Science Journalism 1 A
Science Journalism 1 A
Much of the science communication and journalism studies literature continues to reiterate the
same critiques about science journalism. This literature accuses science journalists of inaccuracy,
sensationalism, oversimplification and failing to engage audiences in meaningful debate about
scientific issues. However, research has yet to offer concrete solutions to journalists that connect
theory to practice in an effort to counter these criticisms. In this paper, we approach this gap
through the development of clearly articulated models of science journalism that are supported
by theoretical considerations of the varying purposes of science communication, and then,
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importantly, tied to practical story development criteria. Four models are presented: science
literacy, contextual, lay-expertise and public participation. These models are clear representations
of how science journalism can be produced from within different theoretical frameworks and
thereby provide a theoretically-informed but practical guide for nuanced evaluations of the
quality of science journalism.
Introduction
In her classic book, Dorothy Nelkin argued science journalism should provide three
things to non-specialists: it should help people (1) keep apprised of scientific advance-
ments, (2) assess the appropriateness of scientific research and (3) make choices related to
perceived personal risks (Nelkin, 1995). Scholars have since made heavy reference to
Nelkins work (e.g. Google Scholar currently tracks 1045 citations) to basically argue a
public informed by science journalism should be better able to make decisions when
faced with competing scientific arguments related to their safety, health and environment.
Despite Nelkins vision of what science journalism should do, and some studies
suggesting science journalism is of good quality (Bubela and Caulfield, 2004; Caulfield,
2004; Peters et al., 2008), scholarly criticism has more consistently pointed to shortcomings
of science journalism (see, for example, Amend and Secko, 2012; Bubela et al., 2009;
Cassels et al., 2003; Dentzer, 2009; Holland et al., 2011; Holtzman et al., 2005; Logan, 2001;
Nelkin, 1995; Nisbet and Lewenstein, 2002; Racine et al., 2006; Russell, 2006; Weigold,
2001). Science journalists have been critiqued for uncritical reporting (Racine et al., 2006),
for emphasizing frames of scientific progress and economic prospect (Nisbet and
Lewenstein, 2002), for not presenting a range of expert opinion (Holtzman et al., 2005),
for having preferences toward positive messages (Cassels et al., 2003), and for reporting
unrealistic time lines and engaging in the production of a cycle of hype (Bubela et al.,
2009). Added to these criticisms are a number of routine professional and institutional
obstacles science journalists face, such as: deadline pressures, finding reliable sources, lack
of space for science stories, budget and staff cuts, and increased commercialization
(Amend and Secko, 2012). Furthermore, as journalism increasingly moves toward the
Journalism Practice, Vol. 7, No 1, 2013, 6280
ISSN 1751-2786 print/1751-2794 online
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FOUR MODELS OF SCIENCE JOURNALISM 63
science journalism can offer and the practical limitations faced by professional journalists;
and (4) insufficiently defined and theoretically informed guidelines, news standards and
fundamental norms for creating science journalism. It is apparent science journalism has
yet to receive a clear, highly supported theoretical articulation in the literature that links
theory to practice.
In this paper, we present one approach to bridging this gap through the
development of models of science journalism supported by theoretical considerations
of the varying purposes of science communication (Logan, 2001), and then tied to
practical story development guidelines. We see such model-based guidelines as able to
inform a line of scholarly inquiry that aims to produce robust frameworks for science
journalism production. After presenting our methods, we first review and theoretically
discuss various models of science communication before broaching how four specific
models can be adapted to the profession of print science journalism. This adaptation is
solidified into model-based guidelines involving six criteria*purpose, focus, style,
sourcing, audience and science*for use by print journalists. We end with considerations
of the limits and strengths of this approach and suggestions for future research.
Methods
Theoretical Approach and Research Questions
While scholarship on models of science communication largely stems from the
field some term public understanding of science (Russell, 2006), we are particularly
interested in science journalism and helping science journalists meet the multitude of
critiques they face (Amend and Secko, 2012). Some recent work points to the potential
of communication models to clarify the theoretical base of how science is commu-
nicated (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010; Leach et al., 2009; Secko, 2007). From this
scattered literature, this paper seeks a clearer conceptualization of models of science
communication so they can be re-formulated and operationalized as models of science
journalism. The desire is for a central point of reference that clarifies terms and linkages
so the defined models can be built upon to provide a more comprehensive view of
frameworks in the communication of science.
64 DAVID M. SECKO ET AL.
In this paper, we use the term model to refer to a representation, and its associated
heuristic description, of the reality of how science is communicated or how it could and/or
should be communicated. Models help us describe and examine phenomena that are not
otherwise directly testable (Leach et al., 2009). Such models are only rough portraits of
the communication of science (Logan, 2001). They are, however, useful tools to
conceptualize how journalists produce science journalism. Much research to date has
considered models of scientific communication solely under a theoretical lens. Thus, the
use science journalism models here is aimed at providing theoretically-informed, yet
practical representations of how science journalism can be produced.
To our knowledge, no robust summaries of current models exist from which to
develop new hypotheses and thereby midrange theory. Drawing inspiration from the
research synthesis literature (Paterson et al., 2001), we set out to discover what literature is
available, to synthesize this material, and then to connect this summary to science
journalism practice. This effort was constructivist in its philosophical approach (Paterson
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et al., 2001), seeing no piece of available literature as holding the absolute truth, but
instead generated by the context of its production. We further followed Thornes (2008)
method of interpretive description to explicitly document what is (or seems to be) known
and the nature of the inquiries of which we have come to that knowledge (Thorne, 2008,
p. 61) with regard to models of science journalism. The following research questions
guided our efforts:
RQ1: What literature is currently available on different models that can inform approaches
to science journalism production?
RQ2: From this literature, can a limited number of models be chosen for further study that
encompasses the diversity of approaches seen in RQ1?
RQ3: Can the information in RQ2 be connected to specific guidelines on how a science
journalist would make use of a model to produce print journalism?
Declich, 2005; Davies, 2008; Gerhards and Schafer, 2009; Kahlor and Rosentahl, 2009; Kerr
et al., 2007; Kouper, 2010; Leach et al., 2009; Logan, 2001; Piolli and Conceicao da Costa,
2008; Schweizer et al., 2009; Secko, 2007; Sturgis and Allum, 2004; Tlili and Dawson, 2010).
Second, to develop story-writing criteria that could be tied back to selected models,
a review of the literature relating to journalistic guidelines and story-writing criteria was
completed. Peer-reviewed literature on science journalism writing guidelines was
investigated by performing database searches on Academic Search Complete, Commu-
nication and Mass Media Complete and Communication Abstracts. These searches utilized
three main concepts, namely (1) journalism; (2) story production; and (3) guidelines. Search
terms used for the journalism concept included: (journalis* or science journalis* or
mass media or news or newspaper). Search terms for the story production guidelines
concept included: (stor* or article*) and (writing or production), while the
guidelines concept included (guidelines or best practices or strateg* or criteria).
Six relevant articles were retrieved (Bostian, 1983; Clarke, 2003; Foote, 2008; Rovira, 2008;
Weigold, 2001; Zia and Todd, 2010). To broaden the scope of these searches, classic
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journalism education writing and reporting guidelines were also consulted (Mencher,
2003), as well as guidelines from journalistic fields, such as peace journalism (Lynch, 2002),
public/civic journalism (e.g. Glasser and Craft, 1997; Haas, 2007; Rosen, 1996), health and
medical journalism (e.g. Levi, 2003; Vercellesi et al., 2010) and environmental journalism
(e.g. Schweizer et al., 2009). Lastly, the development of story-writing criteria used an
adaptation of Seckos (2007) method for developing 13 guiding principles for science
journalism production. This method helped guide the analysis of the literature for
overlapping features to suggest more refined guidelines that were ultimately conceptua-
lized into six story-writing criteria.
Synthesis Methods
We used a reading grid assessment tool to extract content from our literature
searches (Paterson et al., 2001, p. 135). The goal was to extract information on (1) the
various models presented for communicating science, and contrast this against extracted
information on (2) how these theories can be put into journalistic practice through various
criteria. This information was used to generate summaries of articles and approaches that
enabled the synthesis of material into thematic categories. In the interest of considering
how new models can be created while respecting past models, we synthesized the
literature to identify principal characteristics, goals, strengths and criticisms of the models
under investigation to be able to tie these features and objectives to journalistic
storywriting criteria. This synthesis was inspired by the methods of Sandelowski and
Barroso (2003) and was used to focus our efforts on four dominant models of
communication.
Findings
Science Communication Models
Various existing models
Overall review of identified models of science communication.
of science communication can broadly be grouped into two main categories: traditional
models that view science as the legitimizing form of knowledge and aim at transmitting
66 DAVID M. SECKO ET AL.
(2002, p. 855) have taken this further to suggest personal awareness of science, and hence
increased science literacy, lies in three elements: (1) a communication experience is
intrinsically and contextually engaging; (2) the experience evokes powerful remindings;
and (3) the experience has an evident relationship to the target.
Non-traditional models have moved away from solely transmitting scientific
knowledge, and instead seek to present information by tying science to particular
communities and realities, as well as attempting to increase the value of knowledge forms
outside of science (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010; Clarke, 2003; Donghong et al., 2008;
Gerhards and Schafer, 2009). Recently, the literature has also addressed non-traditional
models seeking to encourage public participation, engagement, interactivity, and two-
way communication and dialogue with science (Clarke, 2003; DAndrea and Declich, 2005;
Davies, 2008), as well as reinforce meaningful debate in support of democracy (Brossard
and Lewenstein, 2010; Logan, 2001; Secko, 2007). This move toward non-traditional
models of science communication has come about as traditional models have been
identified as too narrow (among other critiques) to fully cover the complexities of modern
scientific debates (Logan, 2001; Secko, 2009).
Leach et al. conclude that to improve communication and clarify issues, change
the tenor of the debate, and focus on more communication issues in order to make
everyones interests in the situation clear (2009, p. 136), new models of science
communication must better address the varied agents, motivations, constraints and
context of communicative acts (2009, p. 144). Logan (2001) has pointed out interactive
models focus less on teaching people and more on actively engaging non-scientist
groups or communities in the science communication process to improve communica-
tion among these groups. Others have suggested non-traditional models pose a
possibility*even if not yet fully actualized*of creating common ground or equalizing
existing inequalities between scientific and non-scientific knowledge (Bubela, 2006; Kerr
et al., 2007; Piolli and Conceicao da Costa, 2008). In contrast, Hurd (2000) has even
suggested in the age of digital data mining a new model of science communication can
be proposed where all information is regulated, reviewed and stored electronically,
thereby minimizing the need for communicators.
traditional category, and the lay-expertise and public participation models in the non-
traditional, contemporary category (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010; Leach et al., 2009;
Logan, 2001; Secko, 2007). These models were chosen as they exhibit the distinct primary
goals of the traditional and non-traditional models, namely information transmission and
public engagement, respectively. Additionally, these models represent the divergent
treatment of scientific knowledge among traditional and non-traditional models, where a
distinct difference can be found between science being the legitimizing form of
knowledge among traditional models, and science being seen as equal to other forms
of knowledge in the case of non-traditional models. Descriptions of these models based
on our findings are given below.
Model A: the science literacy model. The science literacy models goal is to translate
scientific information for publics to give citizens the information needed to make decisions
in their daily lives, and gain popular support for science (Figure 1A). It is a pedagogically-
oriented model that focuses on raising science literacy, or the level of understanding
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publics have about science (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010; Davies, 2008; Gerhards and
Schafer, 2009; Tlili and Dawson, 2010). The model treats science as fixed and certain
(Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010), in that the scientific method and process justify the
knowledge presented (Leach et al., 2009; Nelkin, 1995). From a journalistic perspective, use
of the science literacy model involves employing traditional journalistic norms, such as
objectivity (Secko, 2007), and viewing audiences as lacking knowledge. The model
therefore assumes a top-down linear transmission structure to deliver knowledge
provided by scientists to the journalists, who translate research and scientific
FIGURE 1
Four models of science journalism (adapted from Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010)
68 DAVID M. SECKO ET AL.
information into accessible news stories (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010). The science
literacy model has been criticized on a number of levels, including lack of context and
failure to connect scientific information to personal relevance, uneven power relations
between those viewed as having knowledge (science) and those that do not (audiences),
and ignorance of other forms of (non-scientific) knowledge (Brossard and Lewenstein,
2010).
Model B: the contextual model. While the contextual model employs a top-down
information delivery style similar to the deficit model, it goes a step further by addressing
scientific information in specific, audience-linked contexts (Figure 1B). The contextual
model acknowledges science means different things in different geographic and social
locations (Donghong et al., 2008), and that individuals receive information in particular
contexts that shape how people process and respond to that information (Brossard and
Lewenstein, 2010; Gerhards and Schafer, 2010; Kahlor and Rosentahl, 2009). From a
journalistic perspective, the contextual model constructs messages relevant to particular
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audiences while paying attention to the needs and situations of these audiences.
Research has suggested the contextual model theoretically maintains more
cooperative relationships between science and the public (Clarke, 2003; Davies, 2008;
Irwin, 2009) while perceiving the audience as being able to quickly gain knowledge
about relevant topics (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010). However, while the contextual
model theoretically aims at increasing knowledge and changing attitudes, some have
critiqued it as being another version of the deficit model that maintains top-down
information delivery and places scientific knowledge above other forms (Kerr et al., 2007).
As Donghong et al. stated:
[T]he contextual model, while more nuanced than the deficit model, shares the same
premises: first, science and society are conceived as two autonomous spheres, distinct
from one another, and with one prevailing over the other; second, only a mastery of
techniques and communication enable a rapprochement and the regaining of
equilibrium. (2008, p. 2)
Model C: the lay-expertise model. While much of the literature views the lay-expertise
model as a version of the contextual model, Brossard and Lewenstein (2010) make a
compelling argument to define it as distinct. The main separating factor is that the lay-
expertise model places local knowledge equal to scientific knowledge (Figure 1C). The lay-
expertise model breaks with the top-down conception of sciencesociety relationships,
and incorporates the knowledge and concerns*or lay-expertise*of specific popula-
tions (Donghong et al., 2008). Under the lay-expertise model, knowledge is valued in its
own right, and is validated through other social systems (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010).
Science is promoted as limited and uncertain, thereby requiring expertise from sources
outside of science to examine issues (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010; Gerhards and
Schafer, 2009). The lay-expertise model is theoretically based in lives and histories of real
communities (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010, p. 15). For example, Irwin (2009) pointed
out lay-expertise may be especially useful when covering issues related to farming, as the
model takes into consideration that scientific issues are not solely scientific and that
laypeople might have as much to learn as to communicate (2009, pp. 78).
Audience participation and engagement is encouraged under the lay-expertise
model. In terms of policy, for example, the model theoretically suggests laypeople should
FOUR MODELS OF SCIENCE JOURNALISM 69
supply questions they want answered, and provide direct input into what they would like
to see done (Nisbet, 2009). The overall goal of the lay-expertise model, as Brossard and
Lewenstein (2010) suggest, is to empower local communities by fostering confidence that
individuals have valuable knowledge to share and can participate in the scientific process.
However, critics of the lay-expertise model suggest balancing and equalizing expert, lay-
expert, and non-expert knowledge is impossible, with inequality of information from
different groups as a constant obstacle (Kerr et al., 2007; Piolli and Conceicao da Costa,
2008).
Model D: the public participation model. The public participation model attempts to
make the scientific process more interactive and encourages public debate surrounding
scientific issues (Figure 1D). Thus, it focuses less on teaching people or filling knowledge
gaps, and more on actively engaging stakeholder groups in the science communication
process to improve communication and trust among these groups (Logan, 2001). As with
the lay-expertise model, the public participation model is non-traditional in that it breaks
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with the linear transmission structure present in mainstream journalism. The model
emphasizes the democratization of and public participation in the scientific process,
especially regarding policy issues (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010). Tlili and Dawson
suggest successful models of public engagement are creative and experimental, with
both educational and democratic functions (2010, p. 429), while bridging the scientific
and cultural. In journalistic terms, the public participation model focuses more on the
processes behind the science and the inclusion of a multitude of stakeholder viewpoints,
and aims at engaging audiences in pluralistic debate. The public participation model has
been subject to criticisms as well, such as addressing politics and policy issues over public
understanding of science, and emphasizing the process of science while discounting the
actual content, as well as only being able to address smaller, particular audiences at a time
(Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010).
Summary of the characteristics of the chosen models. The four models of science
communication investigated all desire to produce good science stories that matter
(Figure 1), but diverge on how to accomplish this goal. The traditional science literacy
and contextual models share the goal of informing audiences with a top-down
information delivery style to fill perceived knowledge gaps, and treat science as the main
legitimizing form of knowledge so as to value expert scientific sources above others.
However, while the science literacy model focuses solely on presenting scientific
knowledge itself, the contextual model presents scientific knowledge as tied to
particular contexts and communities, thereby treating audience members as concerned
spectators, rather than entirely passive. The lay-expertise and public participation models
share the overlapping goal of engaging publics with science. Both models value
knowledge outside of science, and do not treat scientific knowledge as better than
other forms. However, while the lay-expertise model aims at using sources and
information outside of science, the public participation model takes this one step
further by seeking to promote active engagement with the scientific process. When
compared against identified journalistic story-writing criteria (addressed next), these
similarities and differences help us move closer to connecting story production
guidelines to each specific model, which will help investigate how to appropriately
operationalize their use.
70 DAVID M. SECKO ET AL.
Criteria 1: purpose. This criterion emerged firstly out of traditional journalistic writing
and reporting guidelines commonly used in journalism education (e.g. Mencher, 2003),
which referenced traditional values (e.g. informing, accuracy, fairness, balance, and
objectivity) as driving principles behind journalistic story-writing. Guidelines tied to
particular journalistic fields, such as peace journalism, also referenced the journalists
perceived/implied roles*such as educator, knowledge transmitter, storyteller, and
informer*as driving a storys purpose (Lynch, 2002). Secko (2007) also identified
purpose as a guiding principle in science journalism production, with a science literacy
models purpose being the transmission of information, and a public engagement models
purpose suggested as promoting active engagement and education in support of
democracy (p. 33). Thus, this criterion asks journalists to think about why the story is
being written.
FIGURE 2
Story-writing criteria
FOUR MODELS OF SCIENCE JOURNALISM 71
Criteria 2: focus. Traditional journalistic writing and reporting guidelines (e.g. Mencher,
2003) offered recommendations on how to focus news stories, mainly by using traditional
news values (e.g. timeliness, impact, currency and conflict) to identify a news storys focal
point. Other guidelines in health reporting (e.g. Vercellesi et al., 2010) and environmental
journalism (e.g. Schweizer et al., 2009) suggested the focus of a given news story should
be tied to particular contexts, such as scientific, cultural, social, and political issues, or what
situation or place the story is situated in (Schweizer et al., 2009). In his guidelines for peace
journalism, Lynch (2002) suggested journalists focus stories by asking whether the story is
event-based, or whether it seeks simplicity or to explore complexity. Secko (2007) also
referenced focus as a guiding principle, for example with science literacy model stories
focusing on events and publication, and public engagement model stories focusing on the
consequences of choices made (p. 33). Thus, this criterion asks journalists to consider what
the focal point of the story is.
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Criteria 3: style. Style was also a principle for journalistic story-writing consistently
referenced in the literature. Basic journalistic guidelines, as well as those focused more on
science, health and environmental reporting (e.g. Levi, 2003; Schweizer et al., 2009;
Vercellesi et al., 2010) referenced traditional information delivery styles that seek to inform
audiences about science by translating scientific research into simple language that avoids
jargon and explains complex scientific concepts by using analogies and metaphors. This
style is reflective of the transmission view of communication (Carey, 1989, pp. 1415),
which is a linear model with three main components: the sender, the message that is
being sent, and the receiver of the message. For example, under this model, journalists are
considered the senders of the message, the newspaper articles they write are considered
the message, and the readers are considered the receivers of the message (Leach et al.,
2009, p. 138). The transmission model that characterizes journalistic story-writing style
assumes that if the sender and message components can be improved, the reception of
the message will also be improved (Carey, 1989; Leach et al., 2009). However, stories
written according to non-traditional models may need to reconsider such traditional
journalistic styles. These models require going beyond solely transmitting information and
innovating more holistic techniques that address a range of stakeholder interests and
seek to promote active public engagement. Thus, this criterion asks journalists to consider
how the story is written.
participation) view science as uncertain and socially bound (Brossard and Lewenstein,
2010; Secko, 2007). The science story-writing guideline seeks to clearly define such
differences between models. This criterion thus asks journalists to consider how science
should be portrayed in the story.
TABLE 1
Story-writing criteria linked to four communication models
Criteria Models
Public
Science literacy Contextual Lay expertise participation
Purpose Informs audiences Informs audiences Empower Promote active
about science about science as it communities; promote engagement and
relates to them engagement education in
support of
democracy
Focus Events and Events, issues, Community attitudes; Processes behind
publications; concerns, cultural, local knowledge science;
driven by conflict beliefs, realities tied consequences of
and wow factor to specific choices
populations
Style Traditional Traditional Active engagement Mapping
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necessitates a stronger focus on issues and aspects of a science event that relate directly
to the audience by tying the messages and information in the story to the personal and
social contexts they will be received and interpreted within (Hall, 1993). As the purpose of
a contextual model story is, like the science literacy model, mainly to transmit information
and knowledge about science to audiences, a contextual model story should be written
according to a traditional information delivery style. Scientific experts are again used as
the main sources, as science itself is the legitimizing factor behind the information
presented. As the main purpose of a contextual model story is to inform audiences about
the science as it relates to them, community members or other non-experts may also be
used as sources, but only to provide background information and context to help
journalists in constructing messages. However, as contextual model stories adhere to a
traditional information-delivery style, audiences do not have any direct participation
within the story itself.
As with the science literacy model, science should be viewed as fixed and certain,
with the experts treated as able to provide answers to the communitys questions and
concerns. For example, for a story on biofuels, the contextual model would still examine a
74 DAVID M. SECKO ET AL.
new conversion technology for turning biomass into biofuel, but seek to link it to the
types of biomass in a particular community.
Use of Model C: the lay-expertise model. The lay-expertise model values local
knowledge as much as scientific knowledge and seeks to empower local communities
in the scientific process (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010; Irwin, 2009). Thus, a story written
according to the lay-expertise model should aim at empowering local communities and
promoting engagement in democratizing the scientific process, and focus on the
communitys attitudes toward the science and issues related to/stemming from
the science (Table 1). Such an article may be driven by a community dilemma with the
community seen as able to provide solutions.
As the lay-expertise-based story seeks to validate knowledge outside of science and
empower communities in the scientific process, traditional linear information delivery
styles may not be appropriate in representing this. Thus, such a story should step away
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from styles that seek to solely transmit scientific information to audiences and adopt a
style that reflects active engagement of lay-people and community members in the
scientific process by including voices and sources of information outside of science
(Donghong et al., 2009). Thus, the storys main sources should be community members
and lay people, with the story seeking and valuing input from the particular audiences it is
aimed at. Additionally, in order to reflect this emphasis on lay-expertise and local
knowledge, scientists and experts should act as secondary sources, with their roles limited
to providing background and context (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010). Unlike the science
literacy and contextual models that legitimize knowledge and information with the
scientific method and process (Leach et al., 2009; Nelkin, 1995), a lay-expertise model-
based story does not value science over any other form of knowledge and correspond-
ingly treats personal knowledge as its legitimizing factor. For example, the lay-expertise
model would use information on a conversion technology for turning biomass into biofuel
as background and principally explore how community members are affected by the
prospect of a biorefinery in the community.
Use of Model D: the public participation model. As the public participation model aims
to promote active engagement from all stakeholders and democratize the scientific
process (Brossard and Lewenstein, 2010), as well as improve communication and trust
among these groups, the purpose of a story based on this model should go beyond
reporting the news and promote active engagement. Stories may focus on the processes
behind the science, as well as the consequences of choices made (Table 1). As traditional
journalistic styles may not effectively reflect such a purpose, the public participation
model-based story should take on a style that maps viewpoints and opinions of the
stakeholders involved, promoting channels for more active, non-linear discussion.
Consequently, sourcing should include as many implicated groups as possible, including
audience members, whose opinions and viewpoints are sought after. Finally, as with the
lay-expertise model that accepts knowledge away from science, science in a public
participation-based story should be treated as uncertain and embedded in society (Secko,
2007). As a final example again related to biofuels, the public participation model would
be appropriate for a story on the social and scientific assessment of the impacts of a
biorefinery that will use a new conversion technology in a rural town.
FOUR MODELS OF SCIENCE JOURNALISM 75
story-writing guidelines as serving two important functions currently missing from the
literature: (1) by providing a probe aimed at more clearly defining the theorypractice
unpinnings of new models of science journalism as compared to old approaches, and
(2) by providing an eventual educational tool for science journalists to better understand
the frameworks they utilize during story production and, in contrast to this, the possibilities
of other approaches they have not considered. These functions are spurred on by an
expectation scholars and journalists will see similarities and differences when comparing
the presented guidelines to their personal approaches. Future work thereby needs to
document this diversity and begin to test the functionality of the presented guidelines
with science journalists. The richness of the presented guidelines will grow with use.
Before concluding, it is worth noting some limits of the methodology used. First, this
study was limited to four models due to space considerations; however the models chosen
represented both the dominant classical and contemporary models of science commu-
nication and provided a focused analysis. Second, the completed literature searches
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This work was supported by Genome Canada and Genome Quebec as part of the GE3LS
component of the Genozymes for Bioproducts and Bioprocesses Development project.
David M. Secko and Elyse Amend contributed equally to this work.
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