CHAPTER 1

BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM

1.1 INTRODUCTION
The motivation for this study arose from the personal observation the researcher made among teenage
mothers at Hlanganani South Circuit. Team teaching approach was introduced in Hlanganani south
circuit wherein educators used to make turns of teaching in different schools on subject of their
specialization. It was observed during that period that most learners were not in class and those who
were present during lessons did not turn up on pre- arranged days to write tests for those sections
taught. On inquiry, the researcher also found out that most of those absent were teenage mothers. The
researcher’s school was no exception to this problem, and was prompted to investigate the matter
further in order to find out the challenges teenage mothers face as they go back to schools. In addition,
it is also supported by various researchers, who studied topics related about teenage mothers.

1.2 BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM

Teenage pregnancy, resulting under normal circumstances into teenage motherhood is and has been a
social and health problem in many industrialised countries; this is an issue that needs to be addressed
(Shaw, Lawlor & Najman, 2006). According to Vinnerjung, Franzen and Danielsson (2007) the United
States of America (USA) has the highest teenage birth rate per 1000 women (52,1%) aged between 15-
19 years, when compared to other developed countries, followed by the United Kingdom in Europe
(30,8%), Canada (20,2%) and Australia (18,4%). In many social democratic countries an increase in
teenage motherhood has been found to be associated with the existence of an elaborated welfare
system, for example, in the USA, it has been reported that approximately one-half of teenage mothers
go on welfare within one year of birth and 77% within five years of birth (Makiwane, Desmond, Ritcher
& Udjo, 2006). According to Carter and Spear (2002), teenage motherhood continues to be a
community health problem warranting attention, especially in the rural areas of southern USA.2
Welfare systems are thought by some to have a perverse incentive for teenagers, because they receive
financial support when they bear children. Countries like the USA and Britain have seen the problem
and withdrew the grant from teenage mothers (Makiwane et al, 2006).

The World Health Organization (WHO, 2011), figures reflected that the global average number of
births per every 1000 girls in the 15-19 age groups is 65. Asia has 56 per 1000 girls in the same age
group and this statistic rises to 70 per 1000 girls in Thailand. According to the Health and Demographic
Survey (1992) in Nigeria 47% of women aged 20-24 were married before the age of 15 and 87%
married before 18. According to Save a Child Report (2006) more than one in six teenage girls between
the ages of 15-19 gave birth in Niger, Liberia and Mali. Makiwane et al (2006), allude that in South
Africa teenage motherhood is relatively high. About half of all young females from 15 years of age are
mothers.

The high rate of teenage motherhood as reflected by the Department of Health Survey (1998) is a clear
indication that South African teenagers engage themselves in unprotected sex despite the high
spreading of the HIV and AIDS. They risk their lives by falling pregnant and become mothers, because
they want to prove their womanhood in the society (Preston - Whyte, 1991). Teenage motherhood is
no longer unintended and unplanned (Magwetshu, 1990), but a purposeful act. Ritcher and Mlambo
(2005) confirm that teenage motherhood is intentional, the greater the positive consequences of
motherhood to a teenager, the less likely that they will engage in protective sexual activity. The desire
to become mothers is due to the fact that teenagers see motherhood as a positive choice and a way to a
more adult role (Bryant, 2006).

The problem of teenage motherhood has been studied by different researchers, who attempted to look
at the causes of teenage pregnancy and teenage motherhood (Preston-Whyte, 1991, Hopane, 2008; &
Makoko, 2008) and strategies as well as programmes to prevent teenage pregnancy and teenage
motherhood thereof (Frost, Jennifer, Forrest & Darroch, 1995; Manamela, 1994), however little is
known about challenges experienced by teenage mothers in secondary schools. This study seeks or
attempts to explore the challenges that teenage mothers experience in Hlanganani South Circuit
secondary schools of the Vhembe District of Limpopo.3
1.3 PROBLEM STATEMENT
Many teenage girls, who become mothers in their secondary school years, have many challenges ahead
of them. The greatest challenge is that of striking a balance between caring for the baby and paying
attention to their academic work. Furthermore, there appears to be no support systems available in
schools to help them deal with the reconciliation of the two roles (motherhood and being a learner).
Despite the recent policies, which protect teenage mothers from mockery, teasing and marginalization
by educators and learners, teenage mothers still experience challenges. These challenges need to be
investigated.

1.4 AIM OF THE STUDY

The aim of this study is to explore the challenges experienced by teenage mothers in secondary schools.

1.5 OBJECTIVES

• To identify the challenges faced by teenage mothers in high schools.

• To suggest strategies that these teenage mothers’ peers, educators and parents can employ to
assist them to cope with the challenges they face.

1.6 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

• What are the challenges faced by teenage mothers in secondary schools?

• What support is available at schools for teenage mothers?

• What are the perceptions of the educators towards teenage mothers?

1.7 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The results of this study may benefit policy makers when grappling with the problem of pregnant
teenagers at schools. The results may also support schools to successfully deal with 4
the problem of teenage motherhood and may assist teenage mothers to cope with different challenges
they encounter in secondary schools.

1.8 CONCLUSION
In this chapter the background of the problem was outlined, followed by the aim and objectives of the
study and lastly, the significance of the problem was discussed to highlight why this study is
important.5
 CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 INTRODUCTION
In this chapter, literature relating to the challenges faced by teenage mothers in secondary schools is
reviewed. This is intended to locate the problem in its proper contextual perspective. The chapter
follows the following design:
• First, conceptualisation of the problem;
• Second, historical and geographical perspective of the problem;
• Third, methodological approaches used in the study of the phenomenon thus far, and
• Fourth, exploration of existing gaps.

2.2 CONCEPTUALISATION OF THE PROBLEM

According to the Encyclopaedia of Children and Childhood in History and Society (2008), it is difficult
to define exactly what constitutes teenage motherhood, because of the inconsistencies in defining its
age limits. The conception of a teenage mother can be divided into two broad views. Those, who see
it as defined by (a) age (under the 20 years) and (b) those that have not completed their education.

2.2.1 Teenage Mothers as Defined by Age (under the age of 20)

According to Save a Child Report (2000), teenage motherhood is formally defined as birth in a young
woman, who has not reached her twentieth birthday when the birth occurs, regardless of whether the
woman is married or is legally an adult. Johns, Moncloa and Grong (2000) state that teenage
motherhood is when a teenaged or under aged girl (in the teenage years of 13 – 19) becomes a parent.

The United Nations’ Children’s Fund (UNICEF, 2001) alludes that teenage motherhood is when a
woman aged between 15 and 19 has a baby. According to their statistics, 67% of women of child
bearing age are aged between 15 to 19 years. 6
The Health – Cares.Net (2005) explains that teenage motherhood is a birth that occurs in an adolescent.
An adolescent is a female, who has reached puberty and is 19 years old or younger. Teenage
motherhood is the phenomenon of teenage girls giving birth and is a contemporary social issue in some
nations, especially in the USA, while in developing countries teenage birth is for most part, not an
issue, since many women are expected to be married and with children before they are twenty.

Odu and Christian (2007) are of the opinion that women have tended to begin child bearing during
their early twenties, while Yutokoutreach (2007) defines teenage motherhood as an under aged girl
becoming a mother. These sources also mentioned that the term is restricted to those under the age of
legal adulthood, being 18 in most countries in the world including Papua New Guinea. According to
Fox (2008), teenage motherhood can be loosely defined as a girl giving birth before reaching the legal
age of adulthood. While teenage motherhood is looked down upon by most developed countries,
certain ethnic groups in the world actually welcome and celebrate the phenomenon, because it is seen
as a clear sign of fertility in the young female. Motherhood confirms that she is perfectly capable of
bearing children.

Sams (2008) concur with Fox (2008) and Yutokoutreach (2007) that teenage motherhood is birth by
an under aged girl and the term applies to those under the age of threshold of legal adulthood.
Adulthood starts at the age of 16 in some places and 18 in others. We Want Nice Things (2008) also
define teenage motherhood in terms of legal adulthood wherein in the USA; teenage motherhood is
when a minor, according to the law, under aged girl gives birth, while in United Kingdom (UK), there
is a legal definition whereby a woman is considered to be teenage mother if she gives birth before her
th
18 birthday. The term in everyday speech usually refers to women, who have not reached the age of
majority legal adulthood, which varies across the world.

Luong (2008) asserts that teenage mothers are women, who had their first birth under the age of 20
while Garblah (2009) states that teenagers, who give birth to children yearly are between 15 and 19
years, and these teenagers cannot afford to support the children, as a result their children may get
involved in crime to survive due to improper upbringing.

The Liberia Demographic Health Survey (2008) as cited in Garblah (2009) indicates that at least one
out of three girls aged 15 to 19, have had children, while more than one out of six girls between the
same age group (15 to 19) give birth every year. The Encyclopaedia of 7
Children and Childhood in History and Society (2008), reflects that studies focusing on causes and
consequences of teenage motherhood typically include young women 15 to 19 years old. Births
occurring among adolescents younger than 15, are often included only in aggregate national statistics.
Teenage motherhood refers to the birth of child to a woman less than 20, whether married or not (Save
a Child Report, 2000). The World Health Organization (WHO, 2011) estimates 10% of all world births
are delivered by 15 to 19 year old adolescent girls.

2.2.2 Teenage Mothers as Defined by Incomplete Education

Farlex McGraw Hill Concise Dictionary of Modern Medicine (2002) states that teenage motherhood
is understood to occur in a woman, who has not completed her core education, secondary school, has
few or no marketable skills, is financially dependent upon her parents and/or continues to live at home
and is often mentally immature.

According to UNICEF (2001), teenage mothers are women aged between 15 and 19, who have babies
and have less than upper secondary education with most of them coming from households, which have
below bottom quintile income and are mostly not working, inactive or unemployed.

In this study a teenage mother refers to a woman aged between 13 and 19, who has a baby regardless
of the marital status. The term teenage mother will be used synonymously and interchangeably with
adolescent mother and early child bearers as preferred terms by other authors in the related topics.

2.3 HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL PERSPECTIVE OF THE PROBLEM

In the previous section, conceptualisation of the problem was looked at. In this section, historical and
geographical perspectives are looked into. Industrialised and developing countries have distinctively
different rates of teenage births. A distinction will be made between developed and developing
countries hereunder.

2.3.1 Historical and Geographical Perspective of Teenage Mothers in Developed Countries

In many developed countries teenage motherhood is associated with many social issues, which include
amongst others lower educational levels and higher rates of poverty. In 8
developed regions such as North America and Western Europe, teenage mothers tend to be unmarried
and adolescent birth is seen as a social issue and carries a social stigma in many communities and
cultures. Teenage motherhood in these countries is usually outside marriage and not welcomed by
family and society (Save the Child, 2000).

2.3.1.1 Teenage motherhood in the US

The US has the highest teenage birth (51,1% birth per 1000) compared to other developed countries.
This is of a major concern and is a social, public, and health concern (Shaw et.al, 2006). About 5% of
US teenage girls aged between 15 and 17 give birth each year (Save a Child, 2011).

According to Rank (2008), the history of adolescence/teenage mothers goes back to the 1820s when
the growing number of middle-class parents had been sending their adolescent children to high schools
instead of sending them to work or allowing them to marry. New child labour laws, compulsory
education legislation, the establishment of juvenile courts, efforts to control teenage sexuality and a
myriad of other age-specific policies reflected new social attitudes defining modern adolescence. In
1900, less than 1% of males and 11% of females, aged 14 to 19 were never married. In 1930s the Great
Depression temporarily slowed the trend, but post war years saw a dramatic rise in early marriage and
teenage pregnancy rates.

The 1940s, 1950s and 1960s included the twentieth century’s highest teenage birth rates (79,5%; 91,0%
and 69,7% per thousand respectively). By 1960, nearly one third of American females had their first
child before reaching age 20. Teenage birth declined in the 1970’s; 1980s and 1990s. By 1990s, almost
25% of all babies were born to unmarried women. Teenage mothers gave birth to one third of these
infants, but most Black and Hispanic teenagers were more likely to have children than their Caucasian
counter parts.

After the 1970’s teenage motherhood/parenting became a social, economic and political issue. To
many critics unmarried teenage mothers became symbols of American immorality and the growing
Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) welfare programme. I appeared as though teenage
pregnancy and parenthood, whether inside or outside of marriage, was an unacceptable and a modern
social problem. In 1996, the AFDC was discontinued and restrictions were placed on federal assistance
to unwed teenage mothers. Teenage birth rates 9
have continued to decline, but the reasons are not clear, it appears that young people are making choices
about parenthood for themselves.

2.3.1.2 Teenage mothers in Canada

Teenage birth in women aged between 15 to 19 in Canada has declined since 1994 (46,7% per 1000
per person age) to 42,7% per 1000 per person age in 1997, and the decline is attributed to effective use
of contraceptives (Dryburgh, 2007). Teenage birth continued to decrease to 16% per 1000 per person
age in 2002. Thus the Canadian teenage birth rate has shown a steady decline with a downwards trend
for both young (15 to 17) and older (18 to 19) teenagers in the period 1992 to 2002. The highest teenage
birth in Canada is in small towns located in rural parts of Peninsular Ontario (Canadian Ministry of
Education, 1998).

2.3.1.3 Teenage mothers in Europe

According to UNICEF (2001), the UK has the highest rate of teenage mothers in Europe (26,4% per
1000 women aged between 15 and 19 ). Shaw et al (2006) state that the UK when compared to other
developed countries has the second highest teenage birth rate. In 2002, the rate of teenage births in
London Borough of Lambeth was 100,4% per person per 1000 women as compared to 3,3% per person
per1000 women in the central regions of Italy.

Teenage motherhood is a social concern in the UK and the country is employing some strategies to
reduce this problem (Shaw et al, 2006). French, Mercer, Kane, Kingori, Stephenson, Witkinson,
Gruddy and Lachowycz (2007), confirm that teenage motherhood has been declining in Europe in
countries like the Netherlands and Scandinavia since 1970 and this decline is associated with good sex
education and high levels of contraceptive use. In addition to good sex education and high
contraceptive use is the traditional beliefs held by countries like Spain and Italy. Stigmatisation
attached to teenage motherhood also contributed to the decline.

According to WHO (2011), teenage birth rates are declining, it was 61,8% in 1990, due to abstinence
25% and 75% of effective contraceptive use by all racial groups.

2.3.1.4 Teenage mothers in Asia

Teenage child bearing is high in Asia. The highest rate is in South Asia (71% to 119% per 1000 per
person age). Early marriage means adolescent motherhood particularly in rural 10
regions. Teenage motherhood has decreased sharply in Indonesia and Malaysia, because of developed
marriages although it has remained higher in Indonesia. Teenage motherhood is amongst the lowest in
industrialised Asian nations such as South Korea (2,9% per 1000 per person age) and Singapore
because of an increased age of marriage (Save a Child Report, 2000), whereas Thailand has a high rate
of teenage birth (60% per 1000 per person age). Measures to alert teenagers about the dangers of
teenage motherhood and sexually transmitted diseases have been taken by the Thailand Government
(WHO, 2011).

2.3.1.5 Teenage mothers in Australia

Australia has the highest teenage birth (18.4% per 1000 per person age) compared to other comparable
countries, but this is not a prominent policy concern. Australia offers opportunities to study the
outcomes of teenage parenthood in a country where there may be fewer stigmas than in countries that
portray teenage parenthood as a major health and social problem (Save a Child Report; 2000).

2.3.2 The Historical and Geographical Perspectives of Teenage Motherhood in Developing

Countries
Developing countries have small scale programmes concerning the reproductive health of teenagers
and these programmes are not centrally coordinated. A staggering amount of 13 million children are
born to women under the age of twenty annually, worldwide, more than 19% of these births occur in
developing countries. Teenage mothers in developing countries are often married and their birth may
be welcomed by family and society and therefore, does not involve a social stigma (Save a child Report,
2000). According to Rank (2008) rural areas experience the lowest age of marriage and few people
worry about teenage birth as long as the girl is married before giving birth and this leads to a strong
pressure to marry before giving birth.

2.3.2.1 Teenage mothers in Africa

According to Save a Child Report (2000), Sub Saharan Africa has the highest teenage birth in the world
(143 per 1000 girls aged 15 to 19), where women tend to marry at an early age. For example in Niger,
87% of women surveyed were married and 53% had given birth to a child before the age of 18. Teenage
birth and motherhood is seen as a blessing, because it is a proof of young women’s fertility. 11
According to Garblah (2009) one out of three Nigerian girls 15 to 19 gives birth every year. Keller,
Hilton, and Twumasi-Ankrah (1999) allude that records in Ghana public hospitals show that one third
of child birth occur to women below 19 and the survey conducted by the United Nations Regional
Institute for Population studies reveals that one in every three girls aged 15 to 19 years have given
birth.

Gustafsson and Worku (2007) reveal that countries like Kenya, Nigeria and Zimbabwe have high
fertility rates that are more than a 100% per 1000 per person age. In addition the duo explains that the
rate of teenage birth in South Africa (SA) is at a high of 55% per 1000 Blacks, 82% per 1000 for
Coloureds, 8% per 1000 Asians and 3% for Caucasians in 2001.

The number of school girls’ birth jumped from 1,169 in 2005 to 2,336 in 2006 in Gauteng, according
to statistics released in the provincial parliament. SA has a huge teenage birth problem; one in three
girls has had a baby by the age of 20, according to the Human Science Research Council (HSRC)
report (2009). The problem is not equally serious in all parts of the country, on average two to three
girls give birth at a typical school with 1200 to 1400 pupils, but what is clear is that there are hotspots
where things are horribly wrong. The Gauteng figures indicated that 71% of pupils were pregnant and
became teenage mothers at one school in Soweto, a huge township on the outskirts of Johannesburg.

The high percentage of teenage birth according to HSRC report (2009) is attributed to the attitudes of
nurses towards teenagers when it comes to the provision of contraceptives. The study also found that
the social pressure often prevented young women from using contraception. The girls felt they would
only be accepted as women once they had proved their fertility. Many mothers wanted their teenage
daughters to become mothers so that they could have a baby at home again. Some observers suggested
that the child support grant provided by the state was an incentive to young girls to give birth.

2.4. METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES

The problem of teenage mothers has been investigated through different approaches. Most of the
studies undertaken thus far have been qualitative, except for a few that have been quantitative in nature.
This review focuses on the studies conducted between 2001 and 2011.12
2.4.1 Qualitative Studies
Chevalier and Viitanen (2002) conducted a qualitative study to determine whether teenage child
bearing reduces schooling, labour market experience and adult wages. The decisions to be a teenage
mother, to quit school and be less attached to the labour market might all stem from some personal or
family characteristics. The findings of this study revealed that in Britain, teenage child bearing
decreases the probability of post schooling by 12 to 24% and employment experience by up to 3 years.
This challenge of reduction in schooling opportunities, because of teenage motherhood, needs to be
investigated further.

Madhavan and Thomas (2005) conducted a qualitative study to contribute to an ongoing discussion
about the relative importance of child bearing in determining a girl’s life chances. The authors
particularly paid attention to issues, such as:

• societies undergoing major transitions,

• adolescent fertility,
• educational attainment (a prominent feature in national-level public health dependency as focused
on youth), and
• to suggest new possibilities for intervention work in both family planning and schooling.

Their study found that there is a consensus that child bearing impedes educational success for girls
and they suggest that a balance is important between adequate care giving capacity and socio-
economic stability. The need to strike a balance between caring for the baby and effectively
attending to school activities is of paramount importance and this study intends to address that.
Another study of a qualitative nature was conducted by Gustafsson and Worku (2006) with the aim of
looking into the effect of adoption on the performance of birth mothers, that is, teenage mothers, who
gave up their children for adoption. It was found that there was a decline in educational performance
of these teenage mothers after giving up their children for adoption and then going back to school. The
decline in performance ranged from 1,7% to 17,6%, which is caused by many factors amongst others,
lack of support from family, friends and educators. This challenge of a decline in educational
performance needs to be taken further to determine if it also exists on South Africa. 13
Another qualitative study is that of French et al (2007), who wanted to describe the young people’s
knowledge and use of contraceptive services over initial stages of England’s teenage pregnancy
strategy and to investigate factors associated with the use of different services. A random sample of
young people aged 13 to 21 years was interviewed to obtain information. The findings were that 77%
of women interviewed, knew a service they could use to obtain information about sex. Despite the fact
that teenagers knew different contraceptive measures they continued to fall pregnant and thus
becoming teenage mothers not knowing the challenges that await them as they return to school to
continue with their studies.

Garwick, Rhodes, Peterson-Hickey and Hellerstedt (2008) conducted a participatory action research
study with the aim of identifying Pregnancy Prevention Strategies from the perspectives of both male
and female urban native youth to inform programme development. The findings, which participants
emphasised, were:

• the consequences of adolescent pregnancy;

• the necessity to enhance and develop more pregnancy prevention programmes for native youth
in schools and community based organisations;
• to improve access to contraceptives;
• to discuss teenage pregnancy with native youth; and
• to activate key messages and media to reach native youth.

Another study of qualitative nature was conducted by Shaningwa (2007) in Namibia to investigate
the educationally related challenges faced by teenage mothers when they returned to school.
Two schools from the Kavango Education Region were chosen as a sample where four teenage
mother respondents were interviewed. The findings revealed that teenage mothers’ challenges
ranged from social exclusion to the need to manage the dual responsibility of motherhood and
studying.

Dlamini et al (2003) conducted a qualitative study in the Southern Hho-hho region of Swaziland to
explore and describe the problems experienced by teenage mothers in their schooling. In particular the
study wanted to identify problems that teenage mothers face physically, socially, culturally,
emotionally, spiritually, economically and educationally. Their findings were that teenage mothers
experienced problems in almost all the dimensions of a holistic being. This source identified a lack of
support from individuals and institutions as the major cause. Teenage mothers reported being
devastated, fearful, lonely, frustrated and14
unhappy. Whether the same challenges prevail in present sample needs to be established. In the present
study the researcher sought to establish whether teenage mothers in South Africa experience the same
challenges as those in Swaziland. It appears, because of the nature of the study, the views of educators
of these teenage mothers in the Dlamini et al (2003) study were not sought or taken into account.

The matter of teenage motherhood was taken further by De Villers and Kekesi (2004), who conducted
a qualitative study with the aim of describing the social interaction of teenage mothers at Ga-Rankuwa
Hospital during and after their pregnancy. A number of 70 teenage mothers were interviewed using the
semi-structured interview schedule. The findings reveal that the majority of teenagers, who fall
pregnant do so while still at school and only a few first informed their mothers about the pregnancy
first, the majority opted to confide someone they trusted soon after discovering that they were pregnant.
With many teenagers falling pregnant and thus becoming mothers while still at school, they need to be
alerted and informed of the challenges that teenage mothers come across in schools, due to being
mothers.

Another study of a qualitative nature is that of Ritcher and Mlambo (2005), who studied 32 teenagers
aged between 13 and 19. A convenience sample was used to select respondents, who were then
interviewed. The purpose of the study was to explore and describe the perceptions of teenagers in
Bushbuckridge District on teenage pregnancy. The findings of this study elicited that teenage
pregnancy poses significant social and health problems in the Bushbuckridge District and this has
implications for all health care and professionals. In the present study the researcher’s intention was to
take this matter further, to identify and explore the challenges that teenage mothers face in secondary
schools.

Zondo (2006) conducted a qualitative study in the informal settlements outside Ethekwini to explore
the challenges faced by teenage mothers in schools using semi-structured interviews. His findings were
that teenage mothers experienced difficulties in balancing their educational responsibilities and taking
care of their babies.

Mohase (2006) also conducted a qualitative study to obtain a better understanding of the learning
process and factors that may affect pregnant and parenting learners in Soshanguve Secondary Schools.
His findings were that schools were not “pregnant/parenting learner 15
friendly” The findings by Mohase (2006) need to be investigated further to determine whether this was
also happening in Hlanganani South Schools.

Chigona and Chetty (2007) also researched the topic of teenage mothers; the duo endeavoured to
determine how teenage mothers coped with schooling and how much support was rendered to them.
The target group in this study were teenage mothers aged between 14 and 18 that had babies before
completing their secondary school and returned to school after the birth of their babies, that is, those
who temporarily dropped out of school due to their pregnancy. School heads of these learners were
also interviewed. The findings indicated that teenage mothers in Cape Town received insufficient
support, both physically and emotionally and the consequences were that many teenage mothers quit
school or did not succeed with schooling.

Another study by Chigona and Chetty (2008) conducted in Cape Town, South Africa to define how
much support was offered to teenage mothers to facilitate their secondary schooling, thus enabling
them to complete their education and become self-reliant. Information was gathered using interviews
from teenage mothers, their parents and their educators. The findings were that many teenage mothers
failed to succeed with schooling, because they lacked the support to avoid numerous disruptions to
school attendance. The present study differs with that of Chigona and Chetty in terms of context,
because the researcher wanted to explore the challenges faced by teenage mothers in Hlanganani
Secondary Schools.

2.4.2 Quantitative Studies

Hofferth et al (2001) steered a survey to identify the effects of early childhood bearing on schooling
over time. Their findings explicated a negative impact on teenage birth rates and years of completed
schooling. Teenage mothers completed 1,9 - 2,2 fewer years of education than girls, who delayed their
first birth until age 30 or older.

A survey tool was used by Carter and Spear (2002) to identify the knowledge, attitudes and behaviours
of a rural teenage population as they relate to pregnancy prevention and intention. The survey session
consisted of 253 grade 09 learners in county high school. The findings were that girls were sexually
active, several had already experienced pregnancy and some were at risk of intentional pregnancy.
With teenagers in this study involving themselves in 16
sexual activities and others being at risk of intentional pregnancy, they needed to be informed about
the challenges teenage mothers face when they have children while still at school.

Another study was conducted in Brisbane, Australia by Shaw et al (2005) on women and their
offspring, who received antenatal care at major public hospitals. The aim of the study was to examine
the association of maternal age at first antenatal visit with offspring’s psychological behavioural and
health characteristics when the offspring (the teenage children of the teenage mother) were aged 14
years. The results indicated that the 14 year old offspring of mothers who were aged 18 years and
younger when giving birth compared to those, who were offspring of older mothers, were more likely
to have been in contact with the criminal justice system and were more likely to smoke regularly and
consume alcohol.

Vinnerljung et al (2007) undertook a study in Sweden to assess the prevalence and odds for teenage
parenthood at school. A National Register Data for children born in Sweden between 1972 and 1983
and former child welfare clients with varying intervention experiences were contacted. These authors
found that youth of both sexes, who received child welfare services in adolescence are a high risk
group for teenage parenthood as compared to those without child welfare experiences. Albeit, their
study did not look at their hardships at schools, it may imply this was a burden that they carried even
during the school days. This current study intended to alert girls about the hardships they would
encounter if they become parents at a tender age or while still at school.

Both qualitative and quantitative research methods were used by Hopane (2008) to examine the role
that lack of communication or poor communication plays in the prevalence of teenage pregnancy and
motherhood in schools. The author’s findings were that many teenagers became parents at an early age
because of the social grant; they needed free money to spend as they wished. This study needs to
explore the challenges that teenage mothers face at school in spite of the support grant they receive.
Teenagers need to be reminded that caring for the baby while at school is worth far more than the child
support grant and that teenage motherhood is ‘a no go area’.

2.5 EXPLORATION OF EXISTING GAPS

Despite these findings, there remains lack of further clarity on some identified points. Further data are
required to establish what the challenges are in impoverished communities like 17
Hlanganani South Circuit. In particular, data are needed to conclude whether the findings of the other
studies confirm or disparage those in this population. Areas that need special attention are:
(a) school attendance,
(b) educational performance,
(c) teenage motherhood and their image,
(d) schooling demands,
(e) policy demands,
(f) lack of support from school,
(g) lack of support by parents,
(h) lack of support from community, and
(i) lack of professional counselling. 2.5.1 Teenage Motherhood and School Attendance

The schooling of teenage mothers in this study is classified into two main categories, namely: (a)
Those who fail to cope with schooling, and (b) Those who cope with schooling.

2.5.1.1 Those who fail to cope with schooling

The schooling of teenage mothers is mostly characterized by absenteeism wherein one finds that they
must attend to infant related problems, whether illness, baby clinics or collection of the child support
grant. The fact that teenage mothers do not regularly attend school is confirmed by the study conducted
by Mohase (2006) wherein he found out that 90% of his respondents often left school on a monthly
basis, to take children for a medical “check-up” (post natal examination) at different health centres.
The long queues they join before getting help causes the teenage mother to be away from school for
the rest of the day. From the above it can be concluded safely that a teenage mother could lose a day
at school per month because of infant related problems, excluding other personal reasons for absence,
including their own health.

Chigona and Chetty (2007) confirm Mohase’s findings when it comes to missing classes due to
motherhood. The duo indicated that it is very common for infants to fall ill and the teenage mother has
to take the baby to the hospital. If the child has to be admitted to hospital for a long period of time, the
teenage mother has to miss classes. The Canadian Ministry of 18
Education (1998), also determined that teenage mothers miss lessons because, their babies are ill and
have to take them to the clinic or hospital. Hopane (2008) mentions most teenage mothers lag behind
at school because of poor attendance. In addition, the author explains it is too difficult to complete their
schooling when expecting or looking after the baby.

According to Lloyd and Mensch (1999), as cited in Chigona and Chetty (2007), teenage pregnancy
and mothering are the major causes of secondary school dropout. A teenage mother, who is frequently
absent from school, is more likely to quit school for good, because she is unable to catch up the missed
school work due to the dual responsibilities facing her (being a learner and a parent at the same time).
The difficulty of taking care of the baby while being a leaner has been clearly indicated by a respondent
in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2007:7),
“Sometimes you need to be a student, sometimes a mother and to balance the two is a bit hard.
But the mothering takes much of you because like when the child is sick you have to think about
the child all the time and for me it is hard to keep the baby at the back of my mind when I am
at school. So it is really much more difficult just to break away from my child”.
The bond between the teenage mother and her baby and the lack of concentration thereof leads to the
teenage mother dropping out of school to take care of her baby.

According to Hofferth et al (2001), early child birth causes young woman, who would not otherwise
do so, to drop out of school. Barnet, Arroyo, Margo Devoe, and Duggan (2004) are of the opinion that
teenage mothers drop out of school either during pregnancy or after birth, because they have too many
absences after birth. Teenage mothers are likely to drop out of school and never return (Grant &
Hallman, 2006). In the study by Chigona and Chetty (2008:273) a teenage mother narrated her
experience as far as mothering and schooling is concerned as follows:
“It is not easy when you have a baby, when sometimes I want to do school work … I don’t have
time… it is so hard to find time … I have to do the house chores … It is also hard for me to do
my homework at night but during the day I am busy with the household chores and the baby …
I cannot study at home because I don’t have time and space … but I also get tired by night …
sometimes I do not have time to do my homework … sometimes the baby always wants to be
with me so I ignore the school work because I can’t do homework when I am with the baby”.19
A teenage parent in the study by Garwick et al (2008) indicated the difficulty of mothering a child
while still a learner. “I tell them how much time it takes between juggling school, a job and the baby”.

According to Zondo (2006), teenage mothers experienced difficulty in balancing their educational
responsibility and taking care of the baby. This confirms the findings of the Canadian Ministry of
Education (1998) that teenage mothers fall behind when it comes to school work, because of dual
responsibilities, that is, motherhood and schooling.

Grant and Hallman (2006), also assert that the birth of a baby marks the end of schooling for the teenage
mother, which Mokgalabone (1999:60) calls ‘serious school disruption’. The fact that teenage
pregnancy and motherhood disrupt schooling was also raised by De Villiers and Kekesi (2004:24)
when they stated, “the majority of them fall pregnant while at school, which results in the disruption
of their education”. Schooling is not an easy task for teenage mothers according Kaufman et al (2001)
there are a number of factors that influence whether a teenage mother is able to continue schooling
after the birth of the baby. Most of the factors depend on the girls’ ability to manage logistics and
finances associated with mothering and schooling simultaneously.

Theron and Dunn (2006) maintain that, adolescent child bearing is especially disruptive to the
educational process of girls and as a consequence many teenage mothers leave school and never return.
The duo also explains that teenage child bearing may be associated with a syndrome of failure, failure
to remain in the school, since teenage motherhood is disruptive when it comes to school attendance.
Ehlers (2003) confirms the disruption of schooling brought about by teenage motherhood when he
mentions, “many adolescent mothers will need to discontinue their education limiting their chances of
finding jobs with salaries, which can sustain these mothers and their children”. Dlamini et al (2005)
believe that interrupted education negatively impact on teenage mothers’ expectation for their own
future.

Teenage motherhood or caring and rearing children thus consumes time and energy that could
otherwise be spent on schooling, work and leisure time activities (Hofferth et al, 2001). The authors
also explain that early child bearers are less likely than their childless peers to complete high school
and to complete college. Early first birth is detrimental to a young woman in that it causes her to
complete less schooling than her childless peer. Mangino (2008) concurs with Hofferth et al (2001)
who believe that mothers, who deliver their first 20
child before the age of 18, are twice as likely to drop out before finishing high school. The former
source also explicates that early parenting limits a young mother’s likelihood of completing an
education necessary for a well-paying job. Only 32% of teenage mothers, who begin their families
before the age of 18 completed high school. Bryant (2006) estimates that in the US, teenage child
bearing reduces the chances of completing high school by 23%, thus, teenage motherhood has a
negative impact on school attainment. Teenage motherhood accounts for 31% of all school dropout
cases among girls, without family support, a teenage mother is forced to leave school (Mulama; 2011).
It now seems convincing that teenage motherhood makes it difficult for teenage mothers to attend to
school matters effectively and this reduces chances of high school graduation (Hofferth et al, 2001).

Mengo (2009) asserts that despite the financial support many teenage mothers continue to drop out of
schools, because they find it difficult to balance their education and the obligations that come with
being a parent. She also believes that it is difficult to be both a parent and a student, because sometimes
you lose concentration, especially when the baby is not well and you are in school. The difficulty of
dual responsibility was also alluded to by Van Harmelen (2007) when he indicated that teenage mothers
faced the challenge of motherhood and studying at the same time.

2.5.1.2 Those who cope with schooling

Although different authors have highlighted the difficulties encountered by teenage mothers on their
journey to complete their education, there are those teenage mothers, who are able to cope with
schooling. According to Shaningwa (2007), teenage mothers, who live with a female adult are able to
cope with schooling, because they have somebody they trust to take care of their babies while at school.
The author further indicated that teenage mothers, who are in boarding schools, succeed mostly,
because they are not always in contact with their babies and therefore do have time to study.

Teenage mothers, who receive extra lessons at their convenience, are also able to succeed with
schooling. With special support from dedicated educators in special schools, teenage mothers succeed
with their schooling (Hill, 2011). Tillman (2008) confirms that with the provision of a flexible schedule
for teenage mothers, educators succeed in helping them graduate. 21
The study by Zeck et al (2007) revealed that some adolescent mothers continue their training and
achieve a higher level of education after 2,5 to 5 years following delivery of the baby. This proves that
in spite of all the hardships that teenage mothers come across; some are able to reconcile the two roles
or responsibilities. The number of adolescents leaving their children with their own parents increased,
which indicates the independence and improvement of the education level as well as securing a job is
mainly made possible by the presence of the adolescent’s parents. Zeck et al (2007) further on say that
the number of employed adolescent mothers almost doubled within the same time frame.

Hofferth et al (2001), indicate that even though early child bearing influences young women’s
schooling, its influence is weaker than previously believed. Mkhwanazi (2006) says that the idea that
teenage motherhood result in disruption of schooling placing teenage mother at the risk of
unemployment, was and is still not a given in South Africa. Close to half of her sample of girls, who
became pregnant while at school returned to school after giving birth if they had financial means
(Manzini, 2001). Preston-Whyte (1991) when talking about teenage motherhood and schooling agrees
with Zeck et al (2007) that parents would take on the responsibility of caring for the grandchildren so
that they would by whatever means send their daughter back to school after they had borne a child.
The Canadian Ministry of Education (1998) asserts that teenage mothers need support if they are to
realise their educational goals, and the support must include amongst others housing, better child care
and advice.

The influence of teenage motherhood on schooling seems to have changed in terms of time and context.
The influence of teenage motherhood on schooling according to the findings indicates that teenage
motherhood seems to be a problem in developing countries as compared to developed countries.

2.5.2 Teenage Mothers and Educational Performance

Teenage motherhood has a negative effect on the educational performance of both the mother and the
infant. The double role of being a mother and learner at the same time decreases the chances of the
teenage mother’s educational success, because of increased responsibility (Davies, 2000). According
to Bryant (2006:133),
“Babies of adolescent mothers are more likely to be born prematurely and suffer from
low birth weight. The long term effects of low birth weight infants 22
 add additional stress to the adolescent parent(s). Long term effects of prematurity and
low birth weight are cognitive problems, lower IQs and a decreased likelihood to
finish high school”.
The fact that teenage mothers give birth to low Intelligence Quotient (IQ) babies was also confirmed
by Terry-Humen, Manlove & Moore (2005) that, children born of adolescent parents perform lower
on standardized tests and have a decreased chance of completing high school than children born to
older parents. Girls, who become pregnant and mothers during adolescence are more likely to have
children, who may be unsuccessful in school (Carter & Spear; 2002). De Villiers and Kekesi (2004)
explain that children of teenage mothers are at an increased risk of cognitive and psychological deficits.
Zeck et al (2007) indicate that both adolescent fathers and mothers are more likely than their peers,
who are not parents to have poor academic performance. The low academic performance by teenage
mothers is not surprising considering the double responsibility they are faced with. That teenage
motherhood does contribute to low performance has been confirmed by teenage mothers in the study
conducted by Mohase (2006:58) who agreed,
“If it would not have been of the fact that they have babies, they would have been far
much better learners. They see themselves as having a much heavier burden than girls
who do not have children. They argue that they can’t study nor do their home works
or assignments at home like they used to do them before. They have to put up with
their ‘attention seeking’ children and ignore their school work” [sic.].
The teacher respondent in the same study confirmed what the teenage mothers related when it came to
performance, that is, they observed a decline in performance and the reason behind the decline in
performance is that a learner has too much to handle than the one, who does not have such a burden.
Hopane (2008:23), when talking about teenage mothers at schools say,
“Teenagers cannot focus on what is being taught in class. They only think of becoming
mothers. If a teenage girl is already pregnant, she would listen to the movement of the
baby in the womb”.
The lack of concentration in class, which ultimately leads to poor performance, was also confirmed in
the study by Chigona and Chetty (2007:7), where a teenage mother respondent explained,23
 “When the child is sick you have to think about the child all the time and for me it is
hard to keep the baby at the back of my mind when I am at school. So it is really much
more difficult just to break away from my child”.
The words of the teenage mother above is a clear indication of what she concentrates on, something
else, other than what happens in the class room, that is, her mind is focused on the wellbeing of her
child and not on the class activity.

The lack of concentration by teenage mothers was also brought to light by the principals of the two
schools in the study conducted by Shaningwa (2007) when she mentioned that teenage mothers are
often pre-occupied thinking of what might be happening to their children. The lack of concentration
lowers their educational performance. She further explained that the lack of concentration is greater on
teenage mothers, who leave their children with neighbours and care givers, because they do not fully
trust them as compared to those, who leave their children with relatives and parents. Hopane (2008:23)
adds that teenage mothers “easily fall asleep in class”. When they fall asleep in class it means that they
do not concentrate well and obviously miss most of the teaching and as a result they perform very low.

Zeck et al (2007) is of the opinion that there is evidence that teenage pregnancy and early parenthood
can lead to poor educational achievement, poverty and social isolation, while Moore, Driscoll and
Lindberg (1998) believe that low academic performance is a predictor of non-marital adolescent births.
According to Dlamini et al (2005), teenage mothers envisaged problems in achieving educational
qualifications, because they were no longer accepted by their peers or by their school teachers and they
had the extra burden of caring for their babies. That teenage motherhood has a negative bearing on the
performance of teenage mothers was again alluded to by Bryant (2006:134),
“Becoming an adolescent parent can inhibit obtaining a high school education,
successful career and establishing financial stability... without a high school
diploma, teenage mothers are subject to low paying jobs or receiving government
support that substantiate a life of poverty”.

Polit and Kahn (1986) comment that teenage parenthood includes high rates of educational deficits and
economic hardship for the mother. Hopane (2008:24), when talking about 24
teenage mothers says, “The girl knows her future is destroyed and could not care less about anything
at school”.

Kernway (1990) explains that low self-esteem is a problem and prevents certain individuals from
making the best in their schooling and lives. Teenage mothers have low self-esteem, they do not believe
in themselves anymore. “I doubt myself now, I don’t think that I will be able to finish school”, related
one teenage mother respondent in the study by Dlamini et al (2005:7). McCauley-Brown (2005)
confirms the low esteem of teenage mothers when he explains that they have low self-confidence and
are no longer certain of their ability to master academic skills. Teenage mothers no longer fit in well
in group discussions or activities, because they feel like they do not belong at school anymore; this has
a negative result on the quality of their work or performance thereof (Canadian Ministry of Education,
1998).

Teenage mothers need to be motivated as much as possible so that they succeed with their education.
This will enable them to take care of their children and in turn make a meaningful contribution to the
economy of the country.

2.5.3 Teenage Mothers and their Image

Giving birth to a child while still at school does not grant a girl a high status; instead she is looked
down upon and disrespected by men. In Nigeria, men believe that anyone, who is silly enough to get
pregnant in her teens, must be sexually loose, stupid and ill-bred. Teenage mothers are seen as a means
of sexual gratification and men will not spare her a second thought when they have satisfied themselves
(Chapati; 2009).

Teenage mothers in the study by Ritcher and Mlambo (2005:65) explained,

“Teenage motherhood does not give any teenager a high status. It is a big stumbling
block in our education and gives parents more financial burden”.
Another teenage parent in the same study (Ibid:64) elicited, “giving birth to an illegitimate baby while
at school is a disgrace to me and my parents”. She added, “The stigma attached to teenage pregnancy
tended to cling to the young mother and her family”. Two teenage mothers in the same study related
that their parents insisted they should terminate their pregnancies as they regarded it as a disgrace. The
notion that teenage motherhood is a disgrace was also confirmed by the findings of Tanga and Uys
(1996).25
The matter of teenage motherhood not being a status, but a disgrace was taken further by Dlamini et al
(2003). Motherhood is a disgrace to the community (according to Swazi culture), which deprived them
of many opportunities like participating in the traditional reeds dance and reduced their bridal price. A
girl who becomes pregnant before marriage is a disgrace to the family. This fact was also alluded to
by a teenage mother in the study by Ritcher and Mlambo (2005:67),
“My father did not want me at home because I was pregnant. He said I did not belong
to his family anymore and would have nothing to do with me anymore”.
Non-marital child bearing is still not acceptable to the majority of Americans, but almost half of black
and white women aged 20 – 29 find it acceptable (Hofferth et al, 2001). In many countries, having
children outside marriage is considered to be a social problem and the children are termed illegitimate,
when this happens to teenagers, the matter is considerably worse (De Villiers & Kekesi, 2004).
According to Boulden (2001) teenage mothers portray a bad image on non-parenting learners and also
degrade the image of the school.

Many teenagers become mothers at an early age, because they thought that it is a good sign of
womanhood and it would give them a high status in the community (Preston-Whyte, 1991). Ritcher
and Mlambo (2005) agree that many teenagers became pregnant because they wanted to prove their
womanhood. Ritcher and Mlambo (2005) also explained that teenage mothers had the impression that
child bearing gives a woman a high status and they were therefore bound to have children. They
engaged themselves in unprotected sex despite the high spreading of Human Immunodeficiency Virus
(HIV) and Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS). The high risk of engaging in unprotected
sex clearly indicates that teenage pregnancy and motherhood is no longer a mistake, unintended and
unplanned as said by Magwetshu (1990) but it is a purposeful act.

Teenagers saw motherhood as a positive choice and a way to a more adult role (Bryant, 2006), no
wonder the report that detailed the case of one school that had 144 pregnant pupils in 2007 (Sunday
Times as cited in Chigona and Chetty 2008). Some parents saw child bearing as a status and encouraged
their children to have babies. In their study, Ritcher and Mlambo (2005:67) quote one teenage mother
saying, “My mother said she wants to see my first born before she dies”. Such words inspired teenagers
to have babies hoping that they would become respected members of the community, only to find that
they were faced with a 26
nightmare. Instead of enjoying their new found role, they were now considered adults and had to mix
with elderly members of the community. Motherhood caused teenagers to be old before their time
(Dlamini et al, 2003). De Villiers and Kekesi (2004) explained that in some societies premarital fertility
is widespread and culturally acceptable and unmarried woman may use sexual relations and pregnancy
to achieve marriage. They added that in certain South African communities, there is a custom that a
woman needs to prove her fertility by having a baby before marriage can be considered.

Teenage mothering was seen as a passage to adulthood, especially where middle class aspirations did
not apply. It is clear that every teenager wants to meet the expectations of the society she finds herself
in and as a result become a teenage mother in order to be an acceptable member of the society, not
knowing or understanding what is awaiting her. In the study conducted by Tabi (2002) teenage parents
perceived motherhood as a sign of independence from parental control and authority. The
independence brought by early child bearing made teenage mothers to be labelled as a bad influence
and therefore, must not attend school because they are now adults (Shaningwa; 2007). When talking
about the causes of teenage pregnancy for teenage mothers delivered in her clinic in Diepkloof, Sister
Yedwa in Mkhwanazi (2006) identified amongst others ‘proving womanhood’ as a major cause. This
confirms that teenage motherhood was considered as a passport to womanhood and every woman
would strive to be one.

The researcher believes that there are more sorrows than joys in being a teenage mother. That teenage
motherhood will give a girl recognition or status of some kind is a myth, which is only rectified at a
point of no return (after being a teenage mother). The comments given by a number of respondents in
different studies (herein above) clearly indicate that teenage motherhood is far from granting teenage
mothers the expectations they hoped for, the only thing that awaits them are ridicules and frustrations
on their way to and from schools. Therefore, this study advocates that girls must be informed as early
as possible of the hardships of being a teenage mother.

2.5.4 Schooling Demands

One of the challenges that teenage mothers face is balancing the two responsibilities (that of being a
learner and being a parent at the same time). This is evident when teenage mothers are unable to do or
finish their homework or prepare for the next day’s test or task. Teenage 27
mothers have a problem in striking a balance between schooling and motherhood (Kaufman et al,
2001). The teenage mother respondents in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2007:7&9) explained,
“Being a mother and schooling is hard. When sometimes I want to do school work I
don’t have time…, so it is hard to find time and have the energy”.
“Because my baby is crying all the time she doesn’t want to go to anybody. I don’t have
time to do my homework”.
“Due to having a baby at home … I don’t have time to do most of the school work”.
The lack of time to do school work was also alluded to by Shaningwa (2007:45) where a teenage
mother respondent in her study related, “I have many responsibilities and I find it difficult to cope.
Because of this I am punished for my incomplete homework”.

Chigona and Chetty (2007:7) confirm the hardship of balancing school work and taking care of the
baby by one teenage mother respondent when she said,
“Sometimes you need to be a student, sometimes a mother and to balance the two is a
bit hard. But mothering takes much of you …. , it is really difficult just to break away
from my child.”
The findings in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2007) also indicate that teenage mothers did not have
enough time to complete their homework and to study at home, because when they return from school,
their relatives, who take care of the children, want to be free of the child care chores. The babies also
want the attention of their mothers when they return from school. The teenage mother respondent in
the study by Shaningwa (2007:64-65) confirmed the above, “There is no way a mother can be free at
home compared to those who do not have children”.

The lack of time to study at home becomes hard when there is a shortage of accommodation at home.
One teenage mother respondent in Chigona and Chetty (2007:10) indicated the problem as follows,
“There are a number of us in my family but we all live in just one room so it is hard
for me to do my homework at night but during the day I am also busy with the
household work.”28
Teenage mothers cannot really get down studying and most of them are not ready for the tests or exams,
and these in turn lead to poor performance and ridicule by educators in front of other learners.

Lowenthal and Lowenthal (1997) assert that mastering developmental tasks of adolescence and
becoming a parent at the same time is especially demanding. These two tasks can easily conflict with
each other, meaning that a teenage mother often will compromise one role or fail at both. Adolescent
parenthood can be described as an “off time” in the transition to adulthood. By becoming parents,
teenagers disrupt the expected sequence of first finishing school, second finding employment, next
marrying, and last having children.

According to Arlington Public school (2004), managing to care for the infant and devoting adequate
time to do school work is a great challenge for teenage parents. Hofferth et al (2001) assert that teenage
motherhood and caring or rearing children consumes time and energy that could otherwise be spent on
schooling, work and leisure time activities. A teenage mother respondent in Mengo (2010) confirmed
that it was difficult to be both a student and parent at the same time. Teenage mothers face a strong
battle when rearing their children as well as fulfilling their roles as students. Shaningwa (2007) elicits
that although teenage mothers have problems, they are not as absent as they are thought to be, but their
commitment is reflected in their inability to honour afternoon lessons and extra study time scheduled
beyond normal teaching hours. Teenage mothers fail to honour such, because they cannot afford to pay
baby sitters or care givers and other people, who are prepared to look after babies, beyond the normal
school time as the latter wanted to be child free after school.

From the above it is clear that teenage mothers experience difficulties in paying attention to their
studies satisfactorily and caring for the baby at the same time.

2.5.5 Policy Demands

According to South African Schools Act (SASA) 84 of 1996, Section 3(1), every parent must ensure
that their children under the age of 15 attend school and the Constitution of South Africa in Section
29(1), states that everyone has a right to basic education and may not be discriminated because of race,
pregnancy, age and so on, but there are some schools, which do not allow pregnant and parenting
learners to attend classes (Ministry of Education, 2000). 29
It is no longer common to bar teenage mothers from continuing with their education but those, who go
back to school after the birth of their babies, are not warmly welcomed. Some pregnant and teenage
mothers, who go to school, are expelled because they are seen as a symbol of immorality and thus set
a bad and negative example and influence to the other (non-parenting) children (Ross & Sawhile, 1995)
as cited in Mohase (2006). In the study conducted by Dlamini et al (2005:7), once students became
pregnant they were expected to leave school. One teenage mother respondent said, “(I was) ordered to
pack and leave for good”, and added, “No you usually do not go (back) to school (you) rather change
schools.”

According to Wolpe, Quinlan and Martinez (1997) some schools do not allow pregnant girls and young
mothers to attend classes. The expulsion of teenage mothers from schools negatively affects the
expectations and future of both mother and baby. Teenage mothers reportedly would have liked to
finish school and would have liked their children to have a good education, but they have reportedly
lost faith in their own abilities to complete their education and find good jobs,
“I wish could finish school, I would like to go to college and have a profession I
doubt myself now I don’t think I will be able to finish.” (Ritcher & Mlambo, 2005:
57).
That pregnant and parenting learners are thrown out of school and not well-treated is also evident in
the study by Dlamini et al (2005:7), “they (the teachers) throw pregnant girls out of school, and despise
them. They scold you and expel you… (and you must) leave for good”, said a teenage mother.

Everybody has a right to basic education and schools may not legally discriminate against or exclude
students, because of pregnancy and parenthood, but many continue to do so informally. It is improper
to deny teenage mothers to continue schooling when they are ready to do so. In the year 2000 the
Gender Commission on Gender Equity reported to the SA Ministry of Education that they received a
number of complaints from teenage mother learners concerning the manner, in which their schools had
treated them. The teenage mothers complained that their schools had not allowed them to attend classes
because they were mothers (Ministry of Education, 2000).

Most schools expel pregnant and parenting learners even though the policy does not allow it. This is
usually due to pressure they receive from the community. The community fears that 30
teenage mothers will contaminate the other learners and force the school to act against the policy. In
the event where the school stick to the policy, the community find ways of intimidating teenage
mothers on their way to and from school as a way of preventing them to attend (Chigona and Chetty,
2008). The fact that teenage mothers ‘contaminate’ other non-parenting learners leads to the alienation
and rejection of those teenage mothers, who exercise their educational right by returning to school.
Adolescent mothers are described as “poor students”, or “incapable students”; they are also portrayed
as “failures, bad girls, who behaved uncontrollably, irresponsibly and immorally” (Pillow, 2004), no
wonder most parents tell their children to stay away from them.

Pillow (2004) maintains that obtaining an education is no longer a right to teenage mothers but
something that these girls owe the society if they are not to be welfare dependant and a burden to the
tax payers. They are determined to complete schooling for the sake of their babies.

To achieve what is advocated by Pillow (2004), schools must outgrow the culture of barring teenage
mothers from attending classes if they are ready to do so. Teenage mothers must be given a chance to
reshape and mend their lives and those of their children if they still believe in themselves.

2.5.6 Lack of Support from School

Teenage mothers, who return to school after the birth of their children, experience intimidation and
marginalization and lack of support from by educators. According to Chigona and Chetty (2008)
teenage mothers did not receive support from their educators, for example when a learner has missed
lessons due to infant related problems; teachers are not willing to go through the lesson. The Life
Orientation (LO) educator in the above study had the following to say in that regard,
“If it means missing out lessons, the teacher will only tell her to consult her friends
about what they have been learning when she was absent and if she got questions she
may ask the teacher but not that the teacher would go through the whole material
again… so they really miss a lot because they don’t even start from the beginning …
and most teachers do not really feel sorry for a teenage mother when she misses
lessons because she was with her 31
 baby, because she is facing the consequences of her own behaviour.” (2008:269).
The stigma attached to teenage motherhood influences educators to have a negative attitude towards
teenage mothers. The negative attitude and lack of support by educators towards teenage mothers was
evident in the same study wherein another educator respondent explained,
“She could come back and say, sorry, I was with my baby in Red Cross hospital so I
couldn’t come to school, and so I would not say alright then my baby this we did this
last week, no! no! … it’s her own business all I say to her is, listen we have done a lot
the past week when you were not here, so ask other learners what we have done and
try to do your best … nothing is put in place.” (2008:269).

As already indicated, the attitude of educators or school heads have a great influence on the attitude of
learners. Teenage mothers have nowhere to submit their concerns, because they have been told before
to stay away from boys or not to fall pregnant for that matter. The lack of support on teenage mothers
by educators was evident in the comment of the school head when he answered, “Yeah, other pupils
do mock them but they cannot complain to this office”. It is clear that the principal’s office is a “no go
area” for teenage mothers when they have problems in that regard.

According to Olivier (2000) some teachers consider the teenage mother’s situation as a private matter
that does not concern them and as a result they do not want to put any effort in helping teenage mothers
where they lag behind while attending to their babies. The educator in the study by Chigona and Chetty
(2007) confirmed that a teenage mother’s situation is a private matter and none of his concern when
he indicated that when pregnant or parenting girls are dozing during class, he just ignores her and
continues with the lesson.

Teenage mothers’ respondents in the study by Dlamini et al (2003) confirmed what educators in the
study by Chigona and Chetty (2007) related with regard to support. Educators are not prepared to help
teenage mothers bridge the gap between learning and motherhood; learners have to find ways of coping
on their own, “You cannot ask them anything, they will not help you”. Educators are not willing to
help teenage mothers even in cases where they are capable, because of the perception held by the
community that any kind of service given to pregnant 32
and parenting students is condoning their immoral behaviour and bringing sexual matters to the
attention of other adolescents (Burdell, 1995).

When teenage mothers are not welcomed by educators at school, learning becomes difficult for them
and they end up leaving school due to the pressure they receive. They feel devastated, frightened,
lonely, humiliated, frustrated and unhappy. The way teachers mock and ridicule teenage mothers in
front of other learners, when they partially completed or failed to complete some of the school work
makes teenage mothers to be uncomfortable, “Teachers are nagging all the time, sometimes you feel
like you have got the whole world on your shoulders” relayed a teenage mother respondent in Chigona
and Chetty (2007:9). Ritcher and Mlambo (2005) also confirm that teenage mothers are faced with a
lot of mockery and intimidation by educators.

Teenage mothers envisaged problems in achieving educational qualifications because they were no
longer accepted by their peers or by their school teachers and they had the extra burden of caring for
their babies. The fact that teenage mothers are assumed to be poor, immoral and failures in life make
their peers to disassociate themselves with teenage mothers in fear of contamination and to be misled
(Mohase, 2006). A teenage mother respondent in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2007:8) says that
“sometimes I feel left out but there is nothing I can do”.

In the study by Chigona and Chetty (2008:271) a teenage mother respondent said that there is gossiping
and saying of unkind things about them by their peers,
“Some students would be talking to one another laughing and looking at me, but when I come
close to them, they would stop talking so I know they were talking about me because I have a
baby…. Sometimes I feel left out, but there is nothing I can do I just have to ignore them”.
“Sometimes it is like a fashion show when you walk down the corridors everyone is looking at
you, you are really the centre of attention … but this makes me feel out of place, but I cannot
stop coming to school because I need to be educated so that I could support myself and my
baby”.
These were the comments of a grade ten teenage mother. 33
A grade twelve teenage mother in the same study (Ibid:271) explained the difficulties she came across
at school as a mother in this way, “Sometimes other students do tease me because I have a baby whilst
at school…”

When teenage mothers quarrel with other learners they usually pick on the teenage mother’s situation
as a mother. The principal in one of the sample schools in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2008:271)
noted,
“When girls get into a fight like petty arguments and if one girl knows that the other
has got a baby, sometimes would use that to hurt the girl… other girls would make
points, remarks about that… we have already had these cases in the past”.

One of the school heads in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2007) observed that teenage mothers do
not feel free when other girls are chatting, looking at them. When she tries to join them, they stop
talking and so she just assumes they have been talking and laughing about her, because she has got a
baby. So they are generally unhappy. According to Shaningwa (2007) educators ridicule teenage
mothers in front of other learners when they give a wrong answer. A teenage mother respondent in the
study by Shaningwa (2007:48) stated her case like this,
“You see the problem of teaching mothers; they do not pay attention to the
presentation. You are supposed to stay at home and look after your child or even better
go get married”.

This comment is a clear indication that schools are not teenage mother friendly. Teenage mothers are
on a handle with care situation and must always be on alert. The lack of support was also evident in
the same study (Ibid:45) by a teenage mother respondent after making a mistake or giving a wrong
feedback, quoted an educator,
“How can a mother give an incorrect answer ... you better stay at home and bring
your child to school rather than yourself”.
The above confirms that teenage mothers are always reminded of being mothers and that they make
mistakes, because they are mothers, not because they are learners or most of all human being. McVeigh
(2010) as cited in Mangino (2008) asserts that teenage mothers are left out of school and feel pressured
not to return for fear of bullying and intimidation. Only a few schools show enough support. Teenage
mothers in the study by Kosgey (2008) who suffered 34
from rejection, discrimination, intimidation, gossip, and were being undermined by educators and
peers; responded by being withdrawn and absenting themselves from school.

An LO teacher in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2008:271) confirmed the hardships that teenage
mothers face at school from peers in this way, “When the girl continues coming to school she
experiences a lot of intimidation … and prejudice from both learners and teachers”. A teenage mother
respondent in Chigona and Chetty (2007:9) said, “There was one girl, who liked bothering me at school
because I have a baby. I told her it’s none of her business”. Kaufman et al (2001) explains that teenage
mothers fall behind at school, because they are teased by fellow students and their participation in class
is not welcome, this makes learning difficult for them.

Another lack of support by educators was shown in the study by Burdell (1995), wherein he indicated
that most educators believed that whatever the initial capability of a parenting school aged woman,
becoming a parent has inevitably reduced her educational and vocational success. Having wasted her
potential, most staff did not want to invest a great deal of effort in her. This clearly indicates that
educators have lost trust in the educational success of teenage mothers. In addition, other lack of
support for teenage mothers was shown by educators in the study by Shaningwa (2007) when one of
them mentioned that it was not easy to teach young mothers, because they were difficult people,
unpredictable and had different moods. The preconceived ideas about teenage mothers’ status made it
difficult for educators to relate well to them well, because they already have been labelled.

The fact that teenage mothers are always reminded of their status results in their discomfort and affects
their learning and collaboration with fellow learners. Teenage mothers no longer enjoy the freedom of
association they had before pregnancy and delivery and see the child as an obstacle to their freedom
and enjoyment of life, rejection and isolation by peers and educators (Mohase, 2006). In the study by
Shaningwa (2007) teenage mothers did not see the school as a welcoming environment, because of the
hurtful and harmful comments by both fellow learners and educators. They were no longer called by
their names, but were now called “Zali” (elderly women) by their peers.

The treatment that teenage mothers received from friends, class mates and to a certain extent their
educators caused them to develop a negative attitude towards school. The chances of success at school
were often limited by the reception they get from the others as they would 35
expect to be treated with special care and delicacy, but unfortunately they receive the opposite (Ross
& Sawhile, 1995) as cited in Mohase (2006).

2.5.7 Lack of Support from Parents

Teenage motherhood is often not accepted by most parents, to an extent that teenage mothers are forced
to leave home, because they have caused embarrassment to the family. Sometimes parents distance
themselves from teenage mothers, because they feel ashamed that the community will look down upon
the family, because of their child’s actions (Chigona & Chetty, 2008). Kids’ Health (2011) confirms
that parents are embarrassed and worried about how friends, family and neighbours will react when
they find out that their daughter is a teenage mother. Parents often see the new born baby as a burden
and they have to readjust the family budget in order to accommodate the newest member of the family.
Parents often abandon their responsibility to teenage mothers and focus on the needs of their
grandchild. In addition, parents withdraw privileges from the teenage mothers in favour of their infants’
needs (Mohase, 2006).

The family often has high expectations and hopes for their child and are often shocked to learn about
the pregnancy of their child and this results in a frustrated teenage girl (mother) in a family of confused
adults, who do not know where to start (Mohase, 2006). The shock of parents was also confirmed by
the parent respondent in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2008:272),
“I was so shocked to know that she was pregnant and embarrassed that my daughter
got pregnant at such a very young age …sometimes I do help her with the baby but
sometimes because I want to take a break from the baby then I just tell her to know
what to do with the baby because that is what she wanted she just have to face the
consequences… she really has to learn a lesson that, that was a very bad thing to do…
sometimes I do not provide her with everything she wants because I still feel bitter
with what she did”.

The shock and disappointment of parents was also shown in Kids Health (2011). Parents grieved, felt
guilty and worried that they did not do enough to protect their children, but put very little effort in
supporting them because the younger siblings might copy the act and become teenage mothers. In the
study by Mohase (2006), parents viewed early child bearing as an embarrassment and they
concentrated on the needs of the new baby and those of the 36
teenage mother’s siblings and neglect the needs of the teenage mother as a way of disapproving her
acts. Teenage mothers are isolated and have nobody to share the experiences or problems they
encounter at school. A parent respondent in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2008:272) in replying
to the question “does your daughter complain about mocking and bullying by fellow students and
teachers?” answered,

“I know she does face such problems but she cannot come to me to complain anything
about that because she knows I would tell her that is what she wanted she just has to
face the consequences. so she keeps all that to herself … and as a parent I cannot be
going around pleading with people to stop harassing my daughter because she has a
baby whilst very young … she has already embarrassed me and I do not want people
to be laughing at me all the time…”.
The above clearly indicate that teenage mothers do not have enough support from parents and they
have no one to share the problems they come across with at school, because they asked for it.

Parents do not make any effort to provide counselling for their mothering teenagers when they go back
to school even though they know that they will come across alienation and stigmatisation by both
educators and fellow students, because they do not want to publicise their situation to the community,
that is that they are parents of a teenage mother (Chigona & Chetty, 2007). Parents are concerned about
their image and wellbeing in the community at the expense of their daughter’s (teenage mother)
educational success.

Most teenage mothers come from poverty stricken homes and cannot afford to take the babies to crèche
or hire a baby sitter. The financial challenge compels the parents of the teenage mother to work and
therefore cannot baby sit the grandchild, but rely on relatives to do that on their behalf. In instances
where none of the relatives is available, the teenage mother has to absent herself from school. One
parent respondent in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2008:273) showed her lack of support
mentioning,
“I look after the baby when she has to go to school... but sometimes when I have to go
to work then she has to take care of the baby herself... she has to stay home looking
after her child. I don’t have money to send the baby to a crèche or to hire a baby
sitter... actually she is ...burdening me because I 37
 have three children to look after plus her baby...and I don’t have a husband.....”.
According to Lee Smith-Battle (2011) there is a lack of consistent support for teenage mothers from
their families. The fact that teenage mothers has to jump lessons in order to look after her baby is of
less concern to her parents because she had a baby while still very young and has to face the
consequences.

2.5.8 Lack of Support from Community

The community is one of the sources of hardships experienced by teenage mothers as they try to correct
the mistakes of motherhood through education. The community can place a lot of pressure on school
to expel pregnant and parenting learners even though it is against the Constitution of the country. In
the event where schools do not expel pregnant and parenting learners the community find ways of
mocking teenage mothers on their way to or from school as a way of preventing them to attend school.
The community sees teenage mothers as girls with low morals, who behaved badly and must not go to
school, because they will contaminate non-parenting learners (Chigona & Chetty, 2008). Shaningwa
(2007) asserts that teenage mothers suffer from social isolation in their communities and this disrupts
their personal life. This is confirmed by Chapati, Yahoo Contributor Network (2009) when he
explained that teenage mothers are tagged as bad news in Nigeria as it is the case in South Africa, and
they are socially ostracized. Parents warn their daughters to steer clear of that “ashewo” (prostitute) in
fear that their kids will be corrupted by the immoral ways of a teenage mother. (Dlamini et al, 2003).
Teenage mothers are not respected by men because Nigerians believe that teenage mothers are sexually
loose, stupid and ill-bred. Many teenage mothers are not accommodated by their communities, because
they are stereotyped as bad learners (Shaningwa; 2007).

Instead of supporting teenage mothers, the community sees them as not serious, careless, as well as
immoral and most of all not fit to mix with non-parenting learners. Teenage mothers are treated as “the
other girls” (Chigona & Chetty, 2008).

2.5.9 Lack of Professional Counselling

38
Because teenage girls have become mothers while still young and in school, they are stigmatized and
tend to have a low self-esteem. To address this, proper counselling is required to help them deal with
the challenges and judgements they may come across from peers, educators and the society at large,
when they return to school. Counselling helps teenage mothers to face the reactions of their educators
and fellow students without being emotionally hurt and becoming overwhelmed with the situation.
When asked about counselling provided to teenage mothers as they came back to school, one school
head in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2007:11) responded,
“We don’t have any counselling for these teenage mothers and at home parents are
too busy to look for a counsellor. They are busy trying to stop the rumour from
spreading and when the child is ready to be back (at) school they just send her to
school.... so the child is expected to adjust to her new state on her own”.

That teenage mothers go back to school without counselling was confirmed by the teenage mother
respondent in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2008:269),

“…..nobody offered counselling to me and even the teachers did not counsel me when
I came back to school” (grade 10 teenage mother).
A grade 11 teenage mother respondent in the same study (Ibid:269) answered,
“There was no counselling and I don’t know anybody who could do that. No even
from the community or the school”.

According to the Western Cape Education Department (WCED) policy of 2003 on managing learner
pregnancy in public schools, the teenage mother must be considered to be a learner with special needs
with access to counselling by professionals of Specialised Learner and Educator Support (SLES). The
Education on Management Development Centre must co-ordinate the process. Despite the presence of
policy on managing learner pregnancy in public schools, education personnel remain ambivalent about
organising services like professional counselling for the teenage mothers. Principals seem too busy for
co-ordination of the counselling of girls. The other challenge in public schools is that professional
counselling is not readily available because there are very few professional counsellors to cater for the
large number of teenage mothers in schools.39
Some teachers expressed their lack of knowledge on how to handle teenage mothers at schools. They
are expected to support and encourage teenage mothers to deal with their situation, which makes them
learners with special needs, but instead most educators are not ready because they see teenage
motherhood as a private issue and none of their concern. They concede that they should treat teenage
mothers like any other students.

In order to succeed with schooling, teenage mothers need support from parents, professional
counsellors and educators. According to Lee Smith-Battle (2011) the department of Education must
provide professional assistance to teenage mothers if they are to succeed with their high school
completion. One school head in the study by Chigona and Chetty (2007:11), when talking about the
lack of counselling explained,
It becomes difficult for them to cope. More will not even be able to reach matric level
as they drop off before this level.... like a girl who has a baby while in grade 9 or 10
or something like that (that is) unlikely that they will get through to matric level”.

Teachers need training on how to support and encourage learners if the latter are to complete schooling
successfully. According to Olivier (2000) there is a need for parents and teachers to equip teenage
mothers with life skills, which would enable them to handle their problems and challenges. There is a
need for educators to be knowledgeable about problems that teenage mothers face so that they can help
them effectively.

2.6 CONCLUSION

In this chapter, different views from various researchers about the challenges experienced by
teenage mothers in high schools were reviewed in order to locate the problem in its proper
contextual perspective. Literature reviewed helped to identify and explore the existing gaps.
 CHAPTER 3
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter contains the methodology and procedures utilized to conduct this study as well as the
delineated area and site. In addition, data collection tools and analysis are explained, enhanced by a
description of the instruments’ construction. Finally, ethical considerations as well as the validity and
reliability of the study are expounded.

3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN

The qualitative research approach was employed to comprehend and explore the challenges
experienced by teenage mothers in secondary schools; this was gleaned from the teenage mothers.
Qualitative research is a method of inquiry which aims to gather in-depth understanding of human
behaviour, it investigates the why, and how question (Creswell, 2003). A qualitative approach was
used because the researcher wanted to grasp the teenage mothers’ experiences first hand, so the
optimum way was personal involvement from within their natural setting (Bailey, 1994), unlike using
a quantitative approach where you cannot make follow up questions direct to the response of the
participant because it has close ended questions. Through qualitative approach the researcher produced
findings beyond the immediate boundaries of the study (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000).

A case study was conducted as a basis for identifying and understanding the challenges experienced
by these mothers in secondary schools (Creswell, Ebersohn, Eloff, Ferreira, Ivankova, Jansen,
Nieuwenhuis, Pietersen, Plano Clark, & Van der Westhuizen, 2007). According to Thomas (2011),
case studies are analyses of persons, events, decisions, periods, projects, institutions, or other systems
that are studied holistically by one or more methods. Case studies provide an understanding of why the
instance happened as it did, and what might become important to look at more intensively in future. A
case study was used to 41
explore and deeply understand the experiences of teenage mothers as individuals and as group of
participants and to explain and describe the current events and trends of these mothers’ challenges and
coping strategies.

3.2.1 Study Area and Site

The study was conducted in the secondary schools of Hlanganani South Circuit of the Vhembe District
of Limpopo. Hlanganani South consists of seven high schools .Three out of these seven secondary
schools were sampled because of their vicinity and the high number of teenage mothers.

3.2.2 Sampling

The study comprised of eighteen (18) participants who were purposively sampled. A purposive
sampling was conducted, because participants’ characteristics needed to be defined (Creswell et al,
2007), the participants were teenage mothers, aged between 13 and 19 years and were secondary school
learners at Hlanganani South Circuit. Twelve (12) out of eighteen (18) sampled participants were
teenage mothers and six (6) were educators. Four teenage mothers were sampled from each of the three
sampled schools on basis of: (1) age (they had to be between 13 and 19 years) and (2) having been at
that school at least two years prior to confinement. The necessity for this requirement was to provide
performance records to use as control against the current results obtained as teenage mothers. In
addition, two educators per sample school were chosen to form part of the sample on basis of that one
was a subject educator for the teenage mothers, this was intended to provide performance records and
other documents needed to understand the challenges of these teenage mothers. The other educator
was a member of the school management team (SMT), to establish the support system available in
schools to assist teenage mothers.

The Health Advisory Committee / Welfare Committee of the schools assisted the researcher to identify
the chosen teenage mothers, because of their prior background knowledge and involvement with the
said mothers.

3.3 DATA COLLECTION METHODS

3.3.1 Description of Instruments42

The study made use of two data collection methods, namely semi-structured interviews and document
analysis. Semi structured interview allows both the interviewer and the person being interviewed the
flexibility to probe for details or discuss issues. It allows new questions to be brought up during the
interview (Taylor & Lindlof, 2002). In line with Kvale (1996), the researcher considered to make her
questions short. This type of interview was used to encourage a two way communication and to make
follow up questions as a way of exploring the challenges faced by teenage mothers but made sure to
remain focused on the aim of the study. In order to address objectives 1 (to identify the challenges
faced by teenage mothers), and 2 (suggest strategies that peers, educators and parents can employ to
assist teenage mothers cope with the challenges), semi-structured interviews with teenage mothers
were conducted.
The interview schedule for learners (Appendix B) wanted to:
• identify the challenges teenage mothers face at secondary schools,
• investigate the support system available at schools for teenage mothers, as well as
• the strategies that can be employed to assist teenage mothers succeed with their education.

The interview schedule for educators (Appendix C) was designed to glean information about the
perception of educators towards teenage mothers in terms of:
• support,
• school attendance, and
• provision of covering up for missed tasks.

The last interview schedule for the SMT (Appendix D) was aimed at
• ascertaining the availability of support systems, as well as
• the perception of the SMT towards teenage mothers.

Document analysis was undertaken in order to further explore the challenges that teenage mothers
encountered further. Document analysis involves reading lots of written material, relating to some
aspects of the social world (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). Analysed documents included the following:
• quarterly schedule,
• continuous assessment portfolios,
• class attended registers,
43
 • period registers,
• permission registers,
• morning study registers, afternoon registers,
• Saturday class registers, and
• winter enrichment class register.

3.3.2 Procedures
A pilot study was done to check if the interview schedule will bring the intended results before the
actual interviews were conducted. With exception of the language barrier, the instrument was a success.
Interviewing teenage mothers was not an easy task, because the researcher had to accompany them to
their respective homes. The planned time and venue was not always suitable to teenage mothers,
because they had no one to look after their babies after school. In certain instances, when the researcher
accompanied them to their respective homes, a baby sitter had to be provided in order for the interview
with the mother to be conducted. The other problem was the language in which questions were asked
as revealed by the pilot study. Most of the respondents did not understand English well, and could
therefore not answer the questions. The researcher had to explain the questions to them in their home
language (Xitsonga) and translate their response to English then write them down so that they read out
what the researcher wrote for audio tape purposes. The translations were not a problem because the
researcher shared the home language with all the respondents. Some respondents were asked questions
as prepared in the interview schedule (Appendix B) with no assistance and follow up questions were
posed on certain responses to gain as much information as possible. The Interviews were recorded on
an audio tape for better understanding after permission to do so was obtained from each respondent
(Appendix A). Educators and SMT members were interviewed using questions in Appendix C and D
respectively at their different schools on the scheduled time after postponing appointments time and
again. The responses of educators were also recorded.
3.4 DATA ANALYSIS

3.4.1 Interviews 44
Data from interviews were analysed according to Tesch’s method (Renata, 1990).Tesch’s method is
where you develop categories and themes as follows:
Step 1 Data is transcribed verbatim from the audio tape.
Step 2 Transcription is read for better comprehension.
Step 3 Ideas about possible categories are written down as these came to mind.
Step 4 Similar topics are clustered together.
Step 5 Lists of topics are abbreviated into codes.
Step 6 Codes are written next to the appropriate segment text.
Step 7 Related topics are grouped together to reduce the number of categories.
Step 8 Interrelationships between categories are identified.
Step 9 Final decision is taken on the abbreviation of categories.
Step 10 Findings from interviews are compared with those from documented analysis.
Then following this method, the researcher read and re- read the verbatim transcripts until specific
codes emerged. These codes allowed the researcher to develop themes and categories. These themes
and categories enabled the researcher to organise data; which gave rise to patterns and trends.
3.4.2 Document Analysis
• Quarterly schedules were used to check the quarterly performance of teenage mothers now and
before they became mothers.
• Continuous assessment portfolios were used to check if teenage mothers completed all tasks
needed.
• In certain instances a form was inserted in the teenage mother’s portfolio instead of a task.
• Class registers were used to check how often they attended school.
• Period registers were utilised to determine if these mothers attended all lessons for the day.
• Morning study registers were scrutinised to check if they arrived at school on time.
• Afternoon study registers were used to ascertain whether teenage mothers stayed behind for study
time.
• Saturday class registers were utilised to establish if these mothers availed themselves on non-
school days.
45
 • Winter enrichment programme registers were employed to confirm whether they honoured winter
enrichment programmes fully.
• Permission registers were studied to ensure how often teenage mothers asked for permission to
leave school premises.

3.5 VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY

A pilot study was done to check whether the instrument (interview schedule) would supply the required
or intended results. It aspired that the study is valid; the findings of the study were honestly and
truthfully reported as revealed by the respondents and the reviewed documents. The assumption was
made that the same results would be obtained if the study was to be replicated.

3.6 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

A permission letter for conducting the study was granted to the researcher by the University of
Limpopo stating the purpose of the research. The letter assisted in obtaining the necessary permission
to conduct research from various sampled schools in the Hlanganani South Circuit. Consent letters
(Appendix A) were given to teenage mothers (respondents) to read and sign as proof of their voluntary
participation in the study. These letters had to be co-signed by their parents/guardians, if teenage
mothers were still minors. Respondents were informed of their rights to withdraw from the study at
any time they so wished or when they felt uncomfortable. The confidentiality of respondents was
guaranteed and therefore pseudo-names were utilised to protect their identity.
3.7 CONCLUSION
In this chapter, the research methodology employed in the study was discussed and the reasons for
using it were given. The area and site where the study was conducted was clearly defined, that is
Hlanganani South Circuit of the Vhembe District in Limpopo. The method of sampling used was also
discussed, then the procedures of data collection, which were initiated by the description of data
collection instruments as well as the ensuing procedures followed. This was followed by analysis of
data, ensure the validity and reliability of the data, and lastly the ethical consideration of the
respondents was considered.