Baguilat Jr. v. Alvarez
Baguilat Jr. v. Alvarez
Baguilat Jr. v. Alvarez
DECISION
PERLAS-BERNABE , J : p
The Facts
The petition alleges that prior to the opening of the 17th Congress on July 25,
2016, several news articles surfaced about Rep. Suarez's announcement that he sought
the adoption or anointment of President Rodrigo Roa Duterte's Administration as the
"Minority Leader" to lead a "cooperative minority" in the House of Representatives (or
the House), and even purportedly encamped himself in Davao shortly after the May
2016 Elections to get the endorsement of President Duterte and the majority partisans.
The petition further claims that to ensure Rep. Suarez's election as the Minority Leader,
the supermajority coalition in the House allegedly "lent" Rep. Suarez some of its
members to feign membership in the Minority, and thereafter, vote for him as the
Minority Leader. 2
On July 25, 2016, which was prior to the election of the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, then-Acting Floor Leader Rep. Farias and Rep. Jose Atienza (Rep.
Atienza) had an interchange before the Plenary, wherein the latter elicited the following
from the former: (a) all those who vote for the winning Speaker shall belong to
the Majority and those who vote for the other candidates shall belong to the
Minority; (b) those who abstain from voting shall likewise be considered part
of the Minority; and (c) the Minority Leader shall be elected by the members
of the Minority . 3 Thereafter, the Elections for the Speakership were held, "[w]ith 252
Members voting for [Speaker] Alvarez, eight [(8)] voting for Rep. Baguilat, seven [(7)]
voting for Rep. Suarez, 21 abstaining and one [(1)] registering a no vote," 4 thus,
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resulting in Speaker Alvarez being the duly elected Speaker of the House of
Representatives of the 17th Congress.
Petitioners hoped that as a "long-standing tradition" of the House where the
candidate who garnered the second (2nd)-highest number of votes for Speakership
automatically becomes the Minority Leader Rep. Baguilat would be declared and
recognized as the Minority Leader. However, despite numerous follow-ups from
respondents, Rep. Baguilat was never recognized as such. 5
On August 1, 2016, one of the "abstentionists," Representative Harlin Neil Abayon,
III (Rep. Abayon), manifested before the Plenary that on July 27, 2016, those who did
not vote for Speaker Alvarez (including the 21 "abstentionists") convened and elected
Rep. Suarez as the Minority Leader. 6 Thereafter, on August 15, 2016, Rep. (now,
Majority Leader) Farias moved for the recognition of Rep. Suarez as the Minority
Leader. This was opposed by Rep. Lagman essentially on the ground that various
"irregularities" attended Rep. Suarez's election as Minority Leader, particularly: (a) that
Rep. Suarez was a member of the Majority as he voted for Speaker Alvarez, and that his
"transfer" to the Minority was irregular; and (b) that the "abstentionists" who constituted
the bulk of votes in favor of Rep. Suarez's election as Minority Leader are supposed to
be considered independent members of the House, and thus, irregularly deemed as
part of the Minority. 7 However, Rep. Lagman's opposition was overruled, and
consequently, Rep. Suarez was officially recognized as the House Minority Leader.
Thus, petitioners led the instant petition for mandamus, insisting that Rep.
Baguilat should be recognized as the Minority Leader in light of: (a) the "long-standing
tradition" in the House where the candidate who garnered the second (2nd)-highest
number of votes for Speakership automatically becomes the Minority Leader; and (b)
the irregularities attending Rep. Suarez's election to said Minority Leader position.
For his part, Rep. Suarez maintains that the election of Minority Leader is an
internal matter to the House of Representatives. Thus, absent any nding of violation of
the Constitution or grave abuse of discretion, the Court cannot interfere with such
internal matters of a coequal branch of the government. 8 In the same vein, the O ce of
the Solicitor General (OSG), on behalf of Speaker Alvarez and Majority Leader Farias
contends, inter alia, that the election of Minority Leader is within the exclusive realm of
the House of Representatives, which the Court cannot intrude in pursuant to the
principle of separation of powers, as well as the political question doctrine. Similarly,
the OSG argues that the recognition of Rep. Suarez as the House Minority Leader was
not tainted with any violation of the Constitution or grave abuse of discretion and, thus,
must be sustained. 9
The Issue Before the Court
The essential issue for resolution is whether or not respondents may be
compelled via a writ of mandamus to recognize: (a) Rep. Baguilat as the Minority
Leader of the House of Representatives; and (b) petitioners as the only legitimate
members of the House Minority.
The Court's Ruling
The petition is without merit.
"Mandamus is de ned as a writ commanding a tribunal, corporation, board or
person to do the act required to be done when it or he unlawfully neglects the
performance of an act which the law speci cally enjoins as a duty resulting from an
o ce, trust or station, or unlawfully excludes another from the use and enjoyment of a
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right or o ce or which such other is entitled, there being no other plain, speedy, and
adequate remedy in the ordinary course of law." 1 0 In Special People, Inc. Foundation v.
Canda, 1 1 the Court explained that the peremptory writ of mandamus is an
extraordinary remedy that is issued only in extreme necessity, and the ordinary course
of procedure is powerless to afford an adequate and speedy relief to one who has a
clear legal right to the performance of the act to be compelled . 1 2 aScITE
After a judicious study of this case, the Court nds that petitioners have no clear
legal right to the reliefs sought. Records disclose that prior to the Speakership Election
held on July 25, 2016, then-Acting Floor Leader Rep. Farias responded to a
parliamentary inquiry from Rep. Atienza as to who would elect the Minority Leader of
the House of Representatives. Rep. Farias then articulated that: (a) all those who
vote for the winning Speaker shall belong to the Majority and those who vote
for other candidates shall belong to the Minority; (b) those who abstain from
voting shall likewise be considered part of the Minority; and (c) the Minority
Leader shall be elected by the members of the Minority . 1 3 Thereafter, the
election of the Speaker of the House proceeded without any objection from any
member of Congress, including herein petitioners. Notably, the election of the Speaker
of the House is the essential and formative step conducted at the rst regular session
of the 17th Congress to determine the constituency of the Majority and Minority (and
later on, their respective leaders), considering that the Majority would be comprised of
those who voted for the winning Speaker and the Minority of those who did not. The
unobjected procession of the House at this juncture is re ected in its Journal No. 1
dated July 25, 2016, 1 4 which, based on case law, is conclusive 1 5 as to what transpired
in Congress:
PARLIAMENTARY INQUIRY OF REP. ATIENZA
Recognized by the Chair, Rep. Atienza inquired as to who would elect the
Minority Leader of the House of Representatives.
REMARKS OF REP. FARIAS
In reply, Rep. Farias referred to Section 8 of the Rules of the house on
membership to the Majority and the Minority. He explained that the Members
who voted for the winning candidate for the Speaker shall constitute the
Majority and shall elect from among themselves the Majority Leader, while
those who voted against the winning Speaker or did not vote at all shall belong
to the Minority and would thereafter elect their Minority Leader.
NOMINAL VOTING ON THE NOMINEES FOR SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE
Thereafter, on motion of Rep. Farias, there being no objection , the
Members proceeded to the election of the Speaker of the House of
Representatives. The Presiding O cer then directed Deputy Secretary General
Adasa to call the Roll for nominal voting for the Speaker of the House and
requested each Member to state the name of the candidate he or she will vote
for.
The result of the voting was as follows:
For Rep. Pantaleon D. Alvarez:
xxx xxx xxx
For Rep. Teddy Brawner Baguilat Jr.
xxx xxx xxx
For Rep. Danilo E. Suarez
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xxx xxx xxx
Abstained
xxx xxx xxx
With 252 Members voting for Rep. Alvarez (P.), eight voting for Rep.
Baguilat, seven voting for Rep. Suarez, 21 abstaining and one registering a no
vote, the Presiding O cer declared Rep. Alvarez (P.) as the duly elected Speaker
of the House of Representatives for the 17th Congress.
COMMITTEE ON NOTIFICATION
On motion of Rep. Farias, there being no objection, the Body constituted
a committee composed of the following Members to notify Rep. Alvarez (P.) of
his election as Speaker of the House of Representatives and to escort the
Speaker-elect to the rostrum for his oath-taking: Reps. Eric D. Singson, Mercedes
K. Alvarez, Fredenil "Fred" H. Castro, Raneo "Ranie" E. Abu, Lucy T. Gomez,
Nancy A. Catamco, Elenita Milagros "Eileen" Ermita-Buhain, Rose Marie "Baby"
J. Arenas, Mylene J. Garcia-Albano, Gwendolyn F. Garcia, Marlyn L. Primicias-
Agabas, Emmeline Aglipay-Villar, Sarah Jane I. Elago and Victoria Isabel G.
Noel.
SUSPENSION OF SESSION
The Presiding O cer motu proprio suspended the session at 12:43 p.m.
16
After Speaker Alvarez took his oath of o ce, he administered the oath of o ce
to all Members of the House of the 17th Congress. 1 7 On the same day, the Deputy
Speakers, and other o cers of the House (among others, the Majority Leader) were
elected and all took their respective oaths of office. 1 8
During his privilege speech delivered on July 26, 2016, which was a full day after
all the above-mentioned proceedings had already been commenced and completed,
Rep. Lagman questioned Rep. Farias' interpretation of the Rules. 1 9 Aside from the
belated timing of Rep. Lagman's query, Rep. Suarez aptly points out that the Journal for
that session does not indicate any motion made, seconded and carried to correct the
entry in the Journal of the previous session (July 25, 2016) pertinent to any recording
error that may have been made, as to indicate that in fact, a protest or objection was
raised. 2 0
Logically speaking, the foregoing circumstances would show that the House of
Representatives had effectively adopted Rep. Farias' proposal anent the new rules
regarding the membership of the Minority, as well as the process of determining who
the Minority Leader would be. More signi cantly, this demonstrates the House's
deviation from the "legal bases" of petitioners' claim for entitlement to the reliefs
sought before this Court, namely: (a) the "long-standing tradition" of automatically
awarding the Minority Leadership to the second placer in the Speakership Elections, i.e.,
Rep. Baguilat; and (b) the rule 2 1 that those who abstained in the Speakership Elections
should be deemed as independent Members of the House of Representatives, and thus,
they could not have voted for a Minority Leader in the person of Rep. Suarez. 2 2 As will
be explained hereunder, the deviation by the Lower House from the aforesaid rules is
not averse to the Constitution.
Section 16 (1), Article VI of the 1987 Constitution reads:
Section 16. (1) The Senate shall elect its President and the House of
Representatives, its Speaker, by a majority vote of all its respective Members.
aDSIHc
It was the 1935 Constitution that governed when Avelino was decided in 1949. In
Avelino, however, four (4) of 10 Justices dissented in the belief that the case was
justiciable. 4
Justice Gregorio Perfecto (Justice Perfecto), who himself was a member of the
Constitutional Convention that drafted the 1935 Constitution, 5 stated in his dissent
that it was for this Court to determine whether the election of Senator Mariano J.
Cuenco to the Senate Presidency was attended by a quorum, thus: 6
The questions raised in the petition, although political in nature, are
justiciable because they involve the enforcement of legal precepts, such as the
provisions of the Constitution and of the rules of the Senate. 7
Justice Perfecto further stated that "[i]f the controversy should be allowed to
remain unsettled, it would be impossible to determine who is right and who is wrong,
and who really represent[ed] the Senate." 8
Acts of the legislature relating to its internal procedures may fall under this
Court's power of judicial review. In Taada v. Cuenco , 9 this Court passed upon the
Senate's election of two (2) senators to the Senate Electoral Tribunal. In Macias v.
Commission on Elections, 1 0 this Court held that the apportionment of legislative
districts is a justiciable controversy. In Cunanan v. Tan , 1 1 this Court nulli ed the
resolution of the allied Majority of the House, which declared as vacant the seats of 12
members in the Commission on Appointments and appointed other members in lieu of
those whose seats were vacated. cSEDTC
For nearly three (3) decades since the promulgation of 1987 Constitution, the
House of Representatives has practiced the tradition of having the second placer for
House Speaker automatically become the Minority Leader. 3 0 From what was then the
8th Congress (1987-1992) to the 16th Congress (2013-2016), this practice was
enshrined not only in the Rules that the House adopted for all of its sessions but also in
the traditions and precedents of the House of Representatives itself. 3 1 Petitioners
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quote the Body's ruling during the 11th Congress:
"Rules, traditions and precedents of the House provide that the losing
candidate for Speaker with the second highest number of votes becomes the
Minority Leader." 3 2
For instance, during the 13th Congress, four (4) candidates ran for House
Speaker. 3 3 Representative Jose De Venecia, Jr. (Representative De Venecia) bested the
other candidates, namely, Representative Francis Escudero (Representative Escudero),
Representative Jacinto Paras, and Representative Ronaldo Zamora (Representative
Zamora), in the bid for House speakership. The second placer, then Representative
Escudero, automatically became the Minority Leader. 3 4
Within these past 30 years, there were only two (2) instances when the runner-up
for House speakership did not sit as Minority Leader. During the 9th Congress, second
placer Representative Jose Cojuangco gave up his Minority Leadership in favor of his
party mate, Representative Hernando Perez. During the 14th Congress, Representative
De Venecia ran unopposed, leaving out the possibility of having any second placer
become the Minority Leader. 3 5
Both circumstances do not apply here: the second placer, Representative
Baguilat, has not given up his seat in favor of his party mate, and the winning speaker,
Representative Alvarez, did not run unopposed.
An unopposed candidate for Speaker during the 14th Congress presented a
challenge for the determination of a Minority Leader. Thus, the House amended the
Rules of the 14th Congress so that the Minority Leader could be voted for separately.
3 6 Under the amendment, "[t]he Minority Leader shall be elected by the members of the
Minority and can be changed by a majority vote of all the Minority members at any
time." 3 7 The Minority members elected Representative Zamora as the Minority Leader.
38
The express provision on electing the Minority Leader during the 14th Congress
did not prevent the House from continuing the practice of making the second placer
ipso facto its Minority Leader during the subsequent 15th and 16th Congresses. Thus,
the current interpretation is that when there are several candidates for Speaker, the
same election is also the selection for the Minority Leader. Those who voted for the
second placer became the Minority.
Thus, the 15th Congress (2010-2013) adopted the Rules of the 14th Congress.
The long-standing parliamentary practice constituting the interpretation of the Rules of
the House prevailed. Three (3) members then contended for speakership:
Representative Feliciano R. Belmonte, Jr. (Representative Belmonte), Representative
Edcel C. Lagman (Representative Lagman), and Representative Martin Romualdez
(Representative Romualdez). 3 9 Representative Belmonte won as Speaker while
Representative Lagman placed second in the election. 4 0 The House gave weight to
tradition and precedent and recognized second placer Representative Lagman as its
Minority Leader. 4 1
The same thing happened during the 16th Congress (2013-2016), 4 2 where the
House respected the tradition and interpretation by the body that the second placer will
be the House Minority Leader. 4 3
This is a clear indication that the House itself accords due reverence to its
established practices and traditions as its collective interpretation of its rules. Where
there can be an ambiguity, practice and tradition should also be read into its Rules. Rule
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XXV, Section 161 of the Rules of the House of Representatives also provides that "[t]he
parliamentary practices of . . . the House of Representatives . . . shall be suppletory to
these Rules."
The House collectively considers the votes for the second placer for House
Speaker as the votes of the Minority for its Minority Leader. Insofar as having the
second placer automatically become the Minority Leader, this parliamentary practice
was not merely suppletory to the Rules of the 15th and 16th Congresses rather, it
took primacy over the Rules themselves. There is no reason to treat the 17th Congress
differently. Like the 15th and 16th Congresses, the 17th Congress involves a race
among many candidates for Speaker and not simply one (1) unopposed candidate as in
the 14th Congress. acEHCD
III
On July 25, 2016, the House opened the First Regular Session of the 17th
Congress (2016-2019). 4 4 The Presiding O cer 4 5 designated Representative Farias
as Acting Floor Leader. 4 6 Upon Representative Farias' motion, the Body adopted the
Rules of the 16th Congress as the Provisional Rules of the House of Representatives
(Rules), 4 7 with the minor amendment particularly related only to the dress code. 4 8 The
Rules took effect on the date of its adoption on July 25, 2016. 4 9
There was no amendment relating to the process of selecting the Minority
Leader.
The Body then proceeded with the period of nominations for the position of
Speaker of the 17th Congress. 5 0 Three (3) persons were nominated: respondent
Representative Alvarez, respondent Representative Suarez, and petitioner
Representative Baguilat. 5 1 Petitioner Representative Raul A. Daza (Representative
Daza) put on record that Representative Baguilat's endeavor for House speakership
"was the rst time that a member who belongs to the so-called cultural minority was
nominated to the highest office of the chamber." 5 2
After the Body closed the period for nominations, Representative Jose L. Atienza
(Representative Atienza) inquired about the election of the Minority Leader of the
House since the circumstances were similar to those in the 16th Congress, the Rules of
which the 17th Congress adopted at the start of the plenary sessions. 5 3
During the 16th Congress, there were also three (3) candidates for House
Speaker. The second placer automatically became the Minority Leader, and all those
who voted for the third candidate for Speaker became independents. 5 4 Representative
Atienza wanted to know if the same practice would apply to the 17th Congress. 5 5
Representative Farias replied by referring to Rule II, Section 8 of the Rules of the
House of Representatives. 5 6 The rst, second, and last paragraphs of Rule II, Section 8
provide:
Members who vote for the winning candidate for Speaker shall constitute
the Majority in the House and they shall elect from among themselves the
Majority Leader . . .
The Minority Leader shall be elected by the Members of the Minority and
can be changed, at any time, by a majority vote of all the Minority Members.
xxx xxx xxx
Members who choose not to align themselves with the Majority or the
Minority shall be considered as independent Members of the House.
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Interpreting Rule II, Section 8, Representative Farias explained to Representative
Atienza that:
[T]he Members who voted for the winning candidate for the Speaker shall
constitute the Majority and shall elect from among themselves the Majority
Leader, while those who voted against the winning Speaker or did not vote at all
shall belong to the Minority and would thereafter elect their Minority Leader. 5 7
There was no vote taken to confirm the interpretation of Representative Farias.
The House then proceeded to elect the House Speaker. 5 8 A total of 252
members voted for Representative Alvarez, eight (8) voted for Representative Baguilat,
seven (7) voted for Representative Suarez, 21 abstained including Representative
Alvarez, and one (1) registered a "no vote." 5 9 Representative Suarez, who himself ran
for House Speaker, voted for Representative Alvarez. 6 0
Representative Alvarez was declared duly-elected Speaker of the 17th Congress,
Representative Baguilat came in second, and Representative Suarez trailed behind
them. 6 1
More than half of the total House membership who voted for House Speaker
Alvarez, including Representative Suarez, became Majority members. 6 2
In a letter 6 3 dated July 26, 2016, Representative Suarez clari ed to Speaker
Alvarez that he voted for Speaker Alvarez in line with the alleged practice of not voting
for oneself. He also revealed to the House Speaker his desire to change his a liation in
order to become the Minority Leader. Representative Suarez then sought permission
from the Majority to be accepted in the Minority. On the same day, Majority Leader
Representative Farias granted Representative Suarez's application to become a
Minority member. 6 4
Representative Suarez did not ask leave from the Minority to become its
member.
A plenary session was held on July 26, 2016. Representative Lagman took the
oor to avert that second placer Representative Baguilat should automatically be the
Minority Leader. 6 5 Thus:
Like in the 16th Congress when Representative Zamora won by three
votes over Representative Romualdez, Representative Zamora was
automatically recognized as the Minority Leader, and there was no need for an
election among the Minority Members [in line with parliamentary practice]. 6 6
According to Representative Lagman:
The validity of this practice has never been questioned.
The practice has been invariably adopted and acquiesced in from one
Congress to another that it has acquired the character of law or binding rule on
the Majority, Minority, or the independent Members of the House of
Representatives. 6 7
Representative Lagman was also the second placer during the 15th Congress; as
such, he automatically obtained the position of Minority Leader. 6 8 He stated that the
customary practice of the House is part of the Rules of the House. 6 9
Likewise, Representative Lagman corrected Representative Suarez's statement
that candidates for House Speaker were prohibited from voting for themselves as
Sp eak er. 7 0 He reminded Representative Suarez that in the 16th Congress,
Representatives Zamora and Romualdez, who both contended for the speakership,
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voted for themselves as House Speaker. 7 1 SDHTEC
Petitioners point out that as early as May 23, 2016, Representative Suarez
already sought for his anointment as Minority Leader in order to lead a "cooperative"
opposition in the House. 8 5 Thus:
29. Shortly after the 09 May 2016 elections, Rep. Danilo Suarez
encamped in Davao City, the then center of political activities and maneuverings
of President-elect Rodrigo R. Duterte and his men.
30. Rep. Suarez publicly and unabashedly announced that he was
seeking the adoption or anointment by the Duterte administration as [M[inority
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[L]eader in the House of Representatives because he would be leading a
"cooperative" minority . . .
xxx xxx xxx
32. In the weeks preceding the opening of the 17th Congress on 25
July 2016, incessant reports were a oat, which were not seriously denied, that
the supermajority coalition would lend to Rep. Suarez some of the majority
partisans to beef up his small number of minority congressmen to assure his
election as the House Minority Leader. 8 6
According to petitioners, six (6) of those who abstained belong to Partido
Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-LABAN), the political party of President
Duterte, Speaker Alvarez, and Majority Leader Farias, 8 7 while the other abstaining
members belong to political parties that "are all allied with the [House] supermajority."
88
Petitioners question how the 20 abstaining members were only those with
surnames starting from "A" to "G" 8 9 and not anyone else from "H," such as
Representative Ferdinand L. Hernandez, to "Z," such as Rep. Manuel F. Zubiri. For
petitioners, the "pre-arranged" alphabetical sequence of the abstaining members'
names easily monitored their votes, and thus, assured Representative Suarez's election
as Minority Leader. 9 0 Thus:
44. The alphabetical sequence of the "abstentionists" started with
letter "A" (Abayon) and ended with the letter "G" (Garin) [wa]s pre-arranged
because the infusion of 20 Representatives was deemed su cient by the
leadership of the supermajority to assure respondent Rep. Suarez's victory as
"minority leader." "A" to "G" were also considered easy to monitor. 9 1
On August 1, 2016, Representative Harlin Neil Abayon III (Representative Abayon)
manifested to the Body that the meeting on July 27, 2016 resulted in the election of
Representative Suarez as Minority Leader. Representative Juan Pablo Bondoc moved to
refer Representative Abayon's manifestation to the Committee on Rules. 9 2 AScHCD
It is a basic legal principle that those not included in the enumeration are deemed
excluded. 1 4 5 A person or thing omitted from an enumeration must be held to have
been omitted intentionally. 1 4 6 As the de nition of Minority omitted those
representatives who abstained or opted for a "no-vote," then they are deemed
intentionally omitted from the definition.
Representative Farias himself mentioned the importance of following the Rules.
According to him, "[a] law or a regulation is not repealed by non-observance. It can only
be repealed by express repeal. Kung hindi sinusunod iyan, batas pa rin iyan." 1 4 7
Ironically, in insisting on his July 25, 2016 interpretation 1 4 8 of Rule II, Section 8,
the Majority Leader was outing the Rules himself. He cannot simply cling to a
mistaken opinion without running afoul of the express provisions of the Rules. Neither
Representative Farias' erroneous interpretation of Rule II, Section 8 nor petitioners'
alleged silence cured the violation of the Rules and parliamentary practice of the House.
First, the records do not show that Representative Farias' own interpretation of
Rule II, Section 8 was submitted for adoption by the requisite number of members or
was ruled upon by the Presiding O cer on July 25, 2016. Rather, the records show that
after giving his own interpretation of Rule II, Section 8, Representative Farias simply
moved to proceed to the election for House Speaker without asking for a vote on
whether the Body would adopt his opinion or not.
The House of Representatives Journal No. 1 dated July 25, 2016 narrates the
events that transpired:
DESIGNATION OF REP. FARIAS AS ACTING FLOOR LEADER
In the interest of orderly proceedings, the Presiding O cer designated
Representative Rodolfo C. Farias of the First District of Ilocos Norte as Acting
Floor Leader. cDHAES
Second, while the House of Representatives may suspend or amend their rules,
speci c procedures must be followed for any suspension or amendment to be
considered valid. Under Rule XIV, Sections 111, 112, and 114:
Section 111. Authority to Move. Only the Committee on Rules can move
for the suspension of the rules.
Section 112. Vote Requirement. A voting of two-thirds (2/3) of the
Members present, there being a quorum, is required to suspend any rule.
xxx xxx xxx
Section 114. Debate; Effect of Suspension. A motion to suspend the rules
for the passage of a measure may be debated on for one (1) hour, which shall
be divided equally between those in favor and those against.
The House shall proceed to consider the measure after voting to suspend
the rules. A two-thirds (2/3) vote of the Members present, there being a quorum,
shall be necessary for the passage of said measure.
Likewise, Rule XXVII, Section 164 provides:
Section 164. Amendments to the Rules. Any provision of these Rules,
except those that are also embodied in the Constitution, may be amended by a
majority vote of all the Members of the House.
In ignoring the third category of independent membership and in allowing the
independent members to intrude into the prerogative of the Minority to select its
Minority Leader, Representative Farias clearly wanted to suspend or amend Rule II,
Section 8 of the Rules.
Unfortunately, there was neither a Committee on Rules 1 5 0 that moved to
suspend the Rules, as required by Section 111, nor a voting of two-thirds (2/3) of the
Members present, as required by Section 112 of Rule XIV. There was also no vote taken
by all members of the House to amend the Rules, as required by Rule XXVII, Section
164. Thus, Representative Farias' mere insistence on a different set of governing rules
is invalid.
Third, there is no "estoppel by silence" that could amount to an amendment of the
Rules.
Certainly, petitioners have not been silent. On July 26, 2016, a day immediately
following Representative Farias' own interpretation of Rule II, Section 8, Representative
Lagman raised a question of personal and collective privilege assailing such
interpretation. 1 5 1 Representative Erice also made a manifestation and a parliamentary
inquiry opposing it. 1 5 2
On July 27, 2016, after Representative Suarez clinched the position of Minority
Leader with the help of the abstaining members' votes, Representative Marcoleta
questioned how these abstaining members could have validly elected Representative
Suarez as Minority Leader under the Rules. 1 5 3
On August 1, 2016, Representative Lagman also wrote to Speaker Alvarez,
pointing out that Representative Farias erroneously interpreted Rule II, Section 8. 1 5 4
On August 15, 2016, Representative Lagman differed from Representative
Farias' view on how one becomes part of the Majority or the Minority. 1 5 5
Then nally, before this Court, petitioners point to the irregular procedure by
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which Representative Suarez obtained the position as Minority Leader. Thus, in
repeatedly making such inquiries, petitioners cannot be estopped by their alleged
silence, 1 5 6 especially since there was no such silence.
Fourth, the Rules of the House of Representatives do not cover the doctrine of
estoppel.
Estoppel bars a person who admitted or represented something from later on
denying or disproving that thing in any litigation arising from such admission or
representation. 1 5 7 The sessions before the House are not litigations; the election of its
Minority Leader does not approximate a proceeding in court.
Article VI, Section 16 (3) of the Constitution allows the House to determine its
own rules during its deliberations. In view of this, the Body adopted the Rules of the
16th Congress as the Provisional Rules of the House of Representatives. 1 5 8 The
proceedings in the House are guided by the Rules to which the House "has pledge[d]
faithful obedience." 1 5 9
In contrast, estoppel is a civil law concept found under Article 1431 1 6 0 of the
Civil Code and Rule 131, Section 2 (a) 1 6 1 of the Revised Rules on Evidence. Neither of
these provisions on estoppel forms part of the House Rules, whether directly or by
reference.
Rule XXV, Section 161 explicitly states that only parliamentary practices of the
Philippine Assembly, Congress, and the Batasang Pambansa apply suppletorily to the
Rules.
Fifth, even assuming that "estoppel by silence" is recognized in House
proceedings, this doctrine does not apply to the situation at bar. In Santiago Syjuco, Inc.
v. Castro: 1 6 2
[A]n estoppel may arise from silence as well as from words. "Estoppel by
silence" arises where a person, who by force of circumstances is under a duty to
another to speak, refrains from doing so and thereby leads the other to believe
in the existence of a state of facts in reliance on which [a person] acts to his [or
her] prejudice. 1 6 3 (Emphasis supplied)ITAaHc
Estoppel by silence may only be invoked if the person's failure to speak out
caused prejudice or injury to the other. 1 6 4 For instance, a property owner who
knowingly allows another to sell the property without objecting to the transaction is
estopped from setting up his title as against a third person who was misled by and
suffered an injury from that transaction. 1 6 5
Representative Farias failed to show how his reliance on petitioners' alleged
silence to his wrong interpretation of the Rules on July 25, 2016 prejudiced him.
Petitioners' silence did not injure his rights; rather, it was his insistence on this mistaken
interpretation that has injured petitioners' rights.
Neither was Speaker Alvarez nor Representative Suarez prejudiced by petitioners'
lack of objection to Representative Farias' opinion on July 25, 2016. On that day,
Speaker Alvarez's election for House Speaker was already guaranteed while
Representative Suarez had yet to become Minority Leader. The election for a Minority
Leader would arrive only two (2) days later, on June 27, 2016.
V
Majority Leader Representative Farias accepted the transfer of the 10
abstaining members to the Majority 1 6 6 and that of Representative Suarez to the
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Minority. 1 6 7 Curiously, in both instances of transfer of membership, the Majority
Leader had a say in the matter.
Unfortunately, under Rule II, Section 8, while the Majority Leader has discretion to
accept a representative applying to be a member of the Majority, he or she does not
have the same discretion when a representative applies to be part of the Minority.
The fourth to eighth paragraphs, which constitute the second major component
of Rule II, Section 8, state:
A Member may transfer from the Majority to the Minority, or vice versa, at
any time: Provided, That:
a. The concerned Member submits a written request to transfer to the
Majority or Minority, through the Majority or Minority Leaders, as the
case may be. The Secretary General shall be furnished a copy of the
request to transfer;
b. The Majority or Minority, as the case may be, accepts the concerned
Member in writing; and
c. The Speaker shall be furnished by the Majority or the Minority
Leaders, as the case may be, a copy of the acceptance in writing of
the concerned Member.
In case the Majority or the Minority declines such request to transfer, the
concerned Member shall be considered an independent Member of the House.
The text of the provision reveals that before a member may transfer a liation, he
or she must rst submit "a written request to transfer to the Majority or Minority,
through the Majority or Minority Leaders, as the case may be."
Transferring from one (1) coalition to the other, thus, involves a two (2)-step
process: a written request to transfer and a written acceptance. The phrase, "as the
case may be," implies that there are alternative scenarios here a member may be
transferring from the Majority to the Minority, from the Minority to the Majority, or from
independent membership to the Minority or Majority. Whatever course of action he or
she takes will flow through to the sentences that follow.
Under the fourth to eighth paragraphs of Rule II, Section 8, a Member may
transfer from the Majority to the Minority, provided that:
a. The concerned [Majority] Member submits a written request to transfer to
the . . . Minority, through the . . . Minority Leader[.] The Secretary General
shall be furnished a copy of the request to transfer;
b. The . . . Minority . . . accepts the concerned Member in writing; and
c. The Speaker shall be furnished by the . . . Minority [Leader] . . . a copy of
the acceptance in writing of the concerned Member.
Stated otherwise, the Majority member seeking to transfer to the Minority must
write to the Minority Leader and ask to be accepted in the Minority. The Minority must
accept the applicant-representative in writing, with the Minority Leader copy-furnishing
to the House Speaker his or her letter of acceptance. The same is true for independent
members seeking to transfer to the Minority.
Under the rst, second, and last paragraphs of Rule II, Section 8, the 20
abstaining Members are independent members. The fourth to eighth paragraphs
further reveal that these abstaining members are considered independent until they are
accepted in the Minority by the ipso facto Minority Leader Representative Baguilat.
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Moreover, Representative Suarez, who voted for Speaker Alvarez, is himself considered
part of the Majority. His request to transfer to the Minority needed the permission of
Minority Leader Representative Baguilat and not that of Majority Leader Representative
Farias.
The Majority Leader's contrary observation is incongruous to the purpose of a
Minority. It is absurd to require the permission of the Majority Leader before a member
may be accepted in the Minority.
One cannot imagine the kind of Minority that is created when the Majority Leader,
instead of the Minority Leader, is the deciding person on who would constitute the
Minority. Such undermines the opposition. It yields the absurd result of having the
opposition subject to the discretion of the dominant group.
Words ought to be more subservient to the intent and not the intent to the words.
1 6 8 In Ty Sue v. Hord, 1 6 9 this Court En Banc upheld its duty to select the interpretation
"which best accords with the letter of the law and with [the law's] purpose."
In the Dissenting Opinion of J. Abad Santos in Philippine Consumers Foundation,
Inc. v. National Telecommunications Commission, 1 7 0 he stated:
The literal interpretation of the words of an act should not prevail if it
creates a result contrary to the apparent intention of the legislature and if the
words are su ciently exible to admit of a construction which will effectuate
the legislative intention. The intention prevails over the letter, and the letter must
if possible be read so as to conform to the spirit of the act. While the intention
of the legislature must be ascertained from the words used to express it, the
manifest reason and obvious purpose of the law should not be sacri ced to a
literal interpretation of such words. Thus words or clauses may be enlarged or
restricted to harmonize with other provisions of an act. The particular inquiry is
not what is the abstract force of the words or what they may comprehend, but in
what sense were they intended to be understood or what understanding do they
convey as used in the particular act. 1 7 1 (Emphasis supplied) CHTAIc
Mabanag recognized that had the excluded members of Congress been allowed
to vote, then the parity amendment that gave the Americans rights to our natural
resources, which this Court ruled impacted on our sovereignty, would not have been
enacted. 2 2 6
Nevertheless, the absence of the necessary votes of three-fourths (3/4) of either
branch of Congress, voting separately, did not prevent Congress from passing the
Resolution. Petitioners thus assailed the Resolution for being unconstitutional. This
Court, ruling under the 1935 Constitution, upheld the enactment despite the patent
violation of Article XV, Section 1. 2 2 7
Mabanag ruled that Congress in joint session already certi ed that both Houses
adopted the Resolution, which was already an enrolled bill. 2 2 8 Thus, this Court had no
more power to review as it was a political question:
In view of the foregoing considerations, we deem it unnecessary to
decide the question of whether the senators and representatives who were
ignored in the computation of the necessary three-fourths vote were members of
Congress within the meaning of Section 1 of Article XV of the Philippine
Constitution. 2 2 9
Justice Perfecto's dissent, however, considered the matter a constitutional
question that is to say, deciding whether respondents violated the requirements of
Article XV of the 1935 Constitution was within this Court's jurisdiction. 2 3 0
Subsequent rulings 2 3 1 have since delimited and clari ed the political question
doctrine, especially under the 1987 Constitution. It bears stressing that Article VIII,
Section 1 explicitly grants this Court the power "to determine whether or not there has
been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part
of any branch or instrumentality of the Government."
We cannot again shy away from this constitutional mandate.
The rule of law must still prevail in curbing any attempt to suppress the minority
and eliminate dissent.
In Estrada v. Desierto: 2 3 2
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To a great degree, the 1987 Constitution has narrowed the reach of the political
question doctrine when it expanded the power of judicial review of this [C]ourt
not only to settle actual controversies involving rights which are legally
demandable and enforceable but also to determine whether or not there has
been a grave abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on
the part of any branch or instrumentality of government. Heretofore, the
judiciary has focused on the "thou shalt not's" of the Constitution directed
against the exercise of its jurisdiction. With the new provision, however, courts
are given a greater prerogative to determine what it can do to prevent grave
abuse of discretion amounting to lack or excess of jurisdiction on the part of
any branch or instrumentality of government. Clearly, the new provision did not
just grant the Court power of doing nothing. 2 3 3 (Emphasis supplied)
Any attempt by the dominant to silence dissent and take over an entire institution
nds no room under the 1987 Constitution. Parliamentary practice and the Rules of the
House of Representatives cannot be overruled in favor of personal agenda.
It is understandable for the majority in any deliberative body to push their
advantages to the consternation of the minority. However, in a representative
democracy marked with opportunities for deliberation, the complete annihilation of any
dissenting voice, no matter how reasonable, is a prelude to many forms of
authoritarianism. While politics speaks in numbers, many among our citizens can only
hope that those political numbers are the result of mature discernment. Maturity in
politics is marked by a courageous attitude to be open to the genuine opposition, who
will aggressively point out the weaknesses of the administration, in an orderly fashion,
within parliamentary forums. After all, if the true interest of the public is in mind, even
the administration will benefit by criticism.
VIII
The remedy petitioners have chosen is a Petition for a Writ of Mandamus. To
succeed, however, they should not only be able show that respondents' acts
acknowledging Representative Suarez as the Minority Leader are null and void; they
must also show that at the time this Court acts, petitioner Representative Baguilat still
has the clear and unmistakable right to be recognized as the Minority Leader.
In my view, writs of mandamus against Congress should only be granted when
this Court is satis ed, with an abundance of caution, that petitioner still has a clear legal
right. The House of Representatives is a political forum where alliances change as soon
as the Majority reveals its position on pressing issues, which may have ripened after the
House's opening session and which its members may not have anticipated then.
Certainly, at the beginning of the 17th Congress, the right of Representative
Baguilat was clear. However, since then, several signi cant votes, such as those on the
death penalty bill and the extension of Martial Law, have been taken. The proper
recourse in a case like this should just have been an action for certiorari or prohibition
to annul the actions of the respondents. The House would then proceed to allow its
Minority to convene and select its leader in accordance with the Rules. cEaSHC
The best kinds of dissents are those that are voiced from a platform of principle.
By its very nature, dissents are carried by minorities. If history is to be properly
understood, the persistent but often drowned out voices of the minority may be heard
better in the future.
For the minority, the present may be unforgiving: for they will be shunned and
often times shamed by powerful forces. Yet, dissents by minorities are always
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expressions of hope. In the near future, with the bene t of hindsight, their views will
attain clarity to most, sooner rather than later. The creativity and wisdom of those who
took a stand will then be truly appreciated.
It will be then that they will take their turn to be the majority.
With deep regret, in the absence of a showing of a clear and unmistakable
present right on the part of petitioners, considering the possibility of shifting political
alliances, I cannot vote to issue the writ of mandamus, even as I nd that there was
grave abuse of discretion.
Accordingly, I vote to DISMISS the petition but only because it was the wrong
remedy.
Footnotes
1. Rollo, Vol. I, pp. 3-51.
8. See portions Rep. Suarez's Comment dated January 17, 2017; id. at 222-231.
9. See portions of the OSG's Comment dated February 15, 2017; rollo, Vol. II, pp. 738-739 and
747-755.
10. Systems Plus Computer College of Caloocan City v. Local Government of Caloocan City ,
455 Phil. 956, 962 (2003), citing Section 3, Rule 65 of the Rules of Court.
11. 701 Phil. 365 (2013).
15. "The Journal is regarded as conclusive with respect to matters that are required by the
Constitution to be recorded therein. With respect to other matters, in the absence of
evidence to the contrary, the Journals have also been accorded conclusive effect."
(Arroyo v. De Venecia, 343 Phil. 42, 74 [1997]).
16. See rollo, Vol. I, pp. 266-269; italics, underscoring, and emphasis supplied.
17. See id. at 113 (dorsal portion). See also I JOURNAL, HOUSE 17th Congress 1st Session 21
(July 25, 2016).
18. See rollo, p. 113 (dorsal portion)-114. See also I JOURNAL, HOUSE 17th Congress 1st
Session 21-22 (July 25, 2016).
19. See rollo, pp. 14-15 and 125-126. See also I JOURNAL, HOUSE 17th Congress 1st Session
78-79 (July 25, 2016).
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20. See portions in Rep. Suarez's Comment dated January 17, 2017; id. at 452.
21. Section 8, Rule II of the Rules of the House of Representatives, 16th Congress (December
10, 2014) reads:
Section 8. The Majority and the Minority. Members who vote for the winning candidate
for Speaker shall constitute the Majority in the House and they shall elect from among
themselves the Majority Leader. The Majority Leader may be changed, at any time, by a
majority vote of all the Majority Members.
The Minority Leader shall be elected by the Members of the Minority and can be changed,
at any time, by a majority vote of all the Minority Members.
The Majority and Minority shall elect such number of Deputy Majority and Minority
Leaders as the rules provide.
A Member may transfer from the Majority to the Minority, or vice versa, at any time:
Provided, That:
a. The concerned Member submits a written request to transfer to the Majority or
Minority, through the Majority or Minority Leaders, as the case may be. The Secretary
General shall be furnished a copy of the request to transfer;
b. The Majority or Minority, as the case may be, accepts the concerned Member in writing;
and
c. The Speaker shall be furnished by the Majority or the Minority Leaders, as the case
may be, a copy of the acceptance in writing of the concerned Member.
In case the Majority or the Minority declines such request to transfer, the concerned
Member shall be considered an independent Member of the House.
In any case, whether or not the request to transfer is accepted, all committee assignments
and memberships given the concerned Member by the Majority or Minority, as the case
may be, shall be automatically forfeited.
Members who choose not to align themselves with the Majority or the Minority shall be
considered as independent Members of the House. They may, however, choose to join
the Majority or Minority upon written request to and approval thereof by the Majority or
Minority, as the case may be.
(3) Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its Members for
disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds of all its Members, suspend
or expel a Member. A penalty of suspension, when imposed, shall not exceed sixty days.
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27. Defensor-Santiago v. Guingona, supra note 24, at 300.
7. Id. at 36.
8. Id.
9. 100 Phil. 1101 (1957) [Per J. Concepcion, En Banc].
20. Id.
21. Id. at 287.
22. Id.
24. Id.
25. Id. at 297.
26. Id. at 300.
27. Id.
28. Id.
2 9 . Legislative Information, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 17th CONGRESS,
<http://www.congress.gov.ph/about/?about=history> (last visited July 24, 2017), citing
R. Velasco and M. Sylvano, The Philippine Legislative Reader 41 (1989).
30. Rollo, pp. 31-32.
31. Id. at 33, citing Rulings of the Chair, 3rd ed., 2010, p. XXXVIII.
32. Id. The o cial website of the House of Representatives does not contain a copy of the
Journal of the 11th Congress; only those from the 12th to the present Congresses. See
House Journals, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES (17TH CONGRESS),
<http://www.congress.gov.ph/legisdocs/?v=journals> (Last accessed July 25, 2017).
33. Id. at 177, TSN dated August 24, 2016.
34. Id.
35. Id.
36. Id.
37. Id.
41. Id.
42. Id. at 178.
43. Id.
48. Id. at 719, Journal No. 10 dated August 15, 2016. The rst sentence of Rule XII, sec. 94,
titled "Conduct and Attire During Sessions and Committee Meetings," shall be read as
follows: MEMBERS SHALL WEAR PROPER ATTIRE WHICH IS BARONG FILIPINO OR
COAT AND TIE, OR BUSINESS ATTIRE FOR MEN, AND FILIPINA DRESS OR BUSINESS
SUIT FOR WOMEN, AND OBSERVE PROPER DECORUM DURING SESSIONS AND
COMMITTEE MEETINGS.
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49. RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES (17TH CONGRESS), Rule XXVIII, sec. 165
provides that "[t]hese rules shall take effect on the date of adoption."
50. Rollo, p. 264, Journal No. 1 dated July 25, 2016.
5 1 . Id. at 266, Journal No. 1 dated July 25, 2016. He was nominated by petitioner
Representative Raul A. Daza, seconded by petitioner Representative Tom S. Villarin.
52. Id.
Section 8. Members who vote for the winning candidate for Speaker shall constitute the
Majority in the House[.]
63. Rollo, p. 140.
64. Id.
91. Id.
92. Id. at 680, Journal No. 4 dated August 1, 2016.
93. Id.
94. Id.
95. Id. at 132.
96. Id. at 136, Lagman Letter dated August 1, 2016.
104. Id.
127. Id. at 140, Farias First Letter dated July 26, 2016.
128. Id. at 717.
129. Id.
130. Id. at 713. The Chair was Deputy Speaker Raneo E. Abu.
131. Id. at 140, Farias First Letter dated July 26, 2016.
132. RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES (17TH CONGRESS), Rule XIII, sec. 109
provides:
Section 109. Appeal from Ruling of the Chair. Any Member may appeal from the ruling
of the Chair and may be recognized by the Chair, even though another Member has the
oor. No appeal is in order when another appeal is pending. The Member making the
appeal shall state the reasons for the appeal subject to the ve-minute rule. The Chair
shall state the reasons for the ruling and forthwith submit the question to the body. An
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appeal cannot be amended and shall yield only to a motion to adjourn, to a point of
order, to a question of personal privilege or to recess.
133. Rollo, pp. 717-718, Journal No. 10 dated August 15, 2016.
134. Id. at 718.
135. Id.
136. Id. at 719.
148. Id. at 266, Journal No. 1 dated July 25, 2016. On July 25, 2016, then Acting Floor Leader
Representative Farias expressed his view that there were only two (2) categories: those
in favor of Speaker Alvarez were considered as Majority members, while the rest were
considered as Minority members, with no third category of independent membership.
149. Id. at 264-266.
150. See rollo, p. 266. When Representative Farias made his interpretation at the start of the
First Regular Session of the 17th Congress on July 25, 2016, the Committee on Rules
had not been constituted because the election for Speaker was yet to commence. The
Committee on Rules is headed by the Majority Leader as the chairperson, with the
Deputy Majority Leaders as the vice-chairpersons (Rule IX, Section 26 (ss)).
151. Rollo, p. 116, TSN dated July 26, 2016.
156. See Philippine Realty Holdings Corporation v. Firematic Philippines, Inc., 550 Phil. 586, 608
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(2007) [Per J. Callejo Sr., Third Division].
157. See CIVIL CODE, art. 1431 and RULES OF COURT, Rule 131, sec. 2 (a).
158. Rollo, p. 264, Journal No. 1 dated July 25, 2016.
159. RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES (17th Congress), Preamble.
(a) Whenever a party has, by his own declaration, act, or omission, intentionally and
deliberately led another to believe a particular thing is true, and to act upon such belief,
he cannot, in any litigation arising out of such declaration, act or omission, be permitted
to falsify it.
162. Santiago Syjuco, Inc. v. Castro, 256 Phil. 621 (1989) [Per J. Narvasa, First Division].
163. Id. at 644.
164. Id.
168. Verba intentioni, non e contra, debent inservice. See Dissenting Opinion of J. Abad Santos
in Philippine Consumers Foundation, Inc. v. National Telecommunications Commission ,
216 Phil. 185, 207 (1984) [Per J. Makasiar, En Banc].
187. The word " scalizer" comes from the Spanish verb " scalizar," which means "to criticize."
Filipino lawmakers turned this into an English word to describe a person who is a critic
of an alleged government wrongdoing. For example, in an article dated April 12, 2007 by
the Philippine Information Agency, Senator Joker Arroyo used the term to refer to an
"opposition within the administration:"
Tacloban City (12 April) Re-electionist Senator Joker Arroyo defended his position in
running under the Administration ticket during the Team Unity's campaign sortie here in
Samar yesterday saying he will continue to act as " scalizer" of the Arroyo
administration.
According to Senator Arroyo, his position of being an "opposition within the
administration" will not change despite the fact that he is running under the
Administration's Team Unity as there was no agreement at all that he will stop being
critical to the Arroyo government in exchange for his being picked up as its candidate.
(Joker stresses role as Administration's " scalizer," http://archives.pia.gov.ph/?
m=12&sec=reader&rp=7&fi=p070412.htm&no=59&date=04/12/2007)
188. Trishia Billiones, Lagman blasts Suarez's "anointment" as minority leader , ABS-CBN
NEWS, July 25, 2016, <http://news.abs-cbn.com/news/07/25/16/lagman-blasts-
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suarezs-anointment-as-minority-leader> (last accessed July 24, 2017).
189. CONST., art. III, sec. 4.
190. CONST., art. VI, sec. 5 (1).
202. Velasco v. Belmonte, Jr. , G.R. No. 211140, January 12, 2016,
<http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/pdf/web/viewer.html?
le=/jurisprudence/2016/january2016/211140.pdf> [Per J. Leonardo-de Castro, En
Banc].
203. Codilla, Sr. v. De Venecia, 442 Phil. 139 (2002) [Per J. Puno, En Banc].
204. Id. at 189.
205. Id.
206. Id.
207. 442 Phil. 139 (2002) [Per J. Puno, En Banc].
208. Id. at 190.
209. Velasco v. Belmonte, Jr. , G.R. No. 211140, January 12, 2016
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<http://sc.judiciary.gov.ph/pdf/web/viewer.html?
le=/jurisprudence/2016/january2016/211140.pdf> [Per J. Leonardo-de Castro, En
Banc].
210. Id. at 8-9.
211. Id.
212. Id. at 21.
213. Mabanag v. Vito, 78 Phil. 1 (1947) [Per J. Tuason, En Banc].
214. Id. at 2.
228. Id. at 3.
229. Id. at 19.
230. Id. at 39-40.
231. See Senate of the Phils. v. Ermita , 527 Phil. 500 (2006) [Per J. Carpio-Morales, En Banc],
Bayan v. Ermita , 522 Phil. 201 (2006) [Per J. Azcuna, En Banc], David v. Macapagal-
Arroyo, 522 Phil. 705 (2006) [Per J. Sandoval-Gutierrez, En Banc].
232. Estrada v. Desierto, 406 Phil. 1 (2001) [Per J. Puno, En Banc].
233. Id. at 42-43.
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