensable for the preservation of his personal life; the rest Is conjunctively given to him by his
social environment; but this environment asslmllam, as if spreading and distributing in it, almost
the entire sum of the results of his Individual labour: what share, for example, does this or that
worker consume of what he has produced himself?

In the human organism, representing a colony of 50·100 billions cells, it is almost

Impossible to isolau, even mentally, the share of participation of each cell in the common strug·
sle for survival with external nature; assimilation OCC4rS for each separate cell at the expense
of the internal conjunctive environment of the organism (blood and lymph), with the excep·
tlon of a part which should be practically considered as infinitely small. This is the result
of the systemic divergence which begins with a uniform division of one cell.

A similar line appears just as clearly in the development d the psychics. The chain of images~
feelings and volitional Impulses, relating to hostile forces in the environment, and the chain re-
lating to Its friendly forces "divide" the regulation of motions of the organism between them:
.one of them "assimilates" from psychic reactions what is not suitable for the other, and vice
versa; each chain actively appears so as to complement the other In order to maintain the whole
as Iu special organ. Each of th~m, In tum, is composed of smaller, specialized ~ychlc organs-
Uassoclatlons," and these form even smaller separate psychic reactions; everywhere there is a
division of functions.

The complement1ry correlations appear even more distinctly in such systems as contem·
porary languages, science, law,ethlcs and, generally, any complex cultural form. "Parts of
speech" functionally complement each other; so do different fields of science and law, etc.

129
 The entire realm of life on earth can be considered as a single system of divergence. It
branches out into two "kingdoms" - plant and animal; complementary correlations in many
respects exist betw~en them. One of the most important and remarkable among them is the
rotation of carbon dioxide. In the organisms of animals it is a waste matter, but for plants
carbon dioxide is one of the main means of nourishment; and oxygen, which is discharged
by th e green, chlorophyll parts of plants, serves for animals as the material for breathing, as,
among other things, it does also for the plants themselves; generally, the complementary character
of couplings is not perfect here. But as far as it exists, so far are the processes of assimilation-
disassimilation in both kingdoms mutually opposite; this enables the stability of both parts of
the system to grow to an enormous extent. 1

But the same rotation of carbon dioxide forms a basis for complementary correlations
between life as a whole- the "biosphere" - and the gaseous cover of the Earth -the "atmosphere."
The quantity of carbon dioxide is maintained at a definite,stable level. If, due to the development
of animal life, forest fires and also a discharse of carbon dioxide In volcanic processes or from
other sources, there is an overproduction of carbon dioxide, then the growth of plants immediately
Intensifies at its expense, and the surplus Is absorbed; if, on the other hand, the plants significantly
decrease the content of carbon dioxide In the air by excessive multiplication, then animals in
turn, utilizing the surplus of their basic food, the plants, multiply intensively and thus increase
the mass of the discharged carbon dioxide. Thus the stability of atmospheric content is sus-
tained by the biosphere, which draws from the atmosphere the material for assimilation.

This illustration Is interesting because It reveals a possibility of complementary correia-

dons not only among forms of life In which we are accustomed to find and observe them.
The "division of functions," "division of labour" and "specialization" are all biological and
social notions; they easily suggest the thought that the principle of complementary correla-
tions Is applicable only to "living" nature, but not to "dead," inorganic nature. But such a
thought Is quite erroneous. TektologlcaJ bases of complementary correlations- assimilation
and dlsassimination and processes of selection- are peculiar to the entire "living" and "non-
living" wQrld, 50 that this organizational tendency must also be equally manifested both here
and there under systemic divergence. Carefullnvestlptlon supports this conclusion.

Such is, for example, the connection of the same atmosphere with the "hydrosphere"
- the water part of the Earth's cover.A wtlole series of conjunctive coupling; exists between

1Some unlceUuI4r water Dlantl!We in a "symbio.u" with unicellular animala: 10 does the peen zoochrena
in the body ofthc: vorticella, chlorophyll clements ohoochre1la decomposc.urbon dioxide of the vorticella's breath
and dUcharge from it carbon £or the production of carbon hydrates, wbich are necessary for zoochrella,
where the releated oxy"eft""01 ap1n for breathing of vorticella.
but what a difference in Kale.
The same form of complementary couplings,

130
them: rotation of water-steam, dissolution of air gases in water; thermal and electrical
exchange, etc. Here too, both sides regulate each other, mutually suppo~ting their stability.
So the atmosphere loses its gas-like water through rains, srlow and hoar·frost, etc.; the hydro-
sphere receives it in the form of streams and rivers, directing them into the seas and oceans;
but,ln its turn, it returns to the atmosphere approximately the same Quantity of water through
evaporation. The stability of systemic temperature is supported by an unbroken air cover which III
arrests the heat of the hydrosphere and also that of the "lithosphere," the hard part of the
Earth's crust which Ii supplied almost entirely by the rays of the sun; and the· hydrosphere,
having an enormous thermal heat capacity, forms, as it were, a reservoir, which now
absorbs the surplus of thermal energy which the heating Intensifies, now releases this surplus
to the air and, through It, to the lithosphere when the heating decreases; in this way the
fluctuations in temperature are maintained within limits around one basic level.

It 15 necessary to note that .the heat arresting function of the atmosphere, in its turn, is
regulated by an exchange of water with the oceans and seas, and partly also by an exchange of
carbon dioxide with the biosphere. The point is that the main constituent parts of the air -
oxygen and nltrogen- possess a very small arresting ability, and the watersteam, of which
comparatively little exists in the air, a tenth of one percent, and carbon dioxide, of which there
is even less, exceed them in this respect 16,000 times. Thus, the regulation of their quantity
by conjunctive couplings between the three spheres is a basic condition for the maintenance
of a stable, on average, level of their temperature: this is a typical complementary correla-
tion.

Here, in this way, this correlation clearly appear5 between organic and inorganic com-
plexes, and equally also between inorganic comple.xes only. And this arose as a result of
evolution within the system of divergence. There was a time when the atmosphere also con-
tained the entire present hydrosphere in the form of water·steam: the temperature of the
Earth's crust was measured in hundreds of degrees and the water could not be a liquid. With
a lowering of the temperature, the "water" and tht "air" separated; and then "life" also
sprans up from them; life In its basic content is a combination of the same chemical elements
which form the atmosphere and oceans: oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, and carbon with an addi-
tion of still other elements, which, in the torm of soluble combinations, are also present in
sea water. Complementvy correlations between the partly separated gigantic groupings of
elements of the Earth's cover have evolved over hundreds of mill ions of years by a series of
innumerable processes of selection. '

Inorganic nature, which Is generally characterized in comparison to the organic world

by a greater simplicity of organizational forms, naturally provides also the most simple models
of complementary correlations; Here Is one of them.

131
 Let there be a saturated solution of some salt; crystallization goes on in it This is a
process of breaking former connections, the process of separation of the two parts of a given
system and at the same time their divergence. It leads to a new coupling of the two parts: the
solution is not oversaturated but only saturated; and on contact with the solution, the least
. surface is formed. When this condition is reached, then there appears, between the liquid and
the solid "phases" of the system, a stable interchanging correlation, a rotation of the dissolved
substance. Crystals continuously lose or "disassimilate" particles which are dissolved, and
are in this way "assimilated" by the liquid; and conversely, the liquid loses particles which by
settfing down on crystals are assimilated by them; the two flows of exchanges equalize and the
fonn of the entire system is preserved. This is not all: under definite conditions this form is
restored after a disturbance by external influences. For example, assume that a small piece is
broken off from a crystal. Then the surface of the Interchanging Int8'action of both phases grows
and the interaction intensifies. The solution gradually eats away the broke~off piece and in
exchange deposits particles on the crystal, so that the "wound" heals up. Both sides, as if in
common, regulate the form of their contacting surface.

This example, In its simplicity, convenientfy formulates the very essence of complemen-
tary correlations. It reduces to the Inttlrchsnging IIn/csge: In it the stability of the whole,
the system, Is raised by one part assimilating what is disassimilated by the other, and conversely.
This formulation can be generalized to all complementary correlations; in some cases its
applicability is evident, but In other more complex cases; it is discovered only by scientific
analysis. Thus, in the life of society with its division of labour, the exchange of products is
an expression of an exchange of labour activities. A farmer spends, i.e., disassimilates his
labour energy on the production of bread; society "assimilates" this energy through the
consumption of bread; at the same time other labour elements of society "disassimilate"
other forms of labour energy, creating other products; and the farmer assimilates those forms
of energy, consuming the products which are rec;elved in exchange for his bread. In the organ-
Ism, the picture Is even more complex, and it Is even more difficult to isolate concretely
what this or that cell "assimilates" fro m the whole through the mechanism of its decomposition
(clrculatlon of blood and lymph, nerve impulses, etc.), and what the cell "disassimilates" to
its advantage, along with those of its elements which it dischages as already unnec;essary to
the organism. But the meanf,. ci the correlation is the same. Inorganic nature presents a great
number of cases of Intomparably simpler interchanging linkages. In part, they apparently
slip away from our attention exactly because they are too simple and ordinary and do not
arouse an interest to investigate them; partly, however, bec;ause they were not studied from
our point of view.

Complementary correlations, as all organizational correlations in general, are sometimes~ .

Imperfect; the interchange of activities 15 not being carried out to the very end. So, for example,
In the division of labour the fanner partly consumes his own products himself, and does not

132
 give them to society; equally, most other producers also do this to various degrees; besides,
along with the interch.lnging couplings there is also often discovered a struggle, a mutual can·
tradiction of parts .. among the same members of society, or among the individual cells of the
organism; also, a part of the activities given by some of them to others often does not serve
the purpose of assimilation, but on 'the contrary. the purpose of the weakening and destruction
of the latter, i.e., produces in them a loss, or disassimilation of activities. But it is precisely
In the Inorganic world that it is possible to encounter, apparently, the extreme development
of Interchanging connections. There are cases of so~alled electrical and magnetic "polarity,"
where the opposite currents Of activities especially support each other in definite equilibria.

Usually, such cases are not at all considered from our point of view. For example,
the connection of magnetic poles, the "north" and the "south," are not understood in the
sense that one of them "assimilates" activities which are "disassimilated" by the other, and
conversely. However, the same idea is expressed, but only latently, in the usual formulas
according to which one pole "absorbs" the force lines which "emanate" from the other pole.
The "force lines" forming "force currents" are, of course, a denotation of some activities,
which are not determined more precisely, but are discovered in completely clear actions;
and, consequently, the "emanation" Is in its essence a kind of disassimilation. This is quite
evident In the galvanic current: the positive pole assimilates the energy originating from
the negative pole, and conversely; they only exist so long as this circulation continues. The
atom is also now being understood as a system consisting of an electrical "positive nucleus"
and negative "electrons" or "corpuscles"; moreover, both sides are in a continuous interaction;
it is also almost perfectly balanced in most of the elements whose atoms are "firm," and
noticeably unbalanced in radioactive substances. And "interaction," in general, cannot be
conceived in any othtlr way than in the form of the rrutuaJ transfer of activities: 100 on the one side, pas-
s! ng to assimilation on the other, and conversely. When, however, the stability of a system is
achieved in this way, I.e., its pressf1lBtion in the midst of destructively directed influences of
the environment, then it is clear that this is a complementary correlation, similar to an inter·
change of labour energy or a chemical interchange of vorticella and z()()(;hrella, etc. And
if this stability approaches as high a degree as that existing in the case of most atoms, with
the period of life supposedly not less than millions of billions of years, then we are forced
to ~ink that these complementary relations are most highly developed and are the result
of an~ ex traord inarily long systemic divergence under the conditions of extraordinarily
intensive selection.

So, in all the realms of experience and at all the St.lgeS of organization one and the same
. general regularity is confirmed:

Syrtem/c dlVflfgence conrsln.ln IttJlJlf B ttmdency of evolution, dir«tiJd towards com-

plllfTltNItIJry connections.

133
 cIt is natural and clear that man in his practice follows this regularity, in the sense that he
submits to it independently of his will, and uses it insofar as he assimilates and consciously
masters it. This, first of all, is the principle of the entire $()cial technology.

The entire system of production, take.n as a whole, is composed of people and things:
workers and means of production, socio-Iabouring activities on the one hand, and the energy
of nature acquired by society in th.e form of instruments, materials and products, on the other.
The correlation is obviously the same: the aggregate of things in production complements
the cooperation of people; the work-energy of people is maintained and reproduced at the
expense of things by assimilation of their energy through the consumption of products; on
the other hand, the expenditure of labour energy by people serves as a means for maintaining
and reproducing the complex of technical things; the stability is thus mutually conditioned,
and on its basis also rests the development of both parts ,of the system.

The same principle also rules over each of the parts of this system. The axe and the saw
functionally complement by their activities, which are hidden in the material form, a. human
organ, the hand; and they receive from it, or "assimilate" activities of their own operation
and application. In the axe itself or in the saw each part adapts to others so as to have them
all functionally complement each other by means of a mutual transfer, Le., the chain of
assimilation-disassimilation of activities. 1 The more perfect each instrument becomes, the
more strictly and precisely this correJation is realized. Machines, however, are a higher type
of instrument; in the division of the functions of their parts they often resemble the living organ-
ism to an extreme, especially those rare mechanisms which are automatically regulated;
such, for example, is a self-propelled submarine torpedo, with its complex motor, its depth
and direction r1.1dders, etc. It can be said that the machine, a product of the most c,onscious
forms of creativity, is constructed by man more and more in his own image and likeness:
no wonder that it replaces his labour force in an increasingly greater number of cases.

Systemic divergence is directed on lines of complementary relations by the force of .

selection; and "consciousness" represents an apparatus of the most intensive selection of the
most complex and varied combinations; therefore, it is understandable that this direction ap-
pears especiaUy clearly in its work. And not only technology, the field where man with the
aid of consciousness organizes things, but also other spheres of his activity, where people
themselves are organized in a collaborative whole as well as experience and ideas, are per·
meated by the same tendency.

ISo the axe-handle "assimilates" the energy of motion which is .iexpended" by the hand. The moving
jolt is given at one olits ends and puses to the other in the fonn of a \nve of comprCl6Sion. so that
each sub!lequent part begins to move to the exunt of the assimilated energy. following the preceding
one after !lOme period of time. which may be very short, but theoretically ~uite measurable. In this way
a pan of this energy is "d.iauaimilated" by the axe-handle and "assimilated' by the blade.

134
 An experienced organizer in any field, whether he organiLes an economic enterprise,
a government department, a professional or a political group, always endeavours to combine
people so that they complement each other in the interest of the m.atter on hand; if necessary,
he directs the very preparation and training of each of them in a corresponding way, i.e.,
directly calls forth their desired divergence in the directio~ of complementary relations; and
he aims to utilize even the narrowness of separate individuals so as to facilitate the performance
of their special roles, which must be chosen -in full correlation with the task.

The organizer of experience - a scientist, philosopher, artist - also aims to work out
the same correlations in his concepts, schemes and images. let there be a classification of
living organisms, in the first place, Into "animal" and "vegetable." It is stable, i.e., satisfac-
tory only as long as any living body which does not fall within the limits of the concept
"animal" finds a place for Itself within the limits of the concept "vegetable," and conversely.
When It wrned out that some organisms, combining elements of both types, did not fall pre-
cisely Into either of them, I.e., that the complementary correlation of the two concepts was
partial and imprecise, then the system had to change. Haeckel attempted to single out the
third kingdom - "protists," where forms would enter which have not been adequately
defined one way or another; other biologists preferred to use a complementary concept of
interval types; still others, instead of juxtaposing vegetable and animal life, took the vital func-
tions as the basIs for vegetable and animal type, etc. And exactly in the same way the con-
tent of each of these basic concepts must be distributed between more particular concepts
50 that they would fully complement, and only complement ear.h other; only under this
condition Is a classification r~gnized to be quite strict and logical. And departure from
complementary relations and any incompleteness in them is considered to be an imperfection,
a defect of the system, which pulls the changing work and active selection away from
scientific thought. 1 The problem Is, therefore, posited in this way: a given system of concepts
must embrace all the richness of living forms, and each from the cycle of its concepts must
be fully complemented by the totality of the rest, and itself complement them in the same
measure.

The problem for any scientific theory, philosophic doctrine, legal or ethical system is
posited In a similar way. And the same tendency lies at the base of art: the work of art
requires that the complementary correlations be strictly adhered to among the component
complexes .- Images and their combinations.

Where the principle of complementary correlations is not adhered to in a given system

lie the points of lowered resistance. In particular, the realm of "spiritual culture," ideology

lit dlHerl from "everyday" thought by Ita higher rigour, Le., inten9ivenell of this selection.

135
is distinguished by a special intensity of negative selection, because.this is the highest organi-
zational realm of Social life; here such areas of unevenness become points of application for
the disorganizing work of criticism; as a result, there is either a general downfall of the system
or its partial destruction followed by a reconstruction.

As we can see, the regularity of systemic divergence·· "differentiation" - is the same in

all fields and at all stages of existence. The higher is the level of organizational forms,
the greater the distinctness and strictness with which this regularity is revealed.

3. Contradictions of Systemic Divergence

Systemic divergence also contains in itself another tendency. Together with the condi-
tion of stability and complementary relationships, it also develops definite conditions of
IMtlJblllty: gives rise to "systemic contradictions." These contradictions, at a certain level
of their development, are even able to surpass the role of complementary relationships.
Cases of this kind are Innumerable in experience; they are the basic material for the poetic
formula of Goethe: "The absurd became wise, and the good was converted in to evil. It

Any complex organism, such as a human organism, progressively develops up to a certain

limit through differentiation of elements, beyond which begins its decline, old age. This
decline, in turn, progresses right up to its natural end, death. What is the problem here?

Systemic divergence means an increase in organizational distinctions among parts of the

whole, an IncrtJlJ8tlln tektological variety. And this forms the basis of contradiction.

The strength of the organism lies in the precise coordination of its parts and in the
strict correspondence Of separated and mutually connected functions. This correspondence
i§ maintained through a constant growth in tektological variety, but not without bounds:
there comes a moment when it cannot be fully retained and begins to dim inish. Parts of
the whole become "too different" in their organization; so different that they drift apart
both In terms of the ttNTIpO of life Itself and in terms of the strength of their relative resistance
to the environment. But this inevitably leads to disorganization, slower or faster, depending
on the totality of conditions.

The influence of divergence on the tempo of life can be easily and clearly explained
by the following analogy. Let us assume that a watchmaker has made several quite precise·
clocks and put them Into motion at the same time; their winding, however, operates over an
indefinitely long time, or the clocks are wound up as needed, but are not checked. Accord·
ing to the law of divergence, the clocks will deviate unequally from the true time: some will
be fast, others slow, and to different degrees. In order to compose one whole, as an organism,

136
 1:1
I'

their hands, let us assume, are tied with threads. I t is clear that under these conditions they
"'ill inevitably stop each other sooner or later. 1

It is not difficult to imagine in what way the lack of correspondence in the tempo of
mutually indispensable viul functions can and must step by step disorganize the entire system.
For example, kidneys serve for the discharge of definite poisons, which are formed from the
vital activity of the body tissues as products of their continuous partial disintegration -
disassimilation. It is sufficient for the activity of kidneys to fall behind this process, and the
organism will be chronically poisoned.

The lack of correspondence among the relative resisUnces of the various elements of
the body disorganizes it even more directly. The less stable elements are simply forced out by
the more stable ones: the first die off comparatively faster, and if they propagate, they do so
comparatively more slowly than the second. So, in old age, the most specialized cells are
nervous and gladular, etc.; they are forced out by the cells of conjunctive tissue, the least
specialized and the most stable cells under harmful influences.

Apparently, there Is even a progressive extermInation of cells of the higher type by so-
called "phagoc::ytes," i.e., the "eating cells" -white blood corpuscles and some other elements
having the same capability. The process of selection perfects a" cells in their specialized
.i function. In a series of generations of phagocytes, those of them which are most adapted to
their role also survive and propagate, i.e., those which in th,eir everyday struggle more easily
conquer bacteria and all other living cells. In the same way, cells of the liver and kidneys
adapt better to the conditions of their activity: they endure a great quantity of poisons which
they discharge from blood, etc. But this does not mean that their resisUnce to an increased
fighting force of phagoc::ytes also grows. Besides, phagoc::ytes are not at all concerned what they
attack, whether alien or their own cells, and they devour without distinction those elements
which are unable to offer sufficient resistance. 2 This alone ought to, in the final analysis,
_ inevitably lead to a decline of the organism.

Contradictory tendencies in social life appear even more graphically with the development

IThla analogy with .imultaneoualy wound up parts served the old phiJoaophers for explaining the pre-
eatablished harmony among the elementl! ofthe universe -mo~ds. o~ between. the body and lOut Since
luch a harmony does not exist, the comparison la especially sUltabie \J\ explaining the development of
dilhann 0 Nea.

2rhey .trictly ".elect" their objectl, le., attack some, do not attack others on the basil of so-called
"chemotropism": a chemical attraction and repulsion; for ey.ampil:, some of the bacteria attract them
chemlcallYr othera, on the other hand, provoke repulsive re:l~tion~. But becauu phagocytes must normally
eliminate the damaged, destroyed or even limply unnecel.ary cells of !.he orsanism itself, their chemo-
tropiJrn cannot generally save It& tWUCil from them.

137
of the ~cial division of labour. it has enormously raised the productivity of the efforts of
mankind; but it has also led to disintegration of the originally holistic communes into separate
r
!
households which became related only by market exchange. And in market exchange, the I

collaboration of separate households has the form of a struggle over price between buyers
and sellers, over markets among sellers, and over the possibility of buying goods among buyers.
Struggle, however, means that activities are directed in opposite directions and that they
destroy each other to this or that degree, i.e., that there is a presence of disingressions;
although it can prO<iJce prowess in the results, the struggle by irss/f is a disorganizing phenomenon.
This also concerns struggle in the market place. By observing the process of trade, especially
in its primitlve, asiatic forms, it is impossible not to see that it reduces to a series of mutually
destructive efforts, which in the aggregate sometimes amount to a significant expenditure of
energy, especially when they end with a break-up of negotiations; consequently, a complete
dlsingression of the expended activities occurs. Even more significant are those disingressions
which are contained in the efforts of competitors to undermine each other, and those which
subsequently arise from a general disparity between demand and supply on the part of various
industries, etc.

On the basis of market struggle and from the very same division of functions there aI~ arises
the struggle among classes, with its enormous growing disingressions, and the struggle among
social groups, the individual groups which are organized according to specialization within
classes ... Thus disingressions grow and accumulate, diminishing the living force of develop-
ment. But until recently this force, nevertheless, far outweighed them. In this growth of con-
tradictions It is easy to catch the same two basic moments. The divergence of pace in separated
functions is revealed because separate branches of industry, supplying each other with instruments
and materials, grow disproportionately: ~me of them lag behind, others press forward, so
that for a great number of them there is Insufficiency of either sales or the necessary means
for their work. Also, production as a whole subsequently outdistances the growth of consump-
tion, and as a result there arise general crises of "overproduction," with the enormous destruc-
tion of productive forces and widely unfolding processes of disorganization.

The divergence In the magnitude of relative resistances leads to disingressions: from a

number of parts of the whole - busines~ and enterprises - the weaker fall to the ground in
the struggle and com petition with the stronger; with this, a part ofthe disorganized economic
activities, i.e., the labour faee and means of production, are ,absorbed or assimilated by the con-
querors; this Is called the "concentration" of businesses a enterprises; and the remainder perishes
fruitlessly, dying off, decomposing and dispersing in nature.

The development of both moments of divergence increasingly deepened both the mutual
isolation of extensive parts of the system and their practical disingressions. At a definite level
they inevitably had to surpass the force of complementary relationships among parts and led

138
to a break.up of th<»e relationships, to a general crush of the organizJtional form of the whole.
The result had to be either a transformation of the structure or a simple collapse. Exactly such
a situation had occurred in the latest financial capitalism; in the gigantic crisis of the World
War and revolutions thJt emerged from it.

It is easiest to trace contradictions of systemic divergence in society, since it is a field

of experience which is closest to the observer an d m os t accessible to him. Here it is possi·
ble to note a disorganizational side of the process even when it is still negligible in comparison
with the p<»itively·organizational side; for example, from the very beginning. the division
of labour could not but lessen, though to a small extent, the mutual understanding among
people, on which is based the attainment of precision in coordinating operations. It is much
more difficult to ascertain the same duality of correlations, for example, in a separate organism.
However, the seeds of struggle and competilion along with an interdlange of activities, un·
doubtedly appear at the very first stages of the division of functions and long before the begin·
ning of decay. They emerge quite clearly in various disturbances and disea~s connected with
the growth of the organism itself. Thus, the competition of tlssues for nourishment is revealed
in the emaciation of the body during periods of rapid development of the skeleton or nervous
system, and also often during pUbescence. The above mentioned facts concerning "phago-
cytes" also indicate a direct struggle, etc. In pathology, the science of diseases, pictures of
similar contradictions are much more vivid and are encountered at each step. But contemporary
science accepts that pathology differs from physiology and abnormal processes of life from
normal In essence, but only relatlvely: proportions of various elements and functions are
disturbed, but essentially nothing new is created; some of the regular tendencies are exagge·
rated, others are weakened and their equilibrium is upset, but nothing more. Consequently, in
the struggle among cells or tissues of the organism, which is observed during illnesses, the abnoonal
Intensification of some moments or features of their ordinary, physiological struggle can be
seen with full justification.

Intricate technical complexes, such as machines and scientific instruments, present a conve·
nfent illustration of the development of systemic contradictions. Their perfection chiefly takes
the form ofa prO!1essiw differentiation of parts, a sort of development of organisms. An
Instrument is made more com plex 50 that it can perform its assignment with greater
Intensity and precision, but it becomes, at the same time, more "tender," I.e., more accessible
to disorganizing Influences. A grain of sand or even dust, a sharp fluctuation in temperature,
humidity or electrical tension are often able to lead to the damage and unfitness of such an
i~strument: with an enormous number of complementing parts their relative resistances to
such accidental, even at times not considered Influences, must be quite different; and the
fate of the whole is detennined, of course, by the least of them; besides, such influences are
not at all simply "accidental"j they are, In general, a nece~ary moment of the environment,
and only the appearance of this or that of them is accidental at thi5 or that time. Subse·

139
quently, of course, the sum of their "frictions" grows with an increase in the number of
parts, i.e., internal disingressions in their movements. Consequently, here too differentia-
tion can be organizationally convenient only to a certain limit, beyond which its contradic-
tions .become preponderant. Then the machine is rejected because of excessive fineness and
complexity, as was the case with many mechanisms invented for industry and the military,
and many scientific measuring, self-writing and self-regulating instruments.

The previously mentioned group can .serve as an example of contradictions which arise
from systemic divergence in organic nature: "the atmosphere, hydrosphere and lithosphere."
The hydrosphere "eats away" the lithosphere, drawing dissolved substances from it and destroy-
ing its crystaJline rocks.The hydrosphere gradually takes oxygen away from the atmosphere
through dissolution, passing It subsequently to oxidizing substances of the hard crust where
it remains. The hard crust, in.its turn, takes water away from the hydrosphere for the
crystallization of some of its rocks, oxygen from the air for the oxidation of others, and even
a quantity of nitrogen in the form of ammoniac and saltpetrious salts which are formed with
the aid of certain microbes in the biosphere. The carbon dioxide in limestones, chalk rocks
and dolomite was also extracted from the atmosphere in former times. But the air together
with water also constantly affects the lithosphere in a destructive way through "weathering,"
which pulverises the hard rocks. Thus, along the complementary relationships among the
parts of the Earth's crust, there appear, although quite \Wak duringour geological epoch, mutually
disorganizing correlations which depend on the difference in the content and condition of
those parts.

Contemporary theories on the structure of matter, as we have seen, make it reasonable

to believe that atoms are highly differentiated systems of "polar" structure, with a positive
electrical nucleus and negative electrons whose movements are dependent on the nucleus.
But at the same time, these theories present atoms in the process of decay, which occurs only
at different rates, from immeasurably slow to immeasurably fast rates; this destruction assumes,
of course, systemic contradictions as the cause. If matter decomposes now, then sometime in
the past it must have been put together, organized and progressively developed. The deve-
lopment in this case must have occurred through the systemic divergence of elements forming
atoms, which has led to a complete polarity. If so, then it is quite natural to think that the
ongoing decomposition of atoms is the result of contradictions and their extreme systemic
differentiation developed over billions of ages.

Thus there is a duality of systemic divergence at all levels of organized existence: the
development of forms of greater and greater stability through complementary relationships
and their eventual disintegration throu~ accumulated contradictions.

140
--
4. The Solution to Systemic Contradictions (contra-differentiation or inte- '
gration)
Systemic contradictions give rise to an organizational problem, the problem of their
solution or removal, which becomes more urgent, the stronger is their development. Life
solves this problem either in a negative way - the system is destroyed; for example, the
organism dies; or in a positive way - by a transformation of the system, freeing it from
contradictions. The first case will be considered in the study of systemic crises; the second
will be taken up now.

This solution is in essence very simple. If di!torganizing contradictions arise from the
dlvtlfgtlnc. of parts of the system, then only what lessens or eliminates this divergence
can weaken or remove them, i.e., obviously, conjufI(:tlvlJ processes among the parts in question.
This Is exactly what happens in reality.

Here Is an Illustration from the realm of complex, but familiar social phenomena, the
problem whose solution was frequently advanced by novelists. A husband and wife are
enpled in conformity with the principle of complementary relationships; he in s<>-called
"affairs," she in domestic work. They differentiate their activities on this basis to the extent
that In many things they begin to have difficulties In communicating with each other. There
appear misunderstandings, conflicts in petty things, arguments and quarrels; the family step'
by step begins to disorganize. The outcome may be either its destruction - a severence of
the complementary relationship Itself, or a revolution in the relations between the spouses.
If they understand the real reason of the discord and, aiming to come to an agreement, in-
tensify their interaction and begin to acquaint themselves closer with the affairs and interests
of each other, in short, develop a mutual conjunction of their experience, then the harmony of the
family may be re-established on new bases, broader and deeper then before.

The solution is simple, but it contains a definite tektologlcal difficulty. In essence, it

represents contra-differentiation, i.e., it is opposite to that of divergeflce w~ich gave rise. to
complementary relationships. Are these relationships adequately maintained under such
conditions? If not, since the stability of the system depends upon them, the result then
must turn out to be negative.

In our example it is possible to have the following course of events. The husband is
so occupied with social and party affairs, that he can devote neither time nor energy to an
exchange of experiences with his wife without detriment to these affairs; and the wife, in
turn, Is so enslaved by her children, the kitchen and cleanirig duties, that she also has
not any free energy left and can be distracted from all this only at the price of overstraining
herself, accumulation of petty failures and shortages in her household and its lJadwl disa~­
utlon. Tho attempts to resolve the problem bring both parties to discontent with them-

141
selves and each other, to the development of new disingressions in place of the old ones which
are being surmounted and, if the minus is not covered by the plus, to a final downfall. Such
an outcome is the more probable, the further the differentiation has succeeded to advance, and
the more difficult it is to achieve mutual understandjng, i.e., the actual intercourse of both
parts of the system.

Meanwhile in other cases, contra-differentiation leads not to weakening, but to broad-

ening and pe(fection of those very same special functions. And not only because it increases
the practical sum of activities of the system by lessening disingressions, but still in another
way.

Let us assume that the husband, living a socio-political life, has to deal with broad
masses which indefinitely unfold for his consciousness and find themselves in a vague fer-
ment, whose regularity is far from being formed in his mind; their strength now crystallizes
into an unexpectedly mighty, triumphant transport, now spreads and dissipates into an ele·
mental apathy; at times the success of the boldest plans is achieved with astouding e.lse, at
others it is gained only through the most intense and stubborn efforts. Because of the
changeability and instability of the environment, our politician develops a point of view
and methods which include shades of utopianism and adventurism: he makes statements of
broad and deep problems, but quite frequently without sufficient consideration of their
feasibility; has bravery and decisiveness of implementation, but also a kind of play with un-
certain risk. Hence, failures inevitably arise, at times quite severe, which could have been
avoided with a different attitude to the matler in question. On the other hand, thl! wife is
forced to develop a maximal organizational regularity and practicality in her narrow sphere:
she is forced to calculate everything precisely, to anticipate and to coordinate all the small
things of her household without the opportunity of consulting anyone else. This leads to
the formation of a point of view and methods of limited practicalness.

What happens under a sl,.lCGessful contra-differentiation? The result is the mutual assimi-
lation of methods which developed in different sibJations and with different functions.
The husband acquires a share of the practical soberness and organizational economy which is
missing from him; the wife acquires more practical breadth and organizational boldness. That
the first is necessary and useful under any conditions, does not have to be proved; that
the second is important even in the narrow limits of the family househofd, is easily iIIustra·
ted by such problems as guidance in the upbringing of children and subsequent assistance
to them on questions of marriage, etc. Both special functions gain then as such; their "co-
efficient of useful action" is raised.

The development of mankind was accompanied by a resettlement of people in various

territories and an adaptation to their special environment Thus communes of the

142
same tribe, tribes of the same nation, nations of the same race and, finally, with accumula-
ting differences, special races were isolated. The divergence had a systemic character; the gravitation
to complementary relationships was clearly manifested in that the separated groups and
collectives had developed 'e\1th the passage of time an ~xchange of their special products and
dissimilar experience .. Systemic contradictions were displayed in a growing cultural
alienation, lack of mutual understanding - here a divergence in the field of language is most
prominent - a collision of interests, hostility, wars among tribes and nations and a colossal
expenditure of energy, which arose out of all this. These contradictions were also weakened
and surmounted by contra-differentiation, in the form of all sorts of conjunctive processes:
marriage mixtures, mutual influence of dialects and languages, borrowing of technical methods,
knowledge and customs, interaction of literatures and,generally,in the form of all kinds of
mutual cultural assimilations. The stronger is the assimilation, the more organized, the more
stable becOmes the cohabitation of tribes, nations and races on the Earth's surface.

The usual process is as follows: the deepening of differentiation leads to the accumulation
of contradictions; sooner or later this is settled by a crisis. The forms of aises were different:
most often, a war ending in a peace agreement or a conquest; sometimes. even in the absence of
war, an allied agreement or formation of common organs of authority regulating the rela- I
tionships between the parties. The solution to the problem was sometimes positive, success-
ful, and sometimes negative - ending in a collapse and decomposition of connections; both I
are possible with any ~orm of crisis. War, for example, has frequently brought the fighting
parties to the closest conjunction, a merger with equal rights or the ab5crption of one party
by the other; but it has also happened that a peaceful state or an allied union has subsequently
led to disorganization. At any rate, the real settlement of contradictions here too appeared
only as a result of intercourse and a Weater a srmfler m.rtuaJ penetration of the separated systemic
complexes.

What then is the mechanism which is able under contra-differentiation to bring about
a resolution of systemic contradictions? What precisely are the methods through which it is
achieved? The investigation of the question should evidently be started from simpler cases
and not from such complex ones as the preceding examples. The point concerns simply a
conjunction among those parts of the system which became heterogeneous. What then,ln
general,can produce conjunction among heterogeneous complexes?

The simplest heterogeneity is that which can be expressed in numbers, i.e., a quantia-
live heterogeneity. Let there be two drops of water in which ordinary salt is dissolved-
sodium chloride; but one of them is a three-percent solution, the other, one percent Merge
the two together. QuantitatillB equalization takes place. This is the first thing that can be
expected with any conjunction. Is such equalization the basis for resolving systemic contra-
dictions?

143
 Yes, initially it is; and there are many cases where quantitative equilization plays a
very important role. Let us take a few illustrations.

As it is well known, the vital activity of each cell is accompanied by a discharge of

products which it does not need or which are harmful and poisonous to it. But the cell cannot
always discharge all substances of this kind, and some of them may accumulate in it; in small i

amounts they are not harmful to it, but beyond a certain level they begin to interfere with
its functions, weaken and poison it. Let one of these products become perceptibly harm-
ful for the cells of a definite species, starting from the quantity of some five units. The two
cells of this species copulate andarrsJppmate: in ooe of the cells the discharge of this substance
proceeds normally, and there is only one unit of it, in the other - badly, and five units have
accumulated, stifling its vitality. After copulation and the subsequent division into two, it
turns out that there are three units of the given substance in each of them, but it does not
poison them now ~

Moreover, the weakness in a discharge by one cell and the raised energy to do so ex-
hibited by the other, may also equalize so that both cells will subsequently maintain a quan-
tity of this substance at a harmless level. Besides, if for a given substance the second cell
made it possible to overcome the vital contradiction, then for any other substance the first
may do so in its turn, thus supporting common vitality.

The first cell would have perished from substance A, the second from substance Bi
both are saved through contra-differentiation. Why? Because they have solved the organiza-
tional problem which is posited by the law of the minimum. Their fate is determined by
the least relative resistances, - and the greatest resistances, which are present in other re-
spects, cannot impede this. But they have mutually equalized their least and greatest
resistances, and brought them to some "average" magnitudes which now replace the former
least resistances.

Such is the general, elementary solution of the problem for overcoming the law of the
minimum; its method reduces to the raising of the least at the expense of the greatest through
conjunction. The method is, of course, applicable only inasmuch as, first, this conjunction
is possible, and, second, it does not lead to such a basic reconstruction of the system that
the former least and greatest resistances are not now being equalized but are generally losing
their effect.

Thus, assume that there is a rail which is able to support in one of its parts the weight
of 1,500 poods without breaking. and in another - only 500 poods. In order to conju-
Site both parts, it is necessary to bring them into an easily mobile plastic state which they
.\':
do not have under the given conditions. This may be achieved, for example, through melt-

144
ing. It is then possible to expect the average around 1,000 poods, which will be the least
resistance at the same time. But the melting itself may, depending on the temperature and
the flow of oxygen, etc., significantly change the structural properties of steel, and then
the result will be quite different.

The speed of a squadron, as we know, is determined by the least of the speeds of its
separate units. I f it were possible to "conjugate" fast vessels with the slow ones by means
of towing chains, then the least resistance would be raised. Something similar is presented
by the "riding infantry ," which permits the combination, to an cerr.aln extent, the speed of an
attack peculiar to cavalry with the strength characterizins the infantry.

Sexual cross-breeding represents a method of contra-differentiation which was worked

out by nature; It is also widely utilized by man, equalizing individual and racial properties
and sometimes even the properties of species. Thus, for example, animals which are
very strong and of great endurance, very easy-tempered with a sure foot and free from ner-
vousness are necessary for transportation in mountainous regions. The horse is strong but
nervous and has comparatively little endurance; an ass is free from nervousness and has endu-
rance, but, because of its size, is not as strong. Their cross, the mule, combines all the nece-
ssary qualities. But, of course, the combination does not always give simple results; some-
times it brings about completely new and unexpected structural changes; sometimes its pro-
ducts turn out to be unstable from the very beginning, so that, for example, between
species which are no less close than the horse and the ass, cross-breeding does not work
at all.

Let the two drops of water, which have served us as the first illustration, have not just one
kind of salt in various proportions, rut two different kinds dissolved in them. If one of them, let
us assume, is the same sodium chloride and the other calcium chloride, then the process re-
duces as before to the equalization of solutions in half proportions of this and the other
salt. But if one is calcium chloride and the other sodium carbonate (soda), then somc:thing
else happens. A sediment in the form of white powder, carbonaceous lime, which is identical
In content to chalk is discharged from the water; and the sodium chloride again remains
in the solu tion, and also the remainder of that of the two former salts which was in
comparative excess. Why did it happen in this way?

Contemporary theoretical chemistry accepts that with the encounter of two different
chemical formations their elements enter into all sorts of combinations; but from among
them only the stable ones are retained; others, unstable, im mediately disin tegra teo In
other words, all these combinations become the material of positive and negative selection.
In this case all som of combinations had to be formed from the atoms on hand; but one of
them was immediately, with Its formation, secured by selection, because it was directly'

145
torn away from the sphere of subsequent inte'raction, and this means, also from subsequent
changes. This calcium chloride, which is not soluble in water, drops out from it in the form
of a deposit. Other unions continue to arise, disintegrate and regroup in the whirlwind of
reactions; but as soon as particles of chloride again appear among these regroupings, they
also drop out, and are thereby secured, etc. It is clear that the process continues in this way
until the entire material for this union has been exhausted; subsequently, the selection of the
remaining groups continues until the stable dynamic equilibrium is reached. It comes about
when the remaining salts and their ions are distributed in such proportions that the disintegra-
tion and formation of each new combination occurs a t the same speed, so that both of them
are mutually covered.

The second moment of contra-differentiation is before us here, the moment which often
reduces the role of the ,first,quantitative equalization to zero. Namely, conjunction provides
new material for regroupings and their selection, i.e., generally for the structural transformation
of the entire system.

If, in the above example, the presence of two simple chemical combinations in the two
drops of water was sufficient to give a start to a series of such complicated processes
of selection and to such new structural correlations, then imagine the richness of the material
which, for example, is provided for selection by a sexual conjunction of two living cells. It
can be assumed that the basic organizational meaning of conjunction is contained precisely
in this second moment and not in the elementary equalization - although it also rmy, as we
alreaa,. rrentioned turn out to be useful for the preservation of life. Of course, it is necessary
to accept beforehand that from this rich material of new combinations a significant major-
ity will always be unfavourable. But life reproduces itself by propagation i~ countless copies '
not in vain. Let only very few combinations turn out to be successful, and they will be pre-
served and sustained by subsequent propagation.

The simplest form of sexual cross-breeding is copulation or "conjunction" of unicel·

lularorganisms: bacteria, amoeba, infusorians, etc. It was intensively studied during the
last decade.The experiments of Woodreff v,;th the infusorian Paramoecium aurelia, which nor·
mally conjugates through several tens of generations, showed that under definite conditions
it can get by without conjunction over the period of several thousands of generations and
remain quite viable. These conditions were as follows: after each division of the cell,
Woodreff took one of the two and transferred it into a fresh nourishing solution which was
frequently changed; in addition, all the necessary measures were taken in order to remove
products of its vital activity poisonous for the cell. It is clear that an ideal environment was
being created with almost a complete removal not only of harmful influences, but even of the
influences producing changes in general. In the usual everyday situation the descendants
of the cell are surrounded by such influences, varied influences for separate individuals at

146
that, Jnd are inevitably subjecteu on this basis to systemic divergence, differentiltion. With
this, even if each cell adapts itsclf successfully, its viability will be inevitably lowered in the
sense of narrowing: it will hJve special adapwbility to l definite environment and definite external i~
fluences, but not to others; furthermore, of course, a continual success in this living struggle
should not be expected. It is exactly such a differentiation and its unfavourable feature
that make contra-Jifferenliation necessary,in general,for the solution of the problem. In-
sofar as the problem is removcd in the experiment of Woodreff, its solution becomes un-
ne~sary. In reality, the conditions giving rise to it are probably not completely absent
here, but.He only comiderably weakened - d hundred and, perhaps, a thousand times; and
they must be accumul.Hcd OVl'r a correspondingly longer period of time for the lIital
necessity of a solution to ari~e.

But what does the solution really consist of? C.lfeful observations of Jennings revealed
that after conjunction the average mortality rate of the same infusorian was raised, and the propa-
gation was slowed down. However, this as if unexpected and paradoxical result, suggesting at
first sight a thought about the harm of conjunction, in fact fully corresponds to what we should
expect tektologlcally. Conjunction provides a rich material of new combinations for selec-
tlon; but, as we have already noted, a significant majority of these combinations and appearing
change, must be accepted beforehand as unfavouf7Jble, because the process proceeds elemen-
tally and unsystematically. Therefore, it is not unusual that for an individual cell conjunction
Is frequently more harmful than it is useful and, at times, probably even quite disastrous.
But it Is absurd to admit that a complex reflex with whose aid conjunction is accomplished
has existed and evolved especially in order to harm life. What is, on the average, bad
for separate individuals, may, on the whole, be useful for the $pecies. And this is revealed in
other experiments of the same Jennings. He grew numerous generations of Paramoecium by
separate lines, so to speak,. carefully removing the possibility of mixing the various lines, and
selecting In each of them strictly identical Individuals. From these parallel series, conjunc-
tion was permitted in some of them; in others it was not permitted. Both were subjected to
a harmful Influence in the form of an unusual for them rise in temperature of 32 0 C. It turned
out that from the 51 individuals of the pure non-conjugating lines, 3S perished and 16 survived,
i.e., 690,,(, against 31%; from the 47 individuals of the conjugating Iincs 11 perished, i.e_, only
23% and 36 survived, i.e., 77%. Thus, in the second cast', the viable stability under a destruc-
tive Influence turned out to be slgnifiC8ntly higher: the percentage of those who survived
was 2~ times greater,and of those who perished 3 times less.

Jennings himself concludes that under favourable conditions of life conjunction is not
necessary, but under unfavourable conditions it is a very important and valuable adaptation.
It provides more space for changes in viable forms and thdr selection: the conjugating lines
are more nexiblc and possess a richer material in each individual member of the line for

147
 evolution. 1

Thus; conjunction raises mortality and slows down propagation for individuals; for
races it raises the viability in the struggle 'with destructive forces.

No conjunction whatsoever- not only this, biological, but none whatsoever, in the most
general tektological sense of the word - can occur without an expenditure of activities.
The concern is with the reconstruction of the system, in the midst of selection of its elements,
their relationships and groupings. The selection is initially, of course, as always in nature, neg-
ative, in particular when the reconstruction follows, as it does here, a type of a crisis. The
merging of the former complexes, however partial, means an inclusion in its content of a
series of new combinations, alien in origin, and not adapted to this content and structure.
The operatlon of the negative selection must be very intensive here.

Such an operation, with a waste of vital activities, is inevitable with the conjunction of
cells. This waste may be great or small; benefits of a union are also varied in degree and
character. The general result of reconstruction may be a plus or a minus, a rise in the viability
of the product of conjugation or a fall in it' 'Mth the enormous physical and chemical com-
plexity of the cell, it is not surprising that the result is more often negatlve, and that
the average mortality rate grows. But we know the tektologlcal role of the negative selection:
it leads to greater organizational connectedness and harmony at the price of destruction; and
in those cases where its destructive function does not go beyond a definite limit, the rise
in structural stability is capable of surpassing, at times quite significantly, the fall in quanti-
tative stability, i.e., the general sum of systemic activities.

The stronger is the divergence of conjugating complexes, the relatively greater must
be the internal contradictions of the conjugated whole, and this means the greater is the waste
of activities. But this is only one side of the story; the other is no less important The weaker
is the divergence, the less energetic is the reconstruction, and the less able is it to produce
new organizational combinations and adaptations. Evidently, there must exist an "optimum,"
i.e., the best correlation, in this case - the most beneficial level of divergence of the cells-
individuals, under which the most favourable results for life and the evolution of species arise.
Since divergence in the posterity of each cell grows with each generation, then in the ordinary
situation of a given species, after a certain definite number of generatons, an advance must be
made towards this approximate optimum in divergence, which is taken again, of course, as an

IJennin~ thinks that the slowdown in the subsequent division of cells is also advan~geoUi because each
act of division temporarily weakens them and. thus. under unfavourable conditions is especially harm.
fuL Tektologically, this slowdown, ifit turns out to be constant and necessary, may be undentood u
follows. The cells which sumve after conjuncdon. possess now, evidendYl a hisher structural stability
but the division of the cell is, in any event, a ~, c,iIh,' naturally, tile growth in structural '
stability may postpone the crisis.

148
average for tne mass of individuals. Natural selection must adjust the evolution of a cor-
responding instinct or reflex to this optimum, working out a definite periodicity of conjunc-
tions or copulations. For some unicellular organisms such a period may be several dozens, for
others, several hlJndreds of generations.

The same features may be traced in all other cases of contra-differentiation: the
role of negative selection, although unfavourable for a quantitative stability of forms, is espe-
cially favourable for their structural stability, provided the destruction does not proceed too
far; it Is significant for the result of conjunction under a very weak divergence, and has a ~owing
probability of unfavourable or even fatal outcome under the conditions of an excessively strong
divergence. Here are a few examples.

History tells us about the price of efforts, sometimes bloodshed and destruction
of the products of labour, with which the unification of state organizations and amalga-
mation of nations and tribes was bought, even those that were quite close to each other. As
was already noted, from the tektological point of view the distinction between "forced"
and "peaceful" amalgamation is not essential; the difference is only in quantity and inten-
sity of disingressions; but they are always present. Even the most peaceful mutual assimi-
lation of tribes living side by side goes through countless frictions and petty collisions, aris-
Ing on the basis of diverging interests and mutual misunderstanding, i.e., in essence, the varied
structure of the amalgamating socio-cultural complexes. The greater is the divergence, the
greater the totality of dlsingressions can be expected, the more probable is the "forced" type
of contra-differentiation through a direct struggle.

In a 'similar way, the unification of party, scientific or cultural organizations, although

already bound by common elements of the social environment, kinship of social content
and their vital tendencies, always costs quite a large sum of efforts and is always accompa-
nied by the removal of some elements. The former means an expenditure of activities on
mutual adaptation of the amalgamating organizations; the latter means a direct loss of ac-
tivities through negative selection of those combinations which are not adapted to the new
structure. Thus, for example, under the amalgamation of political parties or functions some
programme and tactical elements are sacrificed in order to escape internal strife; equally,
having become superfluous or inconvenient, some particular organs, posts or special centers
are also abolished; usually, some members of the organization, who are unhappy with the amal-
gamation or able to ham per it, are also thrown out. Under an excessively great divergence
of the conjugating complexes, the waste of activities and new contradictions can turn out
to be so large that the viability of the whole will be lower and not higher than before; and
the whole business will end in sickness or a reverse decay.

Marriage is a partial psycho-physiological conjunction of two individuals and the for-

149
mation of a more complex whole- the family. And here the waste of energy of both sides
on mutual adaptation always exists, only its magnitudes are quite different. Usually it is
m'ore than compensated by the positive results of marriage, but sometimes the waste of
energy reaches such an extent that the whole becomes unstable, and the conjugated com·
plexes separate again with a lowered viability, or even become crippled. This case corres-
ponds to their excessive living divergence. The differentiation which is too weak, makes the
connections, so to speak, "empty" and fruitless for the development of both sides. How-
ever, thanks to the uneven evolution of various systems of the organism, in particular of the
nervous and .sexual sys tems, that nwriage -Mlich is barren and empty to the personal Iives of spouses
may be different and mote successful in the sense of creating posterity; but equally well the
reverse is also possible. This dual character of marriage, which includes the conjunction of
two psychic personalities for everyday collaboration on the one hand, and the two sexual
cefls for the cooceptjon of new life, on the other, gives rise to many contradictions and incom-
patibilities in contemporary mankind; and it will continue to give rise to them until
scientific thought and scientific technology do not fully master the conditions of embryo-
nic elements and the hanmnious deYeI~t of the human being from the very conception.

It is necessary to note that the operation of negative selection generally appears par-
ticularly clearly in sexual propagation. When significantly separated varieties of the same
species are cross-bred, for example, when various strains of domestic pigeons are developed
by artificial selection, then there occurs a return to the original,undifferentiated type- the
wild pigeon, from whom these strains originated. Consequently, the whole series of elements
and groupings, acquired in the process of divergence and secured in each strain by heredity,
is rejected; the acquisitions of one party to the conjunction are not suited to the structure of
another, and they are destroyed because of this contradiction, but also conversely.

The "contra-differentiating" role of sexual propagation is particularly clear here. As

we saw, it does not only raise the viability which was weakened by divergence, but also
counteracts,in general, the unrestrained divergence; and this is necessary because such a diver-
gence, constraining the life of each form, sooner or later would have led to a downfall on
the basis of one-sided evolution, adaptability to limited, special conditions and an impossi-
bility to adapt to changes in them. Itis c;lear why sexual propagation is especially necessary
to higher organisms and is less important for the lower ones: the more complex are the
forms, the easier and more significantly the divergence in descendants takes place and
unfolds.

If we pass to higher fields of human creativity, then we will find exactly the same cor-
relations and regularities. How is the simplest generalization created, for example? By means
of the conjunction, usually, of the whole series of related notions. At the same time, the
efements of distinction are removed from the organized whole, i.e., namely, the diverging,
incompatible elements.

150
 The Marxian principle of scientific socialism was the result of a characteristic contra·
differentiation. The socia-revolutionary tendency at that time was sharply differentiated in
twO directions: the ideal "communism" In the heads of utopians, representatives of the
most advanced intellectuals passionately sympathizing with the working masses, and the
labour movement, which was shaped in practice by the vaguely formed ideas in the heads
Df working masses about a general struggle for a better life. In the synthesis of Marx, both
were subjected to purification from the whole series of former elements. From the idea of
the labour movement hostility to machine technology, professional shop-narrowness, and rep·
resentations of the grossly material character of its goals, of elemental spontaneity of action
were rem oved. The Ideal of communism was freed from moral and philantropic colour·
ing, from a connection with the faith in a possibility of realizing this ideal by persuading
higher classes of its justice, and from the usual religious admixtures, etc. The whole turned
out to be incomparably more harmonious and viable.

The correlations are of the same type in the inorganic YA'lI'ldAIl conjunctions of mao
terial bodies, from the astronomic "marriage of the worlds," i.e., the collision or close rap·
proachment of stars and ncbules, to a simple merging of two drops of a liquid, are accompa·
nied by a decomposition of atoms, in a gigantic or insignificant quality, and a waste of energy
in radiant form or through its entropic dissipation. And everywhere, consequently, recon·
structlon of forms proceeds on the basis of negative selection, simplifying and harmonizing
them through destructive processes.

Contra·differentiation Is infinitely spread in nature. We saw its examples at all

levels of organization. We will not note that to it, in essence, must be generally attributed
all cases of tlquaJlut/on of tMs/on8: the equalization of temperature between bodies
through radiant exchange or heat conductibility, the eq~alization of mechanical pressures
through waves of pressure and expansion,.the equalization of electricity in conductors
through a discharge or current, and the equalization of the content of liquids and gases
through diffusion, etc. And here, as in any contra·differentiation, a simple quantitative
equalization is only the first moment; the concern may be reduced to it alone only in
scientific abstraction; in reality, however, the second moment always appears after it:
structural changes in the selection of new material of combinations.

The Idea of the connectedooss of all that exim. "the univeral ingression, presents the
If

universe accessible to us as an infinitely unfolding differentiated system, and all the proces·
ses of equalization occurring at each of its points as a continuous contra·differentiation.
This feature of nature has been studied much more than the mechanism of nature's original
divergence; it 15 the contra·dlfferentiation which serves as a basis for the various theories
about the approaching destruction of existence, through its running down in indifference and
in universal equalization, thermal or any other. But to this day science does not know

151
how those differences were created which are now being equalized, how those atoms were
famed which are now being decomposed, and what are the bases of differentiation of the
universe itself~ For as long as this is so, any constructions of maximum contra·differentia-
tion are quite arbitrary.

S. The Tektology of Struggle Against Old Age

Let us now attempt to apply the outlined regularities to a particular, but vitally in-
teresting question concerning methods of struggle against old age. Up till now this was
considered to be a question of the special applied sciences: medicine and hygiene which lean
on the special theoretical sciences- physiology and pathology. But if old age, as was poin-
ted out earlier, is a special case of the general organizational fact- contradictions of sys-
temic divergence, then the question can be posited tektologically; and this statement is al-
ways the most broadly g~neralizin& i.e., the most useful for the elucidation of methods
which are used to solve the problem.

The old, specialized scientific thought approached the problem in the following way.
It endeavoured to analyze the phenomena of old age as any other illness, and subsequently
searched for the corresponding medicines against old age and a preventive dieL Thus, some
saw the basis of the process in the damage to circulation of the blood- the loss of resilience
in blood vessels and calcification of their walls, and direcied against this hygienic and medi-
cinal measures; others, ascribing a special Significance to the loss of some internal secretions
which are related to sexual life, endeavoured to substitu~ them with supplements from out·
side, by means of extracts from seminal glands, etc.; the third, taking as the point of depar-
ture chronic poisoning of the organism by poisons of the intestine, worked out a special
food diet against it, etc. In all of this, undoubtedly, there is a lot that is true, and valuable
conquests have already been made by following these paths. But all such methods are limi-
ted in one sense: they are, in essence, only partial. Old age, in its nature, is not a partial
damage of the organism, and even not a simple sum of partial damages, even though there
may be a great number of them. It is a tektological disease, so to speak, embracing the en-
tire structur~ of the organism: partial methods against it, in medical expressions, are only
palliatives, i.e., they are not the means of struggle with the desease as a whole, with its base,
but only with its separate "symptoms" and special manifestations. And the creators of the
above mentioned methods themselves generally acknowledge this, thinking that they fight
against a "premature" old age for a "normal," "natural" old age; and such is,in their view,
the latest old age possible under the best living conditions. And this old age is now under-
stood as something irrevocable; as its basis they consciously or unconsciously, latently or
openly, accept, in essence, a metaphysical basis, some "exhaustion" of the vitality in ele-
ments of the organism- as though this vitality was a special, definite quantity of force put
into the organism, and not as a constandy changing relationship between its activities and
the activities destroying iL

152
 From the lektolo~i'JI point of view, Jnolher gen8ral statement of the pr?hlem is also
possible in principltJ, which should he obvious from the preceding. It concerns the solution
to contrsdlctions of systemic divergence. The method- not just partial but h·Jlisti~- is
also known to us: contra·difftJrtJfltiation. However, the question is how to apply it.

If in our investigation of the question we will be concerned only with a separate or·
ganism, then immediately, apparently, insurmountable difficulties will arise. In the
first place, conjunction gives generally positive results only up to a definite extent of diver·
gence; when the divergence goes beyond this level, blending turns out to be quite disharmo·
nious, and is accompanied by quite a lar&e dissipation of activities; and even more- the mat·
ter reduces to the inevitable failure, to a complete downfall and destruction. In the or·
ganism of man, the level of differentiation of cells of various tissues is incompara~y lJeater
than that divergence which exists among the cells of one species capable of conjunction,
even of such comparatively highly developed species as, for example, infusorian
Parsmoec/um. To a biologist It Is clear that, for example, conjunction of the nerve cell with
a diametrically striped fibre of the muscle would be a vital absurdity. Moreover, any similar
contra-differentiation would inevitably and radically disturb complex complementary cor·
relations- the base of the vital stability of the organism; and problems of this type are gen-
erally solved only inasmuch as the necessary complementary connections are preserved
subsequent to conjunction.

In the second place, purely technical direct conjunction of heterogeneous tissues of

the organism is also infeasible without their destruction, because all these functions are
firmly connected with their role in the organism, and it, in turn, is secured by the skeletal
system (bones, cartilages and conjunctive tissue).

If so, then what path should be taken in search of a solution? The one which is sought
for and found by our great teacher in tektology- Nature. Nature,when faced with the pro-
blem of a similar type, expands the range of givens: it does not limit itself to one individual,
but takes two or even more. Copulation and conjunction of unicellular organisms and the
blending of sexual cells in higher organisms are precisely the modes of struggle against the
negative feature of systemic divergence. Individual narrowing of viability and its individual
decay are surmounted througtl the combined forces of individuals; and what is achieved is.
called by some biologist, not without foundation, as the "immortality of protoplasm."

Conjunction between human beings is known so far in two forms. The first is sexual,
as with other organisms; it is, evidently, quite partial. Nevertheless, It also does not in fact
reduce only to an anulption ci two cells from some hundred thousand billions of cells for-
ming the parental organisms; this is seen in the facts of "reflected heredity," when the
woman having had children from a first husband, continues to bear children resembling

153
him in another marriage. 1 The second isthe interaction of knowledge and conjunction ofexperi.
ences, by means of speech, mime, art and other modes of expression and perception which
have been worked out in a series of functions of the nervous-muscular apparatus. This con-
junction, however, is not only "psychic," as its results show under the repeated and long
intercourse which exists, for example, between spouses. Thanks to the dependence of all
organs and tissues on the nervous cerebral activity, after 15-20 years of joint life an.exter-
nal physical likeness between the spouses is aI$I) acquired, which on the average may be
no smaller and sometimes even greater than the usual likeness between brothers and sisters.

Medicine has already been successful to add to these two a third form, still one-sided
and quite partial, but nevertheless a direct physiological conjunction; these are various
graftings of organs and tissues: graftings of skin in the case of severe burns, blood transfu-
sion, infusion of blood serum, etc. The experiments of Alexis Korreli, for example, which
involve grafting of sometimes the most complex whole organs in the case of animals, open
the widest perspectives in this direction.

Practically, such graftings represent a solution to the familiar type of problems- "of
definite resistances." In a certain part of the organ is", or in a certain part of its fun:tioos, there
are insufficient relative activities-resistances; they must be, so to speak, supplemented
from outside: under a great loss of blood it is possible, in order to avoid the death of the
organism, to replenish it with the blood of another man; to avoid the danger from microbes
and poisons, it is possible to inject a serum from an "immunized" animal which paralyzes
them, etc. From this statement of the problem flow both the one-sidtKIntllS of the conjunc-
tive act: a blood transfusion from one man to another, but not an interchange of blood, not
a general mergin of it- and its paniality.

Contra-differentiation has a different character. It can be considered as the solution

of a general problem, the problem of "indefini~ly-changing resistances." But, of course,
the problem of struggle against the old age belongs exactly to this type. The solution of the
manner of the conjunctive renewal of the living cells outlines by itself. But these cells, with
their colloidal, semi-liquid structure can be easily merged physically in their entirety or
through a partial interchange of their living tissue. Two human organisms, with their exter-
nal skeleton- skin, and internal- bones and cartilages, etc., are not able to merge so simply.
What then is possible here? With modern scientific technology, it is quite possible to have a
straight, direct conjunction of those tissues of various organisms which have a liquid form, i.e.,
blood and lymph. These are the tissues which compose the internal conjunctive environment of
the organism and maintain its chemical unity Ihrough a continuous interchange with all other
tissues. Technically, Ihe problem must be reduced to a somewhat com pi icated operation of

IMore will be said about this fonn of heredity later.

154
 blood transfusion- to J simultaneous, interchanging transfusion from individual A to individual
B, and from B to A, with neither one nor the other sustaining quantitative losr,es 'of blood.

What can such an operation produce? Of course, it would be naive to assume- as

some chemists though t in the 01 d days - th a t young blood simply, so to speak, is able
mechanically to rejuvenate an old organism through an excess of "vital force" contained in
It, and that the old bloodin just as simple way to age a young organism. It would be not less
8"ronews to see in it simply a nourishing liquid. Blood is a living tissue; it is very complex
and possesses an enormous organizational role. Leucocytes live in it, carrying on their
struggle against Internal enemies- the microb~; in its serum anti-acids- "antidotes"- are
developed against microbes and other poisons; "hormones" circulate in it, the internal secre-
tions of the whole series of special glands, regulating in many respects the life of an organ-
ism. Being an inner environment of the organism, the environment for all of its organs and
tissues, blood is. "correlative" with them, and as any other environment it carries their
structural stamp as their vital complement Therefore, blood is, as precise investigations
show, Individual In Its content, I.e., different in different organisms. It cannot but influence
all organs and tissues, as all of them influence it. With its transfer from one organism to
another, for example, "immunities"are inevitably transmitted to a certain extent- I.e., an
ability to resist various infections; leucocytes arc transmitted with a certain degree of fight-
ing ability; hormones are transmitted with their regulating tendencies, etc.

The most probable conclusion is as follows. The conjunction of liquid tissues of or-
ganisms must have not a partial, but a general influence on their viability. There are reasons
to believe tha t young blood, with its materials taken from young tissues, is able to help an
aging organism in its struggle along the lines where the organism already suffers defects, I.e.,
exactly where it "ages;" of course, to what extent it can help, can only be shown by ex-
perience.

But are there any bases to assume that old blood must "age" a young organism? This
has a very small probability. The strength of youth consists in its enormous ability of assi-
milation and transformation of any material. It can cope quite easily, as we know, even·
with a direct 105s of a significant quantity of blood, restoring it quite fast. It can be expec-
ted then that, apart fromcascs of Infection, it will also abe able to cope with the material
of weakened, deteriorated blood; moreover, in the older or generally deteriorated blood
there must exist, nevertheless, also such elements for evolution which were absen t
from the better blood. Besides, there is no reason to limit this conjunction to a combina-
tion of old and young, or strong and weak: the hroadening of life here depends generally
on gOing out beyond thill/mit' of Indlvidualitv, the addition of an individual to an individual
for a viable agreement.

155
 Some important particulars spring up by themselves. Let, for example, certain toxins
accumulate in one organism due to individual conditions of its conception and develop-
ment, which cannot be fully removed from its tissues or paralyzed by its blood, in another
organism, however,- other toxins. Then an interchange of blood must lead to a deep
cleans!'ng and refreshment of the organism, to a liberation of the organism from specific
Internal poisons harmful to it

Further, the 1r'atM'lis5iat of irmulities against various diseases may be achieved. With
an interchange of blood this is possible on the widest SGaJe, because the quantity of trans-
fused blood may be quite large on both sides, composing a significant part of its totaJ quan-
tity. Besides, a transmission should be expected of not only those immunities which are
acquired through illness or immunization, but aJso of others whose transmission was not
possible so far- the immunities which depend on age (in mature organisms against some
illnesses of children, and conversely), and heredity, etc.

But, perhaps, the main acquisition will turn out to be a positive increase in the sum
of elements for evolution. We, to be sure, do not yet exactly know the extent to which
blood and lymph serve as carriers of organic properties embodied in the remaining organs
and tissues. But from the organizationaJ point of view it is unthinkable that with a conti-
nuous and close intercourse with them, these liquid tissues did not reflect their structure
and content There is a direct indication of this: if the heredity of acquired properties
exists- and, apparently, it has to be acknowledged, to a certain extent, by contemporary
science- then through what other environment, if not through blood and lymph, the neces-
sary, so to speak, "imprints" of the changes which have taken place there could be trans-
mitted to embryonic cells from other parts of the body.t

It is clear that the indicated path is full of difficulties and even dangers: we know that
in other forms of conjunction a combination of individual complexes is not aJways benefi-
ciaJ, not to speak of the possibility of transmission of illnesses, etc. But, evidently, what
follows from this is only a necessity for a systematic investigation and the careful design of ex-
periments, beginning with animals. Incidentally, such experiments have technicaJly already
been made with animals, but for quite different purposes. In order to clarify the impact on
the organism of internal poisons, products of overexhaustion, etc., cross-blood circulation
was attempted- carotid arteries of two dogs were artificiaJly connected so that the blood
of one fed the brain of another, and conversely. And those, who carried this experiment
out, apparently did not even notice that at the same time they were grafting the living

t ne coincidence. of course. is not accidental and the fact remains that the tranafusion of blood which
does not hum or destroy blood bodies. is poIlIible. generally. within the same limits as those of a successful
sexual crossbreeding, Le.. t.""'n anlmel. of rile DIM kind.

156
tissue on a large scale: almost half of the blood of an animal (under a sufficiently long ex·
periment) was replaced with foreign blood.

The Individualism of the contef11)Oral'Yscientific thOUght is the main reason why research
to this day does not follow the path which opens before us an enormous field of work and
perspectives of unprecedented conque5ts; the idea of deep physiological interchange of the life
of individuais must appear not only alien but quite repulsive to it Of course, evolution will
surmount this obstacle. l

6. Convergence of Forms

Convergence of forms has a different organizational meaning than contra-differentia-

tion and also a different origin. Both can be illustrated in the technical process of casting.
Any given quantity of metal, and even different metals or other substances possessing a
definite fusibility, having passed through one and the same casting cavity acquire an iden-
tical surface embracing identical volume- quite a complete geometrical convergence. It
will also occur in cases where not one and the same casting form is applied, but several iden·
tical forms. Evidently, the basis for such facts lies in the influence of an identical or similar
environment on various complexes, changing them in a definite way.

In essence, the mechanism is not complex. Particles of the mol ten substance move in
all sorts of directions and spread out in various ways. These movements lead to the filling
of the entire cavity; but they stop at its boundaries. There appears a counteracting coupling
of hard partides, whose insignificant part is sufficient in order to form a full disingression
with the entering activities of the liquid particles. And a full disingression also means neg-
ative selection, and on its basis- a tektological boundary. Subsequent hardening of the
liquid, depriving its particles of mobility, secures this boundary, and thereby, in fact, helps
to achieve the technical purpose of casting. Repetition of this operation with new quantities
of the molten substance produces new copies, similar to the first ones.

This can be generalized in the following way: convergence i, the rssult of B limllarly
dirscttJd 'elflCtion on thtl part of a Ilmilar environment. The difference from contra·
differentiation is quite clear: there divergence or its negative consequences are paralyzed
by direct conjunction of the diverging forms themselves; here such a conjunction does not
exist; similarity of complexes is determined not by their own intercourse, but by their reo
lationships to the environment.

lFor Dome technlcal detllUa and theoretical considerations relating to thit question lice Tektology.
V. I, pp. 142.148.

157
 The role of a "casting form," of course, in various senses and dewees, can be performed ~
.any definite environment. Thus, mammals, such as the dolphin or the whale, having moved
from land into the water, acquired many features common with the body of the fish; this is a
result of the water environment. Water presents, for example, great mechanical resistances
to movement; in order to overcome them, selection has worked out an external form of the
body of these animals as if using the body of fish as a model, which had been worked out
previously by selection under conditions of the same environment. With higher vertebrates,
such as man, and with higher mollusks, such as the octopus, the eye structure presents an
enourmous likeness, despite 1he ~ete independence of evautioo of this cr~ in both these
branches of the animal kingdom. Convergence was determined here bya common "optical"
environment: adaptation to etheric waves within definite limits of their length. With some
species of ants a technique of cattlebreeding is observed, and even that of farming, which is
fully analogous to human techniques: both were adapting, although on a different scale, to
animal and plant environments as a basic material of vital exploitation.
1,1
I:' Biological sciences deal with facts of convergence at each step. There, they have re-
ceived the common designation of "analogies," and are contrasted to the phenomena of
"homologies." For example, comparative anatomy recognizes as "homological" the hand
of man, the foreleg of a horse, the wing of a bird and the fore-fins of fish. These organs are
homogeneous in origin, having evolved from a common beginning; but they have lost a
great deal of likeness, due to different living applications, and, consequently, various lines
of adaptation to the environment: homology, consequently, expresses a divergence of
forms. Analogous organs, on the contrary, are of a heterogeneous origin; they became sim-
I: ilar due to like functions; such are, for example: the eye of a man and that of an octopus,
'II
with their parallel parts, and sensible layers of retina arranged In a reverse sequence;
or bones of the skeleton of vertebrates and the "bone" of the cuttle-fish; or the wing of a
bird, with its skeletal foundation, and the wing of a butterfly, which originated from a fold
of chitinous integument The water plant Caulerpa presents a gigantic cell (of several inches
in dimensions); it is possible to distinguish in it quite clearly the root, the trunk and leaves;
but these organs are, of course, analogous to the roots, trunks and leaves of higher plants
composed of countless cells. It can also be noted that the breeding of aphids by ants-
cattle-breeders and me cultivation of mushrooms by their American relatives-farmers are
analogical only, and not homological with the cattle-breeding and farming of people. The
"kinship of functions," which explains all analogies in this sense, arises from a similar re-
lation to the environment; and me same mechanism of selection, which along the line of the
divergence of forms makes unrecognizable their original kinship, may create a striking illu-
sion of such a kinship along the lines of convergence.

In the Inorganic world, convergence of forms is no less prevalent So, all contemporary
cosmological theories admit the possibility of a quite' independent formation of similar uni-

158
versal forms, namely- as forms of equilibrium in the cosmic environment. Saturn with its
rings finds a full external analogy in planetary nebulae; and the physical experiment of
Plato reconstructs the same architecture in the rotation of an oily sphere in a balanced mix·
ture of its liquids. Star clusters of the Milky Way, to which also belongs the Sun, are similar
in shape not only to other star clusters, but also to some real mists. The atmosphere of
Mars and its polar caps are, according to present information, qualitatively similar to the
atmosphere of the Earth with its deposits. The lingering motion of a solid body in the air
produces sound waVe5; the lingering motion of an electron in ether- electromagnetic flue·
tuations, or light fluctuations of the same type; these vibrations present an enormous likeness
from the point of view of mathematical analysis. The structure of atom is, acGording to
contemporary views, analogous to the structure of planetary systems and, in particular,
apparently, to the same Saturn with its rings. Such examples can be cited without end.

Generally speaking, under what conditions are similar relationships to the environ·
rmlt YttIich direct the operation of selection towards convergence possible? Of course, for
this it Is also necessary to have the presence of some prior organizatlonsl homogeneity of
complexes: the more varied is their organization, the less probable is the existence of an
identical relationship to their environments. People and ants were able to "agree" on me·
thods for procurement of food because both are collectively·labouring animals; the con·
vergence between ants and termites is evident even more in the independently created ar·
chitecture of their dwellings, because ants and termites are not only homogeneous in social
aspects of their life, but are also closely related in the structure of their organisms.
Atmosphere which is similar in many respects could appear on Mars and on Earth, after a cooling
of their liquid condition. only because these two planets were formed from a homogeneous
material, as children of the same nebula.

True, this structural homogeneity appears to be quite remote in other cases: such are
the examples of \librations engendered in the air by the molecular content of a body, and
in ether- by electrons, or the example of the rings of Saturn, rings of nebulae in inter·
stellar environment, and the oily ring in the liquid environment of Plato. But convergence
in such cases spreads to the most general, so to speak, principally·architectural form, ex·
pressed by an algebraical or geometrical scheme; and the corresponding level of generally
structural kinship can also exist between the most remote systems in other respects:
the very posdbllity of universal ttlktologlcal genaralizations is based on this.

Such generally·tektological convergence can be called "formal," in contrast to a

deeper convergence- we will denote it as the "real" convergence- appearing in our initial
examples, where the concern is with systems of common origin which later diverged in the
prOCess of evolution; sllch as the fish and water mammals, or Earth and Mars.

159
 1

The real convergence has a closer relationship with contra·differentiation than

appears at first sight. Let us consider this relationship in the following illustration. The chil·
dren of different social classes and groups, different upbringing, abilities, character and tem.
perament are gathered into the same school. They leave the school with some knowledge,
implanted convictions, mental, volitional and physical habits common to all of them. If we
compare two series of graduates, divided by one generation of students who have not had
direct contact with each other, then the community between them which is created by
the school presents itself as a typical "convergence:" it is the result of the influence of an
identical environment which is formed by the pedagogical institution with its surroundings,
teachers, programs, textbooks, and customs, etc. If, on the other hand, we take students of
the same generation, then they will have a greater community among themselves, but
its origin will now be twofold: for one of its parts- the same as in the previous case;
for another- on the basis of a direct contact among students; i.e., convergence plus
contra-differentiation. However, this was possible only because· we mentally separated
students from the school, and opposed it to them as their "environment," as some-
thing external. But it at once becomes evident to what extent this division is condi-
tional. The pedagogical process can be considered with full justification as a vital in-
teraction of tutors and the entire institution with the students, i.e., as a conjunctive
process. That one side during this process influences the other more, does not, of
course, change anything, because conjunction is not necessarily characterized by uni-
formity in mutual changes on both sides; in fact such uniformity never exists. Evi-
dently, with such a statement of the question, the entire "convergence" reduces
now to direct conjunction of heterogeneous complexes, i.e., to the same contra-differ-
entiation. But if this point of view is subsequently applied to students of various
school cycles, then the following will happen: the changing generations of students,
though not interacting directly, go through a conjunctive intercourse with one and the
same organization- the given institution; but it is precisely from this institution that
the students acquire a community of knowledge, habits, etc.; in other words, this
community is also conditioned by contra-differentiation, but only indirectly.

Generally, this relates to any "real" convergence. Thus, the process of casting
consists of conjunction of the molten mass with the casting form, i.e., their "contra-
differentiation." True, from the chemical point of view this intercourse is very weak,
because disingression and boundary are formed quickly; however, some minimal che-
mical blending and interaction do nevertheless occ;ur; and besides, it should be remem-
bered that conjunction will not cease to be such even when it does not lead to a
positive but a negative result, not to ingression but to disingression. Thus, from the
point of view of thermal and electrical activities the conjunction is quite complete,
and contra-differentiation, even in the sense of anequaliution of these activities between
the two sides, appears quite vividly. In relation to the s'pa.tial form, the mutua.l influ-

160
ence of both complexes is quite uneven; but even here it is mutual,and becomes
quite noticeable with J damage to the casting form after a series of repeated uses;
the unevenness of Influence, as was already noted, does not change the matter at all.
And all the subsequent quantities of metal, which are passed through the same casting
cavity, "contra-differentiate" with It, and thereby indirectly contra-differentiate among
thcmsel ves.

Equally, the influence of the water environment on the fish and dolphin, in-
ducing analogical forms to their bodies, can be considered as an enormous series of
conjunctive processes of these vital forms with the homogeneous complexes of activi-
ties-resistances of the water: tektologically, the liquid performs here the role of the
"casting form" for the moving living bodies within it.

Nature provides an interesting illustration of the principle of the casting form in the
5(;called "pseudomorphosls" of crystals. Among insoluble sedimentary mineral rocks
there Is included a crystal of a more soluble substance. The water circulating there
gradually dissolves it and carries away its substance, depositing In exchange some other sub-
stance which was already in the water in a dissolved state. After a full exchange, the latter
looks as if it were cast in the image of the first crystal, forming a "pseudo-crystal" of a
completely alien speCies.

The method of the "reverse casting form" is widely used in technology. Ordinarily,
the casting form Is prepared in accordance with a model of what is to be cast, by co-
vering it with some plastic, hardening, refractory substance: the same casting of another
practical variety and in another direction. And it is curious to what extent the distant in ex-
ternal character processes fall within the scheme of this method. It is enough to point out
from the field of scientific technology- the photograph and phonograph. The phonographic
recording of sounds represents a trace of sound vibrations of the needle on the plastic mass
of the revolving cylinder; this is a mould of various successive positions of the needle corres-
ponding to a "form" which is made in accordance with the model. When the needle follows
this trace later, it must again take its former position, i.e., reproduce former vibrations, and
this means- the recorded sounds; in this way. the recording performs here the role of a
casting form for movements of the needle. The principle of photography is the same, only
Instead of sound vibrations there are other-iight, or more precisely, electro-magnetic vib-
rations, and the light-sensitlvt: substance of the plate, decomposed by the energy of these
vlbratlom,performs the role of plastic material for the mould.

Human speech and its understanding are structured according to the type of a reverse
casting form which is, so to speak, in a fluid state. The sounds of words represent, when
compared with a phonograph, as if engraved in the air trace of nervous-cerebral vibrations

161
of one man; this trace immediately performs a reversely-forming role for similar vibrations
in another organism. The same scheme, in all its complexity. can also be discerned in any
other symbolism- writing. art, science....

The above mentioned pseudo-morphism of crystals can serve as an illustration of the

reverse casting form in nature. The scheme is complicated here by the fact that the removal
of the forming model proceeds quite gradually, and that its replacement by the material of
a new caSting takes place at the same time. An even more interesting illustration is that of a
"reflected heredity," when children of the second spouse are sometimes similar to the first
spouse. Whatever is the mechanism in all its concrete complexity, its tektological scheme is
almost always the same. The reproductive apparatus of the young mother turns out to be
sufficiently plastic for children of the first father to have left an imprint in it, a trace of
some pecular,ties of their structure. According to this imprint new children are subsequen-
Iy formed toa certain extent, but now· from another father. A kind of "hardening" of
the originally soft form, perhaps. occurs here: it is well known that with time the organism
becomes less plastic.

We have shown in a number of examples that any "real" convergence is only an in-
direct contra-differentiation. This may appear to be not applicable to "formal" conver·
gence. Here the environment, determining the formation, may be quite different- for ex-
ample, the interstellar environment on the one hand, and a mixture of liquid in Plato's ex-
periment on the other; moreover, the complexes which are being formed by this environ-
ment are of different origin. Nevertheless. a similar relationship of complexes to their en-
vironment is present And the very possibility of suc::h a similar relationship means the exis-
tence of a tektological unity of forms, as well as of their environment

But what is the origin of the tektological unity itself? The more science develops, the
more it is revealed that this unity is nothing else but the result of agenetic unity, that in it
is expressed the bond .of origin, although this bond Is quite remote. It unfoldl to the entire
univ8ff8 of the experience accessible to us; and the formal convergence is being thereby
ffKiuced to a more indirect real corwergenctl.

7. The Question of Vital Assimilation

It is not by accident that almost all the examples which we have used at the beginning to iII~
trate the possibility of universal organizational forms and laws, and, consequently, also of
tektology as a science, were concerned with the facts of convergence. Any complex is con·
tained in its environment simultaneously as both the casting material and as the moulding
model; it is determined by this environment in the first sens~and partially determines it in
the.5eCond sense. Any repetition of forms and, consequently, any observed regularity is
based. in the final analysis. on some convergence.

162
 Therefore, the ~chemc of convergence ought to guide us initially. when it is necessary
to explain a stnl omcure repetition of facts, an enigmatic regularity. From a series of such
regularities, the one that is daleSt to us and the mo~t interesting is vits/sSlimlistion.

The living organism is characterized as a machine which not only regulates itself
but also repairs itself. As the elements of tissues of the organism wear out, the organ·
Ism replaces them with material taken from the surrounding environment, the "assimi·
lated" material, i.e., br.)ught to a chemical content of these tissues. The "dead" matter,
which Is taken from outside, is converted by the protoplasm into its vital material, not
just any kind In general, but quite definite and dlemcaJly identical to the molecules of exactly
this protoplasm. BMldes, from the hundreds of thousands of species of plants and animals,
each Is disti ngulshed by its peculiar chemlsm and content of its p-oteins, ","Ictl is different from all
the rc:st,-and In the process of Its ilIsimliatlon, the protoplasm forms' exactly these proteins
from the same nutrlous material from which other species form other proteins. In this lies
the basic enigma.

If allen proteins, which are received from outside, serve as nutrients for the organism-
for example, when man eats meat of other anlmals,or fruit, stalks and the roots of plants- then
the organism Initially, during "digestion," disintegrates these proteins, decomposes them In-
to component parts, which are various amino acids. Subsequently, it reconstnJeU in the ti55UeS from
the amino acids its own combinations, its specific protein substances. As far as the plants
are concerned, most of them create at first carbohydrates and then amino acids from car·
bon dioxide In the air and the ground water with its salts and acids.

So why is different material which is received by the vital protoplasm Cillt under its
operation Into specific forms of its own structure? For example, why are amino acids of the
disintegrated proteins of our food, from millions of different possible combinations,
put together Into those combinations which are exactly peculiar to the proteins of our
body? New materials in various, changing proportions join the old composition; why does
not happen what occurs under any direct blending- contra-differentiation, i.e.,
changes of this composition into a different, so to speak, interval composition between the
old and the new material?

There exists a unicellular anlmal- the vamp, called aclneta. It adheres to some infu·
sorlan and draws out its plasM\ which flows directly into the plasm of the vamp through
sucking tubes and merges with it But if this were a simple merging, then, evidently,
the composition of the acineta would have been deprived of any stability: each time it
would have changed into something average between the former acineta and the sucked-
out victim. Also our food, althOUgh not quite ill fast, but no less radically, would have
changed our composition. In order to avoid this, it is necessary to accept that in our organ-

163
· is;", as in the organism of acineta, the incoming materials pass through a chemical casting
form from which they can emerge only in the form of specific combinations for a given
organism. How can this casting form be found?

Here we need to introduce two quite simple organizational concepts. The first of
them is quite ordinary: a "regulator." This is a device which serves in order to maintain
some process at a definite level. For example, m,achines often have a regulator of speed. If
it is set, let us assume, at 1000 revolutions of the handwheel per minute, then with any ex-
cess of speed beyond this level it retards the movement; and when, on the contrary, the
speed does not reach this magnitude, it acts in an accelerating fashion; less perfect regula-
tors operate in one direction only, for example, with a steam boiler they do not permit the
emergence of excessive steam which could explode it It is clear, that a regulator is one of
the varieties of the "casting forms" in our meaning of the word: with its help the "convergence"
of various phases of a given process at a definite magnitude is called forth.

The second concept is a derivative of the first, but is more complex- a bi-regular,
i.e., a "dual regulator." This is a combination in which two complexes mutually regu-
late each other. For example, it can be so arranged that the speed of motion and the pres-
sure of steam in a steam engine mutually regulate each other: if the pressure rises above an
appropriate level, then the speed also increases, and the mechanism which depends on speed
then decreases the pressure, and conversely. Biregulators appear quite frequendy in nature;
for example, the familiar system of equilibrium "water-ice" under (» centigrade. If water is
being heated above zero, then the contiguous ice rakes away surplus heat, absorbing it
during melting; if there is a cooling off, then a part of the water freezes up, freeing the heat
which does not permit the temperature of ice to drop below zero. In social organizations, a
biregulator, in the fam of the"rrutuaJ control" of individuals and institutions, etc., is quite
widespread.

The bl-regulator is a IYstem for which the,. 1$ no netKJ of an extBmIJl regulator be-
And, evidently, if the living protoplasm turns au t to be a
CBUSII the syrtem fflfJulates Itself.
chemical bi·regulator, then this will have explained why the materials entering it cannot
change its composition, but confine themselves within its limits.

From the proteins of food are derived their st:ructural elements, amino acids, which
subsequently enter the tissues of the organism. The structure of these tissues is colloidal:
a liquid with harder particles disper~d in it This liquid is composed of water with salts,
their uions" and other crystalloidal substances, and also gases dissolved in it The dis-
persed particles are molecules of proteins. Each of them is a bulky chemical complex,
whose atomic weight is usually measured in the thousands, and appears as if a tiny island in
this liquid.

164
 With their very complex Hructure, protein molecules, are quite fragile: both their
decomp~ition and formJtion from amino acids occur quite easily with insignificant ex-
penditures of energy, or with freeing of Its insignificant quantity. Evidently, between them
and thdr liquid environment there must exist a definite, structural correlation, guarantee-,
ing their solidlty- i.e., that these two parts form a system of equilibrium, in the way it is
(ormed by water and ice under 00. If such an equilibrium exists for the protein with a given
content and structure, then for other proteins, generally speaking, this equilibrium should'
not exist in this environment, and finding themselves in it, their molecules are subjected to
decomposition and regrouping of elements composing them.

Particles of amino acids of digested food enter into this environment. These particles
are In a solution and, naturally, they enter into relatiomhips among themselves. According
to contemporary theoretical chemistry, with such an encounter of elements and groupings
there must occur 8/1 IOrtI of combinatIons, only with varied speed of reaction, and more-
(Nfr, with a varied stability d Its resul'ts. Fragile combinations decompose immediately and

are removed by negative selection; only firm and stable combinations are retained. And, as
we already know, stable combinations In a glwm environment are only those which corres-
pond to the composition aT its protein molecules on hand. But this means that the enter-
Ing amino acids are being "assimilated" and grouped Into the same and not different pro-
teins.

From this point of view It Is clear why any protoplasm reproduces exactly its own
proteins from any food; and it is clear how In a highly differentiated organism each of its
most varied tissues reproduces Its worn out protoplasmic elements and grows, remaining
nevertheless the same in its composition.

But if this vlul protein environment Is the actual system of equilibrium in which the
composition of proteins is regulated by the composition of the dispersed liquid, then It
,,",ould be assumed that the composition of this liquid is also, in its turn, regulated by them,
I.e., a bl-regulator is before us. Under conditions of great ease of decomp~ition and
reunion, protein molecules, in fact, ought to be able to regulate the composition of the
IIqul d; for example, they shooId be able to directly replenish them at the exper6e of their ~j.
tlon. The same amino iIlcids may serve for bonding of any Inorganic ions With their surplus,
and for their release with their deficiency, etc.
,I
I

On the other hand, it should be remembered that the contiguous tissues of the organ-
Ism, undoubtedly form systems of equilibrium which are mutually regulated through dif-
fusion of liquids and dissolved substances.

The dual structure of colloids generally contains conditions which are appropriate
for a two-sided regulation. It is most probable that exactly this forms the basis d the indiso-

165
luble linkage between the vital processes and the colloidal,structure of the substance.

Our construction is, of course, only a hypothesis; but it is easy to see that this hypo-
thesis is a "working" hypothesis, i;e., it outlines the path of investigation, the path for its
practical verification. Without preliminary constructions of this type, research cannot move
forward and make headway because of the growing pile of facts. Subsequent investigation
will either confirm or reject such a hypothesis, or cause it to be modified.

For tektology, however, any such construction represents a solution to the problem-
to organize harmoniously the given facts. With an addition of new facts which cannot be
confined within this solution, a special science will reject or alter it But for tektology, in
order to gather organizational experience and to work out organizational methods, this
solution may even then have meaning, inasmuch as it facilitates the learning process of
solving organizational problems in general. Thus, if our understanding of the mechanism of
assimilation turns out to be incorrect or inadequate, its basic thought- the idea of a bi-
regulator, its applications both in theoretical investigations, and also in practical construc-
tions- would not lose its tektological suitability. And in the history of science there can be
found quite a number of theories and hypotheses which became obsolete long ago, but
which, nevertheless, can still serve as a valuable tektological material. In this sense, tektolo-
gy will preserve and save for mankind much of its labour, crystallized in the verities of the
past Undoubtedly, con tem porary verities will also become obsolete and die in their
time; but tektology guarantees that even then they will not be simply discarded and will
not be converted in the eyes of future generations into naked, fruitless illusions.

166
 VI
Centralist and Skeletal Forms

The development of organizational forms through systemic divergence produces,

among other things, two special cases, which are particularly Important because of their pre-
valence and tektologlcal role. They are "universal," not in the same sense as are ingression
and dllingresslon, which enter Into determination of any organization in general, but in
that they unfold on a universal scale and embrace all the fields of our experience. These
two types play an exceptionally Important role in organizational development: one
of them concentrates activities and creates possibilities for their maximum accumulation
within one system; the other predominantly fix. activities, secures them in a given form
and conditions the maximum strength ota system. If the usual terms are used, but with a
broader meaning, the first type could be called "centralist," the second, "skeletal." How-
ever, both these terms relate quite closely In our consciousness to definite social and bio-
logical forms, which, of course, are the most characteristic representations of these types,
but which are far from expressing them fully on a universal scale. Therefore, we will
IntrOduce two new designations - "egression" and "degresslon" - which more closely cor-
respond to the tektological idea.

1. The Origin and Development of Egression

let there be an organized system, composed of several complexes A, B, C, 0 ....

This may be the Sun with Its planets and their satellites, a group of people, or a combination
of concepts forming some classification, etc. The system changes, preserving its connections, and
develops In this or that direction through an interaction with a favourable or unfavourable

167
 environment, i.e., under the conditions of both positive or negative selection. Its complexes
change in,mutual dependence, inasmuch as they remain parts of one whole. But the degree
of this mutual dependence, the strength of the influence of one complex on another,may
be different, and untIVen at that: on the part, for example, of complex A, its influence on B
is greater, than the reverse. Thus, the motion of this or that planet is determined by the Sun
to a greater extent than the Sun's motion is determined by the planet; one member of the
group "subordinates" to another, or imitates or follows this other member more often than
that member follows him, etc. A relationship of this kind is called "egfession," i.e., mean·
ing literally from Latin. "going out of the ordinary. The complex which has a preponderating
II

influence on other complexes, such as the Sun in the planetary system, the leader in a group
of people, or a generalizing notion among more particular notions, is out of the ordinary;
its distinction from others is an "egressive difference," and the complex itself, in relation
to other complexes, is an "egressive center. II

Systems of this kind are denoted in com m on parlance as "centralisL But since II

scxial groupings of this type are most familiar to us, we involuntarily represent other
gToups in a similar way, including even the same colouring of "authority-subordination"
which is peculiar tothegeatn:-ajority of contemporary social egressions. The Sun is per.
ceived to rule over planets, the brain over parts of the body, etc.; when people observe the
life of bees, ants, or termites, and find in their organization an egressive center, the mother,
they ascribe to her some kind of authority, Wlich is reflected in the name, the "queen." All
these are, of course, arbitrary and incorrect transfers by analogy.1 Our concept of egres·
sion must be completely free of them, and fully express the objective, formal correlation
of complexes. Let us consider the very origin of egression in several typical cases.

In the contemporary organization of people therealrrnstaJ\\QYS exists an egression, if

not in the form of "power," then in the form of factual leadership. There are, however,
many reason~ to believe that in prim itive tribal groups such egression was absent-
systematic guidance through a common effort did not exist: methods of stru~e for survival
were so simple and instinctive that each member knew as much as any other member. The
germs of leadership - acts of imitation, a call to action - originated from different mem-
bers of the group, not producing stable distinctions among them. The homogeneity of the
grouP. however, was partial; there was an individual difference in "abilities, i.e., the ps~
II

physiological organization of human individuals; it was expressed in unequal initiative, speed

and expediency of actions among the changing conditions of collective struggle with nature.
That member of the commune who surpassed others in this, provided quite frequently an

I For example. the mother of social insects is only the center of generic life and the blood relation of the
community, and not the leader oflabour activities.

168
example or itn instruction when needed, for example, at the approach of danger, or simply
in cases of general indecision.

This primary difference ;ncflJ8S1Jd with the passage of time: the man, \\ho had a higher bl<>
logical organization, mastered better and more fully than others the accumulating collective
experience, and consequently differed increasingly more from them in the speed and sua:es.s of
orientation under conditions of everyday practice: a typical growth of tektological variety
".
according to the law of divergence. This, on the whole, did not stop with the activity
and death of such a man. Heredity transmitted to his children, in various degrees, his psychic
flexibility and his organically-heightened type, especially since the most healthy and beauti·
ful women, able to bear better children, usually fell to his share; and insofar as the father
participated In the upbringing of children, they had an increased possibility of development
in comparison with other children. Naturally, from among them, if not always, then in
a great majority of cases, a person was singled out who was able to rise,above the average
level of his parents. In this way, the variety continued to grow little by little also in succeed-
Ing generations. Experience and the will of one person were becoming an increasingly more
determining moment In the practice of the entire collective: a stable egression was develop-
ing.

In short, within the limits of one generation, a similar path of development is also
repeated everywhere today. The emergence of leaders can be observed in friendly circles of
children; but also any groupings of grown up people - professional, Ideological, or political
- arising on the basis of formal equality of all members, most frequently turn, consciously
or unconsciously, Into a type of egression.

In a continual chain of transition from embryos of egression to Its higher levels, there
Is one moment which ought to be noted. If we denote the higher organized complex as A,
and other complexes of the same system as K, L, M, N .... , then in their interaction the influ-
ence of A on K, or on L, is greater than th e reverse Influence of K or L on A: but all com-
plexes tog«hef K, L, M, N '" may exert a more considerable determining Influence on A
than A exerts on them; in this Instance, although the outstanding member of the group shows
an example, or provides guiding instructions to each of the rest more frequently than each of
them does to it, they nevertheless control it in the aggregate more than it does them. Such
are the Initial phases of the evolving egression in its partially expressed forms. When, however,
egr'esslon reaches the level at which complexe~ K, L, M, N, .'" in the aggregate, are more de-
termined In their changes by the complex A than it is determined by them, then we have a
fullV sxpftI8BfJd egression. In our example, this corresponds to the phase when a permanent
organiser .- a patriarch or a leader who systematically directs tribal life - is singled out from
the midst of a tribal commune.

169
 In the above illustration one fea tu re appears which has a general tektological
significance. If a better organized complex A and the less organized parts of the same system
K, L, M, N ... are in an environment which is identical to all of them, then the difference
in their mutual influence, the "egressive difference," does not remain at one level, but in-
creases. It is easy to understand why this is so, and why this is necessary; it is sufficient to
take into account the relationship of the system, as a whole, and its separate parts to their
environment.

The dynamic equilibrium of the system with its environment is always relative and
approximate only; the environment is either favourable to it, and there is a preponderance
of assimilation over losses of activities, i.e., positive selection accompanied by a growth in
the su m of activities, or unfavourable, i.e., disassimilation preponderates and the selection
is negative. Besides, a better organized complex has in both cases an advantage over the
less well organized: it better assimilates the activities from the external environment and
better counteracts its destructive influences. Consequently, under positive selection such a
complex is enriched by activities faster than the complexes which are not as well organized,
and is fortified at the expense of the environment; under negative selection it loses its
activities more slowly than other complexes, and lags behind in the process of weakening.
Evidently, in both cases the egressive difference between it and the remaining complexes
increases.

It can also happen that complex A, with its superior organization, is "stronger" than
its environment, taking from the environment more than the environment from it; then,
since other complexes K, L, M ... are "weaker" than this same environment, the selection
'"
, I

for A will be positive, and negative for K, L, M ... The egressive difference grows even
faster under such conditions.

The egressive type of organization prevailed in social life during the entire historical
epoch. The statement which has just been formulated is a necessary and sure guiding thread
in the investigation of a great majority of cases of the evolution of such organizations. During
!I revolutionary epochs, the process of conversion of organizations with an embryonic egres-
I
sion, in the form of a hardly noticeable authoritarianism, into organizations of fully expressed
egression, strict authoritarian discipline and "firm rule," appears quite frequently and quite
vividly. '

We have established the inevitability of an increase in egressive difference among

complexes of a system when they find themselves in an identical environment. But, of,
,I
II""

course, the environment may also be different for them; this difference can also become a
basis for the appearance and development of egression. Such, for example, is its origin in
the solar-planetary system according to the Kantian-Laplacian theory. It is accepted that the

170
mu wal gravitation of elements of matter originally gave rise to an ordinary accumulation of
"cosmic: mists" - glsantic In volume complexes of extremely rarified substance and uneven
density. But the middle and peripheral parts of similar complexes happened to find them-
selves under different conditions of the environment. Inasmuch as the accumulation of sub·
stance grew In general, attracting and joining the particles dispersed in the ether, it was under
the influence of positive selection. This influence was strongest exactly for the parts In the
middle; and not because they were better organized, but because they were already surrounded
by the matter previously gathered at the periphery: there was a ready and rich material
Glose at hand for thei'r gathering activity and for their "force of attraction," i.e., the most
favourable environment On the contrary, peripheral parts had on one side the etherlc envi·
ronment, In which particles of matter were dispersed with an Immeasurable rarity, and on
the other, - the remaining mass of nebula, which continued to draw to itself the matter from
the periphery. Not only was here much poorer material for assimilation, but there also ap-
peared a clear tendency to draw In the substance which was already gathered and to rarify
it for the benefit of the middle part; and this tendency intensified and became dominant
sooner or later, causing the periphery to disappear under the operation of negative selectlon.
Thus a central mass was formed - a better organized complex, because it contained a more
significant sum of activities; the tektological difference between It and the periphy, evidently,
Increased. This was the original egression of the solar system; subsequently, only the forms
of egression changed: the rings of mist were being Isolated, revolving around the central
mass, and with their disintegration there appeared planets, etc.

We will borrow from this Illustration two terms for further analysis. The main, better
organized complex of the egressive system will be called Its "central" complex or simply
the center; others, will be referred to as "peripheral" complexes; besides, we will bear in
mind only the organizational relationships, removing completely from our consideration their
spatlallocation. For example, in a system composed of a mother - a pregnant female - and
her unborn young ones, the center of egression is, of course, the mother, and the young
ones are "peripheral," I.e., structurally more dependent complexes, although in the locatlonal
sense the interrelation is quite the reverse.

This, moreover, is an example of still another origin of egression through division

of the complex when from it separate its smaller or weaker organizational parts, while remaining
in some systemic connection with it. Thus, from a central mass of the solar nebula planets
were created; either all of them or, perhaps, only th~ "inner" planets which are ciose!at
to the Sun; the moon from the terrestial spheroid, etc.

The mother and her unborn young ones represent an appropriate illustration of the
evolution ofthe egressive system in another way. The egresslve difference does not increase
here, but decreases, due to extremely different environmental conditions for different parts

171
 1
of the system. The embryonic cell is located in an ideal environment for development; but the
organism of the mother must deal with severe conditions of external nature and its numerous
elemental influences. Even if the predominant character of selection remains positive for the
mother, i.e., even if her organism continues to grow, to accumulate energy, and to develop,
positive selection can never be as intensive and fast as it is for the embryo, which is formed at
the expense of her ready juices and under the protection of her tissues. Of course, the
egressive difference decreases to a large extent from the moment of conception in the form
of a single fertilized cell to the act of birth, when the child physically and physiologically
separates from the mother.

The basic type of correlation does not change even after birth; it only receives
another form and is not expressed so sharply. The mother or both parents together feed,
guard and guide the infant; thus, they are chief in significance and, at the same time, maxi-
mally favourable complexes of the environment; they take upon themselves the greatest part
of its hostile influences, and maintain the conditions which are beneficial for the infant
Therefore, the egressive difference continues to diminish; and finally, there comes a time
when It is reduced to zero. The infant becomes a grown up man; the level of his vital organi-
zation is now not lower than that of his parents; in the family system, he is no more deter-
mined by them than they are determined by him. And the matter may not end there: parents
"age" and become weaker under the influence of negative selection; the son becomes the head
of the family: there occurs a "turning" point in egression, i.e., a change in the sign of its
difference.

This illustration must be further elucidateq because our statement of the question
at one point sharply contradicts the contemporary mode of thought We consider the pro-
cesses of growth of the organism, a halt in its development, and its subsequent downfall, on
which depend changes in egressive difference, to be the result of correlations of the organism
with its environment, which may be favourable .or unfavourable to It However, the traditional
point of view is as follows: the organism grows in youth exactly because it is young, and
because this Is a natural course of the vital process; maturity leads to a halt in growth, and old
age to a downfall because of the same natural cause; the surrounding environment is ignored
here, because no favourable changes in the environment will ever force an old man to grow
anew, as a child. This seems to be immutable, like all that is firmly crystallized in our expe-
rience.

But it is necessary to understand correctly and precisely what is meant by "environ-

ment." It is a totality of the external influences under which a system finds itself, but taken
exactly in relation to it Therefore, a different system will have a different environment.
If an old organism is placed where a young organism is, then all the external influences will
turn out to be different from what they are for the young organism. For example, the

172
difference In body temperatures and the surrounding air will not be the same, because the
temperature of blood drops in old age; the sum of light energy acting on the retina is not
the same, because the transparency of the eyeball Is lowered; all the irritations received by
sense organs are not the same due to changes in the functions of these organs - the "blunting
of sensitivity"; the action of oxygen in the lungs on blood Is not what It was before, etc.
And It Is fully scientific to consider the senile downfall as a result of unfavourable external
relationship for the organls~. or, which is the same ~hing, of the unfavourable enviror:merit; if the
sum of activities of the organism is decreased, it means that the environment absorbes them and
doeS not provide sufficient material for assimilation.

Of course, we are not yet successful in creating an environment, sufficiently favourable

for the senile organism or, what reduces to the same thing, changing the organism so that
such an environment could be created for it by our ordinary mean$. This is still an unsolved
question; but there are no reasons to consider it Inso/ub/IJ, except for the conservatism of
our thought. Even our medicine can partly solve it under definite conditions. And nature
has solved itJn principle,for organizations which are higher and lower than our organism ~
for the unicellular creatures and for the collectives: their old age is not final; it can be replaced
by a renewal.

As far as egression is concerned, its development may proceed in one or another di-
rection, depending on the character of the environment in relation to the various parts of the
system. In essence, the environment cannot ever be identical for the center and for the pe- .
ripheral complexes: Insofar as complexes differ structuraUy, they variously "receive,"
so to speak, its influences, with other things being equal. This must be constantly taken
Into account when investigating egressive forms.

The growth in egressive difference inside the primitive tribal groups led to the emer-
gence of the permanent center In the person of a "patriarch": the director of work and
distribution, the oldest and the most experienced member of the tribe. Until then, the living
environment could be considered a5 being approximately identical for all the members of
the group, with a correction only for differences among the organisms themselves - because
both labour and distribution, being based on blood relations, remained quite uniform, and
the cxternalllving situation was the same and common to all. But the permanent leader in-
evitably uses his position so as to depart from this uniformity; consciously or unconsclousiy,
he! gives some preferences to hlmsel f and, subsequently, to his closest relatives in the distribution
of work and products. Then the egressive difference increases faster, and with it the hetero-
geneity of the living conditions within the commune develops even faster, etc. The Inequa-
lity weakens the role of blood relations; subsequently, their boundaries break up completely
and new forms of egression are created - feudalism and slavery with their progressive ex-
plOitation, which In the patriarchal-ancestral group existed only at the level of a hardly

173
 perceptible embryo.

There appears a picture of an unlimited, avalanche-like growth in the egressive differ-

ence on the basis of increasingly more favourable conditions for the central complex in com-
parison with the periphery. But with the closest investigation, this is not 50 simple. Any
life in general, and the social life in particular, is a complicated system of various specific
activities. The conditions which are quite favourable to the development of some of these
activities may be completely unfavourable for others; this is exactly the case with the social
egression which is connected with exploitation.

Two main groups of social activities are, on the one hand, those which are directed
at production and, on the other, those which are related to consumption. With a developing
exploitation, the environment of different parts of the system changes unevenly in relation
to these two groups. As far as the exploiting persons, groups and classes are concerned, the
higher is the exploitation, the wider are the possibilities of consumption for them; and in
this sense, the egressive difference of the exploiting persons, groups and classes, evidently,
does not cease to grow as long as the basic structure of the system is preserved. So, for exam·
pie, in the case of feu cia I lords during the entire time of their supremacy, the growth in their
needs and ability to utilize additional products in various subtle ways did not stop to the
very end; the same is observed in the case of the bourgeoisie in the subsequent period. But
a different situation prevailed as far as the productive activities were concerned. Only ini-
tially, with an insignificant vital separation of the ruling from the subordinated elements of
social organization, the former can also progress In theproductively-4abouring direction"
because they still remain in a direct, close contact with production: they partly work them-
selves, guiding subordinates by means of living exam pie, and partly intervene in their
work, controlling and regulating its entire concrete progress, determining and experiencing
it if not directly then indirectly. Later, rising more and more above the exploited, they
departed further and further from the immediate labour process, limiting themselves to
Increasingly more general direction and supervision; materials and instruments, i.e., the
real conditions of production, cease to be their closest environment; all this is left up to their
subordinates - peasants, serfs, slaves and workers; thus, exploiters gradually lose the basic
preconditions for the development of productive activities; in this sense the environment
becomes Increasingly more unfavourable for them and, with the passage of time, there begins
a regress or a downfall. Historically, usually in the end, there was a transformation of ex-
ploiters into parasites, i.e., a complete atrophy of their socia-labouring function and the
loss of their entire sum of activities.

For the "peripheral complexes," i.e., in this case, the exploited dependent complexes,
the environmental conditions appeared to be favourable in the sense of labour progress; that
is, living interaction with the object of labour, physical nature, and with materials and instru-

174
menU of production. But this is only one side of their "environment." Its.other side is
"central complexes," i.e., in our example, the exploiting elements. If these elements intensify
exploitation more and more, and take away from the dependents an increasing amount of
their vital energy in the form of products and in other ways (for example, cruel treatment),
then all that is acquired by the working classes, on the one hand, is lost, and even with a sur-
plus, on the other. The dependents find themselves under a continual operation of
negative selection which accumulating, sooner or later reaches destructive proportions:
they die' off through exhaustion. So it was with the slave-owning ancient world: the master
became feeble through idleness and luxury, and the slave weak from unbearable toil and
severe conditions; as a result there was a general collapse of the system.

However, it is also possible to have a different result. At times the force of exploita·
tlon did not grow as fast as the labour development of the exploited classes; then the en·
vironment as a whole wa~ favourable to them and their social energy increased in size. And
this means that their resistance, in general, to any harmful influences also increased, includ·
ing the reslstence to Intensification of exploitation, so that the latter could not grow with
fatal speed. The degeneration of ruiers into parasites went on side by side with the labour
progress of the dependents, and the former egression was gradually undermined, but now Into
an entirely different direction. Another result Is then also possible: a collapse, finally, not
of the entire social organiza~ion, but only of its former "central complexes": the ruling
groups or classes.

Various are the forms of egression and different are the paths of its evolution. But
using the explained concepts and observing the relationships of the egressive system as a .
whole and its separate parts to their environment, It is possible, in principle, to establish
a tendency of systemic development, and this means, to foresee, or even predetermine
through systematic Influence the subsequent fate of a system.

2. Significance and limits of Egression

In the human organism there is its own central complex - the brain. All other organs,
as the saying goes, are "subordinated" to it, and are determined by it In their reactions.
This connection has a tremendous significance for the stability of the organism in its struggle
for survival and in its development: thanks to the dependence on our center, activities -
resistances of the whole can be concentrated at various points and in various directions in
iu Interaction with the external environment. The fate of a system, as we know, is determined
by its least relative resistances to the hostile influence of the environment; the activity of
the brain permits the organism to raise these minima where there is a threat, or where it is
necessary to do so In general: the activities are transferred there from other parts of the sys-
tem In a coordinated fashion. The eye, for example. is quite .defenseless by itself even in

175
 relatio~ to small mechanical forces; but when such forces are directed against it, then in a
I'i, great majority of cases they run up against the relatively greater resistance of the fore-parts,
or even do not reach the organism because of the activities of other organs changing the po-
sition of the body. Or, for example, the concentration of the action of hands, feet and
teeth on one object- an enemy- will remove pa;si~e harm incomparably more expediently
and faster then the efforts of anyone of these organs alone.

The significance of the egressive connection appears even more vividly in the system
of a chain egression, such as, for example, the army. A series of complexes of a lower order-
commanders of small detachments - are united by the center of a higher order, such as the
head of a larger detachment: a series of such centers to still higher ones, etc.,,: platoon
officers, company and regiment commanders, and generals right up to the commander-in-
chief. A million strong living force is bound together through these interval links, and the
Ii chief center determines its mass movements, directing hundreds of thousands of human
beings into places where there is the least relative resistance, or where the greatest relative
""I'
action is necessary.
!il
'"

Each complex represents something limited, and because of this can be directly connected
with a limited number of complexes analogous to it; for example, man is able to maintain
a
a living and harmonious direct collaboration on more or les,s complex job with no more
than several tens of men: with other forms of labour even fewer than thal But if one person
is able to direct, let us say, even ten persons only, then with a two-level egression the higher
leader, having to deal with ten lower ones, can direct a hundred men; and with a three-level
egression, one thousand, etc.j the chain egression of six links will then unite a million, and of
nine links a billion men.

Thus egression concentrates activities. It may appear that with a chain egression this
concentration has no limits. In reality, however, they always exisl And this is not simply
a fact, known from observation: tektologicai investigation shows that it flows from or-
ganizational necessity and that egression is limited in its nature.

The point is that the chain of egression cannot unfold link by link, without end. Bet-
ween any higher link and a lower link directly connected with it there must always exist an
egressive difference denoting a different level of organization; the transition from the higher
link to lower links corresponds to a reductIon In the level of organization, which must be
sufficiently large for the lower links to be continually and firm·ly determined in their changes
by the higher link. Consequently, for an infinite series of Ijnk~, it would be necessary to
have an infinite number of such reductions; the question then concerns a possibility of this
happening.

176
 It Is easy to conceive such series in the abstract; for example, take a mathematical
deSCen di"1 progression:

I; 0.1 ; 0.01 ; 0.001 ; 0.0001 ; 0.00001 ; etc.

But can a similar correfatlon be realized in the form of a real egression? Anyorga-
nizational connection, Including, of course, the egressive connection, relates to definite
activities; for example, the connection of an army of officials or an industrial hierarchy re-
lateS to "organizational" activities; the connection of the solar system, planets and their
satellites relates to the activities of "attraction," etc. For an Infinite series of links with
their egresslve differences, It would be necessary to divide these activities infinitely. But
in our experience none of the real activities can be divided without end and remain at the
same time unchanged. That organlutlonal activities cannot be divided without limit
Is clear In Itself; but the same should be said about the activities of gravitation: they can
be divided up to the "material atom"; and If we go further, then other electrical activities
would be now before us; vital activities can be consld4lred as such up to the particle of
the living protein, and with further division we can talk only about chemical and physical
activities of the "dead" substance, etc. It means that In any egresslve chain, coming down
from link to link, we Inevitably reach the one where, with a further reduction of the level
of organization, other ,activities begin, and not those which characterize our egression.
It Is not excluded, of .:;oune, that these other activities, In turn. create a chain egression.
but this will not be the previous one. but a new chain. another system. with its special
correlations.

Practically, this limitation 15 also expressed in that with the lengthening of the
egresslve chain. Its lower links are less and less determined by the central complex. So, in
a despotic monarchy, a sultan, a king or a shah actually directs his ministers; they, their
closest officials, etc., do\\Tl to the last pcmant; but the connection of this peasant to the mon-
arch Is quite negligible because of its distance; it is so indirect that it represents only a weak
hint as to the real leadership. Such a connection may be sufficient under a stable equilibrium
of the entire system; but Its weakness Is revealed when there appear processes of development
or disintegration. Then, for example, It turns out that the most commanding despot is unable
to achieve any obedience from the masses. or that the most benevolent ruler is not In a po-
sition to do anything for them. So, ~ a general separated from soldiers by the whole
series of interval steps can have very little Influence on those changes of their "spirit" which
swiftly unfold during the battle and determine its outcome. This weakening chain of connec-
tions puts a limit to the concentrating strength of any given egression.

Another moment operates In the same direction- the accumulation of systemic contra-
dictions. Egression Is a special case of differentiation or orglnizational divergence; the

177
broader is the egression and the further it unfolds, the stronger becomes this differentiation
with all its consequences; and one of them, quite inescapable, as we know, is the develop-
ment of systemic contradictions. And even here especially vivid, gr~phic examples are
encountered.

Such are the already mentioned "authoritarian" organizations, so far the most wide-
spread type of egression in society. Their forms have been quite varied in the history of
mankind: patriarchal commune, feudal formation, sJave-owning economy, the eastern
despotism, bureaucracy, modem army, and petty bourgeois family, etc. If their evolution
is observed over a sufficient period of time, then there emerges a picture which is the
same in its general features. Partial contradictions are discovered almost from the very
beginning. A psychological divergence develops between the central ~omplex and peripheral
complexes, between the "organizers" or rulers and the "executants" or subordinates,
hampering their mutual understanding; and then a tendency to lessen this understanding in-
tensifIeS more and more. Hence, there occur increasingly more frequent "errors" and un-
conscious, disorganizing acts on both sides. For example, an officer who is unable to
penetrate into the emotional state of his soldiers; gives inexpedient and also factually un-
reafizab/e orders; the soldier, having been used to obey only blindly, falls into confusion
with a change in the situation, which is not anticipated in the orders, though this change
may be quite insignificant; a sJave-owner or a despot, not heeding the feelings of the people
subordinated to them, exhibits "whims" and "arbitrariness~' from this secret or open
reactions of bitterness follow; all these are origins of a fruidess waste of energy lowering the
viability of organizations.

The intensification of similar contradictions usually led to the disintegration and cdlapse
of authoritarian groupings. Thus, the ancient world perished from the results of excessive dif-
ferentiation of the two of its poles. The slave-owners and bureaucracy of the Roman
Empire turned into pure parasites, only able to consume on a tremendous scale socia-
labouring activities embodied in the products of labour of other classes, but not atie to retain the
organizational energy and ability necessary for the direction of labour processes and the
struggle with the hostile environment which surrounded the Empire; slaves, on the other
hand, degenerated and died off from the excessiveness of toil and Insufficiency of consump-
tion; but, at that time, they could not fight against the overpowering exploitation, and did
not even dream of reconstruction of the social life by their own efforts because of their
slave mentality; the remaining classes also fluctuated between parasitism and exhaustion,
or combined both, as did the urtIaA "proletariat" of those days, living in misery and idle·
ness on paltry doles of the rich and the sale of their votes and services to political groups.
The "spiritual linkage" lessened and weakened in the entire society, I.e., a community of
interest and mutual understanding; and the coordination of forces and practical organiLltioo
depend on this linkage. It grew weaker, i.e., there occurred internal disorganization;
the productive energy of the society dropped; and the society had to perish under the

178
bloWS of the very !>.lIne barbaric tribes which it had previously ca:.ily conquered and ex-
ploited as the source of slaves.

In a similar wayan army, in which the isolation of soldiers from officers reaches such
extremes that there is no vital intercourse and solidarity between them, becomes helpless
in any moderately serious struggle. The subordinates receive orders of superiors without
understanding and trust; superiors are not able to take into account the abilities and, es-
pecially, the sentiments of their subordinates; as a result, there occur irreparable errors of
leadership, sluggishness and unreliability of execution, which lead to the inevitable catas-
trophe.

Also, an authoritarian family of petty bourgeois, peasallts, merchants or landowners

often disintegrates as a consequence of the development of the despotism of Its head. Not
taking Into account the personal life of his wife and children, not even perceiving it to any
extent, he deals Inexpediently with them, running against unexpected resistances, passes
from misunderstanding to animosity, which, of course, becomes mutual, and, finally, with
his own hands destroys the family ties, the basis of his power. Pictures of such disintegra-
tion of patrlarchally-organlzed family are one of the favourite plots of the old novelists.

In a separate organism, the brain is an egressive center. The environment is more

favourable for the brain than it is for other organs: the brain is protected from the external
environment, and the internal nutritious environment - the blood and lymph - is unevenly
distributed in Its favour. Naturally, the egressive difference grows: in the development of
the organism the relative significance of the brain and its "power" over the whole increase;
and this process is not Interrupted even when life begins to decline. The sum of accumulated
activities of the brain, expressed in the richness of experience and elaboration of methods,
reaches a maximum when other organs and the entire periphery are already weakened. Then
there is revealed a systemic contradiction, because the executing activities of other organs are
Inadequate for the organizational strength of the brain, and a part of them is fruitlessly
lost. SI/flUntJ"tI 58V11lt s'vtJlIll8fJ pouva/rf - "if only youth knew, if only old age could!"-
so popular wisdom noted the bitterness of this contradiction.

The solar and similar systems are examples of egression in the inorganic world. Their con-
tradictions can be captured with contemporary methods only theoretically. If, as this may
be assumed with the greatest foundation, the Sun, together with its planets, continues to
gather matter dispersed in the surrounding space, then after a sufficient passage of time it,
due to the augmentation of its mass, will inevitably attract and swallow these planets. And
if contemporary ideas concerning the structure of atoms are correct, then the fall of large
planets Into the Sun must lead to a significant disintegration of matter itself.

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 The method of settling contradictions of egression is, in principle, the same as that for
other forms of divergence, namely - contra~ifferentiation. This is what is observed, for ex-
ample, in some social groupings of this,type, and is usually called as their "democratization":
the governed take part in the direction of common affairs; the rulers, formerly in their com-
manding grandeur torn away from the living executing practice, are forced into a closer inter-
course with it; and systemic couplings are strengthened in this way. The newest revolutions.
In genera~ follow the lines of a similar contra-differentiation: the "boUrgeois" tended to a
merging, i.e., conjunction of estates, the ruling with the lower classes; the '4 soc ialists" will have
to face the problem of the amalgamation of classes. The circumstance that conjunction here
follows the forms of struggle or even war, as we already pointed out, does not change the sub-
sl:anceof the tektological fact

In egressive systems there are still other special contradictions. which depend not so
much on differentiation as on its incompleteness; they are observed in cases of so-called
"multi-centers." Harmoniously organized egression is characterized by a ringle center; and
if it is of a complex, chain type, then it has one higher, common center, and each group of
its members is directly connected with the one closest to it center and not with two or several
centers. But,ln reality,such a correct form of connection is far from being always observed:
systems are encountered with two or more chief centers, with the parallelism of connec-
tions of some lower centers, in short - not corresponding to the principle of a "single center."
Inasmudt as this is so, imbalance, contradictions and disorganization are exhibited in such
~ The determining Influence of one center on its periphery runs against the determin-
Ing influence 'of another, and unstable correlations re$Ult therefrom. Ancient wisdom
expresses this by a dictum on the theme that: "one servant cannot serve two masters."
And actually, the contradiction appears especially vividly in authoritarian form of egression;
and the ancients did nC)t know other forms; but the rule remains everywhere the same.

In our planetary system there is a single center - the Sun; the satellites are also con-
nec;ted with their planets by means of multl-centers; and the whole, according to our ideas,
is quite well balanced. Among double stars, however, the real "twins" are apparently also
encountered: pairs of approximately equal In mass suns, which rotate around their common
center of gravity. We, of course, do not yet know, if these suns have planets; but the exis-
tence of planets is not improbable. It can only be saJd with assurance that in quite a wide
belt between the suns, exactly where their attractions compete to a significant degree,
planets should not exist: calculations show that stable orbits should not be expected there.
If, however, common planets are possible, then only at such a great distance from bOth suns
where their action blends to a sufficient degree so that together they form a single center
for those planets or, more correctly, where this role Is performed by their common center of
gravity.

180
--
There exist, as it can be assumed according to some facts, star systems where a
bright satellite rotates around a black central body, giving radiant energy both to this
black body and to all other planets: one center exists for the activities of attraction, another
for the activities of "light and heat." Is this a double-center? No, these are simply two
different egressive organizations, relating to different activities, each with a single center;
both "suns," the black and the bright, do not compete with each other in their dlffsfsnt
centralist functions. Similarly, If the Earth ever becomes the center of life for all the planets
of our system- will populate them with its emigrants - this will not create any organiza-
tional contradiction with the central role of the Sun.

However, the question of double-centers is not always solved so simply. For example,
In feudal organizations of various countries and epochs there was the power of priests, on
the one hand, and the power of secular feudal lords, on the other. In some cases, the parallel
existence of both powers continued for centuries without a perceptible disorganization of
the social whole; in others, on the contrary, there were outbreaks of cruel struggle between
th em, wh Ich, through an enormous waste of effort, led to subjugation of this or that
side, i.e., generally to a single center. Why such differences?

The priest and the secular feudal lord are defined according to their original economic
significance as the "peacefully-productive" and the "military" organizers in a commune or
society: In the hands of one, the highest direction of peacefully..Jabouring practice of the col-
lective was concentrated, In the hands of another - the same direction of the military prac-
tice, so Important under feudalism with Its innumerable petty and large-scale wars. Each,
consequently, had his special field of gathering and concentration of social activities; and
inasmuch as this was so, we have here not one but two different egressions; double-centers
under these conditions do not occur, and a stable organization is possible.

But the linkage In social life is so close, its elements are so Intertwined, that discri-
mlf)'ltion between the two fields of activities is never complete: they partly intermingle, and the
central functions to some degree merge on this or that side. Thus, the upbringing of the
youth is generally in the hands of priests; however, a military leader also cannot help but
Interfere in this matter: he has to look after the preparation of cadres for his troops; and
his independent t;alculations may frequently be at variance with those of the priest - even
in questions of allocation of time of the learning youth. Sometimes, the fighting instincts
of warriors are revealed in the oppression of the more peaceful members of their own
commune, and the restoration of order then concerns both leaders, but their tendencies
may turn out to be In a practical contradiction: each defends his "own." Generally, the
sum of vital activities of a given organization is limited and, therefore, their concentration
around one authority often occurs at the expense of forces connected with another authority;
for example, the most intelligent students of the priest, whom he contemplates to have as

181
successors,are enticed from him into the army, and this leads to conflicts and struggle.

When, however, feudal exploitation develops widely, then contradictions and the S1ngte
of the two powers become a constant phenomenon. The entire "additional energy" of .
society, i.e., the entire surplus of activities assimilated by society from nature over its
labour expenditures serves as the field of exploitationi this is one and the same sum of the
real things - "the surplus product" - on which both ruling estates drawi the more one
taktsthe less remains for the other. This is quite a definite double-centrism; it develops into
a chronic, growing disorganization, Into a sharp struggle, right up to an annihilating· civil
war; such was the case during the latter part of the feudal epoch in many countries - Europe,
East-Indies, Palestine. Japan. etc. The only solution is a real slngle-centrism; that Is, the
transfer of supremacy to one side and subordination of the oth~; the fuller and the more
consistent it is. the more perfect and reliable is the cessation of disorganization.

It should be remembered that internal contradictions, though significant, will not im-
pede the existence of the system and even its program. if only the level of its organization
outweighs these contradictions. Therefore, there are numerous double-centered and multi-
centered egressions which are preserved and developed. There are many of them. especially.
in the realm of life. both elemental and social life. .

A vivid example of the most complex multi-centers is the economy of the old capita-
list society. Each of its component complexes - enterprises, has its special\center in the
person of the boss. owner, individual or a collective. Specific activities, organized in various
enterprises, are in part different, and in part, however. the same. They are different inas-
much as there is a social division of labour and. individual forms of productive activity di-
rected at production of these or those special products; they are the same inasmuch as In
each such branch there is not one, but several or a multitude of competing enterprises which
are bound together by the market into one common field of exploitation, where all the
types of labour activities have an Identical form of values. Hence a continual economic strug-
~ arises, characterising capitalism, and with It a corresponding waste of social energies:
that chronic, at times aggravating, Illness which was ascertained by the bourgeois science.
Notwithstanding, the capitalist society was not only preserved, but also developed fast,
because the total sum of its level of organization far surpassed the disorganizing moments.
However, this correlation cannot be maintained indefinitely: sooner or later, systemic con-
tradictions become so Intense that they surpass the organizational linkage; then a crisis
must ensue, leading either to its transformation, or to disintegration. a collapse.

Capitalism has already suffered such crises a number of times. and emerged from them
partly transformed by entering into increasingly newer phases of its development But the
multi-centers remained, though a number of centers decreased; and again the disorganizing

182
 forces grew right up to a new crisis. It turned out that with a fewer number of cent,ers,
economic contradictions can develop no less sharply, and generally speaking, even more
sharply. In the initial phases of industrial capitalism, when there was a great number of
small and average enterprises, disasters of competition were much weaker, and general crises
of production were not observed; when large enterprises became predominant, competition
intensified and general crises appeared; when tens and hundreds of enterprises began to unite
into syndicates or amalgamate Into trusts, the struggle became even more cruel, and the
waste of energies on it even more slgniflcant; when, however, groupings of financial capital,
binding thousands upon thousands of enterprises, embraced the entire capitalist world, the
whole matter came to an unprecendented deep crisis - the World War, with its collossal
disorganization of human energies.

This appears at first sight to be a kind of tektological paradox: if a deviation from

the single center brings about disorganization, then, it would seem, the greater the number
of centers, the greater disorganization, and the closer their union, the smaller their disorga-
nization. But the paradox can be explained in a straightforward way if the significance of
egression Is taken into account. Egression concentrstes activities. If the number of centers
decreases, and the system Itself is preserved in former dimensions or grows - as is the case
under capitalism - then, this means that the activities - here especially socia-economic -
are concentrated in it with a greater force; they become relatively more intensive. And dis-
organization depends here on the fact that with the independence of separate centers the
activities organized by them are not coordinated, but can come into conflict with each other.
It is clear that conflicts of more concentrated activities, i.e., more significant and intensive
activities, are able to bring about a sharper and deeper disorganization. Tektologically, it
Is quite similar to the clash of huge boulders in their elemental motion, Instead of the multi-
tude of tiny bodies, from which they originated. '

It is easy to illustrate once more the sjgnifican~e of organizational science on the prin-
ciple of a single center. In the history of Russian social-democracy there is an example
of a naive violation of this principle which led to considerable harmful consequences. At
tho Congress of 1903, the direction of the party was entrusted at first to two centers, the
editorial board of the central organ and the central committee. Of course, this was done
for various political considerations arising from the grouping of forces at the congress;
but the important thing is that no consideration was given beforehand to the organizational
Outcomes of this decision. If the question was stated thus, then it would have been easy to
ascertain that these were two inescapably competing establishments, since their field of acti-
vities, as outlined in general and as a whole, was Identical: Its essence was contained in poli-
tical direction of the party. There was a vague, instinctive feeling that the roles should be .
divided so that one center would organize one set of activities, and the other - another:
"literary" and "practical"; but the most moderate organizatonal analysis would have shown

183

en
 that literary activities only serve for the organization of the same practical activities and
cannot constitute a special system; and the histaical experience of feudalism with its struggle of
the "spiritual" and "secular" centers should have been a sufficient warning. The double-cen-
trism had severely aggravated the internal strife between the two hardly outlined trends with-
, in the party and caused a great waste of energies, which were needed for the external struggle -
and this helped to create a split in the party. In view of this severe experience, double-
centrism was unanimously rejected after two years; but the same could have been done
from the very beginning with great benefits to the cause, if the party were built according
to scientifically ..organizational principles, on the basis of past tektological experience of
mankind, and not gropingly, through instinctive attempts and rejection of forms which turned
out to be in fact unfOrtunate and only succeeded in bringing harm~

Similar errors, on the part of individuals and entire collectives, are always possible and
will be repeated for as long as the organizational consciousness of people is not shaped into
a precise and strict science.

We have mentioned the universal scale of egression. At the same time we have ex-
plained the inevitable limit to any given egression. There is no contradiction here if we take
into account the fact that though the scale relating to our universe, to the field of labour
and experience of mankind, is continually unfolding, it remains nevertheless limited at any
given time. The universal egression is the connection of mankind and external
nature.. The human collective, in all its practice and cognition, appears as the organizing
center for the rest of nature: it "subordinates" nature and "rules" over nature to the extent
of its energies and experience. These expressions are metaphors which are taken from so-
ciallife a~d from authoritarian forms; but here the real linkage is expressed- the universal
egression, whose boundaries are continually broadened, is forged by labour and thought.

Mankind is in a "struggle" with nature; this is also a metaphor. expressing a disorgani-

zing correlation; inasmuch as disorganization exists, egression, of course, is absent, because
. there is not a single system. But inasmuch as the labour collective "conquers" nature, gains
mastery over the various activities of nature and concentrates them as its own activities, it
becomes the central, determining canplex for the "conquered" complexes of nature: a single
egressive system is formed here, and besides, what is especially important, this system is
characterized by a chain egression.

Other animals, in their struggle for survival, also master various activities and resis-
tances of the surrounding environment: they build dwellings, and gather supplies, etc. But
animals caMot succeed in what man has succeeded, and what constitutes his basic distinc-
tion from the animal world: to make this egression a chain egression - having mastered cer-
tain complexes of external activities, to rule with their sid over others. Therein lies the objec-

184
tlve s,lgnlflcance of the utilization of /nstnIr1enI3. The animal organizes elements of the environ-
ment only by means of the organs of its body; man with an aid of his organs controls instru-
ments, and by means of instruments controls other external objects: in egression there was
added still another link. The result is a tremendous broadening and departu~e from the con-
straints which are posited for animals by the limitation of their organs.

In this respect,mankind had experienced one grandiose revolution; that is, the transi-
tion from manual to machine production. In manual labour, organs of the human body con-
trol the Instruments directly; thus, the number of instruments in action cannot exceed definite
limits, on which then also depend the limits of human "ma~tery over nature." In machine
production a new link of egression - a mechanism - is introduced between the hand of man
and the working tool. Thus, a new broadening of egression is also achieved, and quite a sig-
nificant one at that: the mechanism is free from the biologicallirilitation of organs of the
body and can control at the same time an indefinitely large number of instruments. Sub-
sequently, the egression developed in a form of a chain of mechanisms, where some of them
put Into motion or regulated others. In this way machine technology creates conditions for
an Indefinitely growing concentration of the activities of nature in the service of mankind -
for an organization of the world under its control.

3. The Origin and Significance of Degression

In the preceding discussion we have often encountered the notion of organizational

plasticity. It denotes a mobile, flexible character of couplings of the complex, and ease in
regrouping of its elements. It has a tremendous significance for organizational develop-
ment. The more plastic is the complex, the greater is the number of combinations that can
be formed under any conditions which change it, the richer is the material of selection, and
the faster and more fully is Its adaptation to these conditions. For example, the concentration
of activities at those points where it is required according to the law of the minimum, i.e.,
Where, let us assume, external influences threaten the destruction of a part of the complex, is
possible only with an appropriate plasticity. If life conquers dead nature, if the fragile
human brain has mastery over fire and steel, it is precisely because of its plasticity. Plasti-
city ofthe living protoplasm Is the basis of the entire biological and social evolution.

Tektologlcal progress, based on plasticity, leads to complex/ty of organizational forms,

since adaptations to newer and newer changing conditions are accumulated in them. In its
turn, complexity is favourable to the development of plasticity, since it enlarges. the richness
of possible combinations. Therefore, In general, the higher is the level of organization, the
morc complex and plastic it is.

But there is also another aspect: parallel with these positive features there grows

185
one, also quite important, negative property: "tenderness" or "vulnerability" of organiza-
tion. The mobility of elements permits also a relatively easy destruction of connections
among them; and the canpiexity of internal equilibria of a system also means their relative in-
stability. A vivid illustration of this is the human brain. This i~ the most highly organized
of all biological complexes, the most intricate, the most plastic, but also the most tender
complex; it can be disorganized by the most insignificant harmful influences, once they
gain access to it.

One of the most typical tektological contradictions is here before us: the growth of
organization in certain directions is achieved at the expense of its reduction in othe~s. From
this contradiction a problem springs up which must be resolved by organizationardeve-
lopment; the problem of course, in the objective meaning of the word, denoting precisely
the necessary line of development. let us elucidate this more concretely.

Let there be a living free cell in the water environment, one of the simplest orga~
nisms, a microscopic being of protoplasm In a dynamic eqUilibrium with its environment.
The equilibrium reduces to an exchange of substances and energy. The cell assimilates
some materials from outside and discharges others. The latter are generally denoted as
"skeletal" products; they are the result of decomposition of tissues of the cell itself and the
waste matter from processing the elements of the environment captured by it. Some
of these skeletal products are directl y harmful to the cell; they are .. toxic," they des troy
it if they accumulate in it or come in contact with it; others are more or less neutral; all
of them, in general, are characterized,of course, by a lower level of organization in compa-
rison with the protoplasm. The products which are more neutral may temporarily accumu-
late around the cell, or even inside it, without a special damage to it. With their lower level
of organization, some of them may turn out to be considerably more durable in relation
to many influences Which are destructive to the cell. If these influences, being diverted
against the skeletal products, are thereby paralyzed and do not reach the cell, then for the
cell this is a straight vital advantage, and the processes of selection will continue in this
direction in order to maintain, to a certain extent, connections between the cell and such
skeletal products. For example, if lime salts are dissolved in the water environment, then
the cell, discharging carbon dioxide during its breathing, inevitably deposits inside and ci.-
round itself carbonic lime; this lime is able to 'serve as a protection for the cell, form-
ing an external skeleton, or to enlarge the mechaf'!ical stability of its form when deposited
inside. Lime skeletons of many rhizopods were formed in this way, for example, those,
which are composed of chalk layers - and also skeletons of some po/ips and many
molluscs. In other cases,a similar role is performed by other discharged substances: cellu-
lar tissue forming the external membrane of most plant cells, silica with some simplest
cells, chitins in the case of crawfish, spiders, and insects, etc.

J86
 Man possesses an ex ternal skeleton of a corneous tissue of epidermis and bones lying un-
der it -- the spine and others. The first protects the body from most of the harmful phy-
sical and chemical influences, the second gives it a general mechanical stability. But it
should not be thought that these are fundamentally different organliational adaptations:
their role Is In essence homogeneous. If the body is influenced, for example, by mechani-
cal forces aiming to break or deform it, then these forces encounter a resistance at first in
the skin with it.s epidermis; when, however, this turns out to be inadequate, then due to
the resilience.of the skin and softness of tissues under It, these forces, while not yet break-
Ing connect/ons of the tissues and only deforming them, are passed on to the internal, osseous
skeleton, whose firmness usually paralyzes them, continuing the function of the external,
skin skeleton. In different animals this or that skeleton serves as a substitute for the other;
for example, In the case of Insects the chitinous membrane and of most mol-
luscs the shell make the Internal skeleton superfluous; but in the case of cuttlefish, the so-
ealled "bone" is lu skeleton, whIch is composed of carbonic lime, and not from phos-
phoric-acid lime, as is the case with our bones; in essence, this is an internal shell instead
of an external one; it provides stability to the soft body of the mollusc against the influ-
ences which deform or break It

It should be noted that we now use the words "internal" and "external" in their
usual, spatIa/sense; but for tektology, the science about organizational relationships, their
meaning must Inevitably be a different one. The microbes of various Illnesses are spatially
located inside the body, but tcktologically they are an tJxtsrnal force to it, for they do not
belong to Its organlzat/on;thls Is another organizational form alien to the body and con-
tending with it On the other hand, if several workers work at one machine, then as far as
their system of collaboration Is concerned, their relation to this machine, which binds them
together, Is an IntlJrnal connection of the system, although this Is a relation to a spatially-
external object. And from this point of view the spatially-internal skeleton is, of course, a
protection against external disorganizing influences.

Further, there are no bases for contrasting tektologically the protective and offensive
functions of the skeletal parts. For example, the role of claws and teeth appears to be
quite different from the role of other corneous and skeletal elements. But for organi-
zational science all activities and resistances are correlative, so that the difference between
the protectlon of plastic parts of the system from activities against which they are not able
to resist on their own, and the overcoming by them of resistances which they cannot over-
come directJy reduces to the choice of a point of view, so to speak, or the position of the
Investigator.

Skeletal complexes should not necessarily be perceived as being firmer or harder in

a mechanical sense. When a pursued cuttlefish surrounds i1slef with a cloud of ink-liquid,

187
 making the water opaque so that the efforts of an enemy cannot be precisely directed and
fail to achieve their objective, this is also a temporary external skeleton of the cuttlefish,
opposing only a special group of destructive environmental forces, the energy of animals
which are guided by sight. In the case of some animals, the zone surrounding them of spe-
cific sme\l, repulsive to other animals is the same kind of an "external skeleton"; even the
colouring of some harmless insects, imitating the colouring of other poisonous ones, and
thus deflecting an attack of many predators, etc., is such a skeleton.

Such is the typical origin of "skeletal" forms in the realm of life: they arise at the
expense of the organizationally lower groupin~, which are discharged, or "disassimilated"
by plastic complexes. However, they are much more widespread than this - - plasticity
and firmness are peculiar, in various degrees, to aU the levels of organization. Therefore,
we shall replace the customary, but quite narrow designation. of the "skeletal form"
by a new term - "degression," which means in Latin - "descent down," without impart-
ing to it, of course, such a negative meaning as is. imparted to such related words as "degra-
dation" (decline), or "regress" (backward movement). On the contrary, degression is an
organizational form of a tremendous positive significance: only degression makes a higher
development of plastic forms possible, fixing, securing their activities, and protecting
tender combinations from their rough environment.

Hence, we have a gigantic breadth of application of degression in the technical life '
of society. Here belong clothing - an additional external skeleton of the body - and a
dwelling, an analogous skel~ton of a higher order; cases and boxes for the preservation of
all kinds of products of labour, and vessels for liquids, etc. Here, naturally, the material
for degression may be of other than "skeletal" origin, not from waste matter of the vital
exchange with the environment, but generally any material which is suitable for the techni-
cal problem in question. This relates not only to human technology, but equally well to
its embryos in the animal kingdom. Fistular worms, certain larvae and other animals make
protective casings for themselves out of whatever hard particles can be found - grains
of sand, tiny shells and bits of wood, etc., and they usually do this by sticking them
together with special secretions. Nests of birds, hives of bees and wasps, and other similar
structures - collective external skeletons - are built mainly· out of suitable elements of the
external environment; although here the discharged skeletal substances in the form of
cement are also sometimes intermixed.

As far as inorganic nature is concerned, we can consider the hard bed of a lake or
river channel as a natural vessel for water, protecting the form of the plastic liquid com-
plex;and when a part of water freezes on the surface, the ice complements this degres-
sion. Even the surface layer of liquids,in general, with its special mechanical properties
. making it a sort of stretched resilient membrane, performs analogous functions; for an

188
Individual dn>p of water it forms a kind of an invisible vessel, determining and to a certain
extent protecting its form.

Symbols of various kinds, in particular the most typical and widespread of them -
the word, represent an extraordinarily important and interesting case of degression. The
word is a peculiar center uniting a whole series of notions, their entire "association";
for example, the word "man" binds together for our psychics thousands, perhaps, millions
of notions about people existing now, In the past or in the future, taken from the. most
different stages of their development and under the most different conditions. This is a
center, but not an egressive one; the uniting role of the word is not based on its higher
level of organization, but on its greater stability and firmness. Notions, mental images and
memories of derivative complexes, grouping In masses, at times quite countless, in asso-
ciation "according to likeness," Influencing each other and Inter-m ingling, have a
tendency to disintegrate in the psychic environment Again and again rising from among
others, they are reproduced partially each time and with variations; their chains inter- .
twine; their accumulation would have finally produced as a result a completely confused,
chaotic tissue, if they were not bound and retained in separate groups by stable, firm com-
plexes: . words, and also other symbols, such as, for ex;tmple, scientific signs and schemes,
and works of art, etc.

The symbol is a complex which is generally not more highly organized than any of
the notions united by it; it Is enough to compare even the same word "man" with a con-
crete psychiL image of man. And it would be incorrect to say that the word "determines"
changes of the notions connected with it; this also does not happen because the word is
incomparably less changeable and less plastic then they are; and such are also other symbols.
The point 15 exactly in this stability: symbols fix, i.e., fasten, hold and protect from decay
the living plastic tissue of mental images, completely analogously to how the skeleton
fixes the living, plastic tissue of the colloidal proteins of our body.

Usually it is said of symbols that they "convey" their content The term "to convey"
refers to a definite social connection: the connection of mutual understanding, i.e., psychic
Intercourse and transfer of all kinds of experiences among members of the social whole;
with the aid of symbols, especially words, people communicate them to each other. And
indeed, the origin of symbols is social: it is exactly t11e social need in securing and fixing of
the labour experience that became the initial point of their development It is quite natural
and clear that only the nxed material of experience can be communicated from one man to
another and stored within a collective; and, on the other hand, only the social retention and
collective storage of experience and of Its forms brings this material Into the field of science,
any science In general,and tektology In particular: purely individual retention and storage
would have had an Inevitable end with the death of the organism.

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 It is interesting to note that the basic groups of these forms of degression, the words,
also originated from peculiar "wastes" of human evolution. According to a brilliant theory
of Ludwig Noire, "the original roots" of speech were labour interjections and involuntary
shouts accompanying a collective action: these shouts were by themselves understandable
to all, through the designation of corresponding labour acts. So, for example, we also, not
seeing workers behind the wall, but hearing thesound "ooh," escaping from them would
have guessed that they pufled something with effort; or, on board ship, from the sound "hop.
la," we would understand that sailors are lifting something heavy; this comprehension was
the.initial point of development of such sounds into words and into elements of speech.
But such interjections are brought about; in essence, by "superfluous" and "unnecessary"
muscular contractions: besides the muscles which work strictly for a practical aim, other
muscles also contract - the vocal cords, throat muscles, tongue, and lips, etc., and as a con·
sequence the air expired from the chest produces quite a definite sound vibration which is
appreheflded by all who surround it. Physiology explains that such "superfluous" can·
tractions occur with any moderately significant effort: they are the result of the "irradiation"
of nervous excitation in the motor centers of the brain, i.e., this excitation, being
not limited by the basic working centers, spreads from·them through associative side-paths to
oth~r sufficiently close parts. Irradiation affects now these and now those muscles: with
lifting of a great weight, the face becomes distorted and the feet tremble; with writing,
children unaccustomed to it put out .their tongues; with a gymnastic mode of lifting one-
self up by hands, the feet twitch, etc.; sound refleJ(es are only a particular case. All are,
of course, an unnecessary waste of activities of the organism, and, in general, the evolu·
tionary process rejects them, or, more correctly, reduces them to a minimum: so-called
purity or distinctness of movements in gymnastics or work reduces to the contraction of
only those muscles which are strictly necessary for the performance of the task; reflexes of
irradiation are rejected as the skeletal elements are also rejected. But, as we see, in the
social evolution of people a part of these reflexes, namely the sound, is used for the reten·
tion of experience of labour processes, i.e., the experience of motor efforts, which is the
basis of any experience in general. Let us take the Aryan root "ku" or "sku." from which
in Russian, Latin, German and other related languages a multitude of words originated 'with
the meaning "to dig" and various words similar to it Its origin was, probably, a sound
escaping from the worker as a result of pressure of the chest against some primitive instru·
ment which was used for digging, a prototype of the spade. Already then many of the
various labour reactions were fixed by this one "word:" The execution of the act of digging
by each worker was evidently changing as it was perfected; and with various peOple it was
generally even more different. But later the same word denoted all that was able to call
forth in man a living, "impelling notion" about the act of digging: not only its perfor.
mance by the mentioned instrument, but any digging, even by hands, consisting of com.
pletely different mo.oements; subsequently, scraping of a cavity in a piece of wood or stone
(the word "to scrape" is of the same root not in vain); later, the analogous work not of man,

190
but of a mole or d shrew; Idler, the instrument of digging itself; the dugup earth; and the.
cave, though of a natural origin, etc. To the childish impulsiveness of the savage, any such
perceptions or even a living image of anything similar was sufficient in order to provoke
in his brain an involuntary impulse toward an act of digging, and with it also an impulse to
pronounce the "word" in this its primitive form.

It Is clear how much more stable was the "word" than that "content" which was
formed by it. Nevertheless, of course, all this was still a relative stability. The nervous-
muscular reaction Itself, creating the word, does not occur each time in absolutely the same
way, but with definite change§ under different conditions; that is why the sounds of
Y.Of'~ also c.hanF; on such changeability the entire historical development of languages Is
based i the selection acts In such a way that a definite change in the original root is bound
with a definite change in the complex of notions which is "conveyed" by it. The degree
of this and that changeability is different - it is considerably lesser for the word than for
the secured content; and this is exactly what is needed for degression. 1

The most extensive and at the same time the most plastic system with which cog-
nition may deal is the system of experience in its living, unfolding whole: the totality of
things and Images, accessible to the exertlons and ~t of mankind and to Its organizing
efforts. The content of this system is constantly changing: each moment brings into the
field of experience new combinations of activities carrying away certain former ones. The
"external environment" of this system is all that has not been achieved and Is unknown,
and all that stili lies outside human effort, perception, calculation and foresight; our world,
the world of physical and psychic experience as a whole, expands in the collective struggle
with this environment and in the process of our conquest of this environment. And it is
never possible to envisage either the extent or the significance of the new things that will
cnter the field of labour, to what elements the investigation will reach, and what combina-
tions and forms will be created. It is clear that degression is indispensable for such a
system- a degres5ion which would be able to fix both the old and the new, and which,
while not permitting the entire content of our IJxplJrienctJ to dissipate in infinity and un-
certainty, would expand itself together with the environment, indefinitely and limitlessly,
as much as it may be necessary. The spatial net and the ladder of tlmB are exactly such
universal forms of degression.

1
When II HaNOUl-muscular word reliction occura Ilt a weakened level. lounds may not appear at all: the
word I. not "pronounced," but u only "thought" 0(, and Is Inaccessible to other people. Thought
It Inurnal opeech. Ita elements -"concepti" - are, cOI1.'i~guently, a1ao degressive, "skeletal."

191
 Space creates a kind of indissoluble net from threads and abstract lines, going in three
basic directions (length, width, height) and constantly crossing each other. In the loops of
this fabric are placed, receiving a definite location thereby, all sorts of things and images,
similar to geographic representations which are located on a map in the loops of an indexed
net. Time is represented in the form of a continuously rising ladder with countless steps -
moments; each of them serves as a support for securing facts and events. What is not
related to this net and this ladder is lost for human experience, dissipates and is irretrievably
lost, as are lost forgotten dreams.

In order to reach a universal scale, this and that degression must unfold without limit
How is this realized? Through a periodic structUf'fJ, i.e., a homogeneous repetition of corre-
lations. Two neighbouring loops of the spatial net are tied together in exactly the same way
as any other two neighbouring loops; two successive steps of the ladder of time - in an
identical way as any other two successive steps. With such a form of organization new links
can be added to it in all directions without end.

But from this another, special uncertainty and instability must spring up. Homoge-
neous, repeating correlations are in themselves Indistinguishable for human consciousness;
and if they are intermingled for it, then the plastIc·content of human experience must also
merge and dissipate. Consequently, for this universal egression still another egression is also
necessary, which would fix it and give it a strict certainty; i.e., the egression of a higher or-
der. If space and time are the skeleton of living experience, then this skeleton needs a
backbone. It is necessary to have stable and immovable lines in space and in time - a firmly
established moment frpm which to depart and to which to refer, as if securing every-
thing else with their aid. These are so-called universal coordinat6$ of space and time; such,
for example, are the lines of north-south, east-west, up-down, the moment of the "Birth of
Christ," or any other "era," in every-day experience. Astronomy establishes scientifically
similar coordinates; for it, the haven of immovable stars and the regular motions of cosmic
. bodies serve as such a firm base. In the memory of mankind the outlines of star clusters
have not as yet changed noticeably- 50 insiJ1ificant, althooWt enormous fran our point of view, is
the speed of their motions when compared with their collossal distances that the structural
lines of this system are for us practically unchanging. On the other hand, if we take the
mutual location of planets, the Sun and the stars at any moment, then it will not be re-
peated in strictness ever again; this location can also be taken as a definition of one stable
point in the chain of moments in order to calculate other moments from this point in
both directions; and it will turn out to be an "era" of a precise calendar. Any.point in
space and any moment in time is bound with the universal coordinateS by means of measures
which are used to calculate distances between points and intervals between moments.

Such is the scientific, i.e., c·ollectively worked out human system of coordinates.

192
And their first; Initial system for any individual organism reduces to the basic directions of
the body itself. The constancy, however, of these directions depends on a stable mutual po-
sition of parts of the body; and this stability is determined by the Structure of the skeleton;
and for man, in particular, the main coordinate, a vertical line (up-down), corresponds to the
normal position, depending on the anatomy of his spine. Consequently, our comparison of
the uhivcr!lal coordinates with It is not an accidental, single metaphor; it is, Indeed, the biolo-
gical origin of our universal coordinates of experience and their vital prototype.

Various elements of substance and energy constantly enter our organism and con·
stantly are removed from it. In this continuous, agitated current the storage and accumula·
tJon of any activities are only pc65/blethanks to the skeletal tissues which fix them and
support the form of the whole body; without these tissues the organism would have dis-
Integrated just like a river when It is deprived of its hard bed. Into the system of experience
newer and newer elements of activities also continually enter from the ocean of the inacces·
sible and the unknown surrounding it; and other elements depart from it thereto. No storage
and accumulation of experience would have been possible, and our entire experience would
have dissipated into chaos, if every content were not fixed in experience by a linkage with
definite points in space and moments In time, and If It were not put into ready, firm
frames of this universal skeletal tissue, which Is more durable than steel and diamonds, with
all the "perfection" of their structure.

4. The Development and Contradictions of Degression

Let us Investigate a typical development ofdegresslve systems. Each such system can·
sists, as was explained, of two parts: a more organized, but less stable part In relation to cere
taln destructive influences; we will denote It as a "plastic" part, - and a less organized,
but more stable part; we will denote It as a "skeletal" part. Let us assume that the entire sys-
tem Is generally under conditions of positive selection; how will it change?

If there are no special conditions particularly favourable to the skeletal part then,
evidently, the processes of growth and complication will be stronger and faster in the plas-
tic part which 15 more organized and better able to assimilate; the skeletal part, which is
less able to assimilate, must then lag bilhlnd. Their former equilibrium, consequently, is
disturbed: the "skeleton," binding the plastic part of the system, alms to contain It with·
in the framework of its form, and thereby to retard its growth, to d.llmlt its development.

This theoretical conclusion is quite justified In reality; there are numerous examples "-
of this in all the fields of experience. So, it is exactly the osseous skeleton which is the
basic reason for a halt in the growth of the entire human body: when the bones fully
harden ("OSSification" of main parts of the skeleton), then they almost cease to develop;

193
and the plastic tissues, attached to them, are hampered thereby in their growth, which now
occu~ within narrow limits, and having reached them it stops. The brain, for example,
being contained from all sides in the skull, which ossifies to a significant extent quite early,
increases in its mass more slowly then other plastic tissues, although it has a higher organi·
zation than they do, - and develops predominantly in the direction of complexity. The
skull of a gorilla ossifies even earlier and is distinguished by a tremendous firmness: . it is
much thicker than our skull, and where we have "seams" which sligtltly enlarge the plas·
ticity, the gorilla has thick and high bone crests. Because of this the growth of the gorilla's
brain stops at quite an early age, and the size of its brain is comparatively smaller than in
mal"!., several times smaller. The external skeletons, chitinous and corneous covers in many
insects, crustacea, and vertebrates, lagging behind the plastic tissues in the process of growth,
begin to vitally hamper them; then these casings must be broken and replaced by new and
more spacious ones, ~ch usually happens from time to time. With certain snakes a single
or several rings of the snake's former slougtl remain while the body continues to grow;
these rings progressively squeeze the body, not only because of the lack of stretchft1s. but
also because of drying up and compressing; then the snake perishes due to the loss of
connections with the mechanism of nutrition.

The same is true in other fields. The clothing of a baby does not grow with his body;
it expands a little at best, and then increasingly hampers his movements or tears. A dwell·
ing does not enlarge with the growth of its inhabitants; hence, by the way, spring up all
the cruel consequences of the congestion of people in large cities.. Also, a vessel does not ex·
tend with the addition of a liquid; and even if it extends as, for example, does a rubber
vessel with its elastic walls, then it still hinders the accumulation of liqu id by its pressure,
or stops its inflow at a definite level, or bursts. Similarly, a hard river bed, the natural
vessel of the flowing water, opposes the increase of the water mass; the tigtlter and more
abrupt is the river bed, the greater is the opposition, i.e., the more degressively it embraces
the water. Moreover, an increased inflow of water leads to a growth in the speed of its
current, i.e., to a more energetic removal of water; at the same time, the destruction of
shores becomes more intensive. In this destruction the contradiction of systemic devel·
opment between the plastic and "skeletal" parts of the complex is expressed. The ice cover
intensifies this contradiction by making the degression more complete and more closed;
the spring flood graphically reveals it by breaking up the restraining ice, as the growth of
the snake breaks up its slough.

An especially important and interesting case is present social degreaions - the realm
of "ideologies."

We have seen that symbols in general, and their main group, - words and concepts
- in particular, perform a skeletal role for the socia-psychic content. All and any Ideology

194
Is formed from such elements and symbols of various kinds: opinions, theories, and dog-
mas, just as rules, laws and other norms are formed from words-concepts; artistic com~
plexes are formed from special symbols of art. Consequently, the nature of ideologies.
is generally degressive, skeletal, with all the related features. This is supported at every
step by concrete investigations.

So, beginning ~ith the slmpl~t example, the word not only secures the living content of
experience, but also hampers the future development of experience by its conservatism.
In sGience and philosophy, the customary but obsolete terminology is often a serious
obstacle to progress, preventing the mastery over new material, and distorting the meaning
of new facts which it cannot express fully and precisely. But this contradiction appears even
more vividly in the development of more complicated complexes - ideas, norms and
their $ystems. The term "ossification of dogm a," which Is used In mation to religious, scientific,
Juridical, political and social doctrines, is not In vain borrowed from the physiology of the
skeleton: their lagging behind in the process of evolution from the living content of lifei
their retarding role is tektologlcally the same as that of any other skeleton.

Dogma Is a system of theoretical ideas and norms, embracing a certain living

content, a definite sum of cognitive and practical material. Thus, the dogma In religious
systems, at first verbal, and then fixed by sacred books, formalized the historical expe-
rience of nations and secured their mode of life, their economic and political organiza-
tJon, and, often, even the methods of technology. All this was contained in the religious
dogma, and all this was changing, of course, much faster than the dogma itself. There
occurred a divergence between it and life, and its conservatism restrained and retarded the
development of life, as did, for example, the catholicism of Europe during the Middle Ages and
the beginning of the New times, the orthodoxy here, and the biblical and talmudistic dogma
- to this day among the mass of Jewish people. The new living content, bursting out of
the framework of the old dogma, created new degresslve forms for itself: along with the
religious systems of Ideas and norms there were worked out scientific and philosophical
ones. The former dogma, separating itself from the growing practice and experience, was
thereby deprived of nourishment and atrophied; the new systems captured all that was
more and more vital, and the old content, which was thus partly absorbed and partly
made obsolete, disintegrated. For example, for a catholic of the Middle Ages, the scrip-
tures determined cosmogonical, astronomical, and generally, biological views, etc.; and in
our time even the most devout catholics, ·more or less educated, adhere to scientific ideas
and theories in all of this; the dogma of the scriptures In these fields of knowledge be-
came, as it Is usual to speak, a "dead letter," I.e., symbols without content, an empty and
dried up membrane. Cases were also observed, such as the divine worship and sacred
books of the fire-worshipping Persians, when a part of the symbols lost through distortions.
and oblivion any meaning, and no one, not even the custodians of the ancient dogma them-

195
selves - the priests - can understand, Le, relate to them any, even the antiquated content.

In a similar way, a juridical or moral norm often loses its previous content: the pro-
gress of life not only advances the relationships which cannot be contained in it any
longer, but also creates new norms which regulate the entire content relating to it previous-
ly together with a new content that has emerged; the old norm does not then bind, or
binds very little that is vital; such, for example, is the preservation of positions which
became "sinecures," idleness, - tides corresponding to vanished social functions-
formalism in the conduct of business which had lost its significance, but whJch is practi-
cally restraining - that which is well designated as "lifeless formalism," or the "power
of the dead letter," etc. And where new norms have not yet been completely formed or
have not been adequately secured in life, then the obsolete norms may perform quite a
destructive role for the growing life - as, for example, the laws of the now worthless, but
continuing to exist governmental structure of our pre-revolutionary Russia, or the rules of
morality of the lower middle classes under contemporary tendencies in the family life of
the working classes, etc.

There were cases when obsolete religious and political forms had arrested the deve-
lopment of entire societies, and even led to a prolonged decay of entire countries. In Spain
of the XVII - XVIII centuries, the vestiges of catholicism and feudalism did almost what
the remnants of the dead slough do to the organism of a sna.ke.

So far we have considered cases when the system as a whole finds itself under the
conditions of positive selection. The regularity Is the same under the general conditions of
negative selection: the plastic part succumbs more quickly to destructive influences, the
skeletal, being more stable, lags behind. For example, with the intensifying exhaustion
of the organism, the internal and external skeleton is still preserved for some time in almost
the original form. Also, with a gradual decline of organizations of a social type, their formal
aspect decays more slowly than its vital content.

Such are the systemic correlations in the development of degression. We see that
contradictions are tektologically inescapable here, and that they emerge from the very
nature of degression. It is possible, however; to reduce them to the lowest magnitude, and
to constrain the waste of activities within the framework of what is absolutely necessary
~ the kno\\4edgeamunderstanding of their significance and regularity. It is here that
systematized tektologfcal knowledge is required.

Thus, in the field of social degressions - political forms, legalistic and other
norms, and various doctrines, etc., ..:.. tektology will allow an objective investigation of
each case with respect to the content which a given degression has organizationally secured

196
from the very beginning, the preservation and changes in this content, additions and subtrac-
tions from it, the correlation of a given form with a given content, the possibi'lity of another form
more suitable for it, and the firmness of the former form and the timeliness of its destruction,
etc. During this practical, scientifically based directives automatically emerge.

Tektologlcal knowledge can be applied even more broadly to organizations which are
structured formally and systematically, such as enterprises, unions, parties, and scientific
establisments in our time, etc. Regulations or rules of order, official programmes, and
technical or tactical directives, etc., represent their "skeletal" forms. While these forms are
being worked out, the question ought to be posited concerning the degree of their elasti-
city, and the ease of changing them with subsequent growth and development of the orga·
nlzatlon. Usually this Is not done, and consideration is given only to the firmness of forms
and their conformity to the Immediato problems of the organization. As a result there
may later occur quite severe contradictions of the skeletal conservatism - a severe expres-
sion of the power of organizational laws, hanging over people as long they themselves do
not master these laws.

The upbringing of children Is the field where the lack of knowledge of degression is
particularly telling. Here tektology must provide Important and broad practical instructions.

So, contemporary upbringing introduces into the psychics of a child many ideas and
norms of a speciai kind whose purpose is not to provide dlrec:tions for his future active
IIf6, but only to facilitate and simplify the work of educators themselves. Here belong,
for example, imaginary and sometimes deliberately false explanations which are given to
children because of excessively complex or ticklish points, and many rules of behavior
which would have been unsuitable and even quite harmful for adults. These are "temporary"
skeletal forms for the youthful soul. Obviously, scientific ideology should reduce them to
a possible minimum, jf it cannot remove them altogether; and then it is obliged to take c:are
of their timely removal, so that they will not be implanted more than necessary and have
time to ossify. This will help to avoid a great waste ofenergy in the subsequent deve-
lopment of the child.

So, for example, the child is told not be secretive, or that he should never tell a lie.
This is convenient for educators; but in contemporary reality a man is doomed to perish
if he Is unable to hide his (eelin", in many cases, and also at times to lie expedientJy. The
educator should begin to :toften these rules appropriately ahead of time, and take the
Initiative to limit them ina way which would not lead to demoralization, i.e., would not
disorganize the social aspClCt of the child's psychics. And to this day, even if this is some-
times done, It is not at all done in the interests of the child, not out of concern for the

197
future waste of energy, but for petty, practical considerations; for example, the child is
told that for the sake of uprightness he should not speak unpleasantly to adults. How
often parents, admiring the purity of the soul of their children, do not even imagine how
costly this purity will turn out to be to the youth at the first coarse clashes with life -
what storm of anguish and disgust with himself will be caused by the first forced violations
of the too wel~ learned norms.

Another extraordinarily common error is the implanting of modesty in children and

chastity in juveniles - in the form of an absolute character. Crises of sexual develop-
ment are excessively aggravated through thJs: a break-up of the moral skeleton to the physio-
logical shock is added.

Upbringing must generally aim at the greatest flexibility and elasticity of the de-
gressive forms of. the youthful psychics. There are various means of doing this; one of
the main ones is an early introduction of historism into the system of instruction; the
use of vivid and graphic historical illustrations. By carrYing himself mentally into the
cultural life of distant epochs of the past and alien nations, the child learns, at least partial·
Iy, to put his experience into a framework which is different from that created for him by
his environment and provided by the school. This prevents a complete ossification of the
acquired ideas and norms,and facilitates their transformation when this becomes. necessary.

Such examples clearly Illustrate the tremendous practical significance of the law
of degression. In fact,no lesser is its theoretical significance; this can be illustrated by one
of the moments of the analysis already performed by us. It was sufficient to explain that
ideas, norms and political institutions are, in essence, degressive forms for the organiza-
tion of vital activities of society, and, as conclusions, certain principles have em erged
YA1ich can be used as guides in socio- historical investigation, and which were acquired
before with great difficulty in other ways: (1) all these forms ("ideological") depend on the
vital activities of society ("socio-Iabouring"~ and are determined by them; (2) in the
process of development they are all more cofI$8fVfJtive than their soc:io-Iabouring con-
tent - a plastic part of the social system; they are preserved even when it has already out-
grown them; and the time wjll inevitably come when they will become a constraint and an
obstacle to its progress, so that their break-up and destruction become an organiza-
tional necessity. The regularity of social revolutions in this sense turns out to be homo-
geneous with the regularity with which the snake must from time to time shed its skin.

S. The Relationship of Egression and Degression

These two organizational types are by no means in oppositon to each other, as may
appear at first sight; the egressive center is far from being always more plastic than its

198
periphery - often it is even more conservative than the periphery; the fixing of activities is
not in opposition to their concentration - on the contrary, it is freq'uently one of the
necessary conditions for such concentration. The correlation of both types can be best.
of all explained by cases where the two actually unite. In this regard, "authoritarian" forms
of social complexes are especially Important and interesting.

·'Authorlty·" is not simply an egresslve center of some organization of people,

not simply its factual leader. Let us take the following case: a group of travellers follows
a guide toward a definite point Within limits of the problem, the guide is an egressive
center; his movements determine the path for others, but, of course, if we designated him
as the "authority," this would have been a metaphor only: In historical evolution of authori-
tarian forms, this word means something more than that. The patriarch of biblical times -
the flrst type of "authority" - not only directed the life of his commune practically: all
acknowledged that he had a special rlghr to do this, and that he was the polNfJr,' his role was
flxed In concepts and norms of the communal Ideology. in the thought of the commune
and In Its customs or morals: the "patriarch knows and orders"; "all must obey him."
Obviously, this is an egression united with degresslon; here the direct connection of the
organization Is anchored by the Ideological skeleton, which gives it great firmness. This
gives rise to an entire series of Interesting, social facts which cannot be explained outside of
our point of view.

So, in patrlarachal communCi it often happened that the old patriarch, burdened
with age, was already unable to direct the entire labouring life of the commune, or that he
simply became senile. Another chief-organizer was put forward as his replacement to per·
form the patriarch's former practical functions. The former egression was replaced by a.
new one, but its ideological skeleton could not be destroyed so easily; it was too firm and
too well secured by decades of authoritarian submission. The old man continues to be,
for kinsmen and even for his actual successor, a central figure and a higher, more honourable head
ofthe commune. In essence, this is simply a symbol of the unity of the c:orrm.Jne. The com·
mune grows, Its memhership changes, its territory spreads out, and the relationship of
blood kinship becomes less close with each generation; but as long as the forefather lives,
he continues to embody in himself its organizational unity. He performs for the commune,
approximately, the same role as not so long ago, and perhaps even sometimes today, a
banner performs for the fighting collective. When during a battle the communications
of a detachment break·up, then its uncoordinated units direct their efforts so as to make
their way to the point where an old scrap of the shot-through cloth is flapping; this degres-
slve unification complements and strengthens the living egression, with its real ceriter in
the person of a leader. When living combinations give rise to contradictions inside
the commune and undermine its unity, then the eyes and thoughts of kinsmen are directed
to the old symbol of this unity: in the presence of the patriarch the fits of hostile

199
tempers subside, conflicts soften, and the concllJiaray actioo of the real organizer r'ON encounters
a lesser resistance. Thanks to the conservatism of ideology, the old authority is "higher"
than a new one for everybody.

The process continues. The ideological skeleton remains even when the old patriarch
has already died. There is a continued obedience to his legacies, and his will is cited by the
successor. Although the patriarch had died. the guiding power, his "authority," is preserved
and, besides, this authority is higher than the authority of his successor. And when the suc·
cessor also dies, his authority, in turn, is again held to be higher than the authority of the
leader who replaces him, etc. In this chain, the authority of the dead is in this way raised
above the authority of the living, the more so, the further it goes back into the pasL The
most remote ancestor whose legacies are still passed among the living generations. deve-
lops into a gigantic, superhuman, authoritarian figure: into a deity. Thus, from the real
authorities, through the preservation of an ideological skeleton enveloping egression and
remaining like an empty membrane Imaginary, symbolic authorities of religious ideologies
arise after their death. At the same time, this posthumous preservation of authorities
gives rise to a myth about the immortality of the "soul": the soul is, so to speak, an "
organizational side of the human being, his guiding function; because of this, only the souls
of patriarchs and leaders have immortality initially; and only later, with a division of the
organizational role and with the development of a chain egression in society, immortality
is gradually spread to the souls of other people. 1

Manifestations of the growth of egressive variety, and ossification of degressive com-

plexes, such as symbols can also be clearly seen in the growth of imaginary religious au-
thorities. Gods grow and recede further and further from people; but at the same time
their role becomes increasingly more conservative; their authority squeezes and constrains
vital life. as long aSlife does not throw this authority off as the snake sheds its skin.

Thus, we see in religion with its deities an Imaginary egression; in fact this is a
degression. i.e., ideological complexes which arose on the basis of actual egressions. But
in contemporary thought this kind of a tektologjcal illusion spreads even further, to most
ideologies: contemporary thought believes that Ideas, norms and institutions generally
"rule" oyer the life of society, i.e., organize it in conformity "with egression and not degres-
sion. What is the origin of this illusion?

I
At rlrlt chis Is.; senerally .peaking, not immortality, but only a posthumous life of the soul, more or
Ie as 1?'01onKed. after whicli the ~ul abo dies: you see, IOOftcr or later the memory of the ancestor-
or~lZCr alSo diaa.,.,.,., his pUdinc legacies die off and are forgotten. .. For more about this see my
Soc,.,
$&lfIncli of ColtlCiou,,,.... pp. 50.64.

200
 The scale of contemporary thought is individualistic: an individual ~j th; his priva~
experience. However, In the life of sOGiety the objectively guiding role belongs to the er:'-
tire collective, to a general-social class, or a group collective. Ideas, norms and institu-
tions bind the Individual with the system of a collective; through them he submits to its
united vital activities and its general tendencies; these tendencies are only "expressed,"
symbolized, and fixed in Ideas, or institutions. Thus, the 'State "rules" 'oyer the individual,
commands him and guides him; but the state does not rule over society, but only ex-
presses and fixes the rule of some elements of society over others. The higher class in reality
rules over the lower class; but the state with its legal norms only provides stability for this
rule - represents someth ing II ke a system of reins and harness for the direction of the
lower classes. And, generally, ideological complexes "control" movements of an individual
In the current of sOGial p-ocesses according to the same type, being a means of introducing
him Into the framework, and subordinating him to a certain whole. If horses never saw the
driver, they would have considered the reins to be a higher power controlling them, being
their egresslve center; so also a man, thinking individualistically and not seeing the real
collectives with their vital activities moulded by Ideology, considers this ideology itself
to be a higher, controlling power - in a word: he mistakes degression for egression.

A system composed of a pregnant mother represents another combination of egres-

sion with degression. For the 'child, the mother's body determines the conditions of life
and development; it Is an egressive center to which both conditions are subordinated;
but at the same time It is also a protective envelope, separating the child from the destruc-
tive Influences of the environment; it is the child's living clothing, his external "skeleton."
From the first point of view, the body of the mother must possess a higher level of organi-
zation In comparison with the body of the child, from the second, on the contrary, -
a lower level of organization. How can this and that be reconciled?

The riddle is solved simply: the two different tektological forms have to do with
different specific activities. The egresslve role of the mother lies here in the sphere of
nutrition, i.e., the extraction and supply fran the external environment of matter and energy
which are necessary for the sustenance and growth of life; in this regard the body of the
mother Is organized, of course, Incomparably better than the body of the child, who
Is not even able to work independently In a given direction. The protective role, however,
is connected with the plastic, moulding processes of the child's life: they go on with such
an intensity that the child's body, continuously changing in structure, would be too un-
stable under the hostile influences of nature; too "tender" for them. In this respect,
the mother's tissues should be considered to have a lower level of organization than the
tissues of the child: the first have already come to a stop in their development and only
preserve their forms; the second develop swiftly. The first are "couser"; they can, therefore,

201
perform the role of covers for the second.' In particular, this purpose is performed by the
uterus - a sack composed of a muscular, conjunctive tissue, obviously, a complex of a
lower order in comparison with the body of the child.

This example" is connected with an ii"lStructive story, which shows the skeletal firm-
ness of forms of organizational thought and their sway over people. With a difficult birth
there are sometimes cases when the mother's life can only be saved at the price of the
child's life, and conversely. Who should be sacrificed then? No matter how strange is
such a statement of the question, among the scientific speclalist-obstetriclans there
were long discussions about this, accompanied by a multitude of moral and metaphysical
considerations advanced by some in favour of one, and others in favour of another solu-
tion. The reason for this is now clear to us; it lies in the narrowness and one-sidedness of
specialized thought; namely, some specialists perceived the systemic relationship of
the mother and the child only from the point of view of degression, others also perceived
egression. To the latter, the mother was an adult, the child an embryo; to the former the
mother was a vessel, containing that which is of interest to the specialist-obstetricians,
whose horizon is restricted to the problem of releasing the infant from this vessel. The
narrower, the more restricted the specialist, the more he was inclined to the second
solution.

Many other examples could be given of combinations of egression with degression,

suchas, for example, the ship egressively subordinated In Its motion to the crew headed by
a captain, but degressively containing in itself, as an external skeleton, the captain, the
crew, passengers and a valuable cargo. All combinations reduce to two types: either
degression occurs parallel with egression and fixes it, as was the case in our example with
the authorities; or both of them relate to different specific activities which must then be
pr~isely established and delineated.

What is the relationship between unlWH"IIB1 egression and. unlverral degression?

It is easy to see that it is of the first kind. Universal egression unfolds in a successive
subordination of nature to mankind; universal degression secures each step of this
process, determining and fixing it in spaCe and time. The power of society over nature
is real and firm only where everything is established and distributed in space and time;
this Is its first and basic fixing condition. A newly discovered country is actually discovered
inasmuch as there are determined its geographic coordinates, i.e., its location in space;
a newly discovered planet - only when there are established its astronomic coordinates and
the time of rotation in orbit; a machine can only be directed through a precise measurement
and commensurability of its parts in space and of Its speeds in time; any labour and any
cognition - egressive, subordinating nature activities -leans on the same degressive
"orientation." in its conquering action mankind throW'S a spatial-time net on everything
that is acussible to it, and the securing of each link in this net is a step to new victories.

202
 VII
The Paths and Results
of Selection

1. Selection in Complex Systems

We have seen that the mechanism of selection is universal; it operates everywhere and
at all times; in other words, any event, any change may be considered from the point of
view of selection, as the preservation or multiplication of some activities, the consolidation and
reinforcement of some connections, the retmYal, reWction,weakening and a break-up of others
In the same or another comple'x, in the same or another system. The factor, a catalyst of
selection, is always the "environment" In the most general meaning of this word: as soon
as we have singled out or isolated in some way a complex from among other complexes for
the purpose of our study, we have thereby acknowledged that its preservation or destruction,
its growth and development or decline depend on its correlation with these other complexes,
on the extent to which their activities are counter-balanced or surmounted by its activities,
or, conversely, on the extent to which the activities of a given complex are surmounted or
disrupted. Systemic activities grow at the expense of the environment under positive
selcctJon; they are absorbed by the environment under negative selection. But the complex
singled out can be, in turn, decomposed into its own "parts," smaller, component com·
plexes, systems; to any such part, as soon as it becomes an object of a special investigation,
the same point of view can be applied, 50 that the other "parts" will now be comidered as
entering the composition of the environment, etc.

203
 Therefore, in the study of the development of canplex systems such as, for example, a
society. an organism, a scientific or philosophical doctrine, or a cosmic body, it is necessary
to bear continually in mind the internal processes of selection of their elements; and if SOfTIe
elements can be decomposed further, into elements of the second order, then the internal
selection processes of these elements must also be considered in their even narrower environ_
ment, etc•• as far as the achieved level of analysis permits. We have already applied this
point ofview in many cases; for example. it explained such paraddxes of development
as the better health of an organism after a sharp illness than it had before the illness, or a
particularly fast flourishing of society after a crisis or after a difficult war. The destructive
action of negative selection removes. first of all, the less stable elements and connections,
and If this action is brought to a halt at a definite point and replaced by a phase of positiVe
seJectlon. then the surviving more stable elements are given a great scope to develop and
multiply. In a simil~ way. we ~cceeded In understanding the decay of an old organism.
and also the contradictions of systemic divergence. as being the result of unequal conditions
of selection for different elements of the whole, etc. It can be said with confidence that
not a single question of structural devefopment can be resolved with any degree of precision
apart from this universal application of the Idea of selection. which permeates all the levels
of existence.

One of the Important conclusions of such an application Is the principle of "chain

selection." Let a complex system A- a crystal. a living body. psychic association, or a
soclety- be under the influences of a definite environment which change it in this or that
way; these changes are continually regulated by sefection, and the complex is transformed
in accordance with the environment, "adapts" to it, in the words of biologists. During this
process. different parts of the complex are not transformed immediately, but one after an-
other, in a definite succession. The basic character of this succession is not difficult to es-
tablish theoretically by quite a simple analysis.

Let us decompose the whole into parts in the following way: let us identify the
"frontier elements" which are,in the first place,connected with the environment and which
are directiy subjected to Its Influences; then those elements which are most closefy connec·
ted with this front row, etc., goin,"stratigraphically" from the outside to the inside. This
can sometimes be in f~t stratigraphical, in the spatial sense, for example, when a solid
body heats up or cools down from the surrounding environment through conductivity; but
it can also be otherwise, for we know that the tektological boundary frequendy does not
coincide with the spatiaJ boundary, and In many cases it is not at aJl expressed geometric-
ally,- for example, when the matter concerns a psychic association, or an ideological sys-
tem, etc.

Since the factor of selection is the environment, it is evident that its transforming

.204

."\
action will be felt first of all in the frontil'r "layer" of the system, which must directly
adapt [0 the environment, undenLlndlng this term in the broadest and not only biological
sense. This first order of changes represents a changing influence for the second "layer,"
that- for th6 third, etc:, on to the elements which are tektologlcally innermost and indirectly
Clxperienclng the influences from outside the system. This sequence, both necessary and
slnlple In Its obviousness, serves as a basis for importMll inferences which in themselves
appear to be neither simple nor obvious.

Let us consider from this point of view the sociely as a system of human activities in
the midst of elemental nature and the struggle with jt. One part of these activities is direc-
ted straight at the complexes of nature, at its objects and forces: those labouring efforts
which have a technically productive character, and whose connections constitute technical'
devices and methods. This is, consequently, that side of social life with which the society
comes directly into contact with nature: the realm of "frontier" elements of social pro-
cesses. Here primary processes of selection and adapution go on, on which subsequent
changes in the course of the life of society depend: the initial point of social development
or its bases turn out to be technical forms.

The next "layer," of course, in a tektological sense, fams interactions and mutual
relations of labouring activities: the relations of people in a socia-labouring process,
production relations, or the field of "economics." In other words, economic forms are
determined in their development by technical forms.

The high plasticity and complexity of both forms give rise to the necessity for their
org4nllatlonal fastening, i.e., their social degression. This Is, as we know, the field of "ideo-
logical" forms. Evidently, they constitute the third layer, a "superstructure" in the expres-
sion of Marx, and are determ ined in their development by the first and second group
of forms.

So, the most imporUnt and still dehaUble formula of historical materialism for the
old science Is tektologlcally reduced to a simple conclusion arising from the same regular-
ity, by virtue of which,for example. the heating of inner layers of a body through heat
conductivity depends on the heating of external layers, etc. It is clear that the formula is
applicable not only to d human society but also to any group of social animals- whether
they are social imeets, flocks of birds,or herds of mammals. Let us take as an Illustration
a probable path of development of a herd-(;onnection among wolves.

Wolves, Similarly to some savage tribes of people,live by hunting: such is the

technical process of their struggle for existence. The species relationship among the wolves
or their families can remain at the level of minimal intercourse without assuming the form

205
of a pack, so long as the main object of the hunt are small animals which can be advanta-
geously hunted by a single wolf. But due to either climatic changes or competition with
other pre~tors or, finally, the elCCeSsive t'!)(termination of this small prey by the wolves them-
selves, its supply may become inadequate for them: conditions of the environment change,
and it becomes necessary to hunt bigger animals- a new technical problem arises, requiring
a different expenditure of efforts and different methods.

Let us assume that there are large herbiverous animals: a bison or a wild horse,
which used to live in our parts of the world. A single wolf cannot cope with a bison,
cannot catch a horse: the problem is solved only by the development of a pack collabora-
tion, i.e., a new productive relationship, - a change in technical conditions has led to a
transformation in economics. Here it unfolds step by step. If wolves hunt in .a larger
pack, then the requisite correlation of their efforts cannot be achieved without direction:
rushing at the prey in a disorderly crowd, they will pardy hinder each other, expend a
lot of extra energy, and sometimes also suffer defeats, especially from the herd animals. A
leader is singled out of necessity - an old, the most experienced wolf. He distributes the
roles; for example, he assigns a part of the pack ~ an ambush, a part to the role of prey-
drivers, and himself gives a signal for an attack, etc. Roaming in an entire pack in
search of prey is quite inconvenient: therefore, special scouts are sent out, a germ of still
another form of division of labour.

Depending on this first layer of economic relationships, forms of collaboration, the second
layer must also change: forms of distribution or appropriation. One cannot grab as much
of the prey as one wants; common prey must be divided equally, and if, for example, those
in ambush were successful in seizing a deer, they must wait for the prey-drivers or leave
their portions untouched: a transition from an indivi.dual appropriation to an elementari-
Iy~ommunistic appropriation.

Subsequently, complications of technical modes and productive relationships require

the development of a system of signals and the working out of new signals which are not needed
with just family relationships and individual hunt The leader must have at his disposal a
sufficient number of methods in order to indicate to parts of the pack and to its separate
members their role in the execution of the common task - some of them must be sent ou~
for example, as a reconnaissance party, others, when the prey has been spotted, must drive
it, still others wait in an ambush; further, the I~der must have signals for an attack, retreat,
and halt, etc. The selection is aimed at the creation of organizational instruments which
are analogous to human speech, although these Instruments are much less perfect. Each
signal, a special cry, or a howl is similar in its function to the word; and when it exists in
the consciousness and is not expressed externally, for example, when the leader observing
the run of a driven prey awaits for the moment to give the ambush a signal to appear on the

206
~ene, and until he holds, so to speak, this signal in his head, we have before us a phenome-
non correiponding to "thought;" as we see, even here the ideological "superstructure" must
develop in conformity with tech nical and economic conditions.

Such a sequence of selection In complex systems, from tektologically-frontier group-

Ings and connections to tektologically-inner groupings, can be denoted as "chain selec-
tion."

Let there be at one point of a system - for example, the system of production - a
change In Its frontier elements, for example, a development of a new technological method,
a newlnstrumenl This gives rise to corresponding economic regroupings which are secured
in new Ideological complexes as a new experience: the Improvement is carried into the sys- ,
tem of knowledge, science. But ideology,in its turn, is the organizational environment for
the Bntl'fI economics, and sntl'tI technology; consequently, here the line of chain selection
and adaptation may now begin (rom new Ideological complexes: a reorganization of econo-
mic and tochnlcal processes in those parts which were not yet touched commences; in con-
formity to them through scientific acquaintance, a new method or Instrument which was
applied only In one or a few enterprises, spreads throughout the entire industry, and also,
perhaps, with some changes into other industries kindred In technology.

It is also clear that this line of adaptation in no way contradicts the idea of a chain
selection: Instead of going sequentially from the third organizational layer to the second,
and then to the first, It went from the first to the second and to the third, which Is its
beginning. The guiding thread of the Investigation remains the same: any change in a sys-
tem has a point of departure where the system comes into contact with the external en-
vironment; "in the final analysis," It is exactly there that any process of development
originates; this expression of Marx in his formulation of historical materialism has precisely
this meaning. We gave examples of how a much too firm ideological degression had brought
economic and technical progress to a halt (the catholicism and absolutism of Spain in XVII -
XVIII centuries, etc.); but this ideology itself must have been formed before on the basis
of a definite, .conservative economics and technology,- on which such historical facts de- .
pend In the final analysis. The same general scheme is also applicable to any changes inside
any complicated system: with sufficient study, one can always find a point of origin and
the initially determining primary conditions in the area of frontier elements, i.e., the area
of their Interactions with the environment. For example, the most unexpected ideas and
thoughts, ,pringlng up without any visible cause, have their beginning, through a chain
selection, either in Irritations of organs of the external senses, or in the action of organs of
nutrition, assimilating energy from outside. There Is no place for any "spontaneity. II

207
 2. Selection in Changing Environment

As we know, an absolutely stable and conservative environment does not and cannot
exist; however, tremendous differences are encountered in the degree of its change-
ability, and, therefore,there is a basis for juxtaposing the conditions of selection in a con-
servative and in a relatively variable environment. For example, the social environment of
our revolutionary epoch has changed during a few years or even months toa greater extent
than during the proceeding decades of the usually "limited"development of capitalism; but
during the feudal epoch, its transformation on a similar scale required centuries, and during
the early patrimonial epoch- tens and, probably, even hundreds of centuries. Geological
development and cosmic processes also represent phases of relatively slow and relatively
fast development- sometimes unmeasurably rapid variations. It is clear that the direction
of SIIlectlon, on which the emergence of forms depends, is relatively stable in a conservative
environment; in a Variable environment, on the contrary, it proceeds changeably, now in
this and then in another direction. This is inescapably reflected in the tektologlcal type and
character of the created forms. The more conservative is the situation, the longer the action
of selection proceeds along the same invariable directions, the more perfect and complete
turns out to be the correspondence of the produced forms with exactly this situation, and·
the more fully is achieved their equilibrium with it But with this, their structure of neces-
sity turns out to be also conservative, devoid of plasticity. A higher degree of correspon-
dence to a given environment means a lack, of such correspondence with respect to a dif-
ferent environment; and any subsequent changes in the situation must be destructive to
the same extent if they occur at a relatively accelerated speed.
)

We do not know the exact causes of extinction of the ancient giants- the jurassic lizards
or, closer to us, the mighty predators and herbivora of the tertiary epoch. But a quite suf-
ficient cause may have been simply the replacement of a prolonged period of a stable biologi-
cal situation, during which these species evolved to their rough perfection and stopped
there, by a period of faster changes in the environment, to which the hardened forms could
not successfully adapt. And their successors, it can be assumed, were promoted by those
regions of the terrestrial globe where the objective c~ditions of life were less stable pre-
. vlously, where the changeable line of selection had already laid down before this a begin-
ning to various directions of evolution and created initial points of departure and embryos
to many of its possibilities and a subsequent living struggle.

It is necessary, of course, to remember that the environment is the sum of external

relationships of a complex, and that, consequently, at one and the same place the environ-
ment may be quite different for dissimilar complexes- for some conservative, for others
variable, inasmuch as they themselves relate to it differently. All contemporary species of
animals have an environment which is more conservative than the people living there,

208
because their percept/on of the surrounding conditions is incomparably lesser and their
fBIIctlon to these conditions 50 much less varied. Animals, just as man, in their struggle, in
their Inwractlon with external nature, change It- but they do this so much less than man!
That Is why the direction of selection for them is immeasurably more stable than for man,
and so elusively In Its sluggishness proceeds the transformation of forms of their life In
comparison to what 15 being observed with people In their social environment

The Interaction of social man with external environment takes place in the technical
process of production. Therefore, conservatism of the technical aside of life conditions the
conservatism of social life In general, since it denotes stability of environment, the stability
of the basic line of selection. We saw that economics and Ideology depend on technology
In their development,- and that they are, consequently, conservative In this case- but
Ideological forms being degresslve are, evidently, conservative to a greater extent than any
other forms; from historically known social systems, authoritarian systems are charac-
terized by the greatest conservatism, v.hich is seen in corrrT1mal and trlballVaJPS of apatriarchally-
ancestral mode of ,life, feudll and east:ern-despotlc organizations; but technical progress Is pecu-
liar to formations based on exchange, and, In particular, to capitalistic systems. Of course,
In the groupings of the flnt type, development Is also being accomplished, but only
much more slowly; Its path lies, as it does In the systems of the second type, through the
struggle of trends which form a broad field for the social selection. If we compare how
these trends are organized In their muggle, then we will find for the two cases a definite
distinction In the forms of groupings: for the first, their type is a religious sect, for the
second,lt Is a political party. History shows that the first type always tends to an organiza-
tional ossification; even If the sect Introduces Into life something new and progressive, it
envelops this material by a stable membrane of dogma which is accepted as something final
and immO\lable; struggle and progress are admitted only up to the victory of this dogma.
On the contrary, the second type embodies its tendencies Into relatively plastic forms-
programs which may change In the coune of a struggle and expand with a victory. The ob-
Jective significance of both the sect and the party and the objective content of their dog-
mas and programs are homogeneous: a struggle for the Interests of these or other social
groups or classes, and adaptation of the social whole to those interests. With the transition
ofsoclety from a conservative to a plastic structure, the former sects at first change their
character, approaching the party type, and later disappear altogether as an orgaNza- .
tlonal form, because they are not adaptable in essence to the changeable technical and,
generally, social environment. 1

10 &ltaila on the Juxtaposition of organizational types of a sect and iI party are in TektololQ'. Vol. 1.
pp. 99·10~.

209
 -, I

There is an interesting case of selection under changing conditions, when changes in

the'!1 are both quite significant and at the same time regularly periodic. Such conditions
are created for the majority of animals by the astronomic cycle of day and night In the
struggle of animals for survival a decisive role is performed by Jhe "motor reactions" of
animals, their expediently directed movementsj procurement of food, flight from danger and
other means of self-defense, and also the attacking activity reduce to them. The expedien_
cy of all these reactions depends, in the first place, on the"orientation," directing the work of
the brain, which itself rests on external senses, mostly sight among higher animals. Of
course, the best orientation does not guarantee success and does not rescue.me from harm and
destruction: when the environment itself is especially unfavourable. .

What is the difference in the situation during the day and night from the point of
view of complex animal organisms with developed sense organs? It is enormous in two
senses: (1) on the part of the character of external activities with which one must deal; and
(2) on the part of conditions of orientation. The latter distinctions are especially vivid and
dear. The night Iight of the full moon is 400-500 thousand tifTHl$ weaker than the day
light As far as sounds are concerned, on the other hand, their usual sum is so much smaller
at night than during the day, so that innumerable small noises can be distinguished which
were drowned in the general chaos of sound vibrations of the daily environment. These
facts are sufficient in order to see the extent to which the line of selection must change in
relation to orientation of animals with the transition from day into night And for them
all depends on orientation. Any, the most minimal inadequacy in it, means an inevitable
death in a strenuous struggle, where so much is conceived and so little survives. It is clear.
that under such sharp fluctuations in conditions a complete and precise adaptation to both
is impossible: some organisms must tum out to be more adaptable to one environment
and predominantly unfold their activity in It, others,- to another environment But this
gives rise to another new, extraordinarily important divergence in the biological situation
of day and night,- both for animals which compete for food and for those which are in
direct conflict among themselves. For example, if large predators search for their prey
mainly by night, it is easy to see the extent to which the daily environment is more favour-
able to herbivora, which are their victims.

However, both environments are equally inevitable. And if, for example, the man of
the tertiary epoch with its virgin forests could more or less successfully orient himself by
day and much worse at night, since his main means of orientation is sight, and, moreover,
if even then the most terrible predators were likely to be nocturnal animals, - how could
he then,having lived through the day. escape death at night?

We know that environment is correlative with the organism; the environment, conse-
quently. expands and intensifies Its influence on the organism inasmuch as the organism un-

210
 folds its activities in the environment; the environroent narrows down and weakens its pres·
sure inasmuch as the organism curtails its active m~nifestations. If so, then a solution to
9
the proolem of the dual line of selection springs up Y itself: an escape as far as possible
from the night environment, rolling up in it to a minimum, with the result being a sort of
fencing oneself off from it On such a basis selection worked out an adaptation which
is widespread among the animal kingdom, namely, that of lJieep.

Sleep puts an end not only to the visible motion of the organism, but also to the
perception of external senses and the work of c.onsciousness. It would not be possible other·
wise, since all these functions are inseparable from each other. Let us picture the same
savage of the primordial epoch in the situation of virgin forests in the middle of a dark
night, when he cannot penetrate the darkness, and where the eyes of predators flash and
innumerable threatening rustlings can be heard; if he perceived all of this, listening attentive-
ly and peering closely into the darkness and shivering in his refuge, this would be a great
waste of energy; and besides, how easy it would be for him to betray himself to the terrible
enemies by not restraining his fears through a scream or a movement! Here "beneficent
sleep" not only helps to save a great deal of energy,but also to reduce directly the threat·
ening dangers.!

Analogously, if, for example, the owl adapted itself to the night env ironment, then
it is exactly because it is helpless during the day, with the dazzling to its eyes light,- for it
daily sleep is the same necessary adaptation. 2

Under the same formula of adaptation to limited, changing conditions also falls hiber·
nation of many animals, which could not adequately adapt to both the summer and winter
Situation, and are therefore forced to "depart" from the latter.

Thus simply is resolved, in principle, the question of the origin of sleep, which to this
day is an object of scientific debates. Only the theory of Clapard, approaches more or ~ess
closely this solution. He considers sleep as a protective instinct, preventing an exhaustion
of the nervous system fromits continual activity. We saw that the problem here lies not on·

1
~he "mystical fear" of the dark and night quite frequently observed among children and often
a 0 a~ong a~ults is, most likely. an atavism- a survival of those sensations of helplessness and
of an mdefinlte. threatening danger everywhere. which must have been experienced by primitive
IlIan under such conditions, and which cut deeply into his nervous system.
2 .
As is presently' known, our eye has at its disposal different organs for day and night sight: the
C'0ghloured sight, the "cones," for the day and the scotopic vision, distinguishing only degrees oflight. the
~ t of the fades of the retina for the nigltt; at that. the night si~t is much more sensitive than the day
S;lght; however. apart from the importance of colour for orientation, the difference in the intensity of
light hundreds of thousands of rimes stronger cannot be in any way balanced by the difference in sensitivity.

211
 Iy in exhaustion, but, perhaps, even more in the conditions of orientation; hence the con.
nection between sleep and the astronomical exchange of day and night, which is considered
neither by Clapard nor by the authors of other hypotheses.

As far as the mechanism ~f sleep itself is concerned, this question, of course, is not
solved by our theory. Here, the opinion of M. Duval appears to be the most probable. He
hypothesizes that sleep is achieved by the separation of nervous cells of higher centers
through contraction of their branched out appendices, so that these appendices cease to
come into contact and suspend the active coonections of cells which are necessary for arbit·
rary movements of the organism and for consciousness in general. Of course, the question
should be resofved by experiment) and observation, but other theories (obstruction of the
nervouschanneis by products ofvi~1 decomposition- "skeletal" substances; ebb of blOOd
from the brain, etc.), apparently, are so far less in agreement with facts. The solution, how.
ever, is general!y.biological,- and at the same time tektological- it does not depend on the
acceptance of either one or the other; such a solution is presented by us.

Human sOciety, as a whole, with the development and branching out of production,
adapts to an extraa'dinanly varied and changeable environment: each branch of production
is distinguished from others by its situation and by its special correlation of human and
eiemental activities. But a separate member of society, due to individual limitations, cannot
adapt.. to all of these correlations and situations: he "specializes" - a typical case of system-
Ic different!ation. Together with this, a peculiar protective adaptation is worked out against
all those conditions to which man is not specially adapted: he "avoids" them, "does not.,
. like" them- his reactions aredirected so as to isolate him from the unsuitable environment
Thus, the farmer does not like city life, the scientist scorns physical labour, the profes· .
siona! soldier nourishes' disgust against peaceful labour, and a specialist of one departnlent
often even "despises" specialists of other departments,- these are different expressions of
reactions of repulsion, self-withdrawal from these or other types of labour, from their spe·
cific correlations with the environment This adaptation is, consequently, analogous to the
phenomenon of sleep in its function', no matter how little it resembles it; and in a similar
way it presents the result of organizational limitations; therefore, it appears the more sharp-
ly the less plastic is the human type, the more conservative is the psychics; it appears most
sharply in caste distinctions among the backward peoples and, analogously, among the
most limited specialists of the newest civilization. It is evident that adaptation is similar to
sleep and that it is imperfect: just as sleep makes man completely helpless against hostile
forces, inasmuch as full isolation from them is not achieved, so too adaptation increases the urr
suitability of the specialized being, inasmuch as the force of things may put him into un-
usual correlations· and force, for example, the farmer to tight for survival in a city, or the scien-
tist to take on physical labour.

One of the problems of the organizational development of mankind is to overcome

the imperfection of such adaptations, which are created elementally by selection in a
limited environment

212
 3. Direct and Representative Selection

We pointed out that man in his active development, in all of his labouring activity,
appears unconsciously or consciously as a factor of selection: he destroys connections
among complexes which do not correspond to the tendencies of his efforts, maintains and
develops connections wh ich are in agreement with him. These processes of selection are for
us, of course, especially important, and we must study them more closely. First of all, it is
necessary to distinguish between them and the usual elementally-proceeding processes of
selection.

The basic difference is as follows: the natural environment always embraces from all
sides those complexes which are objects of its selection; man, however, always. only partial·
Iy comes into contact with the complexes selected in this or that,way, and represents only
one of the elements of their environment, although at timeS the most important and deci-
sive element. Hence it follows that there is: (1) a limited significance of this kind of selec-
tion, and (2) a special limitation in its very direction.

For positive selection in nature, i.e., for the preservation and development of a given
complex in a given environment, it is required that the totality of environmental conditions
be favorable; for negative selection, i.e., disorganization of a given complex, it is sufficient
to have as!ngle unfavorable condition, or t.'1e unsuitability of the complex in at least one
respect to one part of the environment. For example, in order to exist, the organism re-
quires a SUfficiently high temperature, the requisite nutrition and 'an absence of known
pathogenic agents - dangerous microbes, and an adequate distance or other barriers
separating it from suonger enemies, etc. For the weakening and then death of the or-
ganism there is no need to violate all or many of these conditions: the question is resolved
by absence of one of them. This explains what is known as the "wastefulness of nature":
extermination of a colossal majority of appearing forms, preservation and development of
an immeasurably small part of them. Hence man also carries out so much more success-
fully the business of negative selection: it is much easier to destroy than to create!

Where man interferes, nature does not cease to continue its work. The fate of a com·
plex, which he aims to preserve or remove, is determined as before by the entire sum of
conditions, by all the influences of the environment; and the effort of man is only one of
the components of this sum. Therefore, quite frequently, when this effat is directed at the preser-
vation of a complex, for example, at the maintenance of life of a domestic animal or useful
plant, along with this, as a part of elemental environment,an unfavourable condition lead-
ing to negative selection appears: the animal or plant perishes; for example, from an un-
expected disease, from an attack of predators, or an introduction of parasites, etc. It can
happen, of course, though generally rarely, that the efforts of man, directed at the des true-

213
tion of a complex, are paralyzed by other conditions; although it is sufficient to have a
single unfavourable condition for negative selection to succeed, the activities which fonn
this condition may be subjected to disingressions on the part of other elemental activities,
such as, for example, the force of a blow on the part of unanticipated resistances. In the
facts of both a limited significance of "human" selection is revealed, as a partial and
incomplete regulating mechanism.

The second moment, limiting now not only the success, but also the precision of the
direction itself and the systematic character of action of this mechanism, is what we will
call a "representative" character. Man knows what he wants to choose; nevertheless, he can
in fact choose someth ing which is not wanted. The most simple illustration is the separation of
flour from bran and other admixtures by means of a sieve. Particles of flour, subjected to
selection, are in ~sence complexes of a definite physical and chemical composition which
are also distinguished by a definite magnitude. This magnibJde is only one of their charac-
teristics, and in the given case the magnitude is in itself the least interesting to people. But
our technology is unable to select directly all the needed physical and chemical qualities;
however, it can select this or that magnitude with the aid of a sieve: a typical instru-
ment of selection, detaining all that is greater than its openings, and letting through all that
is less than these openings. With the usual preparation of flour by grinding of the preselec-
ted grain, the magnitude of the resulting particles follows so precisely along the required
physical and chemical properties that it can be taken as their reprssentative; and then it is
practically sufficient to select the particles of flour according to magnitude, with the aid
of an appropriate sieve, - the result turns oU,t to be what is needed in all other respects. So,
the method of selection here is not direct, but indirect, through the instrumentality of one
element, a sign, appearing, so to speak, as a representative for others, a sign "representing"
them. Hence the name- representative selection.

Man cannot act in any other way precisely because his knowledge of things is limited
and his practical methods dealing with them are also limited. Objects are accessible to him
with a given level of technology only in some respects, and only to a definite extent, al though
with. the development of technology this accessibility also grows. In our example, man
needs to select a nutritive substance; consequently, according to his problem, the basis of
selection is nourishment; but he is unable to capture and separate it directly. Instead, he
takes a feature, which according to previous experience continually accompanies nourish-
ment, and which is accessible to his methods,- the magnitude of particles; this is his prac-
tical basis of selection. So far as conditions in fact correspond to the previous experience,
and so far as connections are as he assumes them to be, his goal is achieved; however, so far
as conditions may be different, the representative selection is inadequate, or even basically
wrong.

214
 So, for example, if the grain when ground can tains an admixture of sa~d or some
other litter, then all of this, fully or partially, will go through the sieve, since their particles
are of the same magni.tude as the particles of flour; they are not distinguished from the par·
ticles of flour representatively, although they do not possess any nourishment; the method
of selection is inadequate. And if in the grinding "hornlets" of spurs, or other poisonous sub-
stances are admixed, then the resu'lt may turn out to be ~uite contrary to the task; the
seletted material will be harmful, and even disastrous for consumers.

Extraction of gold from deposits reduces to various methods of selettion. The sim-
plest method is washing away by the water current in special basins and chutes; here
all the properties of gold are "represented" by its high specific gravity, and betause of this
grains fall to the bottom, whereas the remaining lighter substances, entering the composi-
tion of gold sand, are removed by water. Evidently, however, other heavy particles,
metallic and non-metallic, will also fall to the bottom with them:lf the sediment is sub-
jetted to a new treatment- by mercury, then the gold will be separated through dissolution
from the rest of elements; however, if there is silver, it will also be dissolved, as will some
other metallic admixtures. By evaporating mercury through strong heat- a third process of
selettion- we will get a deposit in which the properties of gold are represented by the solu-
bility of mercury; as we can see, imprecision is possible also in this case; for example, in-
stead of gold, we will get a combination of gold and silver. Still another method of selec-
tion- the action of sodium nitrate- will separate gold from silver and the majority of
other metals, if they are present, betause they will be dissolved in it, but not gold; however,
platinum and some other rare metals are also not soluble, so that the chemical purity of the
product is also not guaranteed even here, etc.

In the first stage of the whole process, the basis of selettion, as we see, is the specific
gravity of gold, in the second it is joined by the solubility of gold in mercury, and in the
third- its insolubility in sodium nitrite; and with this expansion of the basis of selection,
its resUlts become increasingly more precise, increasingly more corresponding to the task.
And this, of course, may be considered, as a general rule, as a practical and theoretical
principle in the application of selection: the broader Is the basis of .Iection processes, the
more definite and strict IIffJits ftISUlts.

This point of view is especially important where objects of selection are the most
complex systems, such as living people. The biblical "problem of Gideon" may serve as
a vivid illustration of this. Gideon had to march, with quite an inadequate and hastily
assembled army, against the Philistines who had attacked Israel. It was quite evident that
engaging in a direct open battle would have meant an inevitable defeat The only possibi-
lity of victory lay in the attack on enemies at the moment of least resistance, i.e.: com-
pletely by surprise. For such a solution a much smaller army than that present would have

215
 been sufficient, provided it were composed of courageous and energetic soldiers; but how
with at least a few hundred soldiers is it possible to steal through undetected to the military
camp, guarded by sentries? It is clear that for this were necessary people of-special endu .
. ranee and patience, able for hours with the greatest caution, not betraying themselves either
by sound or imprudent movement, to steal up to the enemy in the darkness. Gideon, there.
fore, decided to carry out a strict selection of his soldiers on the basis of courage and endu.
rance.

At first, he offered to all those who wished and thought that they had im·
portant matters at home, to leave in order to settle such matters. Of course, the timid and
the insufficiently patriotically minded took advantage of this opportunity; the great.
er part of the army scattered; but those who stayed behind were the most courageous and
reliable. Subsequently, Gideon took them for a long march around the enemy through the
sun-scorched, waterless desert; after a few hours he brought them to a stream and invited
them to drink, so as to observe how they would quench their thirst. Some of them rushed
to the water like animals, laid down on their bellies and drank straight by mouth, which was
considered to be indecent; others had enough character not to lower themselves down,
and drank by using the hollow of their hands. Gideon selected them finally, three hundred
men in total; all others he sent back. This was the selection of patience and endurance.

The calculations of Gideon wa-e justified; his soldiers did not betray themselves; the un-
expected attack was successful, and the enemies were smashed. But can the method of
Gideon be considered to be generally infallible; and were mist:lkes eliminated from his
method? Of course not Obviously, Gideon did not have the time for a more precise inves-
tigation of his combatants; but it is doubtless that the representative basis of his selection
was too narrow: he had to judge on the basis of only two facts, when the question was
concerned with two constant, basic features of character. A single act may by virtue of an
accidental combination of conditions express quite imprecisely the individuality of man.
So, the trial of courage was imprecise just because there may have remained behind, among
others, thoughtJess and careless people who only vaguely perceived the danger of struggfe,
- and also those who were simply proud, and finally, those who did not want to go home
because they were aware of some unpleasantness there. The trial of endurance suffered be·
cause the man who is patient in respect of thirst, may be unable to have the unremittingatten-
tion which is required in order not tobetray himself, while creeping up to the enemy; and
besides, here some people who ascribe too much significance to appearance and manners may
also appear to be suitable. However, the task was such that if a single man out of the three
hundred failed to live up to the situation, all would have been lost.

Therefore, where time and possibility are present, it is necessary to reduce the risk of
errors by broadening the basis of selection: repeating, for example, it triill under different

216
conditions, complementing it with new modes, etc. It is known that our former examin-
ations in educational institutions were quite imprecise as methods of selection: students
"failed" and were thereby doomed to v.lrious calamities just bec;ause of a simple timidity.
an accidental headache, or even a momentary interruption of associative connections, the
fatal coincidence of slipping to the student the only ticket which he had no time to review,
etc. Just as unreliable, taken separately, are such criteria of the selection of 'MJrken in an estab-
lishment as certificates, personal recommendations, previous length of service, and visible
intelligence, etc. It is necessary to have them checked systematically one against the other,
i.e., a supplement and broadening of the basis of selection in order to minimize erro~.

So, for example, the selection of courageous and resourceful people in dangerous situ-
ations is very important for the army. An officer, in order to carry ounuch a selection,
creates during a marc:h at night a false alarm, leading to a panic. If his soldiers have not yet
been in battle, and the situation was new and unusual for them, then to evaluate and sep-
arate them according to the results of this first test would be a great mistake. Apart from
the cowardly and easily lost, here are also people with great nervous sensitivity and a
raised receptivity of the central-brain apparatus who are capable of inappropriate behaviour.
But it is exactly suc:h people who often possess a raised flexibility and plasticity of this ap-
paratus; and in this case, when they get used to the conditions of military life, they repre-
sent a very valuable material in their resourcefulness, quick wits and ability to orient them-
selves. On the other hand, there are also possible purely accidental manifestations of weak-
ness, depending, for example, on a temporary indisposition, etc. Much more reliable re-
sults can be expected after the second verifying test of panic, of course, in a sufficiently
different situation.

The entire process of th e diagnosis of illness by a doctor reduces to the application of a

representative selection on a successively expanding basis. The symptom A is established;
it is peculiar to the whole series of illnesses, and represents them all. But symptom B is re-
lated with It; it is also peculiar, perhaps, to many illnesses; but from the first series a def-
inite part is not characterized by B, and can, therefore, be rejected; there remains a narrow-
er circle. From this circle, symptom C permits rejection of still others, etc.,- until there
remains only one type of illness, which has passed through all these acts of selection. In a
similar way, the determination by a botanist of the discovered plant proceeds from one
property to another, etc. It may happen that selection will remove all the known complex-
es of a given kind,- since representation is always based on prior experience, which is some-
times inadequate; then the doctor states a new illness unknown to him, the botanist a new
species of plant; and the problem will consist in giving a precise representation to the com-
plex which enters scientific experience for the first time. Fluctuating, unstable signs may
be useful to representative selection in the same sense as is, for example, the sieve with
heterogeneous openings, which in its various parts lets through different materials; in abo

217
sence of anything better, it may sometimes be applied; in the case of flour, for example, a .
part of bran will also pass through and a certain quantity of litter,- but already relatively
less than originally; so changeable signs may also help sometimes partially in the matter of
diagnosis by "screening. It

The development of knowledge must be directed to the working out of the most pre-
cise and strict representative
,. characteristics; in this lies the meaning of all scientific clas-
sifications.

4. The Generalizing Role of Selection

Nature in its elementally~regulating work, as well as man in all of his activity, at first
elemental and later conscious, has to deal at each step with masses of homogeneous com-
plexes, more or less repeating each other, and varying only partially. For Darwinian
natural sel~tion, such mass-repeating objects are provided by propagation: it reproduces
Uvin& beings according to definite patterns, with only relatively slight fluctuations and
deviations. It is exactly such differences which determine the fate of forms; for example,
of the insects of one species, those whose colour differs more from the colour of the sur-
rounding environment are doomed to perish without posterity, and those, however, which
approach in their colour closer to the environment and better blend with it, are preserved
longer and are repeated with this peculiarity in posterity. Natural selection, as it were, generalizes
given forms according to two categories- the umdapt:ed and adapted,- just as God on the day
of judgment, it was thought, must carry out a conscious generalization of the entire human
material according to two categories, the righteous and the sinful.

Motor reactions of freely living cells, for example, of amoeba, present the first
prototype of the ''practice'' of living organisms known to us. lre elementally-generalizing ten-
dency also appears here: to all that is "useful, It Le., conditioning the positive selection of
the environmental complexes, the cell reacts by approaching it, to all that is "harmful,"
provoking in it a negative selection- by moving away. The matter is presented in such a
form that processes of seJection, which are provoked in the cell by an external influence,
intensify one grouping of its activities, and. weaken the other grouping,- thus their former
equilibrium is disturbed, and there appears a movement of the cell, this or that reflex.
If for some reason we cannot observe the cause of this reflex, seeing it we, can nevertheless,
say in general that it is eithera favourable influence to the cell, or, conversely, harmful to it.
A nutritive substance, a local moderate rise in temperature and a ray of solar energy are
generalized, for example, in the first category; a poisonous substance, a sharp rise in tem-
perature and a contact of a solid body:- in the second.

As the organism becomes more complicated, its reflexes, and later the reactions of a

218
higtler type developing in them,';" "instinctive" and finally "arbitrary" reactions- also be-
come more complex and at the same time more varied. But they preserve their generalizing
character: the whole series of different, but in some respectS homogeneous conditions of
the environment engender in the organism selection, which is favourable to the appearance
of one and the same reaction; in Me series,- for example, a reaction of "flight," another of a
"blow," the third- ''a wmingofthe body to the right," etc. The reaction of a "blow" is
provoked, for example, by an enemy, a prey, or a mechanical obstacle which must be
removed in this way•.

The same generalizing selection lies at the basis of cognition and thought, which origin-
ates in practice, and represents but a specialized group of reactions. Thus, a whole series
I
of quite different sensations can be a reason for the utterance of the word "man," or to the
appearance of this notion in the form of a "thought," or "concept"- precisely the same re-
action, but only weakened and incomplete. This is called "generalization" in the ordinary
sense of the term.

Human technology creates various mechanisms of selection; their model is the sieve
frequently mentioned by us. Their action can be conceived as practically-generalizing;
for example, the sieve lets through the most varied particles which are smaller in dimensions
than a certain magnitude, and detains others, no less varied, which are generalized by the
fact that they are greater than this magnitude.

Such is the generalizing role of selection. As we see, in human practice it is insepa-

rably bound with "representation," namely, it constitutes the real basis of representation:
what is generalized in a certain respect may be later represented by its common ele-·
ments in any subsequent conscious selection. For example, Gideon could systematically
select the courageous and the self-restrained soldiers only because an entire series of
various facts of human life were previously generalized by verbal reactions- concepts
such as "a ~ nliUl,. or "self-restrained man." People have always utilized the general-
izing function of selection in the solution of their problems, but, as in other cases, they
were tektologists without being aware of it and, therefore, did not do this consis-
tently and expediently. Clear understanding here can also turn out to be useful and neces-
sary in practice. I will cite some illustrations.

Here is the case which was communicated to me from the practice of our economy
during the World War under Tsarism. There was a need to organize the production of ther-
mometers which were previously received from Germany. The demand for them was tre-
mendous, especially for medical purposes. In one of the provincial universities a workshop
was set up for this purpose. The preparation of a glass globula with stretched out tubes did
not present any difficulties,- we had a glass industry before. But the scientists-directors were

219
 \
nonplussed by the following problem: how to make the requisite scales with a division in·
to degrees; the tubes were inevitably of different diameters, which caused mercury to rise
differently; and to make a separate scale for each tube was unthinkable, since hundreds of
thousands of tubes were needed. Fortunately, there was a German prisoner of wardose at !
hand who solved this problem quite simply. How exactly? We had the solution already in
many tektologically-simi,lar cases; it was based on generalizing selection; but since this
tektological experience was not consciously generalized, the sages would have probably
thought much and independently arrived at what, in essence, has been known for a long
time.

Clothing for an army is by no means sewn according to individual measurements.

Experience has shown that in a given country out of a thousand men, drawn into the
military service, so many on the average have such and such aheight and size corresponding"
. .
to such and such approximate measure, and so many to other measures, also definite, etc.
Clothing is prepared beforehand according to these measures and proportions; And if a
ready statistical generalization was not available, and clothing had to be sewn anew, facts
concerning height and chest size could be collected during the admission of recruits into
the army; using these facts tailors ccdd at once cut the material formass production. Evi-
dently, it was exactly this situation which was present in our illustration, only with a sub-
stitution of glass tubes for people, and thermometric scale for clothing. The captive Ger-
man suggested that ten thousand tubes be produced all at once and immersed in the water
of a lower temperature, from which begins medical gradation, and then, having marked
this level, immersed further in the water with the required higher temperature. It turned
out that among two-three thousand tubes there was an adequately coinciding difference in
levels, and that it was possible to make a common scale for them; for a thousand or more
on one side of this level and for an equal number on the other, two additional sufficiently
precise common scales could be prepared, etc., rejecting several hundred excessively devi-
ating, not adequately generalizable tubes. This is the most usual correlation of general-
izing and representative selection.

Similarly, an agitator appearing at a m~ting sees before him the human specimer. in
mass variations, and must in the same way take generalizing measures of them in order to
offer for their political souls a mass ideological costume which would be sufficiently suit-
able for them. The majority of beginning agitators do not understand this and pay by faij-
ures, which gradually lead them to the requisite methods. And here, a lot of extra expen-
diture of energy is wasted because the tektological homogeneous experience of different
fields is not united, not generalized.

220
5. The Relationship Between Positive and Negative Selection

The basic correlation of the two kinds of progressive selection was already formulated
by us as a definite contrast Positive selection increases "quantitative stability" of forms,
accumulating activities in them; at the same time it also increases complexity and hetero·
geneity of their structure, and thereby lowers their "structural" stability." Negative selection
decreases quantitative stability, successively removing activities, simplifies structure, chang-
ing it in the direction of homogeneity, and as a result increases structural stability. 1

This contrast conditions the role of both sides of selection in universal develop-
ment. It can be said that together they embrace the entire dynamics of this development
Positive selection by making forms more complex and ina-easing the variety of existence, sup·
plies for it the ~ver growing quantity of material. Negative selection by simplifying this
material, removing from it all that is volatile, discordant, antagonistic and introducing in·
to its connections homogeneity and agreement, brings order and systematization to this
material. Both these processes complement each other and spontaneously organize the
universe.

The religious thought of the distant past, embodying the popular tektology of those
times, provides one astonishingly beautiful-symbol of universal dynamics. This is the
Hindu Trimurti, or triad. 8rahma, eternally creatin& dreams, but he dreams real bodies,
tbings and realities, as we dream images, dreams and thoughts. His slumberous, free and
disorderly creative work piles up newer and newer forms: reality continually accumu-
lates,complicates and differentiates itself,- this is done by positive selection. Siva
eternally destroyin& ruins all that is accessible to his destructive force, aU that can be
destroyed,- this is negative selection. Between them stands Vishnu preserving all that merits
preservation, which is an expression of the results of universal dynamics at any given mo-
ment

This naive tektology is quite clear and simple, free of doubts and contradictions.
Scientific formulae in"their breadth and precision always engender doubts and contradic-
tions. And here before us arises a riddle; it can be formulated as follows. Positive and nega·
tive selection are mathematically opposite to each other; but mathematically opposite mag-
nitudes, uniting mutually cancel each other; in what way then do positive and negative
selection processes complement each other, and why do they not simply neutralize each

~ will remind you that both characteristics are valid within those limits, as long as we are concerned
th "the same" form. i.e. so long as its basic structure is preserved.- until a crisis which c:hanges it
an~ to ~~c:h.in their devdopment, both types of selection inevirabfy lead. In other words, tncy are
vahdvntrun the limits of the observed continuity.

221
 other? With the equality of both magnitudes, forms must, apparently, remain unchanged
rather than develop. Why in this case are plus and minus not reduced to zero, but give a tek.
tological reality, a progressively-variable magnitude?

In the preceding we already encountered a number of times correlations which were

no less paradoxical; - such is, for example, the characteristic of an organized and disorga-
nized system, as a whole, which is practically greater or smaller than the sum of its parts.
Mathematical correlations are but a special an4 in addition, an idBBI case of tektological Co. !
relations; therefore,mathematical thought does not fully embrace the actual tektological
correlations, and often encounters conuadictions in them. Mathematical fJquality of op-
{J08itfI$ /$/lflfHH'Blly a tIIkt%gicallnequallty. This is revealed everywhere.

In fact, llPI process proceeding in the direction of organization enlarges further or-
ganizational pOssibilities, while that proceeding in the direction of disorganization, on the
contrary, decreases disorganizational possibilities. If the l00mllion population of a given
~ntry, due to the excess of births over deaths, increases by 1 million in one year, then
under the same conditions it will grow more in the following year- by 1,01 0,000, and in
. the year following that, by 1,020,000. Ifin another country there arose for the same 100
million. an excess of mortaJity equal to the first, then in the second year, with other con-
ditions being unchanged, the population will decrease not by a million, but by less- by
990 thousands, and in the third, by 980, 100, etc. One is the progression of Increasing, the
other of decreasing magnitudes. If one system,alf11:ainirw the organized sum of actividesS,
is destroyed, then this exhausts the question about it; it cannot be disorganized as such
any further. If another system alongside the first, initially equal to it, developing gradually
has organized in itself a sum of activities 25, then quantitatively this only covers the loss
of. a given type of organization; but tektoJogic:ally the matter does not end there, and a fur-
ther process of development is quite possible. Thus, in practice progress Is always greater
than regress when their magnitude is the same; the organizational process is greater than the
dlsorganizational one.

This point of view is already penetrating contemporary sc:ience. The proposed ex-
planation by Van Goff of the universal Newtonian gravitation can serve as an example.
The most common idea of the structure of matter, namely, that all atoms represent sys-
tems of equilibrium of positive and negative electrical elements, is the initial point of de-
parture. According to the law of Coulomb, elements of the same name repulse each
other, and those of different names attract each other; both actions are proportional to the
magnitude of electrical charges, and conversely proportional to the square of the distance. It
means that the attraction of a positive and a negative electron is equal, with other condi-
tions being the same, to the repulsion between the two positive or two negative electrons;
it is equal mathematically, Le., itJs expressed by one and the same numeric magnitude.

222
r
I
In reality the attraction manifests itself in that positive and negative electrons draw
rogether, and with this, the attraction increases, since, in conformity with the law of
eoulomb, the greater is the attraction, the lesser is the distance. Conversely, repulsing elec·
uo ns tnOV6 sway from each other, and the repulsion itselfdecl'88SeS. Consequently, math·
ematicallyequal attraction and repulsion are practically, i.e., tektologically, not equal: the
first is greater than the second.·

Let there be two atoms of matter in which positive and negative elements of electri·
'city are completely balanced. In this case, electrical attraction and the repulsion between them
areequaJquantitatively, but in fact they are not equal: attraction is greater than repulsion.
It is this difference -Mlich produces the Newtonian "gravitation" between atoms. It can be pre-
sented so that elements of different names of both atoms draw together, and elements of
the same name move apart inasmuch as the elasticity of the inner connections of the atom
perm 'ts
I •1

Whether th is theory will be adequate or not to explain the entire present IUfTI of facts,
its logic, at any rate, is irreproachable. Attraction is an elementary organizational tendency,
directed at the formation of the simplest systems: electronic, atomic and mollecular ones;
repulsion for such systems is a separating, disorgsnizBt/onal tendency. Under numeric equal·
ity, the first of them must be practically greater than the second.

I often had an occasion to apply the same logic to various questions of science. It per·
mlts, for example, to give a probable solution to the question of how the initial motor
reactions in living organisms originated: the simplest "modulating" motions of the semi·
liquid cell, observed in amoeba. These motions, generally ,are vitally-expedient: they draw
the cell to the source of external influence which is U$8ful to it, for example, to the nut·
ritive material, and remoVfJ it from the source of a harmful influence, for example, a poi·
sonous substance in the surrounding liquid- as if some elements of the environment were
"pleasant" to the cell, and others "unpleasant."

We will proceed from elementary, hardly debatable physico-chemical consider-

ations. The body of a cell is a quite complicated complex of protein and other mollecules
, in dynam Ie equilibrium with the environment. There are innumerable small influences on
the part of the environment, and inside the cell continual chemical molecular, and physi-
cal changes go on. All this must engender in the body of the cell, especially in its peripheral

~Sin~e the magnitude of the atom ~ exceedingly small, and this difference in the diatances' of its elements
IS,evw.ndy, even smaller, the for~e of graviey, ,wruch depends on this difference, is qui~ negligible in ,
companson to the force of attraction or repulSIon between the two electrons. The fust IS leas than the
second, approximateiy,b, a billion decillions times (a quantity expressed by a unity with 42 zeros).

223
parts, .continual movements, constantly changing their direction and character. 1 These
movements remain largely unnoticed, because their direction at each point is constantly
changing, and minimal opposite shifts are approximately balanced.

Now, let a substance poisonous to the cell, which is capable of dampening its functions,
spread through diffusion from a definite point in the surrounding liquid. To the normal,
small influences of the environment a new, more significant and besides, a directly harmful
influence is joined. It will inevitably exert its force on the normal, minimal movements
of the protopIavn. Being harmful and lowering the energy of the cell, it should, in general,
weaken all of them; but only not all of them to the same extent. Movemen ts which draw
the cell to the source of a harmful influence should be weakened most: on the one hand,
with these movements its action increases, and vital manifestations of the cell are sup-
pressed more sharply- including, evidently, also these very movements; conversely, with
shifts removing the cell from the harmful influence, all this takes place to a lesser extent;
on the other hand, those parts of the cell which face the source of a harmful influence ex-
perience its action more strongly, and those, which are further away from it, experience a
weaker influence; meanwhile the first constitute the initial point of attracting movements,
the second- repulsing. Consequently, the movements of the first kind are generally re-
pressed to a greater extent, of the second- to a lesser extent

Thus, the former equilibrium of small shifts, especially in the frontier parts of the
cell, is Inevitably violated, and repulsing movements preponderate; slight differences of
this kind, joining together, create the observed motion. This motion is expedient because
it is the result of selection, and because it is directed at the r~tabllshment of equilibrium.
The same considerations, in a reversed form~ are applicable to the case of a useful influence,
and the conclusion is quite analogous.

So the expediency of the primary reflexes of the cells is explained. But at the same time
those c~s where these reflexes turn out to be inexpedient also become clear. Such cases
are much less frequent, but they are nevertheless encountered; and from our point of view
they must be encountered. Selection creates the reaction of attraction under any influences
which directly intensify the energy of vital functions of the cell; but such influences are
not always, in the final analysis, useful for life. Other stimulating poisons may "attract"
the cell, being harmful to it,- sim ilarly to how alcohol frequently attracts man. In
many microorganisms, light provokes a "positive" reaction, i.e., a movement towards the
source of the rays; but lI1der a strongc:tanicaf action of these rays, its conSequences sometimes

lEspecially in the peripheral, frontier pans because there the ·environmental influences have a direct im-
pact, and because the magnitude of surface tension of the plasm alters in accordance with even the
sliahtest chemical changes.

224
turn out to be destructive. Any "heliotropism" (movements toward the light or away from
it), and "chemotropism" (movements toward a chemical influence or away from it) re-
ceive a simple explanation.

In physico-chemistry. there are many regularities of the "maximum" and "minimum"

tYpe, i.e., where phenomena tend to the greatest or the smallest possible magnitude under
given conditions.

Why, for example, do liquids strive to assume a form which corresponds to the smallest
surface under a given volume, the simplest illustration of which is the spherical form of
water drops? Let us assume the presence of a quantity of liquid in the midst of innumer·
able, small and varied influences of the environment, no matter what they might be. 1 The
form of a liquid, due to these or those influences, experiences innumerable small changes
at various points of the surface. Some of these changes diminish the magnitude of the sur-
face, others, on the contrary, enlarge it. But if both of them are equal on the average, then
they are not equal in their results. Each contraction of the surface also diminishes the sum
of external influences of the environment, for which this surface serves as the sphere of ap-
plication; each enlargement of the surface increases this sum. Consequently, any time that
the first occurs, 'there is a decrease in the energy of further changes, and this means that there
arises stability of theform;Ylhenthe second occurs, the change is intensified and the stabil·
ity is lowered. It is clear that from these innumerable, and for our senses infinitely small
changes, the first should be retained to a greater extent than the second; reductions of sur-
face should preponderate over surface en!argements. Adding up, all of them together pro-
duce then a minimal surface.

It is not easy to picture this process in all of its complexity and spontaneity. Many.
for example. will retort that a liquid "at once" assumes the spherical shape of the drop, and
that for the selection of minimal changes a "long time" is necessary. This objection, how-
ever, would be erroneous and naive. because its entire meaning reduces to uncritical use of
the concept of time.

The expressions "at once" and "a long tirre"are not scientific, when applied to elemental
nature: they assume a subjective measure of time which is given to us by the usual flow of
our psychic processes. The same second, which in a labouring or cognitive activity is
thought to be an extraordinarily short interval of time. because our consciousness is able to
embrace during this interval only a Sinall number of changes. is a vast period of time

lWith this we should at first reject the concept of the "surface-tension" of liquids. which is only a concU.
tlonal, typical expression of the results of interaction between the liquid and ita environment.

225
 from the point of view o~ molecular, atomic, and intra-atomic, etc., processes: in a second
millions Qf millions of vibrations of particles of matter, etheric waves, etc. pass by; for ex-
ample, for gamma rays the number of vibrations per second is determined, approximately,
by the number 5 with 21 zeros (five sextillions); and each vibration is still a complex pro-
cess, passing through numerous, or, more precisely and very likely, innumerable phases.
The form of a liquid depends on movements which are not as small as that, but which are
nevertheless molecular, for which trillionths parts of a second, for example, are large mag-
nitudes. Of course, in order to detect the results of selection, time is needed, measured not
by thousands of generations of organisms as in biological evolution, but by insignifi-
cantly small for us parts of a second. .

But there are cases when phenomena of exactly the same character flow so slowly
that months, years and even larger magnitudes may serve as a tirm scale fa them,- this occurs
when the same tendency to achieve a minimum surface is revealed in solid bodies. Such,
for example, are stones at the bottom of a river or at a seashore. These bodies have very
firm connections among particles; and influences of the flowing water and the solid particles .
carried by it, to whi~ those bodies are subjected, can change their form comparatively
slowly. But with the exception of this quantitative difference, all that was said about the
selection of changes with a preponderance of those which diminish the surface of influence
is fully applicable here; and the result is quite similar: pebbles are spherical, etc.; moreover,
it is easy to trace all transitions from some irregular initial form. of fragments to a mini-
mum of surface.

The diffusion of light on the paths of the shortest time is also a result of innumerable
processes of selection. According to theory, light waves go in all directions; but only on the
paths of the shortest time are they subjected to positive selection, because they strengthen
each other, and negative selection rules over aU others. As has already been mentioned,
two equal waves which merge crest to crest and valley to valley produce a quadrupled force
. of action; however, when the crest is merged with the valley, the waves mutually eliminate
each other, - one of our examples of organization and disorganization. In all the wave
paths, except in those corresponding to the shortest time, disorganization completely pre-
. ponderates, and light phenomena are not present; on these comparatively few paths combi-
nations of waves which create "light rays" are organized. Only they enter our perception,
and only they are col7lldered by us subsequently.

The e,volution of life is also characterized by the creation of innumerable forms, of

which only a minimal part is preserved, and others perish. The first enter into subsequent cal-'
culation of nature, the second are crossed off the register. Here the inequality between
positive and negative selection appears most vividly: in the first there is always a possibility
of continuance of selection; the second is continually inrerrupRd by its 0'Ml exhaustion. Quantita.

226
tively, the balance on its side is enormous- nevertheless the sum of organization increases.
From the very beginning, when the concept of "natural selection" entered science, biolo-
gists noticed as its distinctive feature: lICOoomy in th8 final mu/ts, and a coloasl waste-
fUlness In the means of achievement. The first expresses a rise in the level of organization,
the second- the price of innumerable acts of disorganization by which organization is
ad1ieved.

From this flows the basic, universal Irreversibility of processes in nature. Negative
selection occurs everywhere; what it takes is irrevocably carried away; destroyed forms
leave the economy of nature, and nature itself is now different than it was before, and all
that is new is created under new conditions. When science speaks about phenomena which
are reversible or repeating, then these characteristics are approximate and practical only;
with sufficient investigation it,is always possible to show their imprecision. The nan \W1o left
his home cannot return home; because, even if he returns, it will not be the IBmB man r~
turning to the 88m8 home. Brahma does not dream twice about the same thing.

But this irreversibility has still another name: it is the IntlXhaU8tlbllity of crestlon•••

2'27
 VIII
Crises 'of Forms

1. General Notions of Crises

The Greek word "crisis" means "determination." Originally, it was almost exclusive-
ly applied in legal suits between two parties,- and then to the process of discussion in gen-
eral; later, to the struggle of motives in the human psychics; finally, to any contest of op-
posing tX competing forces. Moreover, under crisis a completion or a turning point of some
process, which has a character of struggle is constandy understood: until a "crisis" the
struggle goes on, the situation is indeterminate and fluctuating; the moment of crisis puts
an end to this indeterminance and fluctuation- the victory of one party or reconciliation
of both: something new begins. which is organizationally different than before. If the
court hands down a judgment. there is an end to the lawsuit, and what remains is the per-
formance of a verdict; if the enemy is conquered, or if the two parties decide that to con-
tinue the fight is fruidess,- the war has no place, it is replaced by peacetaJks.

later, the notion of crisis broadened still further and was applied to any sharp tran-
sidon, to any changes perceived by people as a disturbance of continuity. So it is custom-
ary to talk about the "crisis of illness .. when the observed symptoms change sharply, the
"crisis in the development of an organisni," such as puberty or menopause (loss of the ability
in WOmen to bear children), when in the life of an organism new functions appear or former

229
} ones end. Social sciences denote by the same word not only moments of revolutions or
deep reforms, but generally also periods of sharp social ills: crises of overproduction, high
prices, the aggrevatlon of class struggle, etc. In sciences concerning inorganic nature such chan.
ges in the structure of bodies as melting, freezing, boiling are brought under this concept;
"critical" (from the word "crisis" and not from the word "criticism"), for example, tem-
per~ture of boil ing is that temperature under wh ich a liquid is inevitably, and independently·
from other conditions, converted into gas. In physics and chemistry there is a whole series
of similar "critical magnitudes," i.e., magnitudes with which the unavoidability of a crisis
is connec:ted.

Tektology must with scientific precision establish its organizational, generalizing

notion of "crisis." It was already outlined by usf now we shall investigate it more closely.

Externally, the definition ofa aisis is simple and obvious: It is a change in the orga-
nizational form of a complex. No matter how little is contained in this definition, an im-
portant characteristic of the notion "crisis" flows from it: the rtJilltlvlty of crisis. How is
the notion about the "organizational form" of a complex established? Differently in dlf·
ferentcases, more broadly or narrowly, in conformity with a given problem; and together
with it wr usage of the term "crisis" will also change.

The life of an organism can serve as an example. tet us assume that life interests us
only from the most general biological point of view- as a struggie with the environment
for SUiVivaI, for a cootlnuaJ preseiVation d this canplex; and, as we know, this presesvation reduces to a
dynamic equilibrium with the environment, to processes of assimilation-disassimilation.
Then the entire life of an organism can be pictured as a single holistic series, containing
within its limits, of course, many quantitative fluctuations of the dynamic equilibrium,
now in the direction of greater assimilation, and then in the reversedirection,- it
is connected with two crises only: conception and' death, two boundaries of the series, the
beginning and cessation of the vital process. But if in the organization of a living body we
have to take into account also the most Important of its particular functions which are the
means of preserving life, such as breathing, digestion, motor reactions and propagation, then
the' notion of organizational form will be here much more complex, and we will find still
further series of crises: birth,when, together with the environment, radically change the
character and significance of motor reactions, when lung breathing and gastric-intestinal
digestion begin; later the coming of puberty, when the abtlity of propagation appears; and sexual
death, when this ability disappears. However, if we consider the organizational form in a
more detailed way, investigating various concrete manifestations of the same functions,

lIn the chapter on disorganization ("Tho Formulating Mechanism," Chapter 3)

230
then the number of vital functions will turn out to be great; for example, all transitions
from vigilance to sleep and from sleep to vigilance will constitute crises: moments of inter-
ruption and re-establishment of a mass of psychic motor connections of the nervous mech-
anism; periodic and non-periodic changes in the condition of sexual' aPl?aratus; transition
of individual muscles and glands from passiveness to activlW and back/etc. Under. even
more detailed examination of the organizational form, at tach of such changes the whole
series of moments having a character of crises will be revealed again: physiological, phy.
sical and chemical transformations. In short, depending on whether the framework of our
investigation includes the basic or more particular features of structure of the tektological
whole, the same phenomena will be considered by us as ordinary phases which do not
change their organizational form, or conversely, as its "crises." The notion of crisis is cor-
relative with the "organization form" outlined by analysis.

All this already flows, as we can see, from the externally formal definition of crises,
which, in essence, do not yet go beyond the limits of ordinary, prescientific cognition. But
for tektology, as a science, it is insufficient to have a simple statement that crisis is a change
in organizational form: there is a need for a general, fundamental explanation of such a
change, a discovery of general conditions, a determination of its place and significance in
the series of tektological processes. How can one approach the solution of these questions?
This can be do.,e mostclosely and simply from the point of mathematics. 1

In mathematics, "magnitudes" are consid~red as increasing and decreasing; both are

continuous processes which do not have a character of crises. But two of their moments
represent real crises: they are the origination of magnitUdes and their destruction.

Let there be a positive magnitude X. This, of course, is a symbol for some complex
of practically-homogeneous activities. We can destroy this magnitude by adding to it an
opposite magnitude, I.e., -X: a symbol for activities which are homogeneous with the first
activities, but which are directed in the sense of a complete opposition to them. For exam-
ple, if+X expresses a movement from a point occupied by us, in a straight line to the right
of 1 kilometer, then -X will denote a movement to the left; they paralyze each other in a
full disingression; this is their practical mutual-destruction, the symbol of which is "zero,"
a "zero point." Any other absolute destruction of activities cannot, of course, be admitted
by tektology.

The other type of crisis is, as we stated, the origination of magnitudes: transition

1
Recall that we consider mathematics to be a part of tektology which had developed before its other
fl:atspter
, and namely, that part which has to do with neutral complexes (see "·Basic Concepts and Methods,"
on "Organization and Disorganiation").

231
froin zero to an "infinitely small" magnitude. What is this "infinitely small" magnitude?

.. Assume that an astronomer was calculating the distance between the cente~s of the
Earth and the Sun, and made an error of 1 kilometer. With contemporary methods this
error cannot be captured experimentally, and for various conclusions which depend on the
calculated magnitude this error has no bearing; the magnitude in the given case is infinite-
ly small. It is, nevertheless, quite a real element of those same wortd distances: if we added
to it a sufficient number of similar infinitely-small magnitudes, we would get a noticeable
magnitude capable of changing the astronomer's conclusions; and progresS in measurement
methods may in the future make this "infinitely-small" magnitude also "finite," i.e., acces-
sible to investigation and not lying within the limits of errors~

As we see, it is a difference between two magnitudes; it was arrived at by subtTBCtion

of the calculated magnitude from the real one. And subtraction corresponds practically to
disingression. Here, of the two distances we must pass really or mentally, one in one direc-
tion, for example, from the Earth to the Sun, and then the 'other in the opposite direction-
from the Sun to the Earth; as a result there will be a difference. The activities of transfer-
ence are merged so as to achieve their mutual destruction. If this disingression is complete,
then the result will be "zero," and there will not tJe any remainder; this would occ::ur under
an absolutely precise calculation. Let us assume that the calculation Was absolutely precise;
but after some time the real distance increased by 1 kilometer,- it does so change in fact;
then our complete disingression becomes incomplete; it is partially violated, and the dif-
ference "appears" whose magnitude, although "infinitely-small," i.e., practically-insignifi-
cant and not taken into account, is present. This is the secOnd type of a mathematical crisis.

Thus, both types are connected with the notion of zero, i.e., a complete disingression
of magnitud~: in one case i.t ar_ in place of the former magnitude, in the other- it is
violated.

We know the tektological role of a complete disingression: separation, or severance

of any organizational co'",et:tions. The violation of a complete disingression means, con-
sequently, the creation of organlzationsl connectiontl.

Now we can return to a generally-"tektological notion of crises. It was expressed thus

far as a "change in organizational form." But what does this form represent? We know that
it represents a totality of connections among mements. Consequently, a ~angein form can
only consist either in a destruction of any former connections or in the appearance ~f new
connections, or in both. But this means that the essence of crises lies in the formation or
violation of comp/Bte disingres8ions. We have before us the same scheme which in a dis-
guised form. was liven to us by mathematics.

232
 Let us consider the conditions of some typical crises, for example, the melting of
solid bodies. It depends, as we know, on temperature, which is an expression of the kinetic
energy of particles of a body, their "living force," directed at separation, or severance of
connections among them. These connections are supported, and with them the stability of the
rnutuallocation of particles, by activities of another kind which are denoted as "cohesion. U
In a solid body,cohesion preponderates over the thermal energy, and more than paralyzes
its separating action. To heat up the body means to increase its thermal activities; YAth this. the
preponderance of cohesion over it lessensj bilt so long as cOhesion is still present, so long
as it has not yet reached zero. magnitude, the body remains solidjits molecules in their fluc-
tuations maintain their former correlative location. If the process continues, then a moment
arrives when opposite activities are balancedj thermal energy reaches the level which now
disturbs cohesionj former stable connections are severed, and particles instead of fluctuat-
ing around one average position, begin to move in complex orbits. This mutual mobility of
particles characterizes the transition from a solid to a liquid condition. A moment of crisis
is the moment of formation of a complete disingression. 1

Let there be an insulated conductor, for example, a metallic sphere, which is

"charged" with electricity. The charge consists of special elements of electricity: homo-
geneous and mutually repelling elements. This mutual repulsion would have forced them
to depart from the surface of the conductor and dissipate in space, if they did not meet re-
sistances on the part of the non-conducting "didectric" environment- the air, or glass. At
some distance from the surface, very small for our measures, the pressure of electrical
elements is fully balanced by the resistance of a non-conductorj it is there that a "boun-
dary" for their diffusion is drawn; the stronger is their mutual pressure or "tension of elec-
tricity," the further from the surface is this boundary. Let us lay on this boundary another
conductor. 2 At a corresponding point the resistance is thereby removed or, because of its
smallness, becomes inadequate, and electrons would rush there, as water breaking through
a dam, creating disturbances between the two conductors. If the second conductor is in-
sulated in the same way as the first, then both of them together will form a single charged
conductorj if, however, the second conductor is not insulated, i.e., connected with the
ground by the conductor of practically, infinitely large dimensions, then both of them will
be "discharged." Here the manent of crisis is the moment of severance of full disingressions.

lIn thermometers of Cdsius and Reaumur this is expressed by the zero point. Of course. it is not llle
C!al zero temperature; we now
0
know that the real zeto temperature, i.e., the living force of th e mutual mo-
tion of particles lies at 273 Centigrade below zero. But this is in fact the point of zero difftlreflCfI bet-
~een two directions of molecular activities of water. Any complete disingresaion denotes some zero dif.
lerence of n similar kind.

2More precisely not on the boundary, but sufficiently close to it, because in the second conductor is .
~rm~d. through "induction" (influence) (tom the fIrst, an accumulation of the opposite elements of
ectricny, whIch also seek to leave the surface into the SUrtOWlding environment and are attracted by
the dectricity of the fllSt condu.::tor.

233
 Particles of water and liquids move in complex, but clOSBd orbits; in these orbits SOllle
of them ar~ restrained by other, adjacent particles, and all of them generally by the pres-
sure of atmosphere, the external activitiesCXlUl1teraCti", their movements. So long as this pres-
sure outWei~s their kinetic energy, water remains as a liquid and only a small part of its
particles, breaking lose from the surface, departs into the atmosphere, "evaporates"- those
few particles whose speed of movements turned out to be sufficient to overcome the coun-
ter bloWs of the air molecules. With heating, i.e., increase in the kinetic energy of water
particles, the number of such departing particles grows; but up to a definite limit the at-
mospheric ptessure In general continu~ to outweigh this energy, and the mass of water re-
mains calm. This limit for the ordinary atmospheric pressure is reached at 1000 Centigrade.
Then the stability of the system is lost and a mass-rush of water into the atmosphere starts-
the crisis of bOiling.

A great formal similarity exists between this case and revolutionary crises. The activ-
ities of rising classes are restrained, or repressed by the force of the ruling classes- so long
as such a force is sufficient for this. But the growth of the former and degeneration of the
latter into parasitism continually change the correlation: and the moment arrives when
both magnitudes are balanced. Then the social whole loses its stability; and later there com-
mences a breach of the lower strata through those limits within which the pressure of the
upper strata held them.

The tektologicaJ designation of crises leads to them being discovered in many of those
cases where everyday thought does not find them at all. So, let us assume that a body
moves at first with an accelerated speed, then that this acceleration is lost, and later re-
placed by deceleration. At a point where the acceleration becomes equal to zero, there oc-
curs~ obviously, a complete disingression between the force giving rise to it and some
other counteracting forces. To ord inary observation, nothing special has occured- the
motion continues in the former direction. In fact, We have a crisis here- a deep change in
the very character of motion. Mathematics expresses this change by that the "derivative of
speed" being transfarood here fran a positive magnitude into zero, which, as we know, is the
symbol for a crisis.

So in the life of an organism one of the most impo~nt crises corresponds. to that
elusive and hardly distinguishable moment, when its ascending line is replaced by a descen-
ding line: the preponderance of vital assimilation over disassimilation ends, in order to
yield to their converse correlation.

F rom the point of view of ordinary thought, a crisis is a kind of violation of continuity.
This would have been an insolvable riddle; tektology makes it solvable by substituting in the
place of one continuity- two, with changjng correlations. Such is the general method of

234

I
solving all "arithmological" problems, i.e., problems connected with interruptions in
complexes of experience. 1

2. Types of Crises

We have already outlined two basic types of crises; they flow from our definition.
Some crises arise from a violation of complete disingressions and, consequently, a break-up
of tektological boundaries and, therefore, from the formation of new c:onnections;
others, on the contrary, from the formation of complete disingressions and the c:reation of
new boundaries where they did not exist before, i.e., from the break-up of c:onnections. The
first type we will denote as "c:rises C," i.e., c:oniunctive or joining; the second as "crises 0,"
i.e., "disjunctive" or separating. In essence, any conjunction begins with crisis C, the
break-up of boundaries: and any disintegration of a complex originates from crisis O.
It is easy to distinguish these two types abstractly, in thought: but when we begin to study
phenomena concretely, as they are encountered in experience, it turns'out that the pro-
blem is incomparably more complex exactly because simple crises do not exist: in fact,
each crisis presents a chain of elementary crises of both types.

Let us take crisis' C, the simplest in appearance; for example, a merging of two drops of
YAter. We now know that even such an il"6igniflCar'lt mechanical process does not occ:ur wi thout an ex-
penditure of activities; without a destruction of some, even though an insignificant num-
ber of atoms, or at least without emanation of energy. But this loss of activities means
tearing them off from, the whole which is being created; and tearing off is crisis 0, which
presupposes the appearance of complete disingressions. And generally, a given crisis C, as
any other crisis, is crowned, of course, with the creation of a new system with a new boun-
dary; and this boundary can only arise through the appearance of new complete dislngres-
sions, where they did not exist before. Consequently, the closing moment for any c:risis is
D.

The division of a drop of water into two can serve as an example of a correspondingly
simplest crisis O. And again, we know that disingression generally expresses only the neg-
ative result of conjunction. The drop could never divide "by itself:" this is a consequence
either of its growth, for example at the expense of the atmosphere saturated with moisture,
or intervention of still some other external force, breaking up connections among the parts
of the drop. But both cases present nothing more than joining of activities from without;
to do this, they must penetrate through the former boundary of the complex which pre-

lOialecrics_ one of the embryos oCtektology- has already outlined. in essence, the same method of
solution.only in an insuffICiently definite and insufficiently general (onn.

235
 supposes t.tl~ violati6n of full disingressions existing there. Consequently, moment D is
necessarily preceded, as its condition, by the moment C.

As we see, the polar points of any crisis are the same in type: the initial point is a1.
ways C, the final phase is always D. The scheme is the same: CD, implying, of course, un.
der each of th,e two signs not a single elementary crisis, but. the entire interlacing series of
Crises.

However, to limit oneself by this formal unity would be inexpedient In the study of
the concrete mechanism of crises we will have to divide them into groups, in which the
central significance practically and the greatest interest theoretically falls on this or that
side- Cor D. This is well illustrated by the two examples given by us: we characteriii
them quite naturally,Ole as the typical crisis C, because it is exactly this moment which
stands first in the plan of investigation of the question concerning merging of the water
drops or other complexes, the second as the typical crisis 0, since here the basic question
concerns disintegration. And although we know that any crisis 0 is engendered by the pre-
ceding conjunctions, for the problem at hand in this or that case they may not have any
significance, so that they can be assumed to be such or others, without the closest investi.
gation.

Let there be a chemical reaction,between sulphuric acid and chalk. Its beginning
is simply a conjunction of these two substances; besides, in conformity with the contem·
porary views of theoretical chemistry, there must occur all kinds of combinations of their
:atoms- calcium, sulphur, oxygen, carbon and hydrogen; later there occurs an immediate
disintegration of the majority of these combinations, as unstable; in this selection, stable
Combinations are formed and retained- water, carbon dioxide and sulphuric line;l they
do not remain together but are divided by new boundaries: carbon dioxide goes up in the
air as gas, and sulphuric lime fcmsa deposit (gypsum). Here, as we see, the final moment,
0, is no less important than the first; and in order to give an idea about the crisis as a whole
whole, we must characterize it from the start as a complex crisis, namely CD.

Radioactive substances, as we know, are in the process of a progressively proceedi~1t

decomposition, precise causes of which are unknown. From uranium tears off '- ·particle
(an atom of helium with double positive charges), and as a result uranium X one appears;
them tears off /J
·particle (an efectron, or a pure negative charge), and as a result uranium
X two appears; another particle falls off and before us is uranium II; again another partide,
and we have an m;a further partide, and we have radium, etc. It is dear that this crisis should

236
alSO be defined from the start as a complex crisis 00. 1 The same SGheme should be used to
express the crisis of a party, if it is found to be unadaptable to the social environment and
breaks up into factions, which are then splintered into groups and Which,in tum disperse
into human atoms.

The birth of a baby represents first of all its separation from the body of the mother:
moment O. Then there is an entry into its organism of the whole series of new complexes-
activities through breathing organs, movements and external senses: multiple C. Finally,
a new relative equilibrium with the environment is established, on the basis of the
determined tektological boundaries: again o. The characteristic: of the crisis is,consequently:
D.C.C.o. This is the case when we are not interested in precise explanations a ~ the QPlan-
ations of conditions calling forth the act of birth are not given. If, however, they are con-
sidered, for example, when the birth occurred prematurely as a consequence of a mechan-
Ical influence or nervous shock, then the summarizing designation will be COCCO. Of a
similar kind, from a purely formal point of view, is the crisis of death: a break-up of some
connections necessary for lifej then, alongside with a further break-up of other connections
of the organisms, there is also a violation of boundaries between its specialized tissues, and
together with this also of general boundaries between the organism and its environment,
from which destructive living and non-living agents are introduced .into it; finally, decom-
position into stable physical and chemica! elements: OCD.

The union of hydrogen and oxygen was understood by the old chemists as a simple
crisis C. For contem porar.y chemistry it presents quite a complex character: the split-
ting of particles of hydrogen {H21 and oxygen (02) into atoms, formation of hydro-acids
(HO), their groupings in pairs into hydrogen peroxide (H2D2), and its decomposition into
water and oxygen; besides, it is likely that in the course of the entire process there is also
a formation of still other, unstable, immediately decomposing combinations. In a similar
way, division of a propagating cell into two, a simple act for the earliest observation, is
now considered as quite a complex structural crisis, both from physical and chemical points
of views. All depends on how far a given investigation penetrates.

In ordinary thought, the notion of crisis includes the speed or swiftness of change,
of course, relative to the measures taken from everyday experience. For tektological
analysis these measures do not have any significance. For example, thorium is a radioactive
element, which is in the condition of decomposition- crisis OJ besides, the average duration
of life of its atoms is approximately 25 million yearsj the penultimate element from the
products of this progressive decomposition, before the transition into a stable body, name-

lOouble DO is suCficiei\t in order to express a series of processes of decay.

237
Iy into lead, has an average life of approximately one hundred-trillionths part of a second;
radium; however, has an average life of approximately 2,500 years, and all three of them
need to be considered as being in the condition of a completely homogeneous crisis. Such
is the generally-tektological point of view. The question is, of course, quite different when
solutions to special practical or theoretical problems are concerned: each of them has its
peculiar scale of precision; and if, for example, it is necessary to calculate the quantity
of uranium or even radium in some combination in weight, then with contemporary
methods of measurement there is no need to take into account the process of decomposi-
tion: there is no crisis in this problem. The notion of "crisis" is just as relativs as are gen-
erally all the scientific notions.

3. A limiting Equilibrium

Crisis is a disturbance of equilibrium, and at the same time a transition to some new
equilibrium. The latter can be considered as a limit to changes which occur during a crisis,
or as a limit to its tendencies. If we know the tendencies of a crisis and those conditions
under which they unfold, then it is possible to predict the final result of a crisis- that lim-
iting equilibrium to which it tends.

So, for example, if there are two connecting vessels with a different level of water in each of
them, then crisis C proceeds between them, for which a limiting equilibrium is represented
by the same level of water in both vessels. Or, let us assume, that a box lies on the table filled
wi~ accidentally thrown in pieces of uniform form - lumps of sugar, or unevenly
spread flour, etc.; it is subjected to innumerable tiny tremours, coming from all sides
through the wood of the table and the air: then, in the case of sugar, the limiting equilib-
rium will be that under which the common center of the weight of the lumps takes the lowest
possible position; and for the flour that under which the upper surface of its layer turns
out to be horizontal. The ancient truly· Russian proverb,"by dint of patience one can come
to be fond of a thing one disliked at first," expresses a limiting equilibrium of conjunc-
tive process- a marriage between alien people in nature under conditions of insolubility of
the conjugal union. If a young man experiences a crisis of ideological vacillations and
doubts, then with sufficient knowledge of his former upbringing and a given situation, it is
often possible to predict with great likelihood how the matter will end; for example, in the
case of a religious rnan- in either a transition to or a repudiation of religion, or in a fresh
reinforcement of religion. Thus, in the early 1920's, in my critical article in respect of the hes·
itatlons of Marxists of those days, in particular N. Berdiaev and S. Bulgakov, I was able to
predict what they would come to: the first to a moderate liberalism with an aristocratic
nuance, the second to clericalism with an agrarian colouring. l In other cases, ~ historian ob-

lSee Prom the Psychology of So<:ir.ty, "Ethos of the Past" (pp. 218-222, second edition).

238
 serving an ongoing revolution, taking into account forces acting in it and its entire environ-
ment, can predict the form of organization of society that would emerge from it ...

All conclusions and predictions relating to limiting equilibria assume, of course, a

definite regularity ruling over the observed processes of the creation and transformation of
forms. This quite simple regularity can be expressed thus: the more, in two distinct cases,
the totality of elements and the environment in which they find themselves are similar the
greater is the probability of similarity in the limiting equilibria to which the formulating and
regulating processes (groupings and selection) tend in both cases.

In other words: the more homogeneous is the organizational material and conditions
influencing this material, the greater similarities should be expected in the organizational
products created from it

However, this scheme, which appears to be self-evident, should not be oversimplified.

It expresses an organizational tendency, which is always present, but which is not always
embodied in the final result, because it can be emasculated or paralyzed by other tenden-
cies flowing from the concrete complexity of conditions.

First of all, the following must be borne in mind. For the same aggregate of elements
not one but several forms of a limiting equilibrium are frequently possible. Thus, there are
substances having a complete identity of chemical structure, which are able to crystallize
in various forms, or be now amorphous, and now crystalline; such are, for example, sulphur,
phosphorus and carbon. Many chemical reactions culminate ei.~er in one or another com-
bination. Of course, it does not follow from this that the "selection" of one or another
limiting equilibrium is accidental; it depends on conditions under which transformations
of forms occur; consequently, there is no contradiction with our scheme; but the differ-
ence in conditions often yields here with great difficulty to calculation and evaluation. This
. is especially true o·f living forms. The basis of biological species are, according to contem-
porary views, distinctions in chemical content in the living proteins: the mature organism
of a species can be considered to be a form of a limiting equilibrium to some groups of
proteins. However, many species are distinguished by so-called dimorphism, or even poly-
morphism, Le., they have two or more, in our view many, diverging forms. For ex-
ample, in some butterflies, the male and female and even polymorphic varieties of the same
sex were considered by naturalists for a long time to be independent species. And among
the lower non·vertebrates exa"l'les of such sharp divergence of the external signs of different
sexes or alternating generations are encountered, which far surpass the average, usually ob-
servable distinctions among species. Besides. complex, indefinitely-cilanging conditions of the
life of a species are usually considered to be approximately "the same" for its various indiv-
iduals; and if under different conditions it is established that sexual dimorphism is tonnec-

239
 ted with an absence or presence of such and such elements in the embryo,. clnd a seasonal
polymorphism, . with such and such conditions of temperature and humidity, etc., then
there still remains, with rare unexplained exceptions, the question why this polymorphisltt
Is being worked 9ut here, and not in the neighbouring species; why is it sharper here, and,
under apparently the same conditions, much weaker elsewhere, and, generally, what
are its organizational mechanics?

At any rate, the number of possible limiting equilibria is always quite constrained;
and, in essence, for each given case, there is even only one possibility- necessity; but our
incomplete knowledge of conditions forces us to take into account and investigate various
possibilities, from which only one is realized.

Of course, the very notion of a limiting equilibrium is relative, since finished forms
and a halt to their development do not exist in nature. We 'caIl the structure of a mature
organ ism a limiting equilibrium to which the development of an embryo tends, and this
is quite logical inasmuch as the mature organism represents in fact the most stable form of
life capable of reproduction again and again. 8",t this does not preclude the fact that a
mature form is the point of origin to processes of vital decline, and it tends itself, conse-
quently, to a sdl! more stable limiting equilibrium occurring as a result of death and decay-
to the equilibrium of inorganic bodies. And this lattEr, moreover, generally competes with
the first- masses of embryos and underdeveloped organisms perish, not going through the
condition of maturity at all. Nevertheless, the condition of maturity is exactly what is im·
portant and interesting from the tektological point of view; only it has a positive organiza·
. tional significance, determining the development offorms: what was destroyed before
this phase, is simply exCluded from consideration of vital evolution, it perishes, so to
speak, in negative selection; what reaches this phase can reproduce itself again and
apin, as an object of positive selection and a point of origin of organizational processes, as
a form which has been selected tektologically.

On the way to a limiting equilibrium regular interval forms, which can also be con-
sidered as relative limiting equilibria for a definite part of the studied process,are frequently
observed. For example, a group of radioactive bodies, forming a family of uranium, is a sue·
cessive series of chemical elements which result one from the other, existing for a longer
or a shorter period of time- from tens of billions of years to small parts of a second: ura-
nium I, uranium II, uranium X, ion and radium with its derivatives, right up to the final
link in the chain, lead; it is considered to be a completely stable element, but, probably,
also because of our contemporary scales and methods observation. The larval ferms of animals
going through metamorphoses are also relatively-limiting equilibria; sometimes these forms
have all the properties of mature animals, including the ability of propagation.

240
 For chemical reactions, V. Oswald formulated the law of their sequence, according
to which there appears in a change of combinations at first the least stable combination
which is still possible under a given combination of reacting substances. For example, if a
corrosive sublimate is treated with a chloride lead, their metallic mercury does not imme-
diately appear, but calomel appears first Calomel is unstable in the presence of chlorous
lead and, after returning its chloride to chlorous lead, there appears mercury. With reactions
of precipitation,a saturated solution appears first, and only later, at times quite later, a
solid substance is isolated from it If the exist.ence of several solid fOl1T5 is possible, a more
soluble and a more changeable form appears first, etc. Thi$ regularity is important in the
practice of chemical analysis, because it teaches the importance of biding one's time in or-
der to obtain the precise results ofa reaction. Tektologically, however, there is nothing more
in it than an indication of the necessary in terval forms; however, the instabil ity of these forms
redUCes exactly to the fact that they are not final but transitional; the same calomel, for ex-
ample, may appear as a stable limiting eqUilibrium in other reactions.

The notion of a limiting equilibrium will serve us as the basic instrument in the inves-
tigation of crises.

4. Crisis C

The initial point of crisis C is the break-up of a tektological boundary between some
complexes. It leads directly to conjunctive processes which constitute the basic content of
these crises.

Let there be two contiguous but yet tektologically separate complexes, A and B-
two drops of water. These are molecular systems; the existence of a boundary between
them at a point of contact indicates that there is a neutraliution of oppositely directed
molecular activities. Approximately, this can be pictured as follows. The most closely
drawn together molecules of A and B are not yet bound by coupling activities (no mat-
ter what they are), not tied together exactly because there exist actions in the opposite
direction, also coupling activities, which bind each such molecule with its own complex, as
if drawing it back. So long as this action outbalances the coupling tendency between the
two closest molecules of A and B, they cannot draw together to the average mofecular dis-
tance which is present inside each of the two drops: contact in the precise meaning of the
word does not yet exist. When the two actions are completely equal, i.e., form a com-
plete disingression, then a contact occurs, but only rTIOr1'mtlrily, because we know that activ-
ities of two complexes external to the environment, not meeting here any resistance, cap-
ture the frontier line and create a partition.

However, thanks to the basic character of structure of both systems, this second case

241
 leads easily and even inevitably to the third. Molecules are in constant motion; the direc-
tion and magnitude of energy of this motion is continually changing for each molecule.
Therefore, once "contacts"generally OC(;ur, even though they are momentary only, the
disingression will be unstable if with the first approaches to molecular distance the tek-
tological boundary is still maintained, then with one of the following approaches, in which
the sum of molecular fluctuations in the direction of rapprochment turns out to be some-
what greater, this boundary will be violated; a coupling link will be established between
the individual molecules which have drawn together. But since the former connection
of each of these molecules with the adjacent frontier molecules was retained, the paths of
fluctuations of the latter must now change, evidently, again in the direction of rapproche-
ment of complexes; and,consequently, the boundary shortly after that will be violated for
some molecules which were not previously in contact, but which approached it very close.
Iy. And these, in turn, will involve still others in a unifying process, etc. The merging pro-
ceeds in an avalanche-like fashion and embraces both systems,so that the boundary bet-
ween them generally disappears: the basic moment of crisis C appears before us.

There OC(;urs a merging of the organizational material : the two drops "diffuse" one
into the other, and exchange molecules, the torn-off electrons and thermal energy. It is
exactly this which constitutes the basic reconstruction. It is regulated by the processes of
selection. The appearing groupings are in part preserved and in part disintegrated. Elements
of the disintegrating groupings either remain within the framework of the same system, but
now in other connections and correlations, or are removed from it entirely, passing on to
the external environment. The loss of this kind of organizational material, as we know, al-
ways accompanies conjunction, only measures of this loss are quite different. In the given
case, it isCJJite small and practically quite imperceptible. But it is present: mechanical motion
of the liquid of the merging drops is inevitably bound with thermal energy, I.e., dissipation
of certain quantity of kinetic energy, with the destruction of individual atoms when the
freed electrons have a possibility to diasppear into the surrounding space, and with the
discharge of radiant energy.

But this already enters the content of the culminating, necessary phase of the crisis:
the establishment of new systemic boundarieund a new complete disingression in the place
of the violated old boundaries. Removal of any part of activi.ties exactly means the appear·
ance of a complete disingressionin the field of connections of this part with the rest of the
complex. But apart from this, boundaries are generally restructured in a general reorgan-
zation. Thus, strictly speaking, a "physical" boundary, which, as we know, constitutes on-
Iya part of tektological boundary, here too is not reduced to a remainder of the former
physical boundaries of the two drops. Its transformation under the influence of selection
gives the new drop a minimum surface in the form of an ellipsoid. In this ends phase 0 of
the crisis.

242
 Now we are going to change the conditions: let the merging drops consist not of pure
water but of solutions of soda and hydrochloric acid in equivalent quantities. Then the pro-
cess is complicated by a chemical conjunction with the whole series of reactions. According
to the views of contemporary chemistry, here we have all kinds of groupings of ions on hand,
into which both the dissolved substances and the solvent disintegrate. An enormous·major.
ity of connections which arise h~re decompose immediately as being unstable in the given
environment. One of these connections, a combination of two hydrogen ions with a biva·
lent ion of soda C0 3, disintegrates into water and carbon dioxide, C02, which under nor-
mal temperature is gas, i.e., its particles possess such a significant energy of motion that it
exceeds both the magnitude of their coupling among themselves and of the particles of
the water solvent; they tear off, therefore, and are removed from the complex; only an in-
significant part of them remains in a "dissolved" state, in molecular and atomic combina.
tions with water. And Water and the dissolved salt- sodium chloride- "survive" on the
whole, forming the main content of the system.

Here phase 0 is expressed quantitatively much more sharply; a large part of the InlteriaJs
and complexes falls away, but the entire tektological character of the crisis is the same as in
the first example. Not knowing precisely the structure of complexes and their environment,
it is not possible to predict the extent to which crisis C will tum out to be the crisis of dis-
integration. Often, the process culminates in com plete "destruction" of the merging com·
plexes, according to the terminology of pre-scientific cognition. An example of this is the
phenomenon of explosion;

Let there be a certain quantity of picric acid which is in a physical and chemical equi.
librium with the environment. A complex particle of this substance consists of sharply ox·
idizing and restoring groupings; but they are sufficiently demarcated from each other to
prevent direct merging. A strong thermal vibration from fire or a match, or a mechanical
shock- a blow, or a flow of electrons from a discharging spark, or an explosive wave from
priming. violates the external boundary of the system: new activities conjunctively burst
into it. No matter how heterogeneous these influences are, the result is approximately the
same: the initicil, even though insignificant, regroupings lead at certain points to the break·
up of internal boundaries between the ~estoring and oxidizing groupings of the same or ad-
jacent molecules. New connections emerge, particles of which possess enormous kinetic
energy previously "hidden" in the form of intra-molecular tensions. This "freed" energy
bursts into the groupings of adjacent particles and engenders in them conjunctive proces-
ses leading again to the same connection of oxidizing with restoring groups, and a new
"freeing" of en"ergy, etc. The crisis develops in an avalanche-like fashion: the greater the
number ofrrolerules already embraced by it, the more will be embraced in the following
moment. Thus the process continues until the who:e chemical material of the complex is
exhausted. The magnitude of kinetic energy of the transformed molecules far outweighs

243
cOuplings among them; consequendy, they scatter in various directions in the form of gases
of high temperature under a great pressure.

There occurs "destructlon"of the original form, i.e., everyday consciousness,

being guided by customary means of perception, does not find this form at all in what has
actually happened. To the scientific consciousness, the matter is, of course, quite different!
There was preserved, only in a broken-up form passing into complexes of the surrounding
environment, the entire structural material of the demolished system, and survived, with
few exceptions, the chemical basis of its structure- atoms with their complex internal dy-
namics.

Tektological form is changeable, but it Is not dMtructab/e to the end: with sufficient
investigation we can always find remnants of the original organizationaJ connections. Its
complete destruction would be a destruction of the activities themselves which form it:
having arrived at a complete disorganization these activities would have become inaccessible
to experience, not producing any effects, not offering any resistance to the activities of our
perception and labouring influence.

The impression of a "complete destruction" always· depends on the limitation of our

methods of perception. A being which "could see" atoms would have perceived the pic-
ture of the explosion quite differently, much more simply and holistically, without the
apparent violation of continuity. For it, the whole matter would have been reduced to
changing motions in molecular and intra-molecular groupings, shifts of atoms from one
grouping to another, and a transition of closed orbits of most of them to open trajectories,
with speeds of the former order: crisis, of course, is far from being as deep as it appears to
our feelings. Such a being seeing atoms puts us on the point of view of SGientific inquiry, the
symbolism of scientific theory.

The three illustrations which we have just considered were taken from one field-
physicCKhemical processes. This was done in order to compare them easily from the point
of view of the scheme of limiting equilibria. What is revealed by such a comparison?

In the first case- merging of the two water drops- the final result represents the
greatest similarity with each of the organizing forms: it is also a drop of water, but only of a
larger magnitude. In the second case, where drops consist of different water solutions, the
resul t differs from them much more significandy: it is a drop of solution of the third substance,
plus a certain quantity of dissipated gas. In the third, conjugating complexes are restoring
and oxidizing groupings, in which the differences rlJaGh in many respects a choolical contrast;
and the limiting equilibrium, in the form of gases scattered in the atmosphere, differs still
more sharply from the initial forms. No matter how approximate are the methods of com-

244
parison here, they are nevertheless sufficient in order to be convinced about the agreement
of experimental data with our general formulation. And by selecting illustrations which
yield more easily to comparison, we always come to analogous conclusions.

For example, with a biological merging of two cells of the same species, freely living or
embryonic, the limiting equilibrium will differ much less from each of the initial complexes
than with the merging of different cells, even though of close species, producing curs. The
same can be said about the amalgamation of human organizations, common or different
tribes, enterprises, political parties, about the merging of different dialects, religions, and
about the synthesis of different scientific ideas, etc. It is easiest, perhaps, to trace the de-
gree of similarity and differences in social human groupings as they are particularly close to us
in our experience and, therefore, in a definite sense, particularly understandable, despite their
complexity.

It is important to remember that it is necessary to take info account, in other cases,

not only one but several limiting equilibria with small, for our contemporary methods, dif-
ference in conditions. So, for any vital complexes in their crises, besides particular highly
organized biological equilibria, there are always,in addition,equilibria of "destruction,"
i.e., disintegration into simpler, "inorganic" combinations. We know, for example, that con-
junction of infusorians raises their mortality, i.e., leads more frequently to the equilibria of
"destruction" rather thana higher viability, though the significance of the latter prepond-
erates in the history of the species as a whole.

The explosive type of aises represents special features which are essential to its under-
standing. The force of such crises, to a large extent, does not depend on the stimulus which
is its direct cause; nevertheless, its energy must be "sufficient:' and if it does not exceed
a certain minimum, the explosion does not occur. Sometimes, however, the progress of a
crisis, especially its tempo, changes considerably depending on the nature of a stimulus; for
example, the burning down of pyroxylin in the air while lighting it up is incomparably calmer
and slower than it is under the action of priming with detonating acid salts. How can the
externally contradictory correlations be reconciled?

First of all it should be borne in mind that explosive combinations of any kind rep-
resent so-called fal. equilibria. We will remind you what this means. Those processes which
proceed in the form of an explosion do not just begin with it: they were going on before
the explosion, only so slowly that they were not caught by the usual means of observation.
Thus a mixture of two volumes of hydrogen and one volume of oxygen, the detonating gas,
from a spark "instantly" turns into water steam with an enormous output of heat; but
water turns little by little into steam without a spark, under normal conditions: according
to approximate calculations, -Mth a temperature of 18° Centigrade, 230 billion years are
needed for 60% of the mixture to be subjected to this conversivn. Similarly, the society

245
capable of a revolutionary explosion, which breaks through the internal boundaries of its
groupings blending separated masses into a fighting avalanche, experiences long before the
moment of the revolution, in scattered partial forms and weak degrees, processes of the
same character: both conjunctions of revolutionary activities and their breach through the
organizational limits of society.

With sufficient investigation, the same is also revealed for other "explosive" complex.
es. Consequendy, the role of a trigger, which is directly responsible for the explosion, reo
duces to an acceleration of the tempo of the ongoing processes,- what in chem istry
is expressed by the notion of "cat.1lysts." 1

Further, on what does the avalanche-Jike progress of explosive crises in fact depend?
It depends on those activities which are "freed" by the crisis, i.e., from closed forms they
pass into open" forms, and themselves "free" similar activities in adjacent parts of the sys-
tem. An "exploded" particle of picric acid explodes neighbouring particles; a "rebellious"
member of a collective, which is under a social strain, for exafTC)le, a starving or embittered
mob, "incites others to rebellion:" erG. When the activities, which are freed during a crisis,
incomparably exceed the energy of the initial stimulus, there is observed what is called
the independence of force and magnitude of a crisis from the provoking agent, pro-
vided, however, that the stimulus is "sufficient"

Let us consider the general conditions of this "sufficiency." In any explosive mixture,
according to the received contemporary theoretical chemistry, there must occur from time
to time explosions, at least of individual particles. The energy freed by this explosion either
disperses before the next such explosion, which would have ensued for the same general
reasons among the particles adjacent to the exploded one, or violates the equilibrium of
some of them more or less deeply, or is able directly to explode others. Let us begin with
the last case. Let one panicle explode two such panicles in this way; those, evidently, will
explode immediately four more, which will be followed by eight more, erG. The crisis un-
folds from the first stimulus, infinitefy small from the chemical point of view. It is clear
that such a complex cannot exist in practice. If, however, one particle does not directly ex-
plode others, but violates their equilibrium to the extent that this violation is not smoothed
down before the next moment, which is called forth by the normal general conditions of a
similar explosion, then almr the second explosion there will be a considerable lowering
of stability, and after the third-anewnwearerone, etc. Theaction~atesand leads to a
growth in the number of partial crises and a decrease in intervals between them. But then
the remaining violation of equilibrium becomes even greater and accumulates even faster,

lSubsrancu, whose presence accelerates the progress of a reaction.sometimes to an enormous degree.

not chanpns its general direction and final results.

246
etC. Obviously. this case differs from the former one in the magnitude of the coefficient of
time only. and in general the existence of the complex is also not durable here. which prac-
tically may be considered as impossible.

There remains only the first of the three cases presented above; and it must be ad-
mitted that any explosive mixture. any false equilibrium in general. is characterized by
such a progress of elementary crises that the residual energy of one succeeds to disperse to
another. practically without a trace.

Let us assume now that a stronger agent than the normal influences acts on such a
system, and that it explodes all at once. into 10. 100 or 1,000 elementary groupings.
Then the situation changes. The freed activities spread to adjacent groupings and act on
them either more or less in concert, or, perhaps, paralyze each other. The accumulation of
the explosive action then occurs all at once: at some points a manifold piling up of activ-
ities is sufficient to call forth new explosions, and in others- to create an
extreme instability, yielding to the slightest additional stimulus; and the first derivative explo-
sions can serve as such a stimulus. It is clear that the crisis can unfold in an avalanche-like
fashion only if the quantity of positive accumulations in question reaches a certain magni-
tude. And this is, obviously, more probable with 100 initial explosions than with 10, and
with 1,000 than with 100. Where th is quantity is reached there lies the minimum sufficient
magnitude of the exploding agent.

Hence it is clear why the force and character of this agent may. in some cases, have
a noticeable and even a great influence on the progress of a crisis. Many substances which
burn fast and calmly when lit at one point sharply burst into flame from a wave engendered
by priming, which instantty passes through their entire mass, or from a similar mechanically-
percussive shock. Here is an illustration from another field. In a town or a country, the re-
lationships of social forces have reached a high tension.- what is called a revolution-
ary situation. Then, for example, any isolated act of violence by representatives of one of
the hostile parties with respect to persons belonging to another party. occurring in the pres-
ence of a few witnesses, arouses only agitation and indignation in those witnesses; while the
fast-spreading news among the masses, verbal or by means of newspapers, about the same
fact may serve as grounds for an uprising.

In contrast to the explosive type of crisis is the "fading" crisis. Simple illustrations
of these crises are also provided by chemistry - namefy,rtIVenibie reactions.

Let a union of one of the alcohols with acid proceed in a solution; the result
of conjunction is ether of a corresponding structure and a particle of water; the formula is

247
as follows:

alcohol + acid =ether + water

But as soon as some quantity of ether has been produced, it becomes by itself a
means of conjugation with water, creating alcohol and acid in the reverse formula:

ether + water =alcohol + acid

Both parts of the process represent a typical crisis C with a culminating moment (di-
vision into two substances); but both processes go on side by side, and their speed is pro-
portional to the quantity of the conjugating reagents: the more alcohoJ and acid we have
on hand, the faster ether will be produced from them; but the more there is of ether, the
more energetically proceeds the reverse conversion. At first, when the reaction began, it
proceeded entirely in one direction- the creation of ether; but to the extent that its
quantity appears and increases an opposite process arises and intensifies which, by adding
up to the first, produces its visible deceleration. Thus the process goes on until both of
them become equal and paralyze each other; in fact, an infinite time is required for the
final conclusion of the process, but practically and approximately this is achieved in a lim-
ited period of time. Then we have a limiting equilibrium to which the crisis of the system
tends. It beI~ to the number of those which in physico-chemistry are called "true equi-
libria," and to which the principle of LeChatelier formerly investigated by us is applicable.

All cases of the applicability of the principle of Le Chatelier can, in tum, be considered
as crisis C of a "fading" type. Let us recall our former illustrations. Systems of equilibrium
composed of water and ice under 0" are subjected to a raised pressure. This is nothing else
than a break·up of tektologicaJ boundaries of given system, with a complex of mechanical
activities of pressure formerly external to it entering and merging with it. And, subsequent;y,
a reversible process of the conversion of ice under pressure into water, and water, when with
a contraction of volume the pressure lessens, again into ice plays the same role as reversible
chemieal reaction in the previous example.

Let there be a tuning fork in the position of rest. It is brought into motion by a me-
chanieal influence: from the general tektoiogicaJ point of view this is crisis C; new activ-
ities burst into the system from its environment, and the systemic "form" changes- the
vibrating, sounding tuning fork is not the same as it was before. But the vibration gradually
fades away: it is a "fading" type of crisis. The limiting equilibrium differs imperceptibly from
the initial equilibrium: but, of course, it does differ; not a single vibration of the tuning
fork passes without some trace, on it.

248
 Any body which receives a push and moves through a resisting environment gradu.
ally decelerates its movement and, finally, stops: this is analogous to the former
case; it can be considered as a case of~a1led "aperiodic oscillation."

As we see, the fading type of crises C is infinitely spread in nature; it embraces the
entire universe of vibrations and arrested movements. If it turns out to be true that the uni·
versal process tends to a stable equilibrium through a continuous growth in entropy, then
the entire life of the universe in our phase of it would also turn out to be one of the crises
of this type.

Let us return to our first example- the formation of an ether complex from alcohol
and acid. The fading progress of the crisis is based here on the twcrsidedness and reversibil·
ity of reaction. 1 It, therefore, changes essentially if one of its t~o sides reduces to
zero. Let us assume that the entire newly formed ether is removed from the field of reac·
tion, or that water, with which ether again enters into a combination, is retained outside
this field. In such a case the process is not stopped by the opposite conversion but proceeds
w the end, until the total quantity of ether is produced out of the material on hand. This,
however, is not an "avalanche-like" type of a crisis, since it does not contain self·accelera·
tion. We shall call it a middle type. To it belong the majority of complete chemical reac·
tions and also other conjunctions, similar to them in process.

So, let there be a connection between two vessels containing water in which the wa-
ter level is different, and the bottom level the same in both vessels. Then the water will
flow from the vessel with a higher level into the other vessel; but its flow decelerates as the
level in the second vessel rises, because the water which had flowed into it presses in the
opposite direction: this is a fading crisis. But if the bottom of the second vessel is oonsidcnbly
lower than the bottom of the first vessel, then the opposite pressure will not occur and .the
entire water may flow out: this is the middle type of a crisis.

Equally, in a clash of two armies- and we know that it is crisis C,- if one of them
attacks and the other retreats defending itself, but maintains its vital and technical force,
then the affair may proceed according to the fading type: retreating to its reserves, the
other army strengthens opposition, while the active force of the first weakens through an
expenditure of efforts on communications with the base and on protection of these com·
munications; and a halt on a new front line occurs.

But if the attacking army is able to destroy parts of the enemy force so that theirloss

.11t IS
' easy to show mathematically that the same role i! also performed by the reversibility of intluen~es
IJI out other examples.

249
cannot be compensated by moments favourable to the enemy, i.e., if opposition is elimi-
nated from the field of military rea«:tion, then the reaction may proceed according to the
middle type of crisis; it may also assume an avalanche-like character, if Internal collapse,
revolts, and mutual destruction begin in the defeated army.

We see in these illustrations th~t different types of crises C may combine in reality, or
replace one another. With the IJmt complexity of phenomena it is not always easy to draw
the boundary where one ends and another crises begins. Homogeneous tektological transfor-
mations are accomplished sometimes in one, sometimes in another, and sometimes in still
another way.

The joining of hydrogen with oxygen under low temperatures proceeds according to
the middle type, very slowly over billions of years; but for tektology this is immaterial: the
resulting water does not decompose back, but leaves the field of reaction; in the gas element
of Grove, the identical joining occurs in a short period of time, measured in hours. Under
the action of a spark, the same reaction proceeds in an explosive way. If this occurs within
a limited space, then the explosion is accompanied by high temperature under whose influ-
ence the water-steam begins to decompose back into oxygen and hydrogen; here, the crisis
passes into a fading form and tends to the "true equilibrium" of both the gases and the wa-
ter-steam.

Analogously, social revolutions proceed differently under different conditions. Revo-

lutions burst out through an explosion, then having subsequently reached a maximum,
OPPOSi~ movements of social forces continue, and later subside and tend to a cer-
tain "limiting eqUilibrium." For England, however, the n:plaamentofthe feudal by thecapitalista·
der, if takfm as a whole, proceeded in the words of historians in an "organic way: .. this
was a series of fading crises; each of them tended to a definite equilibrium of old and new
forms: it was maintained for some time, and,subsequently, the equilibrium was violated
again due to the disappearance of a part of the old faTns, Le., their rerrovaI from the historical
field of action, giving rise to a new crisis of the former type, etc. The fading form
only predominated in these crises, but the explosive part appeared at the beginning, though
less sharply than in the case of other countries; and during the Great English Revolution
the explosive form even manifested Itself as the basic crisis.

Generally, we perceive the flow of social crises as something es~lally 'complex; they
contain varied combinations of avaJanche-like and fading series. However, in the simplest .
crises of the Inorganic world not only the practJcaI connection, but abo the internal kinship of
these two types can be discovered quite easily: they are expressed by the same formulae
of calculation - that is, a geometric progression or demonstrative function.

250
 From the question about the progress of crises let us now go back to the question
concerning their final result Let the point at issue be an amalgamation of two social organ-
izations: enterprises or parties, or entire countries, etc. These are almost always complexes
of an egressive centralist type. What happens from amalgamation? According. to the prin-
ciple of limiting equilibria, the more homogeneous the two complexes are in their material
and connections, the more it can be expected that the emerging system will be similar to them
in its structure. Therefore, it is quite natural that, if they have one center each, the
new system will also have a single center; and if they were characterized by a complex egres-
sion, then,generally, parts of organizational centers are removed so as not to have parallel
competing centers; the preservation of all of them would have led, on the other hand, to dis-
equilibrium. And this refers not only to egressive centers, but also to degressions which
strengthen complexes: two orders, regulations, or legislations are replaced by a single
one; inasmuch as this is not so, conditions are preserved for new violations of equilibrium.

As we see,the scheme of limiting equilibria here requires the removal from the system
of those groupings which organize it egressively or degressively. This may a1sotektologically
illuminate for us . som e facts from other fields of experience. For example, with fertil-
ization, after the merging of male and female cells, half of the "chromosones," i.e., especial-
ly those yielding to the colouring of elements of nucleus, is rejected; and the doubled cell
is brought to the structural form of the former single cells. According to the predominating
opinion, this, among other things, lends a high degree of probability to the supposition con-
cerning the special aganizatimal role of the nucleus with its chromosones in the life of the
cell,- namely the egressive role. It is surmised that the nucleus is the organizational center
of the cell, and its chromosones are the carriers of the ''hereditary properties" of the cell which
determine its entire evolution.

'The principle of limiting equilibria belongs to the number of those which have a uni-
versal significance for human practice. On this principle the productive and, generally, the
entire labouring activity of people wholly rests: this activity proceeds from the foressen
limiting equilibria; in this consists its "expediency" or "regularity."

Human activities, as we know, are not essentially different from the activities of
nature on which they are based; the a'}JUlizational ard disaganizationaJ processes performed
by man are not different from the processes of nature either in methods or regularities, and
the activity of human laboI.r is nothing more than an infinite chain of crises CD. His activities
burs~ so to speak, into the objects of nature and enter into an interaction with their ele-
mentsj the predetermined limiting equilibrium, a new form- a product- results from the
conjunction of an elemental complex with the complex of labouring efforts.

This is not just a simple 'comparison but a precise tektological description of facts. It
is quite immaterial whether the contact of iron ore with fire, which smelts metal out of it,

251
 -
occurred accidentally. due to the action of elemental forces or as a result of the labouring
activity of man: the latter is also included in the conjunctive series, just as elemental in-
fluences are included,and the final result is the same- a piece of metal. Man foresees the
limiting equilibrium which corresponds to his need or desire, and introduces his efforts in-
to conjunttive series so as to obtain the desired end: it is this which distinguishes expedien-
cy from spontaneity. But he foresees the desired end a\ the basis of his previous experience acc:crdi'1
to the same scheme which we pointed out: the more identical in various cases are the material
and conditions under which his formulating processes occur, the more identical ought to
be the limiting equilibria of these processes- their organizational products.

Man needs a definite product; and he knows from which complexes and under what
influences such a product comes into being either accidentally or not accidentally, either in
the elemental combinations of nature or in his previous labouring experience; leaning on
this, man "applies his exertions" to the external objects, i.e., violates the tektological boun-
daries of objects, calling forth the desired series of crises C with the requisite culminating
crises O.

It is necessary here to tal k about a series of crises, because even the simplest acts of
production do not reduce to a single crisis; and with its development, the process of produc-
tion becomes ever more complex and embraces an increasingly longer chain of objects. In
the newest mechanisms, the number of conjunctive links becomes enormous. For example,
let the initial moment consist of pushing a button: the mechanical activity bursts into the
system of a lock violating its equilibrium. As a result, the changed correlation of parts of
this system leads to a closure of the current, i.e., the violation of boundaries of electrical
complexes: electrical activities, entering the system of conduct~ and conjugating with
their activities-resistances, change their magnetic condition; magnetic forces, in tum, en·
gender mechanical crises: the motor is put in motion; through a great number of conjunc-
tions of the transmitting apparatus, the motor overcomes resistances of the working instru-
ment and material, etc., right up to the planned and calculated limiting equiJibrium- a
special form of the finished product. Each link of the transmitting series, when it receives
a mechanical or other motion from other links, experiences, to a certain extent, an actual
crisis in all of its structure- in the connections of its coupling links and tension, and in its
thermal, electrical and magnetic condition, etc. This entire aggregate of crises C together
with derivative crises 0 forms the structural aspect of production.

Not less, but often even more complex chairs of crises CO constitute cognitive proces-
ses. The limiting equilibria of these processes are, however, foreseen much less frequendy,
and even if they are foresee", tNn -Mtn rn.Id'Ilesscertainty and precision than in the case of
labouring practice. Conse,:!uently, It is necessary to admit, no matter how strange this
sounds, that cognitive processes are in the contemporary phase of the evolution of mankind
much less systematic, i.e., more elemental, than the practical-labouring processes.

252
 And this is so in fact. The number of errors and failures, i.e., disorganizing combina-
tions, is relatively much greater in the thinking of men than in production; only they cost
less and do not constitute as great a waste of activities as do the errors and failures in
labouring practice. Therefore, it pays mankind to transfer as frequently and completely ,as
possible the spontaneity of search from the second field to the first. Long and complex
series of cognitive combinations are verified in reality by a single and, sometimes, simple
experiment; and if the limiting equilibrium in the experiment turns out to be different
from the one which corresponds to the results of the cognitive series, then this entire series
Is rejected, but only at a price of a single practical failure, in place of many fruitless cognitive
attefl"4)tS. The systematic character of life as a whole grows in this way.

5. Crisis 0

All crises begin with the phase C and end with the phase O. Therefore, if we single
out a special group of crises 0, we have in mind only the predominating significance of
phase O. Consequently, we will concern ourselves with such crises only where they are of
special interest and importance. Since it is exactly here that this phase can be best inves-
tigated, such cases will, in essence, constitute an investigation of the phase 0 in general,
i.e., the regularities of phase 0 for any crises.

Let there be a homogeneous complex of stable structure; for example, a piece of

hard metal. No matter by what influence- phase C does not concern us now,- let us as-
sume that it is divided into two with the aid of an ideally sharp knife. We get two pieces
of metal in the place of one: at first sight, this appears to end the crisis. In fact, this is not
so: a series of structural changes begins only then.

In the place where the metal was cut, there appears a new "frontier layer" in each of
the two pieces. The frontier layer finds itself now under completely different conditions
and correspondingly acquires other properties than it had when it occupied an inner
position. The process of this change forms the second stage of the crisis.

The new surface layer is being transformed in its molecular state, since the coupling
acts now on ,it from one side only; it is being transformed both in its electrical state, since
free electrons concentrate in it, and in its thermal state, since it becomes initial field of the heating
or cooling of the entire piece; chemically, this layer becomes the field of reactions with the
surrounding environment; mechanically, it begins to experience friction and direct jolts
from this environment, etc. In general, we can sum up as follows: a new region of direct
external influences on a given complex is being created, and a new sphere of the exchange
of its activities with the external world arises.

253
 4IIIIIIii

Evidently, there must begin intensified processes of selection, in comparison with the
former ones, which are directed at adaptation of the new frontier layer of the c~mplex to
its new conditions. Inasmuch as the environment of the complex as a whole remains un-
changed, we can expect these processes to lead to a "convergence" of the new frontier
part with the frontier parts we had before. For example, the brilliant smooth surface of
the cut will grow dull, becoming similar to the remaining surface of the piece, as a conse-
quence of the chemical influence of the atmosphere or mechanically damaging influences,
etc. And, subsequently, structural changes will inevitably stread ini1ially fran the new frontier
layer to the inner layer closest to it, then to the next, and there appears a scheme of "se-
quential selection" familiar to us. This is the third stage of transformation which must lead
to a limiting equilibrium.

It is not dlfficul t to predict the character of this equilibrium. With the homogeneity
of metal, each of the resulting pieces is different from the original complex only in the
quantity of organizational material, and must assume a correspondingly similar structural
form to that of the original complex. A sirrilar but not identical form, as we have seen above
in the example of the water drop: there, in conformity to the law of minimum surface,
each of the two resulting drops assumes the form of an ellipsoid similar to that of the orig-
inal drop- but of an ellipsoid which is somewhat less flattened out. In the present example,
processes of change and selection are incomparably slower, but 'their regularity, right up to
the principle of minimum surface, Is the same; and ihe quantitative difference in the sum of
material also entails some minimal, uintinitely-small," i.e., practically unobservable differ·
ences between the final and the initial form.

The speed of achieving the limiting equilibrium depends on hplartJcity of1he complexes;
the degree of similarity with the original form depends on the homogeneity of their organiza·
tional material. Both of these moments require special attention in crises D.

The homogeneity of material of the divided complexes does not exclude any of its
complexity. So, with propagation of unicellular or multicellular organisms through division,
and also through buddin& the separating parts, which may be equal or unequal in magni-
tude,are sometimes biologically mutually-homof/Bl'lllOUS in content, i.e., each contains an
identical aggregate of the vitally necessary differentiated groupings. Therefore, the limiting
equilibrium'- the mature form- turns out to be identical with the former equilibrium;
otherwise, this would not have been the propagation' of a given form.

As an elucidating illustration can serve the artificial crisis 0 of the same kind; for ex-
ample, the sectioning of living free cells. It turns out that in the case of a cell which has
an isolated nucleus, the separated part continues to live and to adopt rapidly the previous
form of the cell. but only if In addition to the protoplasm it also contains an appropriate

254
part of the nucleus; however. if the nuclear tissue is absent, then life soon ceases and a com-
plete disintegration ensues even with a large part of the protoplasm on hand. In the first
case, evidently, we have artificial propagation: the separated part is sufficiently homoge-
neous in material with the former whole; in the second case such propagation is absent

Many lower multicellular organisms possess a great ability to restore their form when
sectioned into parts. Ciliary worms are especially distinguished by this: a segment in the
form of a cut of one-tenth or fifteenth along the length of the body sometimes changes in-
to a small worm. As should be expected, the restoration proceeds beginning with the region
of the cut, since this is the initial point for new selection processes_ The lacking organs
form quite rapidly there, accordingly to the place of the cut, front in the front part, hind
in the hind part, so that there appears, with a short segment, at first a very shortened form,
which subsequently lengthens to normal proportions.

From the point of view ofthe scheme of limiting equilibria, itis evidently necessary
to accept that the segment is to a high degree homogeneous in its material with the whole.
It is exactly this thought which is expressed by biologists when speaking about the weakly-
differentiated character of tissues and cells of ciliary worms: differing little from each
other, the cells can group easily into various organs, in conformity with the location and the
function related to it

Along with this, mobility and plasticity of elements have an enormous significance.
What does occur in the area of the cut? The violation of systemic borders: the activities
of external environment burst in where they did not have access formerly, engendering a
series of partial crises C with a destructlWl, in general, tendency for the vital form. It is
necessary to have reorganization and new stable frontiers with the environment before
destruction proceeds too far. With a weak differentiation of the body, but lower plasticity,
restoration of the form could tum out to be impossible, and instead of a biological limiting
equilibrium there would be another-an inorganic equilibrium.

With the same ciliary worms there were experiments of complex, broken cuts, so that,
for example, at the front or hind extremity there turned out to be two separate areas, one
closer to the front, the other further to the back. As a result, abnormal forms ap-
peared, with special head organs in place of each former front facet, or tail in place of each
hind facet, etc. The conclusion from these experiments is that a definite "polarity" is pecu-
liar to the body of the ciliary worm along the axis of its length; and the restoration of or-
gans depends on the location of the surface of the cut relative to this axis. The cause of
polarity is, apparently, the fact that the transference of substance and energy in a vital ex-
change has a definite direction_ It is interestin& however, that with restoration of the
form the role of the limiting equilibrium appears especially vividly, although such res-

255
toration is not at all vitally expedient.

Among higher an imaJs, an anaJogws prowess of crises is observed only partially in the
form of so-called "regenerative" ability. This is a restoration of the lost parts of the body:
a broken off tail in the case of a lizard, a cut off leg in the case of some tadpoles, and other
less significant and complex organs; for example, parts of skin and epithelium in the case of
the majority of the above-mentioned organisms. The regeneration is one-sided and quite
limited here: the lizard restores its tail, the tadp~le its paw, but the tom off tailor paw does
not restore anything but simply disintegrates further; however, if more than a certain min-
imum is removed, then an incomplete regeneration is accomplished; for example, on the
place of injury a protective layer is only reproduced;or even this does not happen,
and the entire organism perishes.

In the world of plants, both full restoration and partial regeneration are spread more
widely than in the animal kingdom: the differentiation of tissues is, in general, lesser; the
plasticity, however, though even smaller, is relatively sufficient, because the tissues of plants
are more vitally stable; they are not destroyed as quickly in the area of cuts and break-
aways, so that restoring processes are often successful in achieving their aim. As far as crys-
tals are concerned, their differentiation is, evidently, incomparably less, and each separate
particle under certain conditions is able to reproduce the specific form of the whole.

Thus, the regenerating ability, in general, is more limited, the more systemic structure
is differentiated. Propagation among higher organisms, apparently, stands in a sharp
contradiction to this. One cell, having separated from the highly differentiated whole, con-
sisting of millions, billions, or trillions of cells, fully "regenerates" the special form of the
whole step by step. True, such a property belongs to one type of cells only, i.e., only to the
ovum; even billions and trillions of other cells, separated from the whole, do not produce a
similar restoration. How can this be reconciled?

The contradiction exists here only so long as we consider organized systems statically,
consider their forms as given at a particular moment, and in their pecularity. And as soon
as we pass to the point of view of the tektologica/ development of forms and their connections
with th8snvironmBnt, the problem appears in an entirely different light.

Was a human organism, for example, always from the very beginning of its life such
a complex, dismembered whofe as it is in the period of its propagation? No, at the moment
of its conception it was a simple embryonic cell. Why and how did this cell become the
whole organism? It was in a favoursb/s tlflvironment, determining its growth and evolution: it
\I,QS inside the mother's body,surrounded by the nourishing liquid and protected from any hos-

tile influences of the external, elemental world. It easily assimilated new elements from this

256
-
environment; the embryo grew at the expense of these elements, and its structure became
more complex. Its various parts differentiated in conformity with the difference in con-
ditions- the embryo's relation to this differ~nce, connected with the position of its func·
tions and changes in it with the progress of the environmental development. Thus, the
mature organism finally resulted; it possesses a maximal sum of activities and their high·
est organization, but also finds itself in the most unfavourable environment, and now
only maintains its equilibrium in this environment during a certain period, the period of
maturity and propagation.

Now, a separated, new embryonic cell is before us, approximately the same as the for·
mer cell, and in approximately the same maximally favorable environment. The tskto/ogica/
form is correlativ8 with its environment. Therefore, it is necessary to compare the given em·
bryo not with the resulting mature form, which is already in another environment, another
System of external relationships, but with that phase of the mature form which existed in an
identical environment for both the mature form and the embryo. It turns out then that the
neW, separated part is approximately homogeneous with its whole, taken in correl.1tively the
same environment, the environment of the embryo. And it is natural that this part of its
changes, parallel to the former changes of the environment, tends to the same limiting
equilibrium - it reproduces a mature form.

In other words, the question about the final result of crisis 0 is resolved not by a
static homogeneity of the separated parts with the former whole, but by a dynamic home>-
geneity correlative with the changing environment. In our first illustrations, the environ·
ment for separated complexes was not changing. and it remained approximately the same
as it was for the former whole; therefore, environmental changes were not considered, and
it was possible to compare directly the half of a drop, or a cell, or a cut worm with the
original whole. Here, however, there are en<?"mous environmental changes, and the compar·
ison starts with the consideration of these changes. If the external heterogeneity is even quite
great; but the difference between the separated part and the former whole, when comparing
them historically, corresponds suffiCiently to the difference in their environment, then the
restoration of the form of the whole from this part is possible.

The same principle can also be traced in the development of social complexes. Let us
take the following case. A widely branching out sect, a party or a scientific school is
formed. A minimal particle separates from it, say, a small group, or even a separate indivi·
dual, which does not agree with its doctrine. Can this particle "regenerate" the approximate
form of the whole, i.e., develop into another sect, party, or school·which would be tektol<>-
gically comparable and commensurable with the first? A direct external comparison leads
to the c::oncIusion that this particle is structurally quite different from the highly differenti·
ated whole. Therefore, if the environment is identical for them, then such a "regeneration"

257
cannot be expected: the particle simply disappears. and disintegrates in due course, when the
heretics personally die. But under certain conditions, as we know, another result is also pos-
sible: the separated group or an individual gathers around himself, ideologically assimilat-
ing, newer ~nd newer elements from the surrounding social environment, and together with
them forms and develops a new organization. This organization, differentiating and secur·
ing itself with an ideological skeleton- a new unifying doctrine, gradually assumes a no less
complex and finished structure than the structure of the former, so to speak, mother organ-
ization. From the ICtektologica~species" point of view, there occurs an approximate res-
toration of the systemic form. Of course, this is quite a different organization; it can be
distinguished from the former organization in many respects- we know that children may
be more or less significantly different from their parents; we are comparing 'forms in the or·
ganizational 'sense.

Why is all this possible? The principle of the correlation of the form with the environment
~ves a simple explanation of facts. In the epoch of its conception, the maternal organiza-
tion was itself, in scale and structure, approximately the same small, socially undifferenti-
ated complex, as the part separating from It is now: it was a~ individual a an insignificant
group, with an embryonic ideology YAUch WlS just being outlined in general. Why and how
was this embryo transformed into an extensive, complex system? It was in a favourable
environment oondltionlng its pwth and development: it was inside the"social complex contain·
ing numerous ideologically-unstable groupings, approaching the given embryo in material,
and in marry processes of ideological fermentation and search proceeding in the direction of
its tendencies. From this environment, newer and newer elements joined the embryo and
were aSsimilated by it, partly, of course, transforming it: the organization grew and elab-
orated. Branching out in the social environment, the embryo was subjected to a systemic
divergence of parts in accordance with their pasition and function; its ideological skeleton-
dogma, program, or doctrine, etc., was further crystallized. Thus, the process tended to a
certain limiting equilibrium- to organizational maturity.

Its approach is also connected here with the fact that the environment was becoming
less favourable. On the one hand, the sum of vital material for assimilation was being ex-
hausted; for example, it was becoming more difficult to recruit neophytes for a sect, when
almost all whose practical interests and modes of thought harmonized with its teachings
had already joined it. On the other hand, the very ability of the org;lnization to expand was
being lowered as a result of decrease In plasticity; the degression consolidated, and the pro-
gram or doctrine "ossified" to this or that extent and thereby conditioned the growing
limitation of the form. Consequently, the tempo of development had to decelerate, right up
to the phase of its greatest stability, i.e., the equ'ilibrlum with the environment preceding
decline.

258
 It is clear that if a separated part of the organization finds itself in a just as favourable
social environmentt it may become t in turn t an Uembryo/t the point of origin of the
same development, which will also lead to an analogous limiting equilibrium. Of courset
this happens very infrequentlYtand more rarelYt than, the opposite.

Thust for example t in the history of European thought, Descartes happened to be the
forefather of a great philosophical school t because in the social environment of his age
there were many similart related ideological groupinSSt which easily connected with his
dualistic doctrine t and which were easily assimilated by it. But Spinoza, who emerged from
this school and who was not inferior to Descartes in organizational strength and plasticity
of thought, did not find such a favourable environment: in the diffused, unstable ideolog-
ical groupings of the age' th ere, still prevailed a dualistic type of structuret and they were
not assimilated by the rruch nue monistic structure of Spinoza's teaching: therefore Spinoza
remained aione in his timet and failed to form a philosophical school.

From the I'1Inwous heret:iG breaking away at different times from the catholic church
and outlining dogmas of the protestant typet only Luther and Calvin were fated to become
founders of new churches, comparable in scale with their maternal organization: an especially
favQUrable social environment was necessary, which arose from the revolutionary develop-
ment of commercial capitalism. Other embryos perished right at the start, or proceeded not
further than a few initial stages of development.

Let us consider now some still important conditions for the restoration of form under
crises D.

The primitive hunting commune, when it expanded so that it was already unable to
maintain communication within the limits of too great a territory which was necessary for
its subsistence t divided into two, similarly to the drop of water whose growing size breaks
the coupling sustaining its mechanical connection. Each of the separated commune-daugh-
ters, if successful in remaining in approximately the former situation, settled down and
lived as did the formercqmmune-mother, with the same primitive division of labour and
distribution of its products; and,subsequently, it grew to the same limit, beyond which, in
its turn, it divided into two, as a freely propagating cell. Here all is simple and clear.

It is also easy to understand the principle which determined the basic line of division.
We know that there was a natural differentiation with quite a sharp expression of comple-
mentary correlations: the physiological difference of sex and age,' and the difference of function in
the economy based on it. If the break-up of the commune followed exactly these comple-
mentary relationshipst then the parts would have been heterogeneous in content in com-
parison with the former whole, similarly to the piece of a cell without nuclear tissue, and

259
 •
this means, they would be unable to restore the form. For example, if the male part of the
commune separated from the female part, both would have perished; if adults and children
separated, the latter would have perished.

In fact, similar correlations occurred sometimes forcibly in wars between

communes, when adult males were destroyed by enemies, or when women and children
were taken prisoners. However, under a natural division of the commune, a certain unifor.
mity was realized by the mechanism of its collective work; viable complexes of people arOSe
as a result. 1

There are, however, cases when even the break·up along the line of complementary
connections does not lead to a further destruction of the form, but passes into its relative res-
toration. Let us compare several cases of both kinds.

As we know, the primitive commune usually developed later into a "patriarchal, II eg-
ressive type with authoritarian complementary relationships. When the head of the com-
mune, the "patriarch," had died, this constituted a break off of the central link of egres·
sion. However, an im mediate restoration occurs here: the deceased patriarch is
replaced by a new one, and the life of the camlJne goes on as before. Why does this happen so
easily? Because the patriarch was a unifying and not the single organizer of the commune.
In its complex economy, embracing, usually, several hundreds of people, one man cannot
guide directfy all and all the time: under the patriardl's rule and control work several organizers
from among the most experienced members of the commune, either older members or
members who are distinguished by special abilities,- or, at any rate, there is an individual
whom he prepares as his successor, and who substitutes for him whenever necessary. Thus,
the commune, having lOst a patriarch, organizationally corresponds not to the cell which is
deprived of the entire nucleus, but to the c:elI-MIich has lost but a part of the nucleus, though
the most differentiated part. The distinction between the patriarch and his d~t deputy is reo
duced to a greater or smaller breadth of organizational functions. For restoration it is
necessary to have a degree of plasticity which enables organizational units to exchange
their places within the system, and develop their functions on a corresponding scale; and
such plasticity exists, and it manifests itself in the usual time.

A contrary case is described in the words of the Gospel:-"strike the shepherd, and the
flock of sheep will scatter." Here the central link cannot be restored, because the shepherd

lWith the propagation of cells a complex mechaniam of karyokinesis was worked out, which serves,
apparently, exactly in order that the heterogeneous dements of the whole be distributed as evenly as
possible among the ceIl-daughters.

260
is considered to be the only organizer present

A more complex case: a military group, say, a company, loses all of its commanding
staff in a difficult situation, and is left to itself. Here t~o outcomes are possible: either an
immediate restoration of the common command of the group, or a disintegration and des-
truction of the group. A company composed of peasants from some remote place, conser-
vative people who are used to a stable environment and stable functions in it, in all of
their upbringing, has a greater chance of perishing in a corrupting, formless panic than a com-
pany composed of city dwellers- workers who are used to changes in situations and re-
lationships, and who also have a more or less significant organizational experience. For it
is necessary that there be an individual who would be able and willing to assume the author-
itarian function, and other individuals who would support him in this and assume directing
functions of a lower order; and the rest must at once adapt to this change of roles, trans-
ferring to the new organizers the former disciplinary relationship; for all of this, it is neces-
sary to have a corresponding composition of the group and corresponding degrees of plas-
ticity.

There is a moment here which deserves special attention. In the company could sur-
vive, say, a sergeant major, who has received his skills over a long service, but because of in-
adequacy of knowledge and psychological flexibility is completely unable to direct the
company in a critical Situation; and next to him there could be an ordinary soldier who is
fully suitable for the command by his experience and fast adaptability. The ITilitary apnization
has its 0\Wl depfession, in the form of regulations and cflScipiine; according to the rUes, the COI'TIT1iIIlCI.
must be transferred to the senior in rank, Le., to the sergeant major, and in the given case
the actual restoration of the organization would not have occurred. Then the outcome of
the crisis will depend on the strength of the degressive system, its authoritarian ideology.
If it has crystalli~ed and ossified in the consciousness of the majority of company soldiers
too firmly, they will not dare or, perhaps, dare too late, af~r a long hesitation, after new
damages, to break the rules, to violate the "order, " and the outcome will turn out to be a
subsequent destruction of the whole. .

'Under less trying conditions a partial restoration may occur as a consequence of this
conservatism of degression. As an example can serve some facts from the history of the
Russian schism. The immovable authoritarian law of the old orthodoxy establishes that the
grace of priesthood comes down from above, from the bishops, who alone have the power
to transfer it to others. But the bishops had subordinated themselves everywhere to the
state-church reform, and the diverging currents, sects of the "schism" found themselves
deprived of a possibility to renew their priesthood. Some of them devoting an enor-
mous expenditure of energy in various ways,. acquired "lawful" priests, and attempted to
acquire bishops; others simply repudiated priesthood and carried on without priests. In

261
both cases a stable degression represented an important obstacle to a full regeneration of
the form, in the second case even a decisive obstacle.

This significance of degression in crises 0 refers not only to social systems, but in
general, and it flows, in essence, directly from its basic "skeletal" character. The significance
of any "skeleton" is based exactly on its lesser flexibility and plasticity in comparison with
the remaining parts of the system; thanks to this, the skeleton serves as a means of preser-
vation, a means of strengthening the systemic form. We saw that ideology is more conser-
vative than the human reJationships which it organizationally forms; and thus, despite its en-
tire seeming "ideality" and int:ar9bility, idedogy serves as their skeleton. The same is observed
in biology: among the lower organisms, which generally easily restore their form under
crises 0, restoratioo is achieved -Mth greater diffictdty and less freqJentiy, the more differentiated
is their skeleton; and among higher organisms, with the loss of parts of the organism, those
parts which contain isolated sections of the skeleton are also restored less frequently and
with greater difficulty.

However, this rule has not an unconditional significance. Plasticity is relative: it may
be greater for a given system or its skeleton in some respects, and lesser in others, greater
under some influences and lesser under others. In ideologies, for example, plasticity is
higher in the field of more particular concepts and norms, and lower in the field of more
general, unifying ones; it is higher under insignificant, repeating influences, and lower un-
der intensive but short-lived influences.

Exam pies of the latter present cases when sects or revolutionaries, firm in their
convictions right up to becoming martyrs, are little by little, imperceptibly and completely
transformed by the "engulfing environment" The former is easily illustrated by cases of
diSintegration into factions of such groupings as sects, parties and scientific schools. If, for
example, a faction separates from the party as a consequence of a ~reak-up due to parti-
cular provisions of the program, then this faction restores the systemic whole of its ideology
comparatively easily and fast; if the break-up is deeply rooted, then a great and difficult
ideologically-organizational work must be undertaken to make up the deficiency in all parts
of the doctrine; moreover, instead of system ic regeneration, a further disintegration is
possible. Such a result is the more probable, the faster and sharper was the original break-up.

Both outcomes of crises 0- regeneration and destruction- do not represent an un-

conditional opposition to each other. The first is never complete and precise, but is always
accompanied by a partial destruction, though at tim es a very small one. The second goes
on only to a definite depth, and stops on these or other elements of the former whole, i.e.,
on partial complexes, whose damage is overcome in this or that way by a corresponding re-
generation.

262
 6. Universality of the Notion of Crises

We have already established that the notion of "crises" is relative and that its appli-.
cation depends on the limits within which the investigation of an organizational form is
carried out. The fact of a "crisis" is acknowledged when as a result of the observed, process
there turns out a different organizational form than the one which had existed before the
crisis. Thus, if in the structure of an organism the problem of our study is limited only to
those basic features which remain invariable from its childhood to old age, then the .en-
tire life, all the development during this interval is considered as a single continuous process,
and crises are 8$Sumed to exist only at its two boundaries-at the beginning and at the end;
if into the investigation is brought any feature of structure which appears or disappear!
between thtl8l1 Nmlts, then Its ~psarance or di$8ppearance /, treated 81 a $p(JClaI vital crisis.

Let us carry this point of view sequ,entially to the end. Let a change o<:cur
in complex A, no matter what it is. We know that there cannot be in reality only a quan-
titative change and that positive and negative progressive selections are inseparable from
structural changes. Consequently, the complex is tektologically different from what it was
before; A became, to a certain extent, not A; but this means that there occurred a crisis of
form. Thus, any change, when cognitive interest is concentrated exactly on it, on the dif-
ference between the form at the beginning and at the end, oUght to be considered as a
special crisis. Any "discontinuity" may be broken through analysis Into an infinite chain
of crises.

For example, the biologist usually considers the process of nutrition as being conti-
nuous in the organism. To the physiologist-chemist this is not so: the moments of crises are,
for example, transformations of protein rrdecules of food,- its passage into a soluble state,
its reaction with transforming gastric juices, its disintegration into amino-acids, the for-
mation of new molecules of protein compounds from them corresponding to the structure
of the organism, their entry into the structure of this or that cell, their new disintegration
in the process of disassimilation ... Equally, the oscillating processes of any kind, material
and electro-magnetic, may be thought of as continuities: but in the analysis of waves each
of the innumerable phases, into which the progress of a wave can be broken, may be taken
tektologicaJly, as a special form, since it differs from the preceding and .the following wave
in correlations of velocity, acceleration, etc.

We see that fOr tektology the notion of crisis is universal. This is simply a special point
of view applicable to everything that occurs in our experience; for only changes occur, and
any change can be considered from the point of view of the difference in form between its
, iriltia. and final point.
h

263
 For us, of course, it is immaterial that this contradicts the usual notion of crises. But
is there also a contradiction with the general scientific concept, according to which a crisis
is the result of-violation or formation of complete disingressions? There is no such contra-
diction.

In fact, if there is a chan~ in the tektological form of a complex, then its essence lies
in either new activities entering the complex or a part of the former activities being removed
from it or regrouped differently,' generally speaking, the first, second and third
may happen sim ultaneously. but only in different degrees. The first means a violation
of old external boundaries of the complex; the second- the creation of new boundaries;
and the third- a shift in its internal boundaries among the constituent groupings, its parts,
i.e., again break-ups and the formation of boundaries between them. All this corresponds
to the scientific understanding of crises.

From the universality of the concept still another important consequence arises, a
conclusion about crises of different "degrees" or "orders." Let us, for example, have a
detonating mixture of oxygen and hydrogen under a high temperaturei their slowly pro-
ceeding union into water is a crisis of a definite type, namely, that of the "middle" type.
Under the influence, let us assume, of a spark,the progress of the crisis changes radically
and assumes the avalanche-like form of an "explosion. I I The former crisis continues, but in
a new way; and we have full grounds to say that there occurred a crisis in its floWi this is
already a "crisis of a crisis. " Subsequel'Jdy, when the explosion raises temperature of the
mixture to the height under which particles of water begin to decompose back, the pro-
gress of the process becoms"fading,1I i.e., different again. Such changes are "crises of the
second order."

In the progress of any revolution it is possible to capture similar "turning-points"

where the tempo, direction and correlation of organizing processes creating a revolution
change,- these are also secondary crises.

Evidently. the progress ,of crises of the second order may, in turn. contain crises
of the third order etc. We st-aIl elucidate this by a simple analytical example. Very often, if
not the entire crisis, then its separate features can be measured quantitativelYi they can be
expressed in the system of coordinates by curves. Those points where a curve sharply ,
changes its direction, for example, where it turns on an angle, or,changes its properties ex-
pressed by an equation, will correspond to secondary crises.

Thus, let us have a body which moves from A to B, at first with a growing acceler-
ation, then with a diminished acceleration, then with deceleration paSSing, finally, to a halt.
This entire crisis can be considered as the crisis of location in space, changing spatial rela-

264
tionship of the body to its environment,- a crisis of the first order; it can be expressed by
the line of motion of the body. Its progress is characterized by velocity; it is, speaking math·
ematically, the first derivative of space to time. If we express it by a curve, then a turning·
point where the velocity ceases to grow, in order to pass tq a decrease will be revealed
on it; there, the acceleration becomes equal to zero; and this, of course, is a crisis, but
already of the second order; mathematically, it is "the second derivative," i.e~, acceleration
passes there through a zero point If this acceleration is expressed by a curve then there
will also be a turning point on it: in its first part, where positive acceleration ceases to grow
in order to pass then to a progressive decrease in the second part- where in a similar way
negative aGceleration ceases to grow (Le., "deceleration"). In both cases an "aGceleration
of acceleration" passes through zero, or the third deri\lative: this is a crisis of the third order.
Evidently, complicating the example, it is easy to represent also crises of the fourth
order, etc.
.~. , . .
Mathematics reveals that crises of motion, crises of velocitit;s, accelera-
tions, etc.,may ideally continue without end, as can continue the chain of derivatives. But
practically, the investigation going beyond crises of'the second order has to be carried out
infrequently. In part this also depends, probably, on the fact that crises of higher orders
cannot be captured by the usual methods of perception, but are discoyered by scientific
calculation or juxtaposition.

The theory of systemic crises once again vividly illustrates the ·character and tendency
of tektological investigation. It originates from a broad generalization, prompted by living
experience; such is in the given case the usual notion of crises. This gen~aliz~tion is scien-
tifically elaborated; and when it assumes the form of a precise scheme, then it becomes not
just broad, buta universal generalization. A special point of view is reveal~d at its basis, .
one which may then be applied without limit to the most varied fields of organizational
experience, elucidating the path to the solution of the most varied practical and theoretical
problems. This is an abbreviated repetition of history of the development of org.tnizationaJ
methods of mankind.

265
 IX
Organizational
Dialectic

1. Tektological Act

Tektology, just like any other science, has the vital practice of mankind as its Initial and
final objective. Organizational activity, taken as experience, is the subject matter of tektologyj
taken as a task, the reason and goal of this science. The organlzatlonalllCt is an element of
organizational activity: the creation of a new tektololicaJ form or a transition from one such
form to another. Analysis reveals that this act involves quite a complex process.

An organizational act can proceed either spontaneously or systematically. The aeation

of a new social, political or Ideological grouping can serve as an illustration of an ~izational
act which can be carried out in both ways. Let us begin with the case of an elemental, sp0n-
taneous organizational process.

The beginning moment of this process is characterized by uncertainty as to its outcome.

The process begins with personal contact and understanding among a number of persons: a group
of people get together, talk, take part in social amusements, help one another In small matters,
and 50 on, doing all this without any clear plan or objective in mind. Each act of personal

267
contact corresponds to a partial crisis C. In general, all such contacts constitute an uncertain
conjunctive phase of the process in question.

New groupings appear here, and the selection of elements takes place in them, but with-
out a general tendency towards the development of a cohesive system. Personal contacts may
differ in type and stability: a superficially friendly circle here, a close friendship of two or
three individuals there, or even a squabble causing the disintegration of the emerging spon-
taneous union, etc. The whole process may, of course, stop right there, or it may culminate
in a tektological regress, that is, a return to approximately the original state.

But let the organizational process continue. The newly formed subgroups continue to
develop with some mutual contacts; and if this is the case, then their inevitable divergence will
proceed in the direction of complementary correlations, because the regulating mechanism of
selection supports those adjustments which raise the structural stability of subgroups. This
marks the beginning of the second phase - the phase of systemic differentiation. Numerous
and complex complementary correlations may develop in various directions; but each of them,
if singled out, manifests a definite tendency to "polarize" the system Into two parts.

So, in the above case, one group may be composed of individuals who are inclined to
social activities, while the other is not. The two may separate, or continue in mutual contact
by forming, for example, an open club, in which they may engage partly in political discus-
sions and partly in other diversions. Further differentiation is possible in both cases; for ex-
ample, a circle with a definite tendency may be formed by those interested in politics, while
others who have no definite attitude towards the circle may become either an object of its
agitation, or establish a negative posture towardsit. Again, either a breakup or a preservation
of the linkage between the two groups will occur. As long as the linkage is present, further
regrouping is possible; for example, in the form of voting on a given question the two groups
may differentiate into majority and minority, for and against. In turn, differentiation fre-
quently leads to the weakening of the group linkage, sometimes even to its breakup. With the
preservation of the linkage, however, differentiation leads to the separation of functions; for
example, some members of the club may become involved in agitation for a strike, others in
other kinds of propaganda. In the organization of the group's amusements, divergences will
be different, but in an analogous way they will lead either to complementary connections or
their breakup. The general scheme i5 the same.

The phase of systemic differentiation does not conclude the organizational process, ex-
cept when the process ends with this phase, as happens for example, with the disintegration of
the whole system. The real culmination of the organizational process is achieved with the re-
moval of those contradictions which are inherent in systemic divergence iii general.

268
-
Let us assume that as the result of political debates it becomes clear that basic tasks
and tendencies are common to a significant majority of the club members, despite variable
groupings among them, but that the divergences are only concerned with methods of imple-
mentation, and are perceived by members themselves to be less important than the general
goals of the club. Then a political party with a single program, a generally acceptable tacti-
cal basis, and common regulation~ that is, a party united by certain political principles, can be
formed from these politically sOIip'ry elements. The wider and deeper the conjunctive basis,
the lesser the disorganizing role of partial divergences, and the more they are reduced to com-
plementary correlations which strengthen the whole. This is the pha. of systemic consolidation.

How is consolidation achieved? As we have seen, it is achieved through discussions and

joint activities among members, that is, through social intercourse, the vital conjunction passing
across the appearing systemic divergences and, consequently, through integration (contra-
differentiation). In the process of integration, the mechanism of selection strengthens and se-
cures stable, repeating correlations, and weakens and destroys unstable, accidental ones; the
elements and groupings which are in opposition to the linkage of the whole separate from it,
and the whole "consolidates".

To sum up, in the first phase, the organizational act is marked by crises C. In the second
phase, it 4nfolds on the basis of crises 0, which may be followed in an interchanging fashion by
derivatives of crises C. In the third phase, the organizational act culminates in the completion of
a systemic design on the basis of crises C with derivatives of crises O. These three phases can be
identifeed (with sufficient research) in any organizational process of nature and in any organiza-
tional act of man.

The evolution of an organism represents a mass of such three-phase sequences interlacing

among themselves and, as it were, laying one on the other in time. The first of them is the
very conception of the organism, where the initial phase usually appears in the form of a sim-
ple biological "conjunction" of two cells, and their partial or complete merging. This gives
rise to the processes of the second phase - of divergence, and to a partial breakup of connec-
tions. As a result, in the case of unicellular organisms the system consolidates into two separ-
ate cells, ready for further multiplication; in the case of higher organisms, the system consoli-
dates into a single embryonic cell, aiso capable of subsequent divisions which are indispensable,
for evolution.

Subsequently, the primary moment is represented by the processes of the "assimilation"

of external activities, in the form of nourishment and energy of external irritations: these are
various kinds of crises C which become points of departure for subsequent changes correspond-
ing to the second moment Here, beginning with the first division of the embryo, a series of

269
increasingly more extensive and complex differentiations commence, giving birth to various
functions and their organs. At the same time appear the Inevitable companions of this phase
- contradictions, disturbances of inner equilibrium, sufferings, and diseases associated with de-
velopment, Its "crises", at times very sharp and stormy, capable of even leading to the destruc-
tion of the organism. But insofar as the organism copes with them, the interaction of various
functions and organs harmonizes them in the living unity of the whole. Here we have the third
phase - the cO'lsoiidation of the system in this or that respect.

Thus, the sexual functions of the organism differentiate at a certain period of life on the
basis of the growth of its activities, Its "strengths" and "experience", usually giving rise to con-
siderable contradictions - the sickly and dangerous crisis of "maturity". But a new group of
functions and the specific experiences engendered by them gradually blend with the common
system of viability and experience - they color it with their elements and, at the same time,
are penetrated by its elements, subordinating themselves to the common flow of its processes.
The sexual organizational problem is then solved: the organism has consolidated itself as a ma-
ture form for propagation.

The contradictions, engendered by a typical progress of evolution of the organism, fre-

quendy reach the stage which is denoted by the word "Ulness". We should now consider this
concept in order to make a further conclusion.

From tbe point of view of contemporary science, "illness", taken as a whole, is generally
a struggle of the organism against destructive, dlsorJanlzing influences. ConsequentJy, illness is
a disorganizing process. Therefore, the same three phases definitely appear in Cloy illness. The
entry into the organism of activities harmful to it, such as, for example, microbes or poison, is
the primary conjunctive phase. Systemic differentiations (with the derivative contradictions)
create what is called the "development of illness". Finally, the recovery of the organism, r~
moving these contradictions, represents systemic consolidation.

But real recovery is not the only possible outcome. Illness may also culminate in a weak-
ening of the organism, its decline or even death. In some cases the end of illness signifies the
rise of the organism to a tektologically higher level: the organism turns out to be ""hardened"
in some respects, and "immunized" against some pathogenic causes. In other cases, in spite
of basically similar progress of illness or r~ery, "undermined health" is produced as a re-
sult, a lowered resistence to pathogenic conditions. Sn stili others, differentiation ends, anc1 its
contradictions are dissolved by a disintegration of the system into tektologicailY lower forms.
And such outcomes are also possible in the usual "crises of development", although a decline
or a downfall of the organism is relatively infrequent here. But the same outcome is also ap-
plicable to our first illustration concerning the process of organization of any human society:

270
 -
there the matter may also finally reduce to a weakening or destruction of the existing social
linkages.

What can we conclude from all this? We can conclude that the progress of a disorganiz-
ing process is basically the same as that of the organizing one. In other words, there is no
need to introduce into our scheme the idea of tektologlcal progress. Both systemic differen-
tiations and the subsequent consolidation can become moments of a tektological regress. For
example, the production of appropriate "antitoxins" and antidotes against infectious diseases
is a quite typical systemic differentiation; in other cases, however, such a differentiation can
proceed at the expense of disturbance of the basic equilibria of the living whole. Death and
subsequent decomposition of the body will then appear as a natural continuation of such dif-
ferentiation; and the entire process will end in the replacement of the disturbed organic equilib-
ria by much more stable, in a certain sense, "inorganic" equilibria, th~ugh at a lower tektologi-
cal level. The fact that we no longer observe the previous system, as a whole, does not in es--
sence change the matter: in its place a series of other, simpler systems appear; and the orga-
nizational process does not necessarily preserve the unity 'Jf the system, even when it leads to
a tektologically higher level - we know this from the facts of propagation.

In this way the formula of the three phases can be applied not only to a strictly organiza-
tional act, but also to any tektological change of form, to the Utekrological act" in general. Of
course, the word "act" is taken here in an impersonal sense: the act unfolds into three phases,
composed of various partial crises C and D.
In order to show the universality of this generalization, we will trace its scheme in illus-
tration from the most varied realms of experience.

N.N. Langel decomposed the process of perception ·by experimental research and mea-
surements into three stages, occurring within one-hundredth of a second. The first stage is
simply defined as a "stimulus in consciousness", as a vague sensation of something that "has
happened". For example, when the sound of a bell reaches a man's ears he at first does not
even realize that the matter is concerned with sound, but simply experiences a nervous shoc::k.
Evidently, this fully corresponds with the primary conjunctive phase: new activities enter
the physical system and conjugate with its activities, so that its former eqUilibrium is dis-
turbed; but the selection has not yet formed new groupings, nothing has yet been definitely
determined in the man's experience.

The special character of the perceived irritation, of the sound in this case, enters con-
sciousness in the second stage. Evidently, this is t:,e beginning of systemic differentiation on

I' 1 N.N. Lanse.. "Theory of Perception and Volitional Attention."

271
the basis of the blending of new activities with the former material of the system: the physicaJ
sound reaction now appears in the complex, and vaguely fills the field of consciousness. Then,
specific features of the unfolding sound are Inaeaslngly more clearly and concretely determined:
first its force, pitch, and timber; then, the differentiation of the psychical auditory complex COn-
tinues. Each new determination is a kind of new polarization in the field of consciousness, dis-
tinguishing a part or an aspect of this complex. The process ends when perception attains full
distinctness and is secured in consciousness precisely as the sound of a bell: the sound is, so to
speak, accepted by consciousness and takes its place in the system of personal experience -
the "consolidation" is accomplished, and all is well.

Contradictions, appearing In the second phase, are hardly noticeable due to the speed and
habituafness of the entire act But they are undoubtedly present, and under certain conditions
are accessible to observation: at the point when this phase is for any reason slowed down, and
the perception does not immediately enter consciousness. This happens with unusual irritations
such as, for example, an unfamiliar sound or the appearance of a not pre'{iously encountered
living being; when an organism 15 under abnormal conditions, when impressions are vague; and
even when the Irritation Is somehow insufficiently intensive or prolonged to enter conscious--
ness as a weak, indirect, but persistentJy repeating sound. Sensation in these cases acquires a
sickly coloring, ac:c:ompanied by an anxious feeling which Indicates' the presence of a disorgan-
izing moment The negative sensation intensifies until per"J)tion "clears up"; when this hap-
pens, the uneasiness may completely disappear, living place to a distinctive feeling of calm -
of course, this happens only if elements of harm or danger are not revealed in the content of
perception. This calm reflects the fact of systemic consolidation.

The solution of any problem, practical or theoretical, represents an organizational act

A problem is posited - what do these words mean? First of dll, they mean that something new
has entered the system of life, the experience of a man or a collective - when an arithmetical
problem is offered to a child, certain data with a definite request are communlcdted to him; a
technicaf problem is assigned to a worker, that is, the worker is put in touch· with certain ma-
terials and instruments, and at the same time a n~ is communicated to him; a social problem
appears before a class - this means that new influences have entered its life from changed ev
onomic and political conditions, and the cultural environment, and the class feels a need to
adapt to them; and scientists or science run into a cognitive problem - this means that new
moments have entered into the former grouping of facts of experience, etc. This initiaf point
evidently corresponds in afl cases to our notion of the primary conjunctive phase.

According to the basic character of the first phase, the problem, if rea/ly posited anew
and not systematicaJly as a repetition of previous experience, is not fully defined at the begin-
ning. I ts main point lies in the need to organize something; consequentJy, a given disorganization,

272
which should be eliminated, is assumed here. So, the determination of a social problem facing
a collective is gradual, appearing in the form of a reJlization of the fact that there exists a
need stemming from new aspects of its material and cultural life; similarly, a scientific prob-
lem is not immediately outlined in the statement of a definite question. A technical problem
is usually determined beforehand for the worker, but only insofar as it is the repetition of the
past; the initial appearance of new technical pro~l~ms always contains a moment of search con-
cerning the very statement of such problems, triggered by a vaguely emerging need to organize
something in the external world, that is, by a vague consciousness concerning a lack of
systemness.

It is clear that the lack of system ness arises·from the disturbance of systemic equilibrium
by the entry of new elements; but this signifies the start of systemic differenti~tion accompan-
ied by "contradictions" - a disorganizing moment. Both sides of the process create a progres-
sive deepening and formalization of the problem; and the subsequent stages to its solution con-
stitute partial moments of the third phase, the phase of systemic consolidation.

So, a productive-technical problem, in its general and indefinite form, arises again and
again from the interaction between the collective and its external, natural environment. This
is an evolving system of complementary correlations. Both sides of the system change In inter-
action: the collective exhausts the elements from the environment fitting for it; but, at the
same time, the needs of the collective grow as it grows. This increases the contradictions of
systemic differentiation and posits technical problems in general. Systemic differentiation is
concretely determined by the given conditions in the form of this or that special problem;
for example, with the presence of unused land, we have problems of the expansion of farm
lands; when unused land is scarce, we have problems of raising the productivity per acre, etc.
The solution of each such special problem represents a partial solution to a general problem,
that is, a partial consolidation of the system.

Cognitive problems depend not only on practical ones; they also confine themselves
within a similar scheme in their formulation and solution. The phase of systemic differentia-
tion appears here as the process of "search" with all its failures and, generally, with a" its
specific expenditures and dissipation of energy. Progressive consolidation reduces and removes
them. In its general and indefinite statement, the cognitive problem continuously appears di-
rectly from the broadening of experience which reveals the inadequacy of the previous forms
of linkages In that experience. A concrete and paetlal statement is each time formulated in
relation to the given facts, and leads to new special solutions - a partial consolidation of the
system of experience.

Both in practice and cognition the processes of selection, governing the transition from

273
the second to the third phase, can become extraordinarily efficient with the presence of selec-
tion mechanisms; they all belong to the type of the "casting form"; such, in essence, are also
the mechanisms of "method". These are definite, stable groupings of the former experience
which play the role of channels directing the new material into the system: they link it with
definite parts of experience and give the linkage a definite form.

So, for example, the technical method of preparing food from grain is represented by a
stable, durable - "degressive" - grouping of elements of the psycho-motor apparatus, by
means of which the presence of certain grains is related, without much search and endeavor,
to a definite series of motor reactions: grinding, soaking, kindling a fire, and drawing to it
the resultant dough, etc. The goniometrical method of astronomical investigation connects
the image of the investigated object in the field of the instrument to a definite series of ac-
tions on certain parts of this instrument: definite reactions of volitional attention, etc. Mathe-
matical methods of sOlving problems also reduce to putting information into previously elab-
orated fixed schemes and the established sequence of operations within the limits of such
schemes; for example, the grouping of numbers in equations, transfer of variables, etc. Psy·
chology usually speaks in such cases about the well-trodden paths of association in the central
nervous system. But this is just another expression for the same thing: the notion of the "well-
trodden path" is tektologically fully homogeneous with the casting form and other mechanisms
of selection; it is a sort of casting form for the movements of some living changing content,
such as, for example, pedestrians. The identity of its organizational function becomes even
clearer, if one takes the rail-tract as an example.

It is quite clear that the degressive casting form only directs and regulates the selection of
motions contained within it, but by no means eliminates them; consequently the method also
does not remove the groupings and changes in the second phase of the organizational Jct: the
moment of "search" is always on hand, and frequently also the moment of "unsuccessful
attempts".

In practice, organizational acts, which proued in living beings or are performed by

such beings, are of greatest interest; naturally, so f:.r we have mainly considered such acts.
But any completed (or, more precisely, accepted as completed) process of nature can be con-
sidered in accordance with the same scheme. Thus, for example, contemponry theories, with
all their differences, consider the cosmological sequence of the evolution of the solar system
in the following way: - first, the gathering of matter dispersed in space (evidently, our first
phase); then, various regroupings and modification of matter with the destruction of many of
them (the second ph~); and finally, a transition to those correbtions which we consider to
be stable in the present system (consolidation, the third phase).

Crisis C always marks the beginning of a tektological act But if we trace its results to

274
-
this or that consolidation of systemic relations, any crisis C can be represented as a point of
departureJor a tektological act. Thus, the tektological act is generally the crlsl, C with • cycle
of it, comequences.

2. The Formal and Organizational Dialectic

The triad of organizational act Inevitably calls for comparisons with the triad of dialectic.
It is most convenient to establish precisely here the relationship between dialectic and tektology,
its historical forerunner.

First, in the philosophy of Hegel and later that of Marx, dialectic appears as the formal
law of universal development - a sort of architectural scheme of universal process, equally em-
bracing the whole process and Its separate parts, aspects and levels.

We are not going to consider dialectic in its strictly Hegelian form as the law of the logi-
cal evolution of the universe, or a scheme of universal thought: this speculative idealism is a
matter of the past.

The essence of the "Marxist" understanding of dialectic Is as follows. Any developing

real form contains opposing or "contending" forces. Their quantitative relationship is con-
tinuously changing, depending on the entire sum of internal and external c:onditions. When
the quantitative preponderance is maintained on one side, the form is preserved; but the more
It is reduced, the weaker becomes its systemic stability. The moment quantitative preponder-
ance Is destroyed, systemic stability also disappears; then "quantity passes into quality", and
a sharp transformation of the form in question oc:curs In the guise of upheavals and revolu-
tions - what we have called by the general name "crises". The form "negates" and passes
into its opposite - "antithesis". A n in ter "contradiction" also appears in the antithesis; it
develops in an analogous way and leads to the "negation of the negation" or "synthesis", which
though formally similar with the "thesis" is enriched by the new content, or perfected in com-
parison with the thesis.

Here are some illustrations: the heating of water changes its "quantitative" temperature,
and with it the correlation of the opposing structural forces, namely those of coupling and
the pressure of steam; at 100°C, this quantity po:sses into quality, the preponderance of coupl-
ing over pressure is destroyed, and the boiling water passes Into its "nega~on". A grain of
wheat also "negates" itself with germination and passes into lu antithesis - the whole plant;
the plant in tum "negates" itself by the creation of seeds, and passes into a synthesis, formally
similar to the thesis, but enriched in content - it passes into a great number of grains of the
dying wheat-ear.

275
 c

It is necessary to note that the law of phases is not understood in the universal sense of
Hegel, but as a highly widespread law in nature - this is the way Engels characterizes the law
in Antl·Duhring. 2 Besides, no definite rule, expressing opposition of contiguous phases, is in-
dicated here; in each concrete case the nature of opposition is established by experienu: a
plant is the "antithesis" of the grain from which it grew; water the "antithesis" of ice whose
melting produced it; the exchange society is produced by its "antithesis", the natural econ-
omy; the negation of one can be negative one, but it can also be zero, etc.. f'10 method is
provided for predicting the negation of the form in a particular case; instead, only a possibil-
ity formally to contrast a new phase with the form.:r one is assumed.

Let us contrast the triad with the tektologlcal act, using as an example the growth of a
seed into plant In this act, the grain is not simply a point of departure (tektologically, it
cannot be conceived apart from a relationship to its environment), it is also a contact with
the activities of the soil, the point of their penetration into it, and the interaction between
the living and the inorganic: all of this constitutes the primary conjunctive moment This
triggers a series of systemic differentiations -. the creation of various tissues with varia.ble
correlations which tend to change into complementary ones, and the inevitable disorganizing
moment in the form of destruction, or illnesses of growth, etc. These processes give rise to a
consolidating tendency - integration on the one hand and separating degressions on the other.
The same tendency culminates In the ripening of the seed, which maximally unfolds the acti-
vities of the plant and fixes the results of its development in new seeds, the carriers of both
heredity and the acquisition of a newly experienced cycle; but it can also end in a simple dis-
integration of the plant into inorganic eqUilibrium.

Such a scheme is dynamically universal; it embraces any tektological act as a whole,

even in its smallest parts. During any "Infanitely small" period of time, a given complex un-
dergoes both a phase of contact with Its environment and after such a contact "Infinitely
small" systemic divergences with all their disorganizing moments, which In tum lead to appro-
priate consolidating tendencies, no matter how Insignif'acant their manifestations.

Of course, Just like any tektoiogicaJ scheme, this. too, is in essence formal. Neverthe-
less, It shows, in contrast to the old dialectiGaJ triad, the direction and linkages in organiza-
tional changes and, consequentJy, the paths for further:research.

Moreover, in using as an illustration a concrete application, we can easily see the extent
to which the former triad is less dynamic. The triad starts with a grain, as a given form "in
itself", so to speak. Tektology does not start with a given static con~pt, but with the

2 "Thus, what is the negation of a nqationl It II a h~y generod and therefore widespread and important
law of the evolution of nature, biatory and thousht' (po 145, ltd German eeL) •.

276
...
conjunction of a concept with elements of the environment. This can equally well and equally
imprecisely be called either a negation or an affirmation: a negation, because conunction trig·
gers a change in the structure of the grain; an affirmation, because one of the grain's functions
is that of a seed. The second phase comprises not the entire process of the growth of the
wheat-ear, but a definite feature of its development, consisting of progressive divergences of its
tissues and groupings of its elements, together with contradictions arising therefrom, not in the
sense of a dialectical opposition, but that of factual disorganization on a larger or smaller
scale. Finally, the third phase is not the terminal point, but only another side of the process
of evolution, following immediately· after the first phase: the consolidation of the form through
elimination of extremes and contradictions of this divergence, achieved by further conjunctions
of diverging groupings and delimiting disingressions. The beginning and final forms in the abo
stract meaning of the old triad are for us but cognitive limits of the extreme phases, condition·
ally fixed by analysis.

Thus, from our point of view, the old dialectic is still inSt.;fficiently dynamic and in its
naked formalism leaves unexplained the general mechanism of evolution, "nd only sketches it.

It is not enough to criticize; it is necessary to explain. What is the essence of the former
scheme? What is its value, which historically remains unquestionable? The solution lies in the
meaning of antithesis, or "opposition" itself.

Water is the "opposite" of ice; a plant, the "opposite" of the seed from which it devel-
oped, etc. But water and ice have .an enormous number of physical, chemical and other prop-
erties in common; in fact, they have more common properties than differences; where is the
"opposition" here? It consists precisely in our contrasting two phases, identifying and fixing
a few differences between them and rejecting all they have in common. Any distinction then
becomes an opposition when it is secured in the field of thought, "abstracting" itself from
common characteristics of the contrasted phases.

Thus, the relation between "thesis" and "antithesis" is simply the relation between rhB
differeflCtIS of two levels of some process raised by thought into opposition. But then where
does the "synthesis" come from?

We have already frequently noted a tremendous diffusion of "cyclical" and "osci.llating"

processes in nature - for tektology, as for mathematics, both concepts have the same meaning.
The difference lies in the choice of graphic symbols. Evidently, we know of only two "meth-
ods of the preservation" of forms: a dynamic equilibrium, where assimilation and disassimila-
tion proceed in parallels and are directly counterbalanced; and periodic oscillation, where a
disturbance of equilibrium in one direction is replaced by a disturbance in another in such a

277
manner that equilibration occurs in time. There Is even some basis to suppose that the oscil-
lating method of preservation is primary: any seeming continuous equi~ibrium sooner or later
can be decomposed into periodically oscillating elements, irrespective of whether the question
concerns a living organism, an atom, a mollewlar system or a mental Image.)

The equilibrium in oscillations is always approximate, with the most varied scale of pre·
cision. To a sub-atomic being, two changing light waves would appear as different in particulars
as the replacement of two human generations is for us; but to a being of "supra-cosmic" dimen.
sions and type, the replacement of stellar universes would 'appear as a simple vibration. There.
fore, we frequently have to discover the moment of recurrence, repetition or, more ;>recisely,
similarity between the intervally separated phases of some process where it is not previously
noticed.

Now let us take any process which Is not devoid of the moment of recurrence. Let us
then single out two of its phases on the basis of that moment, that is, their similarity, and
fix the two in our thought The interval phase will differ from them precisely because it Is
dissimilar - otherwise, we generally would not have singled out these three phases, but ac-
cepted all of them as one. Our triad then appears by Itself: the distinction between the in-
terval system and the two extreme systems is raised into "opposition", or antithesis; and the
similarity between them will be understood as an opposition of opposition or in the words of
Engels we get "the law which is highly general an~, therefore, widespread in nature": as gen-
era/ and widespread as Is the scheme of "recarrenc:e" or "oscillation". But the latter has been
far better investigated, is easier to analyze and is, therefore, more scientific. The triad is its
"philosophical", or in other words, its imprecise and preliminary expression.

Therefore, considerable uncertainty and even arbitrariness result from the application
of the triad. Between the two IntervaJly separated stages of some process, similar features not
expressing its 'basic tendencies are consciously or unconsciously sought. For example, child-
hood with its primitive harmony of life, and maturity with its developed harmony, can be
taken, respectively, as a thesis and a synthesis; the rebellious youth with all its crises of pu-
bescence will be an antithesis. But it is also possible to take both childhood with its instinc-
tively creative wisdom and old age with its wisdom of lived experience as a thesis; the entire
gap between them will then be an antithesis. In a simple oscillation, it is possible to take the
valley and its rise as a thesis and a synthesis; in such cases the antithesis can be either the val-
ley or the rise, or one valley and another valley; mathematicaJ analysis In both cases gives us
the appropriate formal similarity of formulae; etc.

3 When we superimpose CWo idendc:al osclllatiolll in their opposite phase~ we will perceive them as being
at "rest", or more precisely, AI a prelenlltion of the moment which was variable in each of them. It is
sufficient to make the duration of the oaciJUring phaae too uinf'lnitdy small" to be perceived. say below
one-hundredth of. second - the subjective result wiD be the 1Ilme. .

278
 The old dialectic was scientifically valuable in pointing to the hidden "oppositions"
within things and concepts, which had to be discovered and understood as either a digression
of activities, or simply as a systemic divergence of parts or aspects of the whole. When all of
this is distinguished in the organizational analysis, as it must be, the ap;llic..1tion ')f the old
scheme is no longer useful. The remnants of "logicism" inevitably connected with Hegelian
and pre-Hegelian terminology, and identifying the evolution of systems with realities, can
even be harmful.

The dialectic had still another meaning wh ich tcan be best described as architecturally
esthetic. It brought into the exposition of facts and thoughts moments of rhythm and sym-
metry, or external formal systemness, which facilitate perception and memorizatio;l. This
aspect of dialectic will evidently still be valuable for a long time. It should not be, however,
confused with the scientific organizational dialectic, which air:ns at precision.

3. Structural Progress and Regress

We have already used the concepts of organizational progress and regress many times.
Since their every day meaning is, generally speaking, easy to understand, it has so far been
possible to get by without a precise analysis and definition of these concepts. Such analysis
and definition,- however, ar~ indispensable for scientifically-object/vB etta/Uhtions of tektologi-
cal acts, which make up an infinite chain that generates the evolution of the universe.

All the usual human evaluations in the form of such concepts as goodness, beauty and
truth, that is, moral, esthetic and cognitive evaluations, hJ.ve one common basis: all of them
represent organizational evaluations. Behind their form, obscuring their real character for the
individual consciousness, is concealed the social systemness (the level of organization). Thus,
that which raises the systemness of collective life in the sphere of degressive norms concerning
man's behavior is recognized as morally superior; that which raises it in the sphere of percep-
tion of the world is recognized as "beautiful"; and that which does this in the sphere of syste-
matization of experience is recognized as being "true". In essence, evaluations are everywhere
reduced to a more or less approximate and vaguely expressed quantitativB comparison of
systemness - "measurement" by various cliches and imprecise scales, so to speak. There-
fore, all such comparisions must be illuminated by scientifically organizational investigations.

We have already outlined the basic criteria for such evaluations when we considered
questions concerning quantitative and structural stability. Systemness is raised quantitatively
when a more considerable amount of elements·activities accumulate within the bounds of a
given form and structure, as is the case, for example, with mists or with a planetary mass
which grows at the expense of the matter in the surrounding space. Structural systemness is

279
 aq

raised when, within the limits of a system, activities combine with fewer disingressions; for
example, when the harmful frictions of parts are reduced in a mechanism, raising the coeffi-
cient of energy utilization; that is, when its wasteful expenditures are reduced.

We also know that a rise in quantitative systemness may parallel a lowering of structural
system ness, and vice versa. Practically, this or that side preponderates and the question of
"regress" or "progress" is resolved quite simply. Here is a gra;Jhic illustration. Professor Ringel-
man 4 has made a series of experiments in order to determine the real c .•anges of systemness
attending an increase in the number of participants engaged in cooperative efforts directed
against some obstacle. Unfortunately, he did not reveal the nature of the obstacle, althou6h,
in each case, correlations undoubtedly depend on the character of work and the method used
in the coordination of efforts. The results turned out to be as follows: 5

No. of The effective The average magnitude of The magnitude of loss

Participants sum of efforts useful action (per person) (per person)

1 100 100 -
2 186 93 7
3 255 85 15
;
4 308 77 23
5 350 70 30
6 378 63 37
7 392 56 44
8 392 49 51

Quantitative progress and structural regress are balanced at the level of seven participants,
where unnecessary disingressions paralyze the added activities. But here we run ar;ainst a compli-
cation which stems from the correlation of organization with its environment, namely, those re-
sistances, or "obstacles", which must be overcome.

let us assume that the above table relates to the clearing of stones littering and jamming a
given plot of land_ One man can remove stones of 100 Ibs., but no more; seven men will remove both
the stones weighing up to 392 Ibs. and those which, because of separate uncoordinated efforts, would
have remained on the spot It is clear that if all the stones are small, weighing less than 100 Ibs. each,
the increase in a number of workers directly united 01'1 the common task would not represent

4 Nature. 191 5, No. 6

5 Ibid, p. 878

280
progress, but only an increase of harmful frictions and mutual hinderances. If there are stones
weighing up to 200 Ibs., then not more than three men should be combined on the. task; if the
weight of the stones is up to 300 Ibs., four men, and so on. As we can see, the expansion of a
grouping can be considered to be positive or negative, depending on the conditions of a concrete,
practical task.

Fully analogous in method is the solution of tactical questions concerning the introduction
of larger or smaller detachments at various points of a battle. Of the same type i~ the electro-
technical problem concerning parallel or sequential switching of circuits; this problem depends
on the external and internal resistances of the electric circuit: parailel switching corresponds
here to the case where workers act in parallels, and do not interlace their efforts into one collec-
tive action; sequential switching corresponds to the second case which has, as a result, a higher
tension.

If, however, Instead of definite resistances we are faced with indefinite ones, the question
has to be solved differently. let us assume, for example, that the problem is again concerned
with the dearing of stones,stumps, etc., from the soli, but that the conditions are extremely
varied and the obstacles represent the most varied degrees of difficulty. Then, evidently, the
optimal grouping will be that which permits the overcoming of the largest part of resistances,
up to 392 Ibs., in our example; and the expansion of the group will represent progress up to
seven men beyond which internal disingression surpass the growing activities. Beyond this lim-
it, progress is only possible through the method of the combination of forces.

When the question of progress is posited in general (for example, with respect to orpnisms,
species, and social formations), then ~ganizational problems appear in a much less certain form,
since it is now necessary to take into account the most varied resistances, not only in magnitude,
but also in character. In such cases, progress represents the growth in systemic "viability", relat-
ing this concept to the process of "struggle for survival", that is, to multidimensional Interactions
of a system with its environment. It is clear that both the growth in the sum of systemic activi-
ties and the harmonization of their linkages, that is, the reduction of Internal disingressions, make
it possible to overcome destructive activities - resistances of the environment on a larger scale.
However, the character of antagonistic moments of the environment is essentJai here; since thiS
character enhances the ability of some complexes to overcome such moments, while lowering it
for others, the evaluation should not be made in terms of all the possible environmental states,
but only In term, of the most common and ff1petlti~e nates of the ."vlronment with their typi-
cal, most probable changes.

Frequently, in a living complex or an organism, $Ome groupings of its elements develop

in quantity and connectedness, while others regress, remain unchanged or develop with a lag.

281
For example, an animal may progress in the realm of its muscular reflex system, but without an
appropriate correspondence to its digestive apparatus; or the activities of man's higher nervous
centers may inuease, but without a parallel rise In the work of excretory organs. What happens
then?

The animal is able to run faster and use its claws and jaws more intensively. Evidently, this
permits it to procure more food. But at the same time, this also means a rise in the expenditure
of energy on muscular contractions, wear of tissues, anu cooling of the body surface, etc. The
rise in the expenditure of energy, however, intensifies assimilation, which can be achieved by an
Increase in ·nourishment, but only with the appropriate intensification of the digestive functions.
However, if such an intensification is not possible, then disorganization, leading to a weakening of
the system and even to its downfall, will occur. The growth in muscular strength, which is a di-
rect indication of progress, in the sense of making the attainment of a wider mastery over the ele-
menU of an environment possible, turns into a structural regress due to a disharmony of the de-
velopment and the disparity of its various partS.

Analogously, the intensification and complication of the functions of nervOus centers in-
evitably lead not only to the growth in their ability for assimilation, but also to a decomposition
of their tissues. If the work of excretory organs, kidneys and others, is not developing in con-
formity to the work of nervous centers, the organism becomes obstructed and poisoned with the
products of decomposition: this represents a structural regress which can, at a certain level, de-
stroy the organism.

The "conformity" of the various aspects of systemic development generally should not be
understood in terms of a simple proportionality. With the doubling of the size of muscular
functions, for example, what is required is not the doubling of the size of the digestive organs,
but less than that; however, the doubling of muscular functions may require more than doub-
ling of the amount of nervous energy. Sometimes, it is even necessary to weaken the grouping
B with the intensification of the grouping Ai In order to achieve a significant growth of the
brain, for example, it Is not necessary to have a proportional thickening of the skull bones and
the consolidation of their seams, but completely opposite changes; and usually, the procreating
function, competing with the brain for special elements of nourishment, Is also weakened.

The case of the progress of some functions alongside a regress in others posits another
question. The adaptation of organisms to a contracting envlfOnment by means of so called
"reduction" is frequently encountered In nature. As examples - fish, livi"g in an unde~ound
lake, suffer the atrophy of their sight organs; or other parasitic animals, almost compietely los-
Ing their organs of external sen5eS and motor organs, are reduced to the meGhanisms of diges-
tion and reproduction. And these are, of course, the results of selection and adaptation, which

282
are advantageous for a given species in Its struggle for survival. But can t!:lis be recognized as or·
ganizatlonal progress? In order to answer this question precisely, it is necess~y ~ take into av
oount the relation between the form and its environment, not only at a particular point In time,
but during the entire historical development of the form.

When this is done the following will happen. The un/venal environment Is generally
c/JBngfJllble; and, in the end, determines the concrete environment of any given system. There-
fore, if the notion of "progress" signifies the character of evolution which conditions the vic·
tory of a giyenform over its environment - not one particular victory, but victories .In general
_ then this notion should be related to the condition of the changing environment. True,
changes can be infinitely varied, and no tektological progress can adapt a given form to all
possible changes, but should be able to adapt the form to the most typical and probable en-
vironmental states.

Obviously, such states can be different In different parts of the universal environment.
However, it is easy to establish a general feature for all of them, which will inc:r.we in sta·
bllity in proportion to the lengthening of the time scale. This Is the widening of the environ-
ment, which is also equivalent to iu complication.

The systematic, stable progress is realized in a given system's conquest of the environ-
ment, that is, in a deepening and penetration into the tissue of environmental complexes,
which inc:rease both the number of correlations between the system and its environment and
also the variety of such correlations - what is expressed by the "widenint' and "complica·
tIon" of the environment. Reductionist development adapts the system to a contlBCtlng en·
vironment, that is, to some temporary and particular environmental states, but not to 1he
typical ones. However, this 'generally makes the system unadaptable to a widening and typic:-
ally changeable environment Evidently, this represents structuraJ regress.

Structural regress is, without doubt, frequently accompanied by quantitative progress,

which is, however, temporary and partial. A parasite, for example, living at the expense of
the juices of a widespread species, can with its reduced organization multiply faster, grow in
size and, generally, embrace a sr,eat quantity of matter and energy_ But insofar as reduction
has occurred, the very possibUity of further aggressive expansion is limited at the outset The
parasite adapts itself to definite "hosts" and exploits them; it cannot, therefore, spread to a .
greater extent than its "hosts". 'But even within these limits, If the parasite multiplies too
rapidly, a new limit to its expansion is set by extinction of the ··hosts"; and their struggle
against parasitic exploitation also limits such expansion. Man, for e;wnple, sooner or later
will destroy all his parasites.

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 «

The possibility of expanding the limits of a declining species by some other .. nd new
adaptation is definitely not ruled out; but this will happen not because the organism has lost
some of its parts and functions but, on the contrary, when, for example, fully reduced groupings
are again gradually restored.

Thus, systelTlic adaptation to a contracting environment in itself should be considered as

a structural regress, since it leads to a reduction of organizational possibilities.

The question concerning the progress of an organizational form in a complex, changeable

environment is consequently not solved by simply maintaining that the sum of the elements of
a given form has increased, or that disingressions have decreased in its separate groupings. Both
can be called "elementary facts of quantitative and structural progress." Therefore, the ques-
tion concerning correlations of these elementary facts still remains to be solved, that is, the
question of organizational correspondence of "harmony" between them; presence of dishar-
mony represents a moment of general structural regress. And, finally, even within the limits
of harmony, the question concerning the widening or contracting of possibilities for further
tektologica/ development still remains. In fact, the first is expressed in the growth of the
variety and versatility of groupings, the second in their decrease; the latter case is also the
moment of regress.

"Pure" progress, not connected with regressive moments, is no more than an ideal con-
cept, a tektoJogicai scheme. I n reality, regressive moments are always min:,:led with it; what
matters, however, is the correlation between the two sides, the preponderance, to a greater or
lesser extent, of one side over the other.

The analysis of this correlation is sometimes complex and difficult, and usually only
yields approximate results. But its practical significance can be enormous, particularly in the
solution of social questions. It is only on such an analysis that a fully objective evaluation
of this or that transformation of social forms or an accurate understanding of an historical
role and the probable late of this or that class can be based.

For example, the quantitative and, in many respects, structural progress in the evolution
of ancient societies occurred alongside a reduction of the productive activities of their central
i
groupings, the upper classes, and with a general regress in the lives of the lower classes. This I

predetermined the fate of the ancient world, its decomposition, and final downfall.

The fate of the modern bourgeoise is also likely to be determined by a declining de-
t
velopment of its productive functions. However, the fate of contemporary society as a whole
will depend on the correlation between progressive and regressive moments in the development
of its lower classes.

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4. The Path of Creation and Destruction of Forms

Any complex, develop in.; system represents a chain of groupings which are different
in their age on the one hand, and in their connectedness and stability on the other. Historic-
ally, this represents a series of sequential layers: some layers were created earlier while others
later "superimpose" themselves (in the organizational sense) on the earlier layers. Their dur-
ability undoubtedly depends in each separate case on the entire sum of conditions under whose
influence a given grouping was created; and, therefore a grouping which originates later may
sometimes turn out to be more stable than the one which appears earlier, and vice versa. But
these two cases are not equally typical: there is here a general tektological tendency, easily
elucidated by a simple analysis.

The development of any grouping is regulated by the mechanism of selection, which op-
erates continuously during its entire existence. In other words, the removing of the less stable
connections and elements and the strengthening of more stable combinations goes on continu-
ously in the grouping. Thus, the more the grouping is retained and supported in a system, the
more it should become stable and firm. Consequently, oLher conditions being equal, groupings
of an earlier origin should be more "consolidated" and steady in relation to destructive influences
than those which appear later.

Such is the first conclusion from the scheme of "historical layers". In essence, it is equal-
ly relevant to all organizational forms. But, so far, the closest anJ broadest field for its applica-
tion is in the realm of life, in general, and psychical and social life, In partkular.

Let a destructive influence operate on a system, an organism, a psyche or a collective.

When the influence is uneven, for example, when particularly directed at this or that part, or-
gan, or systemic function, the aforementioned regularity may not ordinarily be noticeable. But
with an adequate uniformity in disorganizing influences, simultaneously and parallely embracing
the entire system, a sequence clearly appears: groupings of the latest origin are disturbed and de-
stroyed first, the process proceeds from one historical layer to another, and tne path of destruc-
tion retraces, in the reverse order, the path of systemic creation.

This can be noticed in an elementary form in sharp, though momentary, evenLS in life.
Thus, if the suppression by a "shock" of the activity of the heart causes a general weakening
of cellular respiration and nourishment in the entire organism, then the centers of conscious-
ness are paralyzed before reflex centers in general, and the centers of vegetative fu nctions op-
erate most persistantly - the usual case in fainting. But natural aging provides the most gra-
phic illustration. There, the vital processes usually decline, J.S was noted by popular wisdom, in
the direction of childhood. Failure of memory begins in old age: recent memories are forgotten

285
fastest, while those of the past remain quite fresh, and with their extinction the special stead-
fastness of the farthest removed cycles is revealed; the recollections of childhood are retained
longest. 6 Thanks to this, it often happens that a free thinker. a materialist, or an atheist re-
turns to his long rejected faith, which becomes more naive. mechanical and "childish". Faced
with imminent death. the most inveterate free-thinker '!lay turn to God. There are instances
of old men, wh~ having lost their mothers in childhood, died with the word "mama" on their
lips, the first word of a child. 7
•
With the onset of senility, the. sexual functions. which appear last in the life of the or-
ganism, become extinct first; .and their generative side, or function of conception, is disturbed
before the emotional motor, that is, the individual sexual si~e - t!le sequence is again t:le re-
verse of what is observed in the growth of the organism.

Analogously, when a social organization is subjecte~ to decomposition in an unfavorable

environment. such as when a revolutionary party declines under the pressure of a blind reac-
tion, the process of decline embraces first of all generally the most recently formed layers: the
recent members of the party and the latest cells separate first; with a forced review of party
doctrines, other things being equal. the most recent and the least "established" doctrinal ele-
ments are discarded first; or tactics reveals less durability than a program which lies historically
deeper.

There is no reason to doubt that. the scheme of the relative stability of historical layers
is also applicable to all systems of the "inorganic" world. Only it is unusual for contemporary
thought to consider them as organized systems, and their history is rarely known.

Thus, in a geological system the most ancient formations of the "earth-crust" are general-
ly more solid and stable under the action of destructive and deforming forces - pressures an:~
tensions on the part of Inner tectonic agents, and also the activities of water air, and other me-
chanical and chemical elements. etc. In any star, the most ciurable part should be represented
by its most ancient nucleus, whose structural relationships have taken thousands upon thousands
of years to develop. And when the history of atoms is explained, it will undoubtedly turn out
that their latest groupings are the least stable, and that the elements of energy which joined last
are the least firmly connected with the whole. It is already known that the heaviest atoms are
the most inclined to disintegrate: that is. the atoms which had the greatest number of compli-
cations and are also composed in addition to the most ancient groupings of the recent ones.

6 A beautifulpicrure of such a senile return to the past, where experiences of the present are forced out
by the recollections of childhood. is given by V. Koroleko in his story The Rustling Forest (especially
striking is the end of the .tory).
7 This .equence of destruction in the realm of psychical processes was pointed out, among other things,
by T. Rlbo in his boole, /lInea of Memorv. .

286
 It ~ould be pointed out that, given the enormous complexity of phenomena - all
phenomena turn out to be, with a sufficient analysis, immeasurably complex - the tektologi-
cal tendency in question frequently escapes a casual observation, and the observed facts may
not correspond to this tendency. Thus, the scheme of gravitation not only operates when the
falling of bodies appears to be elusive, irregular or replaced by an upward flight - on the con-
trary, this scheme is especially important in such cases, since it posits a problem an~ provides
a basis for further research.

Connected with the same scheme of historical layers is still another law, so far formulated
only for biology. This is: "Ontogenesis" brieRy repeats "phylogenesis", or the evolution of an
Individual repeats that of its species. As far as the facts are concerned, this is only an approxl·
mate expression, but as a tendency, it is precise. The law can be easily derived as a necessary
conclusion from the scheme of layers.

Let, for example, a species of animals or vegetables acquire, in a series of generations,

first the adaptation A, and later the adaptation B. Each adaptation is, of course, determined
by the entire sum of the internal and external relationships of the organism. If so, then the
grouping A must have been a part of those condltlon~ which gave rise to grouping B. It is
natural and clear, then, that In the ontogenesis of succeeding generations one of the determin-
Ing moments"of grouping B is also grouping A: similar results arise from similar causes. In
other words, the ontogenesis of the grouping B should typically be preceded by A; the entire
regularity is contained in this.

On this basis, we can expect that the development of a separate Individual schematically
repeats the general course of the evolution of an individual in the history of society. This is
supported by observation. In the psychology of the child, can be discerned many features of
the primitive savage, such as a lack of Individuality anJ the presence of naive communism; and
as far as one can judge from the facts and conclusions of contemporary comparative philology,
a specific childish language has much In common with the primitive embryos of language. 8 In
the subsequent development of the child, a religious coloring appears in his thinking, along
with moments of imperiousness and submissiveness, the preponderance of one or the other
depending on his family conditions: this phase corresponds to the authoritarian forms of s0-
cial life. later, a sharp consciousness of his "I" emerges, frequently in aggressive contrast to
the surrounding environment: this is the individualistic phase. Still later, if his development
reaches this stage, the phase of social idealism emerges, the spirit of collectivism. Such, in
general, has been the historical path of mankind.

8 For a comparison of the child's langu~e with the primitive roots, see A. Bogdanov, The Self/ncB of So·
cl.' CofllClou,nllU, 2nd ed., p. 47.

287