Sim - Apocalyptic Eschatology in The Gospel of Matthew PDF

This study reconstructs the apocalyptic eschatology in
Matthew's gospel so that we may understand Matthew's

time and his concerns. Apocalyptic eschatology can be
broadly defined as a comprehensive world view which
emphasises the final judgement and its aftermath within a
dualistic and deterministic framework. This distinctive and
often vengeful vision of reality was vigorously adopted by
Matthew and dominates his gospel. Sociological analysis
of apocalypticism in Judaism and early Christianity has
shown that such a world view was adopted by minority or
sectarian groups which were undergoing great crises, and
Dr Sim looks at the social setting of the Matthean commu-
nity, which reveals that after the first Jewish war against
Rome, it came into conflict with the Jewish and gentile
worlds and the larger Christian church.
The gospel of Matthew was held in high regard in the
early church but may repel the modern reader with its
division of humanity into righteous and wicked, and its
emphasis on thefiresof hell. But by understanding the social
circumstances of the evangelist and his community, we can
see that Matthew wrote not simply to condemn but out of an
acute need to protect and enhance his community's sense of
distinctiveness, and from pastoral concern for his troubled
church. Dr Sim offers for the first time in English an
extended and comprehensive analysis of Matthew's eschato-
logical outlook which interprets his gospel in the light of
contemporary literature which shares the same view.
SOCIETY FOR NEW TESTAMENT STUDIES
MONOGRAPH SERIES
General editor: Margaret E. Thrall
88
APOCALYPTIC ESCHATOLOGY IN THE
GOSPEL OF MATTHEW
Apocalyptic eschatology
in the gospel of
Matthew
DAVID C. SIM
Lecturer in New Testament,
Australian Catholic University, Brisbane
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo
Cambridge University Press
The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
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Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521553650
Cambridge University Press 1996
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without
the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 1996
This digitally printed first paperback version 2005
A catalogue recordfor this publication is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data

Sim, David C.
Apocalyptic eschatology in the Gospel of Matthew / David C. Sim.
p. cm. (Society for New Testament Studies monograph series : 88)
Revision of the author's thesis (doctoral)-King's College, London,
1992.
Includes bibliographical references
ISBN 0 521 55365 2 (hardback)
1. Bible. N.T. Matthew Criticism, interpretation, etc. 2. Eschatology
biblical teaching. 3. Eschatology History of doctrines Early church, ca.
30-600. 4. Eschatology, Jewish. I. Title. II. Series: Monograph series
(Society for New Testament Studies): 88.
BS2575.2.S49 1996
226.2'06-dc20 95-17551 CIP
ISBN-13 978-0-521-55365-0 hardback

ISBN-10 0-521-55365-2 hardback
ISBN-13 978-0-521-02063-3 paperback

ISBN-10 0-521-02063-8 paperback
To Robyn
CONTENTS
Preface page xii
List of abbreviations xv
Introduction 1
Part I: Apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism 21
1. The major characteristics of apocalyptic eschatology 23

1. The problem of terminology 23
2. The major characteristics of apocalyptic eschatology 31
2. The social setting of apocalypticism and the function of 54
apocalyptic eschatology
1. The social setting of apocalypticism 54
2. The functions of apocalyptic eschatology 62
Summary of Part I 70
Part II: Apocalyptic eschatology in the gospel of Matthew 73
3. Dualism and determinism in Matthew 75

1. Dualism 75
2. Determinism 87
3. Conclusions 91
4. Eschatological woes and the coming of the Son of Man 93

in Matthew
1. Jesus as the Son of Man 94
2. General references to the arrival of the Son of Man 96
3. Matthew's eschatological scenario 99
4. Conclusions 108
IX
x Contents
5. The judgement in Matthew 110

1. The resurrection of the dead and the recreation of 110
the cosmos prior to the judgement
2. The judgement of the Son of Man 114
3. Conclusions 127
6. The fate of the wicked and the fate of the righteous in 129
Matthew
1. The fate of the wicked 129
2. The fate of the righteous 140
3. Conclusions 145
7. The imminence of the end in Matthew 148

1. The arguments against an imminent end expectation 149
in Matthew
2. The evidence in favour of an imminent end 155
expectation in Matthew
3. Conclusions 174
Summary of Part II 175
Part III: The social setting of the Matthean community and the 179
function of apocalyptic eschatology in the gospel of Matthew
8. The social setting of the Matthean community 181

1. The Matthean community and the Jewish world 182
2. The Matthean community and the gentile world 198
3. The Matthean community and the wider Christian 210
church
4. Alienation from the world at large 218
5. Conclusions 219
9. The function of apocalyptic eschatology in the gospel of 222

Matthew
1. Identification and legitimation 223
2. Explanation of current circumstances 224
3. Encouragement and hope for the future 225
4. Vengeance and consolation 227
5. Group solidarity and social control 235
6. Conclusions 241
Contents xi
Summary of Part III 243
Conclusions 244
Select bibliography 250

Index of passages cited 263
Index of modern scholars 278
Index of subjects 281
PREFACE
This study marks a significant stage in a long-held interest in the

eschatology of the synoptic gospels and their sources. My interest
in Matthew's eschatology was sparked by a Master's thesis on the
eschatology of Q when, in the course of reconstructing the text of
this hypothetical source, I was struck by Matthew's constant
insertion of apocalyptic-eschatological themes. I was then of the
opinion that this phenomenon had never been adequately explored
or explained, and I decided that my doctoral research would be
devoted to this important and neglected subject. The present study
is a revised version of my doctoral thesis which was undertaken at
King's College London and submitted in October 1992. There are
many people who have contributed to the production of this book
in its various stages and to whom I wish to give due acknowl-
edgement.
My first debt of thanks is to my supervisor, Professor Graham
Stanton of King's College London, who nurtured the thesis in its
early stages and saw it through to its completion. While I was in
London, Graham was unstinting in his support and always made
himself available, even at very short notice, to discuss ideas and
drafts. His support continued after I returned to Melbourne in
February 1990 to take up a position at La Trobe University.
Whether he was responding to queries by letter or on the telephone,
Graham's enthusiasm and encouragement provided the guidance
and inspiration which enabled me to complete the thesis 'long-
distance' while coping with a full-time teaching load. At all times
Graham willingly shared his immense knowledge of the gospel of
Matthew and encouraged me to develop my own ideas. I can
truthfully say that I have learnt much from him.
Sincere thanks must also be given to the British Council for
awarding me a Commonwealth Scholarship which enabled me to
realise a dream and undertake doctoral study in London. Further
xiu
xiv Preface
funding from this institution also made it possible for me to have

two extended trips to the Middle East in 1988 and 1989. I must
single out two administrators, Kathy Roberts of the Association of
Commonwealth Universities and Alison Edwards of the British
Council, who were always very helpful during my association with
them.
A special vote of thanks is due to Dr Margaret Thrall for
accepting this study into the SNTS monograph series, and for her
helpful comments and suggestions for revision. Other readers of the
original thesis who have provided perceptive criticisms include
Professor Christopher Rowland, Dr Judith Lieu and the reader for
the SNTS monograph series, and I also express my gratitude to
them. The final revision of this study was completed at the
Australian Catholic University campus in Brisbane, and I must
thank the departmental secretary, Ms Fran Wilkinson, for pro-
viding much needed assistance in the production of the final draft.
I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the debt which I owe
to certain members of my family. My parents, Gordon and Norma
Sim, helped me in many ways in the initial stages of my career and
provided the opportunity for my doctoral work. Special thanks are
due as well to my brother, Mr Bruce Sim, who agreed to proof-read
the whole manuscript at the thesis stage and I thank him for taking
on such an unenviable task. Finally and most importantly, I must
express my enormous thanks to Robyn, who has lived with this
study from beginning to end and consequently has shared the
'highs' and the 'lows'. Whether we were in the heart of London, the
middle of the Syrian desert, or the suburbia of Melbourne or
Brisbane, her love, support and understanding have been un-
yielding. Though she has contributed little in terms of the content
of this book, I feel that her contribution to it is no less than mine. It
is therefore with much love and gratitude that I dedicate this book
to her.
While I acknowledge the assistance of all those mentioned above,
and emphasise that this study is considerably better for their
assistance, I alone remain responsible for any of its errors and
deficiencies.
ABBREVIATIONS
AB Anchor Bible
AnBib Analecta Biblica
ANRW Aufstieg undNiedergang der romischen Welt
ASNU Acta Seminarii Neotestamentica Upsaliensis
BETL Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum
Lovaniensium
BEvT Beitrage zur Evangelischen Theologie
BJRL Bulletin of the John Ry lands Library
BSR Biblioteca di Scienze Religiose
BuL Bibel und Leben
BZ Biblische Zeitschrift
BZNW BeiheftzurZAW
CBNTS Coniectanea Biblica New Testament Series
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBQMS CBQ Monograph Series
CMT Currents in Mission and Theology
CRINT Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum
Testamentum
CTM Calwer Theologische Monographien
EKKNT Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen
Testament
ETS Erfurter Theologische Studien
FB Forschung zur Bibel
FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten
und Neuen Testaments
HBT Horizons in Biblical Theology
HeyJ Heythrop Journal
HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs
HTKNT Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen
Testament
HTR Harvard Theological Review
xv
xvi List of abbreviations
HTS Harvard Theological Studies

ICC International Critical Commentary
IDBSupp Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible Supplement
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament
JSNTSS JSNT Supplement Series
JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
JSOTSS JSO T Supplement Series
JSP Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha
JSPSS JSP Supplement Series
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
LD Lectio Divina
LTPM Louvain Theological and Pastoral Monographs
MeyerK H. A. W. Meyer, Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar
iiber das Neue Testament
NCB New Century Bible
NIGTC New International Greek Testament Commentary
NovT Novum Testamentum
NovTSup NovT Supplements
NTAbh Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen
NTD Das Neue Testament Deutsch
NTS New Testament Studies
OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis
PNTC Pelican New Testament Commentary
RSB Religious Studies Bulletin
SBEC Studies in the Bible and Early Christianity
SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series
SBLMS Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series
SBLSBS Society of Biblical Literature Sources for Biblical
Study
SBLSCS Society of Biblical Literature Septuagint and
Cognate Studies
SBS Stuttgarter Bibelstudien
SBT Studies in Biblical Theology
SJT Scottish Journal of Theology
SNTSMS Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series
SUNT Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments
SVTP Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha
TDNT Theological Dictionary of the New Testament
TPINTC Trinity Press International New Testament
Commentary
List of abbreviations xvii
TS Theological Studies
TZ Theologische Zeitschrift
WBC Word Biblical Commentary
WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und
Neuen Testament
ZNW Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZTK Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche
INTRODUCTION
1. The aims of this study

The apocalyptic-eschatological sections of the gospel of Matthew
continue to fascinate the specialist New Testament scholar and
general reader alike. Throughout the gospel the Matthean Jesus
prophesies the arrival of the Son of Man who would sit on his
throne of glory and preside over the final judgement. The fate of
the wicked in particular is recounted in the most graphic terms.
They will weep and gnash their teeth as they burn forever in the
unceasing fires of Gehenna. While this sort of 'hell-fire and
brimstone' material appeals to some Christians, for others it is a
source of acute embarrassment which should be either ignored or
downplayed considerably. Yet this sort of approach is clearly
unsatisfactory since it avoids rather than confronts the problem. A
better policy is to acknowledge that this apocalyptic-eschatological
material is an important component of Matthew's gospel, and then
try to understand why this is the case.
Before specifying the primary aims of this study, a few brief
comments on the term 'apocalyptic eschatology' are in order. Since
many scholars equate 'apocalyptic' or apocalyptic eschatology
merely with speculation about the final judgement, it might be
thought that such a study need involve little more than an assess-
ment of the gospel's judgemental material. This view would be very
much mistaken, however, for an identification of apocalyptic
eschatology merely with the notion of judgement is simplistic at
best and inaccurate at worst. A detailed analysis of the concept of
apocalyptic eschatology will be provided in Part I, but it can be
said at this point that it is an all-embracing religious perspective
which considers the past, present and future within a dualistic and
deterministic framework. Apocalyptic eschatology is thus far
broader in scope than mere speculation about the judgement and
2 Introduction
its aftermath. It follows from this that the notion of the future
judgement is merely one component of apocalyptic eschatology,
albeit an extremely important one, which must be approached in
conjunction with the other components of this religious perspective
and not in isolation from them. A further point to note at the
outset is that the latest studies of apocalyptic eschatology accept
that this perspective does not arise in a vacuum. Its comprehensive
and distinctive world view has an identifiable social setting, and its
acceptance and promotion by authors or groups serve a number of
specific functions in response to that social setting. Consequently,
the study of apocalyptic eschatology in any given document
necessarily involves three related areas - the content of the apoc-
alyptic-eschatological scheme in question, the social setting which
gives rise to it, and the particular functions it serves for the author
or group which adopts it.
This observation brings us to the three specific aims of the
present study. The first of these is basically descriptive and is
concerned with identifying precisely the nature and extent of
apocalyptic eschatology in the gospel of Matthew. To what extent
does Matthew embrace this schematic world view and how is it
presented in his gospel? How does the gospel's scheme compare
with contemporary apocalyptic-eschatological schemes and are
there any direct points of contact between them? The second aim is
primarily explanatory and attempts to account for the evangelist's
adoption of this particular perspective. What were the historical
and/or social conditions which prompted Matthew and his commu-
nity to adopt their particular apocalyptic-eschatological vision of
reality? The third aim follows on from the first two and is
concerned with identifying the practical purposes of this religious
perspective. What are the precise functions of apocalyptic escha-
tology in the gospel of Matthew?
2. Survey of earlier studies

That such a study of Matthew's gospel has its place in the mass of
Matthean literature published each year is best justified by docu-
menting the history of research appropriate to this particular
subject. It will be shown that, despite past scholarly recognition of
the importance of apocalyptic eschatology in this gospel, 1 and
1
In 1957 F. C. Grant commented that Matthew is ' . . . the most thoroughly
Introduction 3
despite growing interest in this aspect of Matthew's theology in the

past decade or so, no full-scale treatment has yet been undertaken.
The present work is thus an attempt to fill this gap.
A number of works written in the early decades of this century
devoted a good deal of attention to Matthew's apocalyptic escha-
tology. That this was the case should occasion no surprise. The
works of Johannes Weiss and Albert Schweitzer had put (apoca-
lyptic) eschatology at the forefront of New Testament scholarship.
Moreover, these years witnessed an increasing interest in the non-
canonical apocalyptic literature through the agencies of R. H.
Charles and others. Given this environment, it is only to be
expected that many works of this period (though by no means all)
emphasised this particular aspect of Matthew's gospel. We need
mention only one such study, that of B. H. Streeter.
It is appropriate that Streeter's classic work on the four gospels
should commence our survey, since he was the first scholar both
to emphasise Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology and to offer an
explanation of its prominence in the gospel. This book, though
sadly neglected over the past few decades, is still a challenging and
valuable work of scholarship. His study of the Matthean gospel in
particular is worthy of far closer attention than it presently
receives. According to Streeter, 'No Gospel makes so much as
does Matthew of the expectation that the visible Return of Christ
will be within the lifetime of those who saw and heard Him' (Four
Gospels, p. 520). In support of this claim, Streeter appealed to a
number of texts which imply an imminent end expectation in
Matthew (pp. 520-1). He then followed this with a discussion of
another group of texts in which the evangelist betrays his interest
in apocalyptic concepts (pp. 521-2). All this led Streeter to the
conclusion that the gospel 'must have been written during a period
of intense Apocalyptic expectation' (p. 523). He dated Matthew to
c.85 CE, a period when the Jewish war and the destruction of
Jerusalem had led to a resurgence of apocalyptic thinking
(pp. 517, 523^). In addition Streeter placed the composition of
the gospel in Antioch on the Orontes (pp. 500-23), and this factor
too played a crucial part in shaping the evangelist's apocalyptic-
eschatological perspective. As the eastern gate of the Roman
empire, Antioch was particularly susceptible to the Nero redivivus
myth which served to fuel even further the flame of apocalyptic
"apocalyptic-eschatological" of the gospels in its general outlook', The Gospels,
p. 137.
4 Introduction
speculation which the Jewish war had ignited. This was especially
the case in the Antiochene Christian community where the myth
of the return of Nero at the head of the Parthian armies was fused
with the expectation of the antichrist (p. 523). Thus for Streeter,
Matthew's intense concern with apocalyptic-eschatological themes
is to be explained by both the time and the place of the gospel's
composition. 2
Even before Streeter had published his work, the new method of
form criticism had been brought to scholarly attention by Martin
Dibelius and Rudolf Bultmann. This method was to dominate
synoptic studies up to the outbreak of the second world war. As a
consequence, the emphasis shifted from the gospels as whole works
to the analysis of their individual pericopae, and the study of
Matthean eschatology was neglected in the process. The next major
contribution to this subject came in the wake of the heir to form
criticism, redaction criticism, when the focus of attention shifted
back to the editorial and theological interests of the evangelists. In
1956 G. Bornkamm published what was to prove to be a very
influential essay, 'End-Expectation and Church in Matthew'.
In this study Bornkamm focused primarily on the role of the
judgemental material in Matthew's gospel. He argued that the
gospel as a whole was written from the perspective of the coming
judgement. The evangelist's view of the church was interwoven
with and definitively shaped by this particular theme. Bornkamm
began his essay with an analysis of the Matthean discourses and
observed that all of them combined teaching for the church with
the notion of the future judgement (pp. 15-24). According to
Matthew everyone is to be judged, the church included, and the
standard by which each is to be judged is the attainment (or not) of
the higher righteousness (p. 24). The higher righteousness consists
in adherence to the Torah but governed by the twofold love
command (pp. 24-32). Matthew comes to this radical under-
standing of the law on the basis of his view of the universal
judgement (p. 32). This understanding of the law shapes Matthew's
christology; the future judge Jesus is also the weak and humble
servant who shows mercy to the meek in strict accordance with
the principles of the higher righteousness (pp. 32-8). The church
is urged to follow Jesus' example. Its members will be judged by
2
Streeter's historical type of explanation seems to be accepted by Grant, The
Gospels, p. 137, who states that Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology ' . . . suggests
a milieu and a time when apocalyptic messianism was in the ascendant'.
Introduction 5
the success or otherwise of their imitation of the example set by

Jesus - love of God and neighbour, suffering and obedience.
Matthew stresses that the church is a corpus mixtum whose
constituent elements will be separated only at the judgement
(pp. 38-49).
The obvious merit of Bornkamm's study is that it attempts to
define the purpose of Matthew's eschatological material. The
evangelist's emphasis on the coming judgement serves to exhort his
readers to strive for the higher righteousness as defined by the life
and teaching of Jesus. The gospel's judgemental material therefore
has primarily a paraenetic function. In this respect Bornkamm's
work marks a step forward from the earlier study of Streeter. But in
other respects Bornkamm's redaction-critical analysis of the judge-
ment in Matthew is less satisfying than Streeter's work. Since
Bornkamm confines his study only to the gospel material, there is
no attempt to understand Matthew's emphasis on the judgement in
a broader context. Bornkamm merely takes for granted the pre-
sence of these eschatological traditions in the gospel and, unlike
Streeter, does not try to explain why Matthew adopted them in the
first place. It might be true that the theme of judgement serves the
evangelist's paraenesis, but why did he choose this particular
vehicle of expression and not another? Moreover, by examining the
judgement as a general concept, Bornkamm tends to neglect the
specific details of this theme in the gospel. Matthew's view of the
fate of the wicked, for example, is painted in the harshest of terms;
this group will be tortured eternally in the fires of Gehenna (see
further chapter 6 below). Why does the evangelist promote such a
terrible picture of the fate of the wicked? How are this theme and
Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology as a whole related to contem-
porary eschatological schemes? Bornkamm's study overlooks these
important questions. In view of this, it does not take us very far in
explaining why Matthew places such emphasis on the judgement in
the first place and why he portrays it in the terms he does. Despite
these failings, Bornkamm's study of Matthew's eschatology became
the standard work for the next generation and its legacy is well
attested in later studies.
After the appearance of Bornkamm's essay, and in no small
part because of it, the study of Matthew's eschatology moved to
the periphery of Matthean scholarship. The redaction-critical
studies which followed focused attention on other aspects of the
evangelist's thought, notably his ecclesiology and his christology;
6 Introduction
eschatology was moved well and truly from the centre stage.3 That
this proved to be the case can be seen from a brief review of two
of the most important redaction-critical studies of Matthew's
gospel, those of W. Trilling and G. Strecker.
Trilling's study, which concentrates on the rejection of Israel
and the status of the church as 'the true Israel', has very little to
say on the subject of Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology. In a
small section devoted to the general area of eschatology, he argues
that the evangelist is far more interested in the present than in
speculating on the time of the end events. For Matthew the end of
the existing world order is neither particularly near nor particu-
larly distant (Wahre Israel, p. 30). What Matthew does wish to
express, according to Trilling, is the present experience of the
Lord in the church, no matter how long or short the interim
period might prove to be. Thus the evangelist is more concerned
with the strong faith of the church in the present than with
apocalyptic speculation (p. 29). These statements are echoed in
later sections. The uncertainty over the date of the end (cf. 24:36)
leads Matthew in 24:37-25:13 to exhort his readers to extreme
vigilance (p. 125). In order to serve this exhortation, the evangelist
dispenses with the notion of the judgement's imminence and
focuses instead on its severity (p. 126). It is the threat of judge-
ment which shapes Matthew's paraenesis and not the imminence
of the event (p. 126 n. 24).
Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology is likewise of little concern in
the work of Strecker, which openly focuses on the gospel's chris-
tology and ecclesiology. At the beginning of his study, Strecker
disputes the view of Streeter (and others) that Matthew is domi-
nated by an imminent end expectation (Weg, pp. 41-5). Rather, the
evangelist emphasises the suddenness of the event which excludes
any calculation of its date (p. 242). But Matthew does not entirely
abandon this notion, since he wishes his community to reckon
continually with the possibility of the end. In a statement echoing
the position of Trilling, Strecker maintains that both the near end
expectation and the notion of its further delay have their part to
play in Matthew's thought (p. 242). That Matthew has little interest
3
It is worth noting that a recent survey of Matthean scholarship between 1945-80
had in its treatment of 'Matthew as Theologian' no section devoted to Matthew's
eschatology. See Stanton, 'Origin and Purpose', pp. 1889-951. That such a
comprehensive survey as this has no individual treatment of Matthew's escha-
tology is proof enough that this particular theme had been all but omitted from
the agenda during the period in question.
Introduction 7
in the end events themselves is evident from the fact that he makes
no attempt to systematise the diverse accounts of the judgement
which he found in his sources (pp. 236-7). For Strecker, Matthew's
real purpose for this judgemental material is entirely paraenetic. In
his presentation of these traditions, Matthew directs the readers
away from the future and back to the present ethical demands
which are the central elements in the ongoing process of salvation
history (p. 242).
The influence of Bornkamm's study is well illustrated in the
works of Trilling and Strecker. The eschatology of Matthew's
gospel was no longer to be taken on its own terms; rather, it must
be viewed only in conjunction with or as a component of Matthew's
ecclesiology. Matthew uses his eschatological material only for the
purpose of exhortation and paraenesis in the present. Contrary to
the view of Streeter, the evangelist, far from upholding the immi-
nence of the judgement, hardly gives its time of arrival a second
thought. So complete had been the change of opinion with regard
to Matthew's eschatological expectations, that in 1980 H. C. Kee
could write, The church of Matthew, with the apostolic foundation
going back to Peter as sovereign and arbiter ... is an established
institution, not an apocalyptic sect.'4
The very next year saw the appearance of thefirstmajor contribu-
tion to Matthew's eschatology since the essay of Bornkamm, D.
Marguerat's massive revised doctoral dissertation devoted to the
theme of judgement in Matthew's gospel. There are five distinct
parts to his book. The first of these, which deals with the theme of
judgement in the gospel, is basically introductory and raises many
of the issues with which the present study is concerned. The more
salient points can be summarised as follows. According to Mar-
guerat the theme of judgement is the fundamental theme of the
Matthean gospel. Of the 148 pericopae which comprise this
gospel, no less than 60 are concerned with this feature (Le
Jugement, p. 13). Matthew adopts from his sources, notably Q
and his special traditions, the metaphorical language of judgement
and accentuates it (pp. 17-22). Much of this language is found in
the contemporary apocalyptic literature (pp. 22-3). Taking up
Strecker's observation, Marguerat notes that Matthew makes no
attempt to synthesise the disparate material which he inherited
from his sources; the evangelist has little interest in presenting a
4
Kee, Christian Origins, p. 143.
8 Introduction
coherent picture of the actual event of judgement (pp. 23-5). The

same is true of the material pertaining to the (consummated)
kingdom where the righteous will reside (pp. 41^). What does
hold Matthew's interest is not so much the concrete events
associated with the judgement, but the criteria by which people
are to be judged (pp. 25-6). This observation leads Marguerat to
the rhetorical function of the announcement of judgement in
Matthew's gospel. He maintains with Bornkamm that this type of
material concludes all the major discourses of Jesus in Matthew.
The purpose of this method of composition is clear. The words of
Jesus are given the utmost authority; fidelity to his teaching
becomes the yardstick by which all will be judged (pp. 32-7). In
addition, the announcement of the coming judgement puts the
hearers in a position of radical responsibility whereby they are
ultimately responsible for their fate (pp. 37-41). The threat of
judgement in Matthew is addressed to two groups - the disciples
(the church) and the people of Israel represented by their leaders
(pp. 45-8).
The remainder of Marguerat's work follows on from these
preliminary findings and examines the judgement from a number of
perspectives. The second part of his dissertation, Christ is the Law
(pp. 67-235), establishes that Jesus of Nazareth is the judge of the
world and that the major criterion for judgement is Jesus' inter-
pretation of the law. In the third section, the church and the failure
of Israel (pp. 239-407), Marguerat argues that on account of her
disobedience Israel is now rejected by God, this being illustrated by
the destruction of Jerusalem. The Christian church effectively
replaces Israel, but in doing so the threat of judgement now
rebounds on its members who should learn from Israel's fate and
take care not to repeat her mistakes (pp. 398^05). This point is
elaborated in part 4, the church faces the judgement (pp. 411-75),
where Marguerat examines Matthew's notion of the church as a
corpus mixtum which will inevitably be exposed to the judgement.
In the fifth and final section of his book, on vigilance (pp. 479-561),
Marguerat analyses the responsibility of the church in the interim.
Her members must be watchful and remain faithful to the standards
of conduct enjoined by Jesus if they are to escape eschatological
punishment.
It can be seen from the above summary that Marguerat's
position is closely related to that of Bornkamm. Although his
monograph is clearly broader in scope and far more detailed than
Introduction 9
the essay of Bornkamm, it still argues that Matthew's intense focus

on the judgement primarily serves a paraenetic function. The
church is warned both by direct threat and by the example of Israel
that it too faces the judgement. In view of this, Matthew exhorts his
readers not to be complacent about their salvation but to ensure
that they live according to the precepts set down by Jesus himself.
While Marguerat's discussion of all these issues contains much that
is valuable, it suffers from many of the same limitations as those of
his predecessors. Like Bornkamm's essay, Marguerat's work is
basically descriptive and not explanatory. There is, for example, no
sustained attempt to explain why Matthew used such extreme
measures, the threat of eternal punishment, in the service of his
paraenesis. Moreover, Marguerat pays little attention to the
content of Matthew's judgemental expectations, though he notes
that much of it is found in the contemporary apocalyptic tradition.
He follows Strecker's argument that since Matthew made no
attempt to systematise his disparate traditions regarding the judge-
ment, it is legitimate to conclude that he was more interested in the
criteria of judgement than the actual event itself.
But this supposition needs to be questioned. It presumes that
Matthew was a systematic theologian of sorts who aimed for
consistency on important matters and was happy to be inconsistent
on unimportant matters. As G. N. Stanton has recently warned,
however, the view of Matthew as a (systematic) theologian requires
serious modification.5 Matthew wrote primarily as an evangelist
with many purposes in mind and not as a theologian who was
concerned with presenting a coherent and consistent theology. We
should not expect absolute consistency from such an author, nor
should we judge as unimportant those themes which he had not
assimilated into a coherent whole. In fact, a critical examination of
the gospel reveals that there is very little on which the evangelist is
absolutely consistent. Even the criteria by which individuals will be
judged are not constant throughout the gospel. We need only
compare the criteria in 12:31-2 with those in 25:31-46 to
illustrate this point. In view of this, the particulars of Matthew's
eschatological scheme cannot so easily be set aside. Nor should we,
as does Marguerat, bypass the relationship between the apoca-
lyptic-eschatological tradition and Matthew's judgemental mate-
rial. Like the redaction-critical studies before him, Marguerat
5
Stanton, Gospel for a New People, pp. 41-5.
10 Introduction
investigates the judgement theme in Matthew within the limited

context of the gospel alone, and outside influences and historical
factors are given very littlet consideration.
It is perhaps fitting that the work of Marguerat, which has so
many affiliations with the earlier study of Bornkamm and which
stands as the most comprehensive defence of Bornkamm's position,
might well prove to be its final representative. The last decade or so
has seen a significant shift in scholarly attitudes toward Matthew's
apocalyptic eschatology. The reason for this shift is not difficult to
discern. In the last fifteen years or so there has been a dramatic
renewal of interest in the apocalyptic writings and related literature.
Not since the days of Charles have these documents been translated
and interpreted with such vigour. This activity has rekindled
interest in this theme in the field of New Testament studies and the
gospel of Matthew has not been immune to it. Thus Matthean
scholarship is in the process of turning the full circle. Just as
Streeter and others were deeply influenced by the contemporary
study of the apocalyptic literature, so too today are Matthean
scholars heavily influenced by modern apocalyptic scholarship.
In 1984 G. N. Stanton made the first attempt since Streeter to
offer an explanation for the apocalyptic-eschatological content of
the first gospel.6 Although Stanton was primarily concerned with
Matthew's severe anti-Jewish polemic, he argued in the course of
his discussion that there is a direct link between the gospel's anti-
Jewish attitude and the prominence of its apocalyptic features.
Stanton claims that the evangelist and his church had recently
parted company with Judaism and were trying to come to grips
with the trauma occasioned by that separation (pp. 273^4). In
support of his claim Stanton produces four arguments. He first
builds a case from a number of Matthean texts that the evangelist's
community perceived itself to be threatened by Jewish opposition
(pp. 274-7). The sectarian nature of Matthew's group is further
evidenced, argues Stanton, by the fact that it was very much at
odds as well with the gentile world (pp. 277-8). Stanton's third
argument is the most important for our purposes and concerns the
prominence of apocalyptic-eschatological motifs in Matthew. Not
content merely with noting and describing this phenomenon,
Stanton asks, 'Why is there increased prominence given to apoc-
alyptic themes in this gospel? What is the function of these
6
Stanton, 'Matthew and Judaism'. This study also appears in his Gospel for a New
People, pp. 146-68. The page references apply to the original article.
Introduction 11
traditions?' (p. 278, original emphasis). In answering this question

Stanton turns to a sociological explanation. Apocalyptic language
and motifs are evoked by historical crises and/or an intense feeling
of alienation from the outside world. They serve to comfort and
console those who feel alienated and in doing so reinforce group
solidarity (p. 279). Stanton goes on to argue that this is precisely
the function of the apocalyptic features of Matthew (pp. 279-80).
He concludes with the claim that Matthew's heightened apocalyptic
interest can be seen as a response to a number of crises which the
Matthean community faced, including the painful separation from
Judaism (p. 281). Stanton then turns to his final argument which
demonstrates that other early Christian texts also bear the twin
characteristics of opposition to Judaism and increased emphasis on
apocalyptic themes (pp. 281-3).
Stanton's essay is an important contribution to the study of
Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology. Not only did it raise anew the
question why Matthew is so oriented toward this perspective, but it
opened up new possibilities for the solution of this puzzle. By
stressing the social setting of the evangelist and his readers,
Stanton's explanation took the enquiry a significant step further on
from the historical and geographical explanation of Streeter. After
the publication of Stanton's essay, it became clear that this aspect
of the gospel could not be interpreted without reference to the
historical and social forces which affected the evangelist and the
community for whom he wrote.
Another important contribution to our subject came the fol-
lowing year in an article by D. A. Hagner which seems to have
been written without knowledge of Stanton's essay. Beginning
with an overview of the apocalyptic viewpoint ('Apocalyptic
Motifs', pp. 54-7), Hagner devotes the remainder of his study to
the author of Matthew, his gospel and his church. With regard to
the members of Matthew's church, Hagner maintains that they
were Jewish Christians who were experiencing hostility from both
non-Christian Jews and gentiles. He affirms, 'Just this simple a
realization will prepare us to expect apocalyptic in the Gospel of
Mt ... alienation and the experience of hostility and persecution
have been shown to be the key sociological factors that stimulate
apocalyptic thought and form apocalyptic movements' (pp. 57-8).
Having produced a sociological explanation for Matthew's apoc-
alyptic orientation, Hagner then proceeds to detail more fully the
evangelist's point of view. He notes that the gospel's presentation
12 Introduction
of the story of Jesus, from his birth to the great commission, is

replete with 'apocalyptic-like' motifs (pp. 60-2). Hagner then turns
to the gospel's 'apocalyptic viewpoint proper', which means the
apocalyptic-eschatological material that, from the standpoint of
the evangelist, refers to the future. According to Hagner, this is
the more prominent apocalyptic feature in Matthew and is found
in the preaching of the Baptist as well as the five major discourses
of Jesus (pp. 63-8). He argues that Matthew's double-edged
apocalyptic stance, the use of apocalyptic language and motifs to
present the past story of the messiah and his future-oriented
apocalyptic viewpoint proper, is a conscious alteration by the
evangelist of the traditional apocalyptic view which was always
directed toward the future (pp. 68-73). The final pages of Hagner's
study are devoted to the role of apocalyptic-eschatological features
in the gospel which he categorises under four headings (pp. 74-6).
1 Instruction: Matthew instructs his community in the glories of
two apocalyptic realities, the one having already occurred in the
life and mission of Jesus and the other which will come at the
consummation of the age. 2 Encouragement: the evangelist, like
other apocalyptic authors, encourages his community to persevere
in the face of present persecution and suffering. 3 Paraenesis:
Matthew uses the apocalyptic viewpoint as a motivation to moral
and righteous conduct. 4 Readiness: this is related to the third
category. The end of the age is imminent, so wakefulness and
watchfulness are demanded. Hagner's study, though brief and
quite general, is none the less an important one. Not only does it
make a conscious effort to understand the apocalyptic stance(s) of
Matthew, but it lends support to the position of Stanton that the
explanation of this viewpoint lies in the gospel's historical and
social setting.
The next important contribution to this subject was an article by
O. L. Cope published in 1989. Cope admits that he is building
upon the earlier work of Bornkamm, but he attempts to fill in the
gaps in Bornkamm's essay. For example, he claims that Bornkamm
actually understated the pervasiveness of the apocalyptic element in
the first gospel and so supplements his predecessor's arguments
('Role of Apocalyptic', pp. 115-17). Moreover, Cope asks the very
question which Bornkamm did not ask; just why is this apocalyptic
theme so strong in Matthew's gospel? In similar vein to Stanton
and Hagner, Cope adopts a sociological approach and examines
the many functions of apocalyptic language and imagery; these
Introduction 13
functions include providing hope in difficult times, assuring the

readers that their enemies will be punished and warning them that
they too must walk the straight and narrow lest they be punished as
well (pp. 117-18). While acknowledging that Matthew's gospel uses
apocalyptic material to provide hope and to satisfy the need for
vengeance, Cope argues that its primary purpose is to direct the
behaviour of the gospel's readers. Matthew uses apocalyptic cate-
gories to promise rewards for good deeds and punishment for evil
deeds. Cope writes, The continued repetition of this punishment/
judgement theme as a warning to the disciples throughout the
Gospel is so powerful as to represent one of the major stresses of
the book ... The vision of the future in this Gospel is a two-edged
motivator to obedient discipleship' (p. 119, original emphasis). On
the question why Matthew uses apocalyptic themes in this way,
Cope maintains that the cause lies in the recent history of the
Matthean church. By contrast with Stanton, he does not see the
cause as a painful separation from Judaism; according to Cope the
Matthean community is still a part of Judaism. Rather, there is a
whole set of alternative circumstances - the Jewish war, the
experience of persecution and inter-church division over allegiance
to Christ (p. 120). Cope concludes that after the Jewish revolt the
Matthean community had turned to the apocalyptic hope of the
return of the Son of Man; in the meantime its members should
devote themselves to strict obedience to both the Torah and the
teachings of Jesus (p. 120). It is to this end that the first evangelist
makes use of apocalyptic concepts.
The work of Cope, though offering an alternative explanation to
those provided by Stanton and Hagner, is very much at one with
them in terms of the method of approach. All three agree that, in
order to understand and explain Matthew's interest in apocalyptic
eschatology, we need to make use of appropriate sociological
analyses. The gospel of Matthew must be examined in the same
way that other apocalyptic-eschatological writings are investigated.
While these three scholars agree with their predecessors that
Matthew's judgemental material plays an important role in paraen-
esis and exhortation, they each identify further functions it plays in
the gospel.
This brief survey of the relevant scholarly literature has shown
that the study of Matthew's (apocalyptic) eschatology has turned
the full circle. The early work of Streeter, though less concerned
with the function of this material in the gospel, at least understood
14 Introduction
that its presence there needed to be explained. He argued that

historical and geographical factors contributed to the prominence
of this theme in Matthew. By contrast, the redaction-critical studies
from Bornkamm's programmatic essay to Marguerat's full-scale
discussion tended to ignore the broader context of the evangelist's
judgemental material and focused solely upon its paraenetic func-
tion. They claimed that the evangelist was less interested in the
events of the future and more concerned with the present life of the
church. Since the judgement in Matthew was analysed only within
the context of the gospel itself, the parallels in content between this
theme and the wider apocalyptic-eschatological tradition and the
question of external influences on the evangelist were either down-
played or ignored. The more recent studies of Stanton, Hagner and
Cope witnessed a return to the tradition of Streeter. They high-
lighted the parallels between the gospel's eschatology and the
apocalyptic tradition and explained these as a result of similar
social settings.
By way of concluding this survey, I wish to return to a point
made at its beginning, the justification of the present work. The
studies of Stanton, Hagner and Cope, though all important in their
own particular way, were only on a small scale. Because these three
authors composed articles and not monographs, none of them
attempted to amass and comprehensively assess all the relevant
evidence. There is then a need for a larger and more complete
treatment of all aspects of this subject. 7 It is this task which the
present study sets itself. Before attempting to do so, it is necessary
first to state precisely the presuppositions on which this study
proceeds and the methods it will employ.
3. Presuppositions concerning the gospel of Matthew

The presuppositions concerning Matthew's gospel upon which the
present study proceeds stand in agreement with the consensus of
critical scholarly opinion. The author of the first gospel is not
known. I follow the common view in rejecting the traditional
identification of Matthew as the disciple of Jesus. However, for the
sake of convenience and in deference to convention, this study will
refer to both the writer of the gospel and the gospel itself as
7
Recently D. Orton has noted the desirability of further investigations of the
relationship between Matthew and the apocalyptic literature. See his Under-
standing Scribe\ p. 175.
Introduction 15
Matthew. On the more debated question whether Matthew was a

Jew or a gentile, it is accepted here that he belonged to the former
group. This contention will be confirmed in Part II as we establish
that Matthew is quite at home in the world of Jewish apocalyptic
eschatology, and in Part III where it will be argued that the
evangelist harboured anti-gentile sentiments which are incompa-
tible with gentile authorship. Both the internal and external
evidence strongly suggest that Matthew was written at some point
in the final quarter of the first century, perhaps earlier rather than
later within this period. A date of around 80 CE is most consistent
with the evidence, though it is possible that it could have been
written some five to ten years later than this.8 The general area of
composition was probably Syria, and the most likely location is the
provincial capital, Antioch on the Orontes.9 It is also assumed that
Matthew composed his gospel using Mark and Q as his major
sources. This acceptance of the two source (or two document)
hypothesis does not presume that the theory itself has been proven
beyond all shadow of doubt. Rather, it means that this hypothesis,
whatever its limitations, offers a better explanation of the complex
interrelationships between the synoptic gospels than any of its
competitors.
4. The methods employed in this study

The methods adopted in this study are those most appropriate to
the tasks at hand. The major tool for the descriptive section of this
study, the reconstruction of Matthew's apocalyptic-eschatological
scheme in Part II, will be redaction criticism. This method has been
chosen because I accept the proposition that we can learn much
about editors and authors by the manner in which they treat their
sources. It is important to emphasise that in the present work
redaction criticism is meant in its broadest sense. This means that it
covers all facets of Matthew's treatment of his sources. These can
be roughly classified into four major categories.
The first of these involves Matthew's alteration of his source
material. This phenomenon has attracted the keenest interest and
has provided the basic starting point for many redaction-critical
studies. Its importance lies in the fact that redaction of this nature
8
On the dating of the gospel, see Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, pp. 127-38.
9
See the comprehensive discussion of Matthew's provenance by Meier, 'Antioch',
pp. 18-26.
16 Introduction
presumes a conscious decision on the part of the evangelist which in

turn indicates the subjects of importance to him. This principle,
though perhaps exaggerated at the expense of others in past studies
(see below), still remains a crucial tool of the Matthean redaction
critic. Closely related to the first category is the second which takes
into account Matthew's creation of material to supplement or
complement his sources. This type of redaction is also a significant
indicator of authorial interests since it too results from a deliberate
decision of the evangelist and obviously betrays his particular
concerns. The third category of editorial activity, Matthew's omis-
sions from his sources, works in the opposite way by identifying his
dislikes. Of course, any one of a number of reasons might lie
behind his omission of a particular passage - it was theologically or
christologically offensive or inappropriate, it was superfluous, it did
not fit well into his own narrative structure and so on. Each
instance of this type of redaction needs to be assessed on its own
merits. The fourth type of redactional practice is Matthew's reten-
tion of his source material either unchanged or almost unchanged.
Unlike the three other types, all of which reveal the evangelist's
dissatisfaction with his sources, this editorial procedure indicates
where the evangelist agreed with the sources at his disposal. This is
a point which has been too little appreciated in redaction-critical
studies on Matthew, and it requires further comment.
The early redaction critics assumed that Matthew's characteristic
interests could be detected only in his alterations of his sources and
in his free compositions (categories 1 and 2 above), and that
nothing of importance could be learnt from those sections of the
gospel where the evangelist's editorial hand played only a minor
role. The unstated principle behind this view is that editors betray
their interests only when they consciously alter the works they are
using. The retention of sources, on the other hand, should be seen
as a passive act which is silent concerning authorial intent or
interest. This approach, however, is based upon a false view of
editorial practice. It hardly needs saying that at every point in the
composition of his gospel Matthew had the freedom to choose how
he would treat his sources. To put the matter in bald terms, he
could choose either to revise (or omit) any part of the material he
had before him or to accept it as it stood. When he chose the
former option, it must be inferred that at that point he disagreed
with his source and so altered it to a more agreeable form.
Conversely, when he opted to follow a certain section closely, it
Introduction 17
must be concluded that at this particular point his own view

coincided with that of his source. Thus both phenomena, revision
and retention, clearly involve the concept of choice and each is an
important indicator of Matthew's point of view. The active/passive
principle on which so much earlier redaction-critical work was
based is thus a false one. No editorial activity, not even straight
copying, can be deemed passive in any meaningful sense of the
term. This point is well made by C. M. Tuckett in regard to the
gospel of Luke. Tuckett writes,
if we are interested in discovering Luke's overall theology,
we must be prepared to consider not only the changes
Luke has made to his tradition, but also the places where
Luke has preserved his tradition unaltered ... For Luke's
decision to adopt, and not adapt, a tradition may be just as
revealing of his overall concerns as the changes he makes
to his sources elsewhere.10
What Tuckett says of Luke holds just as true in the case of
Matthew.11 Finally, it needs to be said that noting those sections
where Matthew closely follows his sources might not reveal what
was distinctive in his thought, as might categories 1 and 2 above,
but it is no less important for that. In order to study the evangelist
fully, we need a complete picture of him and not just a glimpse of
his distinctive features.
It is clear from this that the redaction-critical approach to
Matthew's gospel in the present study is a comprehensive one. We
are interested in the gospel as a whole and not just those sections
where the evangelist altered his source material. While the ques-
tion of the evangelist's modifications of his sources is still of
paramount importance, it is not the only significant indicator of
his intentions. The totality of his composition, which incorporates
both creative redaction and retentive redaction, is the true object
of study.
In the light of this a few comments are in order with regard to the
application of redaction criticism in the present study. In the case
of Matthew's treatment of Mark, there is no problem since both
texts are available and can be readily compared. It is clear when
10
Tuckett, Reading the New Testament, p. 122 (original emphasis).
11
So too Stanton, Gospel for a New People, pp. 41-2, 52. The same point is made in
the recent study of Charette, Theme of Recompense, pp. 16-18, who prefers to
call this approach composition criticism.
18 Introduction
Matthew chose to follow his Marcan source and when he chose not
to do so. The same does not apply, of course, to Matthew's Q
material. Here we have only the parallel Lucan text for comparison,
and it is not always easy to discern where Matthew has followed the
wording of Q and where he has edited it. There is a similar problem
with regard to the passages which appear only in Matthew. With
nothing available for comparison, any one of three possibilities can
account for each of these gospel pericopae. It might have been
taken from a source with little change or it might have been
traditional material which Matthew subjected to heavy redaction.
On the other hand, it could be the case that Matthew created the
passage outright. Many redaction-critical studies subject these Q
and special source passages to painstaking analysis in an attempt to
sort out these problems, but I do not propose to do so in the
following chapters. My reasons are twofold. The first is that such
minute redactional work, which would take up valuable space, is
not necessary. There has been much excellent work done in this
area, particularly in the larger Matthean commentaries of recent
years, and nothing is to be gained by repeating their discussion.
When the issue of Matthew's redaction in these Q and unique
pericopae arises, I will direct the reader in the notes to those studies
whose analysis of the problem I accept and where all the relevant
evidence and arguments can be found. This dependence on earlier
studies is all the more permissible since in almost all cases my own
view coincides with the consensus position. Secondly, in the final
analysis the extent of Matthew's modifications to these sources
does not affect our understanding of Matthew to any significant
degree. As noted above, all Matthean passages inform us about the
evangelist, and this applies no matter whether he has created them
or copied them. So even if we took the extreme (and rather
improbable) position that in every case Matthew copied slavishly
from Q and his special traditions, then we would come to the
conclusion that Matthew stood very close to these sources. This
might mean that the evangelist was not such a distinctive thinker,
but it does not mean that he is unworthy of study.
While redaction criticism is entirely appropriate for recon-
structing Matthew's apocalyptic-eschatological perspective, it
cannot take us very far in terms of the explanatory aims of this
study in Part III. Other methods are required at this point as a
supplement to redaction criticism. The essays of Stanton, Hagner
and Cope have demonstrated the necessity of applying sociological
Introduction 19
analysis to the study of the gospel of Matthew.12 This is an

important step forward, since the evangelist has too often been
depicted as 'an armchair theologian' quietly musing over abstract
theological issues in a historical vacuum. The application of social-
scientific methods completely overturns this particular view by
acknowledging that both Matthew and his gospel were influenced
by their historical, geographical, cultural and social contexts. Thus
insights will be gleaned from the social sciences and applied where
appropriate to the gospel of Matthew in an attempt to understand
the evangelist's apocalyptic-eschatological perspective. It should be
noted, however, that the methods of the social sciences must be
used with due caution. They should never be employed as primary
methods at the expense of the historical data. On the contrary, they
must be used where applicable only when the historical evidence
has been accumulated by other means.13 For this reason, the
reconstruction of Matthew's social setting in chapter 8 will focus
mainly on the historical evidence with the social sciences providing
subsequent illumination at certain points. The dangers of using
social-scientific criticism as a substitute for historical reconstruction
will be highlighted in chapter 2 when we examine the social setting
of apocalypticism.
12
In his groundbreaking study of Luke-Acts, P. F. Esler suggests that such a
marriage of redaction criticism and the social sciences should be called 'socio-
redaction' criticism. See Community and Gospel, pp. 2-6.
13
For similar comments, see Esler, Community and Gospel, pp. 12-13 and Watson,
Paul, Judaism and the Gentiles, p. x.
PART I
Apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism
This first part is concerned with the related notions of apocalyptic

eschatology and apocalypticism. The first chapter begins with a
discussion of the current terminology and identifies in broad terms
what is meant by apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism in
the present study. The remainder of the chapter will then present a
survey of the major characteristics of apocalyptic eschatology. Such
a survey will provide a firm basis from which we may approach the
apocalyptic-eschatological content of Matthew in the second part
of the study (chapters 3-7). The second chapter moves from the
realm of description to that of explanation. Here the focus of
attention will be on the phenomenon of apocalypticism. What
factors contribute to the rise of apocalypticism? What is it which
causes certain individuals or groups to resort to apocalyptic
eschatology? Does this phenomenon have an identifiable social
setting? Finally, we shall look at the related issue of the function of
apocalyptic eschatology in the works (or groups) where it is
prominent. The investigation of these questions will put us in a
position to examine in chapters 8 and 9 the social setting of
Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology as well as the function it plays
within that gospel.
1
THE MAJOR CHARACTERISTICS OF
APOCALYPTIC ESCHATOLOGY
1. The problem of terminology

It is well recognised in the field of apocalyptic studies that this area
of study is plagued by considerable and continuing difficulties.
First and foremost of these is the problem of confusing and
ambiguous terminology which has its origin in the past. For many
decades scholars conducted research into what was then called
apocalyptic. This term came into English as an adaptation of the
German 'Apokalyptik', which itself derives from the Greek word
for revelation (&71OK&AA)\|/K;), specifically from its presence in the
first verse of the book of Revelation where it denotes the contents
of that document. The word was eventually used to express two
quite distinct ideas. On the one hand, it denoted a specific literary
genre of ancient Jewish and Christian texts which focused on the
revelation of heavenly secrets. This identification of an apocalyptic
genre traces back to early Christian practice where a number of
documents, similar in form to Revelation, were grouped together
and referred to as apocalypses. On the other hand, the word
'apocalyptic' was also employed to describe a particular eschatolo-
gically oriented world view which was thought to dominate the
apocalyptic literature. Almost inevitably this dual sense of the same
term led to semantic confusion. Because the same word covered
quite different concepts, a literary genre and a world view, it was
often difficult to decide which of the two senses was intended in any
given reference to apocalyptic. 1 For this reason a number of
scholars abandoned the then current terminology and attempted to
lessen the confusion by arriving at a new set of descriptive terms.
The first attempt at a revision was that of K. Koch who distin-
guished between the literary genre apocalypse and the historical
1
For discussion of this point, see Knibb, 'Prophecy and the emergence of the
Jewish apocalypses', pp. 157-8.
23
24 Apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism
movement underlying it which he called apocalyptic.2 This process

of revision was taken a significant stage further by P. D. Hanson
who argued that the whole subject would be better served by a
threefold classification of the phenomena. According to Hanson,
we must speak of the literary form as apocalypse, the dominating
(eschatological) religious perspective as apocalyptic eschatology
and the socio-religious movement as apocalypticism.3 The last two
categories are not to be confused with one another. Apocalypticism
is born at that point when a group tries to codify its identity and
particular interpretation of reality by recourse to apocalyptic
eschatology. Hanson's scheme, which draws a useful distinction
between the religious perspective (or world view) and the under-
lying socio-religious movement, has been adopted by many scholars
in preference to the ambiguous dual use of the word 'apocalyptic'.4
It is questionable, however, whether these developments have really
assisted our understanding of this very complex subject.
The problem resides in the fact that the two sets of terms listed
above operate on the assumption that the phenomena they
describe are all necessarily related to one another.5 This is quite
clear from the chosen terminology. In the original nomenclature,
the same word was employed to describe two distinct concepts,
and this in turn was intended to convey the impression that they
were inextricably connected. Thus almost by definition the world
of ideas denoted as apocalyptic was necessarily related to the
apocalyptic genre. The revised terminology of Hanson, though a
semantic improvement on its predecessor, made precisely the same
assumption in exactly the same way. Since the names given to
apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism were derivatives of
the word 'apocalypse', the assumption was plain that the three
phenomena enjoyed a necessary relationship. With some qualifica-
tions this relationship was thought to operate both ways. First,
apocalypticism always involved the adoption of apocalyptic escha-
tology and its expression via the apocalyptic genre. Secondly, the
apocalyptic genre always involved apocalyptic eschatology and
2
Koch, Rediscovery, pp. 23-33.
3
Hanson, 'Apocalypticism', pp. 28-34 and Dawn of Apocalyptic, pp. 429-44.
4
Those who follow Hanson's scheme include Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination,
pp. 2-11 and Aune, Prophecy, p. 107. There are, of course, exceptions to this
revision of the terminology. Both Rowland, Open Heaven, p. 2 and Sturm,
'Defining the Word "Apocalyptic"', p. 17 are happy to retain the twofold
nominal use of the word 'apocalyptic'.
5
The same point is made by Davies, 'Social World', p. 252.
Characteristics of apocalyptic eschatology 25
was always the result of apocalypticism. In more recent studies,

this assumption of a necessary relationship has been raised almost
to the status of an accepted fact. This can be evidenced by citing
the words of one of the acknowledged authorities in this field, J. J.
Collins, who writes, 'Since the adjective apocalyptic and the noun
apocalypticism are derived from "apocalypse", it is reasonable to
expect that they indicate some analogy with the apocalypses.' 6
What Collins says here must be clearly understood. He does not
argue that scholars have correctly identified a number of related
phenomena - a genre, a world view and a social movement -
which they named accordingly using similar terms. Rather, he
assumes that the phenomena in question are related because they
have been given the names they have. In other words Collins
allows modern scholarly language to determine the relationship
between certain historical realities. The terminology and all it
implies has now become the tool which enables historical recon-
struction. In terms of the study of apocalypticism and apocalyptic
eschatology, this means that these subjects can be approached
only through the apocalyptic literature. As we shall see below, this
is precisely how Collins approaches them. All this is patently
questionable, however, and we ought to ask whether the current
terminology does in fact reflect the historical situation.
An examination of the evidence reveals that on the threefold
classification of the phenomena the only necessary relationship
seems to exist between the socio-religious movement apocalypti-
cism and the world view denoted as apocalyptic eschatology.
While I will say more about this shortly, it can be noted at this
point that since we identify an apocalyptic group only where there
is an apocalyptic-eschatological perspective, it stands to reason
that the former, almost by definition, must involve the latter. But
as a number of scholars have pointed out, there appears to be no
necessary connection between the genre apocalypse and the other
two phenomena. On the one hand, some books from the Jewish
apocalyptic corpus contain hardly any eschatological material, but
focus on completely different themes such as the heavenly world,
cosmology and astronomy. Obvious examples of this type of
apocalypse are 2 Enoch and 3 Baruch. 7 On the other hand, some
of the clearest expressions of apocalyptic eschatology (and there-
fore apocalypticism) are found in texts which do not belong to the
6
Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 10.
7
See Stone, 'Lists of Revealed Things', p. 440 and Rowland, Open Heaven, p. 28.
apocalyptic genre.8 The prime example here is the corpus of texts

composed by the Qumran community. These documents are
replete with apocalyptic-eschatological material, and provide a
wealth of information regarding Jewish end-time notions at the
time of the birth of Christianity. Even Collins admits that the
eschatological orientation of this group marks it as a representa-
tive of ancient Jewish apocalypticism.9 Yet there is no evidence at
all that this sectarian group ever produced an apocalypse of its
own. While it collected and clearly cherished works of this type -
Daniel and parts of 1 Enoch were found amongst its library - it
clearly favoured other literary forms for expressing its own
eschatological convictions.
The examples of 3 Baruch, 2 Enoch and the Qumran commu-
nity demonstrate that the current terminology does not accurately
reflect the historical situation. There is no necessary connection
between the genre apocalypse and the religious perspective apoc-
alyptic eschatology and its accompanying social movement. This
in turn raises serious doubts about the continued use of the
present terms. If we persist with the current system by which all
three phenomena bear similar names, then we must be prepared
for a semantic nightmare. We must accept that there is apoca-
lyptic eschatology and apocalypticism outside the apocalyptic
genre, apocalypses which have little or no apocalyptic escha-
tology, and apocalyptic groups which did not produce apoca-
lypses. For obvious reasons, such a situation would be both
impractical and unworkable. Consequently, there is a definite
need to revise radically the revised terminology and arrive at a
more appropriate set of terms. This new terminology must do
justice to the disparate phenomena under discussion and not
imply necessary relationships where they do not exist. In other
words, we must not repeat the mistakes of the past by continuing
to describe all three historical realities using cognates of the same
word.
One possible way to avoid the current impasse would be to retain
apocalypse for the literary genre and rename the distinctive escha-
tological perspective and its accompanying social movement. A
suggestion along these lines has already been proposed by C. C.
Rowland who has criticised the prevailing scholarly view for
exaggerating the importance of eschatology in the apocalyptic
8
Stone, 'Lists of Revealed Things', pp. 440, 443, 451-2 n. 78.
9
Collins, 'Was the Dead Sea Sect an Apocalyptic Movement?', pp. 25-51.
literature.10 Rowland argues that the very term 'apocalyptic escha-

tology' is a misnomer on the grounds that there is no unity of
thought in the eschatological schemes of the apocalypses and that
their end-time themes are found both within and without the
apocalyptic genre. Since there is no necessary connection between
the genre apocalypse and what is normally defined as apocalyptic
eschatology, Rowland contends that the former should remain and
that the latter should be dropped. The word 'apocalyptic' should be
reserved to denote the distinctive outlook of the apocalypses, while
the broad range of eschatological ideas might be referred to as
transcendent eschatology.11 Although Rowland does not discuss
the social movement, it is clear that such a change of name for
apocalyptic eschatology would necessitate an alteration of the word
'apocalypticism'. One possible alternative is millennialism (or mil-
lenarianism),12 but the application of this word to early Jewish and
Christian movements would be both anachronistic and misleading.
Another possibility might be the adoption of the term 'messianic
movements', yet this too is unsatisfactory since not all ancient
apocalyptic groups emphasised the idea of a messiah.
The other and more drastic alternative is to retain apocalyptic
eschatology and apocalypticism and find another name for the
literary genre. This would doubtless meet with staunch resistance,
since the very words 'apocalyptic' and 'apocalypse' as descriptive
terms for the literary form have become so entrenched in current
scholarship that nothing short of a miracle would see their demise.
Moreover, such a change of name would be disputed on the
grounds that it was coined in ancient times and therefore has a firm
historical precedent. But there are practical reasons for at least
giving serious thought to the abolition of the idea of an apocalyptic
genre. To begin with, we should not be bound automatically by
ancient practices. We must face the possibility that the early
Christians were simply wrong in their identification of this genre.
Further, it is no secret that there are serious problems associated
with defining this particular literary type. The reason for this
10
Rowland, Open Heaven, pp. 23-48. While Rowland's point is well taken, his
attempt to emphasise the other important features of the apocalypses leads him
to downplay the importance of the crucial role which eschatology plays in many
of them. For a similar criticism, see Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 8 and
Vanderkam, 'Prophetic-Sapiential Origins', p. 165.
11
Rowland, Christian Origins, p. 57.
12
So Isenberg, 'Millenarianism', pp. 26-46, who is followed by Davies, 'Social
World', p. 253.
resides in the disparate nature of the texts under discussion. Even

J. J. Collins, who has done most to set a standard definition,
acknowledges that there are two different types of apocalypses and
even sub-categories within these different types. 13 Of the two major
types, one incorporates visions and an interest in the development
of history up to its eschatological conclusion, while the other
involves otherworldly journeys with an emphasis on cosmology
rather than eschatology. Rather than imposing an artificial unifor-
mity on these diverse writings, might it not be a better policy to
dispense altogether with the notion of one apocalyptic genre with
sub-types, and accept that there are a number of different genres
with different concerns which should bear different labels? 14 We
already differentiate between the genre apocalypse and related
kinds of revelatory literature, Oracles and Testaments for example,
so there is a precedent for this course of action.
I do not wish to settle this question here; that would take us too
far afield. The point I wish to make is that the current terminology
is no longer serviceable and is in dire need of revision. We must
arrive at terms which do not imply that apocalyptic eschatology is
the dominant religious perspective of the apocalyptic genre or that
apocalypticism is simply the social movement which produced the
apocalypses. The historical reality is that apocalypticism is the
social phenomenon underlying an apocalyptic-eschatological per-
spective which can be given expression in the genre apocalypse as
well as other literary types. Needless to say, some scholars stand in
principle against any changes of this sort. J. J. Collins, who is well
aware of the problems associated with the current terminology,
argues none the less that they are serviceable, provided they are
adequately qualified and the proper distinctions made. 15 In re-
sponse to the criticisms of Rowland (and others), Collins adopted
broader definitions of apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism
than those which then prevailed in order to do justice to the
diversity within the apocalyptic literature.
Collins defines apocalyptic eschatology as an end-time scheme
which looks to retribution or judgement beyond the realm of
history. This appears on the surface to be a reasonable definition,
13
Collins, 'Morphology of a Genre', pp. 1-21 and his later statement in Apocalyptic
Imagination, pp. 2-8.
14
The same question is posed by Himmelfarb, Tours of Hell, p. 60.
15
Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 10. See also his later affirmation in 'Genre,
Ideology and Social Movements', p. 24.
since this sort of eschatology is clearly different from earlier (i.e.

prophetic) eschatological convictions in Judaism. But just as
Collins is impelled by the diversity of the apocalyptic texts to
define two distinct sub-types within the genre, so too is he forced
to identify two types of apocalyptic eschatology.16 The more
common type is reflected in the historical apocalypses and involves
the notion of the two ages, including concrete descriptions of the
end-times woes, the process of a universal judgement and the
bestowal of eternal rewards or punishments. The second type is
more characteristic of those apocalypses which focus on other-
worldly journeys and cosmological matters. These apocalypses
contain no reference to the end of history, but advance an
alternative concept of individual judgement after death. Collins'
assessment of apocalypticism follows the same pattern. He defines
apocalypticism as '.. .the ideology of a movement that shares the
conceptual structure of the apocalypses', and is again led by the
diversity of the apocalyptic texts to posit (at least) two types of
apocalypticism. One is concerned with the end of history and all
that entails, while the other betrays a less eschatological and a
more mystical orientation.17
It is not certain, however, whether this development is helpful.
By clinging to the current terms and accepting the necessary
relationship between them, Collins has merely complicated matters.
The diversity within the apocalyptic genre which led Collins to
postulate two sub-types is now carried over to the eschatological
world view and the social movement. Apocalyptic eschatology thus
comprises two very different end-time schemes, while apocalypti-
cism consists of an eschatological and a mystical manifestation.
While I readily accept in general terms the distinction which Collins
draws between the genres, the eschatological schemes and social
movements, I have concerns over the appropriateness of relating
them so closely to one another and labelling them in the same way.
The two eschatological schemes seem so far removed from one
another in real terms that it is difficult to see any significant points
of contact. Precisely the same can be said of the eschatological and
mystical movements which Collins identifies. The concerns of each
group appear so different that we need to question whether they
16
Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 9. For an earlier statement of his views, see
'Apocalyptic Eschatology', pp. 2143.
17
Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, pp. 10-11 and 'Genre, Ideology and Social
Movements', p. 16.
belong together at all. By grouping together such different ideas

and movements, Collins defines apocalyptic eschatology and apoc-
alypticism in such broad terms that each definition becomes
impractical, if not meaningless. The solution to the problem is to
accept Collins' identification of different eschatological schemes
and socio-religious movements, but to reject his presupposition
that they are necessarily connected because they appear in a very
broadly defined apocalyptic genre.
It seems clear to me that what Collins has actually identified are
two distinct streams within early Judaism, an eschatologically
oriented movement which focused on the end of the age and the
universal judgement, and a mystically based movement which was
concerned with other matters. The fact that each of them sometimes
uses a revelatory genre to express its particular convictions is not in
itself significant. Since these movements had little of substance in
common, they should not be grouped together under the one label.
They should be differentiated from one another and given different
names as a result. Precisely the same applies to the different types
of eschatology which we find in these movements. The eschatolo-
gical scheme which is characterised by a continuation of history
and individual judgement after death might be better described as
post-mortem eschatology, while a more appropriate name for the
mystical movement should be coined. On the other hand, the
religious perspective and its accompanying socio-religious move-
ment which emphasise the end of history and the universal judge-
ment require a different set of terms.
Although most scholars would describe these phenomena as
apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism, these terms are not
really apt because of the confusion they engender; they seem to
imply a necessary relationship between these phenomena and the
genre apocalypse where none exists. I would therefore agree with
Rowland that they should be dropped in preference to other terms
which are more appropriate. But the temptation to propose new
terms here will be resisted, and with some misgivings the current
terminology will be retained in this study. The reason for its
retention is that ever since the term was coined, apocalyptic
eschatology has generally been understood in the sense of the
eschatology of the historical apocalypses (and other texts). The
debate over the terms and the phenomena they describe, which is
an important debate, has had little impact on New Testament
scholarship, and most scholars continue to define the religious
perspective and the social movement in terms of the end of history

and the universal judgement. In view of this, there seems little point
in adding to the confusion here by proposing another set of terms.
Therefore, the term apocalyptic eschatology, which will be defined
more precisely shortly, will be used here in a sense which approx-
imates the normal understanding of this term. Conceptually the
term corresponds to what Rowland would call transcendent escha-
tology and to the more common of the two forms of apocalyptic
eschatology on the understanding of Collins. Similarly, apocalypti-
cism refers to the social movement which produced and transmitted
this distinctive eschatological outlook. But it is essential to note
that neither the religious perspective nor the social movement is
confined to the apocalyptic genre. What is accepted here as
apocalyptic eschatology (and apocalypticism) can be found in texts
of other genres as the evidence of Qumran demonstrates.
The importance of this point in the context of the present study
should be apparent. If apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism
are viewed as enjoying a necessary relationship with the apocalyptic
literature, then it becomes difficult to relate them to the gospel of
Matthew which obviously belongs to a completely different genre.
On the other hand, if it is accepted that these phenomena can be
found both within and without the apocalyptic genre, then there is
no impediment to examining the gospel of Matthew in terms of this
eschatological scheme and its associated social movement.
2. The major characteristics of apocalyptic eschatology

The discussion thus far has spoken of apocalyptic eschatology only
in very broad terms. There is a need at this point to narrow the
discussion and specify in more detail what is meant by apocalyptic
eschatology. This is necessary because many scholars have a limited
understanding of this religious perspective and appreciate merely
its eschatological motifs. But as stated in the Introduction, apoc-
alyptic eschatology is broader in scope than just speculation about
the final judgement. It contains non-eschatological themes which
provide the framework for the eschatological material, and these
should not be overlooked. The best way to define apocalyptic
eschatology is to isolate and expound the major characteristics of
this religious perspective as they appear in the relevant documents.
But prior to doing so, a number of preliminary questions need to be
settled.
2.1 Preliminary questions

The first question for discussion concerns the texts to be reviewed.
Which documents are relevant for reconstructing the apocalyptic-
eschatological perspective in the time of Matthew? Documents
must meet two criteria for inclusion in the following survey. The
first is that the dominating concern of the text must be the
eschatological scheme of the end of history and its aftermath. The
second criterion is that they must fall within a certain time-frame.
The gospel of Matthew, written c.80 CE, belongs to the latter part
of the age of 'classical apocalyptic(ism)' which is normally set
between 250 BCE and 100 CE. Consequently, it stands to reason
that our documents should belong to this period. The number of
documents for consideration is quite large and they belong to many
genres.
Of the Jewish apocalyptic corpus, the relevant texts include
Daniel, 1 Enoch, 2 Baruch, 4 Ezra and the Apocalypse of
Abraham. In terms of the Christian apocalyptic literature, the only
document which falls within the time-frame is the book of Revela-
tion. This is an important text in so far as it provides evidence of
(Jewish) Christian apocalyptic eschatology at roughly the same
time as the gospel of Matthew. We shall see that the evangelist and
the seer have much in common in terms of this perspective. In
addition to these documents are a number of writings from the
related revelatory genres, Testaments and Oracles. The Testament
is a last speech delivered by a revered figure, normally a patriarch,
either to his sons or to his successor prior to his death. The single
text belonging to this genre which meets our criteria is the
Testament of Moses. The Oracle is a prophecy or other form of
inspired utterance delivered on behalf of God. The works of this
genre which fall within the relevant period and emphasise the end
of history and its aftermath are books 3-5 of the (Jewish) Sibylline
Oracles.18 Also of paramount importance are the documents
produced by the Qumran community which are a mine of informa-
tion regarding the apocalyptic-eschatological notions of this
period. The writings of this group thus provide a concrete example
of apocalypticism in (or near) the time of Matthew, though it
should not be assumed that all apocalyptic groups functioned in
precisely the same way, nor held the same set of beliefs. When
18
See Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 93.
speaking of the eschatology of the Qumran community, it is

perhaps more advisable to speak of its eschatologies, since the
scrolls evidence a number of end-time expectations, some of which
are not entirely compatible with one another. Such a variety of
notions is only to be expected. The Qumran sect existed for more
than two centuries and we must reckon with some development of
eschatological ideas over such a long period of time. 19 Whether the
later Qumran community was aware of such inconsistencies, or
even cared about them, is impossible to say. 20 In any event, it will
become clear in ensuing chapters that the Matthean community has
many affinities with this Jewish sectarian group.
All the above-mentioned texts provide the best witnesses to the
apocalyptic-eschatological notions in existence at the time of
Matthew. This is not to say that such ideas are not found in other
works of this period. Apocalyptic-eschatological motifs do feature
in many other texts, but they are less prominent and so of less
importance to the overall concerns of the authors in question. Even
the Psalms of Solomon, which is an important guide to the
messianic beliefs of the time, contains little in the way of apoc-
alyptic eschatology proper. The following survey will thus be based
primarily upon the more important texts identified above, though
reference to other Jewish documents of the specified period will
sometimes be made. These texts include Jubilees, 2 Enoch, 3
Baruch, the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Testament
of Abraham. With the exception of Revelation, no Christian
documents will appear in the following review. A comparison of
Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology with other early Christian
schemes will be undertaken in Part II.
A further preliminary point concerns the intention and scope of
the following survey of the major characteristics of apocalyptic
eschatology. This survey does not propose to offer a systematic
'apocalyptic theology'. The religious perspective or world view
which we call apocalyptic eschatology is an extremely diverse and
unsystematic phenomenon, and any discussion of it must take this
diversity into account. While there is general agreement that history
19
So t o o Davies, 'Eschatology at Q u m r a n ' , p . 54; Pryke, 'Eschatology in the Dead
Sea Scrolls', p . 57 a n d Davidson, Angels at Qumran, pp. 138-9.
20
M . Smith has argued that the inconsistency in eschatological beliefs in the
Q u m r a n writings points t o the reduced importance of eschatology for this
community. See his ' W h a t is Implied by the Variety of Messianic Figures?',
pp. 66-72. Smith's remarks have been convincingly refuted by Collins, Apoc-
alyptic Imagination, pp. 1 3 8 ^ 0 .
is drawing to a close and that the eschatological judgement will

ensue, there can be enormous diversity between schemes, either in
emphasis or in detail. Therefore, rather than offering an artificial
'theology' of apocalyptic eschatology which applies to every docu-
ment, we shall attempt here to isolate the major characteristics or
motifs of this religious perspective. This is a permissible alternative,
for it is clear that in the midst of this extremely diverse phenom-
enon a number of basic elements recur with great frequency. While
few of these perhaps can be said to be essential aspects of
apocalyptic eschatology, since one can always point to a document
in which particular motifs do not appear or are given minimal
treatment, these features represent the more common characteris-
tics. An apocalyptic-eschatological perspective, therefore, consists
of a substantial cluster of these elements and need not necessarily
contain them all. Moreover, the following survey will not cite every
instance of a given characteristic from the available documents;
limitations of space do not make this feasible and the availability of
more comprehensive surveys makes it unnecessary. 21 Rather, it will
attempt to give an overview of these basic elements, providing
examples from the documents and noting where applicable any
important exceptions to the rule. Such an overview is all that is
necessary to help identify and assess the apocalyptic-eschatological
material of Matthew's gospel.
In the following survey eight characteristics of apocalyptic
eschatology have been isolated. These include two concepts which
provide the context in which the eschatological themes function,
dualism and determinism, and six motifs which are purely eschato-
logical in nature - eschatological woes, the appearance of a saviour
figure, the judgement, the fate of the wicked, the fate of the
righteous, an imminent end expectation. These eight characteristics
can be readily compared with the eightfold scheme proposed by
K. Koch for the apocalyptic movement (apocalypticism) from his
reading of the apocalyptic literature. 22 Using slightly different
terminology, Koch also isolated a near end expectation (number i),
eschatological woes (number ii), determinism (number iii), dualism
(number iv), the fate of the righteous (number v), the judgement
21
M o r e detailed recent surveys are t o be found in Russell, Method and Message,
pp. 205-390 a n d Schiirer et al., History, II, p p . 514-47. The revised Schiirer gives
a survey of apocalyptic-eschatological notions within the general context of
messianism.
22
K o c h , Rediscovery, p p . 28-33. A similar b u t less complete list is t o be found in
Vielhauer, 'Apocalypses a n d Related Subjects', p p . 587-94.
(number vi) and the appearance of a saviour figure (number viii).

Koch's eighth category, which has no equivalent in the scheme
proposed here, is the catchword 'glory' to describe the conditions
of the new age in which the righteous participate. This theme
properly belongs to the category of the fate of the righteous and
does not require classification on its own. The characteristic
included in the present work which has no parallel in the scheme of
Koch, the fate of the wicked, is a very important component of
apocalyptic eschatology. As the antithesis of the fate of the right-
eous, this theme is inextricably tied up with the dualistic context in
which this religious perspective is set. No system of categorisation
is complete without this particular motif.
2.2 The survey of the literature
Dualism
As stated above, the end-time speculations of apocalyptic escha-
tology function within the context of dualism. This dualism can be
manifested in a variety of ways and each needs to be specified. One
important dualistic motif which is integral to all apocalyptic-
eschatological schemes is the notion that history is divided into two
ages, the present age which began with creation and a fundamen-
tally new age which will be realised at some point in the future. The
beliefs about this new age will be delineated more fully in the
following sections. A further important dualistic component of
many apocalyptic schemes is that the cosmos or supernatural realm
is divided into two opposing forces. On one side stands God and
the holy angels and on the other stands a host of evil angels who
have fallen from grace. It is well known that in the centuries prior
to the turn of the eras, the angelology and demonology of Judaism
underwent considerable development and we find in the contem-
porary texts a rather complex set of ideas relating to these opposing
angelic groups.
The order of holy angels is arranged according to a strict
hierarchy and each class of angel has its set function. To choose
only a few examples, there are angels responsible for the natural
elements and astral phenomena (cf. 1 En. 60:11-23; 2 En. 4:1-6:1;
19:2-6; Jub. 2:2), angels who pray on behalf of humans (1 En.
39:5; 47:2; Rev. 8:3^), recording angels who keep a record of sins
(1 En. 89:61-4; T.Ab. 12:12), angels who administer eschatological
punishment (1 En. 53:4^5; 55:3; 5 6 : 1 ^ ; 62:11; 63:1; 2 En. 10:3;

T.Levi 3:2; T.Ab. 12:1-2), personal guardian angels (Jub. 35:17;
Dan. 3:6; 3 Bar. 12-13) and guardian angels of the nations (Dan.
10:13, 21; 12:1; 1 En. 89:59-62; Jub. 15:31-2). At the very top of
this hierarchy and closest to God are the archangels, four in
number according to some traditions (1 En. 40:2-9; 54:6; 71:8) or
seven in number according to others (1 En. 20:1-7; 81:5; 90:21-2).
This class of angel has a variety of functions, including the
imprisonment of the fallen angels (1 En. 10:4-5) and the consign-
ment of them into the fiery furnace on the day of judgement
(1 En. 54:6). In those apocalypses which describe an otherworldly
journey, it is normally one of these archangels who transports and
guides the purported author of the apocalypse through the
heavenly regions and explains the heavenly secrets.
These holy angels have their evil counterparts. 23 One very
influential tradition in relation to this theme is that of the Watchers
which is found in its most complete form in the Book of the
Watchers (1 En. 1-36). Developing the story of Genesis 6:1-4, the
early section of this document explains how a group of evil angels,
known as Watchers, descends from heaven, marries human women
and reveals a whole host of heavenly secrets (1 En. 6-8). Their sins
are reported to God who directs the archangels to bind and
imprison them until the judgement (chs. 9-11). This story is
recounted in abbreviated form in the Animal Apocalypse (1 En.
85-90) where the fallen angels are represented as stars (86:1-88:3;
90:24). Another less detailed account of these fallen angels is found
in Jubilees 5:1-11; 10:1-12, where the leader of the wicked angels is
Mastema and only nine-tenths of his company is bound and
imprisoned; one tenth is permitted to remain free and is subject to
Satan. The mention of Satan here introduces the point that the
mythical story of the Watchers, though exercising widespread
influence, did not form the backdrop to all demonological tradi-
tions of the period. An entirely different set of beliefs in which
Satan assumes a major role also explains the origin and activities of
evil angels who oppose God.
Satan is something of a minor figure in the Old Testament period
(cf. Job chs. 1-2; Zech. 3:1-2; 1 Chron. 21:1) but had become very
important by the time of the New Testament. He is very prominent
in the Parables of Enoch (1 En. 37-71), 2 Enoch and Revelation.
23
More detailed accounts of this subject can be found in Russell, Method and
Message, pp. 249-57 and Langton, Essentials of Demonology, pp. 107-44.
The first of these speaks of many Satans led by a chief Satan (1 En.
53:3; 54:6). These angels had presumably rebelled against God
prior to the fall of the Watchers, since two of them were responsible
for counselling the Watchers to sin (69:4-5; cf. 54:6) and one was
guilty of tempting Eve (69:6). They are unlike the Watchers in so
far as they were able to traverse between heaven and earth in order
to accuse humans before God (40:7). Curiously enough, these
Satans seem to be the ones responsible for punishing the human
sinners at the time of the eschatological judgement (53:3-5;
62:9-11; 63:1). The Satan tradition in 2 Enoch is both similar to
and different from the account in the Parables of Enoch. Here the
patriarch visits the second heaven where he sees a group of
condemned angels who had rebelled against God (7:1-3). In the
fifth heaven he sees the Watchers and the prince of all the fallen
angels, Satanail (18:1-3), who had earlier tried to make himself
equal to God (29:4) and who was responsible for the sin of Eve
(31:3-6). An important development of the Satan tradition is
reflected in the book of Revelation. In this work he is the
eschatological adversary par excellence and is prominent in certain
parts of the book. Satan appears in chapter 12 as the dragon who
deceives the whole world and persecutes the mother and her
offspring, the righteous community and the messiah (verses 1-6,
13-17). He and his evil company are expelled from heaven by
Michael and the other holy angels (verses 7-12). Satan exercises
dominion over the earth until his imprisonment for one thousand
years in the bottomless pit (20:1-3), and then for a short time until
he receives his final and decisive defeat and ensuing punishment
(20:7-10). Here we find not just a division in the cosmic order, but
an implacable battle between the opposing forces of good and evil.
This representation of Satan as the wicked opponent of the
heavenly realm is found in other traditions but he is given different
names. In the Qumran texts he is known at times as Melkiresha
(4Q280-2; 4QAmram), but most often he is called Belial. Like
Satan in Revelation, this figure is the leader of the forces of
darkness, both human and divine, who are opposed to the human
and divine forces of light which are led by the archangel Michael
(1QS 3:20-1; CD 5:18). He and his evil agents are responsible for
the sins of the Qumran sectarians, the sons of light (1QS 3:22-3),
and for directing the human forces which oppose them (see further
below). Though it is admitted that Belial currently has the upper
hand in this conflict (e.g. 1QS 1:17-18; 2:19), which brings suffering
to the elect (lQpHab 5:7-8; lQSa 1:3), the Qumran scrolls affirm
strongly in a number of places that he will be eventually defeated
and punished (4Q286-7; HQMelch; 1QM). Belial, though known
as Beliar, is also prominent in the Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs. In these writings he is the cause of human sin (T.Reub.
4:7; T.Dan 1:7; T.Ash. 1:8-9; T.Ben. 6:1) but, as at Qumran, he will
ultimately be defeated (T.Levi 18:12; T.Jud. 25:3; T.Dan 6:10-11).
It should be noted that in the Testaments Beliar is also known as
Satan (T.Dan 3:6; T.Gad 4:7).
It is clear from this brief summary that the Satan tradition as we
find it in Revelation and at Qumran, and to a lesser extent in the
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, reflects a developed cosmic
dualism. The cosmic order is not merely divided into those angels
who rebelled against God and those who have not, but these
angelic forces are currently engaged in a fierce struggle for supre-
macy, a conflict which will only be resolved at the eschaton (see
further below). 24
The distinction between good and evil in the cosmic order is
likewise reflected in the human realm. This introduces the third
significant element of apocalyptic-eschatological dualism, that of
human dualism. In those texts which most emphasise the present
struggle in the supernatural arena, human dualism is inextricably
linked with its angelic or cosmic counterpart. Of utmost importance
in this respect is the doctrine of the two spirits which we find in the
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and at Qumran. In the first of
these, the Testament of Judah specifies that there are two spirits at
work within each individual, the spirit of truth and the spirit of
error (20:1-3). Further detail is supplied in the Testament of Asher.
God has given people two ways to act, the way of good and the
way of evil (1:3-5). The way of good is overseen by the angels of
the Lord, while the way of evil is ruled by Beliar and his angels
(1:8-9; 6:4; cf. also T.Levi 19:1). Here the point is made that the
dualism on the angelic level and the battle for supremacy it reflects
are likewise reflected on the individual human level. This doctrine is
also found at Qumran, notably in 1QS 3:13^:26. 25 In this text it is
maintained that God has created humans with a mixture of two
Davidson, Angels at Qumran, p. 321 correctly makes the point that the Qumran
Belial material reflects a more marked dualism than the Enochic Watchers
tradition, though he fails to mention the scheme in Revelation or the Testaments
of the Twelve Patriarchs.
For recent discussion of this subject, see Davidson, Angels at Qumran, pp. 14462.
spirits, the spirit of truth and the spirit of falsehood (3:18-19).

These spirits struggle for supremacy (4:18, 24-5) and are governed
respectively by Michael the Prince of Light and Belial the Prince of
Darkness (3:20-1). Thus, as in the Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs, the struggle between good and evil on the cosmic level is
manifested on the individual human level.
The notion of the two spirits reflected in the Qumran scrolls and
the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs is a development from the
earlier Jewish doctrine of the two ways. The antithesis between the
way of the righteous and the way of the wicked is found throughout
the Old Testament, particularly in the Psalms and Proverbs,26 but
these earlier texts refer merely to two courses of human action, the
way which accords with the will of God and the way which does
not. In the apocalyptic-eschatological material mentioned above,
by contrast, this theme is merged with the developed demonology
which enjoyed widespread currency at that time. Choosing to
follow one way or the other now entails taking sides in a cosmic
conflict and pledging allegiance either to the side of God or to his
cosmic adversary. The upshot of this, at least in the scheme at
Qumran, is that the human world necessarily divides itself into two
opposing camps. As the ones who choose to walk in the ways of
light, the Qumran sectarians consider themselves to be the sons of
light. Conversely, the ones who walk in the ways of darkness, the
opponents of the sect, are seen as the sons of darkness. This
dualistic terminology or similar nomenclature is found throughout
the scrolls and testifies plainly to the entrenched Qumran belief that
the human realm, like its supernatural counterpart, is divided into
two distinct groups. As the War scroll makes clear, the final
eschatological war will witness the complete drawing of the battle
lines; on one side will stand the human and angelic forces of good
and on the other will stand their wicked counterparts.
The book of Revelation also advances a strict dualism on the
group human level and associates it with the cosmic conflict. In this
document the Johannine communities comprise the group of right-
eous humans, while the Roman empire represents the evil mani-
fested on the group human level. The two beasts of chapter 13, the
antichrist and the false prophet, represent different aspects of the
imperial cult and exercise authority on behalf of the dragon (verses
2-4, 12) who is none other than Satan (20:2). The whole earth
26
See Michaelis, '656<;\ pp. 54-5.
(excluding the saints) follows and worships these three figures

(13:3-4, 8, 11) and each person is given a special mark as a sign of
this (verses 16-18). Moreover, Pergamum, an important centre for
the worship of the emperor, is called the throne of Satan (2:13), and
the seer also perceives Satan standing behind the sins of the
synagogues of Smyrna (2:9-10) and Philadelphia (3:9). For this
author, then, human wickedness is inextricably linked to angelic
wickedness. Evil human individuals and institutions work in the
service of Satan and his wicked forces.27
It would be wrong to suggest, however, that this explicit linking
of cosmic and human dualism is representative of all apocalyptic-
eschatological schemes. Many documents say little or nothing at all
of the struggle in the angelic orders. While it might be the case that
some schemes presume it, this cannot be taken for granted. Yet
these texts still accept the basic division of good and evil on the
group human level and draw a sharp distinction between those who
perform the will of God and those who do not. This is reflected in
the antithetical terminology which these documents adopt - right-
eous/sinners (1 En. 5:6; 38:1; 81:7-8; 97:1; 100:7; 103:4-5; 2 Bar.
24:1-2; 30:2^; 48:48), righteous/ungodly (4 Ezra 7:17), elect/
ungodly (1 En. 1:2), elect/wicked (1 En. 5:7-8), wise/wicked (Dan.
12:10), pious/impious (Sib. Or. 4:40). These groups are not always
juxtaposed, of course, and one is often referred to without reference
to the other. Despite the variation of descriptive terms both
between texts and sometimes within texts, there is no doubt that a
unity of perspective lies behind this classificatory system. Almost
without exception, the documents which emphasise the end of
history and the universal judgement take great pains to classify
humanity into two diametrically opposed groups. On one side
stand the author and his readers, and on the other stand those who
are opposed to them. Thus the notion of human dualism is a
constant element in apocalyptic eschatology. As we might expect,
the identities of the two opposing human groups differ from author
to author and depend upon the perspective from which he writes or
the circumstances which prompted him to write. A consistent
factor, however, is that in distinction to the texts of the Old
Testament the division is not drawn along racial lines, Jews and
non-Jews. It is not so much the Jews as a race who are the elect and
earmarked for salvation, but a remnant within the chosen people.
27
See further Thompson, Book of Revelation, pp. 80-1.
The wicked therefore encompass the remaining Jews as well as the

'heathen' nations. The book of Revelation is an obvious exception
to this rule and defines the wicked and the righteous according to
their allegiance or otherwise to Jesus.
Determinism
The second conceptual element providing the framework of apoc-
alyptic eschatology is that of determinism. Many texts specify time
and again that from the creation history is determined by God who
remains ultimately in control of everything (e.g. Dan. 11:36; Jub.
1:29; 4 Ezra 4:36-7; T.Mos. 12:4-5; 1QS 3:15). The course of history
has been schematised into distinct divisions. In the Apocalypse of
Weeks (1 En. 93:1-10; 91:11-17), the present age is perceived as
consisting often 'weeks' (cf. Sib. Or. 4:47), while in 4 Ezra (14:11)
and the Apocalypse of Abraham (29:2) it comprises twelve parts.
The method of pseudonymity combined with a historical review,
which was favoured by many of those who composed apocalypses, is
also an obvious attempt to lend support to this conviction. By
writing in the name of a great figure of the past, who seemingly
predicted in accurate fashion the course of history from his own time
up to and beyond the time of the readers, the apocalyptists intended
to portray history as totally foreordained. The future will therefore
unfold in the manner predicted just as the past had done so. The
Qumran community, which did not compose any apocalypses,
expressed this conviction using a different scheme of prophecy and
fulfilment, the pesher method of interpretation. In the commentaries
on the Old Testament prophetic books, the predictions of the
prophets were interpreted as meeting their fulfilment in the life of the
Qumran community. It hardly needs saying that such a scheme of
prophecy and fulfilment also presupposes the determined nature of
history. Like the historical review of the apocalyptic literature, it
involves the belief that God has fixed the course of history and has
revealed aspects of it to certain individuals.
On the individual level, a softer and perhaps less consistent form
of determinism was in operation. While most writers maintained
that an individual's life and thus his or her lot in the afterlife was
determined in advance, they still accepted the concept of human
free will.28 Even at Qumran, where much is made of the elect status
28
For full discussion of this theme, see Russell, Method and Message, pp. 232-4.
of each member (1QS 3:15-16), this still holds true. The doctrine of
the two ways discussed above emphasises that the choice for good
or for evil remains in the hands of the individual. This point of view
is best summed up in a statement attributed to Rabbi Akiba in the
rabbinic literature; 'All is foreseen, but freedom of choice is given'
(Pirke 'Aboth 3:19).29 In this way apocalyptic eschatology was able
to combine two fundamentally important notions: divine control
over and foreknowledge of all aspects of human activity and
human responsibility for individual actions. As we shall see in the
following chapter, each form of determinism, the hard determinism
concerning the whole sweep of history and the softer form on the
individual level, has an important function.
Eschatological woes
Having discussed the two primary elements which comprise the
conceptual framework of apocalyptic eschatology, we may now
turn to the eschatological events proper. One of the more constant
features of apocalyptic eschatology is that before the end of history
a number of signs will herald its arrival. These signs are more often
than not of a terrible nature and are better called eschatological
woes than the less accurate messianic woes. There is no consistent
notion of these terrible signs of the end. 30 They can take the form
of a progressive breakdown of human society whereby the wicked
prosper and intensify the suffering of the righteous (1 En. 93:9-10
and 91:11-12; 99:^5; 100:1-4; Dan. 8:13-14; 9:26-7; 12:1; T.Jud.
23:3-4). Alternatively, they can involve in addition to the above the
onset of plagues, earthquakes, wars and other afflictions which
wreak havoc upon the earth (1 En. 91:5-7; Jub. 23:13-23; Apoc. of
Ab. 29:15; 30:2-8; 4 Ezra 9:1-3; 2 Bar. 25:1-27:15; 48:31-9;
70:2-10; 1QH 3:13-16; Rev. 8:1-9:21; 16:1-21; Sib. Or. 3:635-51;
4:130-51; 5:361-80) or the appearance of human prodigies or
abominations (4 Ezra 5:8; Jub. 23:25; 6:21-4). In many cases the
signs can be of a purely cosmic nature involving the complete
breakdown of the cosmic order (1 En. 80:2-8; T.Mos. 10:4-6;
T.Levi 4:1; Sib. Or. 3:796-807; 5:155-61, 512-31). Sometimes there
is a combination of more than one of these types of phenomena in
29
Russell, Method and Message, p. 232.
30
F o r some of the major variations of this theme, see Allison, End of the Ages,
pp. 5-25.
these descriptions of the eschatological upheavals (4 Ezra 5:1-12;

Sib. Or. 5:447-83).
A number of texts speak of a major war as the final event in
history, though it is depicted in different ways. Daniel 11:40-5
refers to a great conflict between major world powers at the time
of the end, and in later times this appears in the form of the Nero
redivivus myth. As the concluding event of history and as the
culmination of the period of distress, Nero will return from the
east leading the Parthian armies against the Romans. This myth is
especially prominent in the Sibylline literature (Sib. Or. 3:63-74;
4:137-52; 5:93-109, 214-27, 361-74). A different form of this
tradition represents the final conflict in terms of a specific battle
between the righteous and their evil enemies (1 En. 56:5-6;
90:10-19; 91:11). In those schemes which reflect a developed
cosmic dualism, we have yet a further variation. The struggle
between the righteous and their wicked opponents is not confined
to the human sphere; it includes their supernatural counterparts as
well, and the final battle between good and evil is of cosmic
proportions. The full complement of demonic powers is unleashed
against the righteous, and this leads to an all-out eschatological
conflict. According to Revelation, the evil forces rise from the
bottomless pit for this purpose (6:8; 9:1-11; 11:7; 17:8; 20:7-8),
while the War scroll from Qumran predicts the final conflict
between the righteous and the wicked army of Belial and his
company of demons. The myth of the returning Nero figures in
Revelation as well (13:3; 17:11), but here he is depicted almost as
a supernatural being working in the service of Satan (13:2, 4) who
declares war on the saints (13:7).
The arrival of the saviour figure

According to many apocalyptic-eschatological schemes, the end-
time woes come to their conclusion with the appearance of a
saviour figure whose arrival relieves the plight of the embattled
righteous and signals the turning of the eras. There is no
consistency at all on the identity of this individual. 31 In a few
cases it is the arrival of God himself which brings history to its
close (1 En. 1:3-9; 90:15-19; T.Mos 10:3-7), but more often
than not it is his agent who acts in this capacity. Sometimes
31
So correctly, Koch, Rediscovery, pp. 31-2.
this figure is identified as the messiah whose nature might be

either human or supernatural. The Psalms of Solomon provide
the clearest example of the human messiah, especially in chapter
17, while 2 Baruch and 4 Ezra illustrate the expectation of a
supernatural messiah. The first of these states that at the end of
the period of tribulation the pre-existent messiah will arrive
(29:3; 30:1; 70:9) and punish the wicked nations who oppressed
Israel (39:7^0:3; 72:2-6). The pre-existent messiah of 4 Ezra
(12:32) was also expected to defeat the Roman empire and
punish it for its sins against Israel (12:31^4), while 13:32-8
relates his assembling and punishing of the ungodly nations. A
slightly different perspective on this figure is given in chapter 7.
Here the text speaks of the messiah establishing a four hundred
year messianic kingdom (verse 28) at the end of which he dies.
His death is followed by the earth returning to its primeval
form and the occurrence of the resurrection and the judgement
(verses 29-44). 32
At Qumran we find two and possibly three messianic figures. The
two certain messianic figures are the priestly messiah of Aaron and
the kingly messiah of Israel who were to play important roles in the
end-time, including the eschatological war against Belial and the
sons of darkness (cf. CD 7:19-20; 12:23-13:1; 14:19; 1QM 15:4;
16:13; 18:5; lQSa 2:11-22; lQSb 5:20-8). In 1QS 9:11, these two
messianic agents are associated with a third figure, 'the prophet',
whose messianic status is less easy to determine. 33 Despite their
great importance, these messiahs do not perform as saviour figures
in the manner of the respective messianic agents in 2 Baruch and 4
Ezra. According to 1QM, relief will be brought to the army of the
human righteous (which includes the messiahs) first in the form of
Michael leading the angelic armies of heaven (13:9-13; 17:5-8; cf.
1QH 3:35) and then by the decisive appearance of God himself
(1:14; 14:15). The tradition of the archangel Michael acting as a
saviour figure is likewise reflected in Daniel 12:1. Here Michael the
32
M . E. Stone h a s published a n u m b e r of studies treating the figure of the messiah
in 4 Ezra. F o r his most recent statement, see 'The Question of the Messiah in 4
Ezra', pp. 209-24.
33
A similar expectation of multiple messianic figures is attested as well in t h e
original Jewish core of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. In this corpus of
texts, the messiahs of Levi and Judah are prominent throughout (cf. T.Reub.
6:10-11; T.Sim. 7:2; T.Levi 18:1-12; T.Jud. 1:6; 24:1-6), the first being a priestly
figure and the second a secular and kingly agent. As at Qumran, the Testaments
have a sole reference to an eschatological prophet who might or might not have
messianic status (T.Ben. 9:2).
guardian angel of Israel will deliver his people at the time of their
greatest distress. 34
A similar scenario is envisaged in the book of Revelation, though
in this case it is presented in strictly Christian terms. Although this
text knows of a battle between Michael and his angelic army and
Satan and his company of fallen angels (12:7-8), the end of the
period of tribulation is signalled by the arrival from heaven of
Jesus, the word of God. In the eschatological scenario of 19:11-19,
the return of Jesus is described in military terms. He sits upon a
white horse accompanied by the armies of heaven and faces the
beast and his army of wicked followers (cf. 17:14). Though lacking
the detail of the final battle which is found in the Qumran War
scroll, and having a different set of participants in the ensuing
conflict, this picture of the last and decisive battle between good
and evil shares much in common with the Qumran document. 35
The final events of history witness an all-out attack on the human
righteous by the forces of evil, both angelic and human, which can
only be repulsed by a supernatural army. At Qumran it is Michael
who commands the angelic forces, while in Revelation it is Jesus.
The judgement
The arrival of the saviour figure prepares the way for the important
event of the final judgement. Many texts contain some reference to
the resurrection of the dead as the necessary prelude to this event,
but there are a number of exceptions. Most notable of these are the
Apocalypse of Abraham and perhaps the Qumran texts. 36 These
34
See further D a v i d s o n , Angels at Qumran, p . 226.
35
F o r full discussion of this point, see Bauckham, 'Revelation as a Christian W a r
Scroll', pp. 17-40.
36
It is n o w generally agreed that the notion of bodily resurrection played n o real
role in the eschatology at Q u m r a n . Texts such as 1QH 6:34-5, which could be
interpreted in terms of this belief, were more likely than n o t intended to be taken
metaphorically. This resurrection language alludes t o the raising of the members
of the Q u m r a n sect t o the same status as the angels of G o d which, in turn,
ensured their salvation a n d eternal life (1QS 11:5-9; 1QH 3:19-22; 11:10-14). F o r
recent discussion of the fellowship between the Q u m r a n community a n d the holy
angels, see Davidson, Angels at Qumran, p p . 317-19. This association between
the sectarians a n d the angels presumably continued after death, in which case the
primary afterlife doctrine was that of the immortality of the soul a n d n o t that of
bodily resurrection. This conclusion coheres with Josephus' statements con-
cerning this aspect of the Essenes' religious beliefs. See Collins, Apocalyptic
Imagination, p p . 133-4; Pryke, 'Eschatology in the Dead Sea Scrolls', p p . 55-6
and Schurer et al, History, II, pp. 582-3.
exceptions notwithstanding, the general view was that the dead,

both wicked and righteous, would be raised to face the final
judgement (Dan. 12:2; T.Ben. 10:6-8; 1 En. 51:1 62:15; 67:8-9; Sib.
Or. 4:181-2; 4 Ezra 7:32, 37; 2 Bar. 30:1-2; 42:8; 50:1-3; 51:1-6). In
Revelation there are no less than two resurrections from the dead.
The first involves only the martyrs who died for Christ and who
reign with him for the thousand years after Satan is imprisoned
(20:4-5), while the second sees the resurrection of everybody else
after the final defeat of Satan (20:11-13).
The resurrection leads immediately to the universal and decisive
judgement, a very important component of apocalyptic escha-
tology. The majority of texts specify that God himself will preside
over the judgement and mete out punishments and rewards (e.g.
1 En. 1:7-9; 90:24-7; 91:7; 100:4; 2 En. 66:6; 2 Bar. 5:2; 13:8; Apoc.
of Ab. 31:1-8; T.Levi 4:1; T.Ben. 10:9; Jub. 23:31; Rev. 20:11-15;
Sib. Or. 3:741-3; 4:42; 5:110), but there are an important number of
variations from this theme. In the Psalms of Solomon it is the
messiah alone who presides over the final judgement of Israel and
the nations (17:26-46). 4 Ezra also accepts that the messiah over-
sees the judgement (13:33-4), but since 7:33 specifically states that
God performs this task, the document is not consistent on this
point. There is likewise no consistency in the Qumran texts on this
issue. According to HQMelch it is Melchizedek, a pseudonym for
the archangel Michael, 37 who presides over the final judgement of
Belial and his company of evil angels and delivers them to eternal
punishment. On the other hand, the commentary on Isaiah 11
(4Q161) affirms that all the people shall be judged by the Davidic
messiah. It is possible that two distinct judgements were envisaged
at Qumran, the angelic Michael and the human messiah respec-
tively judging their evil counterparts, but this is far from certain.
The holy angels alone appear to preside over the judgement in the
Apocalypse of Weeks (1 En. 91:15). A few texts also assign a role in
the judgement to the human righteous (Dan. 7:22; 1 En. 95:3; 96:1;
T.Ab. 13:6; Rev. 20:4), though their precise role is never fully
delineated.
Of most importance for our purposes is the situation reflected in
the Parables of Enoch where the Son of Man acts in the capacity of
end-time judge. This pre-existent, heavenly being (48:6; 62:7) is
known also as the Elect One (39:6; 40:5; 45:3 and elsewhere), the
37
See Davidson, Angels at Qumran, pp. 263-4.
Righteous One (38:2; 53:6) and the Anointed One (48:10; 52:4). He
will sit on God's throne of glory and vindicate the righteous and
condemn and punish the wicked, both human and angelic (45:3;
51:3; 55:4; 61:8; 62:2, 5; 69:27, 29). In 71:14 Enoch himself is
identified as the Son of Man, but it is generally accepted that this
chapter is a later addition. 38 Since the function of the Son of Man
in the Parables of Enoch is paralleled in the gospel of Matthew, we
shall return to this material in chapter 5.
The fate of the wicked

As noted in our preliminary comments, the terrible fate of the
wicked is a crucial theme of apocalyptic eschatology, 39 and almost
all the documents specify at some point what this will be. Only a
few of the very early texts fail to do so. For example, the
Apocalypse of Weeks states that the wicked will receive eternal
destruction (91:14) without delineating the precise method. Simi-
larly, Daniel merely affirms that those found wanting after the
general resurrection are raised to shame and everlasting contempt
(12:2). Most texts, however, are quite specific on this point.
The most common notion of the fate of those condemned at the
judgement is that they will be punished by eternal fire. There might
be other punishments in conjunction with this, confinement to a
bed of worms (1 En. 46:6) or putrefying in the belly of the worm
Azazel (Apoc. of Ab. 31:5), but the punishment by everlasting fire
runs through the literature like a common thread. In the majority
of cases the ones punished in this way are those humans considered
wicked by the author (1 En. 54:1; 90:26-7; 91:9; 100:9; 102:1; 103:7;
4 Ezra 7:35-8, 61; 2 Bar. 44:15; 48:39, 43; 59:2; 85:13; 3 Bar. 4:16; 2
En. 10:2; Apoc. of Ab. 31:2-6; T.Levi 3:2; T.Zeb. 10:3; Rev. 20:15).
The Qumran texts also express the conviction that the lot of the
wicked will be punishment by eternal fire (so 1QS 2:8; 4:12-13; CD
2:5-6; 4QAmram) and the Wicked Priest, the opponent of the
38
So Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, pp. 151-2.
39
Some texts spell out the state of the righteous and the wicked in the intermediate
state between death and the final judgement. According to these texts the usual
pattern is that in the interim period the righteous and the wicked are separated,
each group receiving a taste of the rewards or punishments which will come after
the judgement; the event of judgement thus merely confirms, finalises and
perhaps increases one's lot in the intermediate state (cf. 2 Bar 36:11). This theme
is most clearly outlined in 4 Ezra 7:75-101. For further discussion see Schiirer et
al, History, II, pp. 540-2 and literature cited there; also Russell, Method and
Message, pp. 361-3.
Teacher of Righteousness, is singled out for such a fate (lQpHab

10:45). The Sibylline corpus testifies to a variation on this theme.
Prior to the judgement a great conflagration will envelop the whole
earth, burning good and bad alike (Sib. Or. 3:53^, 84-93, 6 7 2 ^ ,
690-2; 4:160-1). According to the fourth book, God will then raise
everyone from the dead and pronounce his judgement; the wicked
will then be consigned to an eternal fiery fate (Sib. Or. 4:179-86). A
similar notion of a universal conflagration immediately prior to the
end is found in the Qumran thanksgiving hymns (1QH 3:28-33),
though the agent of destruction in this case is Belial. In the
Testament of Abraham fire is the means by which one is tested at
the judgement (12:10-14; 13:11-14); it is not used as a punishment.
Other texts specify that the supernatural figures who rebelled
against God are also consigned to everlasting fire for their sins.
This motif is found in the book of the Watchers (1 En. 10:6, 13;
18:10-15; 21:1-10), the Parables of Enoch (1 En. 54:5-6) and the
Animal Apocalypse (1 En. 90:24-5). In the Testaments of the
Twelve Patriarchs the leader of the demonic powers, Beliar, will be
bound at the end-time (T.Levi 18:12) and thrown into eternal fire
(T.Jud. 25:3). A similar pattern of punishment by fire for the
supernatural enemies of God occurs in Revelation where the beast
and the false prophet (19:20), Satan himself (20:10) and even Death
and Hades (20:14) are all cast into the lake of fire. In an interesting
variation from this theme, the Qumran writings make no mention
at all of this particular subject. Though the scrolls testify time and
again that the supernatural forces of evil will be utterly defeated,
there is no text which specifically refers to their fate in terms of
punishment by eternal fire.40
The location of the place(s) of punishment is usually specified.
While some texts affirm that it is located in one of the lower levels
of the heavenly regions (T.Levi 3:1-2; 3 Bar. 3:1-8; 4:3; 2 En. 7 : 1 ^ ;
10:1-3; 18:1-9), others locate it under the earth (e.g. 1 En. 63:6-10;
103:7; Jub. 7:29; 22:22; Sib. Or. 4:43; Apoc. of Ab. 31:3). The latter
location is variously described in general terms as the (fiery) valley
(1 En. 27:1-2; 54:1), the fiery abyss (1 En. 90:24-6), the abyss of
complete condemnation (1 En. 54:5) or the pit of torment (4 Ezra
7:36). Specific names for this terrible place include Hades, the
Greek name for the nether world (Apoc. of Ab. 31:3), Sheol, the
Old Testament place of shadows (1 En. 56:8; 63:10; 99:11; 103:7;
40
On the silence in general on the eschatological fate of Belial and his evil angels,
see Davidson, Angels at Qumran, pp. 298-300.
Jub. 22:22), and Gehenna (4 Ezra 7:36 Latin text; Sib. Or. 4:186;
Apoc. of Ab. 15:6).41 A minor variation on the location of the place
of torment appears in Revelation where the wicked are thrown into
a fiery lake (19:20; 22:10-15). There is general agreement, however,
that the place of punishment, be it in the heavenly realms or the
fiery abyss, is characterised not only by fire, but by gloomy
darkness as well (e.g. T.Levi 3:2; 3 Bar. 4:3; 2 En. 10:2; 1 En. 63:6;
103:7; Jub. 7:29; Sib. Or. 4:43; 1QS 2:7-8; 4:13).
The fate of the righteous

As we should expect, the fate of the righteous is perceived as the
complete contrast of the fate of the wicked. It is a state of pure and
eternal bliss. Differences in detail exist between the texts, but the
following are some of the more common features. Some texts
emphasise that this state is characterised by brilliant light which is
in stark contrast to the dark and gloomy residence of the wicked
and befits their new existence in the presence of God (Dan. 12:3; 1
En. 1:8; 38:4; 39:7; 50:1; 58:2-6; 96:3; 104:2; 108:12; 2 En. 42:5; Sib.
Or. 4:190-1; 1QM 17:7; 4QAmram; 4 Ezra 7:97; Rev. 22:5). Under-
lying this notion seems to be the view that the righteous will achieve
the status of angels, since the angels are also characterised by
brilliant light (cf. Dan. 10:6; 1 En. 51:4; 71:1; 2 En. 1:5; 19:1; Rev.
10:1). This idea is also implied in those texts where the righteous
will be awarded an eschatological garment which is equivalent to
the garb of the holy angels (e.g. 2 En. 22:8-10). 42 In any event, the
idea that the righteous will become angels finds explicit expression
in 2 Baruch 51:5, 10 and 1 Enoch 104:6. The writings from Qumran
emphasise that even now the members of the community have
achieved this state (see note 36).
For the righteous, the eschatological era is marked by everlasting
peace and great joy (Jub. 23:29-30; 1QS 4:8; 1QM 17:6-8; T.Levi
18:4-5; 2 Bar. 73:1-6; Sib. Or. 3:371-80) as well as eternal abundance
41
G e h e n n a takes its n a m e from the valley of H i n n o m , south of Jerusalem, which
h a d a double association with fire. It was here that children were b u r n t as an
offering to Molech (2 C h r o n 28:3; 33:6; Jer 7:31; 19:5; 32:35), and in later times it
became the place where the refuse of Jerusalem was burnt. T h u s in time this
location came to symbolise the subterranean place of eternal and fiery torment.
See Jeremias, 'yeevva', p p . 657-8. In the Book of the Watchers, however, there is
n o symbolism; the wicked will be sent to the actual valley itself to be b u r n t
forever (1 En 26:1-27:4; cf. also 1 En 54:1).
42
F o r m o r e detailed discussion of this theme and the relevant texts, see Sim,
' M a t t h e w 22.13a a n d 1 E n o c h 10.4a', p p . 15-17.
and plenty (1 En. 10:18-19; 2 Bar. 29:^-8; 1QS 4:8). A number of

texts specify a return to the original Paradise (1 En. 60:8; 2 En. 8:1-
9:5; T.Levi 18:10; Rev. 2:7), while others depict this age of plenty in
terms of the Old Testament theme of a great banquet (cf. Isa. 25:6;
49:9-10; 65:13; Ezek. 39:17-20), usually in the company of a saviour
figure. The Parables of Enoch state that the righteous will eat and
rest with the Son of Man forever (1 En. 62:14), whereas in the
Qumran scrolls the priestly messiah is expected to take charge of the
common meal in the new age (lQSa 2:11-22). 43
Some texts specify that the new age will be characterised by a
renewal of the cosmic order; at the eschaton the old cosmic order will
pass away and a new one will replace it. This theme is especially
prominent in 4 Ezra which predicts that at the end of the temporary
messianic kingdom, the world will return to its primeval state and
then be restored (7:30-2; cf. 5:55; 14:10-11). We find precisely the
same theme in 2 Baruch where mention is made of the great age of the
present creation (85:10), and its future renewal (32:6; 44:12; 57:2; cf.
1QS 4:25). The Astronomical Book (1 En. 72-82), makes reference to
the new creation (72:1), while the Apocalypse of Weeks describes the
appearance of a new heaven (1 En. 91:16). The explicit mention of the
creation of a new heaven and a new earth is found in the Parables of
Enoch (1 En. 45:4-5) and in Revelation (21:1). It should come as no
surprise that a common theme in many of these Jewish texts is that
the new age (or new creation) will see the establishment of either a
new Jerusalem (T.Dan 5:12) or a new Temple (T.Ben. 9:2; 1 En.
90:28-9; 91:13; 5Q15), or both (4 Ezra 7:26; 10:25-58; 2 Bar. 4:2-6;
32:4; Sib. Or. 5:420-7). A quite different view is expressed in the
Christian Apocalypse in so far as a new Jerusalem is expected (21:10
27), but no new Temple will accompany it (21:22).
The imminence of the end

Apocalyptic eschatology works within the framework of an immi-
nent realisation of the expected end events. 44 As with all aspects of
43
F o r further discussion of this subject, see Schiffman, Eschatological Community,
p p . 53-67.
44
So most scholars; K o c h , Rediscovery, p . 28; A u n e , Prophecy, p . 108; Schurer et
al, History, III. 1, p . 243; Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, I, p p . 194-5, and Stone,
'Apocalyptic Literature', p . 383. Even Rowland, w h o wishes to differentiate
between the apocalyptic tradition and the eschatological tradition, appears to
presume that the latter normally involved an imminent expectation of the end
events. See, for example, Open Heaven, p p . 2 7 - 8 , 32, 35-6.
this religious perspective, there is no one method for expressing this

conviction. Some texts prefer to state both regularly and with
absolute clarity the imminence of the expected eschatological events.
The Epistle of Enoch (1 En. 91-104 minus the Apocalypse of Weeks)
is an excellent example, replete as it is with references to the nearness
of the final judgement; 'Woe unto those who build oppression and
injustice.. .they shall soon be demolished.. .(woe unto) those who
amass gold and silver; they shall quickly be destroyed.. .you have
become ready for death, and for.. .the day of great judgement' (1 En.
94:6-8; cf. 95:6; 98:9-10). The book of Revelation provides another
good example. This work opens and concludes on a note of the
imminence of the end events, T h e revelation of Jesus Christ, which
God gave to him to show his servants what must soon take
place.. .for the time is near. (1:1-3)... "God.. .has sent his angel to
show his servants what must soon take place. And behold, I am
coming soon" (22:6-7).. ."for the time is near" (22:10).. ."Behold, I
am coming soon" (22:12).. ."Surely I am coming soon". Amen.
Come, Lord Jesus. (22:20)'45 Such clear statements are found else-
where throughout the texts under review (cf. 4 Ezra 4:26; 8:61; 14:10;
2 Bar. 16:1; 20:1; 84:10-12).
Another method is adopted by the author(s) of the book of
Daniel. In this work we find precise calculations of the end. There
are in fact four such calculations. In 8:14 the period of distress, the
persecution by Antiochus Epiphanes, which precedes the arrival of
the eschaton, is said to last 1150 days dated from the day of his
desecration of the Temple. According to 7:25; 9:27 and 12:7 this
period will endure for three and a half years (or 1260 days), while
12:11 and 12:12 offer 1290 days and 1335 days respectively. Most
scholars accept that the larger numbers are successive revisions of
the original prophecy, either by the author himself or by those of
his immediate circle, when the expected events failed to come on
time. What is important to note here is that the imminent expecta-
tion of the end was in no way rescinded as the revised prophecies
were proved wrong. This testifies to the strength of this belief in the
circles which produced Daniel. 46 The tradition of the 1260 days is
also reflected in Revelation where it is reinterpreted in terms of the
length of time the antichrist will rule (13:5; cf. 11:2-3; 12:14).
45
F o r further discussion of a n imminent end expectation in the Apocalypse, see
Fiorenza, Book of Revelation, pp. 48-50.
46
So Russell, Method and Message, p . 264 a n d Collins, The Apocalyptic Vision of
the Book of Daniel, p . 154.
The writings of the Qumran community reflect an imminent end

expectation in (at least) two ways. First, it is generally agreed that
the pesher technique in the biblical commentaries presumes such a
belief; the prophets predicted the events leading up to and including
the eschaton which the Qumran group interpreted in terms of its
own time. 47 The second method is linked to the production of the
War scroll (1QM). Although this text contains no definite state-
ments on the nearness of the end, its composition attests that the
community was preparing itself for the final eschatological war. 48
Perhaps the most common method of expressing an imminent
end expectation, at least in the apocalyptic and related genres, was
to provide a review of history up to a certain identifiable point and
then to detail the eschatological events which would follow soon
after. The reader would be able to judge from the chronology
which events had passed and which were still to come and so make
the deduction that the new age was about to replace the old. The
Animal Apocalypse may serve as an illustration of the use of this
method. This apocalypse uses animal imagery to recount the course
of Jewish history from creation to the Maccabean revolt. Our
interest lies with chapter 90 which relates the circumstances leading
up to the rebellion and concludes its historical survey with the
battle at Beth-Zur (verses 6-14). Since this is the last historical
reference in the text we may infer that it was composed soon after
that event. At this point the narrative leaves the realm of history
and moves into the realm of eschatological speculation. God
himself will step into the fray, thus ensuring the ultimate victory of
the righteous (verses 15-19). This victory sees the commencement
of the eschatological events proper. God will execute the final
judgement (verses 20-7) and a new Jerusalem will be established for
the righteous (verses 28-36). The readers of this document would
therefore draw the conclusion that the eschatological events would
commence in the imminent future.
Summary
The preceding survey, though necessarily brief and incomplete, is
sufficient for our purposes. It has isolated the major motifs which
47
See, for example, Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, I, p . 224; Schiffman, Eschatolo-
gical Community, pp. 6-7 a n d Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, pp. 126-7.
48
In agreement with Rowland, Open Heaven, p . 31; Schiffman, Eschatological
Community, p . 6 a n d Yadin, Scroll of the War, p . 15.
appear in the apocalyptic-eschatological schemes of the classical

period of apocalypticism. On the basis of the survey, we may offer
a general overview of the apocalyptic-eschatological perspective
based upon its most prominent recurring elements. As emphasised
earlier, the following reconstruction is not intended to be taken as a
systematic 'theology' of this perspective, since not every scheme
includes all the characteristics.
Apocalyptic eschatology is a comprehensive religious perspective
with a distinctive view of reality. It is entirely dualistic. This
dualism applies in all cases to the human world where a strict
division is made between those few who are righteous and the
majority who are wicked and there is no category in between. In
some schemes it is explicitly stated that the cosmic realm is similarly
divided, and a number of these (the Qumran texts and Revelation)
promote the view that this cosmic order is engaged in a bitter battle
for supremacy. Here we find the most clear expression that human
and cosmic dualism are inextricably linked. The righteous angels
and humans who side with God are opposed by their respective
counterparts who are led by the fallen angel Satan (or Belial). A
distinction is also sharply drawn between this age and the age to
come. The course of history is predetermined from the creation to
the end of the present age and God remains in control of events.
The present era, which is rapidly nearing its conclusion, will witness
a number of terrible events as signs that the end is fast approaching.
At the very end of the age a saviour figure, either God himself or
his agent, will arrive in order to bring the suffering of the righteous
to an end. While some schemes reflect the tradition of a final war as
the last event in history, those schemes which emphasise the cosmic
conflict between God and Satan take this scenario further by
promoting the view that the combined forces of evil will unleash a
full-scale attack upon the human righteous and that the saviour
figure will enter the conflict as a military commander. In all
schemes, however, the arrival of the saviour figure introduces the
eschatological events proper, beginning with the universal judge-
ment over which God or his representative presides. The righteous
will be vindicated and receive salvation. They will reside as angels
forever in a blessed and peaceful place, while the wicked will be
utterly condemned and burn eternally in a dark and gloomy
location.
THE SOCIAL SETTING OF
APOCALYPTICISM AND THE FUNCTION
OF APOCALYPTIC ESCHATOLOGY
1. The social setting of apocalypticism

Having defined in the previous chapter the basic elements of
apocalyptic eschatology, we may proceed to the explanatory part
of the discussion. As stated earlier, apocalyptic eschatology is the
religious perspective of a particular socio-religious phenomenon,
apocalypticism. In this section we shall examine the social setting
of this phenomenon. Do the various writers (and readers) of the
texts which emphasise the end of the age and the universal
judgement share a common social setting? If they do, then which
social factors contribute to their embracement of this distinctive
religious perspective?
In response to these questions, most scholars agree that in
general terms there is a common social setting. Apocalypticism,
whether it be expressed in an apocalypse or not, arises in minority
groups as a direct response to a situation of great crisis or distress. 1
P. D. Hanson has taken this general point an important step
further by emphasising the group alienation inherent in ancient
apocalyptic groups; the crisis experienced by the group occasions a
sense of intense alienation from the wider world. 2 A further point
to note in this regard is that the crisis might be either real or
perceived to be real. In the latter case, we are dealing with what is
known as 'relative deprivation'. Here we must take seriously the
1
So Russell, Method and Message, pp. 16-18; Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination,
pp. 29-30; Nickelsburg, 'Social Aspects', p. 646; Sanders, 'Palestinian Jewish
Apocalypses', pp. 4569; Wilson, 'From Prophecy to Apocalyptic', pp. 84-5;
Aune, Prophecy, pp. 110-12; Schurer et al, History, III.l, p. 243 and Reddish,
Apocalyptic Literature, p. 24. It should be noted that Rowland accepts that where
eschatology does loom large in the apocalyptic literature, it is occasioned by a
corresponding situation of crisis {Open Heaven, pp. 26-7).
2
Hanson, Dawn of Apocalyptic, pp. 433-4 and 'Apocalyptic Literature',
pp. 471-2.
54
Social setting and function 55
perspective of the author or group involved, no matter what the

reality of the situation. What might be viewed by a neutral or
objective observer, either ancient or modern, as of trifling impor-
tance might have been interpreted by the participants themselves as
a situation of great crisis.3 This means that in those texts which
fervently adopt an apocalyptic-eschatological perspective a situa-
tion of great moment for the author and his community is evident.4
Not all scholars, however, would agree that the social setting of
apocalypticism is as neat as this. In a recent study devoted to early
Jewish apocalypticism, L. L. Grabbe has challenged the scholarly
consensus by using the insights of modern sociological analysis.
Grabbe's work stands as the first major attempt to marry the study
of ancient apocalypticism and modern social-scientific research,
and is for this reason worthy of serious attention. Grabbe sets out
the problem of the current study of Jewish apocalypticism in his
conclusions,
Social claims (regarding apocalypticism) have usually been
made on the basis of apocalypses, yet these literary works
give only a fictitious setting ... Scholars are rightly con-
cerned to begin with the text and work out toward the
solution of the broader problems, but in the case of the
apocalypses, much work on the sociological level has here-
tofore been circular: a social situation is first hypothesized
from the literature, then this hypothesized situation is used
to understand and interpret the literature! ('Social Setting
of Early Jewish Apocalypticism', p. 39)
Grabbe then argues that in view of these difficulties an additional
insight is required, and this can be supplied by the resources of
sociology and anthropology. The information from such sociological
3
See Nickelsburg, 'Social Aspects', p. 646 and Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination,
p. 30.
4
Some scholars who define apocalypticism as the movement underlying the
apocalyptic genre, state that a situation of crisis occasions all representatives of
this literary form. One proponent of this view is D. Hellholm who prefers a
definition of the literary genre which makes reference to the social setting which
gives rise to it. See his 'The Problem of Apocalyptic Genre', p. 168. But this view
serves as a good example of the confusion engendered by the current terms. Some
of the apocalypses seem not to reflect any such situation of distress or crisis. One
such example might be 2 Enoch (so Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 197)
which belongs to a mystical rather than an eschatological stream in Judaism. The
situation of crisis is more applicable to those apocalyptic texts (and other texts as
well) which emphasise the end of history and its aftermath. So correctly Sanders,
'Palestinian Jewish Apocalypses', p. 456.
and anthropological studies can be used by the historian to

construct models which are of benefit in the study of ancient Jewish
apocalypticism (p. 39). While I have no problem with this general
argument, it is the application of these models in the earlier sections
of Grabbe's work which does cause concern. 5
The way in which Grabbe employs these social-scientific models
in his study of ancient Jewish apocalypticism is directly dependent
upon a presupposition, and this requires discussion first. At the
beginning of his study, Grabbe affirms that early Jewish apocalypti-
cism has much in common with later millenarian movements which
have been vigorously studied in the social sciences. This leads him
to state his presupposition, 'It seems to me that most communities
labelled "apocalyptic" are also millenarian, which would make
"apocalyptic community" normally a subdivision of millennial
movement' (p. 28). This statement is not self-evident, however, and
requires far more discussion than it is given.6 But even if we
concede Grabbe's point that there is a close relationship between
these two social phenomena, it is his application of this insight
which is questionable. Since apocalypticism is a sub-type of millen-
arianism, Grabbe concludes that one can make concrete judge-
ments about early Jewish apocalypticism solely on the basis of a
study of later millenarian groups. Grabbe says as much at the end
of his article and his words need to be quoted at length,
researchers on early Jewish apocalypticism have so far
made little use of the many important studies of millen-
arian groups. Yet on the basis of such studies, this first
brief sketch has been able to challenge some common
sociological assumptions about apocalypticism . . . Much
more needs to be done in examining actual historical
societies and situations to see how apocalyptic attitudes
are distributed and function, how apocalyptic movements
express themselves, and how apocalyptic literature is
produced. Only then can the Jewish apocalypses and
related writings, whose social contexts are largely unknown,
5
See Sim, 'Social Setting of Ancient Apocalypticism', for my full response to
Grabbe's article.
6
With some justification, J. J. Collins writes, 'We cannot assume a priori that the
Enoch literature attests the same phenomenon that anthropologists, on the basis
of very different evidence, call a millenarian movement or "an apocalyptic
religion"' {Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 29). What Collins says of the Enoch
literature applies equally to all the texts which reflect apocalypticism.
Social setting andfunction 57
be socially situated with some methodological rigour, (pp.

39^0, emphasis added)
These words contain in a nutshell Grabbe's particular method for

the study of early Jewish apocalypticism. Because of the difficulty
presented by the ancient texts themselves, we can by and large
dispense with them. In order to understand this particular social
phenomenon in the ancient Graeco-Roman world, we need do no
more than use the models appropriate to later millenarianism
which the social scientists have constructed. All this is questionable,
however. It is clear that Grabbe's argument proceeds not only on
the assumption that apocalypticism and millenarianism enjoy a
close relationship, but also on the premise that each phenomenon
remained substantially the same throughout different historical
periods and is similarly manifested in different cultures. So what
applies to a number of millenarian movements of one or more
cultures can be immediately transferred to ancient apocalyptic
groups of another culture. But this approach is clearly too rigid and
does not adequately consider important variables such as historical
development and cultural diversity. Without ever substantiating his
position, Grabbe simply excludes the possibility that early Jewish
apocalypticism might have functioned in quite different ways from
those millenarian groups which the social scientists have examined.
Despite the problems in this method, Grabbe approaches the social
setting of early Jewish apocalypticism in precisely this way.
In direct contrast to the scholarly consensus, Grabbe contends
that 'Apocalypticism does not necessarily arise in times of crisis, nor
is it always a product of the oppressed, the marginalized and the
powerless' (p. 30). To be fair, it should be stated that Grabbe does
not deny the general validity of the prevailing view on the social
setting of apocalypticism; he wishes merely to show that it is only a
tendency and not a strict rule. In support of his proposed modifica-
tion to the consensus, Grabbe produces a number of exceptions to
the rule. None of these exceptions, it should be noted, belongs to the
ancient world. On the contrary, all his counter-examples are drawn
from mediaeval and later millenarian movements, and include such
diverse groups as the Russian sect of the Skoptsi and the conserva-
tive evangelicals in the modern United States, including the Moral
Majority (pp. 30-1). Since these groups did not arise in response to a
crisis, and since many of their representatives belong to the wealthy
and powerful, Grabbe concludes that not all Jewish apocalyptic
groups were occasioned by a critical situation and not all their

members were oppressed and marginalised. But as interesting as
these case studies are, it is clear that their applicability to early
Jewish apocalypticism involves a rather large leap in the logic of the
argument. Grabbe would argue, of course, that these modern
examples are relevant in so far as ancient apocalypticism and later
millenarianism belong together, and what applies to the latter
automatically applies to the former. Yet this asks us to believe that
the Moral Majority of modern America, for example, provides a
better guide to the social setting of early Jewish apocalypticism
than the contemporary texts. This is a rather difficult proposition
to accept.
It is clear from this specific example that Grabbe has elevated the
sociological data to a position of primacy and neglected the
historical data in the process. He makes historical judgements
about ancient Jewish apocalyptic groups on the basis of much later
Russian and American (and other) millenarian groups which
comprise his sociological model. The dangers in this approach are
well stated by G. W. E. Nickelsburg, These [sociological] theories
may serve as useful models that help to understand ancient texts,
but primary attention must be given to the documents themselves
and their particular contours. The model must not become a die
that shapes the ancient materials or a filter that highlights or
obliterates textual data in a predetermined way.'7 These comments
of Nickelsburg emphasise the point that our primary evidence for
ancient Jewish and Christian apocalypticism must be the texts
themselves.8 The social sciences might be useful in illuminating
certain aspects of the subject, but they must not be given primacy
over the documents which reflect these early Jewish (and Christian)
apocalyptic movements. But this brings us back to Grabbe's
objection which was noted above. If we give priority to the texts, do
we not then encounter certain hermeneutical problems and circular
arguments? I would respond to this objection in two ways. First, it
should be clear that whatever problems are associated with reading
the ancient texts, these difficulties pose fewer problems for the
historian than the alternative approach of Grabbe which pays no
attention to the relevant documents. Secondly, the hermeneutical
problems which arise from confining the discussion to the relevant
texts are not as serious as Grabbe contends. Despite the fictitious
7
Nickelsburg, 'Social Aspects', p. 648.
8
So too Koch, Rediscovery, p. 23 and Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 29.
setting of some early Jewish and Christian documents which

emphasise apocalyptic eschatology, each of them does refer in
concrete ways to an underlying crisis which occasioned the work.
In many cases the crisis is a well known historical event and can
thus be pin-pointed with great accuracy, the most obvious examples
being the Maccabean crisis and the destruction of Jerusalem and its
temple by the Romans in 70 CE. The first of these crises involved
the persecution of the Jews by Antiochus Epiphanes who tried to
ban the observance of traditional Jewish religion in Palestine as
part of his enforced hellenisation policy. This policy met with
complicity in some Jewish quarters and fierce resistance in others
which remained true to the Torah. The crisis came to a climax in
167 BCE when the temple was defiled by the erection of an
idolatrous altar. Certain groups met this crisis with a literary
apocalyptic-eschatological response whereby the author and his
circle identified themselves as the righteous remnant within Israel.
The best known of these texts is the canonical book of Daniel, but
the Apocalypse of Weeks and the Animal Apocalypse from
1 Enoch were also composed at this critical time and reflect a
similar viewpoint. Another text for consideration in this regard is
the Testament of Moses which has two distinct layers. 9 The initial
stratum (chapters 1-5, 8-10) reflects the Maccabean crisis and is
thus contemporary with Daniel and the two apocalypses from
1 Enoch. On the other hand, chapters 6-7 are later additions which
attempt to update the original prophecies. Chapter 6 mentions the
Hasmoneans, the life and death of Herod the Great and concludes
with the burning of the temple by Varus at the time of Herod's
death in 4 BCE. The last events to receive mention provide the clue
to the date of this interpolation. The period following the death of
Herod was a time of great civil unrest which was met with brutal
Roman oppression, and these critical events gave rise to renewed
emphasis on apocalyptic eschatology for that group which trans-
mitted the original text of the Testament of Moses.
The second great national disaster for the Jewish people in this
period was the unsuccessful revolt against the Romans in 66-70.
This conflict led to the deaths of many Jews, both within Palestine
and in other parts of the eastern Roman empire, and culminated in
the destruction of Jerusalem and its temple. The outcome of the
war occasioned a deep sense of alienation in the Jewish people and
9
For discussion of the dating of the constituent parts of this text, see Collins,
Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 103 and literature cited there.
clearly raised a number of doubts in the minds of many Jews

concerning the justice of God. Why has the just God of the Jews
allowed his city, his temple and his people to be destroyed by the
godless gentiles? The crisis of the Jewish war evoked no fewer than
four apocalypses - the Apocalypse of Abraham, 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch
and 3 Baruch - the first three of which attempted to respond to
these doubts and questions using the language and themes of
apocalyptic eschatology. The destruction of Jerusalem and the
Jewish temple also initiated a similar response in the later sections
of the third and fourth books of the Sibylline corpus (cf. 4:115-27;
5:396-413).
Not every apocalyptic-eschatological text, of course, was occa-
sioned by a momentous historical catastrophe. At least two docu-
ments were written in response to general economic and/or social
oppression. The author of the Epistle of Enoch accuses the wicked
of a number of religious transgressions (cf. 1 En. 95:4; 96:7; 98:11;
99:2, 7, 14), but he reserves his greatest condemnation for their
abuse of wealth and power and for their oppression of the righteous
(94:6-9; 96:4^8; 97:8-10; 98:1-3; 99:13-15; 100:7-9; 103:5-15).10 A
similar social setting seems to underlie the Parables of Enoch which
criticises unreservedly the rulers and the wealthy who put their trust
in riches rather than in God (cf. 46:4^8; 48:7-8; 53:5-7; 54:2-6;
62:1-16; 63:1-12; 67:8-13). n
The book of Revelation appears to reflect a rather more complex
social setting which can only be outlined in general terms here. 12
There is good evidence that the author and his circle were in direct
conflict with local Jewish synagogues (2:9; 3:9) and were being
persecuted by the Roman authorities as well. John himself was
seemingly banished by the Romans to Patmos (1:9) and the
persecution of his churches is also implied in the reference to the
10
For a full analysis of this theme, see Nickelsburg, 'The Apocalyptic Message of 1
Enoch 92-105', pp. 309-28.
11
According to Suter, Tradition and Composition, pp. 29-32, the author had in
mind the oppressive Roman occupying forces and their governors and emperors.
Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, p. 223 rightly asks whether some Jewish leaders,
such as the Hasmoneans and the Herods, might have been included as well in the
general category of the wicked who oppress the poor.
12
For fuller accounts of the social setting(s) of Revelation, see A. Y. Collins,
'Persecution and Vengeance', pp. 732-42; 'The Revelation of John: An Apoc-
alyptic Response to a Social Crisis', pp. 4-8; 'Insiders and Outsiders in the Book
of Revelation', pp. 203-18 and Fiorenza, Book of Revelation, pp. 192-6. See also
the recent review of the scholarly literature by Thompson, Book of Revelation,
pp. 202-10.
death of Antipas in 2:13. Texts such as 2:2-3, 10, 19; 3:10; 13:10
hint that the seer expected more to come. In the apocalypse proper,
constant mention is made of the martyrs who have been killed by
the Romans on account of their Christian belief (6:9-10; 16:6;
17:9-17; 18:24; 19:2). It is these righteous dead, probably the
victims of Nero's persecution as well as later martyrs, who share in
the first resurrection and the thousand year reign of Christ (20:4-6).
The seer's attacks on the wealth of Rome (17:4; 18:16) and the
merchants who work in her service (18:3, 15, 23) might indicate
some economic oppression as well (cf. 2:9). The Apocalypse also
attests to divisions within the Christian community. It is generally
agreed that John's attacks on the Nicolaitans and the followers of
Balaam at Pergamum (2:15-16) and the prophetess Jezebel at
Thyatira (2:20) are all directed at the same movement within
Christianity. This necessarily brief reconstruction of the social
setting(s) of the seer's communities is sufficient for our purposes
and reveals that these groups faced a number of critical situations
and a resultant sense of alienation from the wider society.
As we might expect, the social setting of the Qumran community
is a special case since we are dealing here not with a specific text but
with a community which existed over two centuries or so and
whose circumstances must have changed over this period. The
community originated during the turbulent times of the Maccabean
crisis (CD 1:4-7) and went into self-imposed exile at Qumran some
twenty years later after a dispute arose between the Teacher of
Righteousness and the Wicked Priest. In the early days of the
group's existence, it appears to have been persecuted by the Wicked
Priest (lQpHab 9:9-10; 11:4-5; 12:6, 10), but such persecution is
not clearly in evidence in later periods. Rather, the history of the
isolated community at Qumran was marked by an intensifying
alienation from both the larger Jewish and gentile worlds.13 This
process of alienation is well attested in the production of the War
scroll which contains a more developed dualism than the earlier
writings of the group. Here the eschatological battle is fought
between the sons of light, the members of the community, and the
sons of darkness who are identified with the gentile nations and the
remainder of the Jewish world (1QM 1:1). The social setting of the
Qumran community, therefore, can be described in general terms as
one of increasing alienation from the world at large. This began
13
So correctly Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 141 and Reddish, Apocalyptic
Literature, p. 24.
when the Teacher of Righteousness fled from the Wicked Priest to

Qumran, and developed throughout its isolated existence until the
destruction of the group by the Romans during the Jewish war.
This brief review of the social setting of apocalypticism as
provided by the texts themselves confirms the general scholarly
view that this phenomenon in the classical period was occasioned
by an acute crisis (either actual or perceived) which led to alienation
from the wider society. Since human history does not conform to
irrevocable laws, it cannot be said with complete certainty that
every apocalyptic group in this period embraced apocalyptic escha-
tology in response to a set of critical circumstances. But the
evidence of the texts themselves does suggest that the relationship
between the two was more than a mere tendency as Grabbe would
have it. On the other hand, it should be noted that not all groups
facing conditions of crisis saw the need to embrace apocalypticism.
The author of 3 Baruch, for example, dealt with the crisis of the
Jewish war but did not respond to it by resorting to apocalyptic
eschatology. This means that while apocalypticism (most probably)
requires a situation of crisis to occasion it, a set of critical
circumstances does not necessarily lead to the formation of an
apocalyptic group. The underlying crises which did see the embrace-
ment of apocalypticism could take any number of forms. In many
cases the crisis was a well known historical catastrophe, though in
some cases it was not. Moreover, the resultant alienation could be
manifested by actual withdrawal from society, as in the case of the
Qumran community, but in the majority of cases it was experienced
while the group remained physically within the wider world. The
important point to note is that whatever the circumstances the
crisis was perceived by the authors (and their readers) as serious
enough to warrant a response using apocalyptic eschatology. This
brings us to the question of the functions of this religious perspec-
tive in the texts under review.
2. The functions of apocalyptic eschatology

As W. A. Meeks has shown in his analysis of the function of
apocalyptic-eschatological language in the Pauline letters, 14 the
purposes of such language can be many and varied and some of
them unique to the author in question. The following discussion
14
Meeks, 'Social Functions', pp. 687-705. For more detail see his The First Urban
Christians.
will not be concerned with individual usage; rather, it will attempt

to define on a very broad level some of the more common functions
of apocalyptic language and themes in the set texts. There is
widespread agreement that a direct correlation exists between the
desperate situation of the author and his group and the embrace-
ment of the apocalyptic-eschatological perspective. Apocalyptic
eschatology, which emphasises the imminent reversal of present
circumstances, the vindication of the suffering righteous and the
punishment of their perceived oppressors, serves to strengthen,
comfort and offer hope to the group which is experiencing the
crisis.15 At a more technical level, P. D. Hanson affirms that a
group becomes an apocalyptic movement at the point when it
adopts apocalyptic eschatology in order to construct a 'symbolic
universe' which is at odds with the symbolic universe of the wider
and oppressive society but which makes sense of its own situation
of distress.16 The use of apocalyptic eschatology thus exchanges the
world view of the opposing group for an entirely new perspective
on reality in which the hopes and aspirations of the apocalyptic
community are reinforced and validated. As noted in the previous
chapter, this symbolic universe can take different forms. These
differences in presentation can be seen by comparing the Apoca-
lypse of Weeks with the book of Revelation. Whereas the former
makes use of a simple ten period (or week) scheme, the latter
presents its vision of reality by employing a complicated and
repetitive scheme of bizarre imagery and symbolism.
But despite the differences in detail between these symbolic
universes, all the texts which emphasise apocalyptic eschatology
attempt to lend weight to their alternative world views by attri-
buting them to a trustworthy and authoritative figure. In the
apocalypses and Testaments, which normally employ the device of
pseudonymity, it is a great leader or sage of the past (Enoch,
Abraham, Moses, Baruch and so on) who presents this interpreta-
tion of reality. The same applies to the Sibylline literature where the
Sibyl acts as a mouthpiece for God. In those texts which are not
pseudonymous the same authoritative tone is given by other means.
At Qumran the revered Teacher of Righteousness normally fulfils
15
So Russell, Method and Message, p. 18; Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p. 32;
Schiirer et al, History, III.l, p. 243; Reddish, Apocalyptic Literature, pp. 24-7;
Hellholm, 'The Problem of Apocalyptic Genre', p. 168 and Fiorenza, 'The
Phenomenon of Early Christian Apocalyptic', p. 313.
16
Hanson, 'Apocalypticism', pp. 30-1 and Dawn of Apocalyptic, pp. 432-4.
this function, while in the book of Revelation the risen Lord Jesus
speaks to and through the seer. By presenting their alternative
world views in this way, the authors of the texts wished to impress
upon their readers that the vision of reality they present is
believable and trustworthy since it ultimately has divine authority.
This brings us to the specific functions of apocalyptic eschatology.
These specific functions can be roughly classified into five
categories - 1. identification and legitimation, 2. explanation of
current circumstances, 3. encouragement and hope for the future, 4.
vengeance and consolation, 5. group solidarity and social control.
We will detail each in turn, but it is well to bear in mind at the
outset that these categories are not mutually exclusive and some
elements of apocalyptic eschatology serve more than one function
and belong to more than one category.
2.1 Identification and legitimation

One very important function of apocalyptic eschatology is the
setting of boundaries around the apocalyptic community.17 The
strictly dualistic language corresponding to the human sphere is
important in this regard. As noted in the previous chapter, apoc-
alyptic eschatology normally speaks of two diametrically opposed
groups, 'the righteous', 'the elect' and so on, and their counterparts,
'the wicked' or 'the sinners'. Such language immediately establishes
rigid boundaries around the groups in question and identifies, to
use the current terminology, the nature of the insider and that of
the outsider. Those within the apocalyptic community are the
righteous who stand on the side of God, while those outside the
community stand in opposition to him. It is clear that the bound-
aries around some apocalyptic communities were so rigid that the
group comprised a well defined sect in opposition to the power
structures of the surrounding society.18 As we might expect, the
sectarian nature of the group is most plainly in evidence where the
sense of alienation is most clearly felt. Both the collective group
addressed by the author of Revelation and the Qumran community
have for this reason been described as distinct sects.19 The degree of
17
See Meeks, 'Social Functions', p. 692 and Hanson, Dawn of Apocalyptic,
pp. 435-6.
18
For discussion of the sectarian nature of second temple Judaism, see Blenkinsopp,
'Interpretation and the Tendency to Sectarianism', pp. 1-26 and Schiffman,
'Jewish Sectarianism', pp. 1-46.
19
On the sectarian nature of the communities of the Apocalypse, see Stanley, 'The
alienation for each group is indicated by the presence of the very

marked dualism which specifically correlates cosmic and human
dualism. Each community is depicted as a self-supporting righteous
enclave aligned with God in the cosmic struggle for supremacy,
while the wider society has thrown in its lot with Satan and is to be
avoided. However, even when the evidence does not permit us to
speak of a given group as a sect, the dualistic language none the less
indicates its perceived minority status within the larger society. 20
As a result of the drawing of boundaries around the community,
groups which adopt apocalyptic eschatology usually designate the
requirements for becoming an insider or an outsider. In the Jewish
texts the boundary can be marked merely by distinguishing
between those who obey the law correctly and those who do not
(e.g. 2 Bar. 44:1-15), or it can be marked in a more complicated
way as it was at Qumran. In order to become an insider of the
Qumran community, one was required to reject the cult of the
Jerusalem temple, live a monastic life at Qumran and obey the
particular regulations and laws of the group, including its inter-
pretation of the Torah. For all the Jewish texts there was no need
to delimit boundaries with regard to the gentiles, who were
collectively perceived as wicked, since this was done by virtue of
ethnicity; the boundaries needed to be drawn within the Jewish
world itself. The same does not hold of course for the Christian
book of Revelation. Here Jew or gentile could become an insider
and thus a participant in salvation by accepting Jesus as the Christ
(in the way desired by the author) and by rejecting the idolatrous
cults of the Roman world, if not the Roman empire itself.21
This drawing of rigid boundaries around the apocalyptic com-
munity and the dualistic language associated with it serve in turn to
legitimate both the minority or sectarian status of the group in
question and its particular beliefs and practices. The apocalyptic
community comprises the righteous and elect who by definition
stand with God and obey his will. On the other hand, the wider
world is composed of the sinners and the wicked who necessarily
stand against God and disobey him. This point is even more
marked in those schemes which clearly associate the wicked with
Apocalypse a n d C o n t e m p o r a r y Sect Analysis', p p . 4 1 2 - 2 1 . The sectarian status

of the Q u m r a n community will be discussed in chapter 8 below.
20
See the discussion of Overman, Matthew's Gospel, p p . 16-19.
21
O n the drawing of boundaries in the Apocalypse, see A. Y. Collins, 'Vilification
and Self-Definition', p p . 308-20 and Webber, ' G r o u p Solidarity', p p . 132-40.
the supernatural forces of evil. In all schemes, however, the mere

identifying purpose of dualistic language serves to justify both the
existence and the peculiar nature of the group.
2.2 Explanation of current circumstances

Another function of apocalyptic eschatology lies in its explanatory
power. Its world view, particularly the notion of determinism,
offers an explanation for the present circumstances of the group.
The suffering of the community has not occurred by chance nor,
despite appearances, is it happening contrary to God's will. Rather,
the plight of the group is an integral part of the historical and
eschatological processes which God determined in advance and
which cannot be changed. This in turn serves to console and
comfort the members of the community by reinforcing the view-
point that God has not abandoned them. Their suffering is in fact a
sign of their elect status. 22
2.3 Encouragement and hope for the future

Apocalyptic eschatology offers encouragement and hope for the
future by spelling out that the members of the community will
ultimately be vindicated and receive magnificent eschatological
rewards. They can take heart that the pain they endure now will
be more than adequately compensated on the day of judgement.
The theme of determinism plays an important role in this regard
by adding conviction to the author's eschatological expectations.
Just as the past and present were determined and came to pass as
predicted by the reputed author of the apocalypse (or another
authoritative figure), so too will the future unfold as prophesied.
The readers can be assured that according to the predetermined
course of history, they will receive magnificent rewards at the
conclusion of this age when God or his agent presides over the
judgement. The concept of the imminence of the end is an essential
aspect of this overall scheme. For reasons which are obvious, it is
easier to be hopeful and steadfast in the face of dire circumstances
when it is believed that the present situation will be corrected in
the immediate future. This is especially true if the reversal of
fortunes is deemed eternal and irreversible. A number of texts
22
A similar point is made by Meeks with respect to 1 Thess 3:2-4; 'Social
Functions', pp. 691-2.
actively encourage their readers by providing hortatory sections

which urge them to retain hope and remain steadfast in the light
of the eternal rewards they will receive (e.g. 1 En. 95:3; 96:1-8;
104:1-5; Rev. 2:9-11; 3:9-13).
2.4 Vengeance and consolation

The salvation of the righteous is contrasted with the punishment of
the wicked, and this prominent theme also has an important part to
play. To put the matter bluntly, the constant claim that those who
are responsible for the present suffering will be eternally punished,
usually by horrific and torturous means, satisfies the very human
desire for vengeance. This theme is especially prominent in the
Parables of Enoch which states that the righteous themselves will
have a hand in the punishment of the wicked (1 En. 95:3; 96:1; cf.
also Dan. 7:22). It is found as well in Revelation where the
judgement of the wicked is depicted as divine revenge on the world
for the blood of the martyrs. 23 Further examples of this tendency
can be seen in 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch and the Apocalypse of Abraham,
all of which were written in response to the destruction of Jerusalem
by the Romans. While each of these texts states that the people of
Israel had sinned and that the events of 66-70 were sanctioned as
their punishment (4 Ezra 3:25-7; 2 Bar. 1:2-5; 5:2^; 77:2-4;
79:1-2; Apoc. of Ab. 27:7-8), they all make the further point that
the Romans and the other nations who oppressed Israel will be
punished for their crimes (4 Ezra 13:32-8; 2 Bar. 72:2-6; 82:2-9;
Apoc. of Ab. 31:1-2). The fifth book of the Sibylline corpus, which
was written under similar circumstances, also prophesies the hor-
rific punishment which awaits the Romans (5:162-78, 386-96) and
other gentile nations (5:52-93, 111-35, 179-227, 286-327, 333-59,
434-46). Whatever we might think of this particular notion, this
important feature of apocalyptic eschatology should not be refined
and treated as mere rhetoric or symbolism; it was intended to be
taken literally and it is on this level that we should approach it. In
its own way, the belief that the wicked will burn forever or receive
some other terrible punishment serves to comfort and console the
suffering by reinforcing the idea of the justice of God. Just as God's
justice is evident in his vindication of the righteous who suffer now,
23
That the theme of vengeance is an important component of the Christian
Apocalypse is rightly (and honestly) addressed by A. Y. Collins, 'Persecution and
Vengeance', pp. 729-50. Cf. too Fiorenza, Book of Revelation, p. 1.
so too is it manifest in his punishment of the wicked who are

responsible for their suffering.
2.5 Group solidarity and social control

One further and very important function of apocalyptic escha-
tology is that of promoting group solidarity by enforcing social
control. In minority or sectarian groups which exist in a hostile
environment, group solidarity is all-important and dissension
cannot be tolerated. Internal disputes can lead to a lessening of
resolve and might fragment even further an already fragile commu-
nity structure. For this reason clear guidelines for becoming an
insider need to be established (see 2.1 above) and unity within the
community needs to be maintained at all costs. An effective means
of ensuring group solidarity is to impose a measure of social
control on dissident or potentially dissident members by the use of
the threat of judgement. 24 Those within the community who do not
conform to the standards of the group will themselves be punished
for not being true members of the elect. This threat can be made
explicitly as it is in Revelation (2:14-16, 22-3; 3:1^) and the
Community Rule at Qumran (1QS 2:11-17), but it is always
implicit in view of the fact that membership in all groups depends
upon the observance of certain standards of behaviour. In highly
organised sectarian groups like the Qumran community, if the
threats did not produce the desired result, then a series of punish-
ments or even the expulsion of the offender could be undertaken
(1QS 6:24-7:25). Measures such as these also promote group
solidarity by suppressing dissident behaviour or by expelling wholly
dissident elements.
The function of social control is also apparent in the material
which addresses the eschatological fate of those outside the com-
munity. While the constant reminder that outsiders will meet with
horrific punishments serves to satisfy the need for vengeance
within the group (see 2.4 above), it also functions to deter those
waverers in the group who might be tempted to break ranks and
leave it. The less than steadfast members would be considerably
pressured to remain in the community by the (implicit) threat that
leaving the group would see them exchange eternal rewards for
24
This particular function of apocalyptic eschatology is noted by Meeks, 'Social
Functions', p. 694 and Fiorenza, 'The Phenomenon of Early Christian Apoca-
lyptic', p. 313.
eternal damnation. Underlying this particular function of apoca-

lyptic eschatology is the concept of human free will and the
correlative notion of human responsibility for actions. Rather
than promoting a hard determinism at this level, those who
embrace apocalyptic eschatology advocate that their readers can
choose whether or not to remain within the righteous community.
It is therefore in their own hands whether they ultimately receive
salvation or punishment at the eschaton.
2.6 Summary
To summarise this section, it was found that the function of
apocalyptic eschatology is closely related to the social setting of
apocalypticism; apocalyptic eschatology is a response to the situa-
tion of crisis and resultant alienation experienced by the author
and his circle and encapsulates their efforts to deal with it. It
presents a new and authoritative symbolic universe which validates
the experience of the group and invalidates the world view of the
wider society which is responsible for the desperate situation. By
emphasising that the world is composed of only two groups whose
boundaries are clearly marked, and that the beliefs and practices
of the apocalyptic community alone meet with God's approval,
apocalyptic eschatology both identifies and legitimates the com-
munity which resorts to it. In spelling out that the righteous will
be rewarded and the wicked punished, it serves to offer hope,
comfort and consolation, and satisfies the desire for vengeance on
the wider oppressive society. Since group solidarity is essential for
minority or sectarian groups, apocalyptic eschatology also func-
tions to preserve solidarity and harmony by imposing social
control using the threat of judgement.
SUMMARY OF PART I
In this first part of our study, we have attempted to present as

full a picture as is necessary for our purposes of both apocalyptic
eschatology and apocalypticism in the historical time-frame of
the gospel of Matthew. While noting that these terms are
confusing and unsatisfactory, it was decided in the interests of
avoiding further confusion to retain them. Apocalyptic escha-
tology is a religious perspective which can be found both within
and without the apocalyptic genre. It emphasises dualism on a
number of levels and a deterministic view of history, and
concentrates on the eschatological reversal of present circum-
stances in the immediate future. Important eschatological char-
acteristics of this perspective include the lead up to the end of
this age, the arrival of a saviour figure, the final and universal
judgement and the bestowal of magnificent and eternal rewards
or terrible punishments. Apocalypticism is the socio-religious
phenomenon which underlies this particular religious perspective.
It is embraced by minority groups which are undergoing a
situation of crisis, either real or perceived, and experiencing a
sense of alienation from the wider, oppressive society. The crisis
could take any number of forms and need not necessarily have
been a major historical catastrophe. The adoption of apocalyptic
eschatology and its alternative symbolic universe is in direct
response to the perceived crisis. It legitimates the existence and
peculiar nature of the group in question and offers an explana-
tion of the present situation of crisis. Further, apocalyptic
eschatology serves to console the group that, despite present
appearances, God is on their side and that ultimately they will be
rewarded and their enemies punished. Alternatively, it can serve
by way of threat to warn wavering members of the consequences
of breaking ranks. In this latter usage it serves as a means of
social control which is necessary in view of the current critical
70
Summary 71
conditions. Having completed our preliminary and necessary

review of the related phenomena apocalyptic eschatology and
apocalypticism, we may now turn to the gospel of Matthew and
apply the insights of that discussion.
PART II
Apocalyptic eschatology in the gospel of Matthew
This part of the study will attempt to determine the nature and
extent of apocalyptic eschatology in the gospel of Matthew. In
order to do this, we need to investigate each of the eight major
characteristics of this religious perspective which were identified in
chapter 1. In all chapters we shall focus upon the evangelist's use of
his synoptic sources according to the principles and for the reasons
outlined in the Introduction. This will provide a guide as to which
elements the evangelist adopted with minimal alteration from these
sources and those which he saw fit to alter or to supplement. In
those cases where Matthew differs from his synoptic sources, the
possibility that he is reflecting source material independent of Mark
and Q must be explored. Since apocalyptic eschatology is found to
varying degrees in many early Christian documents, most notably
in the Apocalypse but by no means confined there, it could be the
case that Matthew is reflecting a Christian tradition which is
represented in other New Testament texts. On the other hand, in
some instances it might be true that the evangelist was dependent
upon purely Jewish apocalyptic-eschatological traditions which he
knew in either oral or literary form. It is well known that Matthew
knew of and utilised the book of Daniel and the claim is sometimes
made that he knew other apocalyptic texts. At the conclusion of
this part of the study, we will be in a position to offer a complete
reconstruction of Matthew's particular scheme of apocalyptic
eschatology and to note its similarities to and differences from
other schemes. We will be able to identify which elements he
accepted from all his Christian sources, both within and without his
synoptic sources, and which themes and motifs he adopted from
the Jewish apocalyptic-eschatological tradition.
DUALISM AND DETERMINISM IN
MATTHEW
1. Dualism
The gospel of Matthew accepts the notion of temporal dualism.
This doctrine of the two ages is also found in Matthew's major
sources, Mark and Q, and is a feature of many early Christian
writings. The evangelist's specific notions with respect to this
important theme will be fully highlighted in chapters 4 to 7.
Matthew also firmly embraces the more developed form of cosmic
dualism which is found in the Qumran scrolls and the book of
Revelation. In agreement with these texts, he describes the super-
natural world in terms of a cosmic struggle between God and his
agents on the one hand and Satan and his company of evil angels
on the other. Matthew is dependent upon Mark and Q for much of
this material, but he edits those sources in an interesting manner
and puts his own particular stamp upon them. Let us begin with his
depiction of the forces on the side of God in this cosmic conflict.
Like all or most of his contemporaries, Matthew accepts the
reality of the holy angels who serve God and mediate between the
heavenly and earthly realms. Such angels appear in the birth
narratives (1:20-1; 2:13, 19-20; cf. 2:12, 22) and the resurrection
episode (28:1-8) and in all cases are the messengers of divine
revelation. Matthew also knows of the concept of personal guardian
angels. In Matthew 18:10, he writes that 'the little ones' have their
own particular angels in heaven who behold the face of God. As
with the idea of angels as the instruments of revelation, the notion
of personal guardian angels is commonly found in the texts of that
time (e.g. Ps. 34:7; 91:11; Tobit 5:2ff; Pseudo-Philo 11:12; 15:5; 59:4;
Jub. 35:17; Dan. 3:6; T.Levi 5:3; 3 Bar. 12-13; Acts 12:15).1
A more important element of Matthew's angelology concerns the
1
For further discussion of the relationship between Matt. 18:10 and contemporary
angelological beliefs, see Davies and Allison, Matthew, II, pp. 770-1.
75
76 Apocalyptic eschatology in Matthew
relationship between Jesus and the holy angels. He follows Mark in

referring to a group of these angels who serve Jesus after his trials
with Satan (4:11 //Mark 1:13) and he specifies in a redactional note
that at the time of his arrest Jesus could have appealed to twelve
legions of angels for help (26:53). The precise relationship between
Jesus and these angels, however, is spelt out most clearly in
Matthew's eschatological material. When Jesus returns in glory as
the judgemental Son of Man, he will be accompanied by an angelic
host (16:27//Mark 8:38; 25:31), which will gather the elect (24:31//
Mark 13:27) and the wicked (13:41) and separate them prior to the
judgement (13:49). It is these angels who have the task of casting
the wicked to the eternal fire (13:42, 50; cf. 1 En. 54:6). Of
particular interest is that in 13:41, 16:27 and 24:31, Matthew
describes the angels who accompany the Son of Man as 'his angels'.
While the first of these texts has no synoptic parallel, the evangelist
has inserted the genitive pronoun into the Marcan text in the other
two (cf. Mark 8:38 and 13:27). In doing so, Matthew testifies that
Jesus the Son of Man will return not simply accompanied by
angels, but accompanied by his angels; the holy angels therefore
belong to Jesus the Son of Man.
This particular theme is peculiar to Matthew in the New Testa-
ment. The closest parallels to this Matthean concept appear in 1
Thess. 3:13, 2 Thess. 1:7 and Jude 14-15. The first of these states that
at the parousia the Lord Jesus will come with all his holy ones,
presumably a reference to his angelic retinue, while the second speaks
of his revelation with angels of his power (\izxr ayystaov SOV&HSGX;
auxoC). In the citation of 1 En. 1:9 in Jude verses 14-15 the coming of
the Lord with his holy myriads now refers to Jesus and not to
Yahweh. Conceptually these three texts make the same point as the
Matthean references - Jesus will return at the end of time accompa-
nied by his holy angels - but only Matthew emphasises that the angels
belong to Jesus the Son of Man. We may note at this point that
Matthew here has brought his angelology into line with his chris-
tology; the angels of heaven belong to and serve Jesus the Son of
Man. The significance of this point will become clear in later chapters.
Directly opposed to Jesus and his angels are their evil counter-
parts. While Matthew makes no direct reference at all to the
complex mythology of the Watchers, 2 he does know of and utilise
2
For evidence that Matthew knew the Book of the Watchers, see Sim, 'Matthew
22:13a and 1 Enoch 10:4a'. Apart from this very indirect reference to the
Watchers tradition, Matthew seems not to have been greatly influenced by it.
Dualism and determinism 77
the alternative Satan tradition. Much of this material derives from

his Christian sources, though some of it is peculiar to Matthew.
The evil angels are headed by the prince of demons (9:35; 12:24)
who is known alternatively as Satan (4:10; 12:26; 16:23), Beelzebul
(10:25; 12:24, 27), the devil (6 Sidpotax;; 4:1, 5, 8, 11; 13:39;
25:41), the tempter (6 Ttsipd^cov; 4:3, cf. 1 Thess. 3:5; 1 Cor. 7:5;
Rev. 2:10) and the evil one (6 7tovr|p6<;; 5:37; 6:13; 13:19, 38). The
last of these titles requires further discussion, since it is significant
in terms of the evangelist's overall dualistic scheme. There is no
doubt that 6 7iovr|p6(;, which is found elsewhere in the New
Testament as a name for Satan (John 17:15; 2 Thess. 3:3; 1 John
2:13-14; 3:12; 5:18-19; Eph. 6:16), is an important title for
Matthew. This is signified by the fact that in 13:19 Matthew omits
Mark's 'Satan' (Mark 4:14) and replaces it with 'the evil one'
(Matt. 13:19). The evil one also appears in the important apoc-
alyptic-eschatological interpretation of the parable of the tares
(13:38) and is there synonymous with the devil (verse 39). He
receives further mention right at the end of the saying concerning
oaths (5:33-7). While there is no good reason to deny the pre-
Matthean character of 5:33-7a, the final clause, TO 8e Tiepicradv
3
TODTGOV 6K TOD 7tovr|poi) ecrav, looks very much like an addition.
The final instance of this particular name for Satan appears at the
conclusion of the Lord's Prayer (6:13b) where the petition not to
be led into temptation, which concludes the Lucan version, is
followed by the request that we be delivered from the evil one.
Although it is possible that the addition of this material had
occurred prior to the time of Matthew, the fact that he uses the
expression editorially elsewhere suggests that the evangelist
himself is responsible for it here. 4 This linking of temptation and
Satan recalls the temptation narrative; just as Jesus was delivered
from temptation at the hands of Satan, so too might be the
petitioner.
The Satan tradition plays an important role in the Matthean
narrative and sets the story of Jesus in the context of a cosmic
conflict between the heavenly forces and the powers of evil.
Taking his lead from Mark and Q, Matthew has Jesus tempted
3
So Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, p. 538; Gundry, Matthew, p. 95; Gnilka,
Matthdusevangelium, I, p. 173 and tentatively, Luz, Matthaus, I, p. 281.
4
In agreement with Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, pp. 614-15; Gnilka, Matthdu-
sevangelium, I, p. 215; Gundry, Matthew, p. 109; Schweizer, Matthew, p. 148 and
Schulz, Q, p. 86. Both Jeremias, Prayers, pp. 89-91 and Luz, Matthaus, I,
pp. 334-5 view this material as a pre-Matthean expansion.
by Satan right at the outset of his public mission (4:1-13). These

temptations take place immediately after the baptism of Jesus
when God had confirmed his status as son of God (3:13-17//
Mark 1:9-11). Satan is therefore established early on as the
adversary of Jesus. As one who is not on the side of God (16:23)
but stands opposed to him, he can be described as 'the enemy'
(cf. 6 %0po<; in 13:39). After resisting all temptation and then
dispensing with Satan, the Matthean Jesus faces and defeats a
whole host of lesser demons who have successfully possessed the
minds and bodies of humans. Matthew takes over from Mark
(Mark 1:34; 3:22-7; 5:1-20; 7:24^30; 9:14^29) and from Q (//
Luke 11:14-15, 17-23) a number of texts which describe Jesus
exorcising these unclean spirits (Matt. 8:16, 28-34; 9:32^; 12:22-
30; 15:22-8; 17:14-21). This task of exorcism is carried on by the
disciples when Jesus sends them on their mission. According to
the Q account of the mission charge, the disciples are instructed
by Jesus to preach the kingdom and heal the sick (Luke 10:9).
Matthew multiplies the instructions and adds that the disciples
must also raise the dead, cleanse lepers and cast out demons
(10:8; cf. 11:5).5 Yet despite the success of the exorcisms of Jesus
and the disciples, the evangelist is quite adamant that they
constitute only a series of minor victories in the overall cosmic
conflict. The final and decisive defeat of Satan and his contingent
of demons will not take place until the eschatological judgement
(cf. 25:41 and see further chapter 6). Consequently, they are still
a force to be reckoned with until that time. This point is
emphasised in the final clause of the Lord's Prayer which calls
for constant deliverance from the evil one (cf. 13:19). We shall
see in chapter 4 that Matthew believed that the threat posed to
the righteous by the supernatural forces of evil would intensify
considerably in the future.
This dualism on the cosmic level is found as well on the human
level and the evangelist firmly agrees with the schemes in Revelation
and the Qumran scrolls that there is a firm link between the two.
The most precise statement of this theme appears in one of the
gospel's most important apocalyptic-eschatological sections, the
interpretation of the parable of the tares in 13:36-^4-3. It is generally
accepted that Matthew himself created this pericope outright and
5
See Davies and Allison, Matthew, II, p. 170; Schulz, g, p. 407; Gnilka,
Matthausevangelium, II, p. 360; Gundry, Matthew, pp. 184-5 and Hoffmann,
Studien, pp. 275-6.
there is no valid reason to suspect otherwise. 6 In explaining the

parable of 13:2430, the Matthean Jesus presents a completely
dualistic perspective of the whole cosmic order. The Son of Man
(i.e. Jesus himself) sows the good seed which represents the sons of
the kingdom, while the weeds which arise amidst the seed are the
sons of the evil one (oi uioi TOO 7covr|poi)) and are sown by the
enemy who is none other than the devil (verses 37-9a). Needless to
say the former group is earmarked for salvation and the latter for
eternal punishment as the later part of the tradition makes clear. At
the harvest the wicked will be burned, while the righteous will shine
like the sun in the kingdom of their father (verses 40-3a). Ac-
cording to this scenario, there is no middle ground in the cosmic
conflict between Jesus and Satan and their respective human
supporters; one is either a son of the kingdom or a son of the evil
one and there is no third category. It has not escaped the attention
of scholars that this contrasting terminology is close in meaning, if
not in wording, to the Qumran dualistic categories, the sons of light
and the sons of darkness. 7 By using such language Matthew
deliberately relates the dualism of the human sphere to the cosmic
battle which is being fought between Jesus and Satan. The human
world is fundamentally divided into good and evil, and each group
is aligned with its cosmic or supernatural counterpart. This text is
further comparable to the Qumran schema in its affirmation that
each group owes its origin to the leading players in the cosmic
conflict. In 1QS these figures are Michael and Belial who rule
respectively the spirits of truth and the spirits of falsehood, while
for Matthew it is Jesus Son of Man, the leader of the heavenly
angels, who sows the good seed and the devil who creates the
weeds.
The evangelist gives further expression to this theme in the Q
tradition of the return of the unclean spirit (Matt. 12:43-5//Luke
11:246). This pericope narrates the tale of an evil spirit which left
its home in the body of a man but later desired to return there.
6
See the impressive list of peculiarly Matthean features in the interpretations of
both the parable of the tares (13:36-43) and that of the net (13:49-50) compiled
by Jeremias, Parables, pp. 81-5. Those accepting this view include Davies and
Allison, Matthew, II, pp. 426-7, 442; Luz, Matthdus, II, pp. 338-9, 357; Gundry,
Matthew, pp. 271-4, 279-80 and Beare, Matthew, p. 311. Other views concerning
the origin of this material will be considered in chapter 5.
7
See the discussion of Davies, Sermon, p. 232. Both Schenk, Sprache, p. 120 and
Kingsbury, Parables, p. 96 note the developed dualism in the language of this
pericope, though neither mentions any resemblance to the Qumran literature.
Upon its return it finds its previous home cleaned out and put in
order. The demon then brings seven more demons who are worse
than itself and they all take up residence in the man. The passage
concludes with the solemn words that the last state of that man will
be worse than his original state (when only one demon possessed
him); Matthew appends an application at the end of the pericope,
'so it will be also with this evil generation' (verse 45b), which aligns
the present passage to the sign of Jonah pericope which precedes it
(cf. 'an evil and adulterous generation' in 12:39). Apart from this
redactional conclusion, a comparison of the two synoptic versions
shows that Matthew has closely followed the wording of Q. He
does, however, make one further editorial change, which perhaps
elaborates what was implicit in the Q tradition, but which certainly
conforms this material to his own dualistic perspective. In verse 44b
(//Luke 11:25), the evangelist accepts the Q reference that the
demon returns to its previous home only to find it swept and put in
order, but he inserts the extra information that it was also empty
(axoA,&ovxa).8 Most commentators agree that this addition, in
conjunction with the fact that the man is later possessed again,
serves to provide a warning that the vacuum left by the evil spirit
should have been filled. Were the individual not aligned with or
influenced by the evil forces (Satan and his demons), then he should
have been aligned with the powers of good (Jesus and God) since
this would have made repossession impossible. By this seemingly
insignificant addition, the evangelist thus makes the important
point that neutrality, i.e. emptiness, is not an option in the cosmic
conflict; non-alignment with the cause of Jesus means ultimately
taking the part of Satan. As with 13:36-43, the dualism of the
human world merges completely with the dualism of the super-
natural world. 9
It was noted previously that this Matthean theme of wicked
humans acting at the behest of Satan has affinities with the schemes
in the Qumran scrolls and the book of Revelation, but it also
appears in the first epistle of John. This text states that whoever
8
Schulz, Q, p. 477; Davies and Allison, Matthew, II, p. 361; Gundry, Matthew,
p. 247; Beare, Matthew, pp. 283-4.
9
The advanced dualism here is acknowledged by Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II,
p. 649. Gnilka makes the further point that this is the only text in the gospel
which specifies that evil spirits are responsible for human sin; Matthausevange-
lium, II, p. 647. So too Davies and Allison, Matthew, II, p. 361 n. 113. But this
view completely overlooks Matthew 13:36-43 which makes precisely the same
point.
commits sin is of the devil, who has committed sin from the
beginning (3:8), and it contrasts the children of God and the
children of the devil (3:10; cf. also John 8:44; Acts 13:10). The
author urges his readers to love one another and not be like Cain
who was 'of the evil one' (K TOU Tcovripou, 1 John 3:12; cf. Matt.
5:37) and murdered his brother because his deeds were evil and
those of his brother were righteous. Hence, for this writer as well
the cosmos is strictly divided into good and evil, a division which
can be traced back to creation. He is also in no doubt that human
evil, as exemplified by the murder of Abel by Cain, has its origin in
Satan. 10 Parallels have been rightly drawn between this concept in 1
John and the dualistic scheme of Qumran, 11 but both Matthew and
Revelation are comparable in this respect.
The point was made in chapter 1 that those who resort to
apocalyptic eschatology generally tend to juxtapose and thereby
contrast the two opposing groups which comprise the human
world. Matthew is no exception to this rule and it is probably fair
to say that he does so more than any other New Testament author.
As we find in many apocalyptic-eschatological texts, the gospel of
Matthew uses a variety of comparative terms. We have already
noted the evangelist's contrast between the sons of the kingdom
and the sons of the evil one, but we also find the comparison
between righteous and doers of lawlessness (13:41-3), righteous
and cursed (25:37, 41), wise and foolish (7:24-7; 25:1-13), 12 and
faithful and wise and wicked (24:45-51). 13 The most prominent and
important antithetical terms which Matthew uses, however, are
good (dyaOog) and wicked (novr\poq). In some cases he has taken
the contrast directly from Q. For example, in 12:34-5 (//Luke 6:45)
we meet the comparison between the good (dyaOoc;) man who
produces good and the evil (rcovripoq) man who produces evil. The
10
See Smalley, 1, 2, 3 John, pp. 168, 180, 184.
11
Smalley, 1, 2, 3 John, p. 168. A further close parallel between 1 John and the
Qumran scrolls appears in the related theme of the two spirits in the Community
Rule and 1 John 4:16 where the author speaks of the spirit of truth and the
spirit of error.
12
The pair of contrasting terms in 7:24-7 is clearly attributable to Matthew. It is
accepted by all scholars that the concrete descriptions of the two builders as
(J>poviuo<; and ucopot; are Matthean touches; see Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, I,
p. 280; Schulz, Q, pp. 3134; Luz, Matthaus, I, p. 412; Davies and Allison,
Matthew, I, p. 721 and Gundry, Matthew, pp. 134-5.
13
Matthew adds 'wicked' (KCIK6<;) in v.48 (so Gundry, Matthew, p. 496 and
Marguerat, Le Jugement, p. 531 contra Schulz, Q, p. 272), thereby highlighting
the contrast which is already present in the Q narrative.
dya96<;/7tovr|p6(; contrast appears again in the Q parable of the

talents (Matt. 25:14-30//Luke 19:11-27) which refers to the good
(and faithful) servants (Matt. 25:21// Luke 19:17; Matt. 25:23 with
no Lucan parallel) and the wicked (rcovripoq) servant (Matt. 25:26/'/
Luke 19:22). All the remaining instances of the contrast between
the good and the evil are the result of Matthean redaction. In
Matthew 5:45b (//Luke 6:35b) we meet a double contrast, evil and
good (7covr|p6(; and dyaGoq) and righteous and unrighteous
(SiKaioq and aSiicoq), and it is agreed that these are secondary to
the non-dualistic Lucan terms ungrateful and evil (dx&picrcoc; and
7tovr|p6<;).14 The same antithetical terms are found at the conclu-
sion of the parable of the wedding feast where the servants gather
both good and wicked in order to fill the hall (22:10). The Lucan
parallel knows of no such distinction between the guests (Luke
14:23) and most scholars ascribe the difference to Matthew's
redaction. 15 In the material dealing with the metaphor of trees and
their fruit (Matt. 7:17-18 and 12:33//Luke 6:43), Matthew expands
his source and specifically uses the aya06<;/7tovr|p6(; terminology; a
good tree (5sv8pov dyaGov) produces fine fruit (Kaprcoix;
and a bad tree (aarcpdv 8ev8pov) produces evil fruit
7iovr|poi)<;).16 As a variant on the dya96<;/7iovr|p6<; contrast,
Matthew also juxtaposes the righteous and the wicked (Siicaioq/
Tcovripoq) in the parable of the net (13:49).
We should not interpret these references to contrasting groups
on the human level merely in terms of a moral division within
humanity. Rather, all these texts serve to highlight Matthew's
dualistic view of the cosmos which he constructed in 13:36-^3. The
question of morality or ethics is merely one aspect of the conceptual
framework in which Matthew's dualistic terminology works. The
righteous are good only in so far as they have aligned themselves
with Jesus and his forces in the cosmic struggle. On the other hand,
the wicked are evil not just because they act immorally, but because
their immorality betrays their allegiance to Satan. Matthew's con-
stant use of novripoq as a descriptive term for the wicked clearly
points in this direction. As followers of the evil one (6 7iovr|p6<;),
14
See Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, pp. 554-5; Gundry, Matthew, p. 98 and
Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, I, p. 188. Luz, Matthaus, I, p. 306 n. 7 is slightly
more tentative on the issue.
15
So Schulz, Q, p. 397; Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p. 236; Gundry, Matthew,
p. 438 and Beare, Matthew, p. 436.
16
For Matthew's expansion of Q here, see Gundry, Matthew, p. 130; Luz,
Matthaus, I, pp. 401-2 and Schulz, Q, pp. 317-18.
those who are opposed to God can themselves be designated

wicked or evil (jiovripoc;). These texts thus reinforce the notion in
Matthew 13:38 that those who take the part of Satan are indeed
sons of the evil one. It ought to be noted at this point that
Matthew's many references to 'this evil (novr\p6<;) generation'
(11:16; 12:39, 41, 42, 45; 16:4; 17:17; 23:36; 24:34), which in almost
every case he took from his sources, fit very neatly into this dualistic
scheme. The generation which rejected and murdered the messiah
must be considered as working in the service of Satan.
Matthew's advanced dualism finds further explicit expression in
the Matthean pericope concerning the two ways (7:13-14) which
derives ultimately from Q (//Luke 13:23-4). According to the
Lucan parallel, Jesus tells his disciples to enter (the eschatological
banqueting hall) by the narrow door, for many will try to enter but
will not be able. The Matthean text, on the other hand, reflects a
totally dualistic perspective. It speaks not of one point of entry, in
this case gates rather than doors, but of two which lead to two
different destinations. One gate is wide and the way to it is easy.
This gate leads to destruction and many will enter it. By contrast,
the other gate is narrow and the way to it is hard. The narrow gate
leads ultimately to salvation (life) and those who find it will be few.
Probability favours the hypothesis that Matthew has expanded the
original Q pericope and contrasted the two gates and the two ways
rather than the alternative view that Luke has abbreviated it. 17 The
two gates presumably represent the respective entrances to the
consummated kingdom of God and to Gehenna, the place of
eschatological punishment. That Matthew considered the latter
place to possess a gate is clear from 16:18 which refers to the gates
of Hades (wbXax g8ou). We may surmise from this that the evan-
gelist accepted that a gate also led to the place of eschatological
salvation. The idea of the end-time residence of the righteous being
entered by a gate (or gates) is found in both Jewish and Christian
apocalyptic literature (4 Ezra 7:6-8; Rev. 22:14; cf. also 21:12-13,
15, 21).18 On the other hand, the combination of the two gates, one
leading to salvation and the other to destruction, is comparatively
17
In agreement with Luz, Matthaus, I, pp. 395-6 and Gundry, Matthew, pp. 126-7.
On the other hand, Schulz, Q, pp. 309-11 argues unconvincingly for the
originality of the Matthean text and the redactional nature of the Lucan parallel.
Matthean priority is also affirmed by Guelich, Sermon, p. 385. The middle
position is adopted by Gnilka, Matth'ausevangelium, I, pp. 268-9 who argues for
both Matthean expansion and Lucan contraction of the original Q pericope.
18
For non-apocalyptic texts, see Jeremias, 'rcu^ri', p. 923.
rare in the literature of Matthew's time.19 Matthew's use of this

double imagery is a direct result of his adoption of the concept of
the two ways and his insertion of it into this Q passage; the two
ways must lead to two different destinations.
It was noted in chapter 1 that this notion of the two ways has its
roots in the Old Testament but underwent considerable develop-
ment in conjunction with the development of Jewish angelological
and demonological traditions. In the Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs and the Qumran literature, the clearest examples of this
process, the two ways had been subsumed under the further
dualistic concept that the cosmos is engaged in a fierce struggle
between the powers of good and the forces of evil. We obviously
find this development in Matthew as well. While Matthew 7:13-14
itself has no mention of this cosmic battle, it is clearly presumed
because of the prominence of this theme elsewhere in the gospel. In
the light of 13:36-43 and other passages, Matthew's concept of the
two ways in 7:13-14 involves more than making moral decisions. In
the final analysis it means taking either the part of God or the part
of Satan in the supernatural conflict. Thus the two ways tradition
in the gospel can be compared favourably with the specific doctrine
of the two spirits in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and
the Community Rule from Qumran.20
The evangelist gives point to his scheme of human dualism by
emphasising that just as there are only two ways of human existence,
the way of God or the way of Satan, so too is there no middle ground
at the time of the judgement. One is earmarked either for punishment
or for salvation and there is no category in between. This point is
made right throughout the gospel, but it is most clearly delineated in
a number of unparalleled pericopae. In 12:36-7 Matthew stresses
that individuals will be either justified or condemned on the basis of
their words. The description of the last judgement in 25:31-46 states
that an individual will be placed at either the left hand or the right
hand of the eschatological judge (verse 33), and then given eternal
punishment or eternal life (verse 46). According to the parable of the
tares and its interpretation (13:24-30, 36-43), there are only two
categories, wheat and weeds, the former being saved and the latter
being burnt (cf. 3:12). Precisely the same point is made in the related
19
So correctly Luz, Matthaus, I, p . 396.
20
So t o o Sabourin, 'Apocalyptic Traits', p . 22. The opposite view is expressed by
Suggs, ' T h e Christian T w o W a y s Tradition', p p . 63-4 w h o sees no relationship at
all between the notion at Q u m r a n a n d this M a t t h e a n text.
parable of the net and its interpretation in 13:47-50; there are only
two types of fish, good and bad. These eschatological passages
illustrate clearly the fundamentally dualistic outlook of the evan-
gelist. Since there is no middle path in human life, there is certainly
no third option at the judgement.
The advanced dualism of Matthew's gospel, though quite clearly
and consistently presented, is often overlooked by Matthean scho-
lars. Perhaps the reason for this is that New Testament scholarship
in general has focused primarily on the dualism of the Johannine
literature. As is well known, the gospel of John and the first epistle
of John are intensely dualistic and employ a variety of contrasting
images - light/darkness (e.g. John 1:8; 3:19-21; 8:12; 9:5; 12:35-6,
46; 1 John 1:5-7; 2:8-11), flesh/spirit (e.g. John 3:5-6; 6:63), spirit
of truth and the spirit of error (1 John 4:1-6) to choose only three
such features. Parallels between the dualism of the Johannine
writings and the Qumran scrolls have long been drawn and
exhaustively examined.21 This concentration on the Johannine
literature has perhaps helped to turn attention away from other
New Testament documents, including the gospel of Matthew. Yet
in its own way, the gospel of Matthew is no less dualistic than any
of these texts. While its dualism is perhaps not so obvious as that of
the Johannine literature, and its range of dualistic categories is not
so extensive, the perception of the cosmos it advances is no less
dualistic than its Johannine counterparts. The division of all
creatures, angels and humans, into two opposing camps, which is
also found in 1 John and the Apocalypse, has very clear parallels
with the dualism which operated at Qumran. In fact, by plainly
affirming that the human world and the angelic world are sub-
sumed under the one cosmic dualistic scheme, Matthew betrays a
more developed dualism than many of the apocalyptic-eschatolo-
gical schemes which were discussed in chapter 1! This point has
been rather neglected in the study of Matthew's gospel, but it must
be given the attention it deserves.
On the other hand, those scholars who have noted Matthew's
developed dualism have been less than comfortable with it. More
than one scholar has attempted to dissociate this gospel theme from
the viewpoint of the evangelist. The following words of F. W. Beare
in relation to Matthew 13:36-43 may serve as an illustration of this
reaction;
21
See most recently, Painter, Quest for the Messiah, pp. 30-5.
The picture is pure myth - human beings are.. .seen

as.. .belonging to one of two classes, according to their
origin in the Son of Man or in the devil. This is surely a
conception of man which is quite alien to Jesus or to the
Bible generally. Can it be that Matthew himself really
thinks of mankind in these terms, or has he borrowed some
alien myth without realizing its implications?22
Beare's comments raise some very pertinent issues. His point that
this Matthean theme stands against the biblical view in general
might hold true in terms of the Old Testament, which does not by
and large contain a strong demonological tradition, but it hardly
applies to the New Testament which took shape in an environment
which emphasised the dualistic nature of the cosmos. As noted
above, there are close conceptual and/or terminological parallels
between the gospel, the first Johannine epistle and the Christian
Apocalypse. Beare also raises the question whether Matthew really
thought in these terms, or whether he had adopted an alien myth
without realising the implications of doing so. This issue requires a
few words as well, in so far as it directly affects our understanding
of Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology in general and not just our
approach to his advanced dualism. To begin with, there is no good
reason to doubt that the evangelist completely accepted the reality
of the situation as depicted in 13:36-43. This dualistic perspective is
not an alien myth (whatever that means!), but belongs to a
particular Jewish (and Christian) world view of the evangelist's
day, and was clearly accepted by many of his contemporaries. That
Matthew adopted it should occasion no surprise. We noted in
chapter 2 that this world view arises in and responds to a certain
social setting, and we shall examine in Part III how this applies to
the evangelist and his community.
No doubt some scholars would argue that the evangelist could
not have accepted the cluster of unappealing apocalyptic-eschatolo-
gical features in 13:36-43, such as its marked dualism or its
reference to the burning of the wicked. Beare's suggestion that
Matthew might not have understood the implications of using this
material provides one attempt to eliminate such uncomfortable
themes from the overall viewpoint of the evangelist. Yet any claim
of this sort entails the proposition that Matthew readily adopted
language and concepts which had accepted meanings at that time
22
Beare, Matthew, p. 312.
but wished to use them in a manner contrary to their normal usage.

While this is not in itself impossible, it does need to be demon-
strated and not merely assumed. In terms of the evangelist's under-
standing of 13:36-43, a passage he either created or subjected to
heavy redaction, the onus of proof clearly rests with those who
would argue that Matthew did not really refer to the dualistic
nature of the cosmic order and the fiery fate of the wicked, despite
writing about them both here and elsewhere in his gospel. The
danger of this practice, of course, is that it runs a very real risk of
tearing the evangelist from his historical and cultural context and
fashioning him in our own image. We might not today accept the
world view of this Matthean pericope and, like Beare, we might
even disapprove of it, but we must never presume that Matthew
considered matters in the same way. Modern exegetes must be
prepared to accept that Matthew, as a child of his time, held a
different set of beliefs from our own. Value judgements that such a
vision of reality is unbiblical or mythical, or apologetically moti-
vated attempts to divorce the evangelist from an unattractive world
view, only serve to hinder rather than assist our understanding of
Matthew and his intentions.
2. Determinism
Just as Matthew adopted a developed dualistic perception of the
cosmos, so too does he accept that God has determined in advance
the course of history up to and beyond the turn of the eras. This
mechanistic view of history is expressed in a good number of texts.
One clear example is 22:14, the logion which concludes the parable
of the man without the wedding garment, 'For many are called, but
few are chosen (or elected; K>XKT6C;)'. This saying bears a striking
resemblance to 4 Ezra 8:3, 'Many have been created, but few will be
saved'. Underlying both texts is a strictly deterministic world view;
God has deemed in advance that only a minority of people will be
saved at the eschaton.
It was noted in chapter 1 that many of the apocalypses used the
historical review to reinforce their convictions concerning the
determined nature of history. This device was made possible by the
pseudonymous aspect of the genre which placed the prophecies on
the lips of an authoritative figure of the ancient past. The Qumran
community, on the other hand, expressed its determinism in a
different way. Since it did not compose an apocalypse and thus
could not make use of the historical review, it used the pesher
method of interpretation to show that the Old Testament prophecies
were now meeting their fulfilment in the life of the Qumran commu-
nity. This scheme of prophecy and fulfilment also presumes that the
events of history are determined in advance. When we turn to the
gospel of Matthew, we find a similar scheme to that which operated
at Qumran. This is only to be expected. Matthew composed a gospel
whose narrative was set a mere fifty years earlier than his own time,
so he too could not avail himself of the full benefits of the historical
review which the apocalyptic genre afforded. But he compensates
for this by emphasising that the words of the prophets found their
fulfilment in the life and mission of Jesus.
As is well known, the fulfilment of prophecy by Jesus played an
important role in early Christianity. We know from 1 Corinthians
15:3-7 that from the earliest times Christians had seen in the death
and resurrection of Jesus the fulfilment of past prophecies. As time
progressed similar claims were made for other aspects of Jesus' life,
and the fulfilment of scripture plays its part in both Mark and Q
(see below) and in the gospel of John (cf. John 12:38; 13:18; 15:25;
17:12; 18:9, 32; 19:24, 28, 36, 37). It is equally well known that no
New Testament author is more interested in this particular subject
than the writer of Matthew. He specifies time and again that the
prophecies of the Old Testament were fulfilled in the life of Jesus
and incidents related to it. Some of this material derives from
Matthew's major sources. Thus the appearance of John the Baptist
as the prophesied forerunner of Jesus is found in both Mark and Q
and adopted by Matthew (Matt. 3:3//Mark 1:3; Matt. ll:10//Luke
7:27). Mark provides a further three instances of prophetic fulfil-
ment which Matthew incorporates into his gospel. In Matthew
15:7-9 (//Mark 7:6b-7), Jesus suggests that the unbelieving scribes
and Pharisees fulfil the prophecy of Isaiah 29:13, while Matthew
21:42 (//Mark 12:10-11) claims that the rejection but ultimate
vindication of Jesus fulfils Psalm 118:22-3. According to Matthew
26:56 (//Mark 14:49), Jesus claims that his arrest must take place to
fulfil the scriptures, though neither evangelist cites the Old Testa-
ment text in question. This tradition clearly impressed Matthew for
he inserts a further reference to this particular fulfilment of
prophecy (26:54).
Matthew's keen interest in this theme is not restricted to those
cases where he followed his sources. It is further evidenced in the
ten so-called 'formula quotations' which are unique to his gospel
(1:22-3; 2:15; 2:17-18; 2:23; 4:14-16; 8:17; 12:17-21; 13:35; 21:4-5;

27:9-10). These citations of scripture are all introduced by a set
'formula', i'va 7i^r|pcoQfj TO prjQev 8id xou npo<\>r\xo\) Xeyovxoc,
(with minor variations), and applied to a given event in the life of
Jesus (or an event related to it). Scholars agree that the evangelist
himself was responsible for all instances of this formula. By adding
this material, Matthew spells out for his readers that certain
happenings in the time of Jesus which he found in his sources were
all prophesied by the Old Testament prophets. Most of these
fulfilments of prophecy concern Jesus directly - his virginal concep-
tion (1:22-3), his return from Egypt (2:15), his exorcisms (8:17) and
so on - but the slaughter of the innocents (2:17-18) and the
purchase of the potter's field with the 'blood money' of Judas
(27:9-10) are two exceptions to this rule. No doubt Matthew's
major purpose in highlighting the fulfilment of prophecy on these
occasions was to validate the status of Jesus as messiah and son of
God, but underlying this validation is the prior conviction that
history as a totality is foreordained and unchangeable. Not even
powerful historical figures like Herod the Great can alter the set
course of history. Despite his best efforts to do so, Herod only
succeeds in fulfilling another ancient prophecy (2:1-18) and so
becomes a pawn in a process which God has fixed and which no
human can change.
At this point it is appropriate to draw some comparisons
between Matthew's employment of the formula quotations and the
pesher technique at Qumran. There is a clear distinction in the
application of each scheme of prophecy and fulfilment which can
be attributed to the different genres involved. The pesher method
adopted at Qumran involves an exegesis of a continuous prophetic
text, while the evangelist composes a narrative and inserts at certain
points in the story that the Old Testament prophecies have been
fulfilled in the life of Jesus. 23 But these differences in the application
of the Old Testament prophecies should not blind us to the
complete agreement between them that God has fixed the course of
history and revealed it to certain favoured individuals. The impor-
tance of this agreement between Matthew and the Qumran commu-
nity should not be overlooked. In each case we have authors who
embraced apocalyptic eschatology but did not compose an apoc-
alypse. Yet both compensated for the lack of availability of the
23
Stanton, Gospel for a New People, p. 350.
historical review by focusing on the fulfilment of the Old Testament

prophecies to express their beliefs in the determined nature of
history.
While the fulfilment of the Old Testament prophecies in the life
of Jesus is an important Matthean theme, it comprises just one
aspect of the evangelist's deterministic convictions. Matthew also
emphasises that Jesus possesses knowledge of the future, and this
theme is perhaps of even greater importance. The evangelist follows
his sources in providing for his readers concrete examples of Jesus
accurately prophesying the future. He predicts his own suffering,
death and resurrection (16:21; 17:22-3; 20:18-19//Mark 8:31; 9:31;
10:33-4), his betrayal by Judas (26:21-5//Mark 14:18-21), the
denials by Peter (26:34//Mark 14:30) and the destruction of Jeru-
salem (22:7) and its temple (24:2//Mark 13:2). Needless to say,
Matthew makes clear in the course of his narrative that all these
prophecies came to pass as predicted. Once again the fulfilment of
these prophecies, while affirming the special status of Jesus and his
relationship with God (cf. 11:25-7), presumes the mechanistic
nature of the historical processes. The corollary to Matthew's
deterministic view of history, and his depiction of Jesus' being privy
to the course of future events, is that one can have implicit faith in
the prophecies of Jesus which have not yet been fulfilled. One can
be totally confident that those predictions of Jesus concerning the
eschaton will just as surely meet with fulfilment as those prophecies
which have already come to pass. This is an important point. As we
shall see in subsequent chapters, the end-time prophecies of the
Matthean Jesus are in reality the eschatological speculations of the
evangelist himself. Hence, it is fair to say that one purpose of
Matthew's deterministic scheme is to lend credence to his own end-
time speculations. In this sense, there is not so great a difference
between Matthew's use of determinism and that which we find in
the historical review of the apocalyptic genre. Both the evangelist
and the apocalyptist place a number of prophecies on the lips of a
past authoritative figure whose future predictions (from the stand-
point of the reader) must be treated with the same respect as those
which have already met with fulfilment. By doing so, they lend an
authority to their own vision of the future which it otherwise might
not have. Consequently, Matthew's deterministic view of history
provides the context in which his eschatological material is to be
read. His readers are to believe that the future will unfold precisely
as Jesus predicted.
While Matthew has a wholly deterministic view of the broad

sweep of history, his position on the individual level is far less strict
and upholds the concept of free will and the correlative idea of
human responsibility for sin. As noted in chapter 1, this apparent
inconsistency between historical determinism and individual free
will is found in many of the apocalyptic-eschatological schemes of
his day. Just as those schemes emphasise the possibility of repen-
tance in order to join or remain within the elect community, so too
does Matthew. In 18:15-17 the evangelist stresses that sinful
community members should be given a number of chances to
repent of their wrongdoings. Moreover, his many exhortations to
moral behaviour, which will concern us in chapter 9, only make
sense on the presumption that his readers enjoy free will in making
moral decisions. This theme of free choice and repentance is also
prominent in Matthew's story. John the Baptist urges his listeners
to repent (3:2), to bear fruit befitting repentance (3:8) and offers
baptism as a means of repentance (3:11). In similar vein, Jesus
opens his ministry with the call to repentance (4:17) and criticises
those cities which did not repent after witnessing his mighty works
(11:20-4). These texts suffice to demonstrate that on the individual
level Matthew accepted the notion of free will and human responsi-
bility for individual action. The Jewish maxim that all is foreseen
but freedom of choice is given applied just as much to this Jewish
author as it did to other Jewish authors of the time.
3. Conclusions
In this chapter we have analysed the gospel of Matthew in terms of
the two components which provide the framework for the end-time
speculations in apocalyptic eschatology. It was found that the
gospel adopts a completely dualistic perspective. The supernatural
world is divided into two opposing groups, the heavenly angels led
by Jesus Son of Man and the fallen angels who are commanded by
Satan. Matthew is just as clear that the human world is similarly
divided and that there are only two ways of human existence. Each
group within the human sphere is directly associated with its
supernatural counterpart; the righteous have their origin in Jesus,
while the wicked are aligned with Satan. For Matthew there is no
neutrality in this cosmic battle for supremacy. One stands in one
camp or the other and there is no middle ground. In terms of the
second theme, it was argued that the gospel of Matthew is strongly
deterministic with regard to the course of history. The fulfilment of

the Old Testament prophecies in the life of Jesus and the fulfilment
of Jesus' own prophecies presuppose the notion that God has set
the historical processes in motion and that they cannot be changed.
This notion of absolute determinism provides the context for the
gospel's eschatological material; the future will unfold as predicted
just as surely as the past had done. On the individual level, the
evangelist adopted a softer line and emphasised the concept of free
will and human responsibility for sin.
ESCHATOLOGICAL WOES AND THE
COMING OF THE SON OF MAN IN
MATTHEW
Having examined in the previous chapter the two conceptual

elements which provide the framework for Matthew's scheme of
apocalyptic eschatology, we are now in a position to begin our
study of Matthew's eschatological material. As noted in the pre-
vious chapter, Matthew upholds the notion of the two ages (cf.
12:32); the present age will come to an end and be replaced by a
new era. This chapter will be concerned with the initial phase of his
eschatological scheme, his description of the end-time woes and the
arrival of Jesus the Son of Man as a saviour figure at the end of the
age. While Matthew has taken from Mark and Q the specific idea
that Jesus would return as Son of Man, the notion that Jesus would
return in glory at the end of the present era was universal within
early Christianity and is either affirmed or presumed right
throughout the New Testament. While the origins of the notion of
'the second coming' are not absolutely clear, this doctrine presup-
poses the fundamental Christian conviction that Jesus had been
resurrected from the dead and now resided in heaven. But as much
as Matthew shared in common with other Christians the belief in
the return of Jesus, it will become clear that the evangelist had his
own thoughts concerning the significance of this event.
In the course of his narrative, Matthew often refers to the
coming of the Son of Man without mentioning the events which
precede it. Only in the apocalyptic discourse, specifically in 24:4-31,
does Matthew treat together the signs of the end and the arrival of
the Son of Man whose arrival they herald. Consequently, this
section of the gospel assumes great importance for our reconstruc-
tion of the evangelist's particular apocalyptic-eschatological
scheme. Our discussion in the present chapter will examine first
Matthew's identification of Jesus with this Son of Man who signals
the turning of the ages, and then move on to Matthew's allusions to
and general descriptions of this event. Next we shall turn to the
93
important section of the apocalyptic discourse which sets the

arrival of the Son of Man within the evangelist's scheme of
eschatological woes and signs of the end.
1. Jesus as the Son of Man

The figure whom Matthew expected at the end of the age is
consistently called the Son of Man, but the evangelist makes it clear
to his readers that this figure is none other than Jesus himself. The
identification of the end-time Son of Man and Jesus is pointedly
made in those Marcan and Q texts in which Jesus at the time of his
ministry refers to himself as the Son of Man. Matthew adopts from
Mark the view that Jesus was both the authoritative Son of Man
(Matt. 9:6//Mark 2:10; Matt. 12:8//Mark 2:28) and the suffering/
resurrected Son of Man (Matt. 17:9//Mark 9:9; Matt. 17:22//Mark
9:31; Matt. 20:18//Mark 10:33; Matt. 20:28//Mark 10:45; Matt.
26:24//Mark 14:21; Matt. 26:45//Mark 14:31). From Q the evan-
gelist took over a number of traditions which speak of the rejection
(not suffering) of the Son of Man during his mission (Matt. 8:20//
Luke 9:58; Matt. ll:19//Luke 7:34; Matt. 12:32//Luke 12:10).
Matthew's adoption of this material serves many christological and
theological purposes, but one of these is to identify the coming Son
of Man with the rejected but vindicated Jesus of Nazareth. 1
Further identification of the two is made in the apocalyptic
discourse. At the very beginning of this speech, Matthew rewrites
the Marcan version of the disciples' question so that they now ask
about the coming of Jesus and the end of the age, Tell us ... what
will be the sign of your coming (TO ar||isTov TTJC; afjq 7capoi)aia(;)
and of the close of the age' (Matt. 24:3 and Mark 13:4). Since Jesus
then relates the end events in terms of the arrival of the Son of
Man, the reader is meant to infer that it is Jesus himself who
returns as Son of Man and that the disciples knew this when they
posed the question to Jesus.
The bridge between the past and future phases of Jesus' activity
as Son of Man is provided by Matt. 26:64. This text emphasises his
present exalted status as Son of Man in the interim between his
resurrection and his return in glory. Here Matthew drew from
Mark 14:62 the statement of Jesus at his trial that his interrogators
will see the Son of Man seated at the right hand of power (i.e. God)
1
A similar point is made by Marguerat, Le Jugement, pp. 69-71.
Eschatological woes and the coming of the Son of Man 95
and coming with the clouds of heaven (26:64). This Marcan

tradition is a combination of Psalm 110:1 and Daniel 7:13. The
second of these texts requires further comment. Daniel 7:13-14
describes one like a son of man who travels on the clouds of heaven
towards the heavens in order to accept his kingdom. It is not clear
whether the figure in this text represents an individual, the messiah
for example, or whether, as is more probable, he symbolises the
people of Israel as a whole. No matter which exegesis is more
appropriate, it is clear that by the time of Mark this text had
undergone substantial reinterpretation by virtue of its association
with Psalm 110:1. In Mark 14:62, the Son of Man no longer travels
on the clouds towards heaven in order to be glorified and to claim
his kingdom. Rather, he is already exalted and sits at the right hand
of God (Ps. 110:1), and his journey with the clouds is not towards
heaven but away from heaven towards the earth at the eschaton (cf.
Mark 13:26). Thus, in distinction to Daniel 7:13, this Marcan text
deals with two separate events, the enthronement or exaltation of
the Son of Man after his resurrection and his return on the clouds
of heaven. The enthronement itself is not described, but it is clearly
presumed; for the Son of Man to leave the right hand of God at his
parousia, he must have been exalted to that position previously.2
Be that as it may, in Mark the emphasis falls upon the return of the
Son of Man at the end of the age. His very public return will be
witnessed by those who tried him.
Matthew accepts this basic idea and intensifies it. In a minor
redactional change, he conforms the Marcan text more closely to
the LXX version of Daniel by altering the Marcan 'with' (fxexd) the
clouds of heaven to 'upon' (em) the clouds of heaven. More
significantly, Matthew inserts the words 'from now on' (arc' apxi)
just prior to the prophecy of Jesus which predicts that the Jewish
leaders will see the Son of Man. The addition of these words has
the effect of bringing forward the time of their seeing the Son of
Man; they will not see him just at the parousia (so Mark) but 'from
now on'. In the context of the gospel narrative an' apxi does not
refer to the time of speaking but is a clear reference to the
resurrection and its aftermath. By redacting in this manner,
Matthew makes the point that immediately (or perhaps almost
immediately in view of 28:16-20) after his resurrection Jesus will be
2
So correctly Lindars, Son of Man, p. 110 and Hooker, Son of Man, pp. 166-7,
pace Todt, Son of Man, pp. 3<M0 who argues that the text does not speak of
Jesus' exaltation prior to the parousia.
seated at the right hand of God. 3 As noted above, such a notion is

implied in the Marcan text but Matthew spells it out just to be sure.
On his view, the risen Jesus who has been given all authority (28:18)
is now seated at God's right hand. As the second half of this verse
explains, it is this very figure who will return at the eschaton on the
clouds of heaven.
2. General references to the arrival of the Son of Man

Excluding Matthew 24:30-1 which will concern us below, Matthew
refers to the future coming of the Son of Man on a further seven
occasions (10:23; 13:41; 16:27-8; 24:27, 37, 39, 44). These logia do
little more than refer to this event in a very general way. In none of
them is there a concrete description of his arrival, nor is there any
attempt to relate the coming of the Son of Man to other eschatolo-
gical events. The unparalleled 10:23 merely specifies that the
missionaries whom Jesus sends out will not have gone through the
towns of Israel before the Son of Man's arrival. This tradition has
more to do with Matthew's general timing of the event than with
anything else, and we shall examine it in more detail in chapter 7
below. The text of 13:41 mentions that at the close of the age the
Son of Man will send his angels to gather from his kingdom all the
evildoers. Four further general references to the coming of the Son
of Man appear in the Matthean apocalyptic discourse. All four
traditions derive from Q. In 24:44 (//Luke 12:40) Matthew presents
a pericope which affirms only that the hour of the arrival of the Son
of Man will be totally unexpected. The remaining three texts are
perhaps of more interest. Two of these are found in the comparison
between the coming of the Son of Man and the flood of Noah
(Matt. 24:37-9) which begins and concludes with a reference to the
Son of Man. The Lucan version of this tradition expands the
comparison to include the destruction of Sodom, an element which
might not have stood in Matthew's recension of the sayings source
(Luke 17:26-30).4 The point of this tradition in both versions is the
3
So Lindars, Son of Man, p. 121; Hooker, Son of Man, p. 167; Gundry, Matthew,
p. 545; Hill, Matthew, p. 347 and Senior, Passion Narrative, pp. 178-83.
4
It is probable that had this material stood in Matthew's recension of Q, the
evangelist would have adopted it. The reference to the destruction of Sodom by
fire and sulphur would have appealed to Matthew since he views the eschatolo-
gical fate of the wicked in similar terms. That the extra reference to Lot and
Sodom was added by Luke himself or was already present in his version of Q is
accepted by Schulz, Q, pp. 279-80; Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p. 234 n. 4;
same as in Matthew 24:44//Luke 12:40; the arrival of the Son of

Man will be totally unexpected. Just as the victims of the flood (and
the citizens of Sodom) were caught unawares in the course of their
daily activities, so too will be the present generation when the Son
of Man arrives. In the final text, 24:27 (//Luke 17:24), the emphasis
is not on the unexpectedness of the arrival of the Son of Man, but
on its very public nature. His appearance will be as a lightning flash
which lights up all the sky.
In the last three sayings (24:27, 37, 39), Matthew uses a set
expression in reference to the arrival of the Son of Man, oCxcoq
Screen f| 7iapooaia TOD MOD TOD avGpamou. The Lucan parallels
offer a number of alternative expressions and there is no doubt that
Matthew is responsible for the fixed form in his three sayings. As
noted earlier, he inserted the reference to the coming (Tcapouaia) of
Jesus in 24:3 (cf. Mark 13:4) and has done likewise to his Q material
at these points. 5 This technical term for the return of Jesus at the
eschaton is found only in Matthew of the gospels, but it has a very
clear Christian background. It appears in this sense in the Pauline
letters (1 Cor. 15:23; 1 Thess. 2:19; 3:13; 4:15; 5:23) and in other
New Testament texts (Jas. 5:7-8; 2 Pet. 1:16; 3:4; 1 John 2:28).
What makes this reference different in Matthew is that it now
applies to the coming of Jesus the Son of Man. The significance of
this point will become clear in due course.
The final text which mentions the arrival of the Son of Man,
Matthew 16:27-8, is important in so far as it specifies the role of the
Son of Man upon his return. This logion is an edited version of
Mark 8:38-9:1. In Mark 8:38 Jesus affirms that whoever is
ashamed of him (and his words) in his generation, the Son of Man
will in turn be ashamed of him when he comes in the glory of his
father with the holy angels. The arrival of the Son of Man here is
depicted in different terms from Mark 14:62. There is no mention
of the clouds (of heaven) as the vehicle of transport, and the angels
are said to accompany Jesus at the time of his return. Matthew
basically takes over this description (16:27a), though he changes the
Marcan 'holy angels' to his favoured 'his angels'. Where Matthew
does not follow the Marcan text in this pericope is the section
which deals with the function of the Son of Man upon his return.
Schweizer, Matthew, pp. 459-60 and Liihrmann, Redaktion, pp. 75-83. For the
alternative view that Matthew omitted this material on the grounds of redun-
dancy, see Gundry, Matthew, p. 493.
5
See Todt, Son of Man, pp. 87-8 and Schenk, Sprache, p. 18.
In Mark this figure is said only to be ashamed of those who were

ashamed of him and there is no indication that he acts as the judge.
In fact there is no Marcan text which depicts the returning Son of
Man in this capacity. His role in 8:38 is more along the lines of an
advocate at the eschatological tribunal over which God presumably
presides.6 This tradition finds a parallel in the Q material of
Matthew 10:32-3//Luke 12:8-9, and a few words about this
passage are appropriate here. According to the Lucan version, the
Son of Man is said to acknowledge or deny individuals before the
angels of God in return for their acknowledgement or denial of
Jesus before men. The scenario is patently eschatological and the
Son of Man clearly acts as an advocate at the court of judgement in
which the holy angels play a leading part.7 It is generally accepted
that this Lucan tradition reflects the Q archetype and that Matthew
has edited it in two significant ways.8 First, he omits the Son of
Man reference and replaces it with the first person pronoun. This
does not change the sense of the passage, since for Matthew Jesus is
the Son of Man anyway. But it does have the effect of avoiding the
combination of Son of Man and the concept of eschatological
advocacy. For Matthew, as we shall see in the next chapter, the Son
of Man is the judge at the final court and not merely an advocate.
Secondly, Matthew replaces 'before the angels of God' with 'before
my heavenly father'. His motivation here is obviously to maintain
the status of Jesus within the divine hierarchy. In Matthew's view
the angels belong to the Son of Man and are consequently lower
down the rung of authority. It would hardly be appropriate for the
Son of Man to plead a case before them!
Just as Matthew subjects this Q material to redaction, so too at
16:27 does he extensively edit Mark 8:38a. He omits all the material
pertaining to reciprocal shame because he had used the Q parallel
6
Some scholars deny this and have no hesitation in stating that Mark 8:38
portrays Jesus as the judge. So Hooker, Son of Man, p. 119. On the other hand,
Lindars, Son of Man, pp. 50-1 and Higgins, The Son of Man in the Teaching of
Jesus, p. 82 argue that both functions are in view in this text; the Son of Man will
act as prosecutor and judge. Since neither view has any real support in the verse
itself, or the remainder of Mark for that matter, it is permissible to question
whether this Marcan text has been read on its own terms or whether it has been
interpreted on the basis of other New Testament texts which depict Jesus as the
judge.
7
So most scholars; Todt, Son of Man, pp. 44, 56; Lindars, Son of Man, p. 50 and
Higgins, Jesus and the Son of Man, p. 59.
8
On Matthew's redaction of this tradition, see Todt, Son of Man, pp. 89-90;
Schulz, Q, pp. 68-9 and Gundry, Matthew, pp. 198-9.
earlier in his narrative, but of far more importance is his redaction

in the second half of the verse. Here, and in distinction to the
Marcan text, the evangelist spells out precisely the function of the
Son of Man at his parousia; he returns to repay (&7io5i8co|ii) every
one for what they have done. In other words the Son of Man
returns as the judge who will bestow rewards or punishments
according to an individual's deeds.9 By this addition in 16:27
Matthew clarifies the judicial function of the Son of Man. In
Matthew he is no mere advocate (despite the implications of 10:32
3!); he is the judge. In the next verse, Matthew 16:28//Mark 9:1,
Matthew effects further changes on his source. Where the Marcan
Jesus pronounces that some standing here will not taste death
before they see the kingdom of God come with power, the
Matthean version has Jesus state that they will not taste death
before they see the Son of Man coming in his kingdom (cf. 13:41;
20:21). With this editorial change Matthew keeps the focus firmly
on the figure of the Son of Man. He comes in his kingdom, not the
kingdom of God, and his arrival signals the eschaton and the
judgement.
3. Matthew's eschatological scenario

The seven texts discussed above and Matthew 26:64 all refer to the
arrival of the Son of Man at the end of the age, but none of them
puts this event into any historical or chronological framework.
They are completely silent about the eschatological events which
must precede the return of Jesus as judgemental Son of Man. For
this information we need to examine the initial section of the
apocalyptic discourse. In 24:4-31 Matthew details not merely the
arrival of the Son of Man, but the events which precede and herald
this event. This section of the gospel is equivalent to the eschatolo-
gical woes and signs of the end which are normally a part of Jewish
apocalyptic-eschatological schemes and which provide information
on the timing of the end. Matthew's particular scheme is based
upon the scheme in Mark 13, though the evangelist has edited this
material to conform it to his own interests and concerns, and it
predicts a breakdown of both the social order and the natural order
prior to the coming of the Son of Man.
In 24:4-14, which is a heavily edited version of Mark 13:3-8, 13,
9
Marguerat, Le Jugement, p. 93.
the Matthean Jesus sets out a timetable of the end. The events
which must happen prior to the arrival of the Son of Man are stock
Jewish apocalyptic-eschatological woes with a distinctively Chris-
tian flavour - the coming of false Christs, wars among nations,
famines and earthquakes, the universal rejection of the righteous,
constant betrayal, the appearance of false prophets and the increase
of lawlessness. This material is of crucial importance in determining
Matthew's timing of the end. We shall therefore examine this
section in greater detail in chapter 7 when we turn to the evan-
gelist's temporal end expectations. Of more interest in the present
context is Matthew 24:15-28, the following section of the discourse
which specifically relates to the final events in Judea. This is an
extremely important component of Matthew's overall concept of
the last events and its significance is not sufficiently appreciated.
Yet this material refers to nothing less than the full-scale attack
upon the righteous by the forces of evil as the final event of history.
It describes therefore the beginning of the final war between the
righteous and the wicked which is also a prominent theme in both
Revelation and the Qumran scrolls.
The best place to begin the discussion of this theme is not with
the apocalyptic discourse but with Matthew 16:18. In this redac-
tional verse, the Matthean Jesus blesses Peter and proclaims him to
be the rock upon which his church (sKK>-r|aia) will be built. Jesus
then tells Peter that not even the gates of Hades (7ti3A,ai 8ou) will
be able to prevail against it. There have been many suggested
interpretations of 'the gates of Hades', some more probable than
others. In their recent commentary, W. D. Davies and D. C.
Allison identified and assessed no less than twelve interpretations of
this term. At the end of their detailed analysis, they found
themselves in agreement with the proposal of J. Jeremias that the
'gates of Hades' refers to the final attack upon the righteous by the
powers of evil who will gather in and advance from the underworld.
They argue that Matthew is representing a tradition which has
close affinities with the material in Revelation (6:8; 9:1-11; 11:7;
20:7-8) and 1QH 6:22-9 from Qumran. 10 Although the evidence
they adduce is convincing enough, it can be strengthened. It will be
shown below that Matthew depicts the arrival of Jesus the Son of
10
Davies and Allison, Matthew, II, pp. 630-44 and Jeremias, 'TCI3^T|', pp. 924-8.
Oddly enough, Davies and Allison do not mention the very text which provides
the most information on the Qumran community's beliefs about this final
conflict, the War scroll.
Man in military terms; he arrives at the end of the age with his
angelic army and military paraphernalia. Such a militaristic repre-
sentation of his arrival only makes sense if the evangelist envisaged
that a full-scale (but one-sided) war was being fought on earth at
the time of the parousia and that the Son of Man and his forces
were to enter the conflict. We should expect that this eschatological
battle between the righteous and the demonic powers to which
16:18 refers would receive some mention in Matthew's apocalyptic
discourse, and this is indeed the case. The section in question is
24:15-28 which is dependent upon Mark 13:14-21. Let us examine
briefly this Marcan pericope.
Mark 13:14 advises the gospel readers that when they see the
abomination of desolation (TO pSeôyjia xf\q pr||ia)(TecG<;) set up
where it ought not to be, then those in Judea should flee to the
mountains. The meaning of this reference for Mark is disputed
and to some extent is dependent upon one's dating of this gospel.
Some scholars argue that the abomination of desolation is meant
to refer to the temple's destruction which the Marcan Jesus had
earlier prophesied in 13:2. n On this view, this verse thus demon-
strates that Mark wrote either in the year 70 or shortly after it.
Other scholars, however, interpret the phrase quite differently.
They maintain that the evangelist's ungrammatical use of the
masculine participle saxriKoxa relating to the neuter $8eX\)y\ia
suggests that Mark identified the abomination with a specific
individual rather than with an event. It is argued that Mark
identified this person with the antichrist, 12 the eschatological
adversary of Christ who receives explicit mention in 1 John 1:18,
22; 4:3, but who is clearly depicted elsewhere in the New Testa-
ment. He figures as the beast who serves Satan in Revelation and
is there explicitly linked with the myth of the returning Nero. A
different account of the antichrist is reflected in the second epistle
to the Thessalonians. This pseudo-Pauline letter speaks of 'the
man of lawlessness, the son of perdition' (2:3) who works in the
service of Satan (2:9) and who will take his seat in the temple
proclaiming himself to be God (2:4). On this alternative reading of
Mark 13:14 where the abomination represents the antichrist, the
gospel can be dated prior to the destruction of the temple, in
11
See, for example, Pesch, Markusevangelium, II, pp. 291-2 and, more tentatively,
Geddert, Watchwords, pp. 206-7.
12
So Streeter, Four Gospels, pp. 492-3; Marxsen, Mark the Evangelist, pp. 180-2
and Gaston, No Stone on Another, pp. 27-8.
which case the prophecy of its demise in verse 2 was unfulfilled at

the time of writing.
For our purposes, it matters little which of these views applies
to Mark, but the second of them is perhaps the more probable.
Our interest lies with the meaning of the abomination of desola-
tion at the Matthean stage of the tradition. How did Matthew
understand this phrase? There is strong scholarly support for the
view that Matthew, despite the fact that he used the more
grammatically correct neuter participle (ecrcoq) in reference to the
abomination, identified the abomination with the antichrist.13 In
support of this interpretation is his alteration of the unclear
Marcan statement of the location of the abomination. Where
Mark writes that the abomination will stand 'where it ought not
to be', Matthew significantly omits this clause and replaces it
with 'in the holy place'. This is an almost certain reference to the
Jerusalem temple or, more accurately in the time of Matthew, a
reference to the temple ruins. The evangelist uses 'the holy city'
of Jerusalem (4:5; 27:53) and the holy place would naturally be
its temple. Matthew's association of the abomination with the
temple thus agrees closely with the portrayal of the antichrist in
2 Thessalonians. We may infer from this that Matthew knew of
this particular antichrist tradition and so identified the abomina-
tion with this evil eschatological figure. Whether or not the
evangelist went further and identified the antichrist with Nero, as
does the author of Revelation, is not clear from the extant
evidence.14
In any event, the appearance of the antichrist in Jerusalem
poses such a threat to the righteous in Judea that they must flee
at once (24:16-20//Mark 13:14b-18). This advice is far different
from that of the Qumran War scroll where the sons of light are
13
So Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, pp. 322-3; Gundry, Matthew, p. 482; Beare,
Matthew, p. 468 and Hill, Matthew, p. 321. Other interpretations of this motif
will be considered in chapter 7.
14
Streeter, Four Gospels, pp. 516-20, 523 argues that Matthew did have in mind
Nero as the antichrist, but his evidence is not convincing. On the basis of a sole
Syriac manuscript, he takes 'in the holy place' to be a later explanatory gloss and
not as an original part of the gospel text. In this case the location of the antichrist
is not tied to the temple precincts but is left open. Since Streeter argues that the
gospel was written in Antioch on the Orontes, where the Nero redivivus myth was
prominent, he maintains that it is probable that the evangelist incorporated this
myth into his antichrist tradition. The major problem with this interpretation, of
course, is that the single variant manuscript to which Streeter appeals cannot
carry the weight he places upon it.
encouraged to engage the forces of evil and much of the

document is devoted to the preparations for this battle. The
arrival of the antichrist will occasion tribulation which has no
parallel in the history of the world (24:21//Mark 13:19). Signifi-
cantly, Matthew qualifies the Marcan 9Xi\|/i<; with |ieyd>,r| and so
intensifies the nature of this tribulation. This redaction fits in well
with the notion of a full-scale assault by the forces of evil against
the righteous as depicted in 16:18. The coming of the antichrist
will witness the ascension of the demonic powers from the under-
world. The righteous have no option but to flee and to await the
arrival of the Son of Man. False Christs and false prophets will
attempt to lead them astray by suggesting that he has arrived in
the wilderness or the inner rooms (24:23-6), but Matthew stresses
that the arrival of the Son of Man will be unmistakably public
and perceivable by all. It will be as a flash of lightning which
lights up the whole sky (24:27).
The final verse of this section of the apocalyptic discourse (24:28)
is notoriously difficult to interpret. Matthew uses a Q tradition
which is found in similar wording in Luke 17:37b and which reads,
'Wherever the corpse (nx&\ia) is, there the eagles (dexoi) will be
gathered together.' This logion is usually interpreted along the lines
of the preceding verse; just as the gathering of eagles (or vultures)
signifies the presence of a corpse, so will the return of the Son of
Man be obvious to all. While this exegesis suits the immediate
context and is certainly plausible, the wider context of the final
eschatological war (24:15-28) suggests a rather different interpreta-
tion in terms of Matthew's understanding. The eagle was the
symbol on the Roman banner and was for this reason used in some
apocalyptic-eschatological circles to symbolise the Roman Empire
(cf. 4 Ezra chs 11-12). It is conceivable that Matthew read this Q
reference to the eagles in a similar way, and so interpreted the
gathering of the eagles as a reference to the Roman army. The
allusion to the corpse (cf. 'body' in Luke) would then naturally
refer to the antichrist whose presence signals death and destruction
and not to the temple ruins as some scholars have suggested.15 If
this understanding of the text is appropriate for Matthew, then it is
clear that he envisages in the last days an unholy alliance between
the Romans and the antichrist and his supernatural forces of evil.
This idea of a coalition between the demonic and human powers at
15
Brown, 'The Matthean Apocalypse', p. 12.
the very end of the age also features prominently in Revelation and
the Qumran scrolls.
The proposed interpretation of Matthew 24:15-28 in terms of the
eschatological conflict is considerably strengthened by the material
which immediately follows this section. Matthew follows Mark in
affirming that immediately after the tribulation occasioned by the
appearance of the antichrist a series of cosmic signs will occur; the
sun will be darkened, the moon will fail to give light, the stars will
fall from heaven and the powers of the heavens will be shaken
(Matt. 24:29//Mark 13:24-5). All these cosmic signs stand firmly
within the Jewish apocalyptic-eschatological tradition and signify
the beginning of the breakdown of the existing cosmic order. They
act as the prelude to the arrival of the Son of Man. Where the
Marcan text recounts the arrival of the Son of Man and the angels
immediately following the cosmic signs in 13:24-5, Matthew
decides not to follow his source at this point. He inserts two further
events which will accompany the appearance of this saviour figure.
After the powers of the heavens have been shaken, the sign
(ar||iiov) of the Son of Man will appear in heaven (24:30a) and the
tribes of the earth will mourn (24:30b). Both these Matthean
additions are crucial and require further discussion.
The exact meaning of the sign of the Son of Man which will
appear in heaven is disputed. One popular view is that this sign
refers merely to the appearance of the Son of Man; his visible
arrival is the sign of the Son of Man.16 This interpretation,
however, seems to be ruled out by the fact that the sign of the Son
of Man precedes his actual appearance. Another view is that
Matthew had in mind here another cosmic phenomenon such as a
comet or a star,17 but this is no more than a guess. The most
probable explanation is that the sign of the Son of Man is a military
standard or ensign which heralds the arrival of the Son of Man and
his angelic host.18 We know from Matthew's redaction in 26:53,
where the Matthean Jesus refers to twelve legions of angels, that
16
So Gundry, Matthew, p. 488; Todt, Son of Man, p. 80; Lindars, Son of Man,
pp. 128-9 and Hare, Son of Man, pp. 172-3.
17
Beare, Matthew, p. 471.
18
So Glasson, 'Ensign of the Son of Man', pp. 299-300. Glasson's view is
supported by Schweizer, Matthew, pp. 455-6; Hill, Matthew, p. 323 and tenta-
tively Gnilka, Matthdusevangelium, II, pp. 329-30. A slight variation on Glas-
son's view is given by Higgins, who accepts that the sign of the Son of Man is his
ensign but argues that it might have had the symbol of the cross emblazoned on
it. See his The Son of Man in the Teaching of Jesus, p. 119. Earlier Higgins had
accepted the patristic interpretation that the sign was itself the cross (not just a
the evangelist conceived of the heavenly host in military terms.

That the sign in 24:30a represents a military standard is further
suggested by Matthew's addition in the following verse of the
reference to the trumpet call which acts as a signal to the angels to
gather the elect (24:31). In Jewish eschatological thought the
trumpet and the military ensign are often correlated. They play an
important part in the prophetic tradition in reference to the day of
the Lord when God will punish the enemies of Israel (e.g. Isa. 18:3;
Jer. 6:1; 51:27) and appear together in the tenth benediction of the
Shemoneh Esreh. Perhaps of more importance in terms of Matthew
is the fact that the standard and the trumpet have an important role
in the military battle depicted in the Qumran War scroll (1QM
2:15-4:17).
Matthew's dual insertion of the standard and trumpet motifs at
this point therefore indicates his intention to portray the arrival of
the Son of Man in terms of a military campaign. For Matthew, the
return of Jesus and his angels will be like the arrival of a mighty,
heavenly army. The Matthean Jesus had experienced partial success
against Satan and his agents during his earthly mission (see chapter
3) and would return with his army of angels to complete the task.
This representation of the arrival of the Son of Man makes little
sense unless the evangelist believed that he would be opposed by an
enemy military force, and this lends considerable strength to the
interpretation of 24:15-28 as the first phase of the eschatological
battle. The scenario envisaged in 24:30-1 is of a full-scale response
to the all-out assault of the evil forces against the righteous and has
clear parallels with the tradition in Revelation 19:11-19. According
to this text, Jesus returns upon a white horse accompanied by the
armies of heaven (id axpaxeujxaxa sv xop oupavc^) and faces and
defeats the assembled armies of the beast.
We may now turn to Matthew's second addition to the text of
Mark, the reference to the mourning of the tribes of the earth. This
text lends some support to our interpretation of Matthew 24:28
which argued that the human powers, the Romans, aligned them-
selves with the demonic forces led by the antichrist. With the arrival
of the Son of Man, the human forces realise their mistake and
mourn their fate because of their certain defeat. It is generally
recognised that this text is an allusion to Zechariah 12:10. Another
section of this prophetic text is cited in John 19:37, 'they shall look
symbol on a banner); Jesus and the Son of Man, pp. 108-14. While Higgins' later
thesis is possible, it is incapable of demonstration.
upon him whom they have pierced', in reference to the spearing of

Jesus on the cross. Both these elements appear in Revelation 1:7
which, interestingly enough, combines the allusion to Zechariah
with a reference to Daniel 7:13, 'he is coming with the clouds of
heaven, and every eye will see him, every one who pierced him, and
all the tribes of the earth will wail on account of him'. Since
Matthew follows his reference to Zechariah 12:10 with a description
of the Son of Man which he took from Mark but which ultimately
goes back to Daniel 7:13 (see further below), we have here yet
another possible point of contact between the traditions which the
author of Revelation used and the sources available to Matthew.
Unlike Mark but like the seer, Matthew knew of a tradition which
combined Zechariah 12:10 and Daniel 7:13 and consequently
appended the text of Zechariah to the Marcan citation of Daniel.
We should not, however, lose sight of the difference between
Matthew 24:30b and Revelation 1:7. In the latter, and in Zechariah
12:10-14 for that matter, the mourning is initiated by regret as the
tribes look upon the one who has been pierced. The author of
Revelation thus uses this text to recall the crucifixion of Jesus. This
seems not to be the meaning in Matthew since he fails to include
the reference to piercing. We may infer from this that Matthew did
not wish to focus on the past crucifixion of Jesus at this point; his
immediate concern was the future arrival with power and great
glory of Jesus the judgemental Son of Man. 19 That all the tribes of
the earth are able to witness it confirms its universal visibility (cf.
24:27) and they mourn because of the ensuing judgement they will
face as confederates of the antichrist (cf. 25:32, 41).
Having inserted these two motifs, thereby giving a military
flavour to the return of Jesus the Son of Man, Matthew returns to
the text of Mark in describing his actual arrival. Like Mark 14:62,
the coming of the Son of Man in Mark 13:26 is depicted in terms
which recall the one like a son of man in Daniel 7:13-14; he will be
seen coming in (ev) clouds with great power (iiexd 8i)v&|iG)<;
7toM,fj<;) and glory (56r|<;). He will then send out the angels and
gather his elect from the ends of the earth. Matthew 24:30c follows
Mark 13:26 for the most part but contains a number of redactional
changes as well. Matthew omits Mark's ev which refers to the
19
In agreement with Todt, Son of Man, p. 81 and Burnett, Jesus-Sophia, p. 343,
contra Higgins, Jesus and the Son of Man, pp. 112-13 who suggests that the sign
of the Son of Man, the cross in his understanding, replaces the reference to
piercing.
clouds and substitutes tni in conformity to the Greek version of

Daniel 7:13 (cf. the same in Matt. 26:64//Mark 14:62). For the
same reason he qualifies the clouds with xou oupavou which also
appears in the text of Daniel. A further redaction sees the transposi-
tion of noXkf\q from its position in Mark qualifying 'power' to
where it now qualifies 'glory'. The reason behind this alteration is
not clear, but it might be tied up with Matthew's perception of the
Son of Man presiding over the judgement while sitting upon his
throne of glory (cf. 19:28; 25:31).
More significant is Matthew's redaction in 24:31 (//Mark 13:27).
He accepts the Marcan reference that the Son of Man will send out
a group of angels, but specifies by inserting auxoO that the angels
belong to the Son of Man. It was noted previously that the close
relation between Jesus the Son of Man and the holy angels is a
particular concern of the evangelist. Unlike Mark, where the Son of
Man himself gathers his elect (the singular emauvdêi), in
Matthew this task is performed by his angelic underlings (e7tiai)vd-
ôuaiv). Another important addition Matthew makes to his source
is that the angels are despatched with a loud trumpet call (jxsid
ad^Tuyyoq \ieyakr\q). The Pauline tradition also knows of a
trumpet call signalling the return of Jesus (1 Thess. 4:16; 1 Cor.
15:52 cf. Rev. 11:15), but Matthew's association of the trumpet
with the sign or standard of the Son of Man gives this motif an
overt military sense which it does not have in these Pauline
passages. For the remainder of the pericope, Matthew follows
Mark in meaning if not in wording. The elect will be gathered from
the four winds, from one end of heaven to the other (cf. 'the ends of
the earth to the ends of heaven' in Mark).
Matthew 24:29-31 thus complements the earlier material in
24:15-28. Each section describes different aspects of the final
eschatological war between the righteous and the powers of evil.
The initial material refers to the great tribulation of the eschato-
logical battle brought about by demonic agents of Satan (cf.
16:18) and perhaps their human allies from which the righteous
are advised to flee. The later section points to the arrival of the
Son of Man as the military commander of the angelic forces who
arrives from heaven to engage the armies of the wicked and
relieve the plight of the elect. That Matthew should have adopted
this myth should occasion no surprise. His advanced concept of
cosmic dualism, which he shares with Revelation and the
Qumran scrolls, provides the foundation for such a view. The
cosmos is currently engaged in a huge battle for supremacy

which will intensify in the future to the advantage of the evil
forces. Only the appearance of the Son of Man and his heavenly
army can correct this situation and save the human righteous.
Unlike Revelation and the Qumran War scroll, however,
Matthew never describes the final conflict between the heavenly
saviour figure and his evil opponents. Either his interest in this
myth does not extend that far, or it might be the case that he
expects an immediate surrender of the armies of the antichrist. In
favour of this second possibility is 24:30b which describes the
mourning of the tribes once they see the military ensign of the
Son of Man. Whatever the case might have been, Matthew is
more interested in depicting the victory of the Son of Man in
terms of the final judgement. As we shall see in subsequent
chapters, it is only at this point in Matthew's apocalyptic-
eschatological scheme that the Son of Man's victory is complete.
4. Conclusions
To summarise the results of this chapter, it is clear that much of the
primary phase of Matthew's eschatological scheme was drawn from
his Christian sources. He upholds the universal Christian doctrine
that Jesus would return at the end of the age, and he follows Mark
and Q in describing Jesus in this role as Son of Man. Jesus was the
Son of Man during his historical mission, is now the Son of Man at
the right hand of God and will return in glory as the Son of Man.
The coming or parousia of Jesus which is affirmed in many strands
of the New Testament is specifically applied by Matthew to the
arrival of the Son of Man. The evangelist's description of the
arrival of this figure on the clouds of heaven with power and glory
derives from his Marcan source and reflects an early Christian
interpretation of Daniel 7:13-14.
Matthew often refers to the arrival of the Son of Man, but he
only puts this notion into a meaningful framework in 24:4-31.
Verses 414 spell out the eschatological woes which must occur
prior to the arrival of the Son of Man, the breakdown of the social
and natural orders, while verses 15-28 detail the appearance of the
antichrist and the resultant eschatological conflict which this
brings. While much of this scenario has been taken from Mark 13,
Matthew intensifies it considerably. This intensification continues
in the following verses which describe the arrival of the Son of Man
as a military commander leading the armies of heaven. That Jesus

would be accompanied by angels upon his return was a common
notion in early Christianity, but only Matthew and Revelation
depict them as heavenly soldiers and Jesus as their military leader.
This myth of the final war which we find in different versions in
Matthew and Revelation is likewise found in the Qumran War
scroll where it receives its fullest expression. Much as we would
expect, the Christian documents conform this battle scenario to
their prior beliefs that Jesus would return in glory. Whereas the
Qumran community expected the archangel Michael to lead the
heavenly forces, this role now falls to the returning Jesus in
Matthew and Revelation. In both these Christian texts and in
distinction to other strands of the New Testament, it is emphasised
that when Jesus returns he will do so as a saviour figure who relieves
the plight of the righteous in their darkest hour. Like the author of
the Apocalypse, the evangelist has conformed the Christian notion
of the return of Jesus to an apocalyptic-eschatological perspective.
Unlike Mark and Q, which both describe Jesus as an advocate at
the eschatological judgement, Matthew ascribes the role of judge to
Jesus himself in his role as Son of Man. This is made clear in his
redaction at 16:27 of Mark 8:38 and in other texts which we shall
consider in the following chapter. This emphasis on Jesus the Son
of Man as the overseer of the universal judgement perhaps explains
why Matthew chose not to describe the battle between the forces of
evil and the armies of heaven, if indeed he ever envisaged such a
battle. Since Jesus comes primarily to judge, Matthew's eschatolo-
gical chronology moves directly from the arrival of the Son of Man
to the event of judgement. We shall proceed similarly in the
following chapter.
THE JUDGEMENT IN MATTHEW
As many scholars have noted, the judgement by Jesus the Son of

Man is one of the most important elements in Matthew's gospel.
In this chapter, we shall examine Matthew's particular concept of
Jesus the Son of Man as judge and how it relates to both Jewish
and Christian apocalyptic-eschatological schemes. Prior to our
consideration of this theme, it is necessary first to detail two
eschatological events which, according to the evangelist's end-time
chronology, must take place prior to the judgement. These events
are the general resurrection of the dead and the recreation of the
cosmos, both of which are common themes in apocalyptic
eschatology.
1. The resurrection of the dead and the recreation of the

cosmos prior to the judgement
The belief in the concept of resurrection, while very common
in Judaism (see chapter 1), was almost axiomatic in early
Christianity. The fundamental notion of the first Christians was
that Jesus had been raised from the dead and that the end of
the age would witness the general resurrection (cf. John 5:28-9;
Rom. 6:5; 1 Cor. 15; 1 Thess. 4:13-18; Heb. 6:2; Rev. 20:4^6).
Matthew is no exception to this general rule. He refers to the
resurrection of Jesus (28:1-10) and even recounts a prior case
of resurrection in rewriting the Marcan account of the death
of Jesus (Mark 15:37-9). After Jesus yields his spirit in
Matthew's version, a number of significant events take place.
Matthew follows Mark in describing the tearing of the curtain
of the temple (Matt. 27:51a//Mark 15:38), but he then writes
freely by referring to an earthquake which is so violent that it
opens many of the tombs of the saints and leads to their
110
The judgement 111
resurrection (27:51b-3).1 This material is clearly dependent upon

Ezekiel 37:12-13 and Zechariah 14:4-5 and perhaps even Daniel
12:2 as well.2 Despite being raised, the bodies of the saints venture
out of their tombs only after the resurrection of Jesus (27:53).
Matthew here has obviously attempted to preserve the Christian
tradition of the primacy of Jesus' resurrection (cf. Rom. 8:29;
1 Cor. 15:20; Col. 1:18; Rev. 1:5).
Matthew never concretely describes the general resurrection of
the dead as the prelude to the universal judgement, but there is
no doubt that he accepted the idea. 3 Two pericopae which
Matthew took from his sources refer explicitly to this subject.
First, in the Q passage at 12:41-2 (//Luke 11:31-2), the Matthean
Jesus pronounces that the men of Nineveh and the queen of the
south will rise at the judgement to condemn the wicked. The
second text is 22:30 (//Mark 12:25) where Jesus announces that
the righteous will be like angels in their resurrected state (ev xrj
dvaaxdaei). Both texts thus patently refer to the general resurrec-
tion of the dead without actually describing the event. That the
evangelist and his readers took for granted this particular theme
is evidenced by Matthew's omission of Mark 9:10 at the conclu-
sion of the transfiguration narrative. According to the Marcan
text, the disciples questioned or debated the meaning of Jesus'
reference to the rising of the dead which occurs in the preceding
verse. Matthew drops this tradition on account of its irrelevance
for his readers; the concept of resurrection was clearly familiar to
them.
Also to take place at some point between the arrival of Jesus the
Son of Man and his execution of the judgement is the regeneration
or recreation of the cosmos. 4 Matthew refers to the beginning of
the collapse of the present cosmic order in 24:29 as one of the signs
1
Most scholars accept that Matthew 27:51b-3 is pure Matthean redaction, though
based upon wider Old Testament and apocalyptic-eschatological themes. This
consensus, however, has been challenged by D. C. Allison who argues, quite
unconvincingly in my opinion, that the evangelist has used a source which he
redacted in only a minor way. See his End of the Ages, pp. 41-6.
2
For the view that Ezekiel 37:12-13 alone underlies this material, see Senior,
Passion Narrative, p. 320; Schweizer, Matthew, p. 515 and Hagner, 'Apocalyptic
Motifs', p. 62. Other scholars correctly note the influence of Zechariah 14:4-5; so
Allison, End of the Ages, pp. 43^4 and Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p. 477.
Gundry, Matthew, pp. 576-7 argues that Daniel 12:2 is also referred to in this
material.
3
So correctly Milikowsky, 'Which Gehenna?', p. 248 n. 27.
4
A much more detailed account of this issue can be found in Sim, 'The Meaning
preceding the arrival of the Son of Man. More importantly, in

Matthew 19:28 the Matthean Jesus speaks of the new creation
(rcaîyyeveaia) in which the Son of Man will sit on his glorious
throne and the disciples will judge the twelve tribes of Israel. 5 The
Q parallel in Luke 22:28-30 uses an alternative expression, 'in my
kingdom' (verse 30). There is some dissension over which evangelist
is responsible for the redaction. Despite the fact that TtaAiyyevsma
is found just this once in Matthew's gospel, the majority of scholars
accept that it is redactional in this single usage. It is usually argued
that this expression serves to compensate for Matthew's omission
of the Marcan 'the age to come' in the following verse (Matt.
19:29//Mark 10:30; cf. Matt. 12:32 for a similar expression). 6 Of
greater importance than the issue of the redactional status of
TtaAayyevema is the question of its meaning in the context of the
gospel.
The word 7taA,iyyevc(jia had a wide range of meanings in the
time of Matthew. 7 It was used by the Stoics to describe the
renewal of each age in the endless cosmic cycle. In the writings
of Philo it denotes either the restoration of life or the renewal of
the world after the great flood, while Josephus uses it to describe
the reconstitution of the people after the Exile. The author of
the Christian epistle of Titus employs the term in reference to
rebirth after baptism (3:5). Matthew's usage in 19:28 is clearly
eschatological and points to the recreation of the cosmic order
after its prior destruction. 8 Unlike the Stoic idea where this
renewal occurs time and again, the recreation of the cosmos in
the gospel is a single end-time event. Not all scholars, however,
agree with this interpretation of TtaAiyyevecria. Some would
argue that the word is merely the Matthean equivalent of the
Marcan 'the age to come' which it replaces; it possesses only
5
The order of events in Matthew, recreation then judgement, agrees with the
scenario in 4 Ezra 7:30-44 but is against the order of Revelation where the
recreation (chapter 21) follows the judgement (chapter 20).
6
Those scholars who support Matthean redaction at this point include Gnilka,
Matthdusevangelium, II, p. 170; Gundry, Matthew, p. 392; Schweizer, Matthew,
pp. 389-90; Lindars, Son of Man, p. 125; Schenk, Sprache, p. 18 and Burnett,
'rcaîyyevecria in Matt. 19:28', p. 64. For the alternative view that Matthew has
reproduced the text of Q, see Schulz, Q, p. 331 and Friedrich, Gott im Bruder?,
pp. 58-9. According to Marguerat, Le Jugement, p. 463, TiaXiyyeveaia stood in
Matthew's recension of Q.
7
For detailed discussion, see Buchsel, 'rcaXiyyeveaia', pp. 686-9.
8
In agreement with Gnilka, Matthdusevangelium, II, p. 172 and Beare, Matthew,
pp. 398-9.
The judgement 113
temporal significance and thus has no connotation of cosmic

destruction and renewal. 9 In support of this claim, it is argued
that while Matthew speaks often enough of the consummation
of the age, he never refers to the end of the world. With no
mention in the gospel of the prior destruction of the cosmic
order, TiaAiyyeveaia can hardly be taken as referring to its
recreation. 10 Yet there are solid grounds for disputing this claim.
Apart from 24:29, Matthew refers twice more to the eschatolo-
gical destruction of the existing cosmos. The texts in question
are 5:18 (//Luke 16:17) and 24:35 (//Mark 13:31) which both
speak of the present heaven and earth passing away.
Matthew 24:35 appears in the apocalyptic discourse and reads,
'Heaven and earth will pass away but my words will not pass
away.' The point of this text is conveyed in the contrast of the two
subjects; while the words of Jesus are eternal, the present cosmic
order is temporary. The reference to the passing of heaven and
earth in 5:18 must be taken in the same way. This logion states,
'.. .until heaven and earth pass away, not an iota, not a dot, will
pass from the law, until all is accomplished'. Since the passing of
heaven and earth is tied up with the end events (Matt. 24:35), the
meaning of this saying appears to be that the law remains valid
only up to the time of the eschaton. 11 If we take together 5:18 and
24:35, and the similarity in wording suggests that we should, then
Matthew is making the overall christological point that while the
law is not eternal, the words of Jesus are. One set of teaching will
survive the destruction of the cosmos and one will not. These two
texts thus confirm the interpretation of Tia^ryyeveaia in terms of
cosmic renewal. In specific agreement with his two major sources,
and in general agreement with the wider apocalyptic-eschatolo-
gical tradition, Matthew does speak of the destruction of the
9
So, with varying nuances, Schweizer, Matthew, pp. 389-90; Lindars, Son of Man,
p. 125; Sabourin, 'Apocalyptic Traits', p. 27; Burnett, 'TiaXiyyeveaia in Matt.
19:28', pp. 63-5 and Schenk, Sprache, p. 18.
10
So Schweizer Matthew, p. 390 and Burnett 'Traîyyeveaia in Matt. 19:28',
pp. 61-2.
11
See Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, pp. 490-1, 494-5 and literature cited there
for full discussion of this point; cf. also Schulz, Q, pp. 115-16 and Luz, 'Die
Erfullung des Gesetzes', pp. 417-18. Luz has since rejected this exegesis and now
holds the alternative view that the passing of heaven and earth is a roundabout
way of saying 'never'; the law thus remains valid forever. See Luz, Matthaus, I,
p. 237. This interpretation of the phrase runs against its normal meaning (so
Schulz, Q, p. 115) and makes nonsense of the contrast in 24:35. We shall return
to Matthew's view of the law in chapter 8 below.
existing cosmic order at the eschaton. In view of this, ndkiyysv-

eaia in 19:28 must be taken as representing the correlative notion
of the creation of a new heaven and a new earth. The eschaton
witnesses the passing of the impermanent and imperfect creation
and its replacement by an eternal and perfect order in the new
age. It is only after this has been accomplished that the judgement
can take place.
2. The judgement of the Son of Man
2.1 Matthew's terminology

Matthew's references to the event of judgement are both many and
widely distributed throughout his gospel. The sheer number of
these allusions testifies to the importance of this theme in the
evangelist's theology. Matthew uses a wide variety of terms and
symbols in referring to the judgement. Two of these he took directly
from Q, 'the coming wrath' (Matt. 3:7//Luke 3:7) and simply 'the
judgement' (Matt. 12:41-2// Luke 11:31-2). A favourite term of the
evangelist is 'the day of judgement'. This expression is found twice
in the Q passage where Jesus pronounces woes on a number of
Galilean cities (Matt. ll:22-4//Luke 10:12-15). While Luke uses
two different terms, 'on that day' (10:12) and 'in the judgement'
(10:14), Matthew twice uses the combined form 'on the day of
judgement' (11:22, 24). The same expression is found again in 10:15
where this Q material is employed a second time (cf. Luke 10:12)
and it appears also in 12:36 where it has no synoptic parallel. It is
generally agreed that all instances of this phrase are redactional. 12
The term was seemingly widespread in both Judaism and early
Christianity; it is found in Jubilees 4:19; 4 Ezra 7:113; Psalms of
Solomon 15:12; 2 Peter 2:9; 3:7 and 1 John 4:17.
Another common phrase which Matthew uses is 'on that day'
(7:22; cf. 1 En. 45:3; Luke 17:31; 21:34; 2 Thess. 1:10; 2 Tim. 4:8) or
a variant of this expression (24:36//Mark 13:32; 24:50//Luke 12:46
and 24:42). The phrase is often found in the Old Testament
prophetic literature in reference to the day of the Lord (e.g. Isa.
10:20; Hos. 1:5; Amos 9:11; Zech. chs. 12-14) and passed into both
Judaism and Christianity from there. Yet another expression
favoured by Matthew for the end-time judgement is 'the end of the
age' (combining auvxsêia and aicov) which is inserted redaction-
12
Schenk, Sprache, p. 324 and Schulz, Q, pp. 360-1.
The judgemen t 115
ally at 24:3 (cf. Mark 13:4) and appears without parallel in 13:39,
40, 49 and 28:20. This term also enjoyed wide currency in apoc-
alyptic-eschatological circles (1 En. 16:1; 2 Bar. 13:3; 19:5; 21:8;
27:15; 29:8; T.Levi 10:2; T.Ben. 11:3; T.Mos. 12:4) and occurs
elsewhere in the New Testament only at Hebrews 9:26 (but cf.
1 Cor. 10:11). Of particular interest as a parallel to Matthew's
usage is 4 Ezra 7:113, 'the day of judgement will be the end of this
age'. Matthew also makes use of the simpler form 'the end' (TO
xeA,o<;; 10:22; 24:6//Mark 13:7; 24:13-14//Mark 13:13) which is
often found in other early Christian texts (1 Cor. 1:8; 15:24; 2 Cor.
11:15; Phil. 3:19; Heb. 3:6, 14; 6:8, 11; 1 Pet. 4:7, 17; Rev. 2:26).
The evangelist also favours the symbol of the harvest to allude to
the coming age and its attendant judgement. This motif appears in
the Q account of the preaching of John the Baptist (Matt. 3:12//
Luke 3:17). Here John prophesies that the eschatological judge will
arrive with his winnowing fork in hand to clear the threshing floor,
gather his wheat and burn the chaff. Precisely the same symbolism
appears in the interpretation of the parable of the tares in 13:3643.
In this text the harvest symbolises the close of the age; the reapers
represent the angels and the weeds to be burnt stand for the wicked.
A slightly different use of the harvest imagery is found in Matt.
9:37-8 (//Luke 10:1-2) where the harvest represents the mission of
the disciples. Yet even here the symbol has eschatological and
judgemental overtones, since an individual's response to the
mission dictates his or her ultimate fate (cf. 10:15, 40-2). In a
scenario which coheres well with Matthew's dualistic perspective,
the disciples begin a processing of harvesting which will conclude
with the angels at the eschaton. 13 The Old Testament prophetic
books supply the background for this particular metaphor. The
harvest symbol is used there either as a metaphor for God's
abundant future blessings (e.g. Amos 9:13-15) or for his judgement
(e.g. Jer. 51:33; Joel 3:13). In the later apocalyptic-eschatological
tradition the harvest is used in both senses, depending upon the
goodness or otherwise of the persons involved (cf. 4 Ezra 4:29-39; 2
Bar. 70:1-2). It is in this sense that Matthew understood the term;
at the harvest one receives either eternal reward or everlasting
punishment (13:41-3). The harvest as a symbol of the eschaton
appears elsewhere in early Christian tradition in Mark 4:26-9 and
Revelation 14:14-20.
13
So correctly Schweizer, Matthew, p. 234.
2.2 Jesus the Son of Man as the judge

Many early Christians, including Matthew, accepted that the
returning Jesus would preside over the judgement. The early church
believed that a number of functions which were the preserve of
God in the Old Testament had been handed over to the risen Lord,
including the role of eschatological judge (cf. John 5:22; Acts 10:42;
17:31; Rom. 2:16; 2 Cor. 5:10; 2 Thess. 1:8-9; 2 Tim. 4:1). This
view, however, was by no means universal in the early church.
Neither Mark nor Q suggests that Jesus performs this function. As
noted in the previous chapter, both documents imply that Jesus will
take the role of advocate while God himself will sit in judgement
(Mark 8:38; Luke 12:8-9). This seems to be the scenario in the
judgement scene of Revelation 20:11-15. God sits upon his great
white throne (cf. 4:2-11) and judges individuals on the basis of
what is written in the book of life, otherwise known as the book of
the Lamb (i.e. Jesus; cf. 21:27). In this document Jesus appears as
the advocate at the court of judgement (3:5).
While Matthew agrees with one stream of Christian tradition
that Jesus himself will take charge at the final judgement, only in
his gospel is there special emphasis that Jesus will preside as Son of
Man. The closest New Testament parallel to this theme is found in
John 5:27, 'and he [God] has given him [Jesus] authority to execute
the judgment because he is the Son of Man (oxi uioq dvOptfmoo
ecrciv)'. This is immediately followed in verses 28-9 by material
which refers to the future resurrection of the dead, thereby com-
bining the twin apocalyptic-eschatological themes of resurrection
and judgement. Some scholars have argued that the anarthrous
construction in verse 27, which is unique in Johannine references to
the Son of Man, suggests that the term is used here in a non-titular
sense and ought to be translated simply as 'man'; Jesus is not given
the authority to judge because he is the Son of Man, but because as
a man (word made flesh) he is qualified to judge all humans. This
interpretation emphasises those statements in the gospel which
appear to put the judgement fully within the context of realised
eschatology; the very appearance of the incarnate Jesus brings
judgement into the world (cf. 3:19-21; 9:39; 12:31) and one is saved
or condemned on the basis of one's response to the revelation he
brings. 14 Other scholars, however, view the matter differently. Not
14
See most recently, Hare, Son of Man, pp. 90-6 and literature cited there.
The judgement 117
only do they take vibe, dv0pcb7iou as a title, but they argue that it
refers to Jesus' role as judgemental Son of Man at the eschaton.
The absence of the articles is normally explained on the grounds
that the evangelist has deliberately conformed the reference to the
text of Daniel 7:13. On this reading, John retains the traditional
Christian future aspect of the judgement and merges it with his
developed realised eschatology; Jesus the Son of Man has brought
judgement into the world and will ratify this process as judge at the
end of the age.15 In view of the eschatological material which
follows verse 27, this second interpretation is the more likely of the
two. Consequently, it must be concluded that John accepted the
view of Jesus as judgemental Son of Man which we find also in
Matthew.
Be that as it may, the Matthean material dealing with this theme
is far more plentiful and detailed than its Johannine counterpart.
Apart from the texts which describe the arrival of the Son of Man at
the parousia, there are two further texts which depict Jesus the Son
of Man presiding over the eschatological tribunal. In both these
traditions, Jesus the Son of Man is described as sitting on his throne
of glory. The texts in question are Matthew 19:28 and 25:31. Both
references are commonly but not universally ascribed to the hand of
Matthew. Matthew 19:28, as we saw above, derives from a Q
tradition which is represented as well by Luke 22:28-30. Matthew's
version reads, 'in the recreation, when the Son of Man shall sit on
his glorious throne (tni Opovou 56^r|c; auxou)', while the Lucan text
has no reference to the Son of Man and presents the eschatological
scenario in terms of the traditional motif of the messianic banquet,
'so that you may eat and drink at my table'. Both texts agree that
this material has judgemental overtones because they proceed to
mention the role of the disciples in judging the twelve tribes of
Israel. There is no good reason to suspect Lucan redaction at this
point since Luke normally retains future Son of Man sayings from
his sources. On the other hand, Matthew's emphasis on the judge-
mental role of the Son of Man renders it probable that he is
responsible for the alteration of Q here. At least this is the view of
15
For comprehensive discussion, see Moloney, Johannine Son of Man, pp. 79-86
who is followed by Lindars, Son of Man, pp. 153-5. On the relationship between
realised eschatology and future eschatology in the Johannine gospel, see Brown,
Gospel according to John, I, pp. cxv-cxxi and Barrett, Gospel according to St.
John, pp. 67-70. Both commentators interpret the Son of Man in 5:27 in a titular
sense and view the judgement he initiates as future (Brown, Gospel according to
John, I, p. 215; Barrett, Gospel according to St. John, p. 262).
most scholars. 16 Matthew 25:31 appears at the beginning of the

unique tradition of the final judgement (25:31-46). This verse reads,
'When the Son of Man comes in his glory, and all the angels with
him, then he will sit upon his glorious throne.' A minority of scholars
argue that Matthew composed the whole pericope in 25:3146 17 but,
as we shall see shortly, it is far more probable that we are dealing
with Matthean redaction of source material. In view of this, most
commentators affirm that the evangelist composed verse 31 as an
introduction to the traditional material in order to align it to his
peculiar conception of the judgemental role of the Son of Man. 18
This view is supported by the fact that this verse bears a number of
similarites to 16:27 and 24:30-1, Matthew's redacted versions of
Mark 8:38 and 13:26 respectively; in all three texts the Son of Man
comes in glory accompanied by an angelic host. 19
16
So Gundry, Matthew, p. 392; Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p. 170; Lindars,
Son of Man, pp. 124-6; Friedrich, Gott im Bruder?, pp. 59-60, 65; Brandenburger,
Das Recht des Weltenrichters, pp. 41-2 and Catchpole, 'Son of Man in Heaven',
pp. 373-7. The view that the Matthean text is original here is advanced by
Strecker, Weg, p. 109 and Schulz, Q, p. 331. According to Marguerat, Le
Jugement, p. 463, the two versions of Q differed at this point and Matthew
adopted this reference to the Son of Man on his glorious throne from his
particular recension.
17
So Gundry, Matthew, pp. 511-16 and Cope, 'Matthew xxv:31^6', pp. 32-44.
18
Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p. 368; Schweizer, Matthew, p. 475; Todt, Son of
Man, p. 73; Brandenburger, Das Recht des Weltenrichters, pp. 45-51; Broer, 'Das
Gericht', pp. 276-7 and Zumstein, La Condition, pp. 327-8. Both Friedrich, Gott
im Bruder?, pp. 14-20, 111-37 and Catchpole, 'Son of Man in Heaven', pp. 383-7
argue rather unconvincingly that the verse is traditional, and supplied the
background for Matthew's redaction at 19:28. The opposite conclusion is
reached by Marguerat, Le Jugement, p. 463 n. 50 who argues that the traditional
saying in 19:28 supplied the model for Matthew's redaction in 25:31.
19
In view of the similarity between the Son of Man in 25:31 and the Son of Man in
redacted Matthean passages, it is rather surprising that Catchpole, 'Son of Man
in Heaven', p. 385 claims that the depiction of this figure in 25:31 is non-
Matthean and thus pre-Matthean. Catchpole bases this claim on his assumption
that the Son of Man in 25:31 is an exclusively heavenly figure who has not
suffered hardship. Since in Matthew the Son of Man is one who experiences
hardship and suffering (e.g. 8:20; 17:22; 20:18-19), the glorious heavenly being in
25:31 cannot be squared with the evangelist's view of the Son of Man. This fails
to consider, however, that the Son of Man in Matthew's gospel acts in different
capacities at different stages of his career. In his earthly mission, he is a suffering
and rejected figure who must die and be raised to life, whereas in his future role
at the end of the age he acts as the eschatological judge. The bridge between the
two stages of the Son of Man's career is provided by 26:64. It should also be said
that if the portrayal of the Son of Man in 25:31 does not correspond with the
suffering Son of Man texts, then neither do any of those Matthean passages,
traditional or redactional, which present this figure in terms of future glory. On
Catchpole's criteria, Matthew's redaction of Mark 8:38 at 16:27 is non-Matthean
as well! A similar criticism of Catchpole is made by Hare, Son of Man, p. 177.
The judgement 119
The cluster of ideas here in 19:28 and 25:31, Jesus as Son of

Man presiding over the judgement on his throne of glory, is
attested nowhere else in early Christianity. John 5:27 mentions
the Son of Man in a judgemental context, but fails to mention
that he sits upon a throne of glory. Other texts mention that
Jesus is awarded a throne, either the throne of David (Luke 1:32;
Acts 2:30) or a share in the throne of God (Rev. 3:21), but in
none of these cases is there reference to the Son of Man or to the
judgement. We do find in the Pauline epistles the idea of Jesus
sitting upon the judgement seat of God (Rom. 14:10; 2 Cor. 5:10;
cf. Rom. 2:16), yet this is only a partial parallel to the Matthean
concept since there is no mention of the Son of Man. For a close
parallel to the Matthean portrayal of the Son of Man in 19:28
and 25:31 we have to look further than the early Christian
literature.
As is well known, the portrayal of the Son of Man in these
Matthean texts is strikingly similar to the depiction of the Son of
Man in the Parables of Enoch. In this Jewish text, the Son of
Man is also said to sit on the throne of glory and preside over
the eschatological judgement. The document specifies that the
throne belongs to God, the Antecedent of Time (1 En. 47:3;
60:2), and is given to his Elect One for this very purpose (51:3;
61:8; 62:2). A number of passages describe this Elect One sitting
upon this throne (45:3; 55:4; 62:3), while others refer to the one
upon the throne by another name, the Son of Man (62:5; 69:27,
29). Since this particular individual is often referred to as that
Son of Man, it seems clear that he is intended to be identified
with the Danielic one like a son of man. This figure has now
developed from a corporate figure (so Daniel) to a pre-existent
agent of eschatological judgement (1 En. 45:3). Because the por-
trayal of the Son of Man as the end-time judge on the throne of
glory is found only in Matthew and the Parables of Enoch, 20 the
20
The closest parallel in Jewish literature is found in the Testament of Abraham
where the righteous Abel sits upon a throne of glory and acts as the final judge
(Rec. A chs. 12-13). Originally, this text might well have referred to the Son of
Man. As the son of Adam, Abel is of course the son of man. If a Semitic original
underlies the extant Greek recensions, then it is possible that the translators
misunderstood the reference and identified this figure with Adam's righteous son.
All this is uncertain, however, since there is no proof that Greek was not the
original language of composition. For the view that the text did not originally
speak of the Son of Man, see Nickelsburg, 'Eschatology in the Testament of
Abraham', p. 36.
interesting possibility of a direct relationship between them must be

considered.21
Such a relationship has been argued in detail by J. Theisohn who
concludes, primarily on the basis of the throne of glory motif, that
the evangelist was dependent upon the material which we find in 1
Enoch 37-71. 22 Theisohn does not go so far as to affirm that a
literary relationship existed between these documents, but postu-
lates instead that Matthew may have been influenced by this
Enochic text through oral traditions. 23 A number of later scholars
have followed Theisohn's analysis at this point, 24 and it is difficult
to dispute that there was some contact between these two texts. Yet
not all scholars would agree with this conclusion. E. Brandenburger
makes much of the fact that a number of Matthean motifs have no
parallel in the Parables of Enoch; the Son of Man sits on his throne
of glory {the [God's] throne of glory in the Parables), and he comes
in glory with his angels (concerning which 1 Enoch is silent). 25 But
these elements can be attributed to Matthew's adaptation of the
Enochic Son of Man to his own Christian point of view. That Jesus
was awarded his own glorious throne (not necessarily the throne of
God) was well established in early Christianity, as too was the
belief that he would return in glory accompanied by (his) holy
angels.26 What ought to be read out of these differences between
the Son of Man in Matthew and the Son of Man in the Parables of
Enoch is that the evangelist edited his Jewish sources just as he
21
T h e precise relationship between these documents is one of the factors affecting
the dating of the Parables. There are n o u n a m b i g u o u s internal indications of its
date, a n d the absence of copies from the Q u m r a n library has only served to
complicate the issue rather t h a n shed light on it. In any event, most scholars date
it somewhere in the first century C E , earlier in the century if the Q u m r a n evidence
is n o t taken as significant a n d later in the century if it is. F o r respective defences
of each position, see Collins, Apocalyptic Imagination, p p . 1423 and K n i b b ,
'The D a t e of the Parables of Enoch', p p . 345-59. T h e issue of the date of
composition need n o t be settled here, for it is clear that the a u t h o r of the
Parables, like M a t t h e w , was dependent u p o n m u c h earlier traditions.
22
Theisohn, Richter, p p . 152-82. The first p a r t of Theisohn's discussion establishes
the close parallels between the Son of M a n in M a t t h e w 19:28 and 25:31 and the
Son of M a n in E n o c h (pp. 152-61), while the latter section deals with M a t t h e w ' s
redaction of the two pericopae in question (pp. 161-82).
23
Theisohn, Richter, p . 161.
24
See, for example, Geist, Menschensohn, p . 207, and for an earlier statement of
this position, T o d t , Son of Man, p . 223. Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p p . 172,
370-1 notes the parallels between M a t t h e w a n d the Parables of Enoch but does
n o t argue for direct dependence.
25
Brandenburger, Das Recht des Weltenrichters, pp. 4 2 - 3 .
26
So Theisohn, Richter, p . 160, at least with regard to the Son of M a n sitting u p o n
his t h r o n e of glory.
The judgement 121
edited his Christian traditions. Having said this, however, it is fair

to say that Theisohn claims too much with his suggestion that
Matthew was dependent in any sense upon 1 Enoch 37-71. If
textual dependence is ruled out, as Theisohn agrees, then there is no
reason to postulate a direct relationship at all. Theisohn seems to
believe that the oral tradition which influenced Matthew must have
derived from the written Parables of Enoch, but there is no
necessity to suppose this. It is just as likely, if not more so, that the
evangelist and the author of the Parables had access to a common
Son of Man tradition which each utilised in his own way. Matthew
would have added his Christian motifs, while the editor of the
Parables would have made his own editorial adjustments; the
merging of the figure of the Elect One with the figure of the Son of
Man, which is not found in Matthew, could well be one example.
At any rate, this hypothesis would explain both the similarities and
differences between these documents in terms of their respective
representations of the Son of Man.
The scholarly debate concerning the precise relationship between
Matthew and 1 Enoch 37-71 has suffered from an inflexible
posture on both sides; either Matthew knew the Parables of Enoch,
even in oral form (so Theisohn), or he was totally independent of
this text and its traditions (so Brandenburger). One side has
exaggerated the parallels, while the other has focused too much on
the dissimilarities. Since any reasonable solution to the problem
must take into account both phenomena, the middle position that
both authors had access to a common Jewish source seems to be
the most acceptable. 27 This Jewish tradition had presumably trans-
formed the corporate one like a son of man in Daniel into the Son
of Man, the (pre-existent?) eschatological judge who would preside
over proceedings upon the throne of glory.
None the less Theisohn attempted to bolster his argument that
27
Burnett, Jesus-Sophia, pp. 374-5 n. 4. This also seems to be the position of Hare,
Son of Man, pp. 164-5. Even so, Hare plays down the closeness of the texts by
suggesting that each author used 'common motifs' of Jewish apocalyptic escha-
tology. But the fact that this view of the Son of Man is confined to these
documents demonstrates that we are not dealing with a common apocalyptic-
eschatological tradition; rather, the theme of the Son of Man sitting on a glorious
throne overseeing the judgement was comparatively rare in apocalyptic circles!
The fact that this tradition was adopted by Matthew and the author of the
Parables demonstrates that this relatively rare motif appealed to their respective
eschatological conceptions. Marguerat also denies the direct dependence of
Matthew upon the Parables (Le Jugement, p. 106), and claims that the figure of
the judging Son of Man came to Matthew via Q in 19:28 (see note 16 above).
the Parables of Enoch itself (not its sources) directly influenced

Matthew by arguing for such influence with regard to the material
in Matthew 13:36-43, 49-50. 28 Theisohn argued that the true
apocalyptic-eschatological sections of these passages, Matthew
13:40-3, 49-50, were redacted versions of a small Jewish Vorlage
which was influenced by the Parables of Enoch and which con-
tained the following elements - the sending of avenging angels at
the end of the age, their separation of the wicked from the right-
eous, the former cast into a fiery furnace and the latter then shining
like the sun. 29 Theisohn's case for a link between the Parables and
these Matthean texts rests primarily upon two expressions in the
gospel, f| Kduivoc; TOO Ttupoq and oi 8iKaioi SKMUYOUGIV cb<; 6
fjîoq, which he considers derive ultimately from the Enoch tradi-
tion. The first expression is found in 1 Enoch 54:6, while the second
can be readily compared with 1 Enoch 38:4; 39:7; 50:1 and 58:3.30
Although Theisohn's arguments have been accepted by some
scholars, 31 there is need in this case to exercise some caution. A
number of pertinent objections have been raised against Theisohn's
thesis.32 To begin with, there is no evidence whatsoever to support
the existence of his hypothetical source containing such a cluster of
motifs. Certainly no one section of the Parables reflects such a
grouping of these themes; they are in fact spread right throughout
the document. Moreover, Theisohn fails to substantiate any firm
link, either direct or indirect, between this Matthean material and
the Parables. Neither the notion of the punishment of the wicked
by fire (or specifically in a fiery furnace), nor the idea that the
righteous will shine is confined to these two documents. As we
noted in chapter 1, both concepts are very common apocalyptic-
eschatological notions. We shall say more about these themes in
Matthew in the next chapter. In view of these observations, there is
no necessity to posit the dependence of Matthew 13:40-3, 49-50 on
this Enoch tradition. If the evangelist did compose these verses, and
this was accepted in chapter 3, then he clearly dipped into a pool of
28
Theisohn, Richter, p p . 182-201.
29
30
31
So Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, I, p p . 499-500. Friedrich holds the singular view
that all of M a t t h e w 13:36-43, apart from verses 36-7a, 43b, is pre-Matthean
(Gott im Bruder?, p p . 66-86) a n d he accepts Theisohn's basic argument of the
influence of the Parables on this material (pp. 86-7).
32
For further detail, see Hare, Son of Man, pp. 152-3 and Knibb, 'The Date of the
Parables of Enoch', p. 357.
The judgement 123
common apocalyptic-eschatological motifs which were available to

him. While some of these traditions might have been shared by the
circle which produced the Parables of Enoch, including the Son of
Man tradition, there were doubtless non-Enochic sources as well.
Consequently, Theisohn's attempt to prove the direct influence of
the Parables on the gospel of Matthew must be considered un-
successful. A far more likely proposition is that just as the evan-
gelist had access to Christian apocalyptic-eschatological traditions,
so too did he possess a number of Jewish apocalyptic-eschatological
sources, some of which also found their way into 1 Enoch 37-71.
Of no small importance in this regard is the figure of the judge-
mental Son of Man seated upon his glorious throne. Matthew's
adoption of this particular tradition reveals further his special
interest in the judgement and thefigurewho presides over it.
The presentation of the returning Jesus in Matthew is thus a
perfect synthesis of his Jewish and Christian Son of Man sources,
each of which was a reinterpretation of the one like a son of man in
Daniel 7:13-14. He took from Mark and Q the theme that Jesus
was the Son of Man who would return as Son of Man in glory and
on the clouds of heaven at the end of the age, while from his Jewish
traditions which he shared with the author of the Parables of
Enoch, he adopted the expressly judicial function of this figure
seated upon his throne of glory. It seems clear that such a merging
was deemed necessary by Matthew since neither of these traditions
told the full story. His Christian sources identified Jesus with the
Son of Man who would come at the eschaton, but they failed to
specify his judgemental role. On the other hand, his Jewish Son of
Man sources testified that this figure does perform this eschatolo-
gical function, but they obviously had no mention of Jesus. By
combining all these elements, Matthew constructed a distinctive
and powerful eschatological vision of the end and the key player in
these events. The resurrected Jesus who now resides in heaven will
arrive on the clouds of heaven accompanied by his angelic army
and then take his seat on his throne of glory in order to preside
over thefinaljudgement.
2.3 The scene of judgement

Matthew presents a rather detailed description of the final judge-
ment in 25:31^4-6 at the end of his apocalyptic discourse. Such a
detailed depiction of the judgement occurs in many other apoca-
lyptic-eschatological texts (Dan. 7:9-14; 1 En. 62:1-63:12; 90:20-7;

4 Ezra 7:32-43; Rev. 20:11-15). We have already considered the
introduction in verse 31 and may now proceed to the remaining
verses which describe the judgement scene. All the nations (rcavxa
xd eOvrj) will gather before the Son of Man (verse 32a) and he will
separate them as a shepherd separates sheep from goats, placing the
sheep to his right and the goats to his left (verses 32b-3). This
narrative material is then followed by dialogue. The Son of Man
(the king) welcomes to his kingdom those to his right on the
grounds that they treated him appropriately (verses 34-6). When
the righteous question this (verses 37-9), the Son of Man responds
by explaining that when they acted well toward one of the least of
his brethren, they acted as such toward him (verse 40). The judge
then speaks to those at his left hand and sends them to the fire
which has been prepared for the devil and his angels (verse 41). In
an antithesis to the dialogue of verses 37-9, they are condemned,
their protestations notwithstanding, for failing to act accordingly
to the least of the brethren mentioned previously (verses 42-5). The
pericope ends on the solemn note that the wicked will go to eternal
punishment and the righteous to eternal life (verse 46).
Despite a small number of commentators who ascribe the whole
pericope to Matthew's hand (see note 17), it can be safely assumed
that much of this material derives from the evangelist's special
sources.33 The extent and nature of the evangelist's redaction,
33
Both Catchpole and Friedrich argue that the whole pre-Matthean passage, which
includes verse 31, reflects the influence of 1 Enoch. Catchpole builds his case
mainly on the basis of a close correspondence between the judge and certain
humans, the treatment of the latter being the yardstick by which the wicked will
be judged, which he finds in both Matthew 25:31-46 and 1 Enoch 62-3 ('Son of
Man in Heaven', pp. 380-2). Yet such a correspondence between the righteous
and the final judge, be it the Son of Man, God himself or any other figure, is
central to almost every apocalyptic-eschatological scheme (so correctly Hare, Son
of Man, pp. 176-7 who raises a number of further objections). Catchpole's
argument also depends to a large extent on the integrity of Matthew 25:31-46 at
the pre-Matthean stage, but it is much more probable that verse 31 is a Matthean
addition (see also notes 18 and 19 above). It is significant that Catchpole says
little about verses 32-3, the metaphor of the sheep and goats. This material has
nothing in common with the Parables of Enoch and is most closely paralleled in
the Animal Apocalypse which also uses animal imagery in its judgement scene.
Though it is unlikely that these Matthean verses are directly influenced by this
tradition (see Friedrich, Gott im Bruder?, pp. 142-3), there can be no doubt that
the pericope as a whole reflects material from a number of sources. For his part,
Friedrich cites a number of parallels between Matthew 25:31-46 and the whole of
1 Enoch including the Parables (pp. 150-64). He affirms that the cluster of motifs
in the former is found en bloc only in the latter which leads him to the conclusion
of further influence of Enoch on the pre-Matthean tradition (p. 163). Yet such a
The judgemen t 125
however, is a matter of dispute. It has been suggested that Matthew

brought together two independent traditions, the parable of the
separation of the flocks in verses 32b-3 and the antithetical dia-
logues in verses 35^0, 42-5, and combined these to create his
account of the universal judgement.34 On the other hand, the vast
majority of scholars consider this tradition to have been a unity at
the pre-gospel stage which Matthew adopted and subsequently
edited at certain points. The differences between these two general
positions need not concern us here. Nor for that matter is it
essential to pinpoint every editorial alteration by Matthew. Only
two of his redactional changes need be mentioned in the present
context.
In the dialogue section the judge is termed 'the king' (verses
34, 40). Although Matthew refers to the kingdom of the Son of
Man (13:41; 16:28; cf. also 20:21), the unexpected presence of
'the king' in these verses stands in some tension with the Son of
Man terminology in verse 31; the narrative moves abruptly and
without explanation from the Son of Man to the king and this
suggests that the latter motif stood in Matthew's source. Because
the king normally represents God in the synoptic parable tradi-
tion, it is likely that at the pre-Matthean stage the king in this
material stood for God. But by inserting the reference to the Son
of Man in verse 31, Matthew dramatically alters the emphasis.
The judge and king is no longer God but the Son of Man.
Matthew completes this reinterpretation by adding 'of my father'
to 'Come, O blessed' which the king utters in verse 34. These
editorial insertions of the whole of verse 31 and the words in
verse 34 together comprise an important indicator of Matthew's
perception of the final judgement. It is not God the father but
Jesus the Son of Man who functions as the eschatological
judge.35 The second important redaction which Matthew effects
on this material is his addition of verse 32a, 'before him will be
claim is an exaggeration of the evidence. Many of the motifs he considers are
found outside the book of Enoch and reappear in clusters in the Qumran texts.
We might, on Friedrich's reasoning, conclude that the original speaker of the
judgemental material in 25:31-46 (for Friedrich this is Jesus) also knew the
Qumran scrolls. This pre-Matthean material is related to 1 Enoch (and to the
Qumran literature for that matter) only in so far as it reflects the same general
apocalyptic-eschatological world view. To say any more than this would be to
exceed the evidence.
34
So Robinson, 'Sheep and Goats', pp. 225-37.
35
For similar views, see Robinson, 'Sheep and Goats', pp. 236-7; Marguerat, Le
Jugement, pp. 492-4 and Zumstein, La Condition, pp. 333-4.
gathered all the nations'. 36 By this addition the evangelist makes

explicit what was perhaps implicit in his source: namely, that the
judgement will be truly universal. All nations, every single human
being, will be gathered before the judgement throne of the Son of
Man. The language of Matthew here is reminiscent of Joel 3:11-12
where all the nations (LXX,rcdvTaid e6vr|) will face the judgement
of Yahweh. If Matthew has been influenced by this Old Testament
text, 37 then he has again seen fit to ascribe God's judgemental role
to the Son of Man. The universal aspect of the judgement in
Matthew 25:31^6 is important and we shall return to this subject
in chapter 9.
Matthew 25:31-46 is not the only Matthean pericope which
offers a description of the judgement. A second description appears
in 7:21-3 toward the end of the sermon on the mount. The parallel
with Luke 6:46 and 13:25-7 shows that Matthew has taken this
material from Q. In the Matthean version, the dialogue is between
Jesus the judge and Christian false prophets (cf. 7:15-20) and not
between the judge and the wicked in general as in 25:31-46.
Essentially the passage makes the point that these false prophets,
though professing to be proper Christians, will be denounced as
false and excluded from the kingdom. There is no mention of the
Son of Man in this passage, and the only christological title used is
'Lord' which forms part of the confession of the false prophets.
Despite the absence of the Son of Man title in this passage, it is
quite clear from the remainder of the gospel that here Jesus
functions as judging Son of Man. As will be shown in more detail
in chapter 9, the Son of Man is the judge of all humans, including
the members of his church.
A third but very brief description of the judgement is found in
Matthew 19:28 which states that the (twelve) disciples will sit on
twelve thrones and judge the twelve tribes of Israel. A comparison
with the Lucan parallel in 22:30 reveals that Matthew took this motif
directly from his source. The idea that the righteous will participate
in the end-time judgement is found in a number of early Christian
36
So most scholars; Friedrich, Gott im Bruder?, p p . 256-7; Marguerat, Le Juge-
ment, p. 490; Zumstein, La Condition, pp. 328-9; Gnilka, Matthausevangelium,
II, p. 368; Geist, Menschensohn, p. 207 and Broer, 'Das Gericht', pp. 277-8.
Catchpole, 'Son of Man in Heaven', p. 389 argues that the evidence for Matthean
redaction is inconclusive, but suggests that it hardly matters; with or without the
reference to the assembly of all the nations, the emphasis lies with the universality
of the judgement.
37
So Gundry, Matthew, p. 511.
The judgement 127
texts (1 Cor. 6:2-3; Rev. 20:4; cf. Rev. 3:21) as well as Jewish
apocalyptic-eschatological documents (Dan. 7:22, 1 En. 95:3; 96:1;
T.Ab. 13:6). That such a concept was adopted in some apocalyptic-
eschatological schemes should occasion no surprise. Since the criteria
for judgement are usually tied up with the treatment of the righteous,
the belief that those who suffer should have a hand in the judgement
of those responsible for their suffering is perfectly understandable.
There are then no less than three different accounts of the final
judgement in Matthew and it is not clear how the evangelist related
these to one another. Did he envisage one judgement for the church
(7:21-3) and another for the gentiles (25:31-46) over both of which
the Son of Man presides, and a third judgement of Israel by the
disciples (19:28)? G. N. Stanton accepts that the evangelist might
well have envisaged a number of different judgements, 38 and this is
a possible interpretation of the evidence. On the other hand, it is
just as likely that Matthew, who was by no means a 'systematic
theologian', had not himself clearly worked out and assimilated the
precise details of the judgement from the disparate traditions at his
disposal. What was important to Matthew was that the judgement
would take place and that the righteous would be rewarded and the
wicked punished.
3. Conclusions
By way of summarising this chapter, a few important points need
to be reiterated. Matthew accepts the usual apocalyptic-eschatolo-
gical scenario that the new age will witness both the general
resurrection of the dead and the recreation of the cosmic order.
These events lead to the all-important universal judgement over
which Jesus Son of Man will preside on his glorious throne. The
evangelist's vision of the judgement and the figure who oversees it
is a combination of his Christian and Jewish Son of Man sources.
He follows Mark and Q in identifying Jesus with the Son of Man
who comes in glory, but because these sources stop short of
describing him as the final judge (which other Christian texts do),
Matthew supplements them with a Jewish tradition which is
reflected in the Parables of Enoch. The end result is a perfect
synthesis of all the Son of Man material available to him. Jesus will
return in glory on the clouds of heaven at the end of the age and
38
Stanton, Gospel for a New People, p. 213.
will assume his throne of glory in order to preside over the universal
judgement. A similar combination of elements appears in the
gospel of John, although it is far less pronounced there than in
Matthew. The evangelist betrays his special interest in the event of
eschatological judgement by referring to it constantly using a
variety of terms and metaphors, and also by describing it more
than once. The universal judgement scene in 25:31^6 is especially
important in this regard, since the whole process of judgement is
described. As the final passage of Jesus' last discourse, this pericope
assumes fundamental importance in the context of the gospel. It
elaborates and confirms all the references to the eschaton which
come earlier in the narrative, with regard both to the righteous and
to the wicked. In short, it is the passage to which all the other
eschatological pericopae point. In Matthew the Son of Man comes
for the purpose of judgement (cf. 16:27), but the judgement has a
specific purpose as well. It is here that the wicked receive their
eternal punishment and the righteous receive their eternal reward.
We shall examine what Matthew has to say about these subjects in
the next chapter.
THE FATE OF THE WICKED AND THE FATE
OF THE RIGHTEOUS IN MATTHEW
In the previous chapters, it was argued that Matthew combined his

Christian and Jewish sources to arrive at a distinctive portrayal of
Jesus as the saviour figure, the Son of Man. The Son of Man will
return in glory with his angelic army, and will then sit upon his
glorious throne to preside over thefinaljudgement. As the one who
sits in judgement, it is Jesus the Son of Man who dispenses
eschatological rewards and punishments. As we would expect from
an author for whom the judgement is paramount, Matthew devotes
a considerable amount of space to each category. In relation to this
subject, it is important to note that there is no hint in Matthew that
the wicked dead or the righteous dead receive a sample of their
respective eschatological fates in the intermediate period between
death and the final judgement. While such an idea is found in later
Jewish apocalyptic eschatology and is prominent in other New
Testament writings, particularly the gospel of Luke (16:19-31;
23:43),* it seems to play no part in Matthew's apocalyptic-eschato-
logical scheme.2 This means that all emphasis falls on the final
judgement and its aftermath.
1. The fate of the wicked

Matthew has a good deal to say about the ultimate fate of the
wicked. The picture he presents is not a pretty one and is in fact
1
For a recent discussion of this notion in the New Testament texts, see Osei-
Bonsu, 'Intermediate State', pp. 169-94.
2
Osei-Bonsu, 'Intermediate State', pp. 171-3 argues that the intermediate state is
implied in the Q tradition in Matthew 10:28 and Luke 12:4-5. Yet C. Milikowsky
correctly shows that while the Lucan form of this tradition adverts to the
intermediate state, the Matthean form does not; Matthew's version refers to the
post-judgement punishment of the wicked. See his 'Which Gehenna?', pp. 242-3.
It should never be ruled out that the evangelist accepted the common apocalyptic
motif of the post-mortem but pre-judgement punishment of the wicked, but there
is no concrete evidence that he did so.
129
among the most severe of the apocalyptic-eschatological schemes of

his time. There are references of a general nature which state that
the wicked will meet with condemnation (12:41-2), destruction
(7:13) and eternal punishment (25:46), but more revealing than
these are his specific statements about the fate of the wicked. One
example of specific punishment is found in the parable of the good
and wicked servants (Matt. 24:45-51), which the evangelist took
from Q (//Luke 12:42-6). According to this text, the condemned
will be cut in half (5i%oxo|ieco) before sharing the lot of the
hypocrites (verse 51). Precisely how Matthew took this reference is
very difficult to say. Some scholars affirm that what is actually
meant is no more than mere exclusion from the realm of the
righteous. They point to a parallel text at Qumran, 1QS 2:16-17,
which they believe clarifies the meaning of this tradition; ' . . . God
will set him [the wicked] apart for evil . . . he shall be cut off from
the midst of the sons of light ... his lot shall be among those who
are cursed for ever'. 3 On this reading of the text, therefore, the
master will arrive, separate the wicked from the company of the
righteous and place him with other sinners. Other scholars reject
this interpretation as an unnecessary refinement of the text. They
argue that the passage represents in general terms the horror and
harshness of the eschatological fate of the sinners. 4 Given that
Matthew's views of the end-time punishment are extremely harsh,
this second interpretation is clearly more likely than the first.
1.1 Punishment by eternal fire

Matthew's most constant conviction about the eschatological pun-
ishment of the wicked is that they will burn for eternity. This is an
extremely common apocalyptic-eschatological theme, which is pro-
minent in Jewish texts and in the Christian Apocalypse. But before
we examine the Matthean references to this motif, it is instructive
to analyse its occurrence in the New Testament texts outside the
gospel and the Apocalypse. A survey of this nature demonstrates
that the notion of the everlasting punishment of the wicked by fire
was not widespread in early Christianity.
Leaving aside for the moment the Q account of the preaching of
3
See Bonnard, Matthieu, p. 357. Cf. also Hill, Matthew, p. 325 and Sabourin,
Matthew, II, p. 835.
4
So Marguerat, Le Jugement, p. 534; Gundry, Matthew, p. 497 and Beare,
Matthew, p. 479.
The fate of the wicked and the fate of the righteous 131
John the Baptist, which will concern us below, the clearest examples
of this theme are found in Mark 9:43, 45, 47-8, Jude 7 and the
epistle of James. In the first of these passages, the Marcan Jesus
pronounces that it is better to lose a sinful limb or organ and
receive salvation than to remain whole and face eternal punish-
ment. Three parts of the body serve to illustrate this point. Mark
9:43 advises that it is preferable to sever a sinful hand and enter
(eternal) life maimed than to go whole to Gehenna where there is
unquenchable fire (TO 7iCp TO aaPecrcov). The foot is the subject of
verse 45 and here the Marcan Jesus suggests that it is better to lose
one of these than to be thrown into Gehenna. Finally, verses 47-8
state that a sinful eye should be plucked lest one be thrown into
Gehenna 'where their worm does not die and the fire is not
quenched' (cf. Isa. 66:24). This idea also finds expression in Jude 7
which states that the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah serves
as an example of the (eschatological) punishment by eternal fire
(7ti)pd<; aicoviou).5 The epistle of James contains two references to
this theme. In James 3:6 mention is made of the fire of Gehenna but
not in the context of eschatological punishment. The author points
out that the tongue can stain the whole body and is set on fire by
Gehenna, thereby indicating that Gehenna is the source of evil
speech. Precisely how this process operates is not made clear and is
of little concern in the present context. 6 What is of importance is
that the author of James seems to accept the traditional view of the
fiery Gehenna. This is confirmed by James 5:3 where the author
affirms that in the last days the gold and silver of the wealthy will
eat their flesh like fire.
Other New Testament passages make reference to fire associated
with the eschaton, but none of them clearly reflects the apocalyptic-
eschatological notion of the eternal punishment of the wicked by
fire. Both Hebrews and 2 Peter appear to reflect an alternative
tradition which refers to the complete obliteration of the wicked by
eschatological fire and not to their everlasting torment. Hebrews
10:27 specifies that any Christian who deliberately sins faces the
prospect of judgement 'and a fury of fire which will consume the
adversaries'. This text recalls Isaiah 26:11 which itself represents
one stream of Old Testament thought that God will utterly destroy
his enemies with fire (cf. Isa. 33:11-14; 66:15-16; Ezek. 38:22; 39:6;
Joel 2:3; Mai. 3:19). The idea of eternal torment by fire is not in
5
For further detail, see the discussion of Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, pp. 54-5.
6
See the discussion of Davids, James, p. 143.
view in these Old Testament texts (contrast Isa. 66:24); the

emphasis is on the complete obliteration of the enemies of God and
his people. It is difficult to determine precisely how the author of
Hebrews interpreted the eschatological fire of 10:27. Is it a fire of
destruction after which the wicked do not survive, or is it a fire of
eternal torment? It is possible of course that both ideas are in view,
in which case the author envisages an initial conflagration and
subsequent punishment by everlasting fire. Such a scenario is found
in Revelation 20:9-10. A more likely possibility, however, is that
the author of Hebrews took this text to mean the total annihilation
of the wicked. This reading is supported by 10:39, 'But we are not
of those who shrink back and are destroyed, but of those who have
faith and keep their souls,' which implies strongly that by losing
their souls the wicked are destroyed totally and face no further
punitive measures; by contrast, those who keep faith retain their
souls and so live on in the new age. The second epistle of Peter also
seems to affirm the utter destruction of the wicked by fire. This
document contains the (Stoic) notion of the end of the cosmos in a
great conflagration (3:10-12) and specifies that the fire which is
being stored until the day of judgement is for the destruction of the
wicked (3:7). That the wicked do not survive in order to receive
further punishment is suggested in verse 13, which affirms that in
the new heaven and new earth only righteousness (the righteous)
will dwell; the wicked presumably have no share at all in the new
cosmic order. In any event, there is no mention of the punishment
of the wicked after the conflagration.
There are three possible references to eschatological fire in the
Pauline (and deutero-Pauline) literature, yet none of these clearly
adverts to eternal punishment by fire. In Romans 12:19-20 Paul
advises his readers to leave vengeance to God and cites Proverbs
25:21-2, 'but if your enemy is hungry, feed him; if he is thirsty, give
him drink; for by so doing you will heap burning coals upon his
head'. The idea of heaping burning coals on a person's head might
reflect an Egyptian rite of repentance, but it is not known whether
or not Paul was aware of this. If he was, then this reference to the
coals should be taken in a positive sense; showing kindness to one's
enemies will bring them to repentance. On the other hand, Paul
might not have known of the background of this material and so
interpreted it in the sense of eschatological punishment; showing
kindness to enemies will increase their guilt and the severity of their
(fiery) punishment when God exacts his revenge. While the issue is
by no means clear cut, the majority of commentators opt for the

former interpretation, usually in view of the positive tone of
verse 21, 'Do not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil by good.' 7
If this is the correct understanding of this passage, and it is the
more probable view, then Romans 12:20 cannot be understood as a
reference to the fiery torment of the wicked.
The second Pauline text is 1 Corinthians 3:13-15. Like Romans
12:20, this pericope does not speak of eternal punishment by fire,
though it does advert to an eschatological fire. The fire to which
Paul refers is a testing fire at the eschaton; 'and the fire will test
what sort of work each one has done' (verse 13b). The closest
parallel to this notion appears in the Testament of Abraham
12:10-14; 13:11-14 where fire is the instrument by which the works
of each soul are tested at the judgement. Paul affirms that if a
person's works survive the fire, he will receive a reward (verse 14),
and then specifies that if his works are burnt 'he will suffer loss,
though he himself will be saved, but only as through fire' (verse 15).
The precise meaning of this verse is not clear, but it might simply
mean that the individual will be saved 'by the skin of his teeth'. 8 Be
that as it may, since the person is eventually saved the idea of
eternal punishment by fire is not suggested in this passage.
The final reference to eschatological fire in the Pauline corpus
appears in 2 Thessalonians 1:7-8. In language echoing the coming
of Yahweh in judgement in Isaiah 66:15-16, the author refers to the
revelation of Jesus at his parousia in fire of flame (ev Ttupi c()ôy6<;)
to inflict vengeance on the wicked. Once again it is not certain just
how the reference to fire ought to be taken. Does it belong with the
statement of Jesus' appearance and thereby depict his parousia in
terms of the Old Testament theophanies (eg. Ex. 3:2; 19:18; Deut.
3:2; Ezek. 1:13; Hab. 3:4; Dan. 7:9-10), or does it belong with the
reference to vengeance and so indicate the nature of the eschatolo-
gical punishment (as it does in Isa. 66:16)? In favour of the former
interpretation is that verse 9, which deals with the fate of the
wicked, speaks of the punishment of eternal destruction and exclu-
sion from the presence of the Lord, but never mentions punishment
by means of fire.9 While it is true that this reference might presume
7
So Dunn, Romans, II, pp. 750-1; Stuhlmacher, Romer, p. 177 and, more
tentatively, Ziesler, Romans, pp. 306-7. That Paul is speaking of eschatological
punishment by fire is argued by Lang, 'rcup', p. 945.
8
See Lang, 'rcOp', p. 944 and Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians, pp. 76-7.
9
On the meaning of verse 9, see Marshall, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, pp. 178-80.
Significantly, Marshall does not mention the theme of everlasting torment by fire.
a fiery end to the wicked, any such reading must then take this
motif in the same sense as Hebrews 10:27 and 2 Peter 3:7; the
wicked will be utterly destroyed by eschatological fire, but they will
not be punished forever by it. We must conclude, therefore, that
there is no suggestion in 2 Thessalonians of eternal torture by fire.
The above review of the relevant New Testament passages
outside Matthew and the Apocalypse which advert to eschatolo-
gical fire yields the following results. Only three texts, Mark 9:43,
45, 47-8, Jude 7 and James 5:3, unequivocally attest that the
wicked will burn forever as punishment for their sins. On the other
hand, Hebrews, 2 Peter and possibly 2 Thessalonians, while men-
tioning that the eschaton will witness a punishment by fire, seem
not to accept the notion of eternal torture by burning; rather, they
appear to promote the idea of the total obliteration of the wicked in
a conflagration which accompanies the parousia. A completely
different view of the eschatological fire is found in 1 Corinthians. In
this text the fire is a test of works and there is no hint that it is
inflicted forever on the wicked. Finally, Romans 12:20 seems not to
advert to eschatological fire at all. The results of the survey testify
that this particular apocalyptic-eschatological theme was not uni-
versally adopted by the early Christians. The motif appears infre-
quently in the Christian literature and is hardly emphasised where
it does occur. Mark and Jude contain a single allusion each, while
James has a mere two references to this theme. It is within the
context of the relative paucity of this motif in the New Testament
(disregarding the Apocalypse) that we need to approach this
subject in the gospel of Matthew. A review of the evidence reveals
that Matthew does not simply affirm that the wicked will be
punished by eternal fire. On the contrary, he fervently and con-
stantly promotes it. In this respect he stands well apart from most
of his Christian contemporaries with regard to this particular
subject.
Matthew's gospel contains no less than seven references to the
eternal torture of the wicked by eschatological fire. Only two of
these texts derive from Mark or Q. In 18:8-9 Matthew takes up the
single Marcan reference to the fiery punishment of the wicked
(Mark 9:43, 45, 47-8). The evangelist characteristically abbreviates
this material and combines the examples of the hand and foot into
one double example. He retains the fire motif but writes 'into the
eternal fire' (eiq TO TiCp TO aicbviov) in place of Mark's 'into
Gehenna, into the unquenchable fire'. The example of the sinful eye
is adopted by Matthew and again he retains but edits the fire

reference. The rather verbose Marcan citation of Isaiah 66:24 is
omitted and Mark's 'into Gehenna' is expanded to 'into the
Gehenna of fire' (sic; xfjv ysevvav TOD 7cup6(;). The Q pericope
containing this theme is that which represents the eschatological
preaching of John the Baptist (Matt. 3:7-12//Luke 3:7-9, 16b-17).
The message of the Baptist as preserved by the saying's source
focuses primarily on the terrible punishment of the wicked, and
there are three references to their punishment by (eternal) fire. The
day of judgement (the coming wrath) is depicted metaphorically as
an axe already poised to strike a tree. Any tree which fails to bear
good fruit will be cut down and thrown to the fire (Matt. 3:10//
Luke 3:9). John then speaks of his successor as the one who will
baptise not with water, but with the holy spirit and with fire (Matt.
3:11//Luke 3:16). The preaching of the Baptist ends on a fiery note
and in metaphorical terms. His successor will clear the threshing
floor with his winnowing fork, gather the wheat into his granary
and burn the chaff with unquenchable fire (Tiupi daPsaxcp; Matt.
3:12//Luke 3:17). This final reference to eternal fire implies the
everlasting torture of the wicked and not the idea of their oblitera-
tion by eschatological fire. Apart from these statements of eternal
punishment by fire which Matthew inherited from Mark and Q,
one attributed to Jesus and one attributed to John the Baptist, no
other statement of this kind in his gospel can be clearly attributed
to a source. All the remaining references to this subject appear on
the lips of Jesus and it is likely in each case that this material stems
from the hand of Matthew.
The heavily apocalyptic-eschatological material in 13:36-43,
49-50 which, as noted in chapter 3, was probably composed by
Matthew himself, contains two references to the everlasting burning
of the wicked. In the interpretation of the parable of the tares,
Matthew stresses that just as weeds are gathered and burned (13:40),
so will the angels cast the wicked into the furnace of fire (eiq xf]v
Kdfiivov TOD Tiopoq; verse 42). The interpretation of the parable of
the net says precisely the same thing. Just as the bad fish are thrown
away, so will the angels throw the wicked to the fiery furnace (13:50).
The two references to the furnace of fire have parallels in the wider
apocalyptic-eschatological tradition (cf. 1 En. 54:6; 98:3; 4 Ezra
7:36) and the language might have been taken directly from Daniel
3:6 (ei<; TTJV K&JIIVOV TOU 7n)po<; TTJV Kaio|ievr|v), even though this
motif does not possess an eschatological sense in Daniel. Matthew's
great judgement scene of 25:31-46 contains a specific reference to

the punishment of the wicked by eschatological fire. Verse 41
affirms that the wicked will be sent 'into the eternal fire (eiq TO
Tiup TO aicbviov) prepared for the devil and his angels'. This text is
important in so far as it specifies with crystal clarity the evan-
gelist's view that all the opponents of God, be they angelic or
human, will share the same terrible fate. Since the phrase eiq TO
Ttup TO aicbviov is also found in 18:8, Matthew's redacted form of
Mark 9:43, it is probable that he is responsible for this reference
to the eschatological fire.10
The final two instances of this theme appear in the sermon on the
mount at 5:22 and 7:19. In the first of these texts, the Matthean
Jesus speaks about the eschatological consequences of anger. He
comments that anyone who is angry with his brother will be liable
to judgement and that anyone who insults his brother will be liable
to the council, and concludes with the warning that whoever says
'you fool' will be liable to the Gehenna of fire (eiq TTJV ysevvav TOD
nvpoq). Whatever the origin of the third and final part of this verse,
it is almost certain that the reference to the Gehenna of fire is
redactional; the same expression was used by Matthew at 18:9 in
his redaction of Mark 9:47-8. n With regard to 7:19, 'Every good
tree that does not bear good fruit is cut down and thrown into the
fire', there is general agreement that Matthew took this saying from
his Baptist material in Q (cf. 3:10) and transferred it to the lips of
Jesus at this point. The verse appears within a Q passage which
spoke of the righteous and the wicked as good and bad trees
respectively (Matt. 7:16-18//Luke 6:43-5), and has no Lucan
parallel in this context. The evangelist obviously noted the aptness
of the Baptist's words at this point and put them into the mouth of
Jesus. 12
In relation to this subject of the punishment of the wicked by
eternal fire, it should not be overlooked that the gospel contains
four unqualified references to Gehenna; that is to say, this location
10
It is accepted as redactional by Marguerat, Le Jugement, p. 492; Gnilka,
Matthdusevangelium, II, p. 369; Zumstein, La Condition, p. 331 and Broer, 'Das
Gericht', p. 284.
11
The whole section is deemed redactional by Davies and Allison, Matthew, I,
p. 514 and Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, I, p. 152. On the other hand, Luz
Matthdus, I, pp. 252-3 believes that the sentence is traditional, but that Matthew
is responsible for the TOD 7ri)p6<; which qualifies Gehenna.
12
So Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, pp. 710-11; Luz, Matthdus, I, p. 401; Schulz,
Q, p. 318 and Marguerat, Le Jugement, p. 185.
is mentioned but nothing is said about its fiery character. While one
of these derives from Q (Matt. 10:28//Luke 12:4-5), the other three
are unparalleled (5:29-30; 23:15, 33) and all are most probably
redactional. In the light of 5:22 and 18:9, let alone current usage in
the wider apocalyptic-eschatological tradition, these passages
presume the notion of the fiery furnace, despite their failure to
mention it specifically. It is pertinent to mention at this point that
Matthew also twice uses the synonymous Hades (11:23; 16:18) to
describe this place of punishment. 13 If we add these four (or six)
texts to the list of passages which specifically refer to the fiery fate
of the wicked, then we have an impressive collection of references
which is unequalled anywhere in the New Testament, including the
Apocalypse. In fact few documents of the entire apocalyptic-
eschatological tradition can compare with the amount of this type
of material which is found in the gospel of Matthew. The evan-
gelist's intense concentration on the punishment of the wicked by
the fire of Gehenna entails that his other references to the judge-
ment and its aftermath ought to be interpreted in these terms. In
other words, when Matthew wrote of the destruction or everlasting
punishment of the wicked, his intended readers were meant to
identify these statements with the eternal fire of Gehenna.
Matthew's consistent view of eschatological punishment by
eternal fire explains his omission of Mark 9:49, 'for every one will
be salted with fire', his only identifiable omission of an eschatolo-
gical fire tradition from his sources. This Marcan saying appears
between and bridges the body/Gehenna material of 9:43, 45, 47-8
and two logia dealing with the subject of salt (9:50). Matthew omits
the two salt sayings on account of their obscurity and uses a parallel
Q tradition in the sermon on the mount (5:13//Luke 14:34-5). As
for Mark 9:49, Matthew would have objected to it on two grounds.
First, he would have disagreed with the general nature of the
Marcan logion; for Matthew, only the wicked, not every one, will
be subject to the fire. Secondly, since salt has purifying qualities,
Mark 9:49 could be taken to mean that the fire acts as a purifying
13
According to Jeremias, 'yeevva', p. 658, the New Testament as a whole distin-
guishes between Hades and Gehenna, the former being the place of post-mortem
punishment and the latter the place of punishment subsequent to the judgement.
This very neat hypothesis, which tends to harmonise the evidence, was attacked
by Boyd, 'Gehenna - According to J. Jeremias', pp. 9-12. Since Matthew seems
to know of no punishment of the wicked immediately after death (see note 2
above), any such distinction between his usage of Hades and Gehenna is
inappropriate.
agent as it does in 1 Corinthians 3:13-15 and the Testament of

Abraham 12:10-14; 13:11-14. In Matthew, however, the fire is
wholly punitive and has no purifying function whatsoever.
Though it might be tempting to do so, we should not attempt to
disguise the full horror of this dominant Matthean theme. Like
many of his contemporaries, Matthew accepted the reality of
Gehenna as a place of eternal punishment and there is no reason to
suspect that he intended his references to this location to be taken
other than literally. And it is crucial that we understand precisely
what the evangelist believed about this place of fire and the fate of
the wicked there. What the notion of Gehenna entails is not a single
flame licking an extended finger or toe on a temporary basis, but an
all-consuming inferno which would encompass the whole body and
put the condemned person in a state of perpetual agony. For
Matthew, the eschatological fate of the wicked would be one of
eternal torture by flames which would burn but not consume. The
torturous nature of the end-time punishment of the wicked is
evidenced in two further gospel passages and these must be given
full weight.
At the conclusion of the parable of the unforgiving servant
(Matt. 18:23-35), he who was forgiven his debt but failed to do
likewise to others is ultimately handed over by his master to the
torturers (oi Paaaviaxai). Matthew's own application of this
parable in verse 35, 'So also my heavenly father will do to every one
of you, if you do not forgive your brother from your heart,' puts
this reference in an eschatological context. Most scholars interpret
the motif of the torturers in the context of the gospel in terms of the
horrible punishment which awaits the wicked.14 The consigning of
the wicked to the fires of Gehenna can thus be compared favour-
ably with the handing over of a wayward servant to the torturers.
That this is how Matthew envisaged the fate of the wicked is
confirmed by examining the episode of the Gadarene demoniacs in
8:28-34 (//Mark 5:1-20). In the Marcan story the demons plead
with Jesus not to torment or torture (Paaaviôo) them by per-
forming the exorcism (5:7). For Mark, the torture of the evil spirits
results from their expulsion from the human body they now possess
and their potentially homeless state thereafter. Matthew's redaction
of this verse at 8:29 is rather striking and gives an entirely new
meaning to the torture motif. The demons ask Jesus, 'Have you
14
See, for example, Davies and Allison, Matthew, II, p. 803; Gnilka, Matth'ausevan-
gelium, II, p. 146 and Gundry, Matthew, p. 375.
come to torture us (Paaaviaai riiiaq) before the time (npb Kaipoo)?'

There is no doubt that rcpd KaipoO here refers to the final judgement
and its aftermath which, in Matthew, means consignment to the
eternal flames (cf. 25:41). In the Matthean narrative, therefore, the
supernatural demons of 8:28-34 are well aware of their ultimate
fate and, quite naturally, express concern that this horrible punish-
ment will be inflicted upon them by Jesus (the judge) sooner than
they expected. Matthew thus gives the torture motif an eschatolo-
gical sense which it did not possess in his Marcan source. This
eschatological usage of the verb in 8:29 corresponds precisely with
the meaning of the nominal cognate in 18:34.15 According to
Matthew, the punishment of the wicked will be torturous indeed.
This Matthean theme compares favourably with statements
about the fate of the condemned in Revelation. According to
Revelation 14:10-11, the worshippers of the beast will be tortured
(Paaavi^G)) with fire and sulphur and the smoke of their torment
(paaavia|K><;) will rise for eternity (cf. 20:15). A similar fate awaits
Satan, the beast and the false prophet, all of whom will be thrown
into the fiery lake where they will be tortured ((3acjavico) day and
night forever (20:10). These two documents thus agree on the
nature of the eschatological punishment; the wicked will be
tortured forever in the flames of Gehenna (so Matthew) or the fiery
lake (so Revelation). We find here yet another important parallel
between these two Christian apocalyptic-eschatological authors.
This agreement is even more significant in so far as there are almost
no parallels to this particular motif in the remainder of the New
Testament. The only comparable passage is the Lucan parable of
the rich man and Lazarus (16:19-31). The former finds himself in
Hades, the place of torture (fiaaavoq; verses 23, 28), where he
suffers on account of the flames.
1.2 Other Matthean themes concerning the fate of the

wicked
Matthew further stands in the apocalyptic-eschatological tradition
by emphasising that the fiery place of torment is also characterised
by complete and perpetual darkness. On three occasions he depicts
the consignment of the wicked to the place of punishment in terms of
being sent 'into the outer darkness' (eiq TO <TK6TO<; TO scarcepov;
15
So correctly Gundry, Matthew, p. 159.
8:12; 22:13; 25:30) and it is universally agreed that each instance is

redactional. This material should not be interpreted as an alternative
tradition to the idea of the fiery Gehenna. The darkness indicates the
separation of the wicked from the light of God and is simply another
grim aspect of the place of torment. These passages serve in fact to
reinforce just how well the evangelist knew the wider apocalyptic-
eschatological tradition and how much of it he had absorbed.
Another uncomfortable but important theme concerns Mat-
thew's preoccupation with the reaction of the wicked to their
plight. They will weep in misery and gnash their teeth in rage once
they realise the horrible and unchangeable circumstances in which
they find themselves and the salvation they have lost. The evangelist
originally found this reference to weeping and gnashing of teeth in
Q (8:12//Luke 13:28; eiceT eaxai 6 KâuGjKx; m i 6 Ppuyjio^ TCDV
686VTQ)V), and it clearly appealed to him since he uses it on no less
than five further occasions. Three of these are found in Matthean
creations, the interpretations of the parables of the tares and the
net (13:42, 50) and the parable of the man without the wedding
garment (22:13b).16 In the two other cases the evangelist has
obviously inserted this phrase into his Q material. It is found
without Lucan parallel as the conclusion to both the parable of the
two servants (24:51) and the parable of the talents (25:30). Since
Luke used this logion at 13:28, we may presume that he would have
used it in each of these cases had it appeared in his recension of Q.
It is essential to note that this quite unpleasant theme, which was
clearly to Matthew's liking, finds few parallels in the contemporary
apocalyptic-eschatological tradition where the terrible suffering of
the wicked is more taken for granted than described. Consequently,
Matthew oversteps a boundary which few of his contemporaries
had crossed. This point is often overlooked but it is of the greatest
importance when assessing the function of Matthew's apocalyptic-
eschatological language. We shall return to this point in chapter 9.
2. The fate of the righteous

2.1 Matthew's terminology
As we might expect, the fate of the righteous is the converse of the
lot of the wicked and Matthew uses common Christian words and
16
For evidence of Matthew's composition of 22:11-13, see Sim, 'Matthew 22:13a
and 1 Enoch 10:4a', pp. 8-9 and literature cited there.
phrases to express this in general terms. The righteous will receive

rewards in heaven which can be described by the noun |iia66<; (5:12//
Luke 6:23; 10:41-2//Mark 9:41; 20:28; cf. also Luke 6:35; John 4:36;
1 Cor. 3:8, 14; 9:17-18; 2 John 8; Rev. 11:18; 22:12) or by the verb
&7io5i5co|ii (Matt. 6:4, 6, 18). In 12:36, 16:27 and 20:8, this verb is
used in the extended sense of payment or repayment, either reward
or punishment, at the time of the eschaton (cf. Rom. 2:6; 2 Tim. 4:14;
1 Pet. 4:5; Rev. 22:12). The evangelist also speaks of the related idea
'treasures in heaven' (6:20//Luke 12:33; 19:21//Mark 10:21; cf.
13:44-6) and uses the symbol life' (7:14; 18:8-9//Mark 9:43; 19:17)
or 'eternal life' (19:16, 29//Mark 10:17, 30; 25:46), terms which are
found throughout the New Testament but which are especially
prominent in the Pauline and Johannine literature.
Matthew also depicts the fate of the righteous in the more
concrete image of the eschatological (or messianic) feast of tradi-
tional Jewish (and Christian) expectation. This idea is most clearly
expressed in the Q tradition in 8:11-12 (//Luke 13:28-9) which
states that the righteous will recline at table in the kingdom of the
heavens with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. It is also suggested by
those passages in which the kingdom is symbolically depicted as a
wedding feast (22:1-14; diff. Luke 14:15-24) of which Jesus is the
bridegroom (9:14-15//Mark 2:19-20; 25:1-13). The first of these
themes is a development from the Old Testament notion that Israel
is the bride of Yahweh (Isa. 62:4^5; Jer. 2:2; Ezek. 16:8; Hos. 3:20),
while the notion of Jesus as the bridegroom was common in early
Christianity (John 3:29; 2 Cor. 11:2; Rev. 19:7, 9; cf. Eph. 5:25-9).
The state of the righteous in the eschatological age is specified in
the beatitudes. As participants in the end-time banquet they shall
be fully sated (5:6//Luke 6:21a) and comforted (5:4). They will
inherit the earth (5:5), receive mercy (5:7), be called sons of God
(5:9) and even see God face to face (5:8).
On the question of whether Matthew adopted the common
apocalyptic-eschatological theme of the righteous residing in a new
Jerusalem (so Revelation) with a new Temple (so many Jewish texts)
there is no easy answer. It is often claimed that the words of the
Matthean Jesus in 5:14, 'You are the light of the world. A city set on a
hill cannot be hid', refer to the new Jerusalem which many texts say
would be placed on a mountain and give light to the whole world. 17
Yet nothing in the pericope itself concretely points to the new
17
This view was originally proposed by von Rad, 'The City on the Hill', pp. 232-42
and taken up by Campbell, 'The New Jerusalem', pp. 335-63. It is accepted by
Jerusalem. There is no definite article to indicate that only one city

rather than any city was in mind, and the context of the saying points
more toward an alternative reading. Just as any city cannot be
hidden, and the light of any lamp should not be hidden (5:15), neither
should the light of the disciples manifest through their works be
hidden (5:16). All in all, if Matthew was referring in 5:14 to the
eschatological Jerusalem, then he has placed this important concept
in an odd context and expressed it in a most peculiar way. 18
2.2 The righteous as angels

The evangelist is adamant that in the new age the righteous will
become angels. According to Matthew 22:30, following Mark
12:25, the righteous will be like angels in heaven, a concept which
is affirmed either explicitly or implicitly in many apocalyptic-
eschatological texts. Unlike Mark, however, Matthew specifies
precisely what this entails. In the parable of the man without the
wedding garment in 22:11-13, the evangelist states that those
admitted to the eschatological feast will wear a certain garment;
the intruder is cast out by the attendants of the king because he
has arrived at the celebration without the appropriate attire. It is
most probable that the wedding garment represents the end-time
garment of glory which many apocalyptic-eschatological texts
equate with the garb of the angels. The righteous will thus be like
angels in so far as they too will be dressed in eschatological or
angelic garments. 19 Matthew specifies that they will also see God
(5:8), a privilege of the holy angels (cf. 18:10), and this too
suggests the angelic status of the righteous in the new age.
This theme is further evidenced in 13:43 where Matthew writes
that the righteous will shine like the sun (oi SIKOUOI 8K>.anv|/oi)aiv
dx; 6 r\k\oq) in the kingdom of their father. Although it is often
claimed that this text is based upon Daniel 12:3 (oi auvievxe*;
((xxvouaiv <hq ((xocjTfjpeg xou oupavoC), this is not certain. The
verbal differences are quite extensive and the brilliance of the state
of the elect in the new age is a very common motif in the
apocalyptic-eschatological tradition. We shall return to the origin
Donaldson, Jesus on the Mountain, p. 117 (and see p. 256 n. 68 for other scholars
holding this view).
18
Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, p. 475; Luz, Matth'dus, I, p. 223; Sabourin,
Matthew, I, p. 355 n. 93 all argue against a reference to the new Jerusalem.
19
That this is the best understanding of the garment motif, see Sim, 'Matthew
22:13a and 1 Enoch 10:4a', pp. 15-17.
of 13:43 shortly. For the moment it ought to be said that this verse
must be taken in conjunction with the description of the angel at
the empty tomb in Matthew 28:3. Matthew's source at this point,
Mark 16:5-6, describes how the women who witnessed the cruci-
fixion of Jesus entered the empty tomb and saw a young man
dressed in a white robe who informs them that Jesus is risen. It is
generally and rightly accepted that this figure is intended to be
taken as an angel. Matthew adopts the general scenario, but
elaborates it substantially. In 28:2 he describes the young man as an
angel of the Lord (cf. 1:20, 24; 2:13) who descends from heaven
amidst a great earthquake, and who rolls back the stone over the
tomb and sits upon it. Matthew writes freely in the following verse
and depicts the appearance of the angel in much greater detail than
his Marcan source. He is described as having the appearance of
lightning and wearing a garment white as snow. Most scholars
accept that this description of the angel consists of a combination
of elements which the evangelist took from the book of Daniel. The
motif of the lightning recalls the account of the angel in Daniel 10:6
(cf. 2 En. 1:5; 19:1; Rev. 10:1), while the garment white as snow
reflects Daniel's reference to the garb of the Ancient of Days in 7:9
(cf. too 1 En. 14:20; 71:1; T.Levi 8:2). This similarity between the
brilliance of the angel at the empty tomb and the brilliance of the
end-time state of the righteous in 13:43 confirms the point in 22:30;
the righteous will be as angels in the eschatological era.
That these texts belong together receives confirmation in the
transfiguration narrative (Matt. 17:l-9//Mark 9:2-10) which pro-
vides a bridge between them. Our interest lies with Mark 9:3 and
Matthew's edited version of this tradition in 17:2. The Marcan
verse states that when Jesus was transfigured his garments glistened
with intense whiteness which no fuller on earth could reproduce.
This material must be taken in an apocalyptic-eschatological
context since, as we have seen, intense whiteness and brightness
characterise the clothing of God and the holy angels. Yet Matthew
clearly was not satisfied with the Marcan narrative at this point, for
he intensifies considerably this particular section of the pericope. In
Matthew's version it is not merely the garments of Jesus which
undergo transformation, but his face as well (17:2). The face of
Jesus shone like the sun (etax|a\|/ev TO TipoacoTiov obc; 6 r\k\oq), while
his clothes became white as light (id ijidxia aoxou eyevexo A,ei)Kd
&q xo cj>c5q). We shall take each motif in turn.
The reference to the alteration of Jesus' face is no doubt intended
to recall the similar experience of Moses at Sinai (Ex. 34:29-30),

but the fact that it shone like the sun is not found in that Old
Testament text. This motif is paralleled, of course, in Matthew
13:43 and this correspondence between these two pericopae indi-
cates Matthew's desire to present Jesus transfigured into his
eschatological state of glory, a state which the righteous would also
share in the eschaton; the transfigured Jesus thus prefigures not
only his own eschatological (resurrected) state, but also that of all
the righteous. 20 We find an interesting parallel to this description of
Jesus in Revelation 1:16. According to this text, the face of Jesus
shone like the sun in full strength (f| byiq atixoC obc; 6 f\Xxoc, cjxxivei
ev xfj 8uvd|iei atkoC). In view of the close agreement between these
passages, we may safely guess that Mathew and the author of
Revelation had independent access to the same Christian tradition,
one which depicted the face of the risen and glorified Jesus shining
like the sun. If this is the case, then it becomes probable that this
particular tradition and not Daniel 12:3 underlies Matthew's
description of the righteous in 13:43.
Just as the transformed face of the Matthean Jesus signifies his
eschatological state, so too does his altered clothing. Matthew
abbreviates the pleonastic Marcan text and states simply that the
garments of the transfigured Jesus became white as light. In the
apocalyptic-eschatological tradition, light is an important charac-
teristic of the end-time nature of the righteous, as is the theme of
the brilliantly white eschatological or angelic robe. This reference
to the garment of Jesus is similar to the redactional description of
the angel in 28:3 whose attire was white as snow. Although
Matthew has seen fit to use different comparative terms (light and
snow), the whiteness motif remains the same and its brilliance is
emphasised in each. His choice of fy&q in the transfiguration
narrative might have been prompted by his later use of the adjective
cj>coxBivf| to describe the cloud from which God speaks (verse 5). In
any event, it seems clear in view of the background of this theme
that Matthew wished to emphasise that the risen or eschatological
state of Jesus was also akin to the angelic state. 21
20
So correctly Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, II, p p . 431, 696; Luz, Matthaus, II,
p. 510; Schweizer, Matthew, pp. 348-9 a n d Sabourin, Matthew, II, pp. 701-2.
21
This does n o t mean, of course, that Matthew believed Jesus was merely
transformed into a n angel. The evangelist was of the view that Jesus far outranks
the angels, coming second only t o G o d in the divine hierarchy. A s glorified Son
of M a n he sits at the right h a n d of G o d (26:64) a n d has total charge of the
angelic retinue. While Matthew accepts that the eschatological existence of Jesus
Thus the description of the transfigured Jesus provides a bridge

between the description of the righteous in 13:43 and that of the
angel in 28:3 and shows that these texts belong together. In his
eschatological state Jesus shines as the righteous will shine at the
eschaton, and his transformed clothing is similar to that of the holy
angels. In this way Matthew reaffirms his view that the righteous
will be like the angels in the new age. This is an important point in
so far as it concerns Matthew's concept of dualism. Just as all the
wicked, both angels and humans, will be cast to the fiery furnace
(cf. 25:41), so will all the righteous, both angelic and human, share
the same state of blessedness. It demonstrates again the evangelist's
all-embracing dualistic perception of the cosmos where only two
modes of existence pertain, both in the present and in the new era.
There is no evidence that Matthew agreed with the Qumran
notion that the righteous had already attained the angelic state.
While it is true that the Matthean Jesus can say that his disciples
are the light of the world (5:14a; cf. 4:16) and that they should let
their light shine before men (5:16a), it is not a proleptic angelic
existence which is at issue here. Rather, Matthew is thinking of the
disciples standing out in the world by performing good works in
accord with God's will (5:16b). Texts such as 13:43, 22:11-14 and
22:30, which place the transition from human to angelic state in the
eschaton, demonstrate that the evangelist accepted the more
common apocalyptic-eschatological line on this issue.
3. Conclusions
In this chapter, we have examined Matthew's convictions on the
fate of the righteous and the fate of the wicked subsequent to the
final judgement by Jesus the Son of Man. His views are by and
large consistent on this matter and conform to the most common
apocalyptic-eschatological scenario. The wicked will be consigned
to Gehenna, the place of fire and darkness, where they will be
tortured eternally by unquenchable fire as punishment for their
sins. There they will weep and gnash their teeth as they realise their
plight. In accepting and fervently promoting these notions about
the fate of the wicked, Matthew stands apart from the majority of
New Testament texts, with the sole exception of the author of the
approximates the angelic state, in so far as he is now part of the heavenly world,
he is careful to ensure that this does not in any way compromise the status or
authority of Jesus.
Apocalypse. With regard to the fate of the righteous, Matthew

states that they will be given the eschatological garment of glory
and be transformed into angels. In this state, they will partake of
the eschatological banquet and live a life of perfect bliss in heaven
with God forever. Matthew provides his readers with a glimpse of
this magnificent end-time existence by depicting the transfigured
Jesus in his eschatological glory.
That much of the material pertaining to these themes is redac-
tional demonstrates their fundamental importance to the evangelist.
This leads us to a further crucial point. It is precisely these two
notions which give meaning and substance to Matthew's focus on
the judgement. All his statements about this event, from general
references to those descriptions of the Son of Man seated on his
throne of glory, ultimately refer to the rewards or punishment his
judgement brings. In other words, underlying every Matthean
allusion to the judgement are the specific ideas that, amongst other
things, the righteous will become angels and the wicked will burn
for eternity. This extremely important point is not appreciated fully
in Matthean scholarship. Normally the discussion of Matthew's
eschatology centres on the fact that the evangelist accepts the idea
of 'the judgement', which is referred to without qualification and is
thereby depicted in rather colourless terms. Nothing is said of the
aftermath of the event. It will be recalled from the Introduction
that both Strecker and Marguerat justify this procedure on the
grounds that Matthew has no consistent view of the end events.
They infer from this that he was interested merely in the fact of the
judgement and not concerned with its specific elements. Two points
can be made in response to this argument.
The first is that Matthew was not a systematic theologian, so we
should not expect a wholly coherent view on this matter. As a
writer with access to many sources, Matthew used a wide variety of
terms and metaphors to describe or allude to the process of
judgement. Secondly, Matthew is not as inconsistent as Strecker
and Marguerat claim. It was shown above that he is basically
consistent in terms of the aftermath of the judgement - the wicked
will burn forever and the righteous will be transformed into angels
with the eternal life this brings. In view of this, we cannot dismiss
these themes so easily. This is especially so in the light of the largely
redactional nature of this material. If anything gives meaning to
Matthew's emphasis on the judgement, then it is the very contrast
between the beatific state of the righteous and the horrific fate of
the wicked. Far from being irrelevant, this material assumes the
greatest importance in Matthew's overall apocalyptic-eschatolo-
gical scheme. The Son of Man does not merely come for the
purpose of a colourless or banal judgement; he comes ultimately to
bestow magnificent rewards and to inflict horrific punishments.
This is precisely what 'the judgement' means. The material deli-
neating the respective fates of the righteous and the wicked is
therefore the climax of Matthew's particular scheme to which
everything else points. By dismissing it as irrelevant, we run a very
real risk of misinterpreting the evangelist's eschatological material.
7
THE IMMINENCE OF THE END IN
MATTHEW
The previous three chapters have detailed Matthew's end-time

expectations, and this chapter will address the issue of the timing of
these events. As noted in chapter 1, apocalyptic-eschatological
schemes which accept the doctrine of the two ages almost without
exception hold that the expected end events will occur in the
imminent future. Since Matthew shows himself to be fully con-
versant with the other aspects of this perspective, we should expect
that he too held fast to the imminence of the end. Yet any such
suggestion would be firmly disputed by the majority of Matthean
scholars. It was shown in the Introduction that a fundamental shift
in scholarly opinion had occurred on the issue of Matthew's
temporal end expectation. The earlier position of Streeter (and
others) that Matthew's gospel strongly affirmed the impending
arrival of the Son of Man had been displaced by the view of the
early redaction critics which held that Matthew focuses more upon
actions in the interim than upon the time of the end. While
Streeter's position still has its proponents today, the view of
Trilling, Strecker and Marguerat is still the more favoured hypoth-
esis. The question of when Matthew expected the parousia is not
just an academic question. It is an extremely important issue, since
it directly affects our interpretation of the function of all the
eschatological material which we have thus far surveyed. It will be
argued in this chapter that the older view of the evangelist's
temporal end expectations is the correct one and that the later
alternative hypothesis fails to take into account the role of this
theme in Matthew's overall apocalyptic-eschatological scheme.
Since we are arguing against a well represented scholarly position
on this issue, the argumentation in this chapter must necessarily be
detailed. We shall begin the discussion with an analysis of the
suggested arguments against an imminent end expectation in the
gospel.
148
The imminence of the end 149
1. The arguments against an imminent end expectation in

Matthew
The view that Matthew did not expect the arrival of Jesus the Son
of Man in the immediate future, though widespread among Mat-
thean scholars, is not as soundly based as is often supposed. It is
built upon two general arguments, neither of which stands up to
close scrutiny. One argument concerns Matthew's view of the
church as an established institution, while the other bases its
conclusion on a certain reading of the Matthean apocalyptic
discourse. We shall take each of these arguments in turn.
1.1 Matthew's view of the church

This argument takes as its starting-point the fact that Matthew has
a developed notion of the church. He is the only evangelist to use
8KKA,r|Gia in a technical sense, he refers to the founding of the
church as an institution (16:18-19; 28:19-20a) and he devotes a
good deal of space to church regulations and discipline (18:15-35).
The underlying idea here appears to be that such a developed
notion of church organisation and discipline points toward the
prolonged existence of the church, and this in turn precludes any
belief in the imminence of the parousia.1 The validity of this
argument, however, should be strongly questioned. It relies on an
unstated presupposition that groups anticipating the end (necessa-
rily) tend to lose interest in mundane affairs generally and group
discipline in particular. Yet there is no evidence at all from the time
of the evangelist to support this premise. What evidence there is
actually points to the opposite conclusion. In the writings from
Qumran, where an imminent end expectation was a dominant
belief, we find all the above-mentioned elements. This group
described its founding as a separate sect, it was very rigidly
structured and it was greatly concerned with matters of order and
discipline. In terms of structure and discipline, the Qumran com-
munity appears to have been far more developed and rigid than the
Matthean church. As shown in chapter 2, many apocalyptic
communities, the group at Qumran included, tend to become more
rigid in matters of discipline where the luxury of internal disobe-
dience cannot be permitted. We shall see in chapter 9 how this
1
Strecker, Weg, pp. 43-4; Kee, Christian Origins, p. 143 and Schulz, Stunde,
p. 229.
applies to the Matthean community. While it would exceed the

evidence to appeal to the Qumran community to prove that
Matthew's church necessarily accepted the nearness of the parousia,
the Qumran evidence does falsify the premise upon which the
opposite argument is based.
A related argument which is sometimes put forward against
Matthew's near end expectation concerns 28:16-20, the final peri-
cope of the gospel. The very last sentence which mentions the
abiding presence of Jesus, 'and behold, I am with you all the days
(TC&CTGK; xaq fijiepaq) to the close of the age', is considered to point
to the deferment of the end. The promise of Jesus to be with his
followers implies the continuing life of the church in the world. 2
Yet it is quite clear that this verse by itself says nothing of the time
of the end. Its temporal meaning, either for or against an imminent
end expectation, must be determined by other indications in the
gospel.3 The comforting promise of the risen Jesus to be with his
church as it carries out its mission in the face of persecution (see
further below and chapter 8) makes just as much sense in the
context of the nearness of the end as it does in the context of a
deferred parousia. We are permitted to conclude, therefore, that
nothing in Matthew's ecclesiology has a direct bearing on his
timing of the end.
1.2 The apocalyptic discourse

For many scholars, the evidence of Matthew's apocalyptic dis-
course, particularly the latter section, shows that Matthew did not
2
Strecker, Weg, p. 44; Schulz, Stunde, p. 229; Donaldson, Jesus on the Mountain,
pp. 166-7 and Meier, 'Salvation History in Matthew', p. 214. On the other hand,
Lohmeyer, Matthdus, p. 422 takes this verse as evidence of Matthew's near end
expectation.
3
The opposite is argued by Trilling who, following the earlier work of O. Michel,
argues that 28:18-20 is the key to the gospel and that the remainder of the
document must be interpreted in the light of it (Wahre Israel, p. 6). This leads
him to the conclusion that since this pericope is silent about the time of the end,
the emphasis in this passage, and thus the whole gospel, falls upon the strong
faith of the church in the present and not upon (temporal) apocalyptic specula-
tion (Wahre Israel, p. 29). Without denying the importance of the final pericope
for Matthew, any suggestion that it must determine one's reading of the rest of
the gospel is clearly assigning it far too much significance. On Trilling's view,
Matthew's dualism and his views on the judgement and its aftermath must be
given secondary roles in so far as they do not receive specific mention in the final
passage. Any such reading of the gospel, however, would lead to severe distortion
of its message. Consequently, if there are temporal indications elsewhere in the
gospel, then Matthew 28:18-20 must be interpreted in the light of these.
accept the imminence of Jesus' parousia. There are in fact two

separate arguments at issue here which need to be examined
separately. One argument highlights the concept of the delay of the
parousia to which Matthew refers in three parables dealing with the
interim period between the resurrection and the parousia - the
parable of the good and wicked servants (Matt. 24:45-51//Luke
12:41-6), the parable of the ten virgins (Matt. 25:1-13) and the
parable of the talents (Matt. 25:14-30//Luke 19:11-27). It is argued
that in these three pericopae the evangelist acknowledges that the
end both has been delayed and will by implication be delayed
further. The first two parables mention that Jesus, the master in
one text and the bridegroom in the other, has been delayed
(Xpovi^co; 24:48; 25:5), which suggests that Matthew was well
aware of the problem of the delay of Jesus' return. In the parable of
the talents, he takes this a step further by indicating that Jesus will
be delayed for some time to come. According to Matthew's version,
the man who went away (i.e. Jesus) returned after a long time (|asxd
5e noXvv xpovov; verse 19). The Lucan parallel is different at this
point and reads 'when he returned', which says nothing directly of
the length of the man's absence. It is disputed whether Matthew's
text at this point is redactional or original, but the former possibi-
lity is more likely.4 Hence, it is argued that by this redaction
Matthew indicates to his readers that Jesus has been delayed and
will return not in the near future but only after a long period of
absence.5
The problem with this argument is that none of these texts bears
the weight which is placed upon them. Let us take first Matthew
24:48 and 25:5. While these texts certainly testify to Matthew's
conviction that the parousia had been delayed, they tell us nothing
about his future expectations. Contrary to the logic of the proposed
argument, an awareness of an event's delay does not in any way
imply or entail its further delay. Moreover, there is no contra-
diction between recognising such a delay and hoping for the event
to happen in the near future. In other words, these texts do not
necessarily indicate a deferral of the parousia from the standpoint
of the author, nor are they inconsistent with an imminent end
4
Strecker, Weg, p. 44 and Gundry, Matthew, p. 504 assign these words to
Matthew's redaction, while Schulz, Q, p. 290 and Gnilka, Matthdusevangelium,
II, p. 358 consider them to have stood in Matthew's source.
5
See Bornkamm, 'End-Expectation', p. 23; Strecker, Weg, pp. 44-5; Schulz,
Stunde, p. 229 and Meier, 'Salvation History in Matthew', p. 212 n. 19.
expectation. It might be argued that the reference to Jesus' return

'after a long time' in 25:19 is certain confirmation that Matthew
had rejected the idea of an imminent parousia and deferred it to the
distant future. Yet this interpretation has a hidden and fallacious
assumption. It presumes that the fifty years or so which intervened
between the resurrection and the composition of the gospel was not
perceived by Matthew as 'a long time'. But on what grounds do we
know this? Surely it is likely that the five decades waiting for the
parousia, the whole period of the church's existence, would have
been accepted by the Christians of Matthew's time as a very long
time indeed. One suspects that scholars interpret this phrase from
their modern perspective, wherefiftyyears is not such a long period
in the context of two millennia, but this clearly cannot be applied to
thefirst-centuryMatthew. Consequently, while Matthew 25:19 says
something about Matthew's perception of the length of time Jesus
had been gone, it says nothing of a further postponement of his
arrival. Like the two other texts, it is not inconsistent with
Matthew's holding fast to an imminent end expectation.
The second argument based upon the apocalyptic discourse is
broader in scope and more sophisticated in approach. This argu-
ment refers to the cluster of related material in 24:36-25:13 which
stresses that the date of the parousia is unknown. At the beginning
of this section, Matthew takes from Mark 13:32 a logion which
specifies that no-one, apart from God himself, knows the day or the
hour of the return of the Son of Man (24:36). The remainder of the
material stresses this very point and in the process enjoins its
readers to be watchful. Matthew 24:37^1 (//Luke 17:26-35) main-
tains that the Son of Man will come suddenly and catch people
unawares. The evangelist appends to the end of this Q material a
saying which he took from Mark 13:35, 'Watch, therefore, for you
do not know on what day [diff. Mark 'when'] your Lord is coming'
(verse 42). The two parables which follow, the thief in the night
(24:43-4//Luke 12:39-40) and the good and wicked servants
(24:45-51//Luke 12:41-6), also derive from Q and emphasise this
theme. The first uses a traditional motif (cf. 1 Thess. 5:2-4; 2 Pet.
3:10; Rev. 3:3; 16:15) and claims that had the owner of a house
known when the thief was coming, he would have watched and not
let his house be burgled. Then follows the admonition that the
reader must be ready, for the Son of Man (like the thief) will come
at an unexpected hour. The parable of the two servants states that
the master of the wicked servant will return when the servant least
expects it and punish him. The concluding passage, the parable of

the ten virgins (Matt. 25:1-13), describes five virgins who were
prepared for the return of the bridegroom and five who were not.
At the conclusion of this text, Matthew adds in verse 13, 'Watch,
therefore, for you know neither the day nor the hour' (cf. 24:42).6
It is argued that in 24:36-25:13 Matthew is deliberately discoura-
ging any speculation about the time of the end, either in terms of its
imminence or in terms of its deferral. The evangelist is fully aware
that the end has been delayed (24:48; 25:5, 19), but he does not
perceive this in itself to be a problem. What does cause problems,
from Matthew's point of view, is any speculation regarding the
timing of the parousia. This applies equally to (apocalyptic)
speculation which counts on its nearness and to the contrary belief
which reckons with its continued deferment. The latter view
especially can lead to moral laxness and the abuse of authority. In
order to combat both beliefs, he focuses in this section on the fact
that the time of the parousia is unknown and will therefore be
sudden and unexpected. His exhortations to watchfulness therefore
assume a paraenetic function, advising the reader to reckon con-
tinually with (but not count on) the arrival of the Son of Man and
live a proper life accordingly. The emphasis falls more on one's
actions in the present than on the timing of the end. In this way
both an imminent and a prolonged expectation of the end play
their part in the gospel and are pressed into the service of exhorta-
tion.7 A number of points need to be made in response to this very
widespread interpretation of 24:36-25:13.
The first is that there is no doubt that one purpose of this
material is to exhort the readers to good behaviour in the period
prior to the parousia; the parable of the two servants and the
parable of the talents make this very point and it is clearly assumed
in the remaining material. We shall return to this subject in chapter
9. What is not so certain, however, is that by emphasising this
element Matthew intended to replace speculation about the time of
the parousia. The common interpretation of those statements
6
So most scholars; Jeremias, Parables, p. 52; Marguerat, Le Jugement, p. 537;
Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p. 348 and Zumstein, La Condition, p. 272.
7
This general view can be attributed, with some differences in detail, to Strecker,
Weg, pp. 241-2; Marguerat, Le Jugement, pp. 52144; Zumstein, La Condition,
pp. 256-81 and Hahn, 'Die eschatologische Rede', pp. 120-23. Cf. also Born-
kamm, 'End-Expectation', p. 23 and Schulz, Stunde, p. 229. These Matthean
texts, along with other synoptic pericopae, are similarly interpreted by Grasser,
Parusieverzogerung, pp. 77-95.
which affirm that the day and/or hour of the Son of Man's arrival
is unknown reads far too much into this motif and is in fact based
upon a false premise. The premise in question is that imminent
eschatological schemes always nominate a certain day for the end
events. Only on the basis of this assumption can it be argued that
Matthew, by concretely rejecting the naming of a specific day,
simultaneously rejected an imminent end expectation. 8 Yet there is
no evidence whatsoever to support this premise. It will be recalled
from chapter 1 that the apocalyptic-eschatological schemes of
Matthew's time normally did not nominate a specific day for the
arrival of the eschaton, even though the imminence of this event
was clearly affirmed in other ways. The sole exceptions to this rule
are the books of Daniel and Revelation. In view of this general
reluctance to be precise about the time of the end, we may suppose
that most writers would have agreed with Matthew that God alone
knows the exact day and hour of the eschaton. Certainly their
failure to nominate specific dates did not prevent them upholding
the nearness of the events in question. While it might well be true
that Matthew's emphatic insistence that the day of the parousia is
unknown was intended to combat certain members of his church
who were nominating precise dates, the rejection of this practice is
in no way inconsistent with the evangelist himself expecting the
imminent return of Jesus. There is a distinction between these two
positions which should not be blurred.
This point has important repercussions for the correct interpreta-
tion of the exhortations to be prepared and to watch. As noted
above, this is often interpreted in purely paraenetic terms where all
emphasis falls on the present life of the reader. The reader should
take care to live a proper Christian life at all times since the day of
the parousia is unknown and one must not be caught unprepared.
This position is reached, of course, because it is assumed that
Matthew had done away with speculating about the time of the
end. Yet if this assumption is not allowed to influence the inter-
pretation of this material, and we are permitted to read these
hortatory verses in terms of the general timing of the parousia, then
it is clear that they enjoin the imminence of that event. Matthew is
warning his readers to be watchful and to be prepared (by living a
proper life) precisely because the end is near, even if its exact date is
8
This assumption is not confined to Matthean scholarship. It is found, for
example, in the recent study of Mark 13 by Geddert. See his Watchwords,
pp. 246-7.
unknown; it is the imminence of the event which leads to the calls

for vigilance.9 This point is in a sense conceded in the alternative
exposition which claims that the imminence of the end still has a
part to play in Matthew's gospel. In reality there is almost no
difference between reckoning with the possibility that the end might
come at any time and actually expecting it in the imminent future.
Consequently, this argument against Matthew's acceptance of the
imminence of the end actually speaks in favour of it. It is
appropriate now to examine the further indications in the gospel
which testify to Matthew's belief in the imminence of the parousia.
2. The evidence in favour of an imminent end expectation in

Matthew
2.1 Matthew 16:28 and 24:34
Scholars who affirm a near end expectation in the gospel of
Matthew usually appeal to three texts in support of this interpreta-
tion, 10:23, 16:28 and 24:34.10 We shall examine 10:23 shortly and
concentrate for the moment on the second and third of these texts.
In Matthew 16:28, the redacted version of Mark 9:1, the Matthean
Jesus proclaims that there are some standing here who will not die
before they see the Son of Man coming in his kingdom. Matthew
24:34 is taken directly from Mark 13:30 and states that 'this
generation' will not pass away until all the events mentioned
previously in the apocalyptic discourse take place. Taken at face
value, these two texts do seem to affirm the imminence of the end.
It matters little whether Matthew applied the 'some standing here'
and 'this generation' to the contemporaries of Jesus or to his own
contemporaries; in either case the nearness of the parousia and not
its deferral is clearly in view. These texts thus set a general (not
precise) time for the arrival of the end. The parousia will occur
before the present generation dies out. Those scholars who deny an
imminent end expectation in Matthew approach these texts (and
10:23) in one of two ways. The first is to deny any significance to
this material by claiming that Matthew has merely copied these
texts from his sources.11 For the reasons provided in the Introduc-
tion, this is not a legitimate response since we must take seriously
9
So correctly Hagner, 'Apocalyptic Motifs', p. 76 and Lambrecht, 'Parousia
Discourse', pp. 325-6.
10
See, for example, Kummel, Introduction, p. 118 and Fenton, Matthew, p. 21.
11
So Schulz, Stunde, p. 229.
those texts which Matthew chose to retain intact from his source
material. The second approach is to argue that, despite appear-
ances, these passages do not in the context of Matthew carry the
meaning of a near end expectation. 12 It is not necessary to discuss
any of these alternative exegeses at this point. Rather, it is prefer-
able to turn to other sections of the gospel which clearly express
Matthew's view that the end was imminent. In the light of this
evidence, it will become clear that Matthew 16:28 and 23:34 must
be taken in terms of the imminence of the parousia.
2.2 The apocalyptic discourse

It will be recalled from our earlier discussion that most apocalyptic-
eschatological schemes do not express a near end expectation by
making concrete statements to this effect. A more common mode
of expression is that of the historical review, the final sections of
which detail the events leading up to the eschaton. This particular
device was used to inform the readers precisely where they stood in
relation to the end events. Matthew makes use of this technique in
a limited way, primarily in the apocalyptic discourse, and a proper
understanding of his usage reveals that he wished to inform his
readers that the Son of Man was expected soon. We have already
noted that the exhortation to watch in 24:36-25:13 itself involves
this motif in general terms (cf. 24:34), but even more precise
information is given in the earlier section of the discourse, particu-
larly in verses 4-14. Prior to examining this material in detail,
however, it is necessary to devote some attention to the preliminary
question of the relationship between the destruction of Jerusalem
and the apocalyptic discourse.
A number of scholars believe that the destruction of Jerusalem
and its temple in 70 CE provides the key to the Matthean
apocalyptic discourse. How much, if any, of this discourse directly
concerns this event, and what is the relationship between it and the
timing of the parousia? The answers to these questions depend
almost entirely upon one's assessment of the double question of the
disciples in 24:3 which prompts Jesus to speak about the end
events. In Mark 13:3-4 the disciples ask Jesus, Tell us, when will
this be, and what will be the sign when these things are all to be
accomplished?' Since this double question immediately follows
12
One example is Strecker, Weg, pp. 41-3.
Jesus' prophecy of the destruction of the temple (13:2), the first part
of it (at least) necessarily adverts to the time of the temple's
ruination and the following discourse addresses this issue. The
Matthean version of the disciples' question also follows Jesus'
words about the end of the temple (24:2) and retains the two part
structure. He reproduces the first question ('when will this be?') but
sharpens the eschatological orientation of the second with standard
Matthean language, 'and what will be the sign of your coming and
of the close of the age?'
Some scholars argue that by keeping the first question Matthew
by and large adopted the Marcan scheme; the following discourse
answers both the question about the destruction of the temple and
the inquiry about the coming of the Son of Man at the end of the
age. There is no consensus, however, about which sections of the
discourse respond to which question. According to S. Brown, the
whole section in verses 4-31 relates to the temple's destruction, and
the material which follows applies to the Son of Man.13 On the
other hand, J. Lambrecht confines the material referring to the
temple's demise to 24:15-28, the material dealing with the 'abomi-
nation of desolation' in the holy place (the destruction of the
temple) and the flight of the righteous.14 Neither view is convincing.
Brown's hypothesis in particular is hard pressed to substantiate
that 24:29-31, the verses which deal with the breakdown of the
cosmic order and appearance of the Son of Man, refer to a past and
not a future event.15 Moreover, both Brown and Lambrecht face
the difficulty of Matthew's redaction of Mark 13:18 in 24:20. In this
verse the evangelist alters the Marcan 'pray that it (the tribulation)
may not happen in winter' to 'pray that your flight may not be in
winter or on a sabbath'. The addition of the sabbath reference
makes no sense at all if the flight is an event of the past and the day
of flight is already established; clearly here Matthew is thinking of
an event which has yet to take place.16 This means that all the
material in the immediate context of this verse, Matthew 24:15-28,
seems to pertain to the future and not to the past. In view of this
13
Brown, 'The Matthean Apocalypse', pp. 2-27. An earlier version of this
interpretation was presented by A. Feuillet, 'Le Sens du Mot Parousie',
pp. 261-80. Feuillet's analysis was accepted by Gaston, No Stone on Another,
pp. 483-5.
14
Lambrecht, 'Parousia Discourse', pp. 321-3. In agreement is Hahn, 'Die eschato-
logische Rede', p. 119.
15
For more detail, see Donaldson, Jesus on the Mountain, pp. 164-5.
16
So correctly Hare, Jewish Persecution, pp. 177-8.
observation, these verses cannot be applied to the events of 66-70

CE. It will be recalled from chapter 4 that the event Matthew has in
mind in this section is the eschatological war between the righteous
and the forces of the antichrist which has not yet occurred. With
the exclusion of this material from consideration, it becomes
impossible to find any part of the apocalyptic discourse which gives
sustained treatment to the destruction of the temple by the Romans.
Many scholars therefore argue that Matthew did not concern
himself with this question in chapters 24-5.
Those commentators who adopt this view claim that Matthew
did not follow the Marcan setting of the apocalyptic discourse.
They contend that the evangelist intended to align the material
treating the destruction of the temple (24:1-2) with the discourse
against the scribes and Pharisees in chapter 23. In doing so,
Matthew separates completely the fate of the temple from the
apocalyptic discourse. On this reading, the double question of
Matthew 24:3 refers solely to the arrival of the Son of Man. The
arguments upon which this hypothesis rests can be summarised
briefly as follows.17 Matthew structures his narrative and edits his
Marcan material in order to present the prophecy of destruction in
24:2 as the climax of his carefully manufactured and polemical
episode of Jesus in the temple (21:23-24:1).18 He concludes the
polemical discourse in chapter 23 with the Q logion in which Jesus
states that the temple (your house) is forsaken and desolate
(23:37-9//Luke 13:34-5). He then omits Mark's story of the
widow's mite (Mark 12:41^), and describes Jesus not just leaving
the temple (so Mark) but moving away from it (24:1); the temple is
thus forsaken and desolate by his complete absence from it. The
following prophecy of its destruction (24:2), a past event for
Matthew (cf. 22:7), serves as the appropriate conclusion by demon-
strating how the temple is now abandoned by God and is ultimately
destroyed by him as a result. Matthew 24:3 is then taken as the
introduction of a completely new section of the gospel which deals
only with the parousia and in which the temple plays no part. That
Matthew focuses entirely on the end events and not on the temple is
17
The most detailed defence of this thesis is found in Burnett's Jesus-Sophia, but
unfortunately it is not presented as a unified whole. Rather, it is found piecemeal
throughout his monograph. Of particular importance are pp. 18-24, 112-16,
152-65, 198-215. See also Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, pp. 311-13 for a more
recent statement of this view.
18
For more detail on Matthew's redaction and purpose in this section, see Sim,
'Man without the Wedding Garment', pp. 167-9.
suggested by a number of editorial changes to the Marcan text. He

omits Mark's reference that the temple was opposite Jesus as he sat
on the Mount of Olives, and he sharpens considerably the eschato-
logical focus of the disciples' question.
This view has much in its favour. It can be readily conceded that
Matthew has structured and edited his sources in order to separate
24:2, the climax of Jesus' visit to the temple, from 24:3, the
introduction to the apocalyptic discourse. Moreover, it is supported
by the point made above that nothing in the apocalyptic discourse
seems to provide a detailed description of the destruction of the
temple, suggesting that the evangelist was not concerned with this
event at this point in his narrative. Yet, despite its advantages, this
hypothesis has difficulty with the first part of the disciples' question
in 24:3 which Matthew copies from Mark. The immediate ante-
cedent to 'when will this be?' is the prediction about the temple in
24:2, and this suggests that the evangelist did not totally omit the
destruction of the temple from his apocalyptic discourse. The
response by those who acknowledge this problem is to take the Kai,
which connects the two parts of the disciples' inquiry, not conjunc-
tively as it is in Mark, but epexegetically instead. The question
would then read, Tell us when will this be, that is (Kai), what will
be the sign of your coming and of the close of the age?'19 This
proposal is possible but not very likely for the simple reason that it
cannot explain why Matthew chose to express himself at this point
in such a convoluted and ambiguous manner. If his intention was
to separate the prophecy of the temple's destruction from the
apocalyptic discourse, then why did he not adopt the easiest
solution and simply omit altogether the problematic first question
and write only the second?
We are left then with a rather confusing situation. The setting
of the apocalyptic discourse in 24:3 seems to demand that the
destruction of the temple receives some mention in the speech
which follows, and yet no section of the discourse provides a
detailed description of this event. How are we to account for this
anomaly? According to D. R. A. Hare, Matthew simply ignores
the first question, since for him the fate of the temple is no longer
tied up with the end events. The evangelist de-eschatologises the
temple's destruction and so refuses to mention it in the material
which describes the events leading up to and including the
19
So Burnett, Jesus-Sophia, pp. 206-8 who acknowledges his debt to the earlier
work of R. Walker on this issue.
parousia.20 Yet this response too seems rather inadequate, since it

also ascribes to Matthew an extremely odd treatment of his
sources. Once again, we might ask why he did not simply omit the
first part of the question and focus all attention on the second
part.21 We must conclude, therefore, that given Matthew's reten-
tion of the initial part of the disciples' question he does intend to
treat the destruction of the temple in the apocalyptic discourse.
But precisely where is this reference?
If, as argued above, 24:15-28 is excluded as a possibility, then the
only candidate would seem to be the reference to wars between
nations in 24:6-7a. It is inherently likely given the lack of alter-
natives that Matthew intended this material to refer to the Jewish
war of 66-70 CE, which included the destruction of the temple. In
this way, the prediction of the temple's demise does receive its
fulfilment in the apocalyptic discourse, albeit in this rather indirect
manner. But this immediately poses the further question; why does
the evangelist treat this event so curtly? The answer lies in the
overall purpose of the apocalyptic discourse which, as Matthew's
alteration of the disciples' second question shows, was primarily to
provide information about the return of Jesus the Son of Man. In
itself the destruction of Jerusalem and its temple conveyed little
information about this subject. As an eschatological event of the
comparatively distant past, a decade or so from Matthew's time of
writing, the fate of the temple was of little use in determining the
time of the parousia. From Matthew's perspective, more current
end-time events provided better information on this subject and he
appropriately chose to focus on these. This is understandable, given
that the primary purpose of the eschatological sections of the
historical review is to pinpoint for the readers the present time
within the series of events. The end of the temple is thus not so
much de-eschatologised as placed in its proper eschatological
perspective. This point will become clearer once we examine in
detail Matthew's timetable of the end in 24:4-14.
Though it is not generally recognised, Matthew provides an
explicit timetable of the end in 24:4-14. This section of the
discourse is thus far more important for determining his temporal
end expectation than the later section in 24:36-25:13 which, as we
have seen, seems to dominate the discussion of this particular issue.
Matthew 24:4-14 is reminiscent of the timetables which are found
20
Hare, Jewish Persecution, pp. 178-9.
21
See Burnett, Jesus-Sophia, pp. 203-4.
throughout the apocalyptic literature, although the time-frame is

more limited. Here we have an authoritative figure of the past,
whose other prophecies have come to fulfilment, making predic-
tions about the events preceding the eschaton. Like the apocalyp-
tists, Matthew uses this device to inform his readers exactly where
they stand in relation to these eschatological events. Once we grasp
Matthew's intentions in this section, we find that he vigorously
affirms the imminence of the end.
Matthew 24:4-14 is a mixture of Marcan material (Mark 13:5-8,
13) and Matthean redaction. It is the latter material which provides
the clues to his intentions. In verses 4-8 Matthew follows closely
the Marcan text (Mark 13:5-8) in listing the signs which indicate
the 'beginnings of the birth pangs'. False Christs will appear (24:5),
there will be wars and rumours of wars (24:6), nations will rise
against nations and kingdom against kingdom, and there will be
famines and earthquakes (verses 7-8). After verse 8 Matthew
drastically edits his source. He transposes the block of material in
Mark 13:9-13 (minus verse 10) to the mission charge of chapter 10
(10:17b-22). This transposition need not concern us here, for it has
no bearing upon the present discussion. It is none the less an
important redactional procedure on the part of Matthew and we
shall return to it in due course. More important at this point is the
fact that in place of Mark 13:9-13 Matthew presents a freely
written section for the remainder of his timetable. Some of this
material he drew from the omitted Marcan section and heavily
edited (cf. Matt. 24:9a//Mark 13:9a; Matt. 24:9b//Mark 13:13a;
Matt. 24:13//Mark 13:13b; Matt. 24:14//Mark 13:10), while the rest
is his own creation. That Matthew saw fit to edit Mark so
drastically at this point is important. We must presume that in
doing so he was creating a chronology of events which was both
applicable and meaningful to the particular situation of his readers.
This in itself severely weakens the alternative positions regarding
Matthew's temporal expectations. Why would he so drastically and
deliberately alter this material, if he either was not particularly
interested in the timing of the end or had deferred it to the distant
future?
The events expected after the initial 'birthpangs' in Matthew's
revised timetable are as follows. The disciples (the church) will be
delivered to tribulation and put to death (24:9a) and they will be
hated by all nations for Jesus' sake (verse 9b). Following this many
(Christians) will be scandalised and betray one another (verse 10).
Many false prophets will arise and lead many astray (verse 11),
while most men's love will run cold because of the growth of
lawlessness (ctvojiia verse 12). Matthew appends at this point the
Marcan exhortation that the one who endures to the end will be
saved (verse 13). This editorial section concludes with the statement
that the gospel of the kingdom must be preached throughout the
world as a testimony to all nations, and then the end will come
(verse 14). Matthew 24:4-14, therefore, sets out in very precise
terms the events leading up to the parousia. In other words it spells
out Matthew's eschatological timetable. What needs to be deter-
mined now is at what point within this general period the evangelist
places his own time. To put the matter another way, which events,
if any, were past from the perspective of Matthew and which did he
still expect?
One important attempt to answer this question is that of W. G.
Thompson. 22 In attempting to pinpoint Matthew's historical per-
spective in 24:4-14, Thompson focuses on the comments in this
section which accompany the prophecies and serve to interpret
them. These comments are found in verses 6cd, 8, 13 and indicate,
according to his analysis, that the accompanying prediction either
has been fulfilled or is in the process of being fulfilled. Verse 6cd
follows the prophecies of the appearance of false Christs and the
occurrence of wars and rumours of wars. The statement 'for this
must take place' (verse 6c) puts these events in the context of God's
divine plan and implies, according to Thompson, that these occur-
rences have already taken place. The next clause, 'but the end is not
yet' (verse 6d) confirms this in so far as it serves to correct a false
interpretation on the part of Matthew's readers that the end has
already arrived (pp. 248-9). The comment in verse 8 specifies that
certain wars, earthquakes and famines comprise the beginning of
the birth pangs or eschatological sufferings. The placement of these
events in a concrete period in history suggests for Thompson that
the period belongs to the past. The Matthean community could
have looked back to the time of the Jewish war as ample fulfilment
of these prophecies (p. 249). Finally, Thompson turns his attention
to 24:13. This verse, which contains the advice 'But he who endures
to the end will be saved', comes after the prediction of the external
persecution and internal dissension and betrayal. With regard to
this material Thompson writes, 'The proverbial tone suggests that
22
Thompson, 'Historical Perspective', pp. 243-62.
this comment speaks directly to the present experience of the

Matthean community' (p. 249).
Thompson continues his analysis by pointing out that no further
comments are forthcoming with regard to the final two predictions
of verses 14a and 14b. These prophecies state that the gospel must
be preached throughout the world and only then will the end come.
The lack of comment or interpretation here, explains Thompson,
must be attributed to the fact that these predictions are still future
for Matthew; explanatory comments are only permissible when the
prediction either has been fulfilled or is currently being fulfilled
(p. 249). In an important summary statement Thompson asserts (p.
250) that as the Matthean community listened to these words of
(the Matthean) Jesus;
.. .they would understand that his predictions about
tension between nations and kingdoms and about famines
and earthquakes (vss 7-8) referred to events already experi-
enced, that his description of hatred and opposition from
without and of internal dissension and widespread wicked-
ness within the community (vss 9-13) spoke to their
present situation, and that his words about completing the
mission to all nations and about the end of the age (vs 14)
provided clear guidelines for the future.
This study of Matthew 24:4-14 by Thompson thus firmly puts the
time of the evangelist and his community somewhere near the end
of the eschatological timetable. The only eschatological event they
still expected before the arrival of the end was the proclamation of
the gospel throughout the world; all the others either had been
fulfilled or were in the process of being fulfilled.
In my view Thompson's general argument is basically correct,
but I would argue that he has not presented his case as strongly as
it could be presented. What Thompson failed to emphasise in his
analysis of this section was the significance of the false prophets in
verses 11-12. This material requires detailed analysis. Matthew
24:11-12 reads, 'And many false prophets (\|/ei)8o7ipO(|)fiTai) will
arise and lead many astray. And because lawlessness (avonia) is
multiplied, most men's love will grow cold.' The problem of false
prophecy was common in early Christianity (e.g. 2 Pet. 2:1-2; 1
John 4:1-3; Rev. 2:20) and in some circles the arrival of false
prophets was considered to be a sign of the end. This belief is
reflected, for example, in Mark 13:22. Matthew 24:11-12, however,
is not dependent upon Mark 13:22. Matthew reproduces this verse

later in the discourse at 24:24. As noted earlier, verses 11-12 are
entirely redactional. The fact that Matthew creates this second and
seemingly unnecessary reference to false prophets, and inserts it
into his manufactured timetable of the end-events, clearly indicates
his interest in this particular eschatological sign. An obvious
question now presents itself; why is Matthew so concerned to warn
his readers of the appearance of false prophets in the end-time?
Only one answer seems probable. Since the purpose of the eschato-
logical timetable is to indicate where the readers stand in relation to
the end events, we must suppose that Matthew's modification of his
Marcan material at this point was designed to provide such a clue.
This means the evangelist considered that these false prophets,
whose presence signified the nearness of the end, would be known
to his readers. In other words, these false prophets were active in
his church.
This suspicion receives confirmation from Matthew 7:15-23.
We may infer from this material that Matthew's church con-
tained a number of charismatic figures whom he reckoned to be
false prophets. 23 This section is a mixture of three disparate Q
texts (cf. Luke 6:43-5, 46; 13:25-7) which Matthew introduces
with a redactional statement warning of the dangers of false
prophets (7:15). The purpose of this material is to direct a hostile
attack on these pseudo-prophets. The passage opens with a
warning to beware of false prophets who come in sheep's clothing
but are actually ravenous wolves (7:15). This is followed by a
statement of the means by which these false prophets may be
identified. They can be easily detected by their deeds; a good tree
bears good fruit while a bad tree bears evil fruit (verses 16-20).
Matthew concludes this pericope on a note of judgement. Despite
their claims to be good Christians, confessing Jesus as Lord as
well as prophesying and performing mighty works in his name,
they will be identified as false by Jesus at the final judgement; as
workers of lawlessness (dvo|iia), they will receive his condemna-
tion (verses 21-3). There can be little doubt that in this particular
section Matthew is addressing a present problem in his church
and not merely taking precautions against a possible future
23
D. Hill argues against the consensus, and ultimately in unconvincing fashion,
that Matthew 7:15-23 refers to two sets of opponents, false prophets in verses
15-20 and a group of unrelated charismatics in verses 21-3. See his 'False
Prophets and Charismatics', pp. 335^40.
threat.24 Two arguments can be marshalled in support of this

statement. First, it is surely far more probable that such a bitter
attack was motivated by actual experience rather than abstract
speculation about the future. As we know from Matthew 23,
Matthew had few qualms about denouncing in the strongest terms
those whom he considered present threats to his church. The
polemic in 7:15-23 should not be read any differently. We shall say
more about this subject in chapter 8 when we examine Matthew's
view of the Christian church as a corpus mixtum. Secondly,
Matthew's intimate knowledge of these charismatics almost cer-
tainly suggests that he knows them first-hand. He knows that they
confess Jesus as Lord and both prophesy and work miracles in his
name. His knowledge of these opponents is so thorough that he can
even suggest ways of identifying them. Clearly, such precise in-
formation regarding the activities of these prophets strongly implies
that they were known personally to Matthew and his readers. The
evangelist thus constructed 7:15-23 in direct response to the threat
which this group posed to his community.
The issue to determine now is whether these false prophets are to
be identified with the eschatological false prophets of 24:11-12.
Many scholars have argued that the two groups ought to be
identified,25 and this supposition has much in its favour and little
against it. Matthew offers no suggestion that he has two distinct
groups of false prophets in mind. On the contrary, he explicitly
states that both of them are characterised by lawlessness (dvonia).
Matthew 24:11-12 states that on account of the activities of these
people lawlessness will multiply, while Matthew 7:15-23 affirms
that the present opponents are workers of lawlessness. This simi-
larity in both function (false prophecy) and purpose (lawlessness)
between these two groups implies strongly that Matthew drew no
distinction between them. The false prophets currently causing
trouble in his community are none other than the false prophets
who were expected at the end of the age. This means the evangelist
believed that he and his church were caught up in the events which
were to precede the coming of Jesus the Son of Man.
Not all scholars would agree with this conclusion. D. Hill argues
24
Strecker, Weg, p p . 137-8 n. 4 argues unconvincingly that M a t t h e w was n o t
reacting t o real opponents, b u t was merely warning his readers n o t t o be misled
by false teachings.
25
So Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, I, p . 705; Luz, Matthaus, I, p . 403; Gnilka,
Matthausevangelium, I, p . 274; Burnett, Jesus-Sophia, p p . 247-9 a n d Barth,
'Matthew's Understanding of the Law', p. 75.
that Matthew did not identify the two groups of false prophets.
According to Hill, \ . .there is no certainty that the false prophets of
24, 11 are the same as those referred to in 7, 15: only the presence
of the word dvojaia in both texts ... offers a prima facie case for
identifying them, as expected in the one case, and as present in the
other'.26 Yet surely it stands to reason that had the evangelist not
wished these groups to be identified, he would have described them
in different terms or provided some other clue that they represented
two distinct groups. As it stands, what indication does Matthew
give his readers that the present false prophets who are workers of
lawlessness should be distinguished from the end-time false pro-
phets who also contribute to an upsurge in lawlessness? This
question is even more pointed in view of the fact that both
pericopae are heavily redactional. The burden of proof rests with
those who would deny the clear evidence of the two passages and
seek to separate the groups in question.
A different attempt to show that Matthew distinguished between
the false prophets of 7:15-23 and 24:11 is undertaken by D.
Marguerat.27 He claims that the trouble caused by the present false
prophets prefigures or anticipates the danger which their future
(eschatological) counterparts will bring. In support of his view that
Matthew has in mind two distinct groups, Marguerat emphasises
the use of the present tense in 7:15 (epôvxai) and the future tense
in 24:11, 24 (eyepOfiaovxai). Though attractive on the surface, this
argument breaks down under closer examination. Marguerat con-
siders the tenses from the perspective of the author, i.e. Matthew.
Thus the present tense in 7:15 is taken as referring to Matthew's
time and the future tenses in chapter 24 necessarily advert to a
future time. Yet this reading of the text is inappropriate. The tenses
of all the verbs must be understood from the perspective of the
speaker in Matthew's narrative, i.e. Jesus. From that perspective all
the tenses, not just those in chapter 24, are actually future. The
present tense in 7:15 is not intended to refer to the time of Jesus but
to a future event and so should be taken as a futuristic present in
the context of Matthew's story. This reading of the verbal tense
agrees with the strictly future tenses found in the following
sentences; 'you will know them by their fruits' (verses 16, 20).
Marguerat's argument is thus based upon an inaccurate reading of
26
Hill, 'False Prophets', p . 336 (original emphasis).
27
M a r g u e r a t , Le Jugement, p . 188. Cf. also Schweizer, Matthew, p p . 185-6 a n d
Hare, Jewish Persecution, pp. 144, 163.
the Matthean narrative. From the viewpoint of the speaker both

references to false prophets allude to future events, but from the
perspective of the author these events are now taking place. The
Matthean Jesus predicts the arrival of false prophets in the Mat-
thean community and the evangelist is keen to demonstrate the
fulfilment of this prophecy.
One suspects that underlying the reticence of many scholars to
identify the false prophets of chapter 7 with those of chapter 24 is
the prior assumption that Matthew had either deferred the parousia
or intended to tone down any speculation about the time of the end
(see above). Given this presupposition, Matthew obviously could
not have identified the troublemakers of the eschatological future
with those of the present. But if we dispense with this premise and
we approach the texts on their own terms, then nothing precludes
the conclusion that Matthew did indeed see in the false prophets of
his own day the expected eschatological foes. This conclusion adds
extra weight to Thompson's thesis that, in terms of Matthew's
eschatological timetable in 24:4-14, those edited verses which speak
of trial and tribulation and the appearance of the false prophets
(verses 9-13), are now a present reality for Matthew and his
community.
If the above conclusion is correct, then Matthew's timetable has
two implications. First, the events in the timetable which are said to
precede the time of the false prophets, specifically the events listed
in verses 4-10, must have been seen by Matthew as already having
taken place. This is not a difficult proposition to accept. As
Thompson claimed, the events of the Jewish war would have been
sufficient fulfilment of the prophecies concerning wars and false
messiahs. Moreover, famines and earthquakes were not uncommon
in the ancient Levant and the evangelist would have had at his
disposal a whole range of events which he could have easily
identified as fulfilling these predictions. The prophecies of tribula-
tion and murder had, from the evangelist's perspective, doubtless
met with fulfilment. It will be argued in chapter 8 that Matthew's
community had experienced persecution and that some of his
community members had been killed. Secondly, and perhaps more
importantly, the one sign of the end which had not yet been fulfilled
was the proclamation of the gospel throughout the whole world.
Did Matthew consider this prophecy to be close to fulfilment? If so,
then it is clear that he held fast to the imminence of the parousia,
since the end (teXog) will come immediately after it. That Matthew
did accept that this prophecy was close to fulfilment is very

probable. As a result of the missionary endeavours of the early
church, including the missionaries of Matthew's church (Matt.
28:18-20), the Christian message had spread quickly throughout
the known world as it was defined in his day. 28 Confirmation that
Matthew accepted the imminent fulfilment of this prophecy comes
from verse 13 where he urges his readers to continue in the hope
that those who endure to the end (xsXoq) will be saved. These
words of comfort are only meaningful if the fulfilment of this sign is
well under way and parousia is considered to be very near. The
mission discourse in chapter 10 plays a role in this regard and we
shall return to this material shortly.
Having analysed Matthew's timetable of the end in some detail,
we may now evaluate the remainder of the apocalyptic discourse.
Matthew's timetable in 24:4-14 is followed by the extended section
which details the eschatological war in Judea immediately prior to
the end (24:15-28). If we correlate this event with those in the
timetable, then it seems clear that the conflict will take place just as
the fulfilment of the world-wide mission nears its completion. That
Matthew expected at least some of his readers to witness these
events in Judea is clear from verse 22 which he adopts from Mark
13:20. This verse contains words of comfort that for the sake of the
elect the days of tribulation will be shortened (cf. 1 En. 80:2; 2 Bar.
20:1-2; 80:1). Had Matthew deferred the time of the end and not
expected some of his readers to experience these events, then his
reproduction of these consolatory words seems rather pointless. In
24:23-8, Matthew warns that as part of this great tribulation false
messiahs and false prophets will arise pointing to the arrival of the
Christ in a specific location. They are not to be believed because the
arrival of the Son of Man will be fully public and witnessed by all
(verse 27). The false prophets mentioned here are not to be
identified with the false prophets of 24:11 (and 7:15-23); though of
similar ilk, these prophets are both geographically and chronologi-
cally different from the others and operate only in Judea during the
period of great distress. While it is true that these figures also
perform great signs and wonders, they are not designated, unlike
the false prophets of 7:15-23 and 24:11, workers of lawlessness.29
In verses 29-31 Matthew follows Mark 13:24-27 in describing the
28
This point was acknowledged as long ago as 1907 by Allen, Matthew, p . lxxxiv.
29
So correctly Barth, 'Matthew's Understanding of the Law', p. 75 and Burnett,
Jesus-Sophia, p. 268.
breakdown of the cosmic order and the arrival of the Son of Man.
Once again he signifies his belief that some of his readers will
witness these events by adding euGeoog to the beginning of this
section. The collapse of the cosmos will happen immediately after
the tribulation of those days. Many commentators have correctly
noted that this addition seems completely unnecessary unless
Matthew affirmed the imminence of the end and expected his
readers to witness it. 30
After describing the arrival of the Son of Man in verses 29-31,
Matthew again emphasises the impending nature of the parousia in
verses 32-4 which he took from Mark 13:28-32. Just as one knows
summer is near when a fig tree sprouts leaves, so will the readers
know that the Son of Man is near when all these things take place
(verse 32-3). Since the earlier eschatological timetable had con-
veyed that most of the events had already come to pass, the
imminence of the end is once more affirmed. The following
statement, that the present generation will not pass away before the
fulfilment of these happenings, acts to reinforce this point (cf. 16:28
earlier in the narrative). The following section concerning the
exhortations to watchfulness in 24:36-25:13 must be taken in this
context of the nearness of the end. As argued earlier, this material
in itself suggests such an understanding, but this is absolutely
certain once we view this material in the light of the temporal
notions in the earlier parts of the discourse. Matthew uses this
material to exhort his readers to watch for the unknown but
impending day and to live a proper Christian existence in the short
time remaining. The final two pericopae, the parable of the talents
and the description of the last judgement, are silent on the time of
the end, but in view of the material which precedes them were
intended to be taken in terms of its imminence.
2.3 The relevance of the mission discourse

Before leaving the subject of Matthew's beliefs about the time of
the end, a few words concerning the mission discourse (9:37-10:42)
are in order since the evangelist consciously correlates this speech
with the apocalyptic discourse. The Matthean mission charge,
which is a mixture of Marcan, Q and unique material, has always
30
The imminence theme at this point is noted as well by Lambrecht, 'Parousia
Discourse', p. 323; Gundry, Matthew, p. 487; Schweizer, Matthew, p. 455 and
Streeter, Four Gospels, p. 521.
caused exegetical problems. On the one hand, since it confines the

mission of the disciples to the Jews of Palestine (verses 5-6), 31 it
seems to contradict the command to make disciples of all nations at
the conclusion of the gospel (28:19). On the other hand, it contains
a prophecy that the Son of Man will come before they have
completed the mission (10:23b),32 a prophecy which clearly did not
come true during the lifetime of the historical disciples to whom
this promise is made. Matthew's arrangement of this material also
causes problems in so far as he transposes verses 17-22 from the
Marcan apocalyptic discourse (Mark 13:9, 11-13) for reasons
which are disputed.
The first thing to note is that the Matthean Jesus here speaks not
to the historical disciples but to the later Matthean community. It is
well known that the evangelist uses the motif of the disciples on two
levels; these figures in the narrative refer both to the actual circle of
Jesus' disciples and in an extended sense to the intended readers of
the gospel. That Matthew here was thinking in terms of the
extended sense, i.e. his community or at least its missionary
elements, is confirmed by two considerations. First, only on this
view is the prophecy of Jesus in 10:23b not falsified, whereas it
clearly remains unfulfilled if the mission charge is applied to the
historical disciples. Secondly, unlike Mark (6:30), Matthew does
not relate the return of the disciples after the mission. In Matthew's
narrative, the mission is open-ended and applicable to the present
time. 33 This means that the evangelist in chapter 10 was enjoining a
specific mission to the Jews which continues until the parousia. 34
Such an understanding of the text in no way contradicts the
31
T h a t this mission is limited geographically to the land of the Jews (i.e. Palestine)
and does n o t include the Jews of the Diaspora is clear from the geographical
statement in verse 5 where Samaria is mentioned a n d from verse 23 which refers
to the towns of Israel. Either reference seems out of place if a world-wide mission
to the Jews is in mind. So correctly Levine, Salvation History, p p . 50-1 a n d see
literature cited there both for a n d against this hypothesis.
32
F o r recent discussion of the m a n y diverse views regarding the origin of this verse,
see Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, II, pp. 187-9.
33
F o r further arguments, see Brown, 'Mission t o Israel', p p . 7 4 - 5 . I n view of this
evidence the alternative interpretation that M a t t h e w intended the mission
discourse t o apply only t o the pre-easter period is simply untenable. F o r this
exegesis, see Strecker, Weg, p p . 194-6; Trilling, Wahre Israel, p p . 8 1 - 2 ; a n d
Meier, 'Salvation History in M a t t h e w ' , p p . 204-5. It seems also t o be represented
in the literary-critical analysis of the mission discourse by D . Weaver. See her
Matthew's Missionary Discourse, p p . 151-2.
34
So correctly Brown, 'Mission t o Israel', p p . 7 4 - 5 ; Davies a n d Allison, Matthew,
II, p . 190; Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, I I , p . 379; G u n d r y , Matthew, p p . 194-5
and M c D e r m o t t , ' M t . 10:23 in Context', p . 235.
universal mission of 28:19. The risen and glorified Jesus commands

his followers to make disciples of all nations (Tidvia id e0vr|)
which, as most scholars now accept, includes the Jews along with
the other nations of the world (cf. 24:14; 25:32).35
It will be recalled from our earlier discussion that the final sign
which requires fulfilment before the arrival of the Son of Man is
that the gospel would be preached throughout the whole world
(24:14). For Matthew this includes a mission to the Jews of
Palestine, since he clearly ties in the exclusive mission to the Jews in
chapter 10 with this final world-wide mission. He does so by
including in both discourses the same words of comfort and the
same promise of the imminence of the end. In 10:22b Matthew
takes from Mark 13:13 the words of comfort which he also uses in
24:13, 'but he who endures to the end will be saved'. This is
followed immediately by the promise in 10:23b that the mission-
aries who are to flee from persecution will not have gone through
all the towns of Israel before the Son of Man comes. Precisely the
same set of themes is found in 24:13-14. First comes the exhorta-
tion to endurance which is then followed by the promise that the
end will come when the gospel has been preached throughout the
whole world. The similarity between these pericopae almost cer-
tainly means that the evangelist intended them to be taken together.
The mission discourse is thereby given an eschatological framework
in Matthew which it did not possess in Mark. Since Matthew
'eschatologises' the mission charge, we can better understand his
transposition of Mark 13:9-13 to 10:17-22. This material, which
speaks of eschatological rejection and persecution of all Christians
in the context of Mark, is now confined by Matthew to those
missionaries who embark upon this final mission to the Jews. His
transposition does not affect the eschatological timing of these
events, but only those who are affected by them. 36 We shall see in
the next chapter why the evangelist focuses on the suffering of these
missionaries.
35
See Meier, 'Nations or Gentiles', p p . 94-102. That the phrase in 28:19 excludes
the Jews is argued unconvincingly by H a r e a n d Harrington, ' M a k e Disciples of
all the Gentiles', p p . 359-69. In agreement with the view of Meier are Stanton,
Gospel for a New People, p p . 137-8; Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p p . 508-9;
G u n d r y , Matthew, p p . 595-6; Sabourin, Matthew, II, p . 936 a n d Burnett, Jesus-
Sophia, pp. 423-7. The position of H a r e a n d Harrington is adopted by Schweizer,
Matthew, p . 530.
36
Cf. the comments of Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, II, p. 182, 'nothing in chapter
10 tones down the eschatological nature of the M a r k a n material'. So t o o
G u n d r y , Matthew, pp. 193-4.
The inference to draw from all this is that Matthew believes the
fulfilment of the prophecy of the gospel being preached world-wide
in 24:14 requires a last mission to the Jews of Palestine. The
mission discourse therefore seems to have been composed in order
to urge or even legitimate one final mission to the Jews, a mission
which up to now had not been a major success. Such a mission
would have given Matthew's fellow Jews one last chance to accept
the gospel before the arrival of the Son of Man. With the Jerusalem
church fragmented and dispersed after the Jewish war, the evan-
gelist probably reasoned that this duty fell to the next most
prominent church in the region, his own church at Antioch. This
understanding of the mission charge explains why the evangelist,
writing in northern Syria, pays so much attention in 24:15-28 to the
terrible events in Judea which precede the arrival of the Son of
Man. It is those missionaries who preach the gospel in Judea during
the final mission who are meant by 'those in Judea' in 24:16. They
will be caught up in the appearance of the antichrist in the temple
and the ensuing tribulation. But more important in the present
context is that the imminent end expectation of the mission charge
(10:23b) reinforces the temporal notion of the apocalyptic dis-
course. Both discourses make clear that the end will come while the
final mission is in progress.
This interpretation of the Matthean mission discourse runs
against the common understanding of it. It is usually accepted that
Matthew's transposition of Mark 13:9-13 to 10:17-22 serves to 'de-
eschatologise' the material in this section. Representative of this
view is D. R. A. Hare who writes, '.. .Matthew has de-eschatolo-
gized the Marcan passage by removing it from its eschatological
context; that which is described by Mark as pertaining to the
period immediately preceding the Parousia has become for
Matthew characteristic of a continuing situation'. 37 The problem
with this interpretation is that it does not adequately account for
the close relationship between verse 22b (from Mark 13:13) and
verse 23b which, by analogy with 24:13 and 24:14b, must be taken
together. Significantly, Hare does not refer at all to 10:22b in his
discussion of this material. Yet this verse which reappears in the
apocalyptic discourse is a firm indication that Matthew placed this
Jewish mission into his scheme of the last events. Hare's discussion
of 10:23b, on the other hand, makes the claim that Matthew
37
Hare, Jewish Persecution, pp. 99-100. So too Strecker, Weg, p. 44; Burnett,
Jesus-Sophia, pp. 273-5 and Schweizer, Matthew, p. 244.
adopted all of this verse because he found appropriate the persecu-

tion motif in the first half. He writes, 'The first half of the double
logion suits Matthew's purpose admirably; the immediate context
is concerned primarily with the fate of the missionaries.. .The
context thus ignores 23b, which is concerned with the geographical
and temporal limits of the mission.'38 This argument presumes that
Matthew adopted material with which he did not agree, a view
which is inherently unlikely; the evangelist was free to omit verse
23b if it did not suit his purposes, but he made a conscious decision
not to do so.39 Thus in one fell swoop, Hare either ignores or plays
down the two elements which place the mission charge in an
eschatological context and promote the evangelist's view of the
imminence of the parousia.
Other scholars also focus on the consolatory nature of 10:23 by
arguing that the evangelist intends more to offer comfort to those
who are on the receiving end of persecution and to exhort them to
steadfastness than to make any definitive statement about the time
of the end.40 Yet it is obvious that we cannot so easily separate the
two elements. It stands to reason that the consolatory aspect of this
tradition is conveyed precisely by the temporal theme. What gives
hope and encourages steadfastness is the information that the
persecution will cease with the arrival of the Son of Man. Consola-
tion without an imminent end expectation is no consolation at all!
This is the point of 24:13-14 and we should not read Matthew
10:22-3 any differently. It is clear then that the plain temporal
meaning of this verse cannot be so easily dismissed.41
The conclusion to draw from this short and necessarily brief
excursus on the Matthean mission discourse is that it supports the
temporal end expectation which Matthew sets out in 24:4-14. The
gospel is now being preached throughout the world, including
Palestine, which means that the end is looming ever nearer. Matthew
stresses that the missionaries of thisfinalcall to Israel will meet with
persecution and participate in the eschatological conflict, but that
the Son of Man will arrive before they have completed their task.
38
H a r e , Jewish Persecution, p . 111. Cf. also the c o m m e n t of S. H . Brooks that
10:23 stands 'in tension with M a t t h e w ' s o w n eschatology', Matthew's Commu-
nity, p . 54.
39
So correctly Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, II, p p . 191-2.
40
See, for example, M c D e r m o t t , ' M t . 10:23 in Context', p p . 235, 239^40; Geist,
Menschensohn, p p . 231-8; Weaver, Matthew's Missionary Discourse, p p . 202-3 n.
140 and Bartnicki, Trostwort', pp. 311-19.
41
So correctly Luz, Matthaus, II, p. 117. Cf. too Brown, 'Mission to Israel', p. 82.
3. Conclusions
In this chapter we have examined Matthew's temporal end expecta-
tions. It was demonstrated that the arguments which point to a
deferred parousia for Matthew have no real basis in the evidence.
They are based upon a lack of understanding of the general concept
of apocalyptic eschatology and, as a consequence, tend to misrepre-
sent the gospel texts on this issue. It was then argued that the
evidence strongly supports the view that Matthew actively pro-
motes an imminent eschatological expectation. The evangelist
affirms the nearness of the parousia in a number of passages, but
this theme is best represented in the apocalyptic discourse. The
eschatological timetable which he constructs in 24:4-14 is of para-
mount importance in this respect and reveals that Matthew placed
his own time toward the end of this end-time schedule. The one
major unfulfilled prediction is that the gospel must be preached
throughout the world but it was argued that Matthew probably
considered that this was close to fulfilment. Of relevance here is the
mission discourse which legitimates a final mission to the Jews of
Palestine in fulfilment of this final prophecy and itself affirms the
imminence of the arrival of the Son of Man. That Matthew
expected his readers to witness the coming of this saviour figure is
plainly suggested by a number of comments in both the apocalyptic
and mission discourses which provide comfort in the face of
distress: those who endure to the end will be saved (10:22b; 24:13),
the days of tribulation have been shortened (24:22) and immedi-
ately after the tribulation the Son of Man will arrive (24:29). Such
consolatory words lose their point if the evangelist had abandoned
an imminent end expectation.
That Matthew so fervently promotes the impending arrival of the
Son of Man should occasion no real surprise. Apocalyptic-eschato-
logical schemes which emphasise the judgement and its aftermath
almost without exception affirm that these events are to occur in
the imminent future. Since Matthew also focuses on the eschaton
and the punishments and rewards it will bring, his adoption of an
imminent end expectation is perhaps to be expected. What is
surprising with regard to this subject is the reluctance of many
Matthean scholars to accept the evangelist's very clear statements
on the imminence of the end.
SUMMARY OF PART II
In Part II we have attempted to reconstruct Matthew's particular

apocalyptic-eschatological scheme. It is clear from the discussion
that the evangelist embraces a comprehensive apocalyptic-eschato-
logical world view which includes and emphasises all the eight
major characteristics of this religious perspective. Some of these
elements are attributable to his Christian heritage, while others
stand more in line with Jewish apocalyptic eschatology. His interest
in this religious perspective is apparent from his redaction of his
Christian sources, his adoption of certain Jewish sources and his
outright creation of important apocalyptic-eschatological pericopae
(e.g. 13:36-^3,49-50).
The evangelist promotes a developed form of cosmic dualism.
The cosmic order is involved in a desperate fight for supremacy. On
the one side stand God, Jesus the Son of Man and his angelic
forces, and on the other stands Satan and his retinue of fallen
angels. The human world is also engaged in this conflict and all
individuals must choose whether they take the part of the heavenly
world or its demonic counterpart. There is no middle ground or
neutrality in this battleground. As we find in the Qumran War
scroll and Revelation, Matthew adopts other aspects of this per-
spective, notably the idea of the final war between these two
opposing sides as the final event in history. The evangelist also
emphasises the concept of historical determinism which is com-
monly found throughout both Jewish and Christian texts. Mat-
thew's expression of this idea via the medium of a scheme of
prophecy and fulfilment is taken basically from his Christian
tradition, though he has seen fit to supplement and thereby
intensify it with his addition of the formula quotations. These two
themes of developed cosmic dualism and historical determinism
provide the framework for Matthew's eschatological expectations.
Like most proponents of apocalyptic eschatology, Matthew
175
believes that the end of the age would be preceded by a number of

tell-tale signs which herald its arrival. While he follows in part
Mark's particular scheme, which itself shares affinities with the
Jewish apocalyptic-eschatological schemes, he sees fit to update it
where appropriate in order to let his readers know where they stand
in relation to the end. His redaction of Mark at this point, and
other indications in the gospel, testify plainly that he accepted that
the eschatological woes were well advanced and that the new age
would be introduced in the imminent future. The final event in
history would be the eschatological war between the righteous and
the combined forces of the human and angelic wicked which would
take place in Judea. This attack would be repulsed by the arrival of
a saviour figure, Jesus the Son of Man, who would return in glory
and on the clouds of heaven accompanied by his heavenly forces.
The Son of Man would then ascend his throne of glory in order to
execute the final and universal judgement. The evangelist's distinc-
tive portrayal of the Son of Man is a combination of his Christian
synoptic sources and certain Jewish traditions which are also found
in the Parables of Enoch. The climax of Matthew's eschatological
scheme concerns the very purpose for which the Son of Man comes,
the bestowal of rewards and punishments. After the general resur-
rection of the dead and the recreation of the cosmos, he will reward
the righteous by granting them angelic status and eternal life in a
peaceful, new creation, while the wicked will suffer horribly as they
burn eternally in the fires of Gehenna and weep and gnash their
teeth on account of their plight. The contrast between the super-
natural world and the human world which holds prior to the
eschaton now ceases to exist. The human righteous join their
angelic counterparts, and the human wicked are delivered to the
same place of fiery punishment as the demons whom they sup-
ported. The first of these themes is well represented in both Jewish
and Christian apocalyptic eschatology, but the second finds its
closest parallels in the Jewish tradition. With the notable exception
of the book of Revelation, the consignment of the wicked to the
fires of Gehenna is not particularly common in the early Christian
literature.
It is clear from this reconstruction that the Christian gospel of
Matthew ultimately stands firmly within the general Jewish (and
Christian) apocalyptic-eschatological tradition which was analysed
in Part I. Although Matthew made use of the gospel genre which he
took from Mark, he has presented his story of Jesus within the
Summary 177
framework of the distinctive religious perspective apocalyptic

eschatology. The evangelist adopts a very developed scheme,
particularly in terms of the theme of cosmic dualism, and it is
noteworthy that the closest parallels to his apocalyptic eschatology
are found in the respective sectarian schemes of the Jewish Qumran
writings and the Christian Apocalypse. Such is the dominance of
this vision of reality in Matthew that the gospel actually stands as
one of the most comprehensive and clear examples of apocalyptic
eschatology in the contemporary literature. On the basis of this, we
are justified in viewing the Matthean community as an apocalyptic
group. The recognition of this point emphasises all the more that
apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism are not necessarily
related to the apocalyptic genre and that there is a pressing need to
revise the terminology associated with this religious perspective.
A number of questions remain unanswered, however. What
prompted Matthew to adopt this religious perspective and promote
it with such fervour? What led this evangelist to divide the cosmos
into two fundamentally opposing groups and to portray the
parousia and the final judgement in the terms he did? Why did he
adopt such a vindictive and vengeful attitude toward those whom
he considered to be the wicked. The strong affinity between
Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology and that which appears in
contemporary documents would seem to supply the key to this
problem. We know from Part I that those Jews and Christians who
embraced apocalypticism and its attendant symbolic universe did
so in response to a current crisis, and this raises the possibility that
the same general sociological principle might explain Matthew's
actions in this regard. We shall explore this possibility in Part III.
PART III
The social setting of the Matthean community and the

function of apocalyptic eschatology in the gospel of
Matthew
It was demonstrated in Part II that Matthew had fervently

embraced a developed apocalyptic-eschatological perspective. In
Part III of this study we shall attempt to provide an explanation
for this state of affairs. Given that such a pronounced apoca-
lyptic-eschatological scheme does not arise in a vacuum but has a
concrete social setting, precisely what conditions or circumstances
prompted Matthew to construct his symbolic universe? To put this
matter another way, does the gospel of Matthew provide any clues
to the social situation of the author and his community and, if so,
were these circumstances serious enough (or perceived to be
serious enough) to warrant the embracement of apocalypticism by
the evangelist and his group? In order to answer these questions,
chapter 8 will offer a reconstruction of the Matthean community's
historical and social situation. It will be argued that the Matthean
community faced a number of related crises occasioned by the
Jewish war, and that these provided sufficient cause for its
adoption of apocalyptic eschatology. The following chapter will
then attempt to identify the function of the gospel's apocalyptic
eschatology within the context of that community's social setting
as identified in chapter 8. How does the evangelist use his
apocalyptic-eschatological material to respond to the problems
occasioned by his group's social setting? By pursuing these parti-
cular questions, Part III builds upon our findings in Part II and
completes the discussion of apocalyptic eschatology in Matthew's
gospel.
8
THE SOCIAL SETTING OF THE MATTHEAN
COMMUNITY
It will be recalled from chapter 2 that the situation of crisis, either

real or perceived, which led certain Jewish and Christian groups to
resort to apocalyptic eschatology, could take any number of forms.
Some of those circumstances which were identified seem not to be
applicable to Matthew and his group. Unlike the circles which
produced the Parables of Enoch and the Epistle of Enoch, there is
no hint that the Matthean community suffered economic oppres-
sion. On the contrary, a number of scholars have put forward the
view that certain pointers in the gospel indicate that the Matthean
community was comparatively wealthy.1 Moreover, the crisis of the
destruction of Jerusalem and its temple, which prompted a number
of apocalyptic-eschatological works, was not directly the situation
of crisis which motivated Matthew to write his gospel in the
manner he did. The evangelist, like the authors of 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch
and the Apocalypse of Abraham, saw these events as God's punish-
ment for the sins of his people (22:7), but in distinction to these
Jewish writers, he is not moved to ponder the injustice of the
situation. For Matthew, the destruction of Jerusalem and its temple
was God's appropriate and just response to the rejection of his
messiah by his people.
The social setting of the Matthean community, like that of the
book of Revelation, is rather a complex one which involves a
number of historical and social factors working in unison. Of
most importance are the effects of the Jewish war on the
Matthean community. It will be argued in the present chapter
that a whole combination of factors which emerged in the after-
math of the events of 66-70 contributed in large part to the
1
So Beare, Matthew, p. 11; Kingsbury, Matthew as Story, pp. 152-3 and Crosby,
House of Disciples, pp. 39-43. Hare's study of the persecution theme in the
gospel reveals no evidence of economic oppression. See Jewish Persecution,
p. 125.
181
182 The Matthean community and apocalyptic eschatology
Matthean community's sense of crisis. These factors led to

conflict with the Jewish world, the gentile world and even the
wider world of the Christian church, all of which led inevitably
to the withdrawal of the Matthean community from these larger
and dominant societies. The overall impression of the social
setting of Matthew's church is that of an entirely alienated group
with no home or support system outside its own borders. Each
of these claims will be evidenced in turn.
1. The Matthean community and the Jewish world
1.1 The sectarian nature of the Matthean community

The relationship between the Matthean community and the wider
Jewish world is an extremely complicated subject which cannot be
given the full attention it deserves in this section. None the less, a
general assessment of the issues is all that is required for the
purpose at hand. As is becoming increasingly clear in the latest
studies of this subject, the evidence of the gospel suggests that the
Matthean community can be viewed as a Jewish sect opposed to
formative Judaism in the period following the first Jewish war.
Both the terms 'sect' and 'formative Judaism' require some
explanation.
There are formidable problems with defining the word 'sect' and
no one definition will please everyone. Yet all scholars would agree
that in general terms we are dealing with a minority group which
shares the basic outlook of the wider society or parent body but
deviates quite consciously from that body over particulars, usually
in a context of mutual hostility. 2 The best example of a Jewish sect
from the time of Matthew is the group from Qumran. There is no
doubt that the Qumran community shared the basic outlook of the
wider Jewish world - the belief in one God, the importance of the
covenant with that God, the observance of the Torah and so on -
yet it consciously stood outside 'normative' or majority Judaism in
the following ways. It traced its origins to a dissident member of
the parent body, the Teacher of Righteousness, and rejected the
official place of Jewish worship, the temple. The group at Qumran
distanced itself, both physically and metaphorically, from the wider
Jewish world and derided the leaders who controlled the parent
2
See the discussions of Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 8-9 and Stanton, Gospel
for a New People, pp. 89-90 and the literature they cite.
Social setting of the Matt heart community 183
body. Its sectarian nature is emphasised by the fact that it possessed

its own rules and regulations and devised its peculiar interpretation
of the Torah. It set strict boundaries around itself by the adoption
of its own code of practice and also by the adoption of dualistic
language which describes the respective natures of the insider and
the outsider. As G. N. Stanton has noted, many of these sectarian
motifs are paralleled in the gospel of Matthew, 3 and we shall deal
with these shortly.
Regarding the term 'formative Judaism', this is used in the
manner suggested by J. A. Overman which is itself based upon
the earlier work of J. Neusner. 4 By 'formative Judaism', I mean
the reorganisation and consolidation of Judaism in the period
following the first Jewish war which was led by a coalition of the
pre-70 Pharisees and those belonging to the scribal profession,
but in which other groups participated as well. This was a
lengthy process which did not take place, as the later stylised and
idealised rabbinic accounts claim, immediately upon the founding
of the rabbinic academy at Yavneh. 5 With the destruction of the
temple, formative Judaism was firmly centred on the synagogue
and the observance of the Torah. The pharisaic interpretation of
the law was considered definitive, as too were the traditions of
the elders which detail pharisaic practices not specifically enjoined
in the Torah. At the time of the gospel of Matthew, this process
of reconstruction, consolidation and legitimation was in its early
phases and marked the middle stage between the fluidity of pre-
70 Judaism and the more rigid Judaism of the later rabbinic
period. This form of Judaism, although itself not constant and
static in the period in question, therefore stands as the parent
body with which the Matthean community was in dispute. By
defining 'formative Judaism' in these terms, there is no implica-
tion that the reforming Pharisees and scribes represented all
Jewish interests in all places. It is most probable that in addition
to the Matthean community other Jewish groups, in Antioch and
elsewhere, also came into conflict with this fledgling coalition of
3
Stanton, 'Matthew and Judaism', p. 283 and his more recent and detailed
discussion in Gospelfor a New People, pp. 85-107.
4
See Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 35-71 for detailed discussion and literature
cited there. A concise summary of Neusner's position, which has been stated
many times, can be found in his 'The Formation of Rabbinic Judaism', pp. 3^42.
5
Thus the view of W. D. Davies that Matthew's sermon on the mount was a direct
response to Yavneh (Sermon, p. 315) is somewhat anachronistic. Despite this
anachronism, Davies' discussion is still a valuable contribution to the subject.
forces before it eventually asserted complete dominance over its

competitors.
There is no doubt that the gospel of Matthew shares much in
common with the movement which we call formative Judaism. Both
the gospel and the community for whom it was written are thor-
oughly Jewish in character and outlook. This point need not be
argued in detail here. It is sufficient to state now that both groups
shared the central doctrines of Judaism, the belief in one God and
the central place of the Torah in the covenant relationship with this
God (see further below). Moreover they had common practices such
as alms-giving, prayer and fasting (6:1-18), and similar offices
(prophets, wise men and scribes; 23:34).6 These points of contact in
terms of shared tradition and world view must be weighed against
the differences between the two groups, differences which betray the
sectarian or deviant nature of the Matthean community. An exam-
ination of the gospel reveals that the Matthean community unequi-
vocally rejected the road which post-70 Judaism was taking and
decided to take a different road in opposition to it. This is reflected
in the vigorous polemic against the scribes and Pharisees who were
beginning to emerge as the dominant party in formative Judaism.
Although in his gospel narrative the evangelist tends to blur the
differences between the distinct groups which comprise the Jewish
leadership, and presents them as one homogenous force which is
totally united in its opposition to Jesus, 7 it is clear that the real
villains of the gospel are the scribes and Pharisees. As J. A.
Overman well says, 'The Jewish leadership is summed up and
converges in the fixed Matthean formula "the scribes and the
Pharisees".' 8 Matthew's polemic against the scribes and Pharisees is
found throughout the gospel, but is most thoroughly expressed in
chapter 23. While much of Matthew's polemic in this chapter stems
from his sources, he has considerably sharpened and intensified it.
The scribes and Pharisees are described as hypocrites (23:13, 15, 23,
25, 27, 29; cf. 6:2, 5, 16; 15:7; 22:18; 23:3), as blind men (23:16, 17,
6
For further detail, see Saldarini, 'Matthew and Jewish-Christian Conflict',
pp. 48-9. Cf. also Stanton, Gospel for a New People, p. 99.
7
For comprehensive discussion of the evangelist's merging of the religious leader-
ship into a unified whole, see van Tilborg, Jewish Leaders, pp. 1-6 and literature
cited there. On the question of the role the Jewish leaders play in the Matthean
story, J. D. Kingsbury's literary-critical analysis is most instructive. See his
'Developing Conflict between Jesus and the Jewish Leaders', pp. 57-73 and
Matthew as Story, pp. 115-27.
8
Overman, Matthew's Gospel, p. 142. A similar point is made by Przybylski,
'Matthean Anti-Judaism', p. 190 and Meeks, 'Breaking Away', p. 109.
Social setting of the Matthean community 185
19, 24, 26; cf. 15:14;), children of Gehenna (23:15) and a brood of
vipers (23:33; cf. 3:7; 12:34). They fail to practise what they preach
(23:3), they place burdens on others (23:4), they love to be admired
(23:5-7), they place their own tradition before the will of God
(23:15-26) and are guilty of murder (23:29-36; cf. 22:6). As a result
of their leadership roles, they lead the people astray (15:14), prevent
them from entering the kingdom of heaven (23:13) and so make
them twice as much children of Gehenna as they are (23:15). Both
the scribes (9:4) and the Pharisees (12:34; 22:18) are singled out as
being evil (Tiovripo^TCOvripia) which means in the context of
Matthew's dualism that they belong on the side of Satan. 9 Since
they themselves are evil, they are the appropriate leaders of 'this
evil generation' (12:38-42; 16:1^4) and in no small way are respon-
sible for it.
Some scholars have interpreted this stereotypical portrayal of the
Jewish leaders as an indication of the distance between the
Matthean community and the world of Judaism. One good
example of this view is S. van Tilborg who points to the harsh
polemic as proof that Matthew and his church had little, if any,
contact with the local Jewish community. According to van
Tilborg,
Mt lived in a world in which Judaism was no longer a
serious competitor. If one wishes to call the Jews who have
refused to be converted hypocrites, evil people, murderers
and imposters, there must be a fairly great and satisfactory
distance on a historical level. This idea held by Mt can only
be explained as being held by someone who, if he happened
to come face to face with them, was still so absorbed in his
own ideas that he had lost sight of reality. 10
These words are one of the clearest descriptions of Matthew as an
'armchair theologian'. The evangelist is depicted as so absorbed in
his own theological thoughts that he lives in his own world and is
completely divorced from the real world. This singular portrayal of
Matthew is rather difficult to accept. Only slightly more credible is
the position of D. R. A. Hare who argues that the polemic reflects a
past dispute not a current conflict between Matthew and his Jewish
opponents. 11 The problem with this view is that it cannot account
9
So too van Tilborg, Jewish Leaders, p. 45.
10
van Tilborg, Jewish Leaders, p. 171.
11
Hare, Jewish Persecution, p. 96.
for the vigorous nature of the polemic. If the threat from the scribes
and Pharisees is no longer an issue, why does Matthew pay so
much attention to it?
It is now well recognised that polemical and stereotypical lan-
guage such as we find in Matthew does not reflect the distance
between the two parties. On the contrary, it reflects both physical
and ideological proximity between the disputing groups, since its
very purpose is to distance one party from the other. A general
sociological rule of thumb is that the closer the relationship
between dissenting groups, the more intense the conflict and the
sharper the resultant polemic. 12 Consequently, the evangelist's
polemical attack on the scribes and Pharisees indicates on the one
hand the closeness of his community to the parent body, and on the
other his attempt to put some distance between them. The minority
group for whom Matthew is the spokesperson is thereby expressing
its self-understanding as an entirely independent and distinct body
over against that parent body. 13 Moreover, such polemic also
confirms and legitimates the rigid drawing of the boundaries, the
sectarian outlook, which Matthew's dualistic language is also
intended to establish. 14 The parent body belongs on the side of
Satan and is justifiably denounced, while the Matthean community
belongs on the side of God. We shall say more about this point in
the next chapter.
The sectarian or deviant nature of the Matthean community,
which is evidenced in the evangelist's polemic, is confirmed by the
fact that the evangelist's community had parted company with the
official place of Jewish worship, in this case the synagogue, and
perceived itself to be a rival and superior institution. 15 As is well
known, Matthew uses different terms to define the assemblies of
each group. 16 His Jewish opponents belong to the synagogue, an
12
See Coser, Social Conflict, pp. 67-72. The relevance of Coser's work for under-
standing Matthew's polemic is accepted by Overman, Matthew's Gospel,
pp. 146-7; Stanton, Gospelfor a New People, pp. 98-9 and Przybylski, 'Matthean
Anti-Judaism', p. 198.
13
See Stanton, Gospel for a New People, pp. 96-7; Overman, Matthew's Gospel,
pp. 142-3 and Przybylski, 'Matthean Anti-Judaism', p. 199.
14
On the use of polemic to legitimate the sectarian viewpoint, see Stanton, Gospel
for a New People, p. 105.
15
Contra Hummel, Auseinandersetzung, pp. 28-33 who argues that although
Matthew's community did not participate in the synagogue service, it still
belonged to the synagogue association.
16
For much of the following discussion I am indebted to Stanton, Gospel for a New
People, pp. 97, 126-31 and Przybylski, 'Matthean Anti-Judaism', pp. 193-5. See
institution which is never depicted positively in Matthew but is

always represented as an alien place. The synagogue is the place
where hypocrisy in almsgiving (6:2) and prayer (6:5) is manifest and
where the best seats are claimed by those who least deserve them
(23:6). In accord with this negative view of the synagogue, Matthew
refers to the faithful Jairus simply as a ruler rather than as a ruler
of the synagogue as Mark describes him (Matt. 9:18//Mark 5:22).
Matthew's intention to dissociate his community from this Jewish
institution is further witnessed by his use of 'their synagogue(s)', an
expression which he found only once in his sources (4:23//Mark
1:39) and which he inserts redactionally four times (9:35; 10:17;
12:9; 13:54), and 'your synagogues' when the Matthean Jesus
directly addresses his Jewish opponents (23:34). By contrast with
those who belong to the synagogue, the Matthean community is
defined by a totally different term, 'the ekklesia' (f| eKK^naia). 17
That the ekklesia was founded by Jesus himself (16:18-19) both
explains and legitimates its existence as a rival assembly to the
synagogue, and he remains with it in the period between the
resurrection and the parousia (18:20; 28:20). This church of Jesus
(cf. 'my church' in 16:18) serves as the alternative to 'their
synagogues', and this suggests that not only had the Matthean
community separated from the synagogue, but it now consciously
defined itself as a rival counterpart to it. 18
The rivalry of the two institutions is indicated by a number of
factors. One of these is that like the synagogue the Matthean
community also contained scribes. Two texts in particular are
important in this regard. In 23:34 the Matthean Jesus prophesies
also Hare, Jewish Persecution, pp. 104-5; Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 60-1
and White, 'Crisis Management and Boundary Maintenance' pp. 215-16 n. 17.
17
Contra Saldarini, 'Matthew and Jewish-Christian Conflict', pp. 41-2 who claims
that Matthew has no special name for his group. Saldarini is rightly criticised on
this point by Gundry, 'Social History of the Matthean Community', p. 64.
However, Gundry goes too far in identifying the ekklesia with the whole
Christian church (pp. 63-4), as too does Meier, 'Antioch', p. 67. We shall see
later in this chapter that for Matthew the Christian movement was hardly a
unity. This means he would be unlikely to use the term for his community as a
covering term for the whole movement.
18
Also of significance is Matthew's addition to the Marcan parable of the wicked
tenants in 21:43, where Jesus tells the Jewish leaders, 'the kingdom of God will be
taken away from you and given to a nation (eGvoc;) producing the fruits of it'.
Israel is the nation which has lost the kingdom of God and the 'new nation'
which inherits it is the Matthean community, the ekklesia. The evangelist thereby
carefully distinguishes between his own group and the larger Jewish world which
belongs to the synagogue. See Stanton, 'Matthew and Judaism', pp. 268-9 and
Saldarini, 'Matthew and Jewish-Christian Conflict', pp. 42-3 n. 14.
that scribes will be among the group of martyrs who will die as they
preach the message of Jesus, and in 13:52 he speaks positively of
the scribes 'trained for the kingdom of heaven'. Both references
certainly apply to the scribes in the Matthean community, one of
whom was probably Matthew himself.19 That Matthew's church
contained scribes is confirmed by 7:29 where the evangelist com-
pares the authority of Jesus with the authority of 'their scribes'.
This terminology reflects a distinction between two rival groups of
scribes, those who belong to the Matthean community and those
who belong to 'their synagogues'. 20 The departure of the Matthean
Christians had therefore caused a split in the scribal office of the
synagogue and these two groups were now in opposition to one
another. Matthew's intention to distance his group of scribes from
those of the synagogue is given expression in his treatment of the
title 'rabbi'. In the gospel only the false disciple Judas calls Jesus by
this title (26:25, 49) and in 23:7b-8 the Matthean Jesus proclaims
that the scribes and Pharisees love being called 'rabbi' and then
instructs his disciples that none of them is to be called by this title.
If, as seems likely, the Pharisees and their scribal associates were
appropriating this title for themselves at this time, then the evan-
gelist is making a clear distinction between the members of his own
church and those who now lead the synagogue. 21 As was the case
with Matthew's use of ekklesia, his break-away group refuses to
adopt the terminology of the parent body and in doing so marks
itself as an independent entity.
As a self-defined sect within the larger world of Judaism, the
Matthean community developed its own practices concerning self-
regulation. As with many deviant groups, there is more emphasis
placed on group action than on a distinct hierarchy within the
community. 22 In 23:8-12 the evangelist stresses the egalitarian
19
F o r a detailed recent discussion, see Orton, Understanding Scribe, pp. 166-74.
20
See Overman, Matthew's Gospel, p p . 115-17; Przybylski, ' M a t t h e a n Anti-
Judaism', p p . 190-1. D . O r t o n makes the important point that the scribes of
Matthew's community a n d those of the synagogue belong to the same Jewish
office. H e rightly argues that one should avoid calling the former 'Christian
scribes' a n d the latter 'Jewish scribes' since such terminology ignores their
fundamental similarity. See Understanding Scribe, p p . 139^40 a n d p p . 231-2
n. 10.
21
See Overman, Matthew's Gospel, p p . 4 6 - 8 for full discussion. Cf. also Stanton,
Gospel for a New People, p . 97.
22
See Stanton, Gospel for a New People, p . 104. Cf. also Saldarini, 'Matthew a n d
Jewish-Christian Conflict', p . 52 a n d White, 'Grid a n d G r o u p in Matthew's
Community', pp. 7 5 - 6 .
nature of his community where no one is to be master of another,

while 18:15-17 attributes to the ekklesia as a whole the power to
expel unrepentant offenders from its midst. 23 Yet despite these texts
it is clear that a certain hierarchy did exist within the Matthean
community, although it might have been rather fluid at the time of
the gospel's composition. The scribes of Matthew's group unques-
tionably assumed leadership roles of some sort, 24 and 5:22 seems to
refer to a particular council within the church which dealt with
matters of discipline.25 In any event, the evangelist specifies that the
authority of the church is such that its decisions are binding in the
heavenly sphere (18:18) and again this claim is legitimated by
tracing it back to Jesus himself (16:19).26
As is the case with many sectarian writings, the gospel of
Matthew spells out clearly what is expected of those who comprise
the ekklesia. The sermon on the mount in chapters 5-7 has with
good reason been interpreted as the code or constitution of the
Matthean community which orders and regulates the life of the
ekklesia.27 It spells out how community members should act
23
There is some dispute over whether the advice to shun and exclude the
unrepentant church member is directed to the wronged individual alone or to the
whole church. If the former is adopted, then this text does not deal with exclusion
from the church, but advises mere avoidance of the sinner by the wronged party
within the context of the church. In favour of this position is the singular a o i in
v.l 7 and this is the preferred reading of Bonnard, Matthieu, p. 275; France,
Matthew, p. 249 and Thompson, Matthew's Advice, p. 185. Against this view is
the fact that the dispute no longer concerned two individuals but was now
between the sinner and the church as a whole, and that the next verse refers to
the authority of the whole church. Moreover, it is inherently unlikely that
Matthew's sectarian viewpoint would tolerate such uneasiness within the context
of his church when cohesion and solidarity is all important. For the view that this
text enjoins expulsion from the ekklesia, see Forkman, Limits of the Religious
Community, pp. 124-32; cf. also Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 103-4; Meier,
'Antioch', pp. 68-9; Davies and Allison, Matthew, II, p. 785; Gundry, Matthew,
p. 368 and Beare, Matthew, p. 380.
24
So correctly Overman, Matthew's Gospel, p. 117.
25
So Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 108-9 contra Guelich, Sermon, pp. 186-7;
Luz, Matthaus, I, p. 252 and Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, p. 514 who argue
that CTUveSpiov must refer either to the Jerusalem Sanhedrin or to a local Jewish
court. Yet if Matthew's community had separated from the synagogue, it is
almost impossible that its members would have sought resolution of disputes
from those who controlled the parent body. Overman argues further that texts
such as 5:25, 39b-40; 6:12 evidence the evangelist's view that church members
should avoid the civil legal system at all costs, demonstrating again the sectarian
outlook of the community. See Matthew's Gospel, pp. 106-8.
26
Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 104-6 argues that by couching the church's
authority in the language of binding and loosing, Matthew is claiming the very
authority for his community which the Pharisees were claiming at the time.
27
See especially White, 'Grid and Group in Matthew's Community', passim;
toward God, toward one another and toward those outside the
community. Since much of this code runs contrary to the way of
life adopted by Matthew's Jewish opponents (i.e. 5:20; 6:1-18), the
sermon both determines the boundaries between the ekklesia and
the parent body and legitimates its own outlook over against the
majority group. Tied up with this theme are the distinctive religious
practices of the Matthean community which again stand in opposi-
tion to the practices of its opponents. As we might expect, these too
are traced back to Jesus himself and are thereby given legitimacy.
Jesus had given his ekklesia its own form of prayer (6:9-13) which,
unlike the prayers of the 'hypocrites', is to be said in private and
not in the open for all to hear (6:5-6). More importantly, Jesus had
provided his church with a particular interpretation of the Torah.
For Matthew, Jesus came to fulfil the law and not to abolish it
(5:17). As we noted in chapter 5, the law was to remain functional
until the passing of heaven and earth at the end of the age (5:18),
but until that time it was to be followed according to the particular
exegesis of Jesus (5:21-48) whose guiding principle was love of God
and neighbour (22:34-40; cf. 7:12). Matthew strongly makes the
point that this messianic interpretation contrasts sharply with the
exegesis of his pharisaic opponents who followed the tradition of
the elders.
This theme is given full attention in the so-called conflict stories,
especially those which deal with the law, the tradition of the elders
and the interpretation of scripture (12:1-8, 9-14; 15:1-20; 19:3-9;
22:34-40, 41-6). While the first four of these conflict stories were
found in Mark (Mark 3:23-8; 3:1-6; 7:1-23; 10:2-12), Matthew has
introduced both the Pharisees and the element of conflict into the
last two (cf. also 12:39-42). His redaction at these points tells us
about his social setting of conflict and the identity of his opponents.
Moreover, where Mark sets the conflict within the context of
keeping the law - the Pharisees abide by the law while Jesus does
not - Matthew carefully edits his source and makes clear that the
issue is not whether the Torah is valid but how it is to be correctly
interpreted.28 There is little doubt that we see here a current
halakhic dispute between the pharisaic understanding of the law
Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 94-101. Cf. the words of Meeks, 'Breaking
Away', p. I l l : 'The Sermon on the Mount reads like the ethic of a Jewish sect.'
28
Full discussion of the conflict stories and Matthew's reinterpretation of the
Marcan tradition cannot be undertaken here. More detailed studies of Matthew's
redaction and his purpose of defending his own interpretation of the law against
pharisaic opponents can be found in Hummel, Auseinandersetzung, pp. 26-56;
and the scriptures and the alternative exegesis of Matthew's com-

munity which it traced back to Jesus himself. Each of the opposing
institutions therefore has its own authoritative tradition in terms of
law observance. It seems fairly clear in view of its prominence in the
gospel that the issue of the Torah and its correct interpretation was
one of the contributing factors to the eventual separation of the
Matthean community from the Jewish parent body.
The immediate circumstances leading to the split are not easy to
determine. There is no evidence at all that those in the Matthean
community were officially excluded from the synagogue service.29 It
is more probable that the former departed from the latter after a
prolonged period of dispute. This conflict with the Pharisees might
have begun prior to the Jewish war, since it is possible that some
Pharisees would have been members of the Antiochene synago-
gue^), but it is highly likely that it was greatly exacerbated in the
years just prior to the composition of the gospel, the period
following the Jewish war. Such a rapid escalation of the conflict can
be explained in the light of the substantial migration from Palestine
to neighbouring areas in the aftermath of the disastrous war
against Rome. After the war the economic conditions of Palestine
were extremely difficult and many Jews emigrated to Syria in
general and to the capital Antioch in particular in the hope of a
better life. It is quite probable that certain Pharisees and their
supporters were involved in this migration and that they became
Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 78-86; Hultgren, Jesus and His Adversaries,
pp. 184-90 and Segal, 'Matthew's Jewish Voice', pp. 6-8.
29
It is sometimes argued that the implementation of the Birkath ha-Minim, the
'blessing of the heretics' which comprised the twelfth of the eighteen benedictions
(Shemoneh Esreh) in the synagogue service, was the direct cause of the break. For
an earlier statement of this view, see Kilpatrick, Origins, pp. 109-11. The recent
study by Segal also argues for the influence of the Birkath ha-Minim on the
separation of Matthew's community from the synagogue, although he concedes
that it might not have been the sole reason for the break. See his 'Matthew's
Jewish Voice', pp. 33-4. This explanation, however, has been justly criticised. On
the one hand, there are concrete problems in determining precisely when the
Birkath ha-Minim was inserted into the series of benedictions and how it was
implemented from region to region. On the other hand, it must be emphasised
that the Birkath ha-Minim constitutes a sufficient but hardly a necessary cause
for the separation of Matthew's church from the Jewish synagogue. Jewish
Christians had engaged in conflict with non-Christian Jews from the earliest days
of the Christian church, and doubtless many of the former group had left or had
been forced to leave the synagogue because of this. The introduction of the
twelfth benediction, whenever this was, thus probably formalised and standar-
dised a process of painful separation which had a long prior history. For full
discussion of this question, see Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 50-6; Stanton,
Gospel for a New People, pp. 142-5 and Hagner, lSitz im Lebert, pp. 251-4.
influential in the Jewish communities at Antioch.30 These new

arrivals and the Matthean Christians inevitably would have clashed
over the messianic status of Jesus and the proper interpretation of
the Torah, and this situation of worsening relations presumably led
to the split.
1.2 Relations between the ekklesia and the Jewish world

The above discussion has so far proposed the view that the
Matthean community had broken away from the synagogue and
was now a well-defined sect which was in conflict with the parent
body, pharisaic-led formative Judaism. But this does not provide
the whole picture in terms of Matthew's relationship with the
Jewish world. We must consider this situation of separation and
resultant hostility in more concrete terms. Although the Matthean
community had separated from the local synagogue, it is clear that
not all links were severed with those who belonged to that institu-
tion. In all probability they could not be severed absolutely, since
separation from the synagogue service did not necessarily entail
geographical separation from the Jewish world. Many members of
Matthew's church must have belonged to the 'Jewish quarter' of
Antioch and remained there after the break.31 Under these circum-
stances they would doubtless have come into contact, either
through business or in the street or market-place, with the scribes
and Pharisees themselves as well as those Jews over whom they
exercised some influence. The fact that Matthew refers to the
practices of the Pharisees in the streets in 6:2, 5 (cf. also 6:16) and in
the market-place (23:7) strongly supports this statement. It ought
to be borne in mind as well that in ancient Graeco-Roman cities
living conditions were generally so cramped that people spent much
of their waking time in public places rather than in their houses.32
The members of the Matthean community could therefore hardly
30
See Davies, Sermon, p p . 295-6. I n order t o explain Matthew's contact with
Pharisaism, some scholars place M a t t h e w in Palestine where formative Judaism
was m o s t prominent. So, most recently, Overman, Matthew's Gospel, p p . 158-9.
But given t h e clear lines of communication between Palestine a n d Syria which
always existed a n d t h e fact of the post-war migration, the Antiochene hypothesis
is still a viable one.
31
According t o H a r e , Jewish Persecution, p p . 147-8 n. 4, the Jewish Christians in
M a t t h e w ' s church h a d left t h e Jewish quarter a n d n o w lived with their gentile
friends. This is rather unlikely in view of M a t t h e w ' s view of the wider gentile
world which we shall discuss shortly.
32
See Stark, 'Antioch as the Social Situation for Matthew's Gospel', pp. 192-3.
have avoided their opponents. In view of this, the original conflicts

within the synagogue which led to the break would have been
renewed afresh in an unofficial public context.
We would err, however, in thinking that this conflict was
confined merely to 'academic' matters. This might have been the
case while the Matthean Christians were still part of the synagogue
and were treated as 'insiders', but it almost certainly would have
changed after the split when they became 'outsiders'. There is good
evidence in the gospel that at least some members of the Matthean
community were the victims of local Jewish persecution. That such
persecution was taking place is best evidenced in Matthew
5:10-1233 which reads,
Blessed are those who are persecuted for righteousness'
sake, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are you
when men revile you and persecute you and utter all kinds
of evil against you falsely on my account. Rejoice and be
glad, for your reward is great in heaven, for so men
persecuted the prophets who were before you.
As most scholars recognise, verse 10 is a Matthean creation
designed to introduce the two later verses which stem from Q (//
Luke 6:22-3). This Matthean creation allows us to suppose not
only that his community included 'those who are persecuted', but
that the following verses reflect their situation. The Lucan parallel
to these verses is only slightly different from its Matthean counter-
part and probably stands closer to the original text of Q. In any
event Matthew has clearly inserted the word 'persecute' (SICDKGO) in
verses 11-12 which agrees with the presence of the word in verse 10
(cf. 5:44). Matthew's adoption of this material provides a glimpse
of his community's concrete social setting.
The first thing which needs to be said is that he has taken over
the Q motif that the ones responsible for the persecution are Jews;
33
According to Hare's detailed study of the persecution theme in Matthew, all
references to persecution in the gospel, including this text, apply to the mission-
aries of the evangelist's church. See Jewish Persecution, p. 125. Since he assumes
that the evangelist's group no longer lived in the Jewish quarter (see note 31
above), Hare excludes the possibility that Matthew 5:10-12 could have referred
to the local persecution of rank and file members. In view of this, he reads these
verses through the eyes of 23:29-39 and 10:16-33, the two texts which do refer to
the mistreatment of missionaries. But the very fact that this pericope appears in
the sermon on the mount, which is addressed to all members of Matthew's
community, means that it has a general application rather than a limited term of
reference.
the ones who persecuted the prophets (the Jews) are also to blame
for the present suffering. Matthew refers to two specific types of
mistreatment, reviling and speaking evil. With regard to the first,
oveiSi^CQ means insulting and abusive language or behaviour aimed
at the object of abuse, and we are justified in presuming that some
community members had been the recipients of such treatment.
The second type of mistreatment refers to slander of a general
nature. This slander might have included personal and direct insults
and perhaps rumour-mongering as well. One possible instance of
the latter might be reflected in Matthew 28:11-15 which states that
certain Jews of the evangelist's time were accounting for the empty
tomb of Jesus by blaming the disciples for the theft of the body. It
is probable that this was not the only rumour which the Matthean
church found itself trying to disprove. 34 Less easy to determine is
what Matthew meant by the general notion of persecution. Ac-
cording to D. R. A. Hare, 5KQKCG in 5:11 is best translated as
'violently oppose' which could include physical blows, the throwing
of missiles and the use of dire threats. 35 Hare's translation is
conditioned to some extent by his assumption that all references to
persecution in Matthew apply to the missionaries of the Matthean
community and not to the rank and file members (see note 33). But
he is probably correct that the evangelist wishes to emphasise here
the element of physical mistreatment which contrasts with the two
forms of non-physical abuse also mentioned. If this is right, then
we may conclude that in addition to insults and slander the
Matthean community also had to contend with minor cases of
physical assault (cf. 5:39).
The picture drawn by Matthew 5:10-12 is much as we would
expect of a minority group which had broken away from the parent
body, but which through design or accident maintained unofficial
contact with the larger group. Insults, vindictive words, slander and
even physical abuse are often the lot of those who choose to be
different from the majority. This persecution of the Matthean
community, however, should not be exaggerated. The fact that only
a few passages allude to it is evidence enough that any persecution
was sporadic and was perhaps initiated by only a few members of
34
F u r t h e r potential r u m o u r s t o which the evangelist responded might include the
charge that Jesus w a s illegitimate which he addresses in 1:18-25 (so Saldarini,
' M a t t h e w a n d Jewish-Christian Conflict', p . 38 n. 1), a n d the r u m o u r that Jesus
was in league with Satan t o which he responds in 9:34; 10:25; 12:24, 27. O n t h e
second charge, see Stanton, Gospel for a New People, p p . 173-8.
35
Hare, Jewish Persecution, p. 119.
the opposing group. None the less, and this is the important point,
any situation of persecution and hostility can escalate very quickly
and it is reasonable to assume that the Matthean church as a whole
lived with some trepidation on account of this ever-present possibi-
lity. This unease would have served to reinforce and perhaps even
exaggerate the sense of alienation which occurred after the official
break.
1.3 Matthean missionaries and the Jewish world

Matthew's major statements concerning Jewish persecution do not
apply to the rank and file members of his community; they refer
instead to the persecution of the group's missionaries. According to
Hare's comprehensive study of this subject, such persecution by
Jews of Matthean missionaries belongs only to the past. He arrives
at this conclusion on account of his acceptance of the view that in
Matthew the Jewish mission is over and the gospel is directed now
only to the gentiles.36 Yet, as argued in chapter 7, this hypothesis is
quite implausible and it is far more likely that the evangelist
enjoined the mission to the Jews up to the time of the parousia. In
the light of this, the persecution of missionaries to which Matthew
alludes encompasses both the past and the future.
The past persecution of the missionaries of Matthew's church is
clearly related in the allegory of the wedding feast in Matthew
22:1-10 (cf. Luke 14:15-24). In verse 6 the evangelist relates that
some of the messengers who delivered the invitation to the feast
were mistreated and killed by those to whom they were sent. In
response to this act, the king who holds the feast sends his troops to
destroy the city of the murderers (verse 7). The latter event is an
obvious reference to the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans.
Since this punishment is an immediate response to the murder of
the envoys, there is no doubt that Matthew has in mind here
Christian missionaries and not the Old Testament prophets. This
text thus reveals the evangelist's view that certain missionaries had
met their deaths at the hands of the Jews. The gravity of this crime
for Matthew can be seen in his conviction that the destruction of
Jerusalem and the temple was God's punishment for it. The
expected persecution of Matthean missionaries in the future is
highlighted in the mission discourse of chapter 10. It will be recalled
36
Hare, Jewish Persecution, pp. 104-5, 146-62.
from the discussion in chapter 7 that this material probably enjoins

a final mission to the Jews in Palestine before the arrival of the Son
of Man, and there is no doubt that the evangelist expected these
messengers to be persecuted by the Jews. The redactional verse 17
relates that they will be dragged before councils and flogged in their
synagogues, while verse 23 contains the advice that they should flee
from town to town to avoid such persecution. A number of later
texts suggest that this mission in the last, desperate stage of the
present era might also lead to death (10:29, 39).
A further relevant passage in this regard is 23:29-36 which
appears towards the end of the polemical discourse against the
scribes and Pharisees. Most of this material derives from Q (cf.
Luke 11:47-51), but Matthew has extensively redacted it and
appended verses 32-3 in the process. In verses 29-32 the evan-
gelist makes the point that even though the scribes and Pharisees
build and adorn the tombs and monuments of the prophets, and
profess that they themselves would not have persecuted them,
they are in reality no better than the past generations which did
mistreat them. This point is explained in verse 34. In the Lucan
version of this verse Jesus cites the Wisdom of God who says she
will send prophets and apostles, some of whom will be killed and
persecuted; with the possible exception of the reference to the
apostles, it is generally accepted that Luke's text reflects the Q
tradition. 37 Matthew substantially edits this verse. First, he omits
the reference to the Wisdom of God and substitutes in its place
the personal pronoun T , thus making Jesus the speaker. More-
over, he expands the list of those whom Jesus sends to include
wise men and scribes in addition to prophets. Matthew also
extends the list of crimes committed against these emissaries by
the scribes and Pharisees. Some will be killed and crucified, while
others will be scourged in the synagogue and persecuted from
town to town.
This is a notoriously difficult passage to interpret, since it is not
clear whether the evangelist is referring to past events, future events
or even current events. The reference to crucifixion constitutes the
chief difficulty. There is no evidence at all that Jews ever crucified
Christians and this makes it difficult to perceive this passage, as
Hare does, in terms of a past event from the perspective of the
evangelist. Hare is well aware of this and opts to assign the
37
See Schulz, Q, pp. 336-7; Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p. 298 and Gundry,
Matthew, pp. 469-70.
crucifixion reference to the hand of a later glossator. 38 While such

an explanation is not impossible, it does set a dangerous precedent
whereby all uncomfortable sections of the gospel can be omitted
from the discussion. A far better explanation of this material is to
take it as a future reference which stands in agreement with the
mission discourse of chapter 10. In support of this interpretation is
the fact that all four crimes of 23:34 are mentioned in this particular
chapter. The references to scourging and pursuit from town to
town are found in 10:17, 23, while the statement about killing
(dTcoKieivco) finds a parallel in those who kill the body (xcov
(X7iOKT8vv6vxcov TO <TG)|ja) in 10:28. The crucifixion theme is likewise
attested in the tradition relating to cross-bearing (10:38). In the
light of these correspondences, 23:34 is best viewed as a comment
on the mission discourse. The missionary activity described in both
texts refers to the future and final mission to the Jews, an enterprise
which Matthew believed would result in some missionaries fol-
lowing in the footsteps of Jesus and meeting their deaths by
crucifixion.
The polemic reaches its climax in verses 35-6 where Matthew
blurs the distinction between the past murderers of the prophets and
their current descendants, the scribes and Pharisees, which he had
established in verses 29-32. His current opponents are now charged
with the crimes of their fathers. In verse 35 he adds 'whom you
murdered' to the text of Q and so incriminates directly the scribes
and Pharisees in the murder of Jeremiah, son of Barachiah. 39 All the
righteous blood from the murder of Abel to that of Jeremiah will
come upon these Matthean opponents. It is quite clear that
Matthew here has left the arena of reasoned debate and entered the
realm of abusive polemic. We may infer from this that Matthew's
relations with the leaders of the parent body had sunk to such a
point that abuse and polemic rather than sensible argumentation
were adopted as the best weapons in the dispute. He therefore
accuses the scribes and Pharisees of all violence done to the
messengers of God in the past. While such an accusation is
manifestly absurd and very unfortunate, we should not judge the
evangelist too harshly for making it. Underlying these sorts of
statements was a genuine fear for the forthcoming or present
mission to the Jews of Palestine, a fear which was based upon past
38
Hare, Jewish Persecution, pp. 8 9 - 9 1 .
39
So most scholars; Hare, Jewish Persecution, pp. 93-4; Shulz, Q, p. 338; Gnilka,
Matthausevangelium, II, p. 298 and Gundry, Matthew, p. 471.
and current hostilities. It would not have been lost on Matthew

that the scribes and Pharisees were in the process of securing a
stronghold in Palestine and this would have given the evangelist
reason enough to expect the worst.
1.4 Summary
We may now summarise our discussion of the relations between the
Matthean community and the wider Jewish world. Matthew's
community is best seen as a self-conscious sect within a very fluid
post-war formative Judaism. It had recently split from the syna-
gogue after a period of bitter dispute and was in the process of
defining and legitimating its sectarian nature vis-a-vis the parent
body. This process of definition and legitimation was taking place
in the context of harsh polemical relations with the scribes and
Pharisees who were the leaders of the greater Jewish body.
Although no longer within the synagogue, the members of Mat-
thew's church maintained unofficial contact with their Jewish
opponents and were probably subjected to minor bouts of persecu-
tion as a result. This persecution and the genuine fear of its
escalation would have served only to increase the growing sense of
alienation within the community. Such a fear is reflected in
Matthew's pessimistic predictions concerning the future mission to
the Jews of Palestine.
2. The Matthean community and the gentile world 40
2.1 The gentiles in Matthew's narrative

The question of Matthew's relationship with the gentile world is
also a very important one in terms of identifying the social setting
of the Matthean community. For many scholars the issue is rather
clear cut. Matthew's 'anti-Jewish' stance is completely counter-
balanced by a wholly positive attitude to the gentiles, and there is
no doubt that the gentiles receive some good press in his gospel as
the following texts make clear. In the opening chapters, a number
of gentile women are mentioned in Jesus' genealogy and the gentile
magi travel to Bethlehem to find the infant Jesus and worship him.
With regard to Jesus' ministry, Matthew composes two of his
40
A far more detailed analysis of this subject can be found in Sim, 'Matthew and
the Gentiles'.
formula quotations at 4:15-16 and 12:18-19 which state that Jesus

is the light to the gentiles and that in his name the gentiles will
hope. At Capernaum Jesus heals the servant of a centurion whose
great faith in Jesus surpasses that of anyone in Israel (8:5-13). Jesus
travels to the gentile regions of Gadara (8:28-34), and Tyre and
Sidon (15:21-39), and performs miracles there. In the latter region,
he heals a Canaanite woman and, as he did with the centurion,
commends her great faith (15:22-8). The concluding part of the
gospel also contains pro-gentile sentiments. Upon the death of
Jesus, the centurion and the other guards at the foot of the cross
confess him as the son of God (but see below), and at the very end
of the gospel the command of the risen Jesus to his disciples to
make disciples of all nations clearly includes the gentiles as well as
the Jews.
This very brief survey of the relevant texts clearly paints a
favourable picture of the gentiles. It is perhaps not surprising that a
good many influential Matthean specialists have argued that the
evangelist was in fact himself a gentile who, with the failure of the
Jewish mission, now focused attention solely on the gentile world
which had responded favourably to the Christian message. While
both these conclusions exceed the evidence, it might reasonably be
argued that the Jewish Matthew did look rather favourably upon
the wider gentile world. We might assume that Matthew, having
cut all ties with the institutionalised Jewish world and experiencing
great hardship in the process, would now look to the gentile
peoples, those who were responding appropriately to the gospel, as
considerably more friendly and open to contact. As reasonable as
this scenario appears on the surface, there is good evidence in the
gospel that this was not the reality of the situation. The first thing
which needs to be said is that, contrary to the view of many
scholars, not all gentiles in the gospel narrative are depicted
favourably. A glance at a number of passages confirms this point.
After performing the successful exorcism in Gadara, Jesus is
asked by the gentile inhabitants to leave the area; since this
amounts to a rejection of Jesus and the gospel, the Gadarenes are
hardly portrayed in a positive light. More importantly, in the
passion narrative it is the gentile Pilate who, along with the Jewish
leaders and despite his handwashing, bears no small responsibility
for the crucifixion of Jesus.41 Further, the Roman soldiers in charge
41
See the recent discussion of Cargal, 'His Blood be Upon Us and Upon our
Children', pp. 107-8.
of Jesus' execution are hardly depicted in a favourable light

(27:27-37). They place a crown of thorns on Jesus' head and dress
him in a mock royal robe. They jeer at him, spit on him, beat him
and, after crucifying him, cast lots for his garments. Since Matthew
explicitly identifies these soldiers with the ones who declare that
Jesus is the Son of God in 27:54 (cf. 27:36 and 27:54), it is not so
certain that their later statement is intended to be taken in a
positive sense. The fact that they make their confession solely out
of fear in the face of the terrifying apocalyptic events which
Matthew inserts into the Marcan account (27:51b-3), is a pointer in
this direction. I have argued in detail elsewhere that the common
understanding of these soldiers and their 'confession' in the context
of the Matthean narrative is mistaken, and that rather than
depicting these torturers and murderers as models of gentile faith,
Matthew uses this episode to prefigure the judgement where the
terrified wicked will learn Jesus' true identity as they stand before
his throne of glory and realise the nature of their eternal fate (cf.
Matthew 25:31-46).42 On this understanding of the pericope, the
soldiers are not examples of good and faithful gentiles; rather, as
the torturers and murderers of the messiah, they are gentiles of the
worst type.
We see then that Matthew's narrative is not wholly favourable
to gentiles. The Gadarenes, Pontius Pilate and the Roman
executioners of Jesus serve as examples of wicked gentiles who
are contrasted with the good gentiles such as the centurion of
Capernaum. This introduces an important point which is all too
often forgotten. Precisely the same contrast between good and
evil figures appears in Matthew's portrayal of his Jewish char-
acters. Just as there are wicked Jews in Matthew's narrative, the
scribes and Pharisees for example, so too are there good Jews
who stand in contrast to the wicked. Examples of this type are
the parents of Jesus, John the Baptist and the disciples of Jesus,
not to mention Jesus himself! Therefore the proposition that
Matthew intends to stereotype all Jewish figures as wicked and
all gentile characters as positive does not hold up to scrutiny on
either count.43 It is based upon a very selective reading of the
evidence and ignores the point that each group has a mixture of
good and bad. The gentile world in Matthew's gospel is thus not
42
Sim, 'Confession of the Soldiers', pp. 401-24.
43
So t o o Levine, Salvation History, pp. 274-5 a n d Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, I,
pp. 23-4.
as open and friendly as is commonly thought. Just as Matthew

specifies that Jesus was rejected and murdered by the Jews, so
too does he specify that the gentiles were not innocent of either
crime. Having made this important point, we may now move on
to an even more significant category of evidence concerning the
evangelist's attitude toward the gentile world.
2.2 Anti-gentile statements in Matthew

A number of Matthean pericopae unambiguously betray an
anti-gentile perspective. In many scholarly discussions these
particular texts either are explained away as Matthew's conser-
vative retention of traditional material or are conveniently
forgotten altogether. Neither approach is fair to the evangelist.
Since these texts appear in his gospel and were not omitted by
him, they must be given due consideration. When they are taken
into account, they shed considerable light on the social setting
of the evangelist and his church. Four passages, two of which
derive from Q (5:46-7//Luke 6:32-3; 6:31-2//Luke 12:29-30),
and two of which are unique to Matthew (6:7-8; 18:15-17),
belong together and will be considered first.
Matthew 5:46-7 appears in the section of the sermon on the
mount which deals with love of enemies and is the least critical of
the gentiles. It reads, 'For if you love those who love you, what
reward have you? Do not even the tax-collectors do the same? And
if you salute only your brethren, what more are you doing than
others? Do not even the gentiles (oi 0VIKOI) do the same?' The
Lucan version says much the same thing, except that for 'tax-
collectors and 'gentiles' Luke twice uses 'sinners' (&|aapTG)A,oi).
Since d|iapTCoA,oi is a favourite Lucan word, it is generally agreed
that at these points the Lucan version is secondary, and that
Matthew has followed Q in using 'tax-collectors' and 'gentiles'. 44
Implementing our policy of taking seriously the text of the gospel
as it stands, it matters little whether Matthew has copied from Q
here or inserted it into his source. The important point is that these
verses contain an unfavourable reference to gentiles, albeit a com-
paratively mild one. This tradition specifies that the readers of the
gospel must do much more than the two groups in question, tax-
collectors and gentiles. While neither group is criticised or attacked
44
So Schulz, Q, p. 129; Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, I, p. 189; Davies and Allison,
Matthew, I, p. 559 and Luz, Matthdus, I, p. 312, contra Gundry, Matthew, p. 99.
openly, they are so implicitly in view of the inherent contrast.45 The

second Q passage is Matthew 6:31-2 which is presented in similar
wording in Luke 12:29-30. The Matthean version reads, Therefore,
do not be anxious saying, "What shall we eat?" or "What shall we
drink?" or "What shall we wear?". For the gentiles (id e8vr|) seek all
these things, and your heavenly father knows you need them all.' In
this case Luke also writes 'gentiles', so it is clear that the word stood
in Q. It appears then that once again Matthew has taken from his
tradition without change a text which views the gentiles in an
unfavourable light; they are misguided at best and ignorant at worst
because they concern themselves with mundane matters. As with
5:46-7, Matthew urges his readers not to model themselves on
gentile practice.
The third relevant text, again featuring in the sermon on the
mount, is Matthew 6:7-8 which acts as an introduction to the
Lord's Prayer, and reads as follows, 'And in praying, do not heap
up empty phrases as the gentiles (oi 80VIKOI) do; for they think that
they will be heard for their many words. Do not be like them, for
your heavenly father knows what you need before you ask him.'
This is a stronger criticism of the gentiles than is found in either of
the two Q passages examined above. The origin of this material is
uncertain, but it most probably stems from a special source.46 None
the less, the significant point is that we find the gentile world
criticised, this time for its religious practice. Gentile prayers are
denounced by the evangelist for their length and empty content.
The readers are again instructed not to emulate this aspect of
gentile life. It is significant that this anti-gentile material follows a
tradition which criticises hypocritical (on Matthew's terms) Jewish
prayer (6:5-6). This arrangement is quite deliberate and shows that
Matthew wished to compare the Christian Lord's Prayer with
hypocritical Jewish prayer and with wordy gentile prayer and, of
course, affirm its superiority over both.
The final text for consideration, 18:15-17, appears in the chapter
treating church regulations and is the most important of all. This
pericope specifies the procedure to be adopted when one member
has a grievance with another member. At first the wronged
45
This point is acknowledged by Gnilka, Matthdusevangelium, I, p . 194; Davies
and Allison, Matthew, I, p . 559; Luz, Matthdus, I, p . 312 a n d Guelich, Sermon,
pp. 2 3 2 - 3 .
46
A special source is postulated by Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, p . 587 and Luz,
Matthdus, I, p . 330, while M a t t h e a n composition is affirmed by Guelich, Sermon,
p. 319 and G u n d r y , Matthew, p . 104.
individual is to discuss the issue with the offender alone. If this

fails, he or she is to try again but this time in the presence of two or
three witnesses (cf. Deut. 19:15). Failing even this, the matter is to
be brought to the attention of the ekklesia and if the wrongdoer
does not listen to the church, he or she is to be treated as a tax-
collector and a gentile. Since the point at issue is that the sinner is
to be expelled from the community (see note 23) and therefore
shunned and ignored, we may infer from this that the Matthean
community largely avoided contact with the gentile world. Despite
attempts to lessen the pejorative tone of this pericope, there is no
other way to understand it. 47
These four texts are very significant. The first three fall within the
Matthean community's code of practice, the sermon on the mount,
which serves to establish the boundaries around the group. Just as
this code urges the readers not to emulate the practice of their
Jewish opponents, so too does it advise that the irreligious practices
of the gentile world are to be avoided. The Matthean ekklesia is
therefore consciously distinct from both the larger Jewish world
and the wider gentile society. The final text from chapter 18
specifies just how tightly drawn the boundaries are in terms of the
gentile world. One should exclude and avoid an unrepentant
community member in the same manner as one would a gentile.
Apart from these four texts which explicitly criticise the gentiles,
there are other indications in the gospel of Matthew of the relation-
ship between the evangelist's church and the gentile world. In both
the mission discourse and the apocalyptic discourse, there are
references to malevolent gentile treatment of Christians. Matthew
24:9b specifies that at the time of the eschatological woes, the
Matthean church will be hated by all nations (diff. Mark 'by all').
Since this verse appears in the section of Matthew's timetable
which had already been fulfilled, we may infer that this perception
of hatred was the present experience of the evangelist at the time he
wrote. The first half of this verse (24:9a) speaks of Christian
martyrdom and, while the evangelist probably had in mind some
murder of Christians by Jews, it is almost certain in view of what
follows immediately after that he is referring to gentile acts of
murder as well. We shall return to this point shortly. Matthew also
expects gentile persecution of the missionaries to Israel. After
relating the expected persecution of the missionaries by the Jews in
47
So correctly Stanton, 'Matthew and Judaism', p. 277.
10:17, Matthew then turns to gentile persecution. Matt 10:18 refers

to the missionaries being dragged before governors and kings to
bear testimony before them and the gentiles. This verse bespeaks
not only persecution at an official level by gentile officials,48 but
also that they act with the assent of the whole gentile world. Since
Matthew has added icai xoxq eOvecnv in this verse (cf. Mark 13:9),
he indicates the affinity between these administrators and the
gentile world they represent. This is reinforced in verse 22 in which
Matthew, following Mark 13:13, states that the missionaries will be
hated by all on account of their allegiance to Jesus. It is presumably
these gentile officials who, at the instigation of the Jews, will be
responsible for the crucifixion of certain missionaries in the final
mission to Israel (10:38; 23:34). This gentile persecution of the
missionaries in Palestine ties in with our exegesis of 24:28 which
was argued in chapter 4. In the very final days before the end, the
Romans will align themselves with the antichrist and increase the
suffering of 'those in Judea', the missionary elements of the
Matthean community.
The mission discourse and the apocalyptic discourse, therefore,
together indicate that Matthew's view of the gentile world was not
as positive as some scholars think. His community had suffered at
the hands of the gentiles and was expecting to suffer even more as
the eschatological timetable progressed according to divine plan.
At the time the gospel was composed, this community perceived
itself to be universally hated by the gentile nations. These two
discourses thus reinforce the attitude inherent in the texts which
were examined earlier. The gentile world is not just a godless place;
it is a very dangerous place and for this reason contact with gentiles
should be kept to a minimum.
2.3 An explanation of Matthew's anti-gentile attitude

Can we probe more deeply and attempt to explain Matthew's
position on the question of the gentile world? Certainly a partial
answer is provided by the evangelist's Jewish heritage. He betrays a
suspicion of and contempt for the irreligious 'pagan' world which
were current in some Jewish circles. But surely there is more to it
than this. The answer, I would suggest, lies in Matthew's references
to gentile persecution of his community. In this respect, Matthew
48
For comprehensive discussion of the question whether this material refers to
gentile persecution, see Hare, Jewish Persecution, pp. 106-8.
24:9 is of the greatest significance. Here the evangelist speaks of a

past persecution of his community which was so serious that some
of his fellow church members met with death while those who lived
through it perceived that they were universally hated by all the
nations. Can we identify with more precision this gentile persecu-
tion of the Matthean community? It might be argued that the
evangelist had in mind the Neronian persecution, but this can be
ruled out on the grounds of both date and location. Nero's
persecution occurred in the early sixties, some fifteen or so years
before the composition of the gospel. More importantly, it was
basically confined to Rome and did not, so far as we know, affect
the Christians of Syria where Matthew was written. A far better
explanation which is consistent with both the date and location of
the gospel is that Matthew is referring to gentile persecution of his
community both during and following the Jewish war.
This subject is best introduced by recounting the gentile persecu-
tion of the Jews which occurred in this period. These events are well
known and can be summarised here quickly.49 At the time of the
first Jewish uprising against Rome, the Jews of the eastern regions
of the Roman empire, including the Jews of Syria, were persecuted
and massacred by their gentile neighbours. The purported location
of Matthew and his church, Antioch on the Orontes, was initially
spared this ordeal, but after a Jewish apostate spread rumours that
the Jews were planning to burn the city, they were then persecuted
mercilessly and many were killed. This gentile violence against the
Jews of Antioch was renewed at the end of the Jewish war when
they were again accused by the same apostate of lighting certain
fires which destroyed parts of the city. Although their innocence
was confirmed by an enquiry of the Roman governor, relations
between the Jews and the gentiles in Antioch remained extremely
strained. This is amply demonstrated by the fact that when the
triumphant Titus passed through Antioch a little later, he was twice
approached by the gentile population to expel the Jews from the
city, a request which he refused. A further request to strip the Jews
of their privileges was also rejected by Titus. Although we have no
direct information about the relations between the two groups in
the period following these events, it can be safely assumed that they
remained uneasy at best and hostile at worst. Many of the gentiles
of Antioch would still have resented their Jewish citizens and
49
See the discussion of Meeks and Wilken, Jews and Christians in Antioch, pp. 4-5
and the relevant ancient sources cited there.
wished their departure from the city, while the Jews no doubt lived
in great fear that any spark could ignite the anti-Jewish feeling
which the Jewish war had caused and lead to further outbreaks of
violence against them.
It may be safely assumed that the Matthean church did not escape
this violence. If, as argued above, Matthew's community had only
very recently parted company with institutionalised Judaism, then
there is a good chance that the evangelist and many members of his
church were still attached to the synagogue when the persecutions
took place. But even if they had left the synagogue by this time, and
this possibility must not be excluded, it is still likely that they suffered
at the hands of the gentile persecutors. Since we are dealing with
mob violence, it is unlikely that a bloodthirsty mob, intent on
harming all Jews, would have known or cared about the finer details
of the theological dispute between traditional synagogue Jews and
their Jewish Christian opponents. We also need to remember that
the members of Matthew's community, despite their departure from
the synagogue, still considered themselves as Jews and followed a
traditional Jewish lifestyle. Thus, no matter when we date the
departure of the Matthean community from the larger Jewish world,
the probability is that these Jewish Christians suffered the same fate
as other Jews in the terrifying pogroms during and after the Jewish
war against Rome, and it is to these events that Matthew 24:9a
refers. The rift between the evangelist's church and the parent body
which had occurred in the meantime would not have affected either
group's attitude toward the gentile world. Though in conflict with
one another, each of them would have viewed their gentile neigh-
bours with extreme bitterness and fear.
In some respects the Matthean community might have been even
more fearful of the gentile world than were the 'mainstream' Jews.
After the split with the parent body, Matthew and his readers could
place no real faith in the gentile (Roman) authorities, despite the
protective actions of the Roman governor in stopping the earlier
violence against the Jews. The reason for this is that the members
of the Matthean community were not merely Jews; they were
Christians as well. While their Jewish status made them prone to
gentile mob violence, their Christian status made their position
precarious vis-a-vis the Roman empire. It was, as Matthew well
knew, the Roman governor who put Jesus to death on the cross, no
matter how much Jewish participation he suspected in this matter.
Moreover, the official persecution of the Christians by Nero was
proof enough that the Roman authorities were not above persecu-
tions of their own. We also need to remember that the mission
discourse indicates that the missionaries of this church expected to
be mistreated by gentile officials.
When we look at matters in this way, it is clear that Matthew and
his church had good reason to be fearful of the gentile world. Not
only could they be attacked by gentile mobs for being Jews, but
they could be persecuted by the gentile authorities for being
Christians as well. In the light of its extremely precarious and
vulnerable position, it is quite understandable that it was critical of
the surrounding gentile society and adopted a policy of avoiding
and shunning it. Also comprehensible is that this minority Jewish
group perceived itself to be hated by all the nations (24:9b). In
recent years it had come into conflict with both the gentile world
and the larger Jewish world.
These points are all but forgotten in scholarly discussions of the
effects of the Jewish war on the Matthean community. All too
often the emphasis is placed on Jewish persecution of the church
when formative Judaism sought to establish solidarity and exclude
those groups which were perceived to threaten that unity. J. P.
Meier's discussion of the Matthean community at Antioch is a
good example of this tendency. While he acknowledges that the
Matthean community expected some official gentile persecution, he
does not refer at all to the gentile mob violence which the Jews of
Antioch suffered and how this might have affected the Jews in
Matthew's group. 50 Only by ignoring this can Meier claim that
since the (whole) church's mission to the Jews had been a failure
and the mission to the gentiles a relative success, ' . . . even con-
servative Jewish Christians at Antioch and elsewhere would find it
more and more difficult to put obstacles in the way of a full-scale
circumcision-free mission to the Gentiles. Increasingly, the Gentiles
appeared to be the church's main if not only future, especially after
the Jewish War.' 51 But this scenario completely overlooks the
historical fact of gentile persecution of Jews at this time and the
great probability that the Matthean community was caught up in
these events. For Meier's view to be credible, we must imagine that
50
Meier, 'Antioch', pp. 48-9.
51
Meier, 'Antioch', pp. 47-8. Other scholars who have argued that in the aftermath
of the Jewish war the Matthean community turned to the gentile world include
Brown, 'Gentile Mission', pp. 215-18 and LaVerdiere and Thompson 'New
Testament Communities in Transition', pp. 571-82.
the conservative Jewish Christians in Antioch miraculously escaped

the persecutions and that the gentile world held no fears for them.
This is a difficult proposition to believe. It is far more likely, as
Matthew 18:17 and other texts show, that the Jewish war, far from
bringing the Matthean community and the gentile world closer
together, actually drove a firm wedge between them.
2.4 The gentiles in the Matthean community

Having made the above points, however, it must be emphasised that
Matthew is not against all people of non-Jewish background. He
clearly enjoins the gentile mission which had been commanded by
the risen Lord (cf. 28:19), and he acknowledges that certain gentiles
can be viewed with approval. On these grounds alone, it is inherently
probable that some gentiles were part of the Matthean community.
But what makes these gentiles acceptable is the fact that they have to
all intents and purposes left the gentile world and become (Mat-
thean) Christians; by association with Matthew's community these
people in a real sense cease to be gentiles. In short, they are now
insiders rather than outsiders. Matthew's anti-gentile sentiments,
therefore, are directed at those who remain in the realm of the
gentiles, just as his anti-Jewish statements are directed at those who
reside in the world of formative Judaism. 52 It is these gentiles, true
gentiles from Matthew's perspective, who are to be treated with
suspicion and avoided. As to the number and status of the gentiles in
the Matthean community, the evidence is not absolutely clear. A
number of inferences, however, can be made on the basis of the
existing evidence. It is almost certain that Jews comprised the greater
part of the Matthean community and that gentile membership was
comparatively small. 53 The fact that this community perceived itself
as a sect within formative Judaism and was involved in thoroughly
Jewish issues is evidence enough of this. Moreover, the probability
that the Matthean community had only recently parted company
with the synagogue also points in this direction.
52
This point is rightly m a d e by Levine, Salvation History, p . 35. A similar view is
proposed by Meier, 'Antioch', p . 69 n. 157. Neither scholar, however, really
addresses the issue that the remainder of the gentile world is t o be avoided at all
costs, the very point of 18:17. They seem m o r e concerned t o prove that M a t t h e w
is n o t totally anti-gentile since he accepts gentiles into his community.
53
So most recent studies; Overman, Matthew's Gospel, p. 157; Przybylski, 'Mat-
thean Anti-Judaism', p. 192; Hagner, lSitz im Leben\ p. 255 and Saldarini,
'Matthew and Jewish-Christian Conflict', pp. 59-60.
On the much debated questions whether the male gentiles were

circumcised and whether all of them were expected to follow the
whole Torah, the evidence implies that they were on both counts.54
Matthew's clear statements that the whole law, which includes
circumcision for males as the mark of entry to the covenant
community, remains valid up to the time of the parousia (5:17-19)
must be given full force. We can hardly suppose that the gentiles in
Matthew's church were excluded from this command to keep the
Torah in its entirety.55 It is sometimes argued that since the
command to evangelise the world in 28:19 mentions baptism and
not circumcision as the mark of entry to the Matthean community,
the latter rite was not practised on gentile converts.56 But this
argument completely overlooks the focus of the Matthean mission
which was oriented primarily toward the Jews rather than the
gentiles (Matt. 10; 23:34-6),57 in which case the command to
circumcise would be rather superfluous. Under these circumstances
Matthew understandably preferred to focus on the rite which
inducted one into his deviant Jewish group. We must take into
account as well the great probability that in so far as the great
commission does advert to a gentile mission that circumcision as a
mark of entry was understood by both author and reader alike.
Had Matthew's community abandoned this most Jewish of prac-
tices we should expect some defence of this stance in the material
which treats the conflict with formative Judaism. It is also impor-
tant to remember that when the evangelist refers to pharisaic
proselytism in 23:15 he does not mention circumcision for the
obvious reason that it was taken for granted. Matthew 28:19
should therefore be read in the same way.
2.5 Summary
We are now in a position to draw some conclusions about the
relationship between the Matthean community and the gentile
world. It is very probable that Matthew's church had been caught
54
So correctly Overman, Matthew's Gospel, p . 157; Saldarini, ' M a t t h e w a n d
Jewish-Christian Conflict', p . 49 a n d White, 'Crisis M a n a g e m e n t a n d Boundary
Maintenance', p p . 241-2 n. 100.
55
This position, however, is adopted by Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, p p . 492-3.
56
So Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, I, p . 493; Meier, 'Antioch', p . 62; Hagner, lSitz
im Leben\ p . 258 a n d Segal, ' M a t t h e w ' s Jewish Voice', p . 22.
57
For full discussion of this point, see Sim, 'Matthew and the Gentiles', pp. 39-44
and literature cited there.
up in the pogroms against the Jews which the Jewish war had
triggered. The effect of this persecution was that this community
perceived itself to be universally hated by all the nations (24:9). For
this reason, the Matthean group was fearful of the gentile world
and adopted a policy of avoiding and shunning it. When we add
together the respective relationships which Matthew's community
enjoyed with the wider Jewish and gentile worlds, then the picture
becomes a very sorry one. Matthew's ekklesia appears completely
alienated from both worlds and related to each of them with
feelings of bitterness, hostility and fear.
3. The Matthean community and the wider Christian church

The relationship between the Matthean community and the wider
Christian church must also be considered if we are to understand
fully the social setting of Matthew's gospel. It might be thought
that the evangelist's group, whatever problems it had with the
Jewish and gentile spheres, would not have had any difficulties with
the wider Christian church; for all its Jewishness, it was after all a
Christian institution which could easily have turned to its fellow
Christian churches for support. As reasonable as this scenario
sounds, however, a fresh examination of Matthew's gospel within
its historical context demonstrates the inherent implausibility of
this suggestion. There is every reason to think that the Matthean
community was alienated from the broader Christian movement,
and that this in turn only exacerbated its sense of isolation and
despair. In what follows we need to bear in mind that Matthew's
church was a law-observant Jewish sectarian group which did not
enjoy good relations with the gentile world.
It is widely recognised that Matthew perceived the Christian
church as a whole to be a corpus mixtum. This is clearly stated in
the parable of the wedding feast where the mission of the messen-
gers ('all whom they found') gathers both good and bad to the
festivities (22:10). It is along these lines that one should view the
parables of the tares and the net and their respective redactional
interpretations (Matt. 13:24^30, 36-43, 47-50). In the material
dealing with the tares, Matthew emphasises that the Son of Man
has sown good seed in a field (the world), while the devil has sown
weeds amongst the seed. The two must grow together until the
judgement when the angels of the Son of Man will uproot the
evildoers out of his kingdom and cast them into the fire. While
some scholars have argued that Matthew intended 'the world' to be

taken literally, so that the contrast is between Christians and the
remainder of humanity, 58 this is not likely. Against the literal
interpretation is the fact that the angels of the Son of Man gather
the sinners out of his kingdom (verse 41). This reference to the
kingdom of the Son of Man (cf. 16:28; 20:21) seems more appro-
priate to the church than to the whole world. It is important to note
that Matthew has the whole Christian church in mind here and not
merely his own community. This is evident from the universal
nature of the word he chooses, 'the world'; had he intended to refer
only to his own community, we might expect him to have used
ekklesia. It is also suggested by the fact that the passage advises
letting the weeds grow amongst the wheat until the judgement.
Since Matthew's church practised exclusion of its own wicked
members (18:17), he cannot be speaking only of his own church. 59
He is plainly referring to the Christian movement in general where
his own community did not possess the authority or the means to
expel troublemakers. For Matthew, therefore, the Christian church
as a whole comprises both good and bad members. 60 Matthew
incorporates this distinction between Christians into his developed
dualistic scheme. The righteous have their origin in Jesus, while the
wicked work in the service of Satan.
Matthew provides us with a description of the ones in the
Christian church whom he considers to be the weeds. They are
described in 13:41 as those who cause sin and as doers of
lawlessness (xoix; 7roiouvTa<; xf]v avojiiav). Although Matthew
does not expand upon this in the present context, he had earlier
in his narrative referred to a specific group of such lawless
figures. In 7:15-23 the false prophets who signal the nearness of
the end are depicted as charismatics and workers of lawlessness
(oi 8pya^6|isvoi xf]v avojaiav) who are rejected by Jesus at the
eschatological judgement (cf. 13:41-2). These people are nomin-
ally Christians but appear not to be members of the Matthean
58
See, for example, G u n d r y , Matthew, p . 275 a n d Schweizer, Matthew, p . 311.
Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, II, p p . 408-9 adopt a similar position, but define
the contrast in terms of believing Christians a n d unbelieving Israel (p. 430).
59
So correctly Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, II, p . 409, although they draw the
wrong conclusion from it (see note 58 above).
60
Those supporting the view that M a t t h e w is speaking of good a n d b a d within the
Christian church include B o r n k a m m , 'End-Expectation', p . 44; Barth, ' M a t -
thew's Understanding of the L a w ' , p p . 59-60; Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II,
p. 502; Marguerat, Le Jugement, p . 440; Beare, Matthew, p . 312; France,
Matthew, p . 275 a n d Zumstein, La Condition, p . 382.
community. Two points speak in favour of their 'outsider' status.

First, Matthew never speaks of expelling these troublemakers (cf.
18:17) which suggests that the leaders of his own church had little
or no authority over them. The best he can do is direct his readers
to have nothing at all to do with them. Secondly, Matthew implies
that these figures have come into the Matthean community from
outside. He informs his readers that they should beware of these
false prophets 'who come to you in sheep's clothing' (7:15). This
suggests that these people are Christian outsiders who come into
the Matthean community and practise what the evangelist con-
siders to be false prophecy and lawlessness.
What does Matthew mean by lawlessness? Many scholars have
argued that the law-observant Matthew relates the term to the
keeping of the Torah and that he was in conflict with certain
antinomians who were active in his community. 61 For other
scholars, however, dvo|iia has little or nothing to do with dis-
obeying the commands of the Torah. Rather, as the other New
Testament occurrences of the word show (cf. Rom 4:7; 6:19; 2 Cor.
6:14; 2 Thess. 2:3, 7-8; Tit. 2:14; 1 John 3:4), it applies more
generally to wickedness or sinfulness which runs contrary to the
will of God. 62 Of these two views the first and more narrow one is
by far the more plausible. It was argued earlier that the Jewish
sectarian outlook of Matthew places heavy emphasis upon the
proper interpretation of the law and that Jesus' interpretation of it
forms one of the boundaries which marks off the evangelist's
ekklesia from the remainder of Judaism. Given the importance of
the law (vojioq) for Matthew, one can hardly believe that he
intended &vo|iia in any other way than as the opposite of Torah-
fulfilment according to the definitive exegesis of Jesus. 63 Certainly
we should not adopt the broader definition of the term merely on
61
See Barth, 'Matthew's Understanding of the Law', p p . 73-5, 159-64 a n d
H u m m e l , Auseinandersetzung, p p . 64-6. This position is generally followed by
Zumstein, La Condition, p p . 171-200 (but see further note 63 below). Cf. the
blunt comment of Segal, 'Matthew's Jewish Voice', p . 21, 'Matthew uses the
word dvouia, lawlessness, to mean rejection of the law.'
62
See Davies, Sermon, p p . 202-6; Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, I, p p . 718-19;
Guelich, Sermon, p p . 402, 410; Stanton, 'Origin a n d Purpose', p p . 1909-10;
France, Matthew, p p . 109-10 a n d Davison, 'Antinomian Polemic in Matthew',
pp. 617-35.
63
This point is n o t properly appreciated by those w h o fail to interpret dvouia in a
legalistic sense. W . D . Davies, for instance, argues that while dvouia does not
refer to the breaking of the Jewish law, it could apply to the breaking of the law
which is G o d ' s will revealed in the words of Jesus in the sermon {Sermon, p . 205).
Davies is followed by Zumstein, La Condition, p p . 172-3 a n d Marguerat, Le
the basis of its use in the remainder of the New Testament. It

hardly needs saying that we must interpret words and themes on
the basis of the gospel alone and not read them through the eyes
of other early Christian writers. Matthew's special emphasis on
the law distinguishes him in many ways from the remainder of the
New Testament and we should expect his meaning of dvouia to
do likewise. Just as Matthew perceives insiders to be marked by
their observance of the law according to Jesus' interpretation of it,
so too does dvouia characterise those outside the ekklesia who fail
to live by this standard. Lawlessness can therefore denote those
Jews who do not properly interpret the law. Thus in 23:23 the
Matthean Jesus accuses the scribes and Pharisees of not keeping
the law properly and this then leads to the charge of lawlessness
(23:28). On the other hand, dvouia can be used to describe those
who do not keep the law at all. This is its meaning in 7:23. There
is no suggestion that these Christian false prophets improperly
observe the law; rather, they seem not to follow the law in any
respect.
In support of this is Matthew 5:17-19, which appears earlier in
the sermon on the mount and which speaks of the validity of the
law in the present age. The first verse begins with the solemn
pronouncement of the Matthean Jesus that he has not come to
abolish the law and the prophets. This must be seen as a response
to the claim that he had indeed come to abolish them. 64 Since the
scribes and Pharisees appear in the immediate context (5:20), it is
tempting to see them behind this charge. 65 However, because this
issue deals with the nature of Jesus' mission, it is more likely that
Matthew is voicing a Christian claim here. While Matthew's
Jewish opponents seemingly directly and openly attacked Jesus as
a deceiver, they would hardly have passed comment on the
significance of his ministry in the manner implied in 5:17. If the
evangelist is opposing a Christian point of view in this verse, then
the ones promoting it can only be those Christians from outside
Jugement, p . 200. But h o w is the law any less Jewish o r any less legalistic after the
M a t t h e a n Jesus has given it his definitive and distinctive interpretation?
64
C o n t r a Strecker, Weg, p . 137 n. 4 w h o argues that M a t t h e w was n o t responding
to a claim that Jesus h a d dispensed with the law b u t was merely addressing a
theoretical possibility. This view, however, portrays the evangelist as a n ' a r m -
chair theologian' quietly musing over potential theological matters a n d n o t really
concerned with the concrete issues of his day.
65
T h u s O v e r m a n , Matthew's Gospel, p p . 8 8 - 9 ; Stanton, Gospel for a New People,
p. 49; Davies a n d Allison, Matthew, I, p p . 483, 501 n. 54 a n d Beare, Matthew,
pp. 138-9.
the evangelist's community whom Matthew later in the sermon

calls 'workers of lawlessness'.66 They fail to do the will of God
(7:21) which includes, amongst other things, obeying the Torah as
Jesus had interpreted it.
If lawlessness means failure to obey the law properly or failure to
keep it at all, then what are we to make of the division within the
general Christian church in 13:36-43? While most scholars view the
inter-church division in this text in very general moral terms - the
church is composed of both good and bad members - Matthew's
conscious use of dvojiia in this redactional text gives it a specific
term of reference: it is a division based primarily upon observance of
the law. Matthew spells out concretely in this text that all lawless
Christians derive ultimately from Satan, while his own law-obser-
vant version of Christianity derives from Jesus himself (cf. 16:18).
On this interpretation the odd reference in the parable proper to
the sleeping men who allow the devil to sow weeds amongst the
wheat (13:25) must be applied to the leaders of the earliest church
whom Matthew believed were completely oblivious to the Satan-
induced nature of the law-free mission.
Matthew's division of Christianity into law-observant Christianity
(including his ekklesia) and its law-free counterpart is further
evidenced in the material which precedes and follows the tradition
dealing with the antinomians. If we take 7:13-27 as a unit, then the
following interpretation presents itself. In the redactional pericope
of the two ways (7:13-14), the wide gate and the easy way which
lead to destruction and through which many will enter can easily be
applied to law-free Christianity. In numerical terms the law-free
version of Christianity was by Matthew's time considerably larger
than the law-observant form, and there is no doubt that the way of
life which rejects the Torah is far easier than the way which obeys
it. After he has spelt out the dangers of following the lawless false
prophets in 7:15-23, the evangelist picks up the theme of the two
ways in the parable of the two houses (7:247). The Lucan version
of this Q material (6:47-9) contrasts two builders who construct
houses but only one of whom provides proper foundations for the
house by building on a rock. In Matthew the comparison is
brought out more fully. Those who hear and do the words of Jesus
will be like the wise man who built his house upon a rock, while
those who do not heed them will be like the foolish man who built
66
So correctly Barth, 'Matthew's Understanding of the Law', pp. 67, 73.
his house upon the sand; as we might expect the wise will weather
the storm and the foolish will not. For Matthew more so than for
Luke the contrast is between those who build upon the rock and
those who do not. This reference to the rock clearly relates to the
ekklesia built upon Peter (the rock) in 16:18,67 while the alternative
way which leads to destruction (cf. 7:13) is doubtless the antino-
mian position which has just been attacked. In this manner the two
major varieties of Christianity are compared and contrasted, as
they are later in the gospel in 13:36-43.
These texts thus spell out very plainly Matthew's view of the
wider Christian community. He strongly opposes the very principle
of law-free Christianity and sets his own community (and perhaps
other similar groups) against it. It is clear that just as Matthew
constructed boundaries around his community in relation to the
gentile world and the remainder of the Jewish world, so too does he
construct boundaries around it with regard to the wider Christian
world. Law-free Christians are considered outsiders in the same
way as Matthew's Jewish opponents and gentiles are deemed to be
outsiders and they are likewise to be avoided at all costs. It might
be objected that the Christian Matthew could hardly have consid-
ered matters in this way. But on what grounds should we believe
that the law-keeping Matthew felt any affinity with law-free
Christianity? If we can accept that the Jewish Matthew could
oppose the world of formative Judaism, then why could not the
Christian Matthew have attacked certain sections of the wider
Christian church? More to the point, if he could condemn the
scribes and Pharisees for not following the law properly, then it is
almost to be expected that he would have little sympathy with those
who rejected entirely the validity of the law. This is a point which is
too often overlooked.
Even more, however, can be said on this subject. Matthew's
opposition to law-free Christianity was not merely a matter of
principle; a further examination of this subject renders it very
probable that at the time of the gospel's composition Matthew's
law-observant brand of Christianity had much to fear from its law-
free counterpart. At this point in the discussion, it must be readily
conceded that we possess little in the way of concrete data for
67
Contra Davies and Allison, Matthew, I, p. 721 who see no reference at all to the
rock in 16:18. On the other hand, a number of other scholars do note a
connection, though they make little attempt to analyse its significance. See, for
example, Guelich, Sermon, p. 404 and Gundry, Matthew, p. 134.
reconstructing the relationship between the different streams which

comprised the Christian church in the time of Matthew. But we can
put forward quite reasonable and historically probable hypotheses
on the basis of the evidence we do possess. For instance, it is
reasonable enough to suppose that a law-observant Christian
Jewish group in or around the year 80 would have felt seriously
threatened by the law-free stream of early Christianity. The
following points make this supposition a reasonable one.
To begin with and as noted above, the predominantly gentile,
law-free wing of the church was numerically superior to the
predominantly Jewish and law-observant stream. We can fully
appreciate Matthew understanding his community to be an island
of law-keeping righteousness in a sea of gentile lawlessness,
especially when we recall the evangelist's attitude toward gentiles
as a whole. More important, however, is the fact that the status
and protection which law-observant Christians enjoyed while the
Jerusalem church was in the ascendant disappeared in the wake of
the Jewish war. Prior to the events of 66-70, the law-abiding
Jerusalem church, which was headed until 62 by James the brother
of Jesus, attempted to exercise some control over the diaspora
churches and the gentile mission, and Galatians 2:11-14 is one
example of its success. It is true to say that while the Jerusalem
church existed the law-observant party within the church always
posed a threat to law-free Christianity. All this changed, however,
in the aftermath of the Jewish war which witnessed not just the
destruction of Jerusalem but the effective disappearance of the
Jerusalem church. In this sense the Jewish war against the
Romans must have been just as much a disaster for law-observant
Christian Jews as it was for non-Christian Jews. In one fell swoop
the group which protected the interests of law-keeping Christianity
was gone and communities such as Matthew's must have felt
particularly vulnerable as a result. One almost certain consequence
of these events was that the mission without the law progressed
unimpeded. While this mission presumably concentrated on
finding new gentile converts, it would doubtless have encountered
certain pockets of law-observant Christianity. In these situations
the previous trend would have been completely reversed and law-
abiding Christians would have found themselves under threat
from the law-free party. This resurgence of the law-free mission
after 70 and its threat to those Christians who upheld the law is
seemingly reflected in Matthew's conflict with those antinomian
missionaries to whom he refers in the sermon on the mount. That

this mission was meeting with some success is perhaps indicated
by 24:11-12. In this redactional section of the apocalyptic dis-
course, Matthew affirms that towards the very end of the age, the
present time from his perspective, the (lawless) false prophets will
lead many astray and lawlessness will increase as a result.
Whether these missionaries belonged to a resurgent Paulinism or
to another stream of law-free Christianity is difficult to say. It has
been argued that Matthew intended to discredit Paul and his gospel
in a number of texts (5:18; 13:25) and that he promoted Peter as the
apostle par excellence to counter the influence of Paul. 68 But as
W. D. Davies has shown, none of the evidence for this view is
particularly convincing. 69 These missionaries might have been
Paulinists, but since law-free Christianity was not exclusively
Pauline it is quite possible that they belonged to another strand. 70
It does not really matter in the present context. The important
point is that Matthew disapproved fiercely of law-free Christianity
in any form, and perceived it to be a considerable threat to his own
community. The above reconstruction of the probable relationship
between law-free Christianity and its law-keeping alternative shows
that Matthew's point of view is both historically credible and
entirely understandable.
If the above reconstruction of Matthew's community and the
broader Christian movement is correct, then we find that the
alienation of the former was complete. Not only was it alienated
from the Jewish and gentile worlds, but this law-observant church
which had recently lost its power base in Jerusalem was completely
alienated from the wider Christian world which preached a law-free
gospel and was composed mainly of gentiles. There is good
evidence in the gospel that some missionaries from this stream of
68
See B r a n d o n , Fall of Jerusalem, p p . 232-6 and, m o r e recently, Segal, 'Matthew's
Jewish Voice', p p . 2 1 - 2 . H . D . Betz has argued that the sermon o n the m o u n t is a
p r e - M a t t h e a n unity composed by a Jewish Christian g r o u p which was directly
opposing Paul. See his Essays on the Sermon on the Mount, p p . 20-2. F o r a
critique of this hypothesis, see Stanton, Gospel for a New People, p p . 309-18.
69
Davies, Sermon, p p . 334-40. See t o o Barth, ' M a t t h e w ' s Understanding of the
Law', p p . 159-64 w h o does not see the antinomians as representatives of Paul,
b u t as hellenistic libertines.
70
O n the problems of using biased, polemical texts to identify the opponents under
attack, see Barclay, ' M i r r o r - R e a d i n g a Polemical Letter', p p . 73-93. Although
Barclay focuses o n Paul's letter to the Galatians, his comments are applicable to
M a t t h e w as well. W e can be sure that M a t t h e w is opposing w h a t he considers to
be law-free Christians, but we can say almost nothing m o r e a b o u t them.
Christianity had arrived in Matthew's community and so posed a

real threat to it.
4. Alienation from the world at large

The Matthean community's conflicts with the wider Jewish and
Christian worlds, as well as its negative view of the gentile world,
meant ultimately that it had no support system other than itself. Its
members were thus forced by necessity to withdraw from the world
at large and take refuge in the ekklesia alone. This in turn led
inevitably to an intense feeling of isolation and alienation, and the
whole world outside the community became a place to be feared
and avoided. There are a number of pointers which reveal the
intensity of the alienation experienced by the community in terms
of its relation to the larger world. One of these is Matthew 18:7a
which states, 'Woe to the world for temptations to sin.' This
unparalleled tradition stands in the middle of a Q section which
deals with temptations and the one who brings them (Matt. 18:6
8//Luke 17:1-2) and its origin is uncertain. Since the object or
recipient of the woe form in Matthew is always depicted negatively
- indeed that is the very purpose of this form of speech - then we
must interpret the reference to the world here in negative terms.
The world at large receives a woe because it contributes to or is
responsible for an upsurge in temptations to sin.71 This clearly
points to the Matthean community's alienation from the wider
world. 72 Another indication of this viewpoint is provided by 5:13
16. Here the evangelist first describes his community in sectarian
terms as the salt of the earth and the light of the world which shines
before men. 73 In the second description, the community is depicted
as a shining beacon of righteousness by contrast with those who
live outside it in the larger world.
That Matthew considered that his community members should
place no reliance on institutions or individuals outside the ekklesia
71
See Thompson, Matthew's Advice, pp. 109-10; Stanton, 'Matthew and Judaism',
p. 277. This interpretation necessitates taking arco in a causal sense. On this
point, see Thompson, Matthew's Advice, p. 109 n. 38 and literature cited there.
Some scholars take the reference to the world in Matthew 18:7 in a positive sense
and argue that Matthew here is expressing sympathy for the world. For example,
Schweizer, Matthew, p. 364 renders this sentence as 'How terrible for the world
(on account of the coming temptations)', but this ignores the force of the woe
form.
72
So correctly Stanton, ' M a t t h e w and Judaism', p . 277.
73
So too Stanton, 'Matthew and Judaism', pp. 277-8.
is evident from his omission of the Marcan account of the strange

exorcist (Mark 9:38-40). This Marcan passage describes the dis-
ciples telling Jesus how they rebuked an exorcist who was casting
out demons in Jesus' name. Jesus instructs them that they should
not have done this on the grounds that 'he that is not against us is
for us'. Matthew omits this pericope in view of his belief that those
outside the community cannot share its goals and aspirations. His
own attitude is reflected in the Q logion iti 12:30 (//Luke 11:23)
which makes the opposite point to the Marcan saying, 'He who is
not with me is against me, and he who does not gather with me
scatters.' By his adoption of the Q tradition and his omission of the
Marcan passage, Matthew clearly promotes the view that only
those within the ekklesia stand with Jesus, while all those outside
necessarily stand against him. 74 We may infer from all these texts
that the alienated Matthean community could view all the different
components of the outside world as a single entity. Its outlook was
that ultimately the world is divided into two groups, the ekklesia
and the remainder of the world.
5. Conclusions
The results of this chapter provide a very bleak picture of the social
setting of the Matthean community once it is placed in its proper
historical and geographical context. That context is the region of
Syria in the years following the Jewish war. This period saw the rise
of pharisaic-led formative Judaism which contributed to a large
degree to the break between Matthew's church and the larger
Jewish world. The relations between the two groups were domi-
nated by bitterness and hostility as the Matthean ekklesia at-
tempted to legitimate its sectarian existence and the parent body
subjected it to some degree of persecution in response. The Jewish
war had also witnessed an extensive persecution of the Jews by the
gentiles, and it is clear that Matthew's community was caught up in
these terrible events. This means that while this group was in
conflict with the Jewish parent body, it had a very uneasy relation-
ship with its gentile neighbours. The gospel advocates a policy of
avoiding the gentile world which indicates the depth of fear
occasioned by the recent pogroms. The events of 66-70 contributed
to the social setting of the Matthean ekklesia in one further and
74
Cf. Overman, Matthew's Gospel, pp. 110-11.
important way. With the destruction of Jerusalem came the

destruction of the Jerusalem church and the loss of law-observant
Christianity's power base. Those communities which still observed
the law had lost both power and prestige and were now easy prey to
those of the law-free wing who took the opportunity to turn the
tables on the earlier situation when they themselves were under
threat. There is good evidence in the gospel that such law-free
missionaries had entered the evangelist's community and had even
enjoyed some moderate success.
The social setting of this Antiochene Christian Jewish group is
thus one of extreme crisis occasioned by the effects of the Jewish
war. As a law-observant Christian community, it now had little in
common with the world of formative Judaism, even less in
common with the remainder of the Christian world and nothing at
all in common with the wider gentile society. The Jewish war had
to all intents and purposes decimated all its external support
systems. It could not now turn to the greater Christian church for
help in its conflict with the synagogue, nor could it expect any
assistance from any Jewish sources in its conflict with the law-free
party within Christianity. Similarly, it could expect to find no
allies in either the Jewish or the Christian world in its tense
relationship with its gentile neighbours. The Matthean community
was essentially cut off and deeply alienated from all external
institutions, be they Jewish, Christian or those of the gentile
authorities, and consequently approached them all with a mixture
of fear, bitterness and hostility. We can well understand why
Matthew composed 24:9-12, which deals with universal hatred of
the elect and the problems of lawlessness, to provide his readers
with the clue that they were living in the final period of the era.
Moreover, the outlook of the evangelist was particularly bleak.
Having been persecuted by the gentiles and presently experiencing
persecution at the hands of the Jewish parent group, Matthew
expected such ill-treatment from both parties in the future. Under
these circumstances the only place of refuge was within the
community itself and this can be seen in the process of drawing
rigid boundaries around the group and withdrawal from the wider
world.
It is clear that the complex social setting of the Matthean
community as reconstructed here is more than sufficient to explain
its embracement of apocalypticism and its recourse to apocalyptic
eschatology. This community conforms to the general pattern of
groups which adopt and promote this religious perspective. It was a

small minority or sectarian group experiencing considerable hard-
ship at the hands of outsider groups and was as a result completely
alienated from the wider world. In the next chapter, we shall
consider how Matthew's particular scheme serves to respond to the
crises facing his community.
THE FUNCTION OF APOCALYPTIC
ESCHATOLOGY IN THE GOSPEL OF
MATTHEW
As noted in chapter 2, the function of apocalyptic eschatology in a

given document is directly related to the social setting which under-
lies it, and is used to respond to it. The gospel of Matthew is no
exception to this rule. Thus the purpose of the gospel material
reflecting this particular perspective is to confront and combat the
situation(s) of crisis which the evangelist's community faced. Like
other representatives of apocalypticism, Matthew uses apocalyptic
eschatology in order to construct a 'symbolic universe' which
conflicts with those of the wider societies from which his commu-
nity is alienated. While he doubtless rejects out of hand the gentile
world view, Matthew also dismisses the respective world views of
the Jewish parent body and the law-free and dominant wing of
Christianity, and replaces them with one which reinforces and
legitimates the beliefs and hopes of his own group. Just as the
apocalyptic authors used great figures of the past to present and
lend authority to their own views of reality, so too does Matthew.
By adopting the gospel genre from Mark, Matthew uses no less a
figure than Jesus the messiah, son of God and Son of Man to
convey and authorise this new symbolic universe. In doing so,
Matthew gives his alternative vision of reality an authority and
legitimacy which it might not have carried had he not expressed it
on the lips of Jesus. The author of Revelation does precisely the
same thing, although he appeals to the words of the present, risen
Jesus rather than to his teaching prior to his death and resurrection.
Since Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology is closely associated with
contemporary Jewish (and Christian) apocalyptic-eschatological
schemes, it is almost to be expected that his scheme would serve the
same general functions as theirs. This is precisely the case. The five
general functions of this distinctive religious perspective which were
identified in chapter 2 all play a part in Matthew's particular
scheme. We shall examine each of these in turn.
222
The function of apocalyptic eschatology in Matthew 223
1. Identification and legitimation

An important function of the evangelist's apocalyptic eschatology
is that it both identifies and legitimates the sectarian nature of the
Matthean community. Like other proponents of apocalypticism,
Matthew adopts a markedly dualistic perspective which divides
humanity into the good and the wicked along the lines of his
perception of the world. To this end he accepts the concept of the
two ways and constantly juxtaposes and contrasts the two groups
using a variety of antithetical terms which describes the nature of
each and immediately draws boundaries around them. Needless to
say, according to Matthew's perception of the world his community
assumes the mantle of the righteous or the good, while the ones
opposed to it are identified as the wicked. This is not, however,
simply a moral division within humanity. As argued in chapter 3,
the evangelist incorporates this human division into a cosmic
struggle between the supernatural forces of good and evil. In this
scheme all humans pledge allegiance either to the side of Jesus (and
God) or to the side of Satan, the evil one (6 7tovr|p6<;), and there is
no middle ground in this conflict. Matthew's acceptance of this
world view clearly betrays his developed sense of alienation from
the larger world which was established in the previous chapter. As
with the Qumran community and the author of Revelation, who
propose similar perceptions of the cosmic order, this extreme sense
of alienation leads Matthew to the view that his community is
playing an important part in a much larger drama. The hostile
nature of the wider society can only be explained by postulating an
underlying demonic influence.
The evangelist does not merely present this aspect of his symbolic
universe as an abstract notion; he relates it in concrete terms to the
particular social setting of his community. He takes pains to identify
his righteous community, the ekklesia, with the side of the heavenly
forces. It was founded by Jesus himself (13:37-8a; 16:18) and it
continues the battle against Satan which Jesus himself had initiated
(10:7; 16:18; 24:15-28). Moreover, its peculiar beliefs and practices,
which can all be traced back to Jesus and which serve further to draw
the boundaries around the group, are in turn legitimated. The
identification of the ekklesia as the group which remains true to God
and Jesus and performs their will thus legitimates its minority status
as well as its own sectarian practices and beliefs.
On the other hand, Matthew identifies all those outside the
community as being in league with Satan. He emphasises that the

two major threats to his community, law-free Christianity and
formative Judaism, both work for the forces of evil against the will
of God. He specifies that the former owes its origin to the devil and
he solidifies the relationship by describing its proponents as sons of
the evil one (13:38b-9a). In both 13:49 and 22:10 he again refers to
this group of Christians as evil (novr\poq) and he similarly identifies
the lawless false prophets who have infiltrated his community and
pose a direct threat to it (7:17-18). Likewise, the leaders of
formative Judaism, the scribes and Pharisees, are themselves de-
scribed as evil (7iovr|p6<;/7tovr|pia; 9:4; 12:34-5; 22:18) and so
placed in the camp of the evil one. Hence, in one fell swoop, the
respective viewpoints of the two major opposition groups are
completely discredited. Their identification as allies of Satan serves
in turn to illegitimate their respective beliefs and practices. There
are no direct statements in Matthew concerning the evil nature of
the gentile world and its association with Satan, except perhaps for
24:28 which might refer to the coalition of the antichrist and the
Romans at the end of the age, but this was doubtless an assumption
by Jewish author and reader alike. Matthew reinforces his dualistic
perspective by adopting the myth of the final eschatological conflict
between good and evil. Here, as also in Revelation and the War
scroll from Qumran, the final events in history witness the polarisa-
tion of the two sides into their respective camps. Jesus will return as
the military Son of Man leading the heavenly armies in order to
come to the aid of the embattled righteous.
The marked dualistic aspect of Matthew's apocalyptic escha-
tology therefore serves a number of important functions for
Matthew's beleaguered minority community. It identifies the true
natures of the ekklesia and the remainder of the world by relating
the stance of each in the cosmic conflict, and it serves to reinforce
the validity of the former and the illegitimacy of the latter. The
readers of the gospel can feel secure in the knowledge that they
remain true to the will of God in a world which has generally
deserted him. Their alienation from the world is thus interpreted in
a positive rather than a negative light.
2. Explanation of current circumstances

In addition to identifying and legitimating the existence of the
ekklesia, Matthew's apocalyptic-eschatological scheme enables his
readers to accept more readily the present dire circumstances which

threaten them. His particular world view possesses great explana-
tory power in this regard. At one level the critical situation of the
group becomes easier to justify when it is depicted in terms of the
cosmic conflict. Since the Matthean community is in conflict not
merely with human groups but with powerful demonic forces, its
plight becomes more comprehensible if not more bearable. An even
more important element in this respect, however, is the concept of
historical determinism. The current situation has not happened
merely by historical chance in the aftermath of the Jewish war, nor
is it a sign that God has deserted his elect and left them to the
mercy of Satan and his allies. On the contrary, the present plight of
the ekklesia is an essential part of God's predetermined historical
and eschatological plan. Once again Matthew does not relate this
notion in an abstract way; he applies it to the concrete situation of
his readers throughout the gospel, but particularly in his revision of
the Marcan apocalyptic discourse. The rejection of the gospel by
the majority of Jews and the resultant conflict it brings, the murder
of certain community members in the gentile persecutions of the
Jews, the arrival of lawless false prophets in the Matthean ekklesia
and the general upsurge in lawlessness toward the end of the age,
were all prophesied by Jesus himself and thus had to occur in the
manner predicted. The righteous enclave of the ekklesia must bear
its share of suffering, both now and in the future, as the eschatolo-
gical woes work their way to their determined conclusion. This
explanation of current events (and any future suffering) serves in
turn to offer comfort to members in their time of distress. The
current situation is occurring within God's divine plan and with his
consent; despite appearances that God has deserted the ekklesia,
the harsh reality of its situation of crisis is not contrary to the
divine will but is in perfect accord with it.
3. Encouragement and hope for the future1

As noted in chapter 2, there is more to the concept of determinism
than just offering a valid explanation of current events and the
comfort which such knowledge affords. Perhaps of more impor-
tance is its purpose in offering hope for the future. The corollary of
1
That Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology serves to encourage his readers and give
them hope for the future is noted by Hagner, 'Apocalyptic Motifs', p. 75;
Stanton, 'Matthew and Judaism', p. 280 and Cope, 'Role of Apocalyptic', p. 118.
the belief that the past was determined and fulfilled prophecy to the
letter and that the present is similarly unfolding as predicted is that
the future too will come to pass according to the prophecies of an
authoritative figure. Like the historical review of the apocalyptic
genre, Matthew uses the fulfilment of past prophecies, both of the
Old Testament prophets and of Jesus himself, to give conviction to
his own future expectations. These expectations are presented in
turn as predictions by the Matthean Jesus. Of utmost importance in
this regard is the promise that Jesus will return as judgemental Son
of Man. As noted in Part II, Matthew emphasises time and again
not only that Jesus will return at the end of the age, but that he will
return for the sole purpose of judgement. His return will see the
vindication of the righteous who have followed him faithfully and
the punishment of the wicked who have opposed him. Predictions
of this sort serve in no small way to raise the spirits of those who
are now oppressed and alienated. For their continuing allegiance to
the one who brings the judgement and for their steadfastness in a
threatening world, they will receive rewards beyond measure. They
will be given treasures in heaven and eternal life in the new creation
where evil no longer threatens them, and they will be transformed
into angels (22:30; cf. 13:43, 17:2 and 28:3). In view of their assured
future state, they are able to receive eschatological blessings now
(5:3-12).
The notion of the imminence of these end events clearly plays an
important role in providing concrete hope for the future. Not only
can Matthew's readers live in certainty that the present circum-
stances will be reversed and that they will receive wonderful
eschatological rewards, they can likewise be assured that this will
take place in the imminent future. Although he occasionally states
that the parousia will come soon (16:28; 24:34), the evangelist spells
this out for his readers by constructing his own timetable of the end
and placing his own time toward the end of it (24:4-14; cf. 10:23).
Like all apocalyptic-eschatological writers with the exception of the
authors of Daniel and Revelation, Matthew is careful not to
nominate a precise day for the parousia (24:36). While such a
practice of naming a day would be fruitful in the short term since it
would raise group expectations, it might prove to be a disastrous
policy in the long term if the end did not arrive on the specified day.
Since the aim of the imminent end expectation is to raise the hopes
of his readers and not to dishearten them, Matthew strongly
affirms the nearness of the end but just as strongly denies that the
precise day is known. In view of this, the evangelist exhorts his

readers to watch continually. They must remain in a state of
preparedness for the return of the Son of Man (24:37-25:13) and
put their trust in the prophecies that it will occur in the imminent
future.
In conjunction with this hope for the future are those exhorta-
tions to remain steadfast in the short but desperate time which
remains. Matthew reminds his readers that with the climax of the
end-time woes only those in the ekklesia who endure to the end will
be saved (10:22b; 24:13) and he encourages such steadfastness by
affirming that the days of tribulation have been shortened on their
account (24:22). These texts perform a consolatory function by
spelling out that the necessary suffering of the last times will be
shortlived and well worth the hardship it brings. Those who remain
steadfast will be relieved of their suffering by the arrival of the Son
of Man in the imminent future. It is not surprising that the mission
discourse contains further hortatory material, since Matthew en-
visaged great hardship and persecution to be the lot of those who
embark upon this final mission to the Jews of Palestine. These
figures will encounter both human opponents and the supernatural
forces of the antichrist (cf. 16:18; 24:15). Matthew affirms that the
missionaries will be aided by the holy spirit in times of trouble
(10:19-20) and exhorts them to fearless confession (10:26-33). They
should not fear their enemies (verses 26, 28), since they are of
enormous importance to God (verse 31), and those amongst them
who lose their lives will be awarded eternal life (verse 39).
4. Vengeance and consolation

Like most apocalyptic-eschatological schemes, Matthew's version
does not merely treat the eschatological fate of the righteous; he
also deals with the ultimate fate of the wicked. The evangelist
depicts the fate of this group in the harshest of terms. One
important function of this motif is to satisfy the desire for
vengeance on the part of himself and his readers.2 Just as they are
given hope in the light of their vindicated status after the judge-
ment, so too can they be satisfied and consoled that those who
contribute to their present suffering will be punished without mercy
in the imminent future. They will be excluded from the eschatolo-
2
This element is noted, if somewhat understated, by Cope, 'Role of Apocalyptic',
p. 118.
gical kingdom and consigned to the gloom and flames of Gehenna

where they will burn forever. The vengeful nature of this theme can
be clearly seen from Matthew's constant descriptions of the horror
of the plight of the wicked; they will weep in misery and gnash their
teeth in rage. By presenting this material, the evangelist oversteps a
mark which is crossed by few other apocalyptic-eschatological
schemes. His constant use of this unpleasant theme signals the
depth of his community's pain and suffering and its understandable
desire to punish those responsible. Once more the evangelist does
not present this theme of the fate of the wicked in general terms; he
applies it to the actual situation of his readers by specifying that all
groups of opponents will meet the same fiery fate.
Matthew devotes considerable space to the end-time fate of his
Jewish opponents, particularly the scribes and Pharisees. These
figures can now receive eschatological woes in view of the terrible
punishments they will face (ch. 23). They will be called to judge-
ment on account of their blasphemy against the holy spirit, a crime
for which there is no forgiveness (12:31-7), and they will be
condemned in the judgement by the queen of the south and the
Ninevites (12:41-2). Their fiery fate is indicated by the fact that
they are 'sons of Gehenna' (23:15) who will not escape the
judgement of Gehenna (23:33). The judgemental proclamation of
John the Baptist (3:7-12) is also addressed to Matthew's Jewish
enemies and speaks of their final destination in terms of the fiery
furnace. The Baptist asks the Pharisees and Sadducees who warned
them of the coming wrath (verse 7) and then goes on to explain the
nature of this imminent catastrophe. The axe is laid to the root of
the trees and every tree which does not produce good fruit is cut
down and thrown into the fire (verse 9). The judge has a winnowing
fork in hand to clear his threshing floor, and he will burn the chaff
with unquenchable fire (verses 11-12). All these texts make the
point that the Jewish leaders with whom Matthew's group is in
dispute will ultimately receive their just punishments. As sons of
Gehenna, they will spend eternity there amongst the unquenchable
flames.
Although Matthew focuses primarily on the fate of the Jewish
leaders with whom he is in dispute, he does condemn to eternal
punishment a wider group of Jews. We need to remember that for
Matthew the new age will see the judgement of the whole twelve
tribes of Israel (19:28). The Galilean towns which rejected Jesus will
suffer on the day of judgement (11:20-4), as will those which fail to
heed the message of the missionaries (10:15). Such punishment of

an unspecified number of Jews also appears to be the point of the Q
material which he inserted into the centurion of Capernaum
pericope. After Jesus tells the centurion that he has not found such
faith in Israel (verse 10), he then relates in verses 11-12 that many
will come from the east and west and sit in the kingdom, while the
sons of the kingdom will be cast to the outer darkness where they
will weep and gnash their teeth. Many exegetes interpret 'the many'
as faithful gentiles like the centurion who will share in the kingdom,
whereas the 'sons of the kingdom' is taken as the Jewish nation as a
whole which will be rejected at the eschaton. 3 But even though this
material is found immediately after Jesus' praise of a gentile,
neither part of this interpretation is as soundly based as is usually
claimed. The first part does not square with Matthew's anti-gentile
sentiments which he clearly expresses elsewhere, and the second
part ignores the primarily Jewish constituency of Matthew's com-
munity as well as its continuing mission to the Jews. In other
words, neither wholesale praise of the gentile world nor complete
condemnation of the Jewish world seems to fit the evangelist's
point of view.
A more probable reading of the text in the light of Matthew's
sectarian outlook is that he wishes to make the point that gentiles
are included among the righteous, while many or most Jews are
excluded. For Matthew, mere Jewishness was no longer sufficient
for salvation (cf. 3:9). The determining factor now was membership
in the ekklesia and this was open to both Jew and gentile provided
they obeyed its rules and observance of the Torah. Matthew 8:11-
12 thus appears to expand the number of Jews who will meet with
punishment far beyond his direct scribal and pharisaic opponents.
His sectarian and dualistic viewpoint leads him ultimately to
condemn all those of Jewish descent, be they direct opponents or
not, who stand outside his ekklesia or who do not respond to its
missionary message. Since there is no middle ground on Matthew's
terms, all Jews outside the ekklesia will receive the same terrible
punishment at the judgement.
Just as Matthew speaks of the horrible fate of his Jewish
opponents, so too does he promote a similar fate for his Christian
enemies. He states in 7:15-23 that the law-free missionaries who
have come into his community will be denied and excluded from
3
So Marguerat, Le Jugement, pp. 243-57; Zumstein, La Condition, pp. 362-71;
Schweizer, Matthew, p. 213 and Gundry, Matthew, pp. 144-5.
the kingdom by Jesus the Son of Man (verses 22-3) and that their
ultimate fate will be punishment by fire (verse 19; cf. 3:10). More-
over, just as the evangelist seemingly condemns all Jews outside his
ekklesia and not merely direct opponents, so too does he see fit to
consign to eschatological punishment all Christians of the law-free
wing. This is the point of the interpretation of the parable of the
tares in 13:36-43. Here Matthew expresses his view that this type of
Christianity which refuses to follow the Torah in the manner
specified by Jesus has its origin in Satan and that all its representa-
tives, immediate opponents or otherwise, will be punished by
eternal fire. The shorter parable of the net and its interpretation in
13:47-50 make much the same point, though lacking the detail of
the earlier tradition. The parable of the wedding garment in
22:11-13 has a similar purpose. The wicked in the church, those
outside Matthew's community, will be excluded from the kingdom
and cast into the outer darkness.
It has not been lost on commentators that Matthew depicts the
fate of the wicked in the (general) Christian church in the same
terms as he describes the fate of wicked Jews. 4 In the redactional
7:19 the Matthean Jesus repeats the words of the Baptist in 3:10
(from Q) that those trees which do not bear good fruit will be
thrown into the fire. Since the former is addressed to Christian
opponents while the latter applies to Jewish enemies, these peri-
copae link together absolutely the fate of these two groups of
Matthean opponents. The same can be said of the similarity in
wording between 8:12 and 22:13. Each of these refers to expulsion
to the outer darkness and the weeping and gnashing of teeth, but
one adverts to Jews (8:12) and the other to Christians (22:13).5 The
editorial Matthew 13:36-43, which relates to law-free Christians,
has ties with the 'anti-Jewish' traditions of both 3:7-12 and
8:11-12. On the one hand, it is linked to the former in the sense that
it employs harvest symbolism to represent the final judgement,
although the metaphors are not precisely the same. While the
Baptist material contrasts wheat and chaff, the Matthean Jesus
refers to good seed and weeds. None the less, both texts agree that
the unacceptable part of the harvest will be burned. The words of
4
See Marguerat, Le Jugement, pp. 400-1.
5
This link is stronger than is normally supposed. I have argued elsewhere that the
man without the wedding garment in 22:11-13 is a composite figure, referring
both to the wicked in the church (cf. 22:10) and to the Jewish leaders of the
broader context. See Sim, 'Man without the Wedding Garment', pp. 165-78.
the Matthean Jesus speak explicitly of the fiery furnace (verse 42),
and the same imagery is implied if not stated in the Baptist
tradition. On the other hand, Matthew 13:36-43 recalls 8:12 by
referring to the weeping and gnashing of teeth as the response of
the wicked to their punishment. The parable of the net is also
closely related to these two 'anti-Jewish' texts. Although it lacks the
harvest metaphor, it does refer to the furnace of fire (cf. 3:12) and
to the weeping and gnashing of teeth (cf. 8:12).
It is clear from the above that Matthew deliberately describes the
eschatological fate of his two major groups of opponents in similar
terms. What applies to one applies just as much to the other. We
may infer from this that Matthew's sectarian perspective does not
distinguish between them in any meaningful sense. Though forma-
tive Judaism and law-free Christianity might be worlds apart in
terms of belief and practice, each of them stands on the side of
Satan and each poses a substantial threat to Matthew and his
community. For this reason both groups are earmarked for the
same terrible punishment at the hands of the Son of Man. The
evangelist's emphasis on this point has a number of purposes, but
one of these is to comfort his community that these opponents who
are responsible for its current misery will meet with just retribution
at thefinaljudgement.
Unlike the predictions of the final fate of the Jews and Christians
outside the ekklesia, there is no Matthean pericope which is
specifically related to the fate of those in the wider gentile world.
There are two possible explanations for this lack of detailed
material, neither of which excludes the other. The first is that it was
probably understood by author and reader alike that the 'pagan'
world would be severely judged and punished at the eschaton and
no definitive statement was necessary. Secondly, and as noted in the
previous chapter, at the time of the gospel's composition the
Matthean community was in direct dispute primarily with other
groups of Jews and Christians and not with the gentile world. The
gentiles had persecuted Matthew's group in the past and were
expected to persecute it in the future, but since his community had
minimal contact with the gentile world when the gospel was written
the threat it posed at that time was not as immediate as that posed
by the scribes and Pharisees and the law-free stream of Christianity.
This might explain why less attention is given to the judgement of
the gentile world. But Matthew by no means ignores the eschatolo-
gical fate of the gentiles. He addresses this subject in his colourful
description of the final judgement in 25:31-46. This tradition

emphasises the completely universal nature of the judgement of the
Son of Man by specifying that all the nations will stand before his
throne of glory awaiting the final separation (verse 32). The gentiles
along with everyone else obviously take part in this event. Ac-
cording to verse 41 the fate of all the wicked, gentiles included, is
that they will be cast into the eternal fire which has been prepared
for the devil and his angels. Thus in this last pericope of the final
discourse in the gospel, Matthew carefully works out the eschatolo-
gical climax to his concept of dualism. All those humans who are
aligned with Satan in the cosmic conflict, be they Jew, Christian or
gentile, will be identified concretely with him and sent to the same
place of punishment. It is here that all the different groups which
the evangelist perceives as enemies are blended into a single entity.
The tradition of the final separation is important in another
respect as well. Of specific interest are the criteria which it proposes
for the universal judgement, since these directly relate to the overall
function of the passage. Matthew states that salvation or punish-
ment is inextricably tied up with the treatment of 'the least of my
(the Son of Man's) brothers' (verse 40; cf. verse 45). That the
treatment of these individuals is tantamount to treatment of the
Son of Man himself shows the close relationship between them. It is
common to take this description in a universal sense, according to
which the least of my brethren refers to the poor and needy of the
whole world. On this view, the Matthean Jesus identifies with all
the deprived persons of the world and will judge people, including
those in the church, on the basis of their treatment of them. The
evangelist is therefore spelling out what is required of true Chris-
tians and issuing a warning on the penalty for not performing this
duty. 6 This interpretation of the phrase, though widespread, must
be deemed rather improbable in the light of Matthew's sectarian
outlook. It presumes that the Matthean community is 'world-open'
when in fact it was closing itself off from the outside world. As
noted in the previous chapter, for Matthew the wider world is a
place to be feared and avoided, and it is difficult to accept that he
would have given much thought to the needy outside his commu-
nity. Moreover, it is inherently unlikely that Matthew's concept of
dualism would have tolerated the explicit identification of Jesus
6
So Marguerat, Le Jugement, pp. 508-11; Zumstein, La Condition, pp. 33SM0;
Gnilka, Matthausevangelium, II, p. 375; Bornkamm, 'End-Expectation',
pp. 2 3 ^ ; Schweizer, Matthew, pp. 477-80 and Beare, Matthew, p. 495.
with anyone outside his group. A further and perhaps over-

whelming problem for this view is that the use of 'brother' points to
a community setting rather than a general or universal context
(cf. 5:22-4, 47; 7:3-5; 12:49-50; 18:15, 21, 35; 23:8; 28:10).
For this reason, many other exegetes argue that 'the least of my
brothers' must be given a Christian application. While some of
these argue that Matthew has in mind all Christians, 7 this too is
unlikely in the light of his view that many, perhaps most, Christians
will be found wanting on the day of judgement. We are left then
with only two alternatives for the meaning of this phrase in the
context of the gospel. Either it refers to the Matthean ekklesia as a
whole, or it applies to a particular group within that community.
The first of these alternatives certainly fits the sectarian viewpoint
of Matthew; the world will be judged on the basis of its treatment
of the righteous community. But against this interpretation is the
fact that the list of requirements which need to be met - food and
drink, a warm welcome, clothing and visits when sick or in prison -
seems not to be applicable to a domiciled group. Rather, such
requirements are more appropriate to a missionary context (cf.
10:8-9, 40-2). In the light of this, some exegetes identify 'the least
of my brethren' to whom these kindnesses must be extended as the
missionaries of the Matthean community. 8 Those who have pro-
vided these comforts will receive eternal life (cf. 10:42), while the
fire of Gehenna awaits those who have not.
What is the purpose of this pericope? As noted above, it was not
intended to exhort Matthew's readers to help the needy of the
wider world. Nor was it intended to exhort those outside the
community to treat the Matthean ekklesia (or its missionaries) well,
since the gospel was written exclusively for insiders and not for
distribution outside the borders of the community. The function of
this pericope is rather determined by the manner in which it would
have been read by the leading characters in the narrative, the
missionaries themselves. From all accounts the law-observant
mission of the Matthean community had not been a great success.
By comparison with the law-free mission, it had probably experi-
enced only partial success amongst the gentiles, while its mission to
7
See Friedrich, Gott im Bruder?, pp. 238-9, 248-9, 253-4 and Gray, Least of My
Brothers, pp. 357-8, though Gray does admit the possibility that the term might
refer to a restricted group of Christians.
8
For full defence of this interpretation, see Lambrecht, 'Parousia Discourse',
pp. 335-9 and literature cited there. Cf. also Cope, 'Sheep and Goats', pp. 3941
and Stanton, 'Matthew and Judaism', pp. 279-80.
the Jews was marked by a high failure rate. As we know from

chapter 10 of the gospel, the forthcoming (or current) mission to
the Jews of Palestine was expected to be more of a disaster than a
success. The missionaries would meet with rejection, persecution
and death at the hands of both Jews and gentiles. Once we
approach 25:31-46 in this light, then it becomes clear that the real
focus of the passage falls less on those few (if any) who treat the
messengers well and are rewarded with salvation, and more on the
majority who mistreat them and receive eternal punishment for
their trouble. Consequently, the purpose of this pericope is not to
encourage the missionaries in the expectation that they can expect
kindness in their enterprise. On the contrary, its function is to meet
the missionaries' need for vengeance and consolation. They can be
satisfied and consoled that the many who have rejected and
mistreated them in the past and who will do so in the future will
receive their just punishment at the hands of the Son of Man. 9
It is no coincidence that Matthew selects the material in 25:31-46
to conclude the final major discourse of the Matthean Jesus. Not
only does he use this pericope to spell out the universal nature of
the final judgement, but he singles out how the missionary compo-
nent of his community stands in relation to it. This is perhaps to be
expected in the light of the emphasis the evangelist places on the
last mission to Israel and his pessimistic predictions of the mistreat-
ment the messengers will receive. Unlike chapter 10, which is
concerned primarily with words of comfort and exhortation, the
tradition of the great separation functions primarily to satisfy the
missionaries' desire for vengeance on their particular opponents.
This in turn performs a consolatory function which is necessary for
the successful completion of the task. They can undertake their
mission firm in the knowledge that those who oppose them are
earmarked for the eternal fires of Gehenna.
In this section we have noted one of the evangelist's important
uses of apocalyptic eschatology, particularly the abundant material
relating to the horrific punishments awaiting the wicked. Matthew
emphasises this particular element and uses it to satisfy his apoc-
alyptic community's psychological need for vengeance on those
who are responsible for their suffering. All those outside the
9
A similar exegesis is given by Stanton, Gospel for a New People, pp. 221-30, who
interprets this pericope in terms of its apocalyptic-eschatological function. Like
many commentators, however, Stanton stops short of identifying its function in
terms of the need to satisfy a desire for vengeance.
ekklesia who contribute to their current dire circumstances - Jew,

Christian and gentile - will be considered as a unity and consigned
to the everlasting torment of Gehenna. The importance of this
theme is even more marked in view of the particular ethic of the
Matthean community. Owing to the high ethical demands of Jesus'
interpretation of the Torah, the ekklesia was prohibited from
taking its own revenge upon its enemies, even if it were in a position
to do so. Jesus had commanded that his followers love their
enemies and even pray for them (5:44) and that they should not
retaliate when they were wronged (5:38-42). They were expected to
be as perfect as their heavenly father (5:48) and live according to
the golden rule (7:12) and the double love commandment
(22:34-40). These demands must have posed some problems for
Matthew's community and raised doubts in their minds about the
justice of God. How can God be just when he allows the righteous
to suffer and the wicked to prosper and does not allow the former
to take revenge on the latter? It is obvious from our discussion that
Matthew responds to this problem in the same manner as other
apocalyptic-eschatological thinkers. He provides an eschatological
solution. Since the opponents of the ekklesia will be punished
without mercy at the judgement, the members of the community
can rest assured that God is just. While Matthew does not appeal
to Deuteronomy 32:35, 'Vengeance is mine, I will repay', as do Paul
in Romans 12:19 and the author of Hebrews (10:30), he is firmly in
agreement with this sentiment (cf. 16:27). The righteous can take
heart that God (or Jesus Son of Man) will balance the ledger at the
eschaton and exact vengeance on their behalf.
5. Group solidarity and social control

A further important use Matthew makes of his apocalyptic-escha-
tological scheme concerns the related themes of group solidarity
and social control. As noted in chapter 2, communities which are
alienated from and threatened by outside forces cannot tolerate
dissension within their own ranks; group solidarity is all-important
and must be maintained at all costs. In order to make this point,
the evangelist abandons hard-line determinism and enjoins the
concept of free will with regard to individual behaviour. The
readers are free to choose how they act, and can decide for
themselves whether to heed Matthew's advice or to ignore it. As a
means of promoting group solidarity, Matthew enjoins his readers
to get along with one another and to protect one another. He states
that community members should not be judgemental toward one
another (7:1-5), they should be humble like children (18:1^4) and
that forgiveness should be an essential part of community life
(18:21-2). In addition, the evangelist exercises a genuine pastoral
concern for the weaker members of his community, the so-called
little ones. They are not to be despised for their weakness by
stronger group members, since it is God's will that they will be
saved (18:10-14). And he stresses that whoever is responsible for
putting temptation in their way will themselves be severely pun-
ished (18:6-7); though it is not stated in so many words, an
eschatological punishment is almost certainly in view.
As a means of ensuring group solidarity and social harmony
within his community, Matthew, like other apocalyptic-eschatolo-
gical authors, attempts to impose a good measure of control over
its members. The eschatological material reviewed in the previous
section plays an important part in this respect. Spelling out the
terrible eschatological fate of those outside the ekklesia, while
satisfying the need for vengeance (see above), also puts considerable
pressure on those waverers in the community who might be
tempted to leave it and join either the ranks of formative Judaism
or the law-free wing of Christianity. 10 The implicit threat that
leaving the community entails horrible penalties thus serves to
make less steadfast members reconsider their position and remain
within it, thereby preserving the harmony of the community. A
further and more important strategy which Matthew adopts is the
explicit threat that those within his group who do not act as they
should will themselves meet the same punishment as the opponents
outside the ekklesia. Much of the gospel's judgemental material is
devoted to this theme and it clearly reflects the intensely alienated
situation of the Matthean community and its need for total
solidarity. Similar emphasis on this theme is found in Revelation
and the Qumran literature which both betray an alienated, sec-
tarian perspective. Matthew's threats apply both to inter-personal
relations within the community and to deviant behaviour which
breaches the recognised code of the ekklesia. Each type of wicked
behaviour, however, has the same eschatological implications.
In terms of inter-personal relations, we first meet the evangelist's
10
To this extent Marguerat's view (Le Jugement, pp. 398^05) that the fate of Israel
serves as a warning to Matthew's readers is correct, though his overall argument
is quite different from that which is presented here.
view on this subject in the sermon on the mount, the community's

code of conduct. In 5:22, the Matthean Jesus directly addresses
the situation of his community and specifies the sanctions for
angry behaviour toward a fellow group member; whoever is angry
with a brother shall be liable to judgement, whoever insults his
brother shall go before the community council and whoever says
'fool' will be destined for the Gehenna of fire. It might seem that
in this instance the punishment far outweighs the crime, but such
a severe sanction illustrates the importance Matthew places on
social cohesion. Since anger and bitterness between community
members can have a detrimental effect on the whole group, social
harmony must be preserved at all costs, even by threat of
eschatological damnation. A similar notion appears in the parable
of the unforgiving servant which concludes the 'ecclesiological
discourse' (18:23-35). After spelling out the necessity of forgive-
ness within the community (18:21-2), Matthew moves on to the
eschatological implications of not forgiving one's brother. This
parable describes how a servant was forgiven a huge debt by his
master, but then refused to forgive the debts of those who owed
him. When his master heard of this, he admonished the wicked
servant (8oCA,e rcovrips) and delivered him to the jailors. The point
of this parable is provided in the admonition of verse 35: 'So also
my heavenly father will do to every one of you, if you do not
forgive your brother from your heart.' Since this application is a
clear reference to the eschaton, this tradition serves as a warning
that those who do not truly forgive in the context of the Matthean
community will themselves not be forgiven at the time of the
judgement and will be punished accordingly. Just as anger and
insulting words are to be eliminated from the ekklesia, so is the
attitude of forgiveness forcefully enjoined.
Similar exhortations to proper behaviour within Matthew's
group are also given in the eschatological discourse. In the
parable of the good and wicked servants (24:45-51), those leaders
of the community who abuse their positions of authority because
they mistakenly believe that the return of Jesus is delayed will be
justly punished when he returns. This text testifies to Matthew's
strong conviction that leadership must be responsible and any
divergence from this standard will be greeted with severe sanc-
tions. Since this pericope states that any wicked leader will be
put with the hypocrites, we are meant to infer that they will be
consigned to the same place of punishment as the scribes and
Pharisees, the fire of Gehenna where they will weep and gnash
their teeth. This is an important point for it means that Matthew
makes no distinction between the ultimate fate of the wicked
inside the ekklesia and the fate of those outside it. The parable
of the talents in Matthew 25:14-30 also seems to issue a warning
to community leaders. In this text a man goes on a journey and
entrusts his property to his servants. The man in the narrative is
no doubt Jesus and the servants are presumably the leaders of
the church who are given care of his ekklesia. The point of the
parable is that those given a measure of responsibility should
exercise it properly and not abuse or ignore it. The faithful
servants will be rewarded, while the one who reneged on his
responsibilities will be cast into the outer darkness with the
concomitant weeping and gnashing of teeth. Once again Matthew
not only makes the overall point that actions within the commu-
nity incur eschatological punishments, but he stresses as well that
these sanctions will be the same as those which non-community
members will receive (cf. 8:12; 22:13).
Matthew also refers to eschatological punishments for breaking
the code of the community. This point is most forcefully stated in
the sermon on the mount and the discourse concerning church
order in chapter 18. In 5:27-8 the evangelist warns against a lustful
look which is tantamount to the commission of physical adultery.
He then advises that it is better to sacrifice sinful limbs and organs
than to be thrown whole into Gehenna (5:29-30). Precisely the
same point is made in 18:8-9 where Matthew repeats this advice.
These texts thus impose a very clear imperative on community
members to observe the rules of the community. Any unrepentant
breach of the ekklesia's code of conduct will be met with the most
severe of punishments at the time of reckoning. In both texts the
evangelist spells out the moral requirements of life within his
community and warns by threat of eschatological punishment that
dissident behaviour will not be tolerated.
Matthew probably hoped that explicit threats of this sort would
suffice to control and regulate the behaviour of his community
members. But mechanisms were in place to counter those members
upon whom these measures did not have the desired effect. As
noted in chapter 8, the Matthean community exercised the right of
expulsion from its ranks (18:15-17). After such expulsion, the
individual in question immediately ceased to be an insider and
became an outsider who, like all those outside the community,
faced the prospect of eschatological punishment. In this way the

very threat of excommunication is itself a useful tool for social
control. Moreover, on those occasions when the threat was not
successful and expulsion was actually practised, this measure would
have served to maintain social stability by ridding the ekklesia of
dissident and potentially destructive elements.
It ought to be mentioned as well that Matthew resorts to
eschatological threats within the sphere of missionary activity. Just
as there can be no break in the ranks within those domiciled in the
community, so too is it imperative for missionaries to band together
when confronted by hostility and rejection. Matthew's exhortations
to fearless confession which were noted above are tempered with
the threat of eschatological sanction for improper performance of
duty. This is first mentioned in 10:28 where the missionaries are
advised not to fear those who can kill only the body; rather, they
should fear God who can destroy both body and soul in Gehenna.
The implicit threat of 10:28 is worked out more fully in verses 32-3
where the Matthean Jesus states that in the judgement he will
acknowledge those missionaries who acknowledge him and deny
those who deny him. Failure to remain steadfast therefore has an
eschatological penalty. Although there is no doubt that Matthew
genuinely attempts to comfort those missionaries embarking on the
final and dangerous mission to Palestine, he keeps his priorities
firmly in focus. Consolation must be balanced by threats when
group solidarity is all-important.
It is plain from the above that Matthew, in similar vein to other
representatives of apocalypticism, believed that group solidarity
and social harmony must be maintained at all costs and by any
means available. In order to ensure that such conditions prevailed
in his community, Matthew attempts to impose social control over
its members by encouraging a common standard of behaviour and
discouraging any deviation from it. His major weapon in this
enterprise is his apocalyptic-eschatological material which presents
the judgement as a two-edged sword. Those members who faith-
fully follow the code of conduct can expect eternal life as a reward,
while those who break the code and put the community at risk will
be horribly punished alongside the wicked outside the ekklesia. As
noted in the Introduction, almost all scholars who examine this
hortatory element of Matthew's gospel conclude that the evangelist
was basically interested in paraenesis for its own sake. They argue
that Matthew simply wished to urge his readers to strive for the
standard of the higher righteousness which Jesus himself had set.11

But this explanation does not account for the evangelist's adoption
of such extreme measures to convey this point. The suggestion of
G. N. Stanton that Matthew's paraenesis serves to promote group
solidarity12 is a step in the right direction, but it still does not go far
enough. For Matthew, group solidarity is achieved by the imposi-
tion of social control. He attempts to impose such control by
offering both the 'carrot' of eternal life as an angel for conformity
and the 'stick' of eternal burning for dissident behaviour.
This brings us to a very important question. Are we to believe
that the evangelist deliberately uses 'scare tactics' to impose his
own will on those within his community? No matter how unsavoury
such a proposition might be, honesty compels us to answer this
question in the affirmative. The gospel is replete with threats, both
actual and implicit, addressed to those within his community and it
can hardly be denied that Matthew plays on the natural fears of his
readers to cajole them to his own point of view.13 But having
acknowledged this less than attractive side to the evangelist, we
should not ourselves judge him too harshly, nor should we cast
aside too quickly the common depiction of him as a 'caring pastor'
for his troubled community.14 On the interpretation of Matthew
presented above, he is very much concerned with his community
and exercises a genuine pastoral care over its members. His chosen
methods for doing so might not appeal to everyone, but he
11
See the discussion of Bornkamm, Trilling, Strecker, Marguerat and Cope in the
Introduction. D. Hagner attempts to take this point a step further by arguing
that the evangelist exhorts his readers to moral conduct in order to avoid the
moral passivity which the prior notion of determinism could engender. See
'Apocalyptic Motifs', pp. 75-6. While there is doubtless an element of truth in
Hagner's assertion, it still does not provide a complete explanation of Matthew's
intentions.
12
Stanton, 'Matthew and Judaism', p. 282. His discussion of this point is rather
brief, however.
13
This seems to be acknowledged by R. Mohrlang, Matthew and Paul, p. 49: 'In
general, it is the threat of judgement and loss of the kingdom which is the
dominant motivating force for ethics throughout the Gospel.' Trilling, Wahre
Israel, p. 126 also comments on the evangelist's use of threat in the service of
paraenesis, and Cope, 'Role of Apocalyptic', pp. 118-19 seems to adopt this
position as well. On the other hand, France, Matthew, p. 269 denies that
Matthew 'advocates a discipleship based on fear'. Marguerat, who constantly
refers to the threat (menace) of judgement, stands in agreement with France. He
suggests that Matthew's emphasis on the fate of the condemned is not meant to
terrify his readers, though he adds that this might have been the motivation of
other apocalyptic authors! (Le Jugement, p. 174).
14
The pastoral function of the gospel has been emphasised by Thompson,
Matthew's Advice, pp. 258-64 and, more recently, France, Matthew, pp. 251-6.
obviously saw them as necessary if his sectarian group was to

survive its current crisis of conflict with and alienation from the
wider world. In such a situation, dissension and disharmony are
simply self-destructive and must be prevented at any cost. Conse-
quently, and for the good of his community as a whole, Matthew
sought to avoid these problems by adopting a solution which
seemed best to him and which was a tried and true method of other
apocalyptic-eschatological groups, the threat of eschatological
sanction for non-acceptable behaviour.
6. Conclusions
This chapter has attempted to isolate the primary functions which
Matthew's scheme of apocalyptic eschatology or his symbolic
universe plays in his gospel. These functions are found in many
apocalyptic-eschatological texts but are directly related by
Matthew to the crises which his community faced in the aftermath
of the Jewish war. Matthew uses the dualistic component of this
religious perspective to legitimate both the existence and sectarian
nature of his community and to invalidate the symbolic universes
of the wider societies. The ekklesia stands on the side of God and
Jesus in the cosmic struggle while those who oppose it, be they Jew,
Christian or gentile, are aligned with Satan. Moreover, the evan-
gelist uses apocalyptic eschatology to explain the current circum-
stances of his sectarian group. Since all events have been
predetermined in advance, the present plight of the ekklesia can be
readily explained as in full accord with the will of God and not as
contrary to it; God has deemed that the righteous enclave must
suffer at the hands of Satan and his allies as history draws to its
conclusion. This emphasis on the determination of history also
provides hope for the future. The members of the ekklesia can take
heart that the predictions of the imminent return of the Son of Man
in judgement will certainly come to pass just as earlier predictions
had been fulfilled. The judgement of the Son of Man will see the
vindication of the righteous and the terrible punishment in the fire
of Gehenna of the wicked who are responsible for their suffering.
These two sides of the judgement offer hope and consolation on the
one hand and satisfy the need for vengeance on the other. Each
motif is stark testimony to the absolutely critical situation of the
Matthean community and reflects its acute sense of despair. But
Matthew also issues a stern warning to his readers. Since the
survival of the community is absolutely dependent upon group

solidarity, Matthew attempts to impose this by use of the threat of
judgement. Those within the ekklesia who cause disruption by any
means will be punished in the same manner as the opponents of the
group. Like the scribes and Pharisees of formative Judaism and the
false prophets of law-free Christianity, the dissidents within the
Matthean community will be placed in the fire and darkness of
Gehenna where they will weep and gnash their teeth. Matthew thus
constructs his apocalyptic-eschatological scheme which he places
on the lips of Jesus to meet the needs of a community which was
faced by a particularly critical social setting. All at once his
symbolic universe offers this sectarian group justification, explana-
tion, hope, consolation, exhortation, vengeance and warning.
SUMMARY OF PART III
In this section we have tried to explain why Matthew adopted and

promoted his particular apocalyptic-eschatological scheme. It was
argued that the answer lies in the social setting of the community
for whom he wrote. This sectarian Jewish group was experiencing
an extremely critical situation in the aftermath of the Jewish war. It
had departed from the Jewish parent body and was now in open
conflict with it, and it felt extremely threatened by law-free Chris-
tianity which had now assumed an ascendant role after the destruc-
tion of the Jerusalem church. Relations between the gentile world
and the Matthean community were also not amicable in view of
past hostilities and expected future conflict. All these factors led to
the withdrawal of the Matthean ekklesia from the wider world and
the necessity to seek support only from within its own borders. It
became, in short, an apocalyptic community. As the spokesperson
for this group, the evangelist responded to this desperate situation
in a tried and true manner which had well served both Jewish and
Christian groups facing similar situations of crisis. He abandoned
the symbolic universes of the opposing parties and constructed one
of his own which validated his group's hopes and aspirations. This
symbolic universe identified the members of the community as the
suffering righteous who would soon be vindicated and their oppo-
nents as the Satan-influenced wicked who would soon experience
unspeakable suffering as punishment for their crimes. By doing so,
the evangelist satisfied his readers' need for hope and consolation
on the one hand, and for vengeance on the other. His scheme of
apocalyptic eschatology was also designed to maintain group
solidarity in the face of these extreme outside pressures. This was
absolutely necessary if the group was to survive the current crisis.
243
CONCLUSIONS
This study of Matthew's gospel has attempted to reconstruct and

to understand its important apocalyptic-eschatological component.
It was stated in the Introduction that since no full-scale study of
this theme had yet been undertaken, the present work was an
attempt to fill this gap. The first Part of the study was devoted to
the general concepts of apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypti-
cism in the time of Matthew. It was argued that these phenomena
are necessarily related, the one denoting a distinctive religious
perspective and the other its underlying social movement, and that
neither is confined to the apocalyptic literature. While it was
conceded that this religious perspective or vision of reality was an
unsystematic phenomenon and that one can hardly speak of an
apocalyptic theology, it was argued that eight characteristics recur
with great frequency in the apocalyptic-eschatological schemes of
the evangelist's day. An apocalyptic-eschatological perspective or
world view, therefore, consists of a substantial cluster of these
motifs.
Two of these characteristics, dualism and determinism, are not in
themselves eschatological, but they provide the context in which the
eschatological themes function. The former relates in almost every
case to a fundamental division between the righteous and the
wicked in the human world. In some apocalyptic groups this
dualistic perception of the human world is associated with a similar
division in the cosmic realm where a struggle for supremacy rages
between God and Satan and their respective angelic allies. The
deterministic component of apocalyptic eschatology concerns the
broad sweep of history. The course of history has been fixed in
advance by God and cannot be changed. On an individual level, the
apocalyptic writers tend to focus less on hard determinism and
emphasise that humans have free will and are thus responsible for
their actions. The six remaining characteristics of apocalyptic
244
Conclusions 245
eschatology are all eschatological in nature and take as their point

of departure the dualistic notion of the two ages; the present age
will be succeeded by a new era. The final period of the present age
will witness many terrible events which will intensify the suffering
of the righteous, including in many schemes a final conflict between
the righteous and the wicked. This situation will then be reversed
by the arrival of a saviour figure, either God or his agent, whose
appearance signals the turning of the ages. The arrival of this figure
leads in turn to the final and universal judgement. The righteous
will be vindicated and receive eternal salvation, while the wicked,
both human and angelic, will be punished forever in the fire and
gloom of Gehenna. Almost all apocalyptic-eschatological schemes
affirm that this series of events will occur in the imminent future,
although this particular belief could be expressed in a number of
ways.
It was argued that this perception of reality has a concrete
social setting. Apocalypticism is embraced by sectarian or min-
ority groups which experience a situation of crisis and a resultant
sense of alienation from the wider society, and the use of
apocalyptic eschatology is a direct response to these dire circum-
stances. This religious perspective presents a new and authoritative
symbolic universe which is at odds with the world view of the
outside world, but one which reinforces and validates the experi-
ence of the group which adopts it. By spelling out that according
to God's predetermined plan the suffering righteous will be
vindicated and the wicked oppressors horribly punished in the
imminent future, it serves a number of basic functions. These
include legitimation of the group in question, hope for the future,
the desire for vengeance and the necessity for group solidarity
until the eschaton.
Part II of this study was concerned with a full reconstruction of
Matthew's particular apocalyptic-eschatological scheme. It was
argued that the evangelist readily adopted and promoted the eight
major characteristics of this perspective which were analysed in
Part I. He adopts a developed type of cosmic dualism similar to
those which are found in the Qumran literature and the book of
Revelation. According to Matthew's scheme, the cosmos is divided
into two opposing supernatural groups which are engaged in a
battle for supremacy. The human world is similarly divided into
two camps and each person must decide whether he or she pledges
allegiance to the side of heaven or to the side of Satan. Matthew
246 Conclusions
also promotes the notion of historical determinism on the one

hand, and the concept of individual free choice on the other.
His end-time scenario conforms to that of the Jewish apoca-
lyptic-eschatological schemes, although it is presented in strictly
Christian terms. The end of the present age will be characterised by
a period of upheaval which would increase the suffering of the
righteous. According to Matthew's timetable of the end, the series
of events comprising the eschatological woes was well advanced
and the turning of the ages was imminent. The final event in history
would be a major assault against the righteous by the demonic
forces of Satan led by the antichrist. This attack would be met and
defeated by the saviour figure, Jesus Son of Man, who would arrive
on the clouds of heaven accompanied by his angelic army. The Son
of Man would ascend his throne of glory and preside over the final
judgement. Matthew's distinctive presentation of the Son of Man is
a perfect synthesis of his Christian and Jewish Son of Man sources,
both of which are reinterpretations of the one like a son of man in
Daniel 7:13-14. The judgement which the Son of Man brings is the
climax of the evangelist's eschatological scheme. The righteous will
be vindicated and live forever as angels, while the wicked will suffer
forever in the fire of Gehenna where they will weep and gnash their
teeth. Matthew's description of the horrific fate of the wicked
stands much more in line with Jewish apocalyptic-eschatological
schemes than with their Christian counterparts. Of all the early
Christian literature, only the Apocalypse emphasises that the lot of
the wicked will be everlasting torture by fire. Hence, the judgement
in Matthew is not, as many scholars have claimed, a colourless
event which lacks concrete details. Since the dual themes of reward
and punishment are the climax of Matthew's apocalyptic-eschato-
logical scenario to which everything else points, it is clear that
Matthew's scheme is particularly vindictive and vengeful. On the
basis of the evangelist's fervent promotion of apocalyptic escha-
tology, we are entitled to consider his community as an apocalyptic
group.
The third Part of this study attempted to account for the
evangelist's adoption and promotion of his particular vision of
reality. To this end, it was argued that the explanation lies in the
social setting of the Matthean community which found itself
facing a number of crises in the aftermath of the Jewish war. It
had separated from the Jewish parent body and was in open
conflict with it. Moreover, it had experienced persecution at the
Conclusions 247
hands of its gentile neighbours and expected more to come.

Finally, the Jewish war had witnessed the destruction of the
Jerusalem church and the power base of law-observant Chris-
tianity. This situation in turn led to a resurgence of law-free
Christianity and there is good evidence in the gospel that Matthew
believed this form of Christianity posed a considerable threat to
his community. These three factors contributed to the Matthean
ekklesia's alienation from the outside world. With the disintegra-
tion of all its former external support systems, Matthew's commu-
nity had no choice but to become a self-supporting unit or face
extinction on account of the pressures it faced. It attempted to
accomplish this by embracing apocalypticism in so far as it
adopted an apocalyptic-eschatological perspective or symbolic
universe to which the evangelist gives expression.
Matthew's apocalyptic eschatology is therefore a direct re-
sponse to the situations of crisis which his community faced. By
adopting a markedly dualistic vision of the cosmos, it identifies
the sectarian Matthean community as the embattled righteous
who stand firmly on the side of the heavenly world in the cosmic
conflict. The remainder of the world, by contrast, is identified as
being in league with Satan. This identification of each group
serves to legitimate the Matthean community and to discredit all
those who stand outside it and against it. Matthew's particular
scheme also offers an explanation for the current dire circum-
stances of his group. The righteous community must suffer as the
predetermined eschatological woes draw to their conclusion. But
its members can take heart that the present situation will be
reversed in the imminent future. Jesus the Son of Man will soon
arrive to vindicate the righteous and to punish the wicked. The
members of the ekklesia can thereby be consoled that their
suffering and endurance will be more than adequately compen-
sated and that their demands for vengeance will be met. All
outsider groups which threaten the Matthean community are
earmarked for the fire of Gehenna. But in order to promote
group solidarity, which is essential for any minority group in
threatening circumstances, Matthew makes clear that the judge-
ment is a two-edged sword. Membership in the ekklesia is not
sufficient for one to be numbered among the righteous at the
judgement. One needs to be a true member of the group by
following its code of practice and refraining from dissident
behaviour. The evangelist therefore threatens his readers that
248 Conclusions
improper behaviour within the group will see the offender pun-
ished in the same horrific manner as the outsiders.
Matthew lends authority to his apocalyptic-eschatological
scheme by placing it on the lips of an authoritative figure, namely
Jesus the Son of Man who will return at the eschaton and preside
over the judgement. He uses as his vehicle of expression the gospel
genre which he inherited from Mark and which provided the scope
to present other themes which were of concern to him. The fact that
Matthew presents his apocalyptic eschatology in a gospel and not
in an apocalypse reinforces the point that this world view is not
confined to the apocalyptic genre (nor is it always found there).
This point had been conceded in the case of the Qumran commu-
nity, but the fact that Matthew's scheme is as detailed as any other
makes it all the more necessary to revise the misleading terminology
in this area of study. Finally, it hardly needs saying that Matthew's
apocalyptic eschatology is not the most appealing aspect of the
gospel. His division of the human world into two distinct camps,
his vengeful view of the fate of the wicked complete with graphic
descriptions of their suffering, and his use of threats to influence his
readers to adopt his own point of view are not likely to find favour
with many readers of the gospel today. It is understandable that
many Matthean studies have either avoided altogether or at least
played down these particular elements of the gospel. Yet Matthew's
apocalyptic eschatology looms so large in the gospel that it cannot
be dispensed with so easily. We must accept that it is an integral
part of the gospel and attempt to explain its presence there. The
sociological explanation offered here is an attempt to do this. By
reconstructing the social setting of the evangelist and his readers,
and by examining the functions which this religious perspective
plays in the gospel, we can understand why apocalyptic escha-
tology, including its unattractive elements, is such a prominent
theme in the gospel of Matthew. It is clear from this study that
Matthew's adoption and promotion of this theme was tied inextric-
ably to his historical and social circumstances. Had the Jewish war
not eventuated and had the Matthean community not had to face
the problems it did, it is probable that Matthew would have written
a gospel 'more acceptable' to modern readers. But the Jewish war
did happen and it did impact severely on Matthew's community in
a number of ways. The evangelist obviously believed that drastic
circumstances require drastic measures and he responded to these
crises in a manner which was readily available to him and which
Conclusions 249
was used approvingly in his cultural and historical setting. While

we might not today share Matthew's world view or approve of his
methods in responding to his community's needs, we do him a great
disservice if we do not try to understand him as a child of his time.
When we acknowledge this, we find that Matthew did compose his
gospel as a caring pastor for his troubled community. He con-
structed a symbolic universe which was designed to see his readers
through the current crises and the troubling times which lay ahead.
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INDEX OF PASSAGES CITED
Old Testament Isaiah

Genesis 10:20 114
18:3 105
6:1^ 36 25:6 50
26:11 131
Exodus 29:13 88
33:11-14 131
3:2 133 49:9-10 50
19:18 133 62:4^5 141
34:29-30 144 65:13 50
66:15-16 131,133
Deuteronomy 66:16 133
66:24 131,132,135
3:2 133
19:15 203
32:25 235 Jeremiah
2:2 141
1 Chronicles 6:1 105
21:1 36 7:31 49
19:5 49
32:35 49
2 Chronicles 51:27 105
28:3 49 51:33 115
33:6 49
Ezekiel
Job 1:13 133
1-2 36 16:8 141
37:12-13 111
38:22 131
Psalms 39:17-20 50
34:7 75
91:11 75 Daniel
110:1 95
118:22-3 88 3:6 36, 75, 135
7:9 143
Proverbs 7:9-10 133
7:9-14 124
25:21-2 132 7:13 95,106, 107,117
263
264 Index of passages
7:13-14 106, 108, 123, 246 Intertestamental and Other Jewish

7:22 46, 67, 127 Literature
7:25 51
8:13-14 42 1 Enoch
8:14 51 1:2 40
9:26-7 42 1:3-9 43
9:27 51 1:7-9 46
10:6 49, 143 1:8 49
10:13 36 1:9 76
10:21 36 5:6 40
11:36 41 5:7-8 40
11:40-5 43 6-8 36
12:1 36, 42, 44^5 9-11 36
12:2 46,47, 111 10:4-5 36
12:3 49, 142, 144 10:13 48
12:7 51 10:18-19 50
12:10 40 14:20 143
12:11 51 16:1 115
12:12 51 18:10-15 48
20:1-7 36
21:1-10 48
Hosea 26:1-27:4 49
27:1-2 48
1:5 114 38:1 40
3:20 141 38:2 47
38:4 49,122
39:5 35
Joel 39:6 46
2:3 131 39:7 49, 122
3:11-12 126 40:2-9 36
3:13 115 40:5 46
40:7 37
45:3 46,47, 114,119
45:4-5 50
Amos 46:4^8 60
9:11 114 46:6 47
9:13-15 115 47:2 35
47:3 119
48:6 46
Habakkuk 48:7-8 60
48:10 47
3:4 133 50:1 49, 122
51:1 46
51:3 47,119
Zechariah 51:4 49
3:1-2 36 52:4 47
12-14 114 53:3 37
12:10 105-6 53:3-5 37
14:4-5 111 53:4^5 36
53:5-7 60
53:6 47
Malachi 54:1 47,48
54:2-6 60
3:19 131 54:5 48
OOOOO^j^HoocNooooofNvoooi^rôoooÔNOsON
C*"1* t"**- O*N co ^^ ^^ ^^ ^!D *""^ ^ ^ ON ^ O *"^ */"*) O ^ .
l l | | t ^ I i(OOON 0 O 0 O T-H r"> -i IO | T I _L ' ' <N O
Ci ?. Ci <M f} ^ "^ T! T! T. Ti T. T! 9^ r5 ri rn T1". 'P. Tl T. *T1 T. ^ T! . T! T^
J ^ ^ y . ^T!'^:'. o o o o o r j n m m ^ ^ ^ o o J f
pj m -t
^^^ C I' 3 ^ ^ ^ ^^^ ^B^ ^Ba^ tî^ ^ B ^ aH^ f ^ aH^ *HHH " " ^ f^^ ^J^ ^ ^ " V^^ ^ ^ ^ ^4^^ ^Xw^ S ^ S^^) S ^ ^ " C^^ ^^^ 0 0 OO OO OO _^~^ f Â ^^^ ^^^ ^ ^ \ ^^^ ^ ^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ C |'' 3 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ C "^3 , , , #
ON O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N O N --H -I --H -I -< -i -H II --H --H --H -I -i c^ - Tf
oo^\oo^NOnoo<^(Ncôô^ÔTâ\o^c^^^NOO^ôôoxô^^(â^rn\oôoo^^\oo^^^NDnn^^Tlyoooo o
Ttrncn-^rOTtTtrtr^-^40fO'^r^sor^'^'^'^Tt<^rnu^Ttrnvo^Tt^Ttsof^
^ ^ ^ ^ ^ so" ^ ^ ^ c{ *
< N t ^ r ^ t ^ t ^ m t^r-ON TtfNi
!
I CN v*v rî -' CN v_^ rî <->w \ u ^ r ^ T '"^ '"^ i^* * >*v
ri-soso J^ --<so -H . _ H _ ^ a N . _ < i o oo O O O O M M ^ H I M _ 1 1
(/înuîowîOU^SOSOsOSOsosOSOSOSOsososososososososososososososososot^
7:1-3 37 57:2 50
7:1-4 48 59:2 47
8:1-9:5 50 70:1-2 115
10:1-3 48 70:2-10 42
10:2 47,49 70:9 44
10:3 35 72:2-6 44,67
18:1-3 37 73:1-6 49
18:1-9 48 77:2-4 67
19:1 49 79:1-2 67
19:2-6 35 80:1 168
22:8-10 49 82:2-9 67
29:4 37 84:10-12 51
31:3-6 37 85:10 50
42:5 49 85:13 47
66:6 46
3 Baruc
2 Baruch
3:1-8 48
1:2-5 67 4:3 49
4:2-6 50 4:16 47
5:2 46 12-13 36,75
5:2-4 67
13:3 115 4 Ezra
13:8 46
16:1 51 3:25-7 67
19:5 115 4:26 51
20:1 51 4:29-39 115
20:1-2 168 4:36-7 41
21:8 115 5:1-12 43
24:1-2 40 5:5 50
25:1-27:15 42 5:8 42
27:15 115 7:6-8 83
29:3 44 7:17 40
29:4^8 50 7:26 50
29:8 115 7:28 44
30:1 44 7:29^4 44
30:1-2 46 7:30-2 50
30:2-4 40 7:30-44 112
32:4 50 7:32 46
32:6 50 7:32^3 124
36:11 47 7:33 46
39:7^0:3 44 7:35-8 47
42:8 46 7:36 48,135
44:1-15 65 7:37 46
44:12 50 7:61 47
44:15 47 7:97 49
48:31-9 42 7:113 114,115
48:39 47 8:3 87
48:43 47 8:61 51
48:48 40 9:1-3 42
50:1-3 46 10:25-58 50
51:1-6 46 11-12 103
51:5 49 12:314 44
51:10 49 12:32 44
Index of passages 267
13:32-8 44,67 4:47 41
13:33-4 46 4:115-27 60
14:10-11 50 4:130-51 42
14:11 41 4:137-52 43
4:160-1 48
Apocalypse of Abraham 4:179-86 48
4:181-2 46
15:6 49 4:186 49
27:7-8 67 4:190-1 49
29:2 41 5:52-93 67
29:15 42 5:93-109 43
30:2-8 42 5:110 42
31:1-2 67 5:111-35 67
31:1-8 46 5:155-61 42
31:2-6 47 5:162-78 67
31:3 48 5:179-227 67
31:5 47 5:214-27 43
5:286-327 67
Psalms of Solomon 5:333-59 67
5:361-74 43
15:12 114 5:361-80 42
17 44 5:386-96 67
17:26-46 46 5:396-413 60
5:420-7 50
Jubilees 5:434-46 67
5:447-83 43
1:29 41 5:512-31 42
2:2 35
4:19 114 Testament of Moses
5:1-11 36
7:29 49 1-5 59
10:1-12 36 6-7 59
15:31-2 36 8-10 59
22:22 49 10:3-7 43
23:13-23 42 10:4-6 42
23:25 42 12:4 115
23:29-30 49 12:4-5 41
23:31 46
35:17 36,75 Testament of Abraham
Sibylline Oracles 12-13 119

12:1-2 36
3:53^ 48 12:10-14 48,133,138
3:63-74 43 12:12 35
3:84-93 48 13:6 46,127
3:371-80 49 13:11-14 48,133,138
3:635-51 42
3:672-4 48
3:690-2 48
Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs
3:741-3 46
3:796-807 42 Testament of Reuben
4:40 40
4:42 46 4:7 38
4:43 49 6:10-11 44
Testament of Simeon Tobit

7:2 44 5:2 75
Testament of Levi Pseudo-Philo

3:1-2 48 11:12 75
3:2 36, 47, 49 15:5 75
4:1 42,46 59:4 75
5:3 75
8:2 143
10:2 115 Pirke 'Aboth
18:4-5 49 3:19 42
18:1-12 44
18:10 50
18:12 38,48 IQS
19:1 38
1:17-18 37
2:7-8 49
Testament of Judah 2:8 47
2:11-17 68
1:6 44 130
2:16-17
20:1-3 38 37
219
23:3-4 42 3:13-4:26 38
24:1-6 44 3*15 41
25:3 38,48 42
3:15-16
3:18-19 39
Testament of Zebulun 3:20-1 37,39
3:22-3 37
10:3 47 4:8 50
4:12-13 47
4:13 49
Testament of Dan 39
4:18
1:7 38 4:24-5 39
3:6 38 4:25 50
5:12 50 6:24^7:25 68
6:10-11 38 9:11 44
11:5-9 45
Testament of Gad
4:7 38 CD
1:4^7 61
2:5-6 47
Testament of Asher 37
5:18
1:8-9 38 7:19-20 44
6:4 38 12:23-13:1 44
14:19 44
Testament of Benjamin
6:1 38 1QM
9:2 44 1:1 61
10:6-8 46 1:14 44
10:9 46 2:15-4:17 105
11:3 115 13:9-13 44
14:15 44 HQMelch 38,46
15:4 44
16:13 44
17:5-8 44
17:6-8 49 New Testament
17:7 49
18:5 Matthew
44
1:18-25 194
1:20 143
1QH 1:20-1 75
1:22-3 89
3:13-16 42 1:24 143
3:19-22 45 2:1-18 89
3:28-33 48 2:12 75
3:35 44 2:13 75, 143
6:22-9 100 2:15 89
11:10-14 45 2:17-18 89
2:19-20 75
2:22 75
lQpHab 2:23 89
38 3:2 91
5:7-8
9:9-10 61 3:3 88
Ul
3:7 114,185
10:4-5 48
.] 3:7-12 135,228,230
11:4-5 U1
3:8 91
12:6 61
12:10 61 3:9 229
U1
3:10 136,230
3:11 91
3:12 84, 115
lQSa
3:13-17 78
1:3 38 4:1 77
2:11-22 44,50 4:1-13 78
4:3 77
4:5 77,102
lQSb 4:8 77
4:10 77
5:20-8 44 4:11 76,77
4:14-16 89
4:15-16 199
4QAmram 17,49 4:16 145
4:17 91
4:23 187
5:3-12 226
4Q280-2 37
5:4 141
5:5 141
5:6 141
4Q286-7 38 5:7 141
5:8 141
5:9 141
5:10-12 193^4
4Q161 46 5:12 141
5:13 137
5:13-16 218
5Q15 50 5:14 141-2, 145
5:15 142 7:23 213

5:16 142, 145 7:24^7 81,214-15
5:17 190 7:29 188
5:17-19 209,213 8:5-13 199
5:18 113,190,217 8:11-12 141,229,230
5:20 190,213 8:12 140,230,231,238
5:21-48 190 8:16 78
5:22 136,137, 189 8:17 89
5:22^ 233 8:20 94,118
5:25 189 8:28-34 78, 138-9,199
5:27-8 238 8:29 139
5:29-30 137,238 9:4 185,224
5:33-7 77 9:6 94
5:37 77,81 9:14-15 141
5:38-^2 235 9:18 187
5:39 194 9:32-^ 78
5:39-40 189 9:35 77,187
5:44 193, 235 9:37-8 115
5:45 82 9:37-10:42 169
5:46-7 201 10 209
5:47 233 10:5 170
5:48 235 10:5-6 170
6:1-18 184 10:7 223
6:2 184, 187, 192 10:8 78
6:4 141 10:8-9 233
6:5 184, 187, 192 10:15 114,115,229
6:5-6 190, 202 10:16-33 193
6:6 141 10:17 187,196,197,204
6:7-8 201,202 10:17-22 161,170, 171,172
6:9-13 190 10:18 204
6:12 189 10:19-20 227
6:13 77 10:22 115, 171,172, 174,227
6:16 184, 192 10:23 96, 155, 170, 171, 172-3,
6:18 141 196,197, 226
6:20 141 10:25 77
6:31-2 201,202 10:26-33 227
7:1-5 236 10:28 129,137,197,239
7:3-5 233 10:29 196
7:12 190,235 10:32-3 98, 239
7:13 130,215 10:38 204
7:13-14 83-4, 214 10:39 196
7:13-27 214 10:40-2 115,233
7:14 141 10:41-2 141
7:15 212 11:5 78
7:15-20 126 11:10 88
7:15-23 164-7,168,211,214, 11:16 83
229-30 11:19 94
7:16-18 136 11:23 137
7:17-18 82 11:20-4 91,228
7:19 136,230 W-22-A 114
7:21 214 11:25-7 90
7:21-3 126, 127 12:1-8 190
7:22 114 12:8 94
7:22-3 230 12:9 187
12:9-14 190 16:4 83
12:17-21 89 16:18 83, 100-1, 103, 107,137,
12:18-19 199 187,215,223,227
12:22-30 78 16:18-19 149, 187
12:24 77 16:19 189
12:26 77 16:21 90
12:27 77 16:23 77,78
12:30 219 16:27 76, 109,118,128, 141,235
12:31-7 228 16:27-8 96, 97-8
12:32 93,94,112 16:28 125,155,168,211,226
12:33 82 17:1-9 143
12:34 185 17:2 143, 226
12:34-5 81,224 17:5 144
12:36 114, 141 17:9 94
12:36-7 84 17:14-21 78
12:38-42 185 17:17 83
12:39 83 17:22 94,118
12:39-42 190 17:22-3 90
12:41 83 18:1-4 236
12:41-2 111, 114,130,228 18:6-7 236
12:42 83 18:6-8 218
12:43-5 79-80 18:7 218
12:49-50 233 18:8 136
13:19 77,78 18:8-9 134^5,238
13:24^30 79, 84, 210 18:9 136, 137
13:25 217 18:10 75,142
13:35 89 18:10-14 236
13:36-43 78-9, 80, 82, 84,85-7, 18:15 233
115, 122, 135,210,214, 18:15-17 91, 189,201,202-3,238
215,230,231 18:15-35 149
13:37-8 223 18:17 208,211
13:38 77 18:18 189
13:38-9 224 18:20 187
13:39 77,78, 115 18:21 233
13:40 115,135 18:21-2 236, 237
13:40-3 122 18:23-35 138,237
13:41 76,96,99, 125,211 18:34 139
13:41-2 211 18:35 138
13:41-3 81 19:3-9 190
13:42 76, 135, 140 19:16 141
13:43 142-3, 144, 145, 226 19:21 141
13:44-6 141 19:28 107,112-14,117-18,120,
13:47-50 85, 210, 230 121, 126,228
13:49 76,82,115,224 19:29 141
13:49-50 79,122, 135 20:8 141
13:50 76, 135, 140 20:18 94
13:52 188 20:18-19 90,118
13:54 187 20:21 99
15:7 184 20:28 94,141
15:7-9 88 21:4-5 89
15:14 185 21:23-24:1 158
15:21-39 199 21:42 88
15:22-8 78, 200 21:43 187
16:1-^ 185 22:1-10 195
22:1-14 141 24:14 171,172

22:6 185 24:15 102, 227
22:7 90, 158, 181 24:15-28 100-4, 107, 108, 157,
22:10 82,210,224, 230 168,172,223
22:11-13 140, 142, 145, 230 24:16-20 102
22:13 140, 230, 238 24:20 157
22:14 87 24:21 103
22:18 185,224 24:22 168, 174, 227
22:30 111,142,143,145,226 24:23-6 103
22:34-40 190, 235 24:24 164, 166
22:41-6 190 24:27 96, 97, 103,106
23:3 185 24:28 103-4, 105, 204, 224
23:4 185 24:29 104,111,113,174
23:5-7 185 24:29-31 107, 157, 168-9
23:6 187 24:30 104-7, 108
23:7 192 24:30-1 96,118
23:7-8 188 24:31 76, 105, 107
23:8 233 24:34 83, 155, 156,226
23:8-12 188 24:35 113
23:13 185 24:36 6, 114, 152,226
23:15 137,184,185,209,228 24:36-25:13 152-3, 156, 169
23:15-26 185 24:37 96,97
23:16 184 24:37-9 96
23:17 184 24:37-41 152
23:23 184,213 24:37-25:13 6
23:24 185 24:39 96,97
23:25 185 24:42 114, 153
23:26 185 24:43^1 152
23:27 184 24:44 96,97
23:28 213 24:45-51 81, 130,151, 152,237
23:29 184 24:48 81,151,153
23:29-32 196, 197 24:50 114
23:29-36 185,196 24:51 140
23:29-39 193 25:1-13 81, 151, 153
23:32-3 196 25:5 151,153
23:33 137, 185,228 25:14^30 82, 151,238
23:34 184,187,196-7,204 25:19 151,152,153
23:34^6 209 25:30 140
23:35-6 197 25:31 76,107,117, 118, 120
23:36 83 25:31-46 84,118,123-6,127,128,
23:37-9 158 136,200,232-4
24:1-2 158 25:32 106, 171,232
24:2 90,157, 158 25:37 81
24:3 94,97,115,156-60 25:40 232
24:4^14 99-100,108, 160-8,173,226 25:41 77,78,81, 106, 136,139,
24:4-31 93, 99, 108 145, 232
24:6 115 25:45 232
24:6-7 160 25:46 130,141
24:9 203, 205, 207, 210 26:21-5 90
24:9-12 220 26:24 94
24:11 168 26:25 188
24:11-12 163-7,217 26:34 90
24:13 174,227 26:45 94
24:13-14 115,171,172 26:49 188
26:53 76, 104 9:31 90,94

26:54 88 9:38-40 219
26:56 88 9:41 141
26:64 94-6, 107, 144 9:43 131,134, 137, 141
27:9-10 89 9:45 131,134, 137
27:27-37 200 9:47-8 131,134, 137
27:36 200 9:49 137-8
27:51 110 9:50 137
27:51-3 110,111,200 10:2-12 190
27:53 102 10:17 141
27:54 200 10:21 141
28:1-8 75 10:30 112,141
28:1-10 110 10:33-4 90
28:2 143 10:45 94
28:3 143, 144, 226 12:10-11 88
28:10 233 12:25 111, 142
28:11-15 194 12:41-44 158
28:16-20 95, 150 13:2 90,101
28:18 96 13:3^ 156
28:18-20 150, 168 13:3-8 99
28:19 171,208,209 13:4 94,97,115
28:19-20 149 13:5-8 161
28:20 115,187 13:7 115
13:9 204
Mark 13:9-13 161, 170, 171, 172
1:3 88 13:13 99,115,161,171,204
1:9-11 78 13:14 101
1:13 76 13:14-18 102
1:34 78 13:18 157
1:39 187 13:19 103
2:10 94 13:14-21 101
2:19-20 141 13:20 168
2:28 94 13:22 163-4
3:1-6 190 13:24-5 104
3:22-7 78 13:24-7 168
3:23-8 190 13:26 95, 106, 118
4:14 77 13:27 76
4:26-9 115 13:30 155
5:1-20 78,138 13:31 113
5:7 138 13:32 114,152
5:22 187 13:35 152
6:30 170 14:18-21 90
7:1-23 190 14:21 94
7:6-7 88 14:30 90
7:24-30 78 14:31 94
8:31 90 14:49 88
8:38 76,97-8, 109, 116, 118 14:62 94, 95, 97, 106, 107
8:38-9:1 97 15:37-9 110
9:1 155 15:38 110
9:2-10 143 16:5-6 143
9:3 143
9:9 94 Luke
9:10 111 1:32 119
9:14-29 78 3:7 114
3:7-9 135 23:43 129

3:16-17 135
3:17 115
6:21 141 John
6:22-3 193
6:23 141 1:8 85
6:32-3 201 3:5-6 85
6:35 82 3:19-21 86,116
6:43 82 3:29 141
6:43-5 136,164 4:36 141
6:45 81, 141 5:22 116
6:46 126, 164 5:27 116-17
6:47-9 214 5:28-9 110,116
7:27 88 6:63 85
7:34 94 8:12 85
9:58 94 8:44 81
10:1-2 115 9:5 85
10:9 78 9:39 116
10:12-15 114 12:31 116
11:14-15 78 12:35-6 85
11:17-23 78 12:38 88
11:23 219 12:46 85
11:24-6 79 13:18
11:31-2 111,114 15:25
11:47-51 196 17:12
12:4-5 129, 137 17:15 77
12:8-9 98,116 18:9
12:10 94 18:32
12:29-30 201,202 19:24
12:33 141 19:28
12:40 97 19:36
12:41-6 151,152 19:37 8,105-6
12:42-6 130
12:46 114
13:23-4 83 Acts
13:25-7 120, 164 2:30 119
13:28 140 10:42 116
13:28-9 141 12:15 75
13:3^5 158 13:10 81
14:15-24 141, 195 17:31 116
14:23 82
14:34^-5 131
16:17 113
rvuiiidiiw
16:19-31 129, 139
16:23 139 2:6 141
16:28 139 2:16 116,119
17:1-2 218 4:7 212
17:24 97 6:5 110
17:26-30 96 6:19 212
17:26-35 152 8:29 111
17:37 103 12:19 235
19:11-27 82,151 12:19-20 132-3
22:28-30 112,117 12:20 133,134
22:30 126 14:10 119
1 Corinthians 1:10 114

2:3 101,212
1:8 115 2:4 101
3:8 141 2:7-8 212
3:13-15 133 2:9 101
3:14 141 3:3 77
7:5 77
9:17-18 141
10:11 115 2 Timothy
15 110
15:20 111 4:1 116
15:23 97 4:8 114
15:24 115 4:14 141
15:52 107
Titus
2 Corinthians
2:14 212
5:10 116,119 3:5 112
6:14 212
11:2 141
11:15 115 Hebrews
3:6 115
Galatians 3:14 115
2:11-14 216 6:2 110
6:8 115
Ephesians 6:11 115
9:26 115
5:25-9 141 10:27 131-2, 134
6:16 77 10:30 235
10:39 132
Philippians
3:19 115 James
3:6 131
Colossians 5:3 131,134
1:18 111 5:7-8 97
1 Thessalonians 1 Peter
2:19 97 4:5 141
3:5 77 4:7 115
3:13 76,97 4:17 115
4:13-18 110
4:15 97
4:16 107 2 Peter
5:2-4 152 1:16 97
5:23 97 2:1-2 163
2:9 114
2 Thessalonians 3:4 97
3:7 114, 132,134
1:7 76 3:10 152
1:7-8 133^ 3:10-12 132
1:8-9 116 3:13 132
1 John 6:8 43,100

6:9-10 61
1:5-7 85 8:3-4 35
1:18 101 8:1-9:21 42
1:22 101 9:1-11 43, 100
2:8-11 85 10:1 49,143
2:13-14 77 11:2-3 51
2:28 97 11:7 43,100
3:4 212 11:15 107
3:12 77,81 11:18 141
4:1-3 163 12:1-6 37
4:1-6 81,85 12:7-8 45
4:3 101 12:7-12 37
4:17 114 12:13-17 37
5:18-19 77 12:14 51
13:2 43
13:2-4 39
2 John 13:3 43
141 13:3-1 40
13:4 43
13:5 51
Jude 13:7 43
13:8 40
7 131,134 61
13:10
14-15 76 40
13:11
13:12 39
14:10-11 139
Revelation 14:14^20 115
1:1-3 51 16:1-21 42
1:5 111 16:6 61
1:7 106 16:15 152
1:9 60 17:4 61
1:16 144 17:8 43
2:2-3 61 17:9-17 61
2:7 50 17:11 43
2:9 60,61 17:14 45
2:9-10 40 18:3 61
2:9-11 67 18:15 61
2:10 61,77 18:16 61
2:13 40,61 18:23 61
2:14-16 68 18:24 61
2:15-16 61 19:2 61
2:19 61 19:7 141
2:20 61 19:9 141
2:22-3 68 19:11-19 45, 105
2:26 115 19:20 48,49
3:1-4 68 20:1-3 37
3:3 152 20:2 39
3:5 116 20:4 46, 127
3:9 40,60 20:4^5 46
3:9-13 67 20:4^6 61
3:10 61 20:7-8 43, 100
3:21 119,127 20:7-10 37
4:2-11 116 20:10 48, 139
20:11-13 46 21:22 50
20:11-15 46,116,124 21:27 116
20:14 48 22:5 49
20:15 47, 139 22:6-7 51
21:1 50 22:10-15 49
21:12-13 83 22:12 51,141
21:15 83 22:14 83
21:21 83 22:20 51
INDEX OF MODERN SCHOLARS
Allen, W.C. 168 Davidson, M.J. 33, 38, 45, 46, 48

Allison, D.C 42, 111 Davies, P.R. 24, 27, 33
Aune, D.E. 24, 50, 54 Davies, W.D. 79, 183, 192, 212, 213,
217
Barclay, J.M.G. 217 Davies, W.D. and D.C. Allison 15, 75,
Barrett, C.K. 117 77,80,81,82,100,113,136,138,
Barth,G. 165, 168,211,212,214,217 142, 144, 165, 170, 171, 173, 189,
Bartnicki, R. 173 200, 201, 202, 209, 211, 212, 213,
Bauckham, RJ. 45, 131 215
Beare, F.W. 79, 80, 82, 85-6, 102, 104, Davison, J.E. 212
112, 130,181,189,211,213,232 Donaldson, T.L. 142, 150, 157
Betz, H.D. 217 Dunn, J.D.G. 133
Blenkinsopp, J. 64
Bonnard,P. 130, 189 Esler, P.F. 19
Bornkamm, G. 4^5, 151, 153, 211, 232
Boyd, W.J.P., 137 Fenton,J.C. 155
Brandenburger, E. 118, 120 Feuillet,A. 157
Brandon, S.G.F, 217 Fiorenza, E.S. 51,60,63,67,68
Broer,I. 118, 126, 136 Forkman,G. 189
Brooks, S.H. 173 France, R.T. 189, 211, 212, 240
Brown, R.E. 117 Friedrich, J. 112, 118, 122, 124^5, 126,
Brown, S. 103, 170, 173,207 233
Buchsel, F. 112
Burnett, F.W. 106, 112, 113, 121, 158, Gaston, L. 101,157
159,160, 165, 168, 171, 172 Geddert,T.L. 101, 154
Geist,H. 120, 136, 173
Campbell, K.M. 141 Glasson, T.F. 104
Cargal,T.B. 199 Gnilka, J. 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 96,
Catchpole, D.R. 118, 124, 126 102,104,111,112,118,120 122,126,
Charette, B. 17 136,138,151,153,158,165, 170,
Collins, A.Y. 60, 65, 67 171,196,197,201,202,211,232
Collins, J.J. 24, 25, 26, 27, 28-31, 32, 33, Grabbe, L.L. 55-9, 62
45,47,51,54,55,56,58,59,61,63, Grant, F.C. 2-3, 4
120 Grasser, E. 153
Conzelmann, H. 133 Gray, S. 233
Cope, O.L. 12-13, 118, 225, 227, 233, Guelich, R.A. 83, 189, 202, 212, 215
240 Gundry, R.H.77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83,
Coser, L. 186 96,97,98, 102, 104,111, 112,118,
Crosby, M.H. 181 126, 130, 138, 139, 151, 169, 170,
171, 187, 189,196, 197,201,202,
Davids, P.H. 131 211,215,229
278
Index of modern scholars 279
Hagner,D. 11-12, 111, 155, 191,208, Mohrlang, R. 240

209,225, 240 Moloney, F. 117
Hahn,F. 153, 157
Hanson, P.D. 24, 54, 63, 64 Neusner,J. 183
Hare, D.R.A., 104, 116, 118, 121, 122, Nickelsburg, G.W.E. 52, 54, 55, 58, 60,
124, 157, 160, 166, 172, 173, 181, 119
185, 187, 192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 204
Hare, D.R.A. and D.J. Harrington 171 Orton, D. 14, 188
Hellholm, D. 55, 63 Osei-Bonsu, J. 129
Hengel, M. 50, 52 Overman, J.A. 65, 182, 183, 184, 186,
Higgins, AJ.B. 98, 104-5, 106 187, 188, 189,190, 191,192,208,
Hill, D. 96, 102, 104, 130, 164, 166 209,213,219
Himmelfarb, M. 28
Hoffmann, P. 78 Painter, J. 85
Hooker, M. 95, 96, 98 Pesch, R. 101
Hultgren, A.J. 191 Pryke, J. 33, 45
Hummel, R. 186, 190,212 Przybylski, B. 184, 186,208
Isenberg, S.R. 27 Rad G. von. 141

Reddish, M.G. 54, 61, 63
Jeremias, J. 77, 79, 83, 100, 137, 153 Robinson, J.A.T. 125
Rowland, C.C. 24, 26-7, 50, 52, 54
Kee, H.C. 7, 149 Russell, D.S. 34, 36, 41, 42, 47, 51, 54,
Kilpatrick, G.D. 191 63
Kingsbury, J.D. 79, 181, 184
Knibb, M.A. 23, 120, 122 Sabourin, L. 84, 113, 130, 142, 144, 171
Koch, K. 2 3 ^ , 34-5, 43, 50, 58 Saldarini, A.J. 184, 187, 188, 194, 208,
Kummel,W.G. 155 209
Sanders, E.P. 54, 55
Lambrecht, J. 155, 157, 169, 233 Schenk, W. 79, 97, 112,113,114
Lang, F. 133 Schiffman, L.H. 50, 52, 64
Langton, E. 36 Schulz, S. 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 96, 98,
LaVerdiere E.A. and W.G. Thompson 112,113,114,118,136,149,150,
207 151,153, 155, 196,197,201
Levine,A.-J. 170,200,208 Schurer, E. (et al). 34, 45, 47, 50, 54, 63
Lindars, B. 95, 96, 98, 104, 112, 113, Schweizer, E. 77, 97, 104, 111, 112,113,
117,118 115, 118, 144, 166, 169,171,172,
Lohmeyer, E. 150 211,218,229,232
Luhrmann, D. 97 Segal, A.F. 191,209,212,217
Luz, U. 77, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 113, 136, Senior, D.P. 96, 111
142, 144, 165, 173, 189, 201, 202 Sim, D.C. 49, 56, 76, 111, 140, 198, 200,
209,230
McDermott, J.M. 170, 173 Smalley, S. 81
Marguerat, D. 7-9, 81, 94, 99, 112, 118, Smith, M. 33
121, 125, 126, 130, 136, 153, 166-7, Stanley, J.E. 64
211,213,229,230,232,236,240 Stanton, G.N. 6, 9, 10-11,17, 89,127,
Marshall, I.H. 133 171, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 188,
Marxsen,W. 101 191,194,203,212,213,217,218,
Meeks, W.A. 62, 64, 66, 68, 184, 190 225, 233, 234, 240
Meeks, W.A. and R.L. Wilken, 205 Stark,R. 192
Meier, J.P. 15, 150, 151, 170, 171, 187, Stone, M.E. 44, 50
189,207-8,209 Strecker, G. 6-7, 118, 149, 150, 151,
Michaelis, W. 39 153, 156, 165, 170,172,213
Milikowsky, C. 111,129 Streeter, B.H. 3-4, 101, 102, 169
280 Index of modern scholars
Stuhlmacher, P. 133 Vielhauer, P. 34

Sturm, R.E. 24
Suggs, M.J. 84 Watson, F. 19
Suter, D. 60 Weaver, D. 170, 173
Webber, R.C. 65
Theisohn,J. 120-2 White LJ. 188,189
Thompson, L.L. 40, 60 White, L.M. 187,209
Thompson, W.G. 162-3, 189, 218, 240 Wilson, R.R. 54
Tilborg, S. van. 184, 185
Todt, H.E. 95, 97, 98, 106,118, 120 Yadin, Y. 52
Trilling, W. 6, 150, 170,240
Tuckett, CM. 17 Ziesler,J. 133
Zumstein, J. 118, 125, 126, 136, 153,
Vanderkam, J.C. 27 211,212,213,229,232
INDEX OF SUBJECTS
angels fire, eternal punishment by, see under

holy, 35-6, 44-5, 75-6, 104-5, 142-3 wicked
fallen, see under demons formative Judaism, 183-4
righteous as, see under righteous formula quotations, 88-90
antichrist, 101-2
apocalyptic discourse, 150-5, 156-69 Gehenna, see under wicked
apocalyptic eschatology
functions of, in the apocalyptic- historical review, 41, 52, 160-1
eschatological tradition, 62-9
in Matthew, 222^42 John the Baptist, 12, 135
major characteristics of, 34-53 judgement
relationship to apocalypticism, 25, 54 in the apocalyptic-eschatological
terminological problems, 23-31 tradition, 45-7
apocalypticism, social setting of, 54-62 in Matthew, 84-5, 110-28
Birkath-ha-Minim, 191 law, 113, 190-1

lawlessness, 165-6, 211-15
demons, 36-8, 43, 45, 76-80, 100-1
determinism Matthean community, social setting of,
in the apocalyptic-eschatological in relation to the Jewish world,
tradition, 41-2 182-98
in Matthew, 87-91 in relation to the gentile world,
dualism 198-210
in the apocalyptic-eschatological in relation to the wider Christian
tradition, 3 5 ^ 1 Church, 210-18
in Matthew, 75-87 in relation to the world at large,
218-19
ekklesia, 187 messianic banquet, 50, 141
end, imminence of the messianic beliefs, 44, 46
in the apocalyptic-eschatological mission discourse, 169-73
tradition, 50-2
in Matthew, 148-74 outer darkness, 139-40
eschatological timetable, 99-100,160-8
eschatological war, see under persecution of Matthew's community
eschatological woes by Jews, 193-8
eschatological woes by gentiles, 203-8
in the apocalyptic-eschatological pesher method, 41, 88, 89-90
tradition, 42-3
in Matthew, 99-108, 167-8 redaction criticism, 15-18
renewal, cosmic, 50, 111-14
false prophets, 163-7, 168 resurrection, 45-6, 110-11
281
282 Index of subjects
righteous, fate of sermon on the mount, 189-90

in the apocalyptic-eschatological social-scientific criticism, 18-19
tradition, 49-50 Son of Man, 46-7, 50, 104-8, 114-28
in Matthew, 140-5
transfiguration of Jesus, 143-4
Satan, see under demons two ways, doctrine of the, 38-9, 83-5
saviour figure
in the apocalyptic-eschatological weeping and gnashing of teeth, 140
tradition, 43-5 wicked, fate of
in Matthew, 93-109 in the apocalyptic-eschatological
scribes and pharisees, 184-6 tradition, 47-9
sectarianism, 64, 182-3 in Matthew, 129^0

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What is the book about?

What is the book about?

What time period does it cover?

What time period does it cover?

This study reconstructs the apocalyptic eschatology in

Matthew's gospel so that we may understand Matthew's

General editor: Margaret E. Thrall

APOCALYPTIC ESCHATOLOGY IN THE

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

First published 1996

This digitally printed first paperback version 2005

A catalogue recordfor this publication is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data

ISBN-13 978-0-521-55365-0 hardback

ISBN-13 978-0-521-02063-3 paperback

Preface page xii

Part I: Apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism 21

1. The major characteristics of apocalyptic eschatology 23

Part II: Apocalyptic eschatology in the gospel of Matthew 73

3. Dualism and determinism in Matthew 75

4. Eschatological woes and the coming of the Son of Man 93

5. The judgement in Matthew 110

7. The imminence of the end in Matthew 148

Summary of Part II 175

8. The social setting of the Matthean community 181

9. The function of apocalyptic eschatology in the gospel of 222

Summary of Part III 243

Select bibliography 250

This study marks a significant stage in a long-held interest in the

funding from this institution also made it possible for me to have

HTS Harvard Theological Studies

1. The aims of this study

2. Survey of earlier studies

despite growing interest in this aspect of Matthew's theology in the

the success or otherwise of their imitation of the example set by

coherent picture of the actual event of judgement (pp. 23-5). The

the essay of Bornkamm, it still argues that Matthew's intense focus

investigates the judgement theme in Matthew within the limited

traditions?' (p. 278, original emphasis). In answering this question

of the story of Jesus, from his birth to the great commission, is

functions include providing hope in difficult times, assuring the

that its presence there needed to be explained. He argued that

3. Presuppositions concerning the gospel of Matthew

Matthew. On the more debated question whether Matthew was a

4. The methods employed in this study

presumes a conscious decision on the part of the evangelist which in

must be concluded that at this particular point his own view

analysis to the study of the gospel of Matthew.12 This is an

Apocalyptic eschatology and apocalypticism

This first part is concerned with the related notions of apocalyptic

1. The problem of terminology

movement underlying it which he called apocalyptic.2 This process

was always the result of apocalypticism. In more recent studies,

apocalyptic genre.8 The prime example here is the corpus of texts

literature.10 Rowland argues that the very term 'apocalyptic escha-

resides in the disparate nature of the texts under discussion. Even

since this sort of eschatology is clearly different from earlier (i.e.