History of Strategy
History of Strategy
“Strategy” is a term that can be traced back to the ancient Greeks, for
whom it meant a chief magistrate or a military commander in chief.
The use of the term in business, however, dates only to the twentieth
century, and its use in a self-consciously competitive context is even
more recent.
Historical Background
The scope for strategy as a way to control market forces and shape the
competitive environment started to become clearer in the second half
of the nineteenth century. In the United States, the building of the
railroads after 1850 led to the development of mass markets for the
first time. Along with improved access to capital and credit, mass
markets encouraged large-scale investment to exploit economies of
scale in production and economies of scope in distribution. In some
industries, Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” was gradually tamed by what
the historian Alfred D. Chandler Jr. has termed the “visible hand” of
professional managers. By the late nineteenth century, a new type of
firm began to emerge, first in the United States and then in Europe:
the vertically integrated, multidivisional (or “M-form”) corporation that
made large investments in manufacturing and marketing and in
management hierarchies to coordinate those functions. Over time, the
largest M-form companies managed to alter the competitive
environment within their industries and even across industry lines.1
However, these insights on the nature of strategy largely lay fallow for
the decade after World War II because wartime destruction led to
excess demand, which limited competition as firms rushed to expand
capacity. Given the enormous job of rebuilding Europe and much of
Asia, it was not until the late 1950s and 1960s that many large
multinational corporations were forced to consider global competition
as a factor in planning. In addition, the wartime disruption of foreign
multinationals enabled U.S. companies to profit from the postwar boom
without effective competitors in many industries.
U.S. military after World War II. In this period, American military
leaders found themselves debating the arrangements that would best
protect legitimate competition between military services while
maintaining the needed integration of strategic and tactical planning.
Many argued that the Army, Navy, Marines, and Air Force would be
more efficient if they were unified into a single organization. As the
debate raged, Philip Selznick, a sociologist, noted that the Navy
Department “emerged as the defender of subtle institutional values
and tried many times to formulate the distinctive characteristics of the
various services.” In essence, the “Navy spokesmen attempted to
distinguish between the Army as a ‘manpower’ organization and the
Navy as a finely adjusted system of technical, engineering skills —a
‘machine-centered’ organization. Faced with what it perceived as a
mortal threat, the Navy became highly self-conscious about its
distinctive competence.”5 The concept of “distinctive competence” had
great resonance for strategic management, as we will see next.
Academic Underpinnings
The 1960s and early 1970s witnessed the rise of a number of strategy
consulting practices. In particular, the Boston Consulting Group 18 Adam
M. Brandenburger, Michael E. Porter, and Nicolaj Siggelkow,
“Competition and Strategy: The Emergence of a Field,” paper
presented at McArthur Symposium, Harvard Business School, 9 Oct.
1996, 3–4.
19
Stanford Research Institute, Planning in Business (Menlo Park, 1963).
20
Sidney E. Schoeffler, Robert D. Buzzell, and Donald F. Heany, “Impact of Strategic Planning on Profit
Performance,” Harvard Business Review (Mar./Apr. 1974): 139.
BCG and the Experience Curve. BCG first developed its version of the
learning curve—what it labeled the “experience curve”—in 1965– 66.
According to Bruce Henderson, “it was developed to try to explain
price and competitive behavior in the extremely fast growing
segments” of industries for clients like Texas Instruments and Black
and21 Interview with Seymour Tilles, 24 Oct. 1996. Tilles credits
Henderson for recognizing the competitiveness of Japanese industry at
a time, in the late 1960s, when few Americans believed that Japan or
any other country could compete successfully against American
industry.
22
Bruce Henderson, The Logic of Business Strategy (Cambridge, Mass., 1984), 10.
23
Bruce D. Henderson, Henderson on Corporate Strategy (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), 6–7.
24
Interview with Seymour Tilles, 24 Oct. 1996.
25
Henderson, Henderson on Corporate Strategy, 41.
The firm’s standard claim for the experience curve was that for each
cumulative doubling of experience, total costs would decline by
roughly 20 to 30 percent due to economies of scale, organizational
learning, and technological innovation. The strategic implication of the
experience curve, according to BCG, was that for a given product
segment, “the producer . . . who has made the most units should have
the lowest costs and the highest profits.”28 Bruce Henderson claimed
that with the experience curve “the stability of competitive
relationships should be predictable, the value of market share change
should be calculable, [and] the effects of growth rate should [also] be
calculable.”29
The company can grow even faster and emerge with a dominant share
when growth eventually slows.”30 Strategic Business Units and Portfolio
Analysis. Numerous other consulting firms came up with their own
matrices for portfolio analysis
at roughly the same time as BCG. McKinsey & Company’s effort, for
instance, began in 1968 when Fred Borch, the CEO of GE, asked
McKinsey to examine his company’s corporate structure, which
consisted of two hundred profit centers and one hundred and forty-five
departments arranged around ten groups. The boundaries for these
units had been defined according to theories of financial control, which
the Mc-Kinsey consultants judged to be inadequate. They argued that
the firm should be organized on more strategic lines, with greater
concern for external conditions than internal controls and a more
future-oriented approach than was possible using measures of past
financial performance. The study recommended a formal strategic
planning system that would divide the company into “natural business
units,” which Borch later renamed “strategic business units,” or SBUs.
GE’s executives followed this advice, which took two years to put into
effect.
In the 1970s, virtually every major consulting firm used some type of
portfolio analysis to generate strategy recommendations. The concept
became especially popular after the oil crisis of 1973 forced many
large corporations to rethink, if not discard, their existing long-range
plans. A McKinsey consultant noted that “the sudden quadrupling of
energy costs [due to the OPEC embargo], followed by a recession and
rumors of impending capital crisis, [meant that] setting long-term
growth and diversification objectives was suddenly an exercise in
irrelevance.” Now, strategic planning meant “sorting out winners and
losers, setting priorities, and husbanding capital.” In a climate where
“product and geographic markets were depressed and capital was
presumed to be short,”35 portfolio analysis gave executives a ready
excuse to get rid of poorly performing business units while directing
most available funds to the “stars.” Thus, a survey of the “Fortune
500” industrial companies concluded that, by 1979, 45 percent of them
had introduced portfolio planning techniques to some extent.36
34Frederick W. Gluck and Stephen P. Kaufman, “Using the Strategic Planning Framework,” in McKinsey
internal document, “Readings in Strategy” (1979), 3–4.
35J. Quincy Hunsicker, “Strategic Planning: A Chinese Dinner?” McKinsey staff paper (Dec. 1978), 3.
36Philippe Haspeslagh, “Portfolio Planning: Uses and Limits,” Harvard Business Review
(Jan. /Feb. 1982): 59.
An even more serious problem with portfolio analysis was that even if
one could figure out the “right” technique to employ, the mechanical
determination of resource allocation patterns on the basis of historical
performance data was inherently problematic. Some consultants
acknowledged as much. In 1979, Fred Gluck, the head of McKinsey’s
strategic management practice, ventured the opinion that “the heavy
dependence on ‘packaged’ techniques [has] frequently resulted in
nothing more than a tightening up, or fine tuning, of current initiatives
within the traditionally configured businesses.” Even worse, technique-
based strategies “rarely beat existing competition” and often leave
businesses “vulnerable to unexpected thrusts from companies not
previously considered competitors.”40 Gluck and his colleagues sought
to loosen some of the constraints imposed by mechanistic approaches,
37
William J. Abernathy and Kenneth Wayne, “Limits of the Learning Curve,” Harvard
Business Review (Sept./Oct. 1974): 111.
38
Pankaj Ghemawat, “Building Strategy on the Experience Curve,” Harvard Business
Review (Mar. /Apr.): 1985.
39
Yoram Wind, Vijay Mahajan, and Donald J. Swire, “An Empirical Comparison of Standardized Portfolio
Models,” Journal of Marketing 47 (Spring 1983): 89–99. The statistical analysis of their results is based on
an unpublished draft by Pankaj Ghemawat.
40
Gluck and Kaufman, “Using the Strategic Planning Framework,” 5–6.
50
Michael E. Porter, “Note on the Structural Analysis of Industries,” Harvard Business School Teaching
Note, no. 376-054 (1983).
With the rise of the experience curve in the 1960s, most strategists
turned to some type of cost analysis as the basis for assessing
competitive positions. The interest in competitive cost analysis
survived the declining popularity of the experience curve in the 1970s
but was reshaped by it in two important ways. First, more attention
was paid to disaggregating businesses into their component activities
or processes and to thinking about how costs in a particular activity
might be shared across businesses. Second, strategists greatly
enriched their menu of cost drivers to include more than just
experience.
Both Hall and Porter argued that successful companies usually had to
choose to compete either on the basis of low costs or by differentiating
products through quality and performance characteristics. Porter also
identified a focus option that cut across these two “generic strategies”
and linked these strategic options to his work on industry analysis:
Many other strategists agreed that, except in such special cases, the
analysis of competitive position had to cover both relative cost and
differentiation. There was continuing debate, however, about the
proposition, explicitly put forth by Porter, that businesses “stuck in the
middle” should be expected to perform less well than businesses that
had targeted lower cost or more differentiated positions. Others saw
optimal positioning as a choice from a continuum of trade-offs between
cost and differentiation, rather than as a choice between two mutually
exclusive (and extreme) generic strategies.
For some, like Stalk himself, the lesson from this and similar episodes
was that there were no sustainable advantages: “Strategy can never
be a constant. . . . Strategy is and always has been a moving target.” 75
However, others, primarily academics, continued to work in the 1990s
on explanations of differences in performance that would continue to
be useful even after they were widely grasped.76 This academic work
exploits, in different ways, the idea that history matters, that history
affects both the opportunities available to competitors and the
effectiveness with which competitors can exploit them. Such work can
be seen as an attempt to add a historical or time dimension, involving
stickiness and rigidities, to the two basic dimensions of early portfolio
analytic grids: industry attractiveness and competitive position. The
rest of this section briefly reviews four strands of academic inquiry that
embodied new approaches to thinking about the time dimension.
Shrinkage in, and exit from, declining industries yielded the prediction
that, other things being equal, initial size should hurt survivability. This
surprising prediction turns out to enjoy some empirical support!84
Taking dynamic capabilities also implies that one of the most strategic
aspects of the firm is “the way things are done in the firm, or what
might be referred to as its ‘routines,’ or patterns of current practice
and learning.”90 As a result, “research in such areas as management
of R&D, product and process development, manufacturing, and human
resources tend to be quite relevant [to strategy].”91 Research in these
areas supplies some specific content to the idea that strategy
execution is important.
88
C. K. Prahalad and Gary Hamel, “The Core Competence of the Corporation,” Harvard
Business Review (May/June 1990): 81.
89
David J. Teece, Gary Pisano, and Amy Shuen, “Dynamic Capabilities and Strategic
Management,” mimeo (June 1992): 12–13.
90
David Teece and Gary Pisano, “The Dynamic Capabilities of Firms: An Introduction,” Industrial and
Corporate Change 3 (1994): 540–1. The idea of “routines” as a unit of analysis was pioneered by Richard
R. Nelson and Sidney G. Winter, An Evolutionary Theory of Economic Change (Cambridge, Mass., 1982).
91
Teece, Pisano, and Shuen, “Dynamic Capabilities and Strategic Management,” 2.
The ideas behind the figure are very simple. Traditional positioning
concepts focus on optimizing the fit between product market activities
on the right-hand side of the figure. The bold arrows running from left
to right indicate that choices about which activities to perform, and
how to perform them, are constrained by capabilities and resources
that can be varied only in the long run and that are responsible for
sustained profit differences between competitors. The two fainter
arrows that feed back from right to left capture the ways in which the
activities the organization performs and the resource commitments it
makes affect its future opportunity set or capabilities. Finally, the bold
arrow that runs from capabilities to resource commitments serves as a
reminder that the terms on which an organization can commit
resources depend, in part, on the capabilities it has built up. Markets
for Ideas at the Millennium96
Figure 15. Ebbs, Flows, and Residual Impact of Business Fads, 1950–
1995. (Source: Adapted from Richard T. Pascale, Managing on the Edge
[New York, 1990], 18–20.)