3

W
etnoloka tribina 38, vol. 45, 2015., str. 3-29 HERE WERE THEY UNTIL NOW?

Aging, Care and Abandonment

in a Bosnian Town

Azra Hromadi
Department of Anthropology,
Maxwell School, Syracuse University

This article delves into Bosnia-Herzegovina, and especially into the town of Biha, to ethnographically
examine the changing nature of the state and family, as visible through practices of elder care. I use
my ethnographic data gathered at a nursing home Vitalis in Biha, and especially the predicament of
an elderly Bosnian woman whom I call Zemka, to argue that both the state and family in postwar and
postsocialist Bosnia-Herzegovina materialize as semi-absent. In the process of unpacking these multiple
semi-absences, I reveal the lived effects of changing postwar and postsocialist state, and altering kinship
relations as they affect ordinary people.
DOI:10.15378/1848-9540.2015.38.01 original scientific paper, submitted 6.3.2015., accepted 10.6.2015.

Keywords: care, aging, the state, family, semi-absence, socialism and postsocialism, war and postwar

The crisis of care (Phillips and Benner 1995), and especially care for the elderly, is emerg-
ing as a momentous topic in anthropology, sociology, gerontology and other academic disci-
plines, as well as in the world of policy-making. Numerous studies point at different domains
of this crisis, including the socio-economic impact of the longer life span in more privileged
parts of the world; shrinking of states social and health services; and novel configurations
of family relationships that challenge traditional expectations of caregiving in diverse socio-
cultural contexts (see United Nations 2002).
In this article, I delve into the Balkans, and especially Bosnia-Herzegovina, to examine
the effects of these shifting topographies and modalities of care on ordinary1 lives. It is
within the Balkans, I argue, that the anxiety around the aging predicament, and the altering
roles of family and state in providing care for the elderly are especially evident and exac-
erbated by the converging postsocialist (1989 to present) and postwar (1995 to present)
transformations (see also Havelka 2003).
This domain of social transformation is left unexamined by the majority of scholars of the
region.2 The overwhelming number of anthropological and other studies of the Balkans and
especially Bosnia-Herzegovina, my own included, analyze this region mainly through the
lens of ethnicity, nationalism and postwar reconstruction (see, among many others, Bieber
2005; Brown 2006; Chandler 1999; Campbell 1999; Coles 2007; Fassin and Pandolfi 2010;
Hayden 1996; Hromadi 2015; Jansen 2005; Kurtovi 2011; Sorabji 1995; Veredery 1994;
Woodward 1995). The concerns of ordinary people, however, reflect many other domains
of struggle, which powerfully and complexly shape the lives of people and yet, they stay ei-
ther invisible or marginalized in the majority of (ethno)nationalism-focused studies (for an

1
I use ordinary people with much caution in this work. As Veena Das (2007) has pointed out, everyday is where much deeply
political work happens.
2
This omission is closely related to the ways in which what counts as (useful) knowledge (about the Balkans in this case) is being
produced, and to the distribution of research grants and fellowships.
4 DISCUSSION

exception see, among a few others, Stubbs 2002; Stubbs and Maglajli 2012; Zavirek and
Leskoek 2005).3
In what follows, I seek to illuminate some of these literature-marginalized yet life-shaping
forces and events by focusing on competing expectations and ideologies of care and respon-
sibility as they converge in the lives of ordinary Bosnians. In order to do so, I focus on the pre-
dicament of one of those people, an elderly woman whom I call Zemka,4 and whose struggles
with care, responsibility, and neglect beautifully capture the ways in which the state, home
and exile (Lamb 2009), abandonment (Biehl 2005; Bourgois 2009), and societal abjection
(Gilleard and Higgs 2011) are being talked about, lived, and imagined.
In my use of Zemkas story, I work against geroanthropological amnesia (Cohen 1994:
151) which tends to romanticize, contain, dehistoricize and depoliticize the old age. Rather,
I locate this ethnographic encounter within the sphere of the political, in an anthropologi-
cal, thus broad and contextual, sense of politics. The storys powerful content is used to shed
light on the historically-informed arrangements of care which are emerging, converging and
reassembling from the ruins of war and socialism. More specifically, I use ethnography as a
hermeneutic device to seize and make sense of the effects of changing postwar and postso-
cialist state and altering kinship relations as they affect ordinary people. Zemkas is thus a
story of aging dislocated; by gently hinting at its phenomenological (experiential and em-
bodied), rational/political (hegemonic, ideological and gendered) and hermeneutic dimen-
sions (Cohen 1994: 151), in this article I argue that both the state and family in postwar and
postsocialist Bosnia-Herzegovina materialize as semi-absent: the state is bureaucratically and
politically ubiquitous but biopolitically shrinking, and family is materially present but physi-
cally elsewhere. It is within the contours of uneven and multiple, politically and socially gen-
erated semi-absences that we can begin to grasp the terrain of aging and care as fundamental
dimensions of political and social practice in Bosnia where lives seem habitually at stake
( Jaarevi 2011: 109).

I am going to Amerika, to live with my son

It is early June 2013 and a warm day in Biha, a north-western Bosnian town5 located at the
border with Croatia. Together with several other residents, I am sitting in a shade of a huge
umbrella in front of Vitalis a privately owned, two-year-old and 20-bed capacity home for
the elderly. A car, which model and color I fail to decipher in the bright, mid-day sun, parks

3
This is not to say, of course, that ethnonationalism is not important to people in the Balkans. Rather, it is one of numerous power-
ful forces including poverty, unemployment and corruption that converge to mold ordinary lives.
4
All personal names have been changed to protect the privacy of individuals included in this study.
5
The Biha region, also known as Krajina, with approximately 300,000 mostly Bosniak residents, is the northwestern pocket of
the country and Bosnias forgotten battlefield (O Shea 2012). The region suffered terribly during the war in the 1990s. The largest
town is Biha, the 6th largest Bosnian-Herzegovinian town of approximately 50,000 inhabitants. The region was besieged for over 3
years but never conquered by the Serb army. At the beginning of the war, the Serb population of Biha left the city for other Serb-
dominated regions of the country or for abroad. The war began in June 1992 with the Serb army besieging and intensely shelling
the town. Bosniak (roughly 66 percent of the towns population) and Croat (roughly 8 percent of the towns population) armies
and civilians defended their town jointly during over 3 years of siege. In addition, in 1993, the northern part of the besieged region,
led by the businessmen turn politician Fikret Abdi, proclaimed independence from the Bosnian government and its army, and
started to collaborate with the Serb forces. This created a very difficult situation for the besieged region, which was liberated in the
controversial Bosnian-Croatian Army offensive in the August of 1995, soon after which the Dayton Peace Agreement was signed.
The Agreement brought peace to Bosnia-Herzegovina and divided the country into Bosniak-Croat Federation (51% of territory)
and Republika Srpska (49% of territory). These entities were given all the characteristics of states within a more complex state. The
Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina is further divided into 10 cantons. Biha is the administrative center and the largest city in the
Una-Sana Canton.
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 5

in the driveway of Vitalis. Lidija, the owner of the home jumps on her feet and rushes to
the gate in order to welcome the homes new resident, Zemka. I see a middle aged man come
out of the drivers seat and open the back door. The man lifts Zemka from the back seat and
gently lowers her in the wheelchair we park Zemka at the second, large table. Several
other residents look at the newcomer, curiously. The man who brought Zemka to Vitalis
collapses into one of the chairs, sweating. He wipes his face, impatiently. I look at Zemka
her hands are deep purple, almost black. I see that below her hospital gown, marked by dried
blood in several large spots, her feet are also swollen and dark.
The man, whose name is Sead, starts telling me the dramatic story of Zemkas arrival at
Vitalis: Zemka was released from Bihas cantonal hospital today. Two days ago, the hospi-
tal called Zemkas three daughters who live in Germany and informed them that the family
needed to come and collect their mother by 2 p.m. the following day the hospital has done
everything it could and now it was the familys turn and responsibility to take care of her. The
daughters Ekrema, Selma and Adila thousands of miles away and busy with their jobs and
their own nuclear families, panicked, knowing that they could not come to Biha in time to
take over their feeble mother. Frantically, they searched on the Internet for some institution
to turn to; that is how they discovered Lidijas privately owned nursing home. At the same
time, they contacted the closest and nearest family relative, Sead, who lives two and a half
hours away from Biha, near a central Bosnian town, Jajce. He told them that he was willing
to help, but could not be there by 2 p.m. the next day.
Lidija was moved by the plea of this family which, she learned soon, suffered greatly dur-
ing and after the war. She wanted to help but did not have any beds available. Thus, she called
the hospital and asked that they keep Zemka for another day while she prepared for her arrival.
The main nurse, according to Lidija, said harshly: No, we cannot do that. We do not make
money off of them, implying that Lidija lives off of the old peoples predicament. Lidija was
so upset by the comment that she threatened to call the police and tell them that the state hos-
pital was throwing out an 80-year-old refugee woman on the street. After Lidijas threat, the
nurse softened and said that the hospital would keep Zemka under their roof for another day.
While Lidija is telling us this story, Zemka looks at me, smiles and says: I am going to
Amerika [the US], to live with my son. Sead shakes his head sadly and whispers to me: She
has dementia. Her son was killed during the war in Srebrenica. Sead finishes his drink, gets
up, hugs his fragile aunt in a blood-stained hospital gown, and leaves for Jajce. Soon after, I
also leave the home, deeply moved. Five days later, on the way to Vitalis, I see an obitu-
ary announcing Zemkas death; her denaza (the Islamic funeral ritual), the obituary stated,
was scheduled for the next day. I arrive at the nursing home in the early afternoon and find
Zemkas daughters sitting in front of the home, talking to Lidija and other residents. They are
here for their mothers funeral and they are sad and furious. They complain about the state
that has no order nor system (nema ni reda ni sistema), where hospitals can throw old and
sick out on the street, and where the family of a shahid or martyr (ehidska familija) can
be treated like this. They are going to sue the hospital! They live in Germany, and something
like this would never happen there! Lidija, who also spent some refugee years in Germany,
nods in agreement. She gently tries to soothe the family. The sisters finally leave. As we watch
their car drive away, Lidija whispers to me: They cannot sue them. Do you know that Zemka
arrived to the hospital in a terrible condition? She was neglected. I mean, where were they
[the family] until now?
Zemkas story is remarkably rich it captures, discloses, and complicates multiple affec-
tive attachments and practical relationships of love, care, and abandonment as they are being
refashioned in a postwar context at the end of socialism. Zemka is a subject who fell through
6 DISCUSSION

the cracks and eventually died caught between these shifting topographies of care and ne-
glect. In order to unpack Zemkas unique story, I situate it within (post)war and postsocialist
fields. Even though postwar and postsocialist effects are profoundly tangled in the lives of
people, for the purpose of analytic clarity, I divide them into two separate sections. To the
spectrum of the (post)war experience we first turn.

(Post)War assemblages: ehidi, life and death

Zemkas family was caught at the epicenter of the Yugoslav wars in 1990s. The Bosnian war
caught this already elderly woman in her mid-60s in ipovo, the town where she lived most of
her life. ipovo was a mixed townthe majority of population was ethnically Serb (rough-
ly 80 percent), with a significant presence of Bosniaks (around 18 percent) and some oth-
ers (primarily Croats and Yugoslavs). This mixed towns habitus, in which different ethnic
groups intermingled for centuries, was typical of Bosnia-Herzegovina and socialist Yugosla-
via at large.6
Zemkas was one of those Bosniak families that were forced out of their home during the
early stages of the war.7 At the beginning of the war Zemkas only son, Edin, was serving his
mandatory duty in the Yugoslav Peoples Army ( JNA), and was sent to eastern Bosnia, where
he escaped the JNA ranks and joined the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Several years lat-
er, Edin was killed by the Serb paramilitaries in Srebrenica, the notorious site of Bosnian gen-
ocide. The news of this enormous loss caught Zemkas family crippled by the war: Zemkas
daughters, after several years of refugee life, and encouraged by their parents to leave the war-
ridden Bosnia, ended up in Germany, together with hundreds of thousands of other refugees
from Bosnia-Herzegovina. Zemkas husband passed away during their refugee saga. Zemka,
left alone, with her former house now firmly incorporated into the territory and structures
of the Republika Srpska (the Serb Republic), found herself living in Bijelo Brdo,8 a mixed
Serb-Muslim town not far from Biha, away from both her daughters and her extended family
which was scattered between ipovo and the rest of the world. In Bijelo Brdo, she was visited
everyday by a retired Serb nurse who regularly changed Zemkas bandages. Even though no
one at Vitalis knew for sure how Zemka ended up in this part of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the
final years of her life vividly capture the contemporary contradictions of postwar state, family
and care, as Lidijas words powerfully illustrate: How ironic to be a refugee expelled by the
Serbs, to have your son killed by them, and then to end up all by yourself, in an unfamiliar
town, cared by a Serb women. Nobody knows what awaits them. With her health rapidly
deteriorating, Zemka was eventually transferred to the largest regional hospital in Biha. As
Zemkas body was progressively deteriorating, her daughters found themselves in a situation
6
The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was a federation of six republics: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia
(with two autonomous regions Kosovo and Vojvodina), Montenegro, and Macedonia. It emerged from the WWII under the leader-
ship of its charismatic communist leader, Josip Broz Tito and his ideology of Brotherhood and Unity the official policy of inter-
ethnic relations that proposed that all Yugoslav nations and nationalities (narodi and narodnosti) should peacefully coexist and
nurture the notion of intermarriage and cross-ethnic affiliation.
7
Bosnia-Herzegovina became an independent state on April 6, 1992. On the same day that Bosnia-Herzegovina was officially
recognized, Serbian paramilitary units and Yugoslav Peoples Army (Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija or JNA) attacked Bosnias capital,
Sarajevo, and initiated a war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The army of the self-proclaimed Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzego-
vina (Republika Srpska or RS) within Bosnia-Herzegovina, with the help of men and weapons from Serbia, succeeded in ethnically
cleansing, thus brutally unmixing, intertwined communities and lives (Hayden 1996), and conquering close to 70% of the countrys
territory by the end of 1993. It also perpetrated some of the most brutal acts of violence exercised against the non-Serb populations,
including Zemkas family.
8
Bijelo Brdo is a pseudonym.
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 7

typical of many other Bosnians and Herzegovinians living in a war-produced diaspora, look-
ing for a solution to their transnational problem taking care of their aging parents and other
family members at a distance. These processes unveiled a collective scandal9 and a tender
zone of cultural intimacy (Herzfeld 2005): the growing inability of the state and family in
contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina to take care of their elderly.

Postsocialist realities: the semi-absent state and family10

Starting in the 1950s, socialist Yugoslavia developed a prolific yet decentralized web of re-
public-based professional bodies responsible for providing social protection (Zavirek and
Leskoek 2005: 39). The infrastructure of Yugoslav social work was rather developed and
implemented mostly through a wide network of local Centers for Social Work as well as
through the traditional long-stay residential institutions for children and adults (Stubbs
and Maglajli 2007: 1177). While the parameters of social protection varied across the Yu-
goslavs six republics, in all of them the social welfare system included some elements of the
socialist self-management, Bismarckianism, and the engagement of a number of non-state ac-
tors, such as religious institutions (Stubbs and Maglajli 2007: 1176).
As a result of these coordinates of socialist humanism (see, among others, Cohen and
Markovi 1975; Horvat 1982), the Yugoslav state, and the socialist state more broadly, was
experienced as paternalistic (Manning 2007) or imagined as a caring parent that provided
for its citizen-children (Dunn 2008: 247; see also Verdery 1996). This representation of
the caring state created expectations about what the state should deliver (Dunn 2008): the
supreme duty of the state, as the big father (Zavirek and Leskoek 2005: 40) was to take
care of the society as whole, the process that, according to socialist ideology, would eventu-
ally lead to the termination of the need for social help in general, since everyone would be
taken care of.11 In order to achieve this, the Yugoslav state, through large scale technologies
of regulation, started to collect information and thus engage in the control of biological con-
ditions of its population. As a result, the government became responsible for living condi-
tions of the people from the birth until the grave (od kolijevke pa do groba) (Zavirek and
Leskoek 2005: 46). In harmony with the rest of its citizen-care policies, the socialist health
care system provided universal medical assistance and it was defined as rational, progres-
sive and scientific (Read 2007: 204). These universal entitlements to social security and
healthcare were central to socialist modernity and the means through which the socialist
state demonstrated that it cared for its citizens (Read 2007: 203). The Yugoslav peoples re-
sponse to these socialism-produced novelties was a combination of enthusiasm and hope,
mixed with fear and suspicion (Zavirek and Leskoek 2005: 46).
While the state extended its control and management of populations to almost all do-
mains of citizen-care, when it came to the care of old people, the state had a strong com-
mitment to avoid creating separate (medical) environments that would solely focus on the
elderly (Sokolovsky et al. 1991: 322). Rather, the decentralized socialist system focused on
9
I am grateful to Larisa Jaarevi for this phrase.
10
Parts of this section will also appear in A. Hromadi. Forthcoming 2016. Affective labor: work, love, and care for the elderly
in Biha in Brkovi, ., V. elebii and S. Jansen ,eds. Negotiating Social Relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Farnham: Ashgate.
11
Of course, not everyone was equally deserving of the governments protection and help. Zavirek and Leskoek (2005: 4749)
explain how the government divided its people into deserving and undeserving, or ours and not-ours, where the latter were
mostly former owners of shops, factories, and banks, and some Jewish survivors, who were all expropriated by the new socialist
government.
8 DISCUSSION

the creation of comprehensive primary care services and health centers associated with lo-
cal self-managing communities of interest () originating in the homes of peoples health
(domovi narodnog zdravlja) (Sokolovsky et al. 1991: 322). In addition, different republics
within Yugoslavia showed a varied distribution of the centers of elderly: in 1987 Croatia was
leading the way with the highest number (120) of special residencies for the elderly (Dom
umirovljenika home for retired persons) while Belgrade, the capital of Serbia and the
former Yugoslavia, had only 2 of these centers (Sokolovsky et al. 1991: 321). These discrep-
ancies are reflections of different historical and infrastructural influences, and of more recent
demographic trends: for example, Croatia has seen a more developed infrastructure for the
care of elderly while Serbia has harbored the largest number of orphan-care facilities.12 In ad-
dition, rural Croatia witnessed a heavy out-migration of the young, who could not take care
of their elderly parents (Sokolovsky et al. 1991: 321), showing again a strong socio-cultural
link between the state, family, and eldercare.
The paternalistic relationships and self-projections of the Yugoslav state and its citizens,
and the structures of feeling (Williams 1977) they enticed relied heavily on traditional ap-
proaches to family care, however. For example, conventionally, Bosnians, especially Bosnian
women, took care of their elderly family members. Similar to many East European countries
where the state projected an image of a caring state, in reality the private sphere of kinship,
friends and personal networks became the focus for emotionally inflicted and socially em-
bedded care (Read 2007: 206). Until recently, elderly Bosnians were physically and emo-
tionally cared for by their children and they were often expected to live with (at least) one of
them, usually the youngest son and his family. These expectations were based on the cultural
notions that stress the communal nature of kinship and symbiotic relationship between gen-
erations (Simi 1990: 97). The legal system incorporated this cultural expectation as well:
for example, Article 150 of the former Yugoslav Constitution defined the care of the elderly
as childrens responsibility (Tomorad and Galogua 1984: 306) and Article 190/10 stated:
Members of the family shall have the duty and right to maintain parents () and to be
maintained by them, as an expression of their family solidarity (see Sokolovsky et al. 1991:
321). These legal rights and institutionalized expectations of family care were not always
legally enforced,13 however, but they still continued to shape the vernacular understandings
and responsibilities of care, apparent in Lidijas comment: where were they until now?, im-
plying that Zemkas daughters should not expect the state to do their job take care of their
fragile mother. Due to the war-produced exile, many families could not fulfill these expecta-
tions of care at proximity, thus triggering a major reshuffling of the postwar and postsocialist
assemblage of care, and, in the process, revealing many raptures, ideologies and myths about
delivering care, past and present.
With the postwar state in pieces and families in fragments, the crisis of care in Bosnia-
Herzegovina became ubiquitous and it revealed the conflicting ideologies and expectations
of care: on the one side, the state projected an image of caregiving but relied on family to care
for the elderly, while, on the other side, families did most of caregiving, but still embodied
an ideology of the paternalistic state. These conflicting expectations and impossibilities to
fulfil their real and imagined former roles revealed the cracks in the ideology of responsibil-
ity and caused multiple affective reactions and accusations of failure. The family, just like the
state, thus emerged as semi-absent; materially present (they pay for the substantial private

12
Paul Stubbs, personal communication, October 17, 2014.
13
Tomorad and Galogua argue that regardless of the legal right to be taken care of by their offspring, the elderly very rarely used
these means to secure these rights, since the emotional basis of the relationship was not present. The authors also argue that children
were sometimes materially unable to support their parents (1984: 306, n1).
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 9

nursing care expenses)14 and physically far away (unavailable to deliver love and care at close
proximity). And yet, regardless of the postwar states progressive withdrawal from biopolitics
the postwar state is both bureaucratically omnipresent and biopolitically absent/increas-
ingly withdrawn from citizen-care Zemkas daughters still had an expectation that the state
would at least help them, since they were family of the martyr (ehidska porodica). In other
words, the postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina, the daughters believed, had a moral debt (Han
2012: 4) toward Zemkas family, for the highest sacrifice the family had given to the state in
blood, to protect its very existence during the war. When this moral debt was not honored,
but neglected by the state in this case the cantonal hospital in Biha the daughters felt
a deep sense of betrayal, injustice, and, finally, anger. These competing expectations of care
and reciprocity between the postwar state and its most deserving subjects the martyrs
family thus created a void filled with potent diasporic citizen disappointment and Zemkas
neglected, bruised old body. I interpret this topography of Zemkas body suffering, bruised,
blood-stained and swollen as an embodied symbol of the states and familys semi-absenc-
es as they powerfully collapse into the body of an elderly woman in contemporary Bosnia.
Zemkas experience is a powerful reflection of these semi-absences which are deeply embod-
ied, painfully tangible and indicative of changing and differential pedagogies of attention
(Cohen 2008: 337).

Conclusion

Zemkas moving story of life and death in the Balkans illustrates the effects of semi-absent
state and family on the countrys elderly. This familys experiences are both unique in their
intimate struggles, pains and wounds, and yet, in many ways, similar to most others. This
is the story of war displacement and destruction of lives, bodies and objects; the weaken-
ing, semi-absence and reformation of the postwar and postsocilist state; families fragmented
across continents; new homes and borders, and shifting terrains and expectations of life and
death, and care and responsibility.
The majority of people I encountered in Bosnia-Herzegovina share some of the experi-
ences and sentiments revealed in Zemkas story: they frequently complain about their poor
health, the declining health of their family and friends, premature deaths of many friends and
acquaintances, the crumbling and shrinking medical and social systems of care, and about
the growing burden of social, moral and economic debt left in the wake of these changes.
These processes, experiences and stories shape lives and deaths of people in the Balkans, but
they also point at the need to bring into conversation that what scholarship in the region has
treated as separate: postwar and postsocialist regimes of citizen care; failed responsibility
and expectations that generate the emerging privatized spaces of differential care. It is exactly
these uneven, simultaneously local, regional, and transnational configurations of love, care,
and abandonment that produce unique, idiosyncratic, and seemingly contradictory yet inti-
mately interwoven experiences of past and future, presence and absence, politics and affect,
and hope and betrayal in contemporary Bosnia and beyond.

14
Private care for elderly is very expensive in relation to the Bosnian standard of living. The monthly fee is between 750 and 1050
Bosnian Convertible Marks (KM) (approximately 380-535 ) a sum too high for the majority of the countrys older inhabitants,
who receive an average monthly pension of 350-400 KM (178-204 ). The family members who work all over the world can only
sporadically visit their aging parents and relatives, but they are, in most instances, committed to paying for their expensive (in local
terms) care.
10

C
DISCUSSION

OMMENTS

Jason Danely
Department of Social Sciences, Oxford Brookes University

Placing the dislocated fragments of broken bodies, states,

and families

Azra Hromadis article is a masterful example of ethnography that moves between the
seemingly distant and the seemingly near, revealing, in the process, that neither was ever
what it had seemed. There is Zemka, more than a bruised and bloodied body, more than a
socially abandoned victim, but a point of translation, where the affective reality of far-away
others becomes decoded, interpreted, and given value. Taking a step back from the question
of how care and abandonment are enacted and what kind of effects they have on the topog-
raphy of power/knowledge of post-war Bosnia, we might ask in the first place why anyone
should care at all, especially when such care is bound to be fraught with complications and
contradictions? Why should her family, in war-produced exile in Germany (Hromadi,
this issue), care that Zemka has a place in a care home? Why should a distant relative drive
hours to deliver her there despite his weak sense of attachment to her? Why should the state
care for older citizens like Zemka?
Expectations about who should care, why they should care, and what constitutes good
care produces a tense atmosphere of fragile bonds, unstable and uncertain alliance. Although
like older people elsewhere, Zemkas aging body and mind makes her too cumbersome to
move very far, her placelessness drags her along from one institution to the next. She is not
mobile, autonomous, self-reliant, able to choose, to risk. Age and disability alone are not
enough to explain Zemkas vulnerability; it is inseparable from the politics of care emerging
in post-socialist, post-war Bosnia and elsewhere as the world continues to grow older.
Hromadi vividly describes Zemkas ageing topography, the trail of broken relation-
ships and betrayals that simultaneously mark both her care and her abandonment, as an
embodied symbol of the states and familys semi-absences (Hromadi, this issue). Here
Hromadis work makes its boldest contribution, articulating with ethnographic work on
care in other contexts, such as Lisa Stevensons Life beside Itself (2013), Anne Allisons Precar-
ious Japan (2013), Giordano (2014) Practices of Translation and the Making of Migrant Subjec-
tivities in Contemporary Italy, and my own work in Aging and Loss (Danely 2014). In each of
these cases the semi-absence of state and family leaves vulnerable subjects in suspense (Choy
and Zee 2015) the conditions of life are uncertain and contingent, broken by the disloca-
tions like war and the violence of care (cf. Wool 2015). As Hromadis interlocutor, Lidija
remarks, Nobody knows what awaits them (Hromadi, this issue).
Perhaps Zemkas dementia is the appropriate way of inhabiting this space of suspension.
It allows her the comfort of believing that her son, whom she is unaware died in the war years
earlier, will take her to Amerika, providing her with both a place and a family. Zemkas symp-
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 11

toms appear to reconcile one set of dislocations (moving from the hospital to the care home,
her daughters move from Bosnia to Germany, the sons move from life to death) with an-
other (from present to non-present, from Bosnia to Amerika, from neglect to care). Zemka
too, embodies a semi-absence.
The condition of suspense catches not only the older person herself, but her carers as
well. There appears to be no solid ground of justice or even an ethic of care to steady them.
This is familiar from my own work with carers in Japan, and while I am often asked which is
better, care by the family or by an institution, I know that the answer is never straightforward.
In Japan, as in the conditions that Hromadizi describes, the family is not a stable and cohe-
sive unit tightly bound by a uniform pattern of kinship, nor is the state and the care system
centralized and rational. Both family and the state are better approached as assemblages
(Hromadi, this issue) that produce and uneven and contradictory terrain of (dis)engage-
ment.
Hromadis article (this issue) asks us to imagine a state in pieces and families in frag-
ments. Care by the state here cannot be opposed to care by the family, nor can care be easily
characterized by mutuality or plurality terms that imply an affective and political adjust-
ment of subjectivity in order to adhere to ethical virtues. The family who care about Zemkas
welfare are not physically present, yet the caregivers who are present also seem not to care.
The semi-absences are also semi-recognitions of the subject of care. What mediates the semi-
recognition (money, influence, ethnicity, e.g.) and how are these reinterpreted in a way that
transforms their value in the context of care for the elderly? What should one do to a sub-
ject that can only be partially recognized? What is the moral responsibility of family or the
state in such matters? That is, who holds responsibility for the violence inflicted on Zemka
that eventually precipitated her death? These are largely empirical questions, but they are, I
believe, important if we are to follow Hromadis line of thought and attempt to apply it in
other settings.
Finally, Hromadis ethnography opens up a critical space to question the degree to
which we are ever fully present to others. Are the semi-absences she describes always present
in care relationships, and particularly inter-generational relationships? Is this qualitatively
different, one might ask, than the condition of alterity that we as anthropologists face in our
writing about others? While Zemkas richly aesthetic narrative pulls me in emotionally, for
example, I am also faced with the fact of my own semi-absence towards her own condition.
And so reading this kind of work has seized me as well, suspended me in the present-absence
of mourning for a woman whose life I must believe to be meaningful, evocative, productive.
If the notion of semi-absence is to be expanded further, it might benefit most by more explic-
itly addressing and incorporating aspects of violence, mourning, and narrative (cf. Das 2006;
Jackson 2014), in ways that could further illuminate the challenge our understandings of age.
12 DISCUSSION

Milo Milenkovi
Department of Ethnology and Anthropology,
Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade

Public is (also) individual

The introductory article by Azra Hromadi presents a welcome contribution, since it deals
with a very important research topic inside ethnological-anthropological studies of the state
and its institutions in the region of ex-Yugoslavia and that is the problem of constant dimin-
ishing of, and even denying, the responsibility of individuals for their own destiny, includ-
ing their medical and social welfare. The same approach is also evident in the contempo-
rary anthropological research on the link between economy, politics and culture. Having in
mind a low level of urbanization before the establishment of the communist-socialist state
which cares and a chaotic mixture of three types of state and social organizations which
have preceded it (foreign colonial monarchy which combined feudalism and early company
capitalism, local monarchy with regional ambitions which combined kinship-based commu-
nitarianism with early state capitalism and a local variant of sharia feudalism with the ele-
ments of late slavery), where individualistic culture was almost non-existent, the countries of
ex-Yugoslavia present a textbook example for the analysis of the concepts of the community
and individual and of their mutual potential as well as responsibility. This is specially the case
with the transitional/postsocialist destinies of the citizens of ex-Yugoslav societies. While
living in the region in which the external or internal Other was deemed responsible/guilty
both for collective and individual destinies, the citizens of ex-Yugoslav republics, including
Bosna which is the main topic of the leading article, rarely got any systematic incentive, ex-
cept for rare liberal15 attempts, to develop as responsible individuals who consciously bear
the consequences and take credits for their actions or the lack of them. Hence the introduc-
tory article tackles a very important topic even though it approaches it in an ideologically
biased way, which is legitimate in critical anthropology, since it opts for, lately quite common,
left-oriented anthropological criticism of the degradation of the welfare/social security/state
and the reduction in the scope and the level of services included in the tax-financed social
benefits, attributed to liberalism.
Using the standard combination of arguments on the crisis of the welfare state which she
juxtaposes with the informants narratives, the author tells the story and frames it theo-
retically when necessary about the ethnographic research which can inform, supplement,
but also negate standard explanations of transition processes in postsocialist societies. How-
ever, the author failed to notice the methodological trap one might fall into when placing
the ethnographic focus on personal narratives: a) the trap of nostalgia, especially present
in post-Yugoslav societies, maybe primarily in Bosnian society and b) the trap of adopting
the ethno-explicative, hence the knowledge which is through its own definition inferior, to
expert ethnological-anthropological scientific knowledge. Those two methodological traps
significantly steered the conclusion towards the responsibility of the state and not the re-
sponsibility of an individual and didnt take into account the actions (nationalisation, expro-

15
The social life of the term liberal could be a good starting point not only for an anthropological debate, but also for a mul-
tilateral project, having in mind the significance of socio-cultural change which was the result of the transition of the political and
economic systems of the ex-Yugoslav states and societies during the last few decades. Here I use the term liberal in its original
meaning appreciation of individual freedoms not in the American sense of the word (meaning socialism), nor the Balkan sense
of the word (antisocialism).
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 13

priation, confiscation, forced illegal taxation, lack of saving and investment schemes) and the
lack of them (surrendering ones own destiny to the collective, justifying ones lack of con-
cern for the future by real or alleged deficits of the system) before the onset of the old age.16
Furthermore, the author failed to offer, which is otherwise quite common in the anthro-
pological studies of post-socialism, the analysis of the situation which preceded the current
devastation of the social welfare state. What lacks is the description of the (im)possibility of
communism/real socialism to fulfil its promises and especially the analysis of the reasons
whether it was capable of doing it anyway, structurally speaking (besides the redistribution
of capital which was accumulated by individuals or companies, combined by accruing debt).
What lacks in this article and which would be worth a discussion or a repeated/more de-
tailed research, is the discrepancy between informants nostalgic narratives on pre-capitalist
social care and the scientific truth which is available from the sources and expert analyses.
There is also a lack of a more grounded reference to the existing, even though scarce, litera-
ture on aging, pensions and insurance, especially on organized care of elderly in Yugoslav
context as the key concept behind the proposed argument. A more detailed research could
offer a coherent periodization and contextualisation of changes in public gerontology system
after the breakup of the socialist state, having in mind the fact that the socialist state was
systematically taking from its citizens their earnings, which they could therefore not invest
in pensions and insurance funds, simultaneously creating within them a dependence on the
economically unsustainable public system of social care, with catastrophic consequences for
certain individuals, especially those who were not able to create their own networks of social
support during transition years. In that sense, it would be not only academically interested
but also socially useful if the author would more precisely define the processes which she
mentioned, name the agents of the incomplete reforms she referred to and match the type of
analysis with the conclusion she offered, having in mind that her conclusions generalized
and prone to discussion lack proper argumentation which would follow from the presented
analysis. The author did not prove, she only assumed that the system of social care, especially
care of elderly in ex-Yugoslavia and Bosnia especially was a) functional and b) that any similar
system was sustainable in contemporary Bosnia.
The article definitively presents a contribution to the widening of the debate on the im-
pact of socio-cultural changes, including economic and legal, on the conceptualization of the
role of the state in the life of individuals. This debate is indeed necessary in post-Yugoslav
ethnologies/anthropologies, especially having in mind the tendency of the anthropologists
to join neo-collectivist anti-liberal movements for which we know, as history taught us, that
they, in general, provoke fascism in our societies and can represent a Weimarian introduc-
tion to new wars, criminal redistribution of private property and destruction of public in the
name of the collective. It is exactly this confusion between public and collective, and which
is also present in this article, that I suggest for a future debate, if there would ever occur such
an opportunity.

16
This, of course, does not refer to the situations in which the war victims were forced to preserve their own lives and therefore
could not worry in advance about the quality of life during their later years. Except for those individuals who were directly affected
by the war, the argument presented in the introductory article referred to all the people who lived in Yugoslav societies in the last
decades and this is the problem I am accentuating here. This argument, as presented, could not refer to all of us and it could not be
used as a basis for understanding/justifying the positions of any individuals, except for those who were the direct victims of the war.
14 DISCUSSION

Sonja Podgorelec
Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies, Zagreb

We could use a care home, but it would be a scandal to leave

your parents there, a big disgrace! Formal and informal care for
the elderly in Croatia

From the end of the 20th century and during the first decades of the 21st century, in Europe in
general there is an increasing insecurity as to how to deal with social and economic changes
and the consequences of population aging on the demographic structure of societies. Taking
into account the rapid aging of the population and an increasing number of older persons
who (for longer periods) live alone and in their later age need assistance from the third par-
ties, the scientific attention is focused on (economically) sustainable and (socially) required
types and modalities of care. The scientists are trying to answer the question whether numer-
ous older persons are becoming a (too)heavy burden for the contemporary family (which
is still the main provider of the informal care) and for the state whose economic power is
increasingly diminishing (which is the provider of the formal types of care) (Sundstrm and
Johansson 2005; Podgorelec and Klempi 2007). Are there changes in the societal expecta-
tions from individual family members, especially women, as the main providers of care (tak-
ing into account their working careers) and in the level of intergenerational solidarity of the
members? Are there changes in the expectations that the older people have as to who should
be the main care provider? What are the implications of the increased commercialization of
care for the quality of life of the elderly?
The comparison of the data from the last three censuses points to the fact that the popu-
lation of Croatia is characterized by rapid aging and high levels of agedness (Nejami and
Toski 2013: 92) and according to the average age of 41.7 years (2011), Croatia belongs to
the group of European countries with the highest level of population agedness (ivi, Turk
and Pokos 2014: 248). Increase in the overall percentage of people at 65 years of age and old-
er and the increase of the percentage of the oldest group of the elderly (80 and older), with
both groups including the highest number of people with medical problems who require
tending and care, represent a big challenge for medical systems, systems of social welfare and
pension system, especially in the rural regions where institutional and non-institutional care
is much less developed as compared to the urban parts of the country.
My commentary on Azra Hromadis introductory article on the crisis of care for the
elderly in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the second decade of the 2000s, is a kind of a supple-
ment to the topics the author mentioned in which the author mentioned certain problems
and data related to the care of the elderly in Croatia. More precisely, on the basis of the re-
search conducted mostly in the rural regions of Croatia, we will try to present some patterns
of care for the elderly in Croatia and point to the changes in the expectations of the potential
care recipients towards the care givers.

Migrations mitigating circumstance to the providers of informal care

The populations of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia of all generations, younger and
older alike, share the consequences of the periods of joint history which have significantly
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 15

influenced their contemporary way of life. For the majority of individuals (families), the con-
sequences were, first of all, multiple losses which are visible in the decline of the economic
power (often resulting in poverty), the change in the quality of social networks (mostly their
narrowing) and the changes in social norms and basic values (on the level of the state, local
community and family). Taking into account the rapid tempo of aging of one or both socie-
ties, the problems related to the way of life of a contemporary family and the reasons for the
changes in the attitude of the community and the state towards elderly care, also have to
be analysed in the context of migrations. Namely, a large percentage of population in their
most productive years and especially in the period since the end of the 1960s, participated
in the migrations instigated mostly by economic reasons. In the last 25 years, those were
augmented by numerous voluntary or forced migrations the reasons for which were, first of
all, the break-up of the common state and the war (during the 1990s), led on the territories
of both countries, as well as politic, economic and social consequences of the war, crimes
against civilians and different forms of (usually economic) crime. All the above mentioned
reasons could be clearly observed in the changes of the conditions surrounding the care for
elderly people in both states.
Public policies in Croatia are quite prone to mask the problems linked to the aging of
population and care of the elderly who are in need of tending and care, by equating those
problems with (too)large a ratio of the number of the retired people over the number of the
employed people, which presents an unsurmountable financial burden for the economy of
societies undergoing crisis. Among retired people in Croatia, as well as in other transition
states of ex-Yugoslavia, there is a large percentage of those who left the labour market long
before the age limit for their retirement (60 or 65 years of age), i.e. before they crossed from
the period of late maturity to early old age. An increasing number of (even young) retired
people was primarily the consequence of the transition from the planned to market economy
and the transformation of the type of ownership which accompanied that change, secondly
the consequence of the war and its aftermath as well as the consequence of a several decades
of erroneous economic politics.
Hromadi, with her debate on the aspects of (inadequate) presence of the state in care
for elderly and through the title of the article itself, Where were they until now? accentu-
ates the severity of the consequences of transformation of Bosnian and Herzegovinian so-
ciety, especially on the level of family relations. Family and local community in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and in Croatia since the 1990s have been facing different types of mainly nega-
tive influences. For example, the (im)possibility of employment, loss of a large number of
jobs and high unemployment of young people (the cause of increased poverty levels of large
number of people in both countries), changes in the structure of family which is the main
care provider for all its members (smaller number of children, increased number of the el-
derly), significant emigration of young people, especially from rural areas and after Croatias
ascension to the European Union (allowing Croatian citizens to find jobs in some EU coun-
tries), from urban areas also. The experience of migration causes changes in the way of life of
the members of families who participate in migration but also in the expectations of those,
usually older members, who are left behind. In the context of population migration which
was the consequence of war, a certain percentage of population, both Croats and Serbs, after
the peaceful reintegration, i.e. after the infrastructural renovation of the destroyed objects
and houses, did not return to Croatia. Because of the long-term exile and refugee status a
part of the population (), especially young people adapted to the life in the new setting
and did not want to return (Klempi Bogadi and Laji 2014: 448). Hence, most of those
16 DISCUSSION

who returned were older and the research confirmed that almost 30% of the returnees were
older than 65 years of age, while with respect to the quality of life [and the possibility of ob-
taining any type of informal care], especially endangered were the single-person households
with the average age of 70 (Mesi and Bagi 2011: 8587). A large number of the returnees
returned to the underdeveloped, peripheral rural regions with insufficient health care and
other forms of formal care almost completely missing.

Organization of formal care presence of state

Hromadi outlined that from all the countries in the ex-state, Croatia had the widest net-
work of institutional care for elderly citizens. What happened with that system today? Ac-
cording to the data of the Ministry of Social Policy and Youth for 2015, institutional accom-
modation for older citizens of Croatia is organized in 226 care homes (including state and
county homes and an increasing number of care homes of different founders and legal enti-
ties which provide care without care home facilities, such as NGOs, religious communities,
etc.). Care homes today take care for 17 53617 people. Comparing those data with data of
ten years ago,18 we could see a continual development of the network of institutional care
(especially the number of commercial types of accommodation) as well as a rising number
(percentage)19 of older citizens placed in care homes. Alongside institutional organization,
equally important, especially in the rural regions, is the organization of the non-institutional
types of care and according to the data for 2015, 5 65520 of elderly people were placed in the
family care and foster care homes.

Intergenerational solidarity presence of family members

For older people in rural regions in which a high level of activity is preserved until a very
old age21 (Podgorelec 2008; Podgorelec and Klempi Bogadi 2013; Klempi Bogadi and
Podgorelec 2014), and in which the main expectations of the people still are that, when the
times comes, the care of the aged member of the family would be provided primarily by the
spouse and then the children (the largest number of whom has moved away and live in other
parts of Croatia or abroad) or some other member of the closer family, what is extremely
important is this provision of help and care in old peoples homes.22 Some non-institutional
programs have proved to be very efficient, such as Help in homes for the elderly and Day
care and help in home for elderly which included another 15 550 of old people, mostly in
rural, frequently isolated and severely depopulated areas of Croatia. One such programme is
realized through employing geronto-attendants which daily visit the homes of older people.
Pilot program was introduced to the small islands in ibenik Archipelago. Mostly it included
17
What makes up to 2.31% of the total population of the elderly.
18
According to the data of the Ministry of Health and Social Policy, at the end of 2006, 12 233 old people were placed in care
homes which amounts to 1.8% of the people of 65 years of age and older.
19
Increase in the percentage is even more significant if we take into account the aging of total population.
20
Or 0.75% of the total population of the old people, which together with those people placed in care homes, amounts to over 3%
of total population of the elderly.
21
Which often means that the need for care by others arrives later in life and lasts for shorter periods of time (Sundstrm and
Johansson 2005).
22
Organized help and care, according to 2015 data, is provided for 5 083 older citizen of Croatia in their own homes.
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 17

old people living in single person households, those with need of medical attention or with
lesser functional capabilities, of very old age, with no children or with the children who mi-
grated (Podgorelec and Klempi Bogadi 2013). The staff of the ibenik Centre for Help and
Care concluded that in the last six years, the majority of the older citizens who were provided
services in their own homes remained living on the islands till very old age (average between
75 and 80), were longer functionally capable and were more independent than the people of
the same age living in the town.

Expectations of the (potential) recipients of care

Have the above mentioned social changes influenced the attitudes of the potential care recip-
ients and also care providers? A gradual change in the expectations as to who, alongside the
family, should be the active provider of care at old age is a reflection of the changes in lifestyle
of the new generations. When speaking about rural areas which were severely affected by war
or about peripheral areas of small Croatian islands, the difficult economic situation, financial
impoverishment of people and insufficient number of institutions for social and health care
for the elderly as well as inadequate (or non-existent) organization of non-institutional care
still require a strong intergenerational solidarity of parents and their children (Podgorelec
2008; Knodel et al. 2010; Heylen 2010; Klempi Bogadi and Podgorelec 2011). One of my
interlocutors (M, 75), referring to his potential helplessness, said: Am I afraid of the old age?
Im counting on my children, I hope. Im lucky to have them!
Intergenerational support is expressed through joint activities, love and help in the form
of money and services. A number of my informants in their middle and late middle age still
felt that the responsibility of taking care of their elderly parents was exclusively theirs and
because of that reason a number of individuals decided, even before their retirement in the
cities (to which they moved because of education and/or employment), to return to their
island villages to take care of their parents (Podgorelec and Klempi Bogadi 2013).
While younger family members (grown up children) more readily accept the possibility
that the state (institutions) could partially be involved in providing help, service and care
when they cant23 (or couldnt), the older people still expect the care to be provided by the
members of their immediate family and hence some of them said: Once families used to
care for their elders while today, what a disgrace, a stranger in some care home is supposed to
take care of you (M, 82 yrs) or [Once] we didnt need care homes, since young people lived
together with the oldies (, 87). Help is primarily expected from the spouses and grown up
children and after that from other family members, friends and neighbours (Sundstrm and
Johansson 2005; Podgorelec 2008). However, the way of life of an increasing number of old
people who live alone and their children dont live nearby, brings about a gradual change in
the attitudes about the expectations as to who should be the care provider and the institu-
tional accommodation or some other form of non-institutional care are becoming increas-
ingly acceptable:
There are a lot of old people. But there is nobody who is not cared for. If people are really
old, then they have an old peoples home, those who have no one. There are elderly, but
none who is not taken care of, so to say. (F, 86)

23
Many left their villages and towns, as was the case with Zemka and her family. Here the reason for migrating is not the focus of
our research, even though it is not irrelevant, but the fact that the older people are more frequently left alone.
18 DISCUSSION

Firstly, Im happy that the dear Lord is looking after me and my health. But tomorrow, look
here, you fall into bed and whos gonna do it? Children are far away! (M, 77)

The best things is theres no place like home, or as the proverb says, there is no place like
home, yes, if thats possible. But for me its not possible. No neighbours, nothing, what am
I to do all alone? (F, 94)

People who belong to the age group of younger elderly notice a gradual change in the expec-
tations towards institutional care as compared to earlier generations:
People consider old peoples home as the last stage in their lives. But I think it is wrong to
see it that way, I think you should be happy that you can finish your life in a decent way
it used to be a disgrace, but now its not so much anymore. Its better to be there safe, then
to be home alone where something can happen to a person. Because now when there are
no young people anymore, there is no one to take care I dont know, but my mum always
said: Hope you are not going to place me in an old peoples home. That generation did
not accept that. (F, 67)

Instead of a conclusion

Informal care is still the main form of providing care for the older people in Croatia. Sin-
gle person households are increasingly frequent in rural areas of Croatia which are also the
regions with the poorest distribution of any form of formal care for the elderly. For older
people who live alone and who dont have a family member close enough to them as to pro-
vide support and help when necessary, the most acceptable formal type of help or care is the
one they can get in their own homes. Children, on the other hand, who, together with the
spouses, are still the main providers of care, and their aged parents, also, want to have the op-
portunity of choosing some forms of organized (formal) care provided by the state which is,
due to the economic shortages, increasingly incapable of providing that care.

Tihana Rubi24
Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology,
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb

eljka Petrovi Osmak

Ethnographic Museum, Zagreb

Abandonment and/or relatedness: few thoughts on kinship, aging

and transformations
Azra Hromadi in her text uses an ethnographic case study for her analysis and interpreta-
tion. The main plot is short, but ethnographically rich, a family situation in which an 80
year old woman, a widow and a mother of four, of three grown up living daughters and one

24
Tihana Rubi conducted this research as part of the project City-making: space, culture and identity, financed by the Croatian
Science Foundation (No. 2350).
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 19

son who was killed in the last Bosnian war, was being transferred from the hospital care to a
private care home in which she died after a few days, already extremely ill when she arrived.
After her death, the daughters, who havent been living in Bosnia since they left as refugees
during the 1990s and who now live in Germany, arrive to the home and in an emotionally
disturbing debate, voice their disappointment and shock with the Bosnian health care which,
immediately after providing basic medical help in a public hospital, discharged the old wom-
an, keeping her for only one day and not a day more.
This family situation, documented through observation and interview with the inter-
ested parties, is a relevant example for the analysis and interpretation of family, social and
political relations. The author discusses social values linked with the state and family as the
institutions providing care for the elderly as well as social expectations reflected, for example,
in the commentary of the manager of the private care home spoken to the researcher and
referring to the members of the family of the deceased old woman: Where were they until
now? This story shows that a life situation can be a trigger for consequential conflicting fam-
ily and social relations. The retold story is a very illustrative ethnographic example, since it
contains intimate and multi-layered data on opinions, actions and values.
Aging as an experience and a concept has been insufficiently researched and prob-
lematized in ethnology and cultural anthropology. We think that the experience of aging is by
no means universal, even though there are certain general transformations linked with the
older generation in a broader context: for example, todays demographic and socio-political
challenges such as the aging of population or prolonged life span, the crisis of social security
and of classical pension and family systems. Here we could also list various regional chal-
lenges of an increased number of old people who live alone (as is the case in China in the
recent years), as well as (for example in the United States) the existence of a morally ques-
tionable politics of distribution of health care resources explicitly on the basis of age (with
older people being deprived), etc.
In the context of the significance of all those and other processes linked to aging, we
consider the contribution by Azra Hromadi to be ethnographically extremely relevant.
However, in the following paragraphs of our commentary we point to certain problems in
analysis and interpretation.
Ethnological and cultural-anthropological interpretations which are formed on the basis
of individual examples can frequently fall into a trap when the interpretation based on an
anecdotal example is used in a broader context. The author in this article, as she emphasized
in her introduction, discusses and problematizes care for the elderly in wartime and post-war
Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a diachronic perspective, her interpretations and data refer to
socialist, post-socialist and contemporary periods and in one segment the author even refers
to pre-socialist period when she interprets the characteristics of the institution of tradi-
tional family, its inner relations and values.
By contrasting the two main periods socialist when, according to the author, formal-
institutional care for the elderly existed and postsocialist, wartime and post-war when those
earlier forms of care, as author claimed, faced a crisis and gradually disappeared, the author
interpreted the ethnographic case study which is the focus of her article as if the destiny of
this old woman in postsocialist and post-war context, as it happened, was inevitable. In other
words, that it was a direct consequence of the degradation of formal-institutional and family
patterns of care and support, caused mostly by a very abrupt cut caused by the war in the
1990s, separating families and breaking (direct, physical) bonds: due to the war-produced
exile, many families could not fulfil those expectations of care at proximity, thus triggering a
20 DISCUSSION

major reshuffling of the post-war and postsocialist assemblage of care (Hromadi, this
issue).
Even though this thesis can seem familiar, it demands a more complex questioning of the
macro-processes, among others, of those which occurred during the 20th century in the area
of social security those provided by the state and those provided by the family and their
mutual relationship. Care for the elderly in socialism and care for the elderly in postsocialist/
post-war period were presented in the text as two completely opposing frameworks generally
characterized by discontinuities. The war had undoubtedly caused many wounds, changes
and suffering. Numerical data additionally confirm this claim in the last war it was estimat-
ed that on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina around 100 000 people have been lost,
while around 2 700 000 have become displaced (Grbi Jakopovi 2011: 317318). In many
European countries the wave of immigration of refugees and displaced persons from Bos-
nia was significant during that period and a Finn anthropologist Laura Huttunen wrote on
transformations in social and ethnic structure in Finland during the 1990s, which confirmed
the scope of war-related immigration to Finland in that period: Practically all Bosnians in
Finland came there as refugees during or soon after the war in Bosnia, and most of them were
either Bosnian Muslims/Bosniaks or with mixed background (Huttunen 2008: 236). War
conflict in the countries of ex-Yugoslavia created a surrounding which produced maximum
insecurity for people of all age groups (Podgorelec 2008: 31).
However, besides discontinuities, there are also continuities, since people did not over-
night, on all levels, during the 1990s, start to live according to some new model. Namely,
Bosnia and Herzegovina is, just like other countries in the region, traditionally an emigra-
tion country (apo and Jurevi 2014: 18). Migrations (political, economic) were a con-
tinuum in both its war and peace times. Due to migrations, families were forced to find new
mechanisms for their own survival (economic, symbolic, etc.) even in situations when they
were not sharing the same physical space. Modern anthropology is now for a long time de-
veloping the concepts of dislocation and transnational social spaces those which surpass
one particular physical place and are realized in the processes of modern migration, disloca-
tion and relocation (apo and Gulin Zrni 2011: 13; cf. Vuorela 2008). Those spaces are
interpreted more as an adjustment and transformation than as degradation of social (usually
family) bonds and relationships:

on the basis of transnational paradigm the researches have started to observe migrants in-
side transnational social areas which they create between and above interstate borders thus
maintaining thick, multiple social relations which link their societies, of origin and destina-
tion () [Ties and relationships] link two or more spaces and people living in them and
there is a circulation of things, money and services between those two spaces located in
two states (). Since this extensive exchange is happening on the level of family and kin-
ship networks and the localities where people live ()[we can talk about] about parallel
multiple levels of social networks. (apo and Jurevi 2014: 24)

In the circumstances of constant emigrations, families were facing challenges and changes in
family structure, as well as, partly, disintegrations of (traditional relations), even before the
last war. Disintegration of traditional institutions of, for example, three-generational house-
hold, as observed by Norwegian social anthropologist Tone Bringa (2009: 49), was occur-
ring in Bosnia in the decades preceding the 1990s and even in the countries of Western
democracies (cf. Podgorelec 2008: 31). Those processes were noted in, for example, the
first half of the 1970s since everyday relations were occurring () with a higher level of
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 21

openness and insecurity (Podgorelec 2008: 31). In that sense, the emphasized dichotomies
socialism-postsocialism, pre-war and post-war context were just one of possible aspects of
deep complexities (transformations and continuities) of social (primarily family) relations.
On the other hand, in spite of a generally accepted attitude that socialist period was a
period of social security, there was only a narrow time frame, 1950s and 1960s, which could
be called a golden age (Grandits 2010: 25) of security welfare state also in a broader,
European, context (ibid.). Since after those decades, until today, there followed a process of
destabilization of social and welfare state which was even more accentuated since the late
1980s, especially in the countries with intensive economic-political restructuring, during the
transition from socialism to new economic-political system. We would like to emphasize that
even during the above mentioned golden age, the sectors such as housebuilding, health care,
industry, social care, etc., on a practical, executive level did not correlate with the discourse:
despite of ideology and striving, resources were always modest and limited. Hence the part
in which Hromadi talks about prior sustenance, security and a state which takes care about
its citizens, like the big father, was more about discourse than the practice itself and hence
we are of the opinion that the difference between the two contrasted periods mentioned in
the text is exaggerated. Finally, family in this context was consequentially always present as a
source of support, care and help (social security), of emotionally inflicted and socially em-
bedded care, both in socialism and post-socialism (cf. Heady 2010; Grandits 2010; Rubi
and Leutloff 2015), but, of course, always with inherited discrepancies and challenges.
We would also like to comment shortly on our expectations which stemmed from the
authors announcement in the summary, and which pointed to some of our research (for
example Rubi 2012), that the text would critically examine and discuss the term ordinary
people, or in Hromadis words: I use ordinary people with much caution in this work. As
() everyday is where much deeply political work happens. We think that the term ordi-
nary people is, before anything else, just a (common) discursive category used in collective
ideas and narratives and that it carries implicit meanings and politization potential. However,
in the text we have not detected the announced critical approach, just the authors usage of
very questionable terms such as: majority of people, ordinary people, ordinary Bosnians.
Whenever there are attempts to interpret certain things on a level broader than just fam-
ily relations, and such exist in the text, using one family as example, i.e. using contempo-
rary and recent excerpts of family life, they are after all inadequately grounded and require
wider ethnographic research of other family and anecdotal stories, which would, at the level
of analysis and interpretation, surpass the anecdotal level. Methodologically it is completely
legitimate to analyse one case study, but this requires a more extensive study and archival
preparation (cf. Vuorela 2008). Having in mind the complexity of the subject matter which is
discussed in the article as well as the authors attempt to offer interpretation of the processes
and events much broader than a single family case study, we are of the opinion that an inter-
pretative and analytical goal set this way requires additional ethnographic or study material.
The paper would, according to our opinion, benefit from the discussion and problemati-
zation of the challenges of emic/etic research position when dealing with ones own nation-
al, social, cultural, economic and political context as a research topic. On what levels is this
position etic and on which it is emic? We should recall Claude Lvi-Strausss observations on
ones own research position in France during the 1950s when he witnessed, together with his
fellow citizens at the time, a staged event of the public execution of Santa Claus in Dijon in
1952, an event which embodied political-religious ritual and consumerist-modernizational
conflicts of the then French society. Lvi-Strauss wrote:
22 DISCUSSION

the facts that take place before our very eyes and whose theatre is our own society are
both easier and more difficult to discern. Easier, because we have observed the continuity
of experience, together with all its moments and nuances and more difficult because it is
during such rare occasions that we realize the utmost complexity of social changes, even
those most focused; and because the seeming reason which we ascribe to the events whose
agents we are, are very different from the real causes which ascribe us a certain role in those
events. (Lvi-Strauss 2014: 15)

In a similar way, analytically and interpretatively, presents her material Tone Bringa when she
deals with religious identity of the Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the 1980s. She
explicitly positions her case study as one of the possible stories and perpetuates this position
through the text which we read in a book recently published and translated into Bosnian
language:
this is the story about the lives of some () people and some aspects of the community in
which they lived. Since it occurred at a specific historical moment, it is focused on lives of
several typical representatives of one specific rural community at that time. It never aspired
to be a story on all that is Bosnia and its people, but it is a detailed study of one ornament
on a Bosnian carpet. (Bringa 2009: 3)

Paul Stubbs
The Institute of Economics, Zagreb

Ageing, transformation and the multiple crises of care in

Bosnia-Herzegovina
Azra Hromadis important, moving and tragic vignette of Zemkas life and death is an ex-
traordinarily telling account of the multiple crises of care, welfare and ageing in contempo-
rary Bosnia and Herzegovina. Her understanding of what she terms the semi-absence of
both the family and the state in the context of post-war and post-communist transitions al-
lows her to uncover patterns, processes, and practices which are almost completely neglected
in the vast academic literature on Bosnia and Herzegovina framed in terms of ethno-na-
tionalism. Her text reveals much more than the view from above or from nowhere within
a much smaller literature on social policy and social protection in the same country. It is
not only that the services one receives still largely depend on where one lives (Maglajli
Holiek and Raidagi 2007: 163) in contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina but that, as
in this case, Bihas cantonal hospital, having supposedly done everything it could, within
the constraints it is no doubt under, felt perfectly within its rights to return responsibility to
Zemkas family, at very short notice, inducing a major crisis and, no doubt, contributing to
Zemkas death.
The crisis of care discussed in the text is, of course, not confined to Bosnia and Herzego-
vina. Demographic ageing is a European-wide phenomenon with many countries experienc-
ing the combined impacts of three broad processes: increased life expectancy, although not
always increases in healthy life expectancy; low fertility and declining birth-rates; and signifi-
cant out-migration of those of working age. Population decline is, then, often combined with
increasing dependency ratios and a rise in both the number and proportion of those aged 80
or over, and of those older persons who live for many years in conditions of ill-health, disabil-
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 23

ity, immobility and, indeed, poverty and social exclusion. Demographic changes undermine
the sustainability of traditional insurance-based health and social protection systems which
have relied on the assumption that adult working age populations will be large enough, em-
ployed in sufficient numbers and for a sufficiently long period of time, and paid well enough
to contribute towards services and benefits for both children and older people, as well as for
adults without work and those with disabilities.
Changing family structures, changing expectations of inter-generational rights and re-
sponsibilities, and the dispersion of extended families across sometimes long distances
add to the challenges. The changing role of the state, massive restructurings and a general
undermining of so-called welfare states, alongside expanded roles for the voluntary, non-
profit and private sectors, also need to be considered. These restructurings often reproduce
older ideas of a division between the deserving and the undeserving, imposing moralis-
ing and responsibilising judgements on those who have failed to care for their own fam-
ily members, and forcing public health and welfare institutions to frame difficult choices in
terms of maximising efficiency and reducing costs.
Beneficiaries are meant to no longer be passive recipients of welfare but are expected
to be active across many domains. Those who live longer should work longer, through in-
creased financial literacy they should ensure their own material well-being in old age not
rely on pay-as-you-go state pensions, and, above all, through active ageing should be helped
to stay in charge of their own lives for as long as possible.25 The destruction of what Andrea
Muehlebach terms the welfare-state chronotrope (Muehlebach 2012: 149), creates a new
division between an active third age and a passive and dependant fourth age, a com-
plexly gendered crisis of state and family in which it is no longer self-evident who cares for
whom, who provides the income, how it will be distributed among the family members, and
whether and how long children and elderly family members have a claim to familial resources
to help and support them (ibid.: 150151). She traces, however, the use of factual demo-
graphic projections within a politics of persuasion which works to naturalize a contested
process and foreclose critique, akin to a kind of biological determinism (ibid.: 160).
In a sense, it is not the processes per se which differ, but the rapidity of the changes in
the context of war, large-scale forced migration, and ethnicised welfare arrangements which
makes survival and the reproduction of the self and the management of intimate relation-
ships of kin a seemingly constant, never ending, struggle in Bosnia and Herzegovina today.
It is also the case, of course, as Andreas Hoff reminds us, that ageing presents very different
societal challenges in countries which grew affluent before they grew old compared to coun-
tries, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, which have grown old without ever being affluent
(Hoff 2011).
In her study of mothers of children with disability in Bijelina, in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
arna Brkovi (2015) argues that the ambiguous ground of social protection, a system
which is experienced as erratic, unpredictable and mysterious, forces mothers to be flex-
ible, to mobilise whatever resources they can, including any possible informal contacts, just
to get their children a fraction of the services they need. Much as Zemkas daughters, the
mothers in Brkovis ethnography invoke a seemingly lost logic of welfare as a right and a
duty of the state in the face of a reiteration of a logic of welfare as limited, discretionary and
largely lacking in compassion. In Zemkas daughters case, these expectations are structured
through a lens of memories of social protection under socialism, but also framed by a new

25
European Commission web site: http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=1062andlangId=en.
24 DISCUSSION

projectisation of care, and, crucially, what are felt to be moral obligations to the families of
fallen martyrs.
The realities of social protection within Bosnia and Herzegovina, as part of socialist
Yugoslavia, as Hromadis text shows, were complex and paradoxical, although certainly,
improvements in both the coverage and quality of social protection and health care were im-
portant markers of Yugoslav modernity. The system of social protection was, however, rather
dualistic, in terms of urban and rural populations, and highly variegated along class lines and
crucially, in terms of gender. The horrific war of the 1990s, however, tends to overshadow and
distort perceptions of the 1980s when, in many parts of socialist Yugoslavia, including Bosnia
and Herzegovina, poverty returned for the first time in a generation, impacting dramatically
on urban households without connections to the land or without remittances from family
members living and working abroad (cf. Archer, Duda and Stubbs 2015). How the health
and welfare system responded to the crisis of the 1980s, especially the latter part of the 1980s
when funding was also reduced, is a key part of the story which is rarely told.
Bosnia and Herzegovinas post-war welfare assemblages, framed as they are by process-
es of complex social and political engineering (Lendvai and Stubbs 2009: 681), remain
highly unstable, uneven and contingent. Bosnia and Herzegovina continues to be marked
by the emergence of an intermestic sphere (Pugh 2000), a hybrid and flexible crowded
playground (Arandarenko and Golcin 2007) of newly composed and reconstituted actors
all seeking, in their different ways, to translate a colonialising and disciplinary apparatus
of reform, modernisation and development into all manner of more or less workable
schemes and projects (cf. Stubbs 2015), many of which are, themselves, time-limited and
most of which are in contradiction, implicitly or explicitly, with each other. This intermestic
space represents, in a sense, then, yet another kind of semi-absence alongside that of the
family and the state, albeit with profound biopolitical power, multiplying and reconfigur-
ing ideologies, modalities and practices of care-giving, care-taking and care-receiving which
are fraught, uncertain and provisional (Hromadi forthcoming 2016). Although many
of these projects may be less obviously and directly violent than the Swiss Governments
scheme in the late 1990s of building new care institutions to house older people returned to
Bosnia and Herzegovina after having being granted temporary refugee status in Switzerland,
all help to create new chains of meaning, new hierarchies of power and agency, new forms
of inclusion and exclusion, new regimes of blame and of virtue, and new marginalisations,
subordinations and silences (Clarke 2004). They are central to the reconfiguration of what
Hromadi terms simultaneously local, regional and transnational configurations of love,
care and abandonment.
It is the invocation of the states moral debt to the families of fallen martyrs (ehidska
porodica) which illustrates most clearly the incommensurability, or the lack of fit, between
structural macro-level political economies and micro-level everyday lives. For it remains the
case that, even in the context of neo-liberalising disciplinarities urging that social spending
be reduced, rationalised and targeted on those who need it most, both entities in Bosnia
and Herzegovina still spend disproportionately on war veterans and their families, within a
much wider set of clientelistic relations of state capture and institutional particularism in
which ruling political parties act as patronage machines allocating jobs, cash and services,
and other favours, in return for votes (cf. Ferrera 2000; Stubbs and Zrinak 2015). What
is often forgotten in a top-down literature on clientelism, however, is that this translation
from structure to everyday life is never automatic but itself requires personalised political
agency for symbolic promises (Iraolo and Gruneberg 2008: 3) to be realised in practice.
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 25

Lacking the networks or veze needed to turn the moral capital of a martyrs family into
what might be termed welfare or care capital, Zemkas daughters are forced to rely on re-
search on the internet, a private care home and the goodwill of a distant relative even to
obtain a minimum of temporary security for their mother. Any moral claims they have, as
their anger turns to ideas of suing the state, are countered by accusations that they selfishly
neglected their mother until it was too late, serving to strip them of any remaining ethical
citizenship (Muehlebach 2012: 159) they may have possessed.
Zemkas story, then, appears as the condensation of all of the perils and none of the
pleasures of ageing discussed from a particular Western feminist positionality by Lynne
Segal (2013) in her book Out of Time. She charts the need for a new narrative of ageing,
rejecting a deterministic narrative of bodily decline and cognitive corrosion, without laps-
ing into an idealistic narrative of resilience, freedom, creativity and beauty, the successful
ageing much beloved of lifestyle gurus and invoked in a responsibilising discourse of ac-
tive ageing. Ageing subjects are also, as Segal reminds us, differentiated across gender, class,
ethnicity, sexual orientation, ability and, perhaps above all, geography. The semi-absence of
both the state and the family, and Zemkas embodied positionality, in a particular body, place,
and time, reproduces her as a subject who ages badly, needing care, assistance and support
in which too little is provided too late, and at a cost few can afford.
It would not be appropriate to judge Hromadis text through a crude lens of policy rel-
evance. In terms of care for older people in contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is hard
to find more than mere glimpses of policy otherwise, prefigurative or alternative practices
which could unsettle dominant policy conceptions () (and) open up meaningful spaces
for contestation, resistance and positive alternatives that are not only different, but actually
make a difference (Clarke, Bainton, Lendvai and Stubbs 2015: 196). Zemkas story illus-
trates more clearly than most the need for a new narrative of welfare, a more humane ethics of
care, based on interdependence, mutuality, and human frailty, raising the social, economic
and political value of care (Williams 2014: 101), rescuing solidarity from its embededness
in morals and markets (Muehlebach 2012: 2278), making social reproduction and care
central to an analysis of social change and the global crisis (Williams 2014: 87), and sug-
gestive of the need for multi-scalar strategies, policies and politics to overcome these crises.
26

R
DISCUSSION

EPLY

Azra Hromadi

I would like to begin by thanking the editors for inviting such an excellent and diverse group
of discussants to respond to my article. The respondents comments are rich, stimulating,
and in a productive tension with each other. My reactions to the reviewers evaluations are
numerous, but here I focus on only three large(er) themes: responsibility, continuity, and
methods.
Most of the reviewers address, in one way or another, the following question that is also
at the heart of my article: who ought to care (and how)? Not surprisingly, different review-
ers responded very differently to this question and the challenges it poses from Stubbs and
Danely who recommended that I include additional semi-absences (International Com-
munitys, Zemkas, our own) and semi-recognitions26 to the mix of care, to Milenkovi
who suggested a different reading/analysis of the main phenomena in this article, mainly
through the lens of individual responsibility. However, focusing on Zemkas individual re-
sponsibility for her own care, as Milenkovi recommends I do, would not only lead prob-
lematically to the masking of the larger structural, political, and economic forces and
processes as they intersect to produce Zemkas unique predicament,27 but it would also set in
motion what Stubbs, in his comments, is asking us not to do:
[R]eproduce older ideas of a division between the deserving and the undeserving [in-
dividuals], imposing moralising and responsibilising judgments on those who have
failed to care for [themselves and ]their own family members, and forcing public health
and welfare institutions to frame difficult choices in terms of maximising efficiency and
reducing costs. Beneficiaries are meant to no longer be passive recipients of welfare but
are expected to be active across many domains.

Milenkovis suggestion that Zemka, as well as (most) others in the Balkan semi-periphery,
take things into their own (individual) hands first of all problematically paints the Balkan
populations as democratically/liberally unequipped, almost child-like, thus internalizing
and reproducing Balkanist discourses.28 Second, this kind of the rights-based political dis-
course and policy would require a creation of a difficult and potentially crooked system of
classification to determine who are the individuals who were, as Milenkovi writes, directly

26
I very much appreciate Danelys excellent suggestion to think not only about semi-absences but also about semi-recognitions as
productive of new hierarchies and coordinates of acknowledgment.
27
Zemkas situation is, of course, unique, due to the particular way in which these larger forces converge to produce her predica-
ment. These forces are not random, however, but they are historically-informed, uneven systems of regulation of life; by shedding
light on Zemkas story, some of these forces and their confluences also become apparent.
28
Relatedly, Milenkovi finishes his commentary by warning against the anthropologists tendency to contribute to neo-collec-
tivist anti-liberal movements for which we know, as history taught us, that they, in general, provoke fascism in our societies and can
represent a Weimarian introduction to new wars, criminal redistribution of private property and destruction of public in the name
of the collective. It is puzzling that Milenkovi focuses on the fear of stealing/redistribution of private property and the destruction
of the public in the name of collective at the historic moment when the artifacts of the Yugoslav industries and public infrastruc-
ture in Bosnia-Herzegovina and beyond are being appropriated by the corrupt ethnonationlist politicians/businessmen through the
crooked privatization processes and through, what David Harvey (2004) has called, accumulation through dispossession.
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 27

affected by the war, and who would thus be deserving of the states care. In the country
where, as Rubi and Petrovi (this issue) remind us, more than 100 000 people lost their
lives and 2 700 000 out of 4 000 000 became refugees and/or internally displaced, separating
those who were directly impacted by the war is a project doomed to failure that would also
diminish the intersubjective nature of (war) experience. Rather than erasing the effects of
physical and structural violences on peoples lives in the name of individual responsibility, I
suggest that we envision a more inclusive and humane ethics of care, based on interdepend-
ence, mutuality, and human frailty (Stubbs, this issue). This ethic of care would combine
such ideals as justice, equality, and individual rights with such principles as care, trust, mu-
tual consideration, and solidarity (Held 2006).29
The second major subject that requires some explication is the issue of continuity and
discontinuity between the socialist past and the postsocialist present. Some discussants cri-
tique my apparent juxtaposition of the two systems, where I ostensibly privilege the past over
the present (this interpretation is especially visible in the essays by Rubi and Petrovi, and
Milenkovi).30 My piece, however, highlights both continuities and discontinuities between the
socialist and postsocialist experiences. Discontinuities are clear: the war-produced, abrupt
destruction of the former state, life projects, and material objects does not need be repeated
here.31 But there is at least one major continuity between socialism and postsocialism that is
crucial for the main argument of my article: the expectation of family to deliver care. More
specifically, in the article, I write:
The paternalistic relationships and self-projections of the Yugoslav state and its citizens,
and the structures of feeling (Williams 1977) they enticed relied heavily on traditional
approaches to family care, however. For example, conventionally, Bosnians, especially Bos-
nian women, took care of their elderly family members. Similar to many East European
countries where the state projected an image of a caring state, in reality the private sphere
of kinship, friends and personal networks became the focus for emotionally inflicted and
socially embedded care. (Read 2007: 206)

This is important to stress because it reveals, as the others suggest as well, that the social-
ist system of care was dualistic, uneven, gendered, and partial (Stubbs, this issue; Podgore-
lec, this issue), and often rhetorical (Rubi and Petrovi, this issue). What interests me here
(and I needed to state this more clearly in the article) is that both socialist and postsocialist
regimes of care, regardless of their rhetoric, in practice rely on family for care. As it was men-
tioned by Rubi and Petrovi, the institution of Bosnian family under socialism was complex,
and it witnessed great transformations, including massive migrations from rural to urban
settings (see Bringa 1995). And yet, regardless of these significant alterations, the Bosnian
socialist family in general was, especially when compared to the present day situation, fairly
29
My approach to the ethical dimentions of care is inspired by the work of Virginia Held (Ethics of Care 2006). The author invites
us to understand the significance of our ties, and thus our responsibility and dependency, to our families and groups. In her book,
Held assesses such ties, focusing on caring relations rather than simply on the virtues and responsibilities of individuals.
30
I do believe, however, that we might have some very good reasons to be nostalgic for certain aspects of the socialist past, es-
pecially if we compare the present-day and the former standards of living, the relative position in the world, and the availability of
social provisions, among others. I do agree, however, with Stubbs, Milenkovi, and Rubi and Petrovi, that a more in-depth, archival
research and analysis of the socialist period, especially the 1980s crisis, is in place, and I will expand this research in my future work.
31
In response to Rubi and Petrovis comments that people did not overnight start living according to the new model, I would
just add that to many Bosnian-Herzegovinian people, their lives did, to a large extent change abruptly, overnight and that many of
them whom I interviewed, could tell the exact date when their lives changed suddenly (i.e., the night of the forceful expulsion from
their hometowns; the day when their classmates of other ethnic group did not come to school; or the night when the siege began).
It was in those moments that the life as they new it ceased to exist, and a new model of living, be it refugee, internal displacement, or
life under siege, began. In addition, while the war was unfolding, the process of privatization of public and state property, thus a new
model, started to unfold. This process of crooked privatization was, however, overshadowed and distorted by the war.
28 DISCUSSION

financially and socially secure and rather geographically compact.32 Today, however, when
the official unemployment rate hovers around 27% (63% among youth),33 families are mate-
rially incapacitated and commonly cannot afford to take care of their elderly members in need
(a point that Podgorelec also underscores in her essay). What is more, since family members
are frequently unemployed, they often live off the pensions of their elderly family members.
In addition to these material challenges, and due to the burden of the war-produced exile,
numerous families were also fragmented by the war and thus physically absent, adding yet
another pressure to the already fragile and family-dependent eldercare.34 In conclusion, the
crisis of care is found in most of the European countries for reasons that Stubbs finely
explains in his essay; however, the challenges of this crisis are especially visible and felt in
Bosnia-Herzegovina which has grown old without ever being affluent (Hoff 2011 cited in
Stubbs, this issue) and where the postwar and postsocialist transformations converge espe-
cially powerfully and vividly.
Finally, the methods: Some reviewers critique my reliance on one story (Zemkas) and
my lack of reflexivity in the article. I am in agreement with Rubi and Petrovi when they
suggest that relying on an individual story can be a risky business because one can easily
slip into an anecdotal account (also see Milenkovi, this issue). I also agree with them that
to be anthropologically productive, a story has to be placed in its larger context a task I
attempted to accomplish with the discussion of how the war and (post)socialist events con-
verge to produce Zemkas unique predicament.35
It is the comment about reflexivity, and emic and etic positionality, which interest me
greatly. I am, of course, aware of the importance of reflexivity in ethnographic and anthropo-
logical writing, and I see it as ethically important and analytically productive (when it does
not replace ethnographic data with self-reflection, of course).36 I am not sure, however, that
reflexivity would necessarily enrich this particular piece. Rather, the inclusion of my personal
background in this short piece would direct attention away from Zemka to my own story in
ways that are neither productive nor desired, but could divert attention away from the ethics
of care and appear as self-centered: To be effective, reflexive interventions need to illuminate
or explain something about the field, the encounters in the field, and the interpretations of
those encounters. After carefully reading Rubi and Petrovis comments, however, I still
wonder which precise aspects of my analysis or ethnographic encounters suffer due to my
failure to position myself via coordinates of nationalism/ethnicity, class and gender in
the text? What is it, according to the authors, that I could not see due to my perceived

32
The situation was better, of course, during the early decades of the socialist rule; the unemployment levels steadily increased in
the socialist Yugoslavia from 6.6 % in 1965 to 16.1% in 1987 promting an outmigration of workig-age males (see Woodward 1995,
pp. 199, 378). The majority these people, worked in Austria, Germany, and other European countries as manual laborers and con-
struction workers, and they regularly returned to their homes and families for weekend visits and holidays.
33
According to the Bosnian Agency for Statistics, the official unemployment rate, calculated on the basis of ILO methodology is
27% (see: http://www.bhas.ba/?option=com_publikacijaandid=1andlang=ba). However, some sources report that the nominal
rate of unemployment may be as high as 44% (see: http://www.business.hr/ekonomija/stvarna-nezaposlenost-u-bih-27-posto-
nominalna-cak-44-posto).
34
The gendered nature of (elder) care and the additional burden it puts on women was not covered in this article, but it is the main
subject of another article I am currently writing. What is important to emphasize here is that the socialist, work-related migrations
were usually male-dominated, meaning that women commonly stayed in Bosnia where they continued to provide in addition to
home-making and child-rearing eldercare. The war-produced exile, however, displaced both men and women, and it raptured
families in ways that often prevented women from providing eldercare.
35
I do agree with the authors (Rubi and Petrovi, and Milenkovi), however, that this aspect of my article could have been better
supported with archival research and the inclusion of small, but relevant literature. Since this fieldwork is in its embryotic state, I
hope to improve and expand these domains of research and analysis in the future.
36
For example, in my book Citizens of an Empty Nation I reflect painstakingly on my positionality within the field in order to
explain the texture of my encounters, evaluations, and interpretations.
AZRA HROMADI. Where were they until now? 29

proximity to the field?37 The answers to these questions are important; otherwise, reflexivity
would (problematically) become a goal in itself.
In conclusion, I agree that we cannot generalize about Bosnia-Herzegovina or, even
worse, the Balkans, from one, in this case, Zemkas experience my intervention never in-
tended to suggest that. I would personally not use the romanticizing and exotic discourse
of one ornament on a Bosnian carpet to talk about Zemkas experience in relation to the
larger field, however. Rather, I understand her particular assemblage of care, abandonment,
and pathology to emerge from an amalgamation of her unique personal circumstance and
historically-informed, complex networks of family, medicine, state, and economy.

37
Relatedly, I am also uncomfortable with the emic and etic distinction archaic concepts in anthropology, which crudely divide
the world between (mostly nationally and racially conceptualized) insiders and outsiders. Is not all ethnographic fieldwork a con-
tinuous negotiation and maneuvering of multiple lines of inclusion and exclusion which blur distinctions and are never uniform and
singular, and which challenge the emic/etic dichotomy and types of knowledge (etic/objective vs. emic/subjective) that they
allegedly produce?
30

A
GDJE SU ONI BILI DOSAD?
etnoloka tribina 38, vol. 45, 2015., str. 30-57

Starenje, skrb i naputanje u jednom

bosanskom gradu

Azra Hromadi
Odsjek za antropologiju,
Fakultet Maxwell, Sveuilite u Syracusi

lanak je smjeten u Bosnu i Hercegovinu, tonije u grad Biha, i etnografski propituje promjene u
shvaanju koncepata drave i obitelji na primjeru praksi brige o starijim osobama. Koristei etnografske
podatke prikupljene tijekom istraivanja u domu za starije osobe Vitalis u Bihau, te ivotnu sudbinu
starije Bosanke koju ovdje zovem Zemka, u ovom lanku tvrdim da se drava i obitelj u poslijeratnoj i
postsocijalistikoj Bosni i Hercegovini materijaliziraju kao polu-odsutne. Kroz proces razotkrivanja tih
mnogostrukih polu-odsutnosti, raskrinkavam i naine na koje posljedice transformacije poslijeratne i
postsocijalistike drave te obiteljskih odnosa utjeu na ivote obinih ljudi.
DOI:10.15378/1848-9540.2015.38.01 izvorni znanstveni rad, primljeno 6.3.2015., prihvaeno 10.6.2015.

Kljune rijei: briga, starenje, drava, obitelj, polu-odsutnost, socijalizam i postsocijalizam, rat i
poslijeratno stanje

Kriza skrbi (Phillips i Benner 1995), posebice skrbi za starije osobe, u posljednje se vri-
jeme javlja kao esta tema u antropologiji, sociologiji, gerontologiji i drugim akademskim
disciplinama, kao i u politici. Mnoge studije ukazuju na razliite aspekte krize, ukljuujui
i socio-ekonomski, koji je posljedica produljenja oekivanog trajanja ivota u privilegiranim
dijelovima svijeta; ukazuju i na smanjenje dravne socijalne i zdravstvene skrbi te na nove
oblike obiteljskih odnosa koji nisu u skladu s tradicijskim oekivanjima o pruanju skrbi u
razliitim socio-kulturnim kontekstima (vidjeti Ujedinjeni Narodi 2002).
U ovom lanku bavim se Balkanom, tonije Bosnom i Hercegovinom, kako bih prikazala
uinke koje te promjenjive topografije i modalnosti skrbi imaju na ivote obinih ljudi.1
Tvrdim da su ba na Balkanu tjeskobe oko potekoa starenja i promjenjive uloge obitelji
i drave u pruanju skrbi za starije posebno vidljive te dodatno pojaane postsocijalistikim
(od 1989. do danas) i poslijeratnim (od 1995. do danas) transformacijama (vidjeti Havelka
2003).
Taj aspekt drutvene transformacije promakao je veini znanstvenika s ovoga podruja.2
Veina antropolokih i srodnih istraivanja Balkana i posebice Bosne i Hercegovine, ukljuu-
jui i moja vlastita, analiziraju ovaj prostor prvenstveno kroz prizmu etniciteta, nacionalizma
i poslijeratne rekonstrukcije (vidjeti, meu ostalima, Bieber 2005; Brown 2006; Chandler
1999; Campbell 1999; Coles 2007; Fassin i Pandolfi 2010; Hayden 1996; Hromadi 2015;
Jansen 2005; Kurtovi 2011; Sorabji 1995; Veredery 1994; Woodward 1995). Problemi
obinih ljudi ukazuju, meutim, na mnoge druge aspekte koji snano i kompleksno obliku-
ju ivote, a ipak ostaju nevidljivi ili marginalizirani u veini istraivanja koja se usredotouju

1
Termin obini ljudi koristim s posebnim oprezom. Kao to je naglasila Veena Das (2007), svakodnevno je mjesto na kojem
se politika odvija na dubokoj razini.
2
Ta omaka je usko vezana uz naine na koje se ono to se smatra (pouzdanim) znanjem (u ovom sluaju znanjem o Balkanu)
zapravo proizvodi uz distribuciju istraivakih potpora i stipendija.
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 31

na (etno)nacionalizam (iznimka su, meu ostalima, primjerice Stubbs 2002; Stubbs i Ma-
glajli 2012; Zavirek i Leskoek 2005).3
U tekstu koji slijedi pokuat u rasvijetliti neke od domena svakodnevnice koje su za-
nemarene u istraivanjima, ali koje bitno odreuju ivotne sudbine, usredotoujui se na
suprotstavljena oekivanja i ideologije povezane s konceptima skrbi i odgovornosti na na-
ine na koje se oni ostvaruju u ivotima obinih Bosanaca. S tim ciljem fokusirat u se na
ivotnu sudbinu starije ene koju ovdje zovem Zemka,4 i ija borba sa skrbi, odgovornosti i
zanemarivanjem jasno ukazuje kako se drava, dom i egzil (Lamb 2009), naputanje (Biehl
2005; Bourgois 2009) i drutvena marginalizacija (Gilleard i Higgs 2011) promiljaju, ive
i zamiljaju.
Ovim pristupom Zemkinoj prii suprotstavljam se, dakle, gerontoantropolokoj amne-
ziji (Cohen 1994: 151), koja nastoji romantizirati, ukalupiti, dehistorizirati i depolitizirati
stariju ivotnu dob. Naime, smjetam ovaj etnografski susret u sferu politikog u antropo-
lokom, dakle, irokom i kontekstualiziranom smislu te rijei. Snaan sadraj prie koristim
kako bih objasnila povijesno uvjetovane oblike skrbi koji se pojavljuju, preklapaju i preobli-
kuju iz ruevina rata i socijalizma. Nadalje, koristim etnografiju kao hermeneutiki alat kojim
u obuhvatiti i razjasniti uinke transformirane poslijeratne i postsocijalistike drave i novih
obiteljskih odnosa na ivote obinih ljudi. Zemkina je pria stoga pria o izmjetenom sta-
renju; suptilno se dotiui njenih fenomenolokih (iskustvenih i utjelovljenih), racionalnih/
politikih (hegemonijskih, ideolokih i rodnih) i hermeneutikih aspekata (Cohen 1994:
151), u lanku ustvrujem da se i drava i obitelj u poslijeratnoj i postsocijalistikoj Bosni
i Hercegovini pojavljuju kao polu-odsutne: drava je birokratski i politiki sveprisutna, ali u
biopolitikom smislu sve vie nestaje, dok je obitelj materijalno prisutna, ali je fiziki negdje
drugdje. Unutar tih okvira nejednakih i mnogostrukih, politiki i drutveno stvorenih polu-
odsustava moemo postupno razumijevati podruje starenja i skrbi kao temeljnu dimenziju
politikih i drutvenih praksi u Bosni gdje su ivoti, po navici, ugroeni ( Jaarevi 2011:
109).

Idem u Ameriku, da ivim sa svojim sinom

Poetak je lipnja 2013. godine i u Bihau, bosanskom gradiu5 smjetenom na sjeverozapa-

du uz granicu s Hrvatskom, topao je dan. Zajedno s nekolicinom tienika, sjedim u sjeni
velikog suncobrana ispred Vitalisa privatnog doma za starije osobe, koji je otvoren prije

3
Time, naravno, ne elim rei da etnonacionalizam nije vaan ljudima na Balkanu. Meutim, on je samo jedan od brojnih pokreta-
a ukljuujui siromatvo, nezaposlenost i korupciju koji zajedniki oblikuju ivote obinih ljudi.
4
Sva su osobna imena promijenjena radi zatite privatnosti osoba ukljuenih u istraivanje.
5
Podruje oko Bihaa, poznato i pod imenom Krajina, u kojem ivi oko 300 000 uglavnom Bonjaka, najsjeverozapadniji je dio
zemlje i zaboravljeno bosansko ratite (OShea 2012). Taj je kraj pretrpio strana razaranja tijekom rata 1990-ih. Najvei grad je
Biha, koji je esti grad po veliini u Bosni i Hercegovini i u kojem ivi oko 50 000 stanovnika. Podruje je bilo pod opsadom vie
od tri godine, ali ga srpska vojska nikada nije osvojila. Na poetku rata srpsko je stanovnitvo Bihaa napustilo grad i iselilo se u
druga veinski srpska podruja u zemlji ili u inozemstvo. Rat je zapoeo u lipnju 1992. godine kada je srpska vojska okupirala grad
i zapoela snano granatiranje. Bonjaka (oko 66% stanovnitva) i hrvatska (otprilike 8% stanovnitva) vojska i civili zajedniki su
branili grad tijekom trogodinje opsade. Nadalje, 1993. je godine sjeverni dio podruja pod opsadom, a kojega je vodio biznismen
koji je postao politiar, Fikret Abdi, proglasio nezavisnost od bosanske vlade i njene vojske te poeo suraivati sa srpskim snagama.
To je dodatno otealo situaciju na bihakom podruju, koje je osloboeno u kontroverznoj ofenzivi bonjako-hrvatske vojske,
ubrzo nakon koje je potpisan mirovni sporazum u Daytonu. Sporazum je donio mir Bosni i Hercegovini i podijelio zemlju na bo-
njako-hrvatsku Federaciju (51% teritorija) i Republiku Srpsku (49% teritorija). Svi entiteti imaju karakteristike drave unutar vee,
kompleksnije drave. Federacija Bosna i Hercegovina je podijeljena na deset kantona, a Biha je administrativno sredite i najvei
grad Unsko-sanskog kantona.
32 RASPRAVA

dvije godine i ima kapacitet od dvadeset kreveta. Automobil, iju marku i boju ne uspijevam
razaznati na jarkom podnevnom suncu, parkira na prilaznom putu Vitalisa. Lidija, vlasnica
doma, naglo ustaje i uri do ograde kako bi poeljela dobrodolicu novoj tienici doma,
Zemki. Promatram kako sredovjeni mukarac izlazi s vozakog mjesta i otvara stranja vrata.
Mukarac podie Zemku sa stranjeg sjedita i njeno je smjeta u invalidska kolica mi par-
kiramo Zemku uz susjedni, veliki stol. Nekoliko ostalih tienika promatraju pridolicu sa
znatieljom. Mukarac koji je doveo Zemku izvaljuje se u jedan od stolaca, obilno se znojei.
Nestrpljivo brie lice. Bacim pogled prema Zemki ruke su joj tamnoljubiaste, gotovo crne.
Primjeujem da su joj ispod bolnike spavaice, na kojoj se na nekoliko mjesta vide velike
mrlje osuene krvi, stopala jednako crna i nateena.
ovjek, ije ime je Sead, poinje mi priati dramatinu priu o Zemkinom dolasku u
Vitalis: Zemka je toga dana bila otputena iz bihake Kantonalne bolnice. Dva dana ranije
bolnica je nazvala Zemkine tri keri, koje ive u Njemakoj, i objasnila im da lanovi obitelji
moraju doi po majku do 14 sati poslijepodne sljedeega dana bolnica je uinila sve to je
mogla i sada je bio red na obitelji da preuzme odgovornost i brigu o njoj. Tri keri Ekrema,
Selma i Adila udaljene tisuama kilometara i zauzete svojim poslovima i vlastitim nuklear-
nim obiteljima uspaniile su se, znajui da nee moi stii u Biha na vrijeme da bi preuze-
le brigu o bolesnoj majci. U panici su pretraivale internet u potrazi za nekom institucijom
kojoj bi se mogle obratiti; tako su i otkrile Lidijin privatni dom. Istodobno su kontaktirale
najblieg roaka, Seada, koji ivi na udaljenosti od dva i pol sata od Bihaa, blizu Jajca, gra-
dia u sredinjoj Bosni. Rekao im je da e im rado pomoi, ali da ne moe stii do dva sata
popodne sljedeega dana.
Lidiju je dirnula sudbina te obitelji koja je, kako je uskoro saznala, jako patila tijekom
i nakon rata. eljela je pomoi, ali nije imala slobodnih kreveta. Stoga je nazvala bolnicu i
zamolila ih da zadre Zemku jo jedan dan dok ona sve pripremi za njezin dolazak. Glavna
sestra je, prema Lidijinim rijeima, otro odvratila: Ne, mi to ne moemo uiniti. Mi na
njima ne zaraujemo, aludirajui pritom na to da Lidija zarauje na tuoj muci. Lidiju je
toliko pogodio taj komentar da je zaprijetila da e pozvati policiju i rei im da dravna bolnica
izbacuje na ulicu osamdesetogodinju izbjeglicu. Nakon Lidijine prijetnje sestra se smilovala
i rekla da e bolnica zadrati Zemku pod svojim krovom jo jedan dan.
Dok je Lidija priala svoju priu, Zemka me pogledala sa smijekom i rekla: Idem u
Ameriku [Sjedinjene Drave], da ivim sa svojim sinom. Sead je tuno odmahnuo glavom
i apnuo mi: Dementna je. Sin joj je ubijen tijekom rata, u Srebrenici. Sead je popio svoje
pie, ustao, zagrlio svoju sitnu tetu u krvlju umrljanoj bolnikoj spavaici, te krenuo za Jajce.
Uskoro i sama odlazim, duboko potresena. Pet dana poslije, na putu za Vitalis, ugledam
Zemkinu osmrtnicu; njena denaza (islamski pogrebni ritual), kako je navedeno na osmrt-
nici, odrat e se sljedeega dana. U dom stiem rano poslijepodne i nalazim Zemkine keri
kako sjede ispred doma i razgovaraju s Lidijom i ostalim tienicima. Stigle su na ukop svoje
majke i sada su tune i bijesne. ale se na dravu u kojoj nema ni reda ni sistema, gdje bolni-
ce mogu izbacivati stare i bolesne na ulicu i gdje jedna ehidska familija moe doivjeti ne-
to takvo. Tuit e bolnicu! One ive u Njemakoj i tamo se takvo to nikada ne bi dogodilo!
Lidija, koja je takoer svoje izbjeglike godine provela u Njemakoj, potvrdno klima glavom.
Njeno pokuava utjeiti obitelj. Sestre naposljetku odlaze. Dok promatramo njihov automo-
bil koji odlazi, Lidija mi apne: Ne mogu one njih tuiti. Zna li da je Zemka u bolnicu stigla
u groznom stanju? Bila je potpuno zaputena. Pa, mislim, a gdje su oni [obitelj] bili dosad?
Zemkina pria je iznimno bremenita ona uokviruje, otkriva i zaplie mnogostruke afek-
tivne povezanosti i praktine odnose ljubavi, skrbi i naputanja kako se oni nanovo oblikuju
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 33

u poslijeratnom kontekstu, na kraju socijalizma. Zemka je propala kroz pukotine u sustavu,

naposljetku i umrla, uhvaena u mreu tih promjenjivih topografija skrbi i zanemarivanja.
Kako bih dosljedno analizirala Zemkinu priu, smjetam je u kontekst poslijeratnog i postso-
cijalistikog razdoblja. Iako su poslijeratni i postsocijalistiki kontekst nerazmrsivo preple-
teni u ivotima ljudi, zbog analitike jasnoe smjetam ih u dva odvojena poglavlja. Prvo se
bavim razmjerima poslijeratnog iskustva.

(Poslije)ratni sklopovi: ehidi, ivot i smrt

Zemkina obitelj bila je u epicentru jugoslavenskih ratova tijekom devedesetih. Rat na bo-
sanskom teritoriju zatekao je Zemku u ve poznijem dobu, kada je imala ezdesetak godina,
u gradiu ipovu u kojem je provela veinu ivota. ipovo je bilo mijeani grad veina sta-
novnika bili su Srbi (oko 80%), sa znaajnim postotkom Bonjaka (oko 18%) i neto ostalih
(prvenstveno Hrvata i Jugoslavena). Takav mijeani sastav stanovnitva, u kojem razliite
etnike skupine stoljeima koegzistiraju, bio je tipian za Bosnu i Hercegovinu i za socijali-
stiku Jugoslaviju openito.6
Zemkina je obitelj jedna od onih koje su bile prisiljene napustiti svoj dom ve na samom
poetku ratnih sukoba.7 Na poetku rata Zemkin jedini sin, Edin, sluio je obvezni vojni rok
u Jugoslavenskoj narodnoj armiji ( JNA) i bio je poslan na bojite u istonu Bosnu gdje je
pobjegao iz redova JNA i pridruio se Armiji Bosne i Hercegovine. Nekoliko godina nakon
toga, Edina su ubile srpske paravojne snage u Srebrenici, zloglasnom mjestu genocida nad
Bonjacima. Vijest o tom stranom gubitku Zemkinu obitelj ve je zatekla osakaenu ratom:
Zemkine keri, nakon nekoliko godina izbjeglikog ivota i nagovarane od strane svojih ro-
ditelja da napuste ratom opustoenu Bosnu, emigrirale su u Njemaku, zajedno sa stotinama
tisua izbjeglica iz Bosne i Hercegovine. Zemkin suprug preminuo je tijekom njihovog izbje-
glitva. Zemka, koja je ostala sama, a ija je kua sada bila dio teritorija i struktura Republike
Srpske, nala se u Bijelom Brdu,8 mijeanom srpsko-muslimanskom gradiu u blizini Bihaa,
daleko od svojih keri i od lanova ire obitelji, koji su bili ratrkani od ipova do raznih
dijelova svijeta. U Bijelom Brdu svakodnevno ju je posjeivala medicinska sestra u mirovini,
Srpkinja, koja je redovito mijenjala Zemkine zavoje. Iako nitko u Vitalisu ne zna tono kako
se Zemka nala u tom dijelu Bosne i Hercegovine, posljednje godine njena ivota jasno uka-
zuju na trenutane kontradikcije vezane uz poslijeratnu dravu, obitelj i skrb, o emu snano
svjedoe Lidijine rijei: Koja ironija da te kao izbjeglicu istjeraju Srbi, da ti ubiju sina, a
onda da ostane sama, u nepoznatom gradu, dok o tebi brine Srpkinja. Nitko ne zna to ga
eka. Budui da joj se zdravlje rapidno pogoravalo, Zemku su naposljetku smjestili u najve-
u regionalnu bolnicu u Bihau. Dok joj je tijelo polako gubilo bitku, njene su se keri nale

6
Socijalistika Federativna Republika Jugoslavija bila je federacija est republika: Slovenije, Hrvatske, Bosne i Hercegovine, Sr-
bije (s dvije autonomne pokrajine, Kosovom i Vojvodinom), Crne Gore i Makedonije. Nastala je nakon Drugog svjetskog rata pod
vodstvom karizmatinog komunistikog voe Josipa Broza Tita i njegove ideologije bratstva i jedinstva slubene politike meu-
etnikih odnosa prema kojoj su svi jugoslavenski narodi i narodnosti trebali koegzistirati u miru i njegovati ideje mijeanih brakova
i meusobne povezanosti.
7
Bosna i Hercegovina postala je nezavisna 6. travnja 1992. Na dan priznanja Bosne i Hercegovine srpske paramilitarne jedinice
i Jugoslavenska narodna armija ( JNA) napale su bosanski glavni grad Sarajevo te zapoele rat u Bosni i Hercegovini. Vojska samo-
proglaene Srpske Republike Bosne i Hercegovine (Republike Srpske) unutar teritorija Bosne i Hercegovine, uz pomo ljudstva i
oruja iz Srbije, uspjeno je izvrila etniko ienje i nasilno razdvojila usko povezane zajednice i ivote (Hayden 1996) te okupirala
gotovo 70% teritorija do kraja 1993. godine. Poinila je i neke od najgorih zloina nad ne-srpskim stanovnitvom, ukljuujui i
Zemkinu obitelj.
8
Bijelo Brdo je pseudonim.
34 RASPRAVA

u situaciji tipinoj za mnoge Bosance i Hercegovce koji ive kao ratna dijaspora i koji trae
rjeenje za svoj transnacionalni problem skrbi o svojim ostarjelim roditeljima i ostalim la-
novima obitelji na daljinu. Ti su procesi otkrili kolektivni skandal9 i jednu ranjivu zonu
kulturne intimnosti (Herzfeld 2005): sve veu nemogunost drave i obitelji u suvremenoj
Bosni i Hercegovini da skrbe o svojim starijim sunarodnjacima.

Postsocijalistike stvarnosti: polu-odsutnost drave i obitelji10

Ve je tijekom 1950-ih godina socijalistika Jugoslavija razvila bogatu decentraliziranu mre-

u republikih institucija koje su se bavile pruanjem socijalne skrbi (Zavirek i Leskoek
2005: 39). Infrastruktura jugoslavenske socijalne slube bila je dobro razvijena i ostvarena
kroz iroku mreu lokalnih Centara za socijalnu skrb kao i putem uobiajenih smjetajnih
ustanova za dugoroni boravak djece i odraslih (Stubbs i Maglajli 2007: 1177). Iako su
parametri socijalne zatite bili poneto drugaiji u pojedinim jugoslavenskim republikama,
u svima je sustav socijalne skrbi ukljuivao neke elemente socijalistikog samoupravljanja,
bizmarkijanizma, te ukljuivanja odreenog broja ne-dravnih imbenika, kao to su vjerske
institucije (Stubbs i Maglajli 2007: 1176).
Kao posljedica takvih odrednica socijalistikog humanizma (vidjeti, izmeu ostalih,
Cohen i Markovi 1975; Horvat 1982), jugoslavenska drava, odnosno socijalistika drava
openito, shvaana je kao oinska (Manning 2007), odnosno zamiljana kao brian roditelj
koji skrbi o svojim graanima-djeci (Dunn 2008: 247; vidjeti takoer Verdery 1996). Ta
ideja o brinoj dravi stvorila je oekivanja o tome to bi drava zapravo trebala osigurati
(Dunn 2008): najvea dunost drave kao velikog oca (Zavirek i Leskoek 2005: 40) bila
je da se pobrine za drutvo kao cjelinu u procesu koji e, prema socijalistikoj ideologiji, u
konanici dovesti do prestanka bilo kakve potrebe za socijalnom pomoi openito, jer e svi
biti zbrinuti.11 Kako bi to postigla, jugoslavenska je drava putem obuhvatnih regulacijskih
tehnologija poela prikupljati informacije i upustila se u kontrolu biolokih uvjetovanosti
stanovnitva. Kao rezultat toga, vlada je postala odgovorna za ivotne uvjete ljudi od koli-
jevke pa do groba (Zavirek i Leskoek 2005: 46). U suglasju s ostalim politikama skrbi o
graanstvu, socijalistiki zdravstveni sustav pruao je univerzalnu medicinsku skrb i defini-
ran je kao racionalan, progresivan i znanstven (Read 2007: 204). Ta univerzalna prava na
socijalnu skrb i zdravstveni sustav bila su kljuna za ideju socijalistike modernosti i nain na
koji je socijalistika drava demonstrirala svoju brigu za graane (Read 2007: 203). Odgovor
Jugoslavena na te novine socijalizma bila je kombinacija entuzijazma i nade, pomijeanih sa
strahom i nepovjerenjem (Zavirek i Leskoek 2005: 46).
Dok je drava uspostavila kontrolu i upravljanje nad gotovo svim aspektima skrbi o gra-
anima, u sluaju skrbi za starije drava je vrsto nastojala izbjei stvaranje izdvojenih (me-
dicinskih) ustanova koje bi se iskljuivo bavile skrbi za starije (Sokolovsky et al. 1991: 322).
Naprotiv, decentralizirani socijalistiki sustav usredotoio se na stvaranje obuhvatnih sustava
primarne zatite i zdravstvenih centara koji su bili povezani s lokalnim samoupravljakim

9
Larisi Jaarevi zahvaljujem na ovom terminu.
10
Dijelovi ovoga odlomka pojavljuju se i u A. Hromadi, u tisku 2016. Affective labor: work, love, and care for the elderly in
Biha u Brkovi, ., V. elebii i S. Jansen, ur. Negotiating Social Relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Farnham: Ashgate.
11
Naravno, nisu ba svi jednako zasluili zatitu i pomo drave. Zavirek i Leskoek (2005: 4749) objanjavaju kako je vlada
podijelila ljude na one koji zasluuju i one koji ne zasluuju ili na nae i ne-nae, pri emu su potonji veinom bili bivi vlasnici
duana, tvornica i banaka te poneki preivjeli idovi, kojima je nova socijalistika vlada oduzela imovinu.
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 35

interesnim zajednicama (), a koji su potekli iz domova narodnog zdravlja (Sokolovsky

et al. 1991: 322). Nadalje, razliite republike unutar Jugoslavije imale su sasvim razliite ras-
podjele domova za starije: 1987. godine Hrvatska je bila prva po broju (120) smjetajnih
ustanova za starije (domova umirovljenika), dok su u Beogradu, glavnom gradu Srbije i biv-
e Jugoslavije, postojala samo dva takva doma (Sokolovsky et al. 1991: 321). Ti nerazmjeri
posljedica su razliitih povijesnih i infrastrukturnih imbenika te recentnijih demografskih
kretanja: primjerice, u Hrvatskoj je infrastruktura skrbi za starije bila mnogo razvijenija dok
je Srbija osnovala najvei broj ustanova za djecu bez roditeljske skrbi.12 Takoer, u ruralnim
podrujima Hrvatske bio je snano prisutan trend iseljavanja mladog stanovnitva, koje se
stoga nije moglo brinuti za svoje ostarjele roditelje (Sokolovsky et al. 1991: 321), to opet
ukazuje na snanu socio-kulturnu vezu izmeu drave, obitelji i skrbi za starije osobe.
Paternalistiki odnos i samo-projekcije jugoslavenske drave i njenih graana te struk-
ture emocija (Williams 1977) koje su oni izazivali bili su, meutim, duboko utemeljeni na
tradicijskim oblicima obiteljske skrbi. Primjerice, Bosanci, posebice Bosanke, tradicionalno
su skrbile o starijim lanovima obitelji. Slino kao i u mnogim istonoeuropskim zemljama
u kojima je drava odavala dojam brine drave, u stvarnosti su privatna domena srodstva,
prijateljstva i osobnih veza postala temeljem za emocionalno uvjetovanu i drutveno uteme-
ljenu skrb (Read 2007: 206). Sve donedavno o starijim su Bosancima fiziki i emocionalno
skrbila njihova djeca i esto se pretpostavljalo da e starci ivjeti s barem jednim od svoje
djece, najee s najmlaim sinom i njegovom obitelji. Ta oekivanja temeljila su se na kul-
turnim stavovima koji su naglaavali prirodu zajednitva srodnikih i simbiotskih veza meu
generacijama (Simi 1990: 97). Pravni je sustav takoer usvojio ta kulturna oekivanja: pri-
mjerice, lanak 150 Ustava bive Jugoslavije definirao je da je skrb za starije odgovornost
njihove djece (Tomorad i Galogua 1984: 306), a lanak 190/10 navodi: lanovi obitelji
imaju prava i odgovornosti da uzdravaju svoje roditelje () i da roditelji uzdravaju njih,
kao izraz obiteljske solidarnosti (vidjeti Sokolovsky et al. 1991: 321). Ta zakonska prava i
institucionalizirane opcije obiteljske skrbi nisu, meutim, uvijek bili dosljedno provoeni,13
ali su svakako oblikovali svakodnevne diskurse o odgovornosti i skrbi, koji se jasno iitavaju
u Lidijinom komentaru: A gdje su oni bili dosad?, implicirajui da Zemkine keri nisu tre-
bale oekivati da drava odradi njihov posao skrbi o njihovoj bolesnoj majci. Zbog ratom
uzrokovanog izbjeglitva, mnoge obitelji nisu mogle ispuniti ta oekivanja o skrbi iz blizine,
to je rezultiralo velikim pomacima u poslijeratnim i postsocijalistikim shvaanjima skrbi
te, usput, otkrilo mnoge neloginosti, ideologije i mitove vezane uz pruanje skrbi, prole i
sadanje.
Budui da je poslijeratna drava razlomljena, a obitelji razjedinjene, kriza skrbi je u
Bosni i Hercegovini postala sveopa te je razotkrila suprotstavljene ideologije i oekivanja
vezana uz skrb: s jedne strane, (socijalistika) drava je projicirala ideju da ona sama pru-
a potrebnu skrb, a pritom se oslanjala na obitelji koje su morale brinuti o svojim starijim
lanovima, dok su, s druge strane, obitelji bile te koje su pruale veinu skrbi, ali su i dalje
usvajale ideologiju paternalistike drave. U poslijeratnom razdoblju ta su suprotstavljena
oekivanja i nemogunost da se ispune vlastite, stvarne i zamiljene, uloge otkrili nedosljed-
nosti u samoj ideologiji odgovornosti i imali za posljedicu mnoge afektivne reakcije i optube
za neuspjeh. Obitelj je, ba kao i drava, stoga iz rata izala kao polu-odsutna; materijalno

12
Paul Stubbs, osobni razgovor, 17. listopada 2014. godine.
13
Tomorad i Galogua tvrde da bez obzira na to to starije osobe imaju zakonsko pravo da o njima skrbe njihovi potomci, oni se
vrlo rijetko koriste zakonom kako bi osigurali ta prava, jer su svjesni da u takvom odnosu nedostaje emocionalni temelj. Autori tako-
er tvrde da potomci ponekad i nisu u financijskoj mogunosti da uzdravaju svoje roditelje (1984: 306, n1).
36 RASPRAVA

prisutna (plaali su znatne trokove privatnog doma za starije)14 i fiziki potpuno odsutna (u
nemogunosti da iz blizine prui ljubav i skrb). Pa ipak, bez obzira na sve veu iskljuenost
poslijeratne drave iz biopolitike poslijeratna drava je ujedno birokratski sveprisutna i bi-
opolitiki odsutna (ili sve vie iskljuena) iz skrbi o graanima Zemkine su keri svejedno
oekivale da e drava pomoi barem njima, jer su oni ehidska porodica. Drugim rijeima,
poslijeratna Bosna i Hercegovina je, prema njihovim oekivanjima, imala moralnu obvezu
(Han 2012: 4) prema Zemkinoj obitelji, jer je obitelj dravi dala najveu moguu rtvu, u
krvi, kako bi osigurala njenu opstojnost tijekom rata. Kada ta moralna obveza nije ispoto-
vana, nego je potpuno zanemarena od strane drave u ovom sluaju Kantonalne bolnice u
Bihau keri su osjeale izdaju, nepravdu i, konano, srdbu. Ta suprotstavljena oekivanja
o skrbi i reciprocitetu izmeu poslijeratne drave i njenih najzaslunijih graana obitelji
ehida stvorila su stoga veliku prazninu ispunjenu snanim osjeajima razoaranja graana
u dijaspori i Zemkinim naputenim, ispaenim, starim tijelom. Topografiju Zemkinog tijela
napaenog, u modricama, umrljanog krvlju i nateenog tumaim stoga kao utjelovljeni
simbol polu-odsutnosti drave i obitelji i njihovog snanog uruavanja u tijelo stare ene u
suvremenoj Bosni. Zemkino je iskustvo snana refleksija tih polu-odsutnosti koje su duboko
utjelovljene, bolno opipljive i koje upuuju na promjenjive i diferencijalne pedagogije pa-
nje (Cohen 2008: 337).

Zakljuak

Zemkina potresna pria o ivotu i smrti na Balkanu ukazuje na uinke polu-odsutne drave
i polu-odsutne obitelji na starije stanovnitvo u zemlji. Iskustva te obitelji svakako su jedin-
stvena u svojim intimnim borbama, patnjama i ranama, a, opet, po mnogo emu slina broj-
nim drugima. To je pria o ratnom izgnanstvu i razaranju ivota, tijela i objekata; o slabljenju,
polu-odsutnosti i reformaciji poslijeratne i postsocijalistike drave; o obiteljima koje raz-
dvajaju kontinenti; o novim domovima i granicama i o promjenjivim domenama i oekiva-
njima od ivota i smrti, skrbi i odgovornosti.
Veina ljudi koje sam srela u Bosni i Hercegovini dijele neka iskustva i emocije koje su
otkrivene u Zemkinoj prii: esto se ale na loe zdravlje, na sve slabije zdravstveno stanje
svoje obitelji i prijatelja, na prerane smrti mnogih prijatelja i poznanika, na uruavanje zdrav-
stvenih sustava i suavanje sustava socijalne skrbi i na sve vei teret drutvenih, moralnih i
ekonomskih dugova koji proizlaze iz tih promjena. Ti procesi, iskustva i prie oblikuju ivote
i smrti ljudi na Balkanu, ali ukazuju i na potrebu da se zajedno raspravlja o onome to je
znanost na ovom podruju promatrala odvojeno: poslijeratni i postsocijalistiki reimi skr-
bi o graanstvu; neuspjele odgovornosti i oekivanja koja stvaraju novonastale privatizira-
ne prostore diferencijalne skrbi. Upravo te neujednaene, istodobno lokalne, regionalne i
transnacionalne konfiguracije ljubavi, skrbi i naputanja stvaraju jedinstvena, individualna i
naoko suprotstavljena, a opet intimno isprepletena iskustva prolosti i budunosti, prisustva
i odsustva, politike i emocija, te nade i izdaje u suvremenoj Bosni i izvan nje.

14
Privatna skrb za starije osobe iznimno je skupa s obzirom na ivotni standard u Bosni. Mjesena cijena je izmeu 750 i 1050
bosanskih konvertibilnih maraka (KM), to iznosi oko 380-535 - iznos koji je svakako previsok za veinu starije populacije Bosne,
koja prima prosjenu mirovinu od oko 350-400 KM (178-204 ). lanovi obitelji koji rade na raznim stranama svijeta mogu samo
povremeno posjeivati svoje ostarjele roditelje i srodnike, ali veinom su se obavezali da im plaaju skupu (za lokalne pojmove) skrb.
 37

K
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad?

OMENTARI

Jason Danely
Odsjek za drutvene znanosti, Sveuilite Oxford Brookes

Smjetanje izmjetenih fragmenata slomljenih tijela, drava i obitelji

lanak Azre Hromadi izvanredan je primjer etnografije koja se kree izmeu naoko dale-
kog i naoko bliskog, otkrivajui pritom da nita nikada nije onakvo kakvim se inilo. Tu je
Zemka, ne samo ispaeno i krvlju umrljano tijelo, ne samo rtva koju je drutvo odbacilo,
nego mjesto prijenosa znaenja, gdje afektivna stvarnost dalekih drugih postaje dekodirana,
interpretirana i vrijednosno odreena. Ako se odmaknemo korak unazad od pitanja kako
su skrb i naputanje prisutni i koje uinke imaju na topografiju moi/znanja u poslijeratnoj
Bosni, moemo se prije svega upitati zato bi netko uope skrbio o nekome kada je ta skrb
neizostavno vezana uz mnoge probleme i proturjenosti? Zato bi njena obitelj u ratom
uzrokovanom izbjeglitvu u Njemakoj (Hromadi, u ovom broju), brinula ima li za Zem-
ku mjesta u domu? Zato bi daljnji roak satima vozio da je tamo dopremi, bez obzira na to
to prema njoj osjea tek slabu povezanost? Zato bi drava skrbila o starijim graanima kao
to je Zemka?
Oekivanja o tome tko bi trebao skrbiti o nekome, zato, te to je to to sainjava dobru
skrb, stvaraju napetosti pune labilnih veza, nestabilnih i nesigurnih saveza. Zemkino ostarje-
lo tijelo i um ine je nesposobnom za bilo kakvo dulje putovanje, a opet, njena izmjetenost
povlai je od jedne institucije do druge. Ona nije pokretna, autonomna, ne moe se osloniti
na vlastite snage, ne moe birati, riskirati. Meutim, Zemkina starost i bolest nisu dostatne da
objasne njezinu ranjivost; ona je neodvojiva od politike skrbi koja se javlja u postsocijalisti-
koj, poslijeratnoj Bosni, ali i drugdje, jer svijet openito postaje sve stariji.
Hromadi uvjerljivo prikazuje Zemkinu topografiju starenja, taj slijed prekinutih od-
nosa i izdaja koji istodobno oznaavaju i njenu skrb i njeno naputanje, kao utjelovljenog
simbola polu-odsutnosti drave i obitelji (Hromadi, u ovom broju). To je ujedno i najvei
doprinos toga rada, koji se podudara s etnografskim lancima o skrbi u drugim kontekstima
kao to su Life beside Itself (2013) Lise Stevenson, Precarious Japan (2013), Anne Allison,
Giordanova (2014) Practices of Translation and the Making of Migrant Subjectivities in Con-
temporary Italy i moj vlastiti rad Aging and Loss (Danely 2014). U svim tim sluajevima polu-
odsutnosti drave i obitelji ostavljale su za sobom ranjive pojedince u iekivanju ivot je
nesiguran i nepredvidljiv, dodatno otean dislokacijama kao to su rat i nasilje nad skrbi (usp.
Wool 2015). Kao to je izjavila Lidija, sugovornica Azre Hromadi: Nitko ne zna to ga
eka (Hromadi, u ovom broju).
Moda je Zemkina demencija prikladan nain da se ispuni taj prostor iekivanja. Omo-
guuje joj utjehu u uvjerenju da e je njezin sin, ije pogibije u ratu ona nije svjesna, odvesti u
Ameriku i pruiti joj i dom i obitelj. Zemkini simptomi ini se, pomiruju jedan set dislokacija
(iz bolnice u dom za starije, iz Bosne u Njemaku u sluaju njenih keri, iz ivota u smrt u
sluaju njenoga sina), s drugim (iz sadanjosti u ne-sadanjost, iz Bosne u Ameriku, od zane-
marivanja do skrbi). Zemka, takoer, utjelovljuje jednu polu-odsutnost.
38 RASPRAVA

Taj kontekst iekivanja ne zahvaa samo starije osobe, nego i one koji o njima brinu. Ne
postoji nikakav vrsti temelj pravedne, pa ak ni etike, skrbi na koji bi se mogli osloniti. To je
vrlo blisko mojim saznanjima do kojih sam doao na temelju istraivanja u Japanu, i iako me
esto pitaju to je bolje, obiteljska ili institucionalna skrb, znam da odgovor na to pitanje nika-
da nije jednostavan. U Japanu, kao i u uvjetima koje Hromadi opisuje, obitelj nije postojana
i vrsta zajednica povezana jedinstvenim obrascima srodstva, niti su drava i sustav skrbi cen-
tralizirani i racionalni. I o obitelji i o dravi bolje je govoriti kao o sklopovima (Hromadi, u
ovom broju) koji stvaraju nestalan i kontradiktoran teren na kojem se oituje (ne)briga.
Hromadi nas poziva da zamislimo razlomljenu dravu i razjedinjene obitelji (Hro-
madi, u ovom broju). Dravnu skrb tu ne moemo jednostavno suprotstaviti obiteljskoj
skrbi, kao to skrb ne moemo jednostavno okarakterizirati kao zajedniku ili pluralnu
jer bi to podrazumijevalo afektivnu i politiku prilagodbu subjektivnosti radi zadovoljava-
nja etikih principa. Obitelj koja brine o Zemkinoj dobrobiti nije fiziki prisutna, a prisutni
skrbnici, ini se, ne brinu. Polu-odsutnosti su ujedno i polu-priznavanja (semi-recognitions)
samoga subjekta skrbi. to utjee na ta polovina priznavanja (npr. novac, utjecaj, etnika
pripadnost) i kako se ona tumae na nain da dobivaju odreenu vrijednost u kontekstu
brige za starije? to uope moemo uiniti sa subjektom koji moe biti samo djelomino
priznat? Koja je moralna odgovornost obitelji ili drave u tim sluajevima? Drugim rijeima,
tko snosi odgovornost za nasilje koje je poinjeno nad Zemkom i koje je u konanici uzro-
kovalo njenu smrt? Iako su to sve veinom empirijska pitanja, ona su, prema mom miljenju,
iznimno vana ako elimo slijediti argumentaciju autorice Hromadi i primijeniti je i na
druge kontekste.
Naposljetku, etnografija Azre Hromadi otvara kritiku raspravu o tome koliko smo za-
pravo uistinu tu za druge. Jesu li polu-odsustva koja autorica opisuje uvijek prisutna u od-
nosima skrbi, posebice u meugeneracijskim odnosima? Mogli bismo se i upitati je li to uop-
e kvalitativno drugaije od okolnosti drugosti s kojima se mi antropolozi stalno susreemo
kada piemo o Drugima? Iako me Zemkina pria, duboko estetska, emocionalno svakako
potresla, svjestan sam svoga vlastitog polu-odsustva u odnosu na njeno stanje. itanje toga
rada me takoer osupnulo, suoivi me sa, ne polu-odsustvom, nego stvarnim odsustvom
alovanja za enom za iji ivot moram vjerovati da je bio ispunjen, nadahnut i produktivan.
elimo li produbiti samu ideju polu-odsutnosti, to bi se najbolje moglo uiniti uz navoenje
i ukljuivanje aspekata nasilja, alovanja i narativa (usp. Das 2006; Jackson 2014), na naine
koji bi dodatno rasvijetlili i propitali nae shvaanje starenja.

Milo Milenkovi
Odeljenje za etnologiju i antropologiju,
Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu

Javno je (i) individualno

Uvodni lanak Azre Hromadi predstavlja dobrodoao prilog, budui da otvara veoma
vanu temu u etnoloko-antropolokim studijama drave i njenih institucija u regionu:
problem sistemskog umanjivanja, pa i negiranja, udela line odgovornosti pojedinca za sop-
stvenu sudbinu, ukljuujui tu i zdravstveno i socijalno blagostanje, prisutan u savremenim
antropolokim istraivanjima povezanosti ekonomije, politike i kulture. Imajui u vidu ni-
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 39

zak stepen urbanizacije pre uspostavljanja komunistiko-socijalistike drave koja brine, i

njemu prethodeu haotinu meavinu tri drutvena i dravna ureenja (stranu kolonijalnu
monarhiju koja je kombinovala feudalizam i kompanijski kapitalizam u nastajanju, lokalnu
monarhiju s regionalnim ambicijama koja je kombinovala zadruni komunitarizam s drav-
nim kapitalizmom u nastajanju, kao i lokalnu varijantu erijatskog feudalizma s elementima
robovlasnitva u nestajanju), dakle gotovo zanemarivo prisustvo individualistike kulture,
zemlje bive Jugoslavije predstavljaju kolski primer za analizu koncepata zajednice i poje-
dinca odnosno njihovog delatnog potencijala, a time i odgovornosti. Ovo posebno kada je
o tranzicijskoj/postsocijalistikoj sudbini graana naih drutava re. ivei na teritorijama
na kojima je oduvek spoljanji ili unutranji Drugi bio odgovoran/kriv i za kolektivnu i za
individualnu sudbinu, graani bivih jugoslovenskih republika, pa tako i Bosne o kojoj je
ovde specifino re, imali su veoma retko sistemski podsticaj, osim retkih liberalnih15 zame-
taka, da se izgrauju kao odgovorne individue koje svesno snose posledice i ubiru zasluge za
svoja dela ili svoja neinjenja. Tako ovaj lanak otvara vanu temu iako joj pristupa ideoloki
pristrasno, to je legitimno u kritikoj antropologiji, opredeljujui se za u poslednje vreme
uobiajenu levo orijentisanu antropoloku kritiku razgradnje drave blagostanja/socijalnog
staranja i smanjenja obima i nivoa usluga ukljuenih u iz poreza finansirana socijalna davanja,
pripisane liberalizmu.
Autorka standardnom kombinacijom teza o krizi drave blagostanja, prelomljenim kroz
narative informanata, pria priu koju po potrebi i teorijski uobliava, o tome kako etnograf-
sko istraivanje moe da informie, dopuni ali i demantuje standardna objanjenja tranzicij-
skih procesa u postsocijalistikim drutvima. Ipak, autorka ne uoava metodoloku zamku
u koju je etnografski fokus na line narative uvlai: a) zamku nostalgije, posebno prisutne u
postjugoslovenskim drutvima, a moda najpre u bosanskom i b) zamku preuzimanja etnoek-
splikativnog, dakle po pravilu znanja inferiornog ekspertskom etnoloko-antropolokom
naunom znanju. Ove dve metodoloke zamke znaajno zakrivljuju zakljuak ka odgovor-
nosti drave, nasuprot odgovornosti pojedinca, i ne uzimaju u obzir injenje (nacionaliza-
cija, eksproprijacija, konfiskacija, prinudno nezakonito oporezivanje, izostanak podsticaja
na tednju i ulaganja) i neinjenje (preputanje sopstvene sudbine kolektivu, opravdavanje
izostanka line brige za budunost stvarnim ili navodnim sistemskim nemogunostima) pre
starosti.16
Osim toga, autorka proputa, to je inae manir u antropoloim studijama post-soci-
jalizma, da ponudi analizu stanja koje je prethodilo tekuoj devastaciji drave socijalnog
staranja. Nedostaje opis (ne)uspeha komunizma/realnog socijalizma da ostvari svoja obe-
anja, a posebno analiza razloga da li je on to uopte bio u stanju, strukturno posmatrano
(osim redistribucije kapitala koji su pojedinci ili preduzea sticali, u kombinaciji sa zadui-
vanjem). Ono to nedostaje u ovom lanku, a o emu vredi povesti diskusiju ili ponovljeno/
produeno istraivanje, jeste diskrepancija izmeu informantskih nostalginih narativa o
predkapitalistikom socijalnom staranju i naune istine koja nam je poznata iz izvora i ek-

15
Drutveni ivot pojma liberal, liberalno mogao bi biti ne samo prilika za antropolku polemiku ve i za multilateralni projekat,
imajui u vidu znaaj sociokulturne promene nastale promenom politikog i ekonomskog ureenja ex-Yu drava i drutava tokom
decenija za nama. Ovde ga koristim u njegovom izvornom znaenju potovanje individualnih sloboda a ne u njegovom prevas-
hodno amerikom znaenju (socijalizam) ili preteno balkanskom znaenju (antisocijalizam).
16
Ovo se, podrazumeva se, ne odnosi na situacije u kojima su rtve rata bile prinuene da obezbede golu egzistenciju i, samim tim,
nisu ni mogle da brinu unapred o kvalitetu ivota u starosti. Izuzev osoba koje su bile neposredno izloene ratnim dejstvima,u lanku
iznet argument se odnosi na sve osobe koje su poslednjih decenija ivele u naim drutvima i to je problem na koji ovde ukazujem.
Argument, iznet u ovom lanku, ne odnosi se na sve nas i ne moe se koristiti kao osnova za razumevanje/opravdanje bilo ije pozi-
cije osim pozicije osoba koje su neposredne ratne rtve.
40 RASPRAVA

spertskih analiza. Nedostaje i temeljnije oslanjanje na postojeu, iako oskudnu, literaturu o

starosti, penzijama, osiguranju, posebno o organizovanoj brizi o starima u jugoslovenskom
kontekstu kao kljunom podtekstu ovde iznetog argumenta. Takvo dalje istraivanje bi nam
omoguilo jasniju periodizaciju i kontekstualizaciju promena u javnom gerontolokom siste-
mu nakon razgradnje socijalistike drave, imajui u vidu da je socijalistika drava graani-
ma sistematski oduzimala zaraena sredstva, koja dakle nisu mogli da ulau u penzione i osi-
guravajue fondove, istodobno im stvarajui zavisnost od dugorono ekonomski neodrivog
javnog sistema socijalne zatite, s katastrofalnim posledicama po pojedinane sudbine, po-
sebno onih graana koji nisu uspeli da izgrade mree socijalne podrke tokom tranzicijskih
godina. U tom smislu, bilo bi ne samo akademski interesantno ve i drutveno korisno kada
bi autorka preciznije definisala procese koje pominje, imenovala aktere nedostajuih reformi
koje priziva i uskladila tip analize sa zakljukom koji nudi, imajui u vidu to da se zakljuci
isuvie opti i veoma polemiki plodni nedokumentovano nadovezuju na prethodno iznetu
analizu. Autorka nije dokazala, ve podrazumeva, da je sistem socijalne zatite, a posebno
gerontoloki, u bivoj Jugoslaviji i Bosni posebno a) bio funkcionalan i b) da je bilo kakav
slian sistem u savremenoj Bosni odriv.
lanak predstavlja doprinos irenju debate o sociokulturnim posledicama, ukljuujui
i ekonomske i pravne, konceptualizacije uloge drave u ivotu pojedinca, kakva nam je u
postjugoslovenskim etnologijama/antropologijama neophodna, posebno imajui u vidu
sklonost antropologa da pristupaju neokolektivistikim antiliberalnim pokretima za koje,
istorija nas ui, znamo da po pravilu provociraju faizam u naim drutvima i mogu predstav-
ljati vajmarovski uvod u nove ratove, pljakaku redistribuciju privatne imovine i unitavanje
javnog u ime kolektivnog. Upravo brkanje javnog i kolektivnog, prisutno i u ovom lanku,
predlaem za dalju polemiku ukoliko se za nju ukae prilika.

Sonja Podgorelec
Institut za migracije i narodnosti, Zagreb

Dom bi nam trebao, ali bi bilo runo dati roditelja u dom, sramota!
Formalna i neformalna skrb za starije u Hrvatskoj
Od kraja 20. i u prvim desetljeima 21. stoljea, promatramo li europski prostor, sve je pri-
sutnija nesigurnost po pitanju toga kako se nositi s drutvenim i ekonomskim promjenama
koje slijede iz sve zrelije demografske strukture drutva. Uz ubrzano starenje stanovnitva,
sve vei broj starijih koji (sve due) ive sami i u starosti trebaju tuu pomo, znanstvena
pozornost usmjerena je na (ekonomski) odrive i (drutveno) potrebne vrste i modalitete
skrbi. Znanstvenici pokuavaju odgovoriti na pitanja postaju li brojni stariji ljudi (pre)teak
teret suvremenoj obitelj (jo uvijek glavnom nositelju neformalne skrbi) i ekonomski sve e-
e nedovoljno jakoj dravi (nositelju formalnih oblika skrbi) (Sundstrm i Johansson 2005;
Podgorelec i Klempi 2007). Mijenjaju li se, pritom, oekivanja drutva od pojedinih lanova
obitelji, prije svega ene kao glavnog pruatelja skrbi (s obzirom na njezinu radnu karijeru),
odnosno razina meugeneracijske solidarnosti lanova? Mijenjaju li se oekivanja starijih o
tome tko bi trebao biti glavni pruatelj skrbi? to za kvalitetu ivota starijih znai sve vea
komercijalizacija skrbi?
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 41

Usporedbe podataka triju zadnjih popisa stanovnitva pokazuju da stanovnitvo Hr-

vatske obiljeavaju brzo starenje i visoki stupanj ostarjelosti (Nejami i Toski 2013: 92),
odnosno prema prosjenoj dobi stanovnitva koja je iznosila 41,7 godina (2011) Hrvatska
spada u red europskih zemalja s najveom ostarjelou populacije (ivi, Turk i Pokos
2014: 248). Rast udjela stanovnika starih 65 i vie godina, uz poveanje udjela skupine sta-
rijih starih ljudi (80 i stariji), meu kojima je i najvei broj bolesnih i potrebnih tue njege i
skrbi, predstavlja veliki izazov za sustav zdravstva, socijalne skrbi i mirovinski sustav zemlje,
posebice u ruralnim podrujima u kojima je razina institucionalne i izvaninstitucionalne skr-
bi daleko manje razvijena u odnosu na urbane dijelove zemlje.
Komentar na raspravu Azre Hromadi o krizi skrbi za starije u Bosni i Hercegovini u
drugom desetljeu 2000-ih, zamiljen je kao svojevrsna nadopuna tema u kojima autorica
spominje neke probleme i podatke vezane uz skrb o starima u Hrvatskoj. Tonije, na temelju
istraivanja provedenih uglavnom u ruralnim prostorima Hrvatske, pokuat emo podastri-
jeti neke uzorke skrbi za starije u Hrvatskoj i naznaiti poetak promjena u oekivanjima
potencijalnih primatelja prema pruateljima skrbi.

Migracije ograniavajui uvjet pruateljima neformalne skrbi

Stanovnitvo Bosne i Hercegovine te Hrvatske, bez obzira na to o kojoj je generaciji rije,

mladima ili starima, dijele posljedice razdoblja zajednike povijesti koja je znaajno utjeca-
la na nain njihova ivota danas. Za veinu pojedinaca (obitelji) posljedice su, prije svega,
razne vrste gubitaka koje se ogledaju u padu ekonomskog statusa (nerijetko i siromatvu),
promjeni kvalitete drutvenih mrea (uglavnom njihovom suavanju) i promjeni drutvenih
normi i temeljnih vrijednosti (na razini drave, lokalne zajednice i obitelji). S obzirom na
razinu tempa starenja jednog ili drugog drutva, probleme vezane uz nain ivota suvremene
obitelji i uzroke promjena odnosa zajednice i drave prema skrbi o starijima nuno je proma-
trati i u kontekstu migracija. Naime, znatan dio stanovnitva u radno-aktivnoj dobi (posebice
od kraja 1960-ih) sudjelovao je u migracijama potaknutim najee ekonomskim razlozima,
koje su u posljednjih 25 godina osnaene brojnim dobrovoljnim i/ili prisilnim seljenjima iji
su uzroci, prije svega, raspad zajednike drave i rat (1990-ih) voen na teritorijima obiju ze-
malja te politike, gospodarske i drutvene posljedice ratnih razaranja, zloina nad stanovni-
tvom i razni oblici (najee gospodarskog) kriminala. Svi navedeni razlozi jasno se oitavaju
u izmijenjenim uvjetima skrbi za starije u obje drave.
Javne politike u Hrvatskoj sklone su probleme vezane uz starenje drutva i skrb o stari-
jima potrebnima tue pomoi i njege maskirati izjednaavanjem problema s (pre)velikim
brojem umirovljenika u odnosu na broj zaposlenih, koji predstavlja nepremostiv materijalni
teret za ekonomiju drutva u krizi. Meu umirovljenicima, kao i u drugim tranzicijskim dr-
avama na prostoru bive SFR Jugoslavije, veliki je dio onih koji su s trita rada izili daleko
prije dobne granice za starosno umirovljenje (60 ili 65 godina), dakle prije prelaska praga iz
razdoblja kasne zrelosti u razdoblje mlade starosti. Uzrok gomilanja (i mladih) umirovljenika
posljedica je, u prvom redu, prijelaza iz planske u trinu ekonomiju i pretvorbe vlasnitva
koja je tu promjenu pratila, zatim rat i njegove posljedice te viedesetljetna pogrena gospo-
darska politika.
Hromadi, uz raspravu o aspektima (nedovoljne) prisutnosti drave u skrbi za stare i
nemone, ve samim naslovom rada, A gdje su oni bili dosad?, naznauje teinu posljedica
42 RASPRAVA

transformacije bosansko-hercegovakog drutva, posebice na razini odnosa unutar obitelji.

Obitelj i lokalna zajednica i u Bosni i Hercegovini i u Hrvatskoj od 1990-ih do danas bile su
i jo su uvijek izloene raznim vrstama uglavnom negativnih pritisaka. Primjerice, (ne)mo-
gunost zapoljavanja, odnosno gubitak velikog broja radnih mjesta i visoka nezaposlenost
preteno mladih (uzrok znatnog osiromaenja velikog dijela stanovnitva u obje zemlje),
promjena strukture obitelji koja je glavni pruatelj skrbi svojim lanovima (sve manji broj
djece, a sve vie ostarjelih), znaajno iseljavanje mladih, posebice iz ruralnih podruja, a s
ulaskom Hrvatske u Europsku uniju (omoguavanjem zapoljavanja hrvatskim graanima u
nekim dravama EU) sve znaajnije iseljavanje i iz urbanih dijelova zemlje. Iskustvo seljenja
utjee na promjenu naina ivota lanova obitelji koji u migraciji sudjeluju, ali i na oekivanja
onih, najee starijih, koji ostaju. Promatramo li Hrvatsku u kontekstu ratnih raseljavanja,
dio stanovnitva, i Hrvata i Srba, nije se nakon mirne reintegracije, odnosno infrastruktur-
ne i stambene obnove poruenih objekata vratio u Hrvatsku. Dugotrajnost prognanitva i
izbjeglitva uinila je da se dio () posebice mladih stanovnika prilagodio ivotu u novoj
sredini i ne eli se vratiti (Klempi Bogadi i Laji 2014: 448). Dakle, u veem broju vratili
su se uglavnom stariji pa istraivanja potvruju da je ak 30 posto povratnike populacije
[je] starije od 65 godina, a s obzirom na kvalitetu ivota [i mogunost dobivanja bilo kojeg
oblika neformalne pomoi] posebice su ugroena brojna staraka samaka kuanstva ija je
prosjena starost 70 godina (Mesi i Bagi 2011: 8587). Znatan dio povratnika vratio se u
nerazvijena, periferna ruralna podruja, u kojima je nedovoljno razvijena zdravstvena zatita
i gdje uglavnom nedostaju svi oblici formalne skrbi.

Organizacija formalne skrbi prisutnost drave

Hromadi navodi da je Hrvatska u bivoj dravi imala najiru mreu institucionalne skrbi
za starije graane. to se dogaa s tim sustavom danas? Prema podacima Ministarstva soci-
jalnog rada i mladih za 2015. institucijski smjetaj starih graana Hrvatske organiziran je u
okviru 226 ustanova za starije i nemone (dravni i upanijski domovi te sve vei broj domo-
va drugih osnivaa i pravnih osoba koje pruaju smjetaj bez osnivanja doma: udruge, vjer-
ske zajednice i dr.). U domovima za starije i nemone smjeteno je 17 53617 starijih osoba.
Usporeujui brojke s podacima od prije deset godina18 biljei se kontinuirano irenje mree
institucionalne skrbi (posebice broj komercijalnih vrsta smjetaja) kao i rast broja (udjela)19
starijih graana smjetenih u domove za starije i nemone. Uz institucionalnu pokrivenost,
podjednako je vana, i to posebice za ruralne sredine, organizacija izvaninstitucijskih oblika
skrbi pa je tako prema podacima za 2015. godinu 5 65520 starijih i nemonih osoba smjeteno
u obiteljske domove i udomiteljske obitelji.

17
to ini 2,31% ukupne populacije starijih i nemonih osoba.
18
Prema podacima Ministarstva zdravstva i socijalne skrbi, krajem 2006. u domovima za stare i nemone bilo je smjeteno 12 233
starijih osoba ili 1,8% stanovnitva u dobi od 65 i vie godina.
19
Poveanje udjela je jo znaajnije ako se uzme u obzir starenje ukupnog stanovnitva.
20
Ili 0,75% ukupne populacije starijih, to s onima smjetenima u domove za starije i nemone ini preko 3% ukupne starije
populacije.
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 43

Meugeneracijska solidarnost prisutnost lanova obitelji

Za starije ljude u ruralnim podrujima u kojima se visoka razina aktivnosti zadrava do u

duboku starost21 (Podgorelec 2008; Podgorelec i Klempi Bogadi 2013; Klempi Bogadi i
Podgorelec 2014) i u kojima su jo uvijek glavna oekivanja stanovnitva da e, kada za to
doe vrijeme, skrb o ostarjelom lanu obitelji preuzeti na prvom mjestu brani partner, a
onda djeca (od kojih je najvei broj odselio i ivi u drugim dijelovima Hrvatske ili u ino-
zemstvu) ili neki drugi blii lan obitelji, od iznimne je vanosti osiguranje pomoi i njege u
domovima22 starijih osoba. Izuzetno su se uinkovitim pokazali razni izvaninstitucijski pro-
grami poput Pomoi u kui starijim osobama i Dnevni boravak i pomo u kui starijim
osobama, kojima je obuhvaeno jo 15 550 starijih osoba, i to veinom u ruralnim, nerijetko
izoliranim i snano depopuliranim podrujima Hrvatske. Jedan od takvih programa provodi
se zapoljavanjem gerontodomaica koje svakodnevno obilaze domove starijih i nemonih
stanovnika. Ogledni program provodi(o) se na malim ibenskim otocima, a njime su obu-
hvaene veinom starije osobe u samakim kuanstvima, tee bolesne i funkcionalno slabije
sposobne, u visokoj starosnoj dobi, bez djece ili s odseljenom djecom (Podgorelec i Klempi
Bogadi 2013). Ocjena je djelatnika ibenskog Centra za pomo i njegu da je u posljednjih
est godina veina starijih kojima su pruane usluge u okviru njihova doma, ostala ivjeti
na otocima do visoke dobi (prosjek izmeu 75 i 80 godina), due funkcionalno sposobni i
samostalni nego osobe iste dobi u gradu.

Oekivanja (potencijalnih) primatelja skrbi

Utjeu li navedene drutvene promjene na stavove potencijalnih primatelja, ali i pruatelja

skrbi? Postupna promjena u oekivanjima o tome tko bi, uz obitelj, trebao biti aktivan no-
sitelj skrbi u starosti odraz je promjene u ivotnom stilu novih generacija. Posebice kada je
rije o ruralnim prostorima, koji su bili izloeni ratnim razaranjima ili perifernim prostorima
malih hrvatskih otoka, teka gospodarska situacija, materijalno osiromaenje stanovnitva,
nedovoljan broj institucija za socijalnu i zdravstvenu skrb za stare i nemone te neadekvatna
(ili nepostojea) organizacija izvaninstitucijske skrbi jo uvijek iziskuju jaku meugeneracij-
sku solidarnost roditelja i djece (Podgorelec 2008; Knodel et al. 2010; Heylen 2010; Klem-
pi Bogadi i Podgorelec 2011). Jedan od sugovornika (M, 75), razmiljajui o potencijalnoj
nemoi, kae: Bojim li se starosti? Raunam na djecu, nadam se. Sretan sam to ih imam!
Meugeneracijska potpora izraava se uzajamnim djelovanjem, ljubavlju ili pomoi u
obliku novca i usluga. Dio ispitanika u srednjoj i starijoj zrelosti i dalje osjea da je odgovor-
nost za skrb o ostarjelim roditeljima iskljuivo njihova, zbog ega su se pojedinci odluili i
prije umirovljenja u gradovima (u koje su odselili zbog kolovanja i/ili zaposlenja) vratiti u
svoja mjesta (na otocima) kako bi skrbili za roditelje (Podgorelec i Klempi Bogadi 2013).
I dok mlai lanovi obitelji (odrasla djeca) sve ee prihvaaju mogunost da bi se u
pomo, njegu i skrb, kada je oni ne mogu23 (ili ne bi mogli) pruiti, djelomice ukljuila i

21
to nerijetko dovodi do potrebe za tuom njegom i skrbi sve kasnije u ivotu pojedinca i ta skrb traje krae nego nekada (Sun-
dstrm i Johansson 2005).
22
Organiziranu pomo i njegu, prema podacima za 2015., u okviru svojih domova dobiva ukupno 5 083 starijih graana Hrvatske.
23
Mnogi su odselili iz svojih sela i malih mjesta, kao i u primjeru Zemke i njezine obitelji. Ovdje nam nije u prvom planu razlog
seljenja, premda nije zanemariv, ve injenica da stariji sve ee ostaju sami.
44 RASPRAVA

drava (institucije), stariji i dalje skrb uglavnom oekuju od lanova neposredne obitelji pa
tako sugovornici navode: Nekada su se u obitelji brinuli za starije, a danas, sramota, za tebe
bi se trebao brinuti stranac u nekom domu (M, 82 g.) ili [Nekada] nije nam trebao dom
jer je bila mladost koja je sa starim svitom ivila (, 87). Pomo se oekuje na prvom mje-
stu od branih partnera i odrasle djece, a potom drugih lanova obitelji, prijatelja i susjeda
(Sundstrm i Johansson 2005; Podgorelec 2008). Ipak, nain ivota sve veeg broja starijih
koji ive sami, a djeca im ne ive u blizini, dovodi do postupne promjene stavova prema oe-
kivanjima o tome tko sve treba biti pruatelj skrbi, pri emu institucijski smjetaj ili neki oblik
izvaninstitucijske skrbi postaje prihvatljiviji nego nekada:
Ima puno starih ljudi. Al nema niko a da se neko o njemu ne brine. Ako ba su stari, onda
imaju starosni dom tamo, ki nima nikoga. Je starih, ma nema nezbrinutih, kako bih rekla.
(, 86)

Najprije sam zadovoljan to me dragi bog uva da sam jo zdrav. I sutra, pazite, padne u
krevet, ko e te? Djeca su daleko! (M, 77)

Najbolje je, aj, dome, domiu, kako ono se ree, poslovica, najlepe je doma ako je mogu-
e. Ali mi ni mogue doma bit. Nima ni suseda, ni ni, a ta u sama doma? (, 94)

Dananji mladi stari zamjeuju postupnu promjenu oekivanja prema institucijskoj skrbi u
odnosu na raniju generaciju navodei:
Ljudi na dom gledaju kao na zadnju postaju u ivotu. Ali ja mislim da to ne bi trebalo tako
gledat, nego trebalo bi biti sretan da moe kao ovjek umrijeti to je prije bila sramota,
a sad je manje nego prije. Bolje da je tamo na sigurnom, bimo rekli, nego da je doma i da
mu se dogodi neto. Jer danas kad mladih nema, nema ko Ne znam, moja je mama uvijek
govorila: Valjda me neete stavit u staraki dom. Ta generacija nije to prihvaala. (, 67)

Umjesto zakljuka

Neformalna skrb i dalje je glavni oblik skrbi za starije stanovnitvo Hrvatske. Samaka kuan-
stva sve su ea u ruralnim podrujima Hrvatske, koja su i najslabije pokrivena formalnim
oblicima skrbi za starije. Za starije osobe koje ive same i koje nemaju u blizini nekog lana
obitelji koji bi im mogao pruiti podrku i pomo kada je zatrebaju, najprihvatljivija formal-
na vrsta pomoi ili skrbi je ona koju mogu dobiti unutar svoga doma. Djeca, s jedne strane,
koja su, uz brane partnere, i dalje glavni pruatelji skrbi, ali i njihovi ostarjeli roditelji, ele
imati mogunost izbora dobivanja pomoi u nekom obliku organizirane (formalne) skrbi od
strane drave, kojoj zbog ekonomske slabosti osiguravanje takve skrbi sve ee predstavlja
problem.
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 45

Tihana Rubi24
Odsjek za etnologiju i kulturnu antropologiju,
Filozofski fakultet Sveuilita u Zagrebu

eljka Petrovi Osmak

Etnografski muzej, Zagreb

Naputanje i/ili povezanost: promiljanje srodstva, starenja i

transformacija
Azra Hromadi u svojemu tekstu na osnovi etnografskoga primjera vri analizu i interpreta-
ciju. Okosnica je kratka, ali etnografski bogata obiteljska situacija u kojoj osamdesetogodi-
nja starica, udovica i majka etvoro djece, triju odraslih ivuih keri i jednoga, u zadnjemu
ratu u Bosni, smrtno stradaloga sina, biva iz bolnikog lijeenja u tekom zdravstvenom sta-
nju premjetena u privatni dom umirovljenika u kojem, nekoliko dana po dolasku, umire. Po
njezinoj smrti keri, koje od progonstva 1990-ih godina ne ive u Bosni, nego u Njemakoj,
dolaze u dom umirovljenika i emocionalno uzavrelom raspravom iznose razoaranost i po-
goenost bosanskim zdravstvenim sustavom koji je, nakon lijenike obrade u javnoj bolnici,
staricu otpustio, nevoljko je zadravi tek dan i nipoto due.
Ta obiteljska situacija, zabiljeena promatranjem i razgovorom s protagonistima, relevan-
tan je primjer za analizu i tumaenje obiteljskih, drutvenih, politikih i socijalnih odnosa.
Autorica govori o drutvenim vrijednostima vezanim uz dravu i obitelj kao institucijama
brige za starije osobe, te o drutvenim oekivanjima koja se odraavaju primjerice u komen-
taru upraviteljice privatnog doma za starije, upuenog istraivaici, a koji se odnosio na la-
nove obitelji preminule starice: A gdje su oni bili dosad? Ta pria pokazuje kako ivotna
situacija moe biti pokreta posljedinih prijepornih obiteljskih i drutvenih odnosa. Ilustra-
tivan je etnografski primjer jer sadrava intimne i slojevite podatke o miljenjima, postupci-
ma i vrijednostima.
Starenje kao iskustvo i kao koncept je nedovoljno etnoloki i kulturnoantropoloki
istraeno i problematizirano. Smatramo kako nema univerzalnoga iskustva starenja, premda
postoje odreene ope transformacije vezane uz stariju generaciju na irem planu: npr. su-
vremeni demografski i socijalnopolitiki izazovi poput starenja populacije ili produenoga
ivotnog vijeka, krize socijalne sigurnosti te klasinih mirovinskih i obiteljskih sustava. Tu
su i razni regionalni izazovi sve veeg broja starijih ljudi koji ive sami (npr. odnedavna vrlo
izraen problem u Kini), kao i (npr. u Sjedinjenim Amerikim Dravama) postojanje moral-
no problematinih politika raspodjele zdravstvenih resursa eksplicitno na osnovi dobi (pri
emu su starije osobe na gubitku) itd.
U smislu vanosti promiljanja svih tih i drugih procesa vezanih uz starenje, prilog Azre
Hromadi smatramo etnografski iznimno relevantnim. Meutim, u nastavku naeg komen-
tara ukazujemo i na odreene problematine toke u analizi i interpretaciji.
Etnoloka i kulturnoantropoloka tumaenja koja se formiraju na razini primjera, neri-
jetko mogu skliznuti u zamku kada se interpretacija temeljena na anegdotalnom primjeru
postavlja na iru razinu. Autorica u svom radu, kako istie u uvodnom dijelu, promatra i pro-
blematizira brigu za starije osobe u ratnoj i poratnoj Bosni i Hercegovini. U dijakronijskoj

24
Tihana Rubi istraivanje je provela u okviru projekta City-making: space, culture, and identity / Stvaranje grada: prostor,
kultura i identitet, koji financira Hrvatska zaklada za znanost (br. 2350).
46 RASPRAVA

perspektivi tumaenja i podaci odnose se na socijalistiko, postsocijalistiko i suvremeno

razdoblje, a u jednom se dijelu rada autorica dotie i predsocijalistikoga doba tumaei
karakteristike institucije tradicijske obitelji, njezinih unutarnjih odnosa i vrijednosti.
Suprotstavljajui temeljno dva razdoblja socijalistiko kada je formalno-institucio-
nalna briga za starije osobe, prema autorici, postojala, te postsocijalistiko, ratno i poratno
kada ti raniji obrasci brige, prema autorici, doivljavaju krizu i postupno iezavaju, autorica
etnografsku priu koja je okosnica njezina rada tumai na nain da je i sudbina te starice u
postsocijalistikom i poslijeratnom kontekstu, takva kakva jest, bila neminovna. Rijeju, da
je direktan odraz tijekova degradacije formalno-institucijskih, ali i obiteljskih vidova skrbi i
podrke, uzrokovane ponajvie otrim rezom koji je uinio rat devedesetih godina 20. stolje-
a, raselivi obitelji i rastrgavi (neposredne, fizike) veze: zbog ratom uzrokovanog izbje-
glitva, mnoge obitelji nisu mogle ispuniti ta oekivanja o skrbi iz blizine, to je rezultiralo
velikim pomacima u poslijeratnim i postsocijalistikim shvaanjima skrbi (Hromadi, u
ovom broju).
Premda nam se ta teza moe uiniti bliskom, ona zahtjeva kompleksnije propitivanje ma-
kroprocesa, izmeu ostalih onih koji su se odvijali tijekom 20. stoljea na planu socijalne
sigurnosti one koju je pruala Drava, i one koju je pruala obitelj te njihova meusobnog
odnosa. Skrb za starije u socijalizmu i skrb za starije u postsocijalistikom/poslijeratnom
razdoblju donose se kao dva dijametralno razliita okvira u tekstu te se polazi od injenice
da ih ukupno odlikuje diskontinuitet. Rat je nesumnjivo donio rezove, promjene i stradanja.
Numeriki pokazatelji to dodatno potvruju procjenjuje se da je u posljednjem ratu na
teritoriju Bosne i Hercegovine izgubljeno oko 100.000 ljudi, a oko 2.700.000 je prognano
(Grbi Jakopovi 2011: 317318). U mnogim je europskim zemljama tih godina izraen
upravo takav val emigracija, prognanika i izbjeglica iz Bosne, pa tako, primjerice, finska an-
tropologinja Laura Huttunen pie o transformacijama na planu drutvene i etnike strukture
u Finskoj devedesetih godina 20. stoljea, ime pokazuje razmjere useljavanja uslijed ratnih
okolnosti devedesetih godina u tu zemlju: Gotovo svi Bosanci u Finskoj stigli su kao izbje-
glice tijekom ili neposredno nakon rata u Bosni i veinom su Bosanci Muslimani/Bonjaci
ili mijeanoga podrijetla (Huttunen 2008: 236). Ratni sukob u zemljama bive Jugoslavije
stvorio je okruenje koje proizvodi maksimalnu nesigurnost pripadnika svih dobnih skupi-
na (Podgorelec 2008: 31).
Meutim, osim diskontinuiteta, postoje i kontinuiteti, jer ljudi nisu preko noi na svim
razinama 1990-ih godina poeli ivjeti prema novom modelu. Naime, Bosna i Hercegovina
je, poput ostalih zemalja regije, tradicionalno iseljenika zemlja (apo i Jurevi 2014: 18).
Migracije (politike, ekonomske) kontinuum su njezinih i ratnih i mirnodopskih razdo-
blja. Uslijed migracija obiteljska bi zajednica iznova iznalazila mehanizme vlastitog odranja
(ekonomskog, simbolikog i dr.) ak i tada kada ne bi dijelila isti fiziki prostor. Moderna an-
tropologija ve dugo poznaje koncept dislociranosti i transnacionalnih drutvenih prostora
onih koji nadrastaju jedno fiziko mjesto i ostvaruju se u procesima suvremene migracije,
izmijetanja i umijetanja (apo i Gulin Zrni 2011: 13; usp. Vuorela 2008). Ti se prostori
interpretiraju prije kao prilagodba i transformacija, nego kao degradacija drutvenih (ma-
hom obiteljskih) veza i odnosa:
(t)emeljem transnacionalne paradigme istraivai poinju promatrati migrante unutar
transnacionalnih drutvenih polja koja stvaraju izmeu i ponad meudravnih granica
odravajui guste, viestruke drutvene odnose koji povezuju njihova drutva, podrijetla
i prijama () [Veze i odnosi] povezuju dva ili vie prostora i ljude koji u njima ive, kao i
od kruenja stvari, novca i usluga izmeu tih dvaju prostora lociranih u dvije drave ().
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 47

Budui da se ta intenzivna razmjena zbiva na razini obitelji i rodbinskih mrea te lokaliteta u

kojima ive () [govorimo o] o paralelnim viestrukim razinama socijalnih mrea. (apo
i Jurevi 2014: 24)

U okolnostima stalnih emigracija obitelji su izazove i promjene u strukturi obitelji, te dijelom

i dezintegracije (tradicijskih odnosa), doivljavale i prije zadnjega rata. Dezintegracija tra-
dicionalnih institucija, primjerice trogeneracijskog domainstva, kako uoava norveka soci-
jalna antropologinja Tone Bringa (2009: 49), odvijala se u Bosni i u desetljeima prije 1990-
ih godina, pa i u zemljama zapadne demokracije (usp. Podgorelec 2008: 31). Te procese
biljeimo npr. i polovinom 1970-ih godina, otkada se svakodnevni odnosi odvijaju () s
viim stupnjem otvorenosti i nesigurnosti (Podgorelec 2008: 31). U tom smislu, istaknuta
sadrajna distinkcija socijalizampostsocijalizam, prijeratni i poslijeratni kontekst, tek je je-
dan od moguih aspekata duboke kompleksnosti (transformacija i opstojnosti) drutvenih
(napose obiteljskih) odnosa.
S druge strane, unato uvrijeenom poimanju socijalistikoga razdoblja kao razdoblja
socijalne sigurnosti, imamo tek ui okvir, 1950-e i 1960-e godine, koji bismo mogli nazvati
zlatnim dobom (Grandits 2010: 25) sigurnosti drave blagostanja i to u irem, eu-
ropskom, kontekstu (ibid.). Primjerice, od toga razdoblja do danas traje proces destabiliza-
cije socijalne drave i drave blagostanja, koji se dodatno ubrzao od kraja 1980-ih godina,
naroito u zemljama s intenzivnim politiko-ekonomskim restrukturiranjem, na prijelazu iz
socijalizma u novi ekonomsko-politiki sustav. elimo istaknuti da ak ni u spomenutom
zlatnom dobu sektori poput stambenog, zdravstvenog, industrijskog, socijalnog i dr. na
praktinoj, izvedbenoj razini, nisu korelirali diskursu: unato ideologiji i tenji, resursi su
uvijek bili skromni i limitirani. Dakle, dio u kojemu Hromadi govori o ranijoj zbrinutosti,
sigurnosti i dravi koja brine o svojim stanovnicima, poput velikog oca, ticao bi se ipak vie
diskursa, nego same prakse pa nam se ini da je i razlika izmeu dvaju supostavljenih razdo-
blja u tekstu predimenzionirana. Konano, obitelj je u tom kontekstu, posljedino, uvijek
prisutna kao izvor podrke, brige i pomoi (socijalne sigurnosti), emocionalno uvjetovana
i drutveno utemeljena skrb kako u socijalizmu, tako i u postsocijalizmu (usp. Heady 2010;
Grandits 2010; Rubi i Leutloff 2015), ali uvijek dakako i sa svojim unutarnjim nesuglasjima
i izazovima.
eljeli bismo kratko komentirati i svoja oekivanja iz autoriine najave u saetku teksta,
koja su nas zaintrigirala te koja indiciraju i neka naa istraivanja (npr. Rubi 2012), kako
e u radu biti kritikih osvrta i pozicioniranja prema pojmu obinih ljudi, kako Hromad-
i najavljuje: Termin obini ljudi u ovome radu koristim s posebnim oprezom. ()
svakodnevno je mjesto na kojem se politika odvija na dubokoj razini. Smatramo kako su
obini ljudi prije svega (uvrijeena) diskurzivna kategorija u kolektivnim predodbama i
naracijama, i da nose implicitna znaenja i potencijal politizacije. Meutim, u tekstu nismo
detektirale najavljeni kritiki odmak, ve autoriinu uporabu problematinih pojmova po-
put: veina ljudi, obini ljudi, obini Bosanci.
Ukoliko postoje ambicije da se stvari tumae na iroj razini od obiteljskih odnosa, a u
tekstu postoje, tada je jedan obiteljski primjer, tj. suvremeni i recentni isjeci obiteljskoga
ivota, ipak nedovoljno ekstenzivan i trai dodatna i ira etnografska istraivanja i drugih obi-
teljskih i pojedinanih pria, kojima bi se pri analizi i interpretaciji direktno nadila anegdo-
talna razina. Analizirati jedan primjer je posve legitiman metodoloki postupak, ali zahtjeva
ekstenzivniji studijski i arhivski rad (usp. Vuorela 2008). Imajui u vidu kompleksnost tema
koje se u radu nastoje zahvatiti te autoriinu pretenziju tumaenja procesa i dogaaja irih od
48 RASPRAVA

obiteljskoga primjera, ini nam se da tako postavljen interpretativni i analitiki cilj zahtjeva i
dodatan etnografski ili studijski materijal.
Rad bi, miljenja smo, sadrajno obogatila naznaka, pa i problematiziranje, izazova vlasti-
te emske/etske istraivake pozicije u bavljenju vlastitim nacionalnim drutvenim, kultur-
nim, ekonomskim i politikim okruenjem kao istraivakim terenom. Na kojim razinama
je ta pozicija etska, a na kojima emska? Prisjetimo se Claude Lvi-Straussovih opservacija o
vlastitoj istraivakoj poziciji u Francuskoj pedesetih godina 20. stoljea kada svjedoi, za-
jedno sa svojim sugraanima suvremenicima dogaanju javnoga pogubljenja Djeda Mraza
1952. godine u Dijonu, dogaanju koje utjelovljuje politiko-religijsko-ritualne i konzumeri-
stiko-modernizacijske prijepore ondanjega francuskog drutva. Lvi-Strauss pie:
() injenice koje se odvijaju pred naim oima i kojima je teatar nae drutvo u isti je
mah lake i tee rasuivati. Lake zbog toga to je ouvan kontinuitet iskustva, sa svim nje-
govim momentima i njihovim nijansama i tee zato to u takvim i vrlo rijetkim prilikama
uoavamo krajnju sloenost drutvenih preobrazbi, ak i onih najusmjerenijih; i zato to su
prividni razlozi koje pripisujemo dogaajima iji smo akteri vrlo razliiti od stvarnih uzroka
koji nam u tim dogaajima pridaju odreenu ulogu. (Lvi-Strauss 2014: 15)

Na slian nain, analitiki i interpretativno, u prezentaciji materijala oprezno, pristupa i Tone

Bringa bavei se religijskim identitetom muslimana u Bosni i Hercegovini osamdesetih godi-
na 20. stoljea. Ona studiju uvodno eksplicitno pozicionira kao jednu od moguih pria te tu
poziciju dosljedno provodi kroz tekst koji itamo u knjizi nedavno objavljenoj i prevedenoj
na bosanski jezik:
(o)vo je pria o ivotima nekih od () ljudi, i nekim aspektima zajednice u kojoj su ivjeli.
Budui da se desila u jednom naroitom povijesnom trenutku, ona je usredotoena na i-
vote nekoliko izrazitih predstavnika jedne specifine seoske zajednice u tom vremenu. Ona
ne tei da bude pripovijest o svemu to jeste Bosna i njen narod, ali jeste detaljna studija
jedne are na bosanskom ilimu. (Bringa 2009: 3)

Paul Stubbs
Ekonomski institut, Zagreb

Starenje, transformacije i mnogostruke krize skrbi u

Bosni i Hercegovini
Skica iz ivota i smrti gospoe Zemke, koju nam predstavlja autorica Azra Hromadi, vana
je, potresna i tragina i iznimno nam mnogo govori o mnogostrukim krizama skrbi, socijal-
noj pomoi i starenju u suvremenoj Bosni i Hercegovini. Autoriino tumaenje onoga to
naziva polu-odsutnostima i obitelji i drave u kontekstu poslijeratnih i postkomunistikih
tranzicija, omoguava joj da otkrije obrasce, procese i prakse koji gotovo potpuno nedosta-
ju u bogatoj znanstvenoj literaturi posveenoj Bosni i Hercegovini, koja je kruto usmjerena
na etno-nacionalizam. Njen tekst otkriva mnogo vie od pogleda odozgo ili pogleda od
nikud unutar vrlo skromne literature o socijalnoj politici i socijalnoj zatiti u toj zemlji. Ne
radi se samo o tome da skrb koja je nekom dostupna jo uvelike ovisi o tome gdje osoba ivi
(Maglajli Holiek i Raidagi 2007: 163) u suvremenoj Bosni i Hercegovini, nego o tome
da, kao to je ovdje sluaj, bihaka Kantonalna bolnica, nakon to je navodno uinila sve to
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 49

je mogla, smatra da ima potpuno pravo odgovornost prebaciti na Zemkinu obitelj, u vrlo
kratkom vremenu, pri tom izazvavi veliku krizu i, nesumnjivo, pridonijevi Zemkinoj smrti.
Kriza skrbi o kojoj se raspravlja u tekstu ne deava se, naravno, samo u Bosni i Hercego-
vini. Demografsko starenje fenomen je koji zahvaa cijelu Europu i u mnogim zemljama vid-
ljivi su uinci triju zajednikih procesa: poveanog oekivanja trajanja ivota, iako ne nuno
i godina dobrog zdravlja; niska reproduktivnost i sve manji broj novoroenih; te znaajna
emigracija radno sposobnog stanovnitva. Smanjenje broja stanovnitva se, dakle, esto po-
dudara sa sve veim brojem stanovnitva ovisnog o tuoj njezi, poveanjem broja i omjera
osoba starijih od osamdeset godina, te poveanjem broja osoba koje godinama ive u uvje-
tima loeg zdravlja, nemoi, nepokretnosti i, zapravo, siromatva i drutvenog iskljuivanja.
Demografske promjene ugroavaju odrivost uobiajenih zdravstvenih sustava i sustava soci-
jalne skrbi koji su bili bazirani na osiguranju jer su se oslanjali na pretpostavku da e popula-
cija radno sposobnog stanovnitva biti dovoljno brojna, da e dovoljan broj zaposlenih raditi
dovoljno dugo za dovoljno velike naknade i time osigurati davanja i povlastice za djecu i za
starije osobe kao i za nezaposlene odrasle osobe i osobe s posebnim potrebama.
Promjene u strukturi obitelji, u oekivanjima meugeneracijskih prava i odgovornosti,
te raseljavanje proirenih obitelji na ponekad vrlo velike udaljenosti, jo su dodatno uveali
navedene izazove. Promjenjiva uloga drave, sveobuhvatno restrukturiranje i openito ras-
padanje tzv. drava blagostanja, zajedno sa sve veom ulogom dobrovoljnih, neprofitnih
i privatnih sektora, takoer su imbenici koje treba uzeti u obzir. Ta restrukturiranja esto
reproduciraju starije ideje o podjelama na one koji zasluuju i one koji ne zasluuju, te
time nameu moralizirajue i otrenjujue osude onima koji se nisu bili u stanju brinuti
za lanove vlastite obitelji, to sve tjera institucije javnog zdravstva i socijalne skrbi da donose
teke odluke time da maksimaliziraju uinke i smanje trokove.
Korisnici pomoi vie ne bi trebali biti pasivni primatelji naknada, ve se od njih oe-
kuje da su aktivni na mnogim poljima. Oni koji dulje ive trebali bi dulje i raditi, putem
financijske pismenosti trebali bi osigurati vlastitu financijsku dobrobit u poznijim godina-
ma, a ne oslanjati se na unaprijed uplaene dravne penzije te, ponajprije, putem aktivnog
starenja trebalo bi im se omoguiti da upravljaju svojim ivotom to je dulje mogue.25
Nestajanje onoga to Andrea Muehlebach naziva kronotropnim djelovanjem drave blago-
stanja (Muehlebach 2012: 149) stvara nove podjele izmeu aktivne tree dobi i pasivne i
zavisne etvrti dobi, kompleksnu krizu drave i obitelji, koja je ovisna o rodu, a u kojoj nije
vie sasvim oigledno tko se brine o kome, tko osigurava prihod, kako je on raspodijeljen po
lanovima obitelji i je li i kako dugo djeca i stariji lanovi obitelji imaju pravo na obiteljske
prihode za pomo i podrku (ibid.: 150151). Muehlebach, meutim, smjeta upotrebu
injeninih demografskih pretkazanja unutar politike uvjeravanja kojoj je svrha neutra-
lizirati prijeporni proces i sprijeiti kritiku, slino nekom obliku biolokog determinizma
(ibid.: 160).
Zapravo, nisu procesi oni koji su se razlikovali sami po sebi, ve su brzina promjena u kon-
tekstu rata, prisilna migracija velikoga broja ljudi i etnika podloga ratnih sukoba bili faktori
koji su utjecali na to da su preivljavanje i ponovno stvaranje vlastitog sebstva kao i upravlja-
nje intimnim obiteljskim i srodnikim odnosima, naoko stalni, trajni prijepori u suvremenoj
Bosni i Hercegovini. Takoer je kljuan imbenik i taj, na to nam ukazuje Andreas Hoff, da
starenje predstavlja sasvim razliit drutveni izazov u zemljama koje su postale bogate prije
nego to su ostarjele u usporedbi sa zemljama, a to ukljuuje i Bosnu i Hercegovinu, koje su
ostarjele, a da nikada nisu bile bogate (Hoff 2011).
25
Web stranica Europske Komisije: http://ec.europa.eu/social/main.jsp?catId=1062andlangId=en.
50 RASPRAVA

U svom istraivanju majki djece s posebnim potrebama u Bijeljini, u Bosni i Hercegovini,

arna Brkovi (2015) tvrdi da zbunjujua sfera socijalne zatite, sustava koji se doivljava
kao pun pogreaka, nepredvidljiv i tajnovit, prisiljava majke da budu snalaljive, da mobili-
ziraju sve resurse koji su im dostupni, ukljuujui i mogue neformalne kontakte, samo kako
bi svojoj djeci osigurale djeli onoga to im uistinu treba. Kao i Zemkine keri, majke iz etno-
grafije autorice Brkovi oslanjaju se, ini se, na izgubljenu logiku socijalnog blagostanja kao
prava i dunosti drave, a suoene s opetovanim nametanjem logike socijalnog blagostanja
kao onoga koje je ogranieno, diskrecijsko i kojem nedostaje samilosti. U sluaju Zemkinih
keri, ta oekivanja su strukturirana kroz prizmu sjeanja na socijalnu zatitu kakva je bila u
socijalizmu, ali oblikovana novom projektizacijom skrbi i, najvanije, onime to se smatralo
moralnom obvezom prema obiteljima ehida.
Socijalna zatita u Bosni i Hercegovini, jo kao dijelu socijalistike Jugoslavije, kao to po-
kazuje tekst autorice Hromadi, bila je zamreni sustav pun paradoksa, iako su poboljanja u
dostupnosti i kvaliteti socijalne zatite i zdravstvenog sustava neupitno bili vani pokazatelji
jugoslavenske modernosti. Sustav socijalne zatite bio je, meutim, poprilino dualistian, u
smislu urbanog i ruralnog stanovnitva, te znaajno varijabilan u odnosu na klasu i, najvie, u
odnosu na rod. Uasan rat koji se vodio tijekom 1990-ih je, meutim, na neki nain zasjenio
i iskrivio percepcije o 1980-ima kada se, u mnogo dijelova socijalistike Jugoslavije, ukljuu-
jui i Bosnu i Hercegovinu, siromatvo ponovo vratilo i to prvi put u toj generaciji i vrlo loe
utjecalo na urbana domainstva koja nisu imala nikakve veze sa zemljoradnjom niti su im
stizale novane poiljke od lanova obitelji koji su ivjeli u inozemstvu (usp. Archer, Duda
i Stubbs 2015). Kako su zdravstveni sustav i sustav socijalne skrbi odgovorili na tu krizu iz
1980-ih, posebice kasnih 1980-ih kada je bilo i sve manje financiranja, kljuan je dio slagalice
o kojem se zapravo rijetko govori.
Poslijeratna kriza skrbi u Bosni i Hercegovini, uvjetovana procesima kompleksnog dru-
tvenog i politikog inenjeringa (Lendvai i Stubbs 2009: 681), ostaje i dalje vrlo nestabilna,
promjenjiva, te ovisi o raznim okolnostima. Bosnu i Hercegovinu i dalje karakterizira pojava
jake povezanosti meunarodne i domae sfere (Pugh 2000), hibridnog i fleksibilnog kr-
catog igralita (Arandarenko i Golcin 2007) punog novo stvorenih i rekonstruiranih aktera
koji svi nastoje, na razliite naine, preobraziti kolonizirajui i disciplinirajui aparat refor-
mi, modernizacije i razvoja u svu silu manje ili vie odrivih programa i projekata (usp.
Stubbs 2015), od kojih su mnogi, sami po sebi, vremenski ogranieni i u kontradikciji su, di-
rektnoj ili indirektnoj, jedni s drugima. Taj vezani meunarodno-domai prostor predstavlja,
na jedan nain, zapravo jo jednu polu-odsutnost, zajedno s onima obitelji ili drave, iako
poduprtu znaajnom biopolitikom moi, mnogostrukim i promjenjivim ideologijama, mo-
dalitetima i praksama pruanja, osiguravanja i primanja skrbi koji su zamreni, nepouzdani
i privremeni (Hromadi u tisku 2016). Iako su mnogi od tih projekata vjerojatno manje
oigledno i neposredno nasilni kao to je to bio sluaj s projektom vicarske vlade iz kasnih
1990-ih, koja je gradila nove domove za starije koji su bili namijenjeni starijim osobama koje
su se vratile u Bosnu i Hercegovinu nakon to im je u vicarskoj odobren privremeni status
izbjeglica, svi ipak stvaraju nove nizove znaenja, nove hijerarhije moi i institucija, nove
oblike ukljuivanja i iskljuivanja, nove poretke krivnje i vrline, nove marginalizacije, subor-
dinacije i tiine (Clarke 2004). Oni su sredinji za razumijevanje onoga to Hromadi naziva
istodobno lokalne, regionalne i transnacionalne konfiguracije ljubavi, skrbi i naputanja.
Upravo je zazivanje dravnog moralnog duga obiteljima palih muenika, ehidskim
porodicama, ono to najbolje pokazuje nesumjerljivosti, ili nepoklapanja, izmeu struktu-
ralnih politikih ekonomija na makro razini i mikro razine svakodnevnog ivota. Jer i dalje se
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 51

dogaa da, ak i u kontekstu neoliberalne discipliniranosti koja trai da se javna potronja

smanji, racionalizira i usmjeri na najpotrebitije, oba entiteta u Bosni i Hercegovini jo troe
velike sume na ratne veterane i njihove obitelji, unutar mnogo ireg konteksta klijentistikih
odnosa dravnog elinog zagrljaja i institucionalnog partikularizma u kojem vodee po-
litike stranke funkcioniraju kao zatitnika mainerija koja dodjeljuje radna mjesta, gotov
novac i skrb, te ostale usluge, u zamjenu za glasove (usp. Ferrera 2000; Stubbs i Zrinak
2015). Meutim, ono to se esto zaboravlja u literaturi koja nudi pogled odozgo na kli-
jentizam jest da taj prijelaz iz strukture u svakodnevni ivot nije automatski, ve da sam po
sebi zahtijeva da se personalizirana politika agenda simbolinih obeanja (Iraolo i Grune-
nberg 2008: 3) ostvari u praksi. U nedostatku drutvenih mrea ili veza koje su potrebne
da bi moralni kapital obitelji muenika pretvorile u ono to bi se moglo nazvati kapitalom
blagostanja ili skrbi, Zemkine keri su prisiljene oslanjati se na pretragu interneta, privatni
dom i dobru volju daljnjeg roaka kako bi dobile tek minimum kratkotrajne zbrinutosti svoje
majke. Sva moralna prava koja su mislile da imaju, a zbog ega njihov bijes prerasta u ideju
da tue dravu, dovedena su u pitanje optubama da su same vrlo sebino zapostavljale svoju
majku dok nije bilo prekasno, ime su im izmakla sva etika graanska prava (Muehlebach
2012: 159) koja su mislile da imaju.
ini se da je Zemkina pria, zapravo, saetak svih loih i niti jedne dobre strane starenja
koje s pozicije zapadnjake feministike kritike promatra Lynne Segal (2013) u svojoj knji-
zi Out of Time. Ona naznaava potrebu za novim diskursom o starenju, odbacujui pritom
deterministiki diskurs tjelesnog propadanja i kognitivne korozije, a bez da upadne u zamku
idealistikog narativa pomirenja, slobode, kreativnosti i ljepote, narativa uspjenog starenja,
koje jako vole isticati suvremeni gurui ivotnog stila i na koji se pozivaju i diskursi o aktiv-
nom starenju kojima nas se poziva na odgovornost. Osobe koje stare se takoer, kako nas
podsjea Segal, razlikuju po rodu, klasi, etnicitetu, seksualnoj orijentaciji, mogunostima i,
moda prije svega, zemljopisnom poloaju. Polu-odsutnost drave i obitelji i Zemkina utje-
lovljena pozicioniranost u njenom tijelu, mjestu i vremenu, pretvara je u subjekta koji loe
stari, koji treba skrb, pomo i podrku i kojem je premalo prekasno ponueno i za cijenu
koju si rijetki mogu priutiti.
Tekst autorice Hromadi ne bi trebalo promatrati samo kroz prizmu moguih promjena
u politici. U smislu konteksta skrbi za starije osobe u suvremenoj Bosni i Hercegovini, teko
je pronai neto vie od poetnih uvida u ostale politike, budue ili alternativne prakse koje
bi mogle staviti u pitanje dominantne politike () (i) otvoriti smislen prostor za prijepore,
otpore i pozitivne alternative koje nisu samo razliite, ve koje same mogu uiniti razliku
(Clarke, Bainton, Lendvai i Stubbs 2015: 196). Zemkina pria mnogo jasnije nego ostale
ukazuje na potrebu za novim narativom socijalne pomoi, humanije etike skrbi koja se te-
melji na meuovisnosti, zajednitvu i ljudskoj ranjivosti, te podie drutvene, ekonomske i
politike vrijednosti skrbi (Williams 2014: 101), spaavajui solidarnost od njene utoplje-
nosti u moralu i tritima (Muehlebach 2012: 227-228), inei drutvenu reprodukciju
i skrb temeljima za analizu drutvene promjene i globalne krize (Williams 2014: 87), upu-
ujui na potrebu za mnogostrukim strategijama, projektima i politikama kako bi se nadile
navedene krize.
52

O
RASPRAVA

SVRT NA KOMENTARE

Azra Hromadi

Na poetku elim zahvaliti urednicama to su odabrale uistinu izvrsnu i raznorodnu skupinu

diskutanata koji su komentirali moj lanak. Komentari su im sadrajni i poticajni te se me-
usobno nalaze u jednom produktivnom nesuglasju. Moji odgovori na njihove ocjene su
brojni, ali ovdje u se usredotoiti na tri velike teme: odgovornost, kontinuitet i metode.
Mnogo diskutanata se osvrnulo, na ovaj ili onaj nain, na pitanje koje je zapravo temelj
moga lanka: tko bi trebao pruiti skrb (i kako)? Oekivano, razliiti diskutanti nude sasvim
razliite odgovore na to pitanje i na izazove koje ono postavlja od Stubbsa i Danelyja, koji
su preporuili da ukljuim i dodatne polu-odsutnosti (meunarodne zajednice, Zemke,
nau vlastitu) i polu-priznavanja26 tom cijelom kontekstu skrbi, pa do Milenkovia,
koji je predloio sasvim drugaije itanje/analizu glavnog fenomena kojim se lanak bavi,
veinom kroz prizmu individualne odgovornosti. Meutim, fokusiranje na Zemkinu indivi-
dualnu odgovornost za vlastitu skrb, to predlae Milenkovi, bilo bi vrlo problematino i
prikrilo bi iru strukturnu, politiku i ekonomsku situaciju i procese koji su se posloili u
uzrokovanju Zemkine individualne patnje,27 ali bi pokrenulo i ono to me Stubbs, u svojem
komentaru, molio da ne inim:
Reproduciram starije ideje o podjelama na one koji zasluuju i one koji ne zasluuju,
te time nameem moralizirajue i otrenjujue osude onima koji se nisu bili u stanju
brinuti za lanove vlastite obitelji, to sve tjera institucije javnog zdravstva i socijalne skrbi
da donose teke odluke i njima maksimaliziraju uinke i smanje trokove. Korisnici pomoi
vie ne bi trebali biti pasivni primatelji naknada, ve se od njih oekuje da su aktivni na
mnogim poljima.

Milenkoviev prijedlog da Zemka, kao i (svi) ostali na balkanskoj polu-periferiji, uzmu stvari
u svoje (vlastite) ruke vrlo problematino oslikava balkansko stanovnitvo kao demokrat-
ski/liberalistiki nemuto, gotovo djeje neupueno, te time samo internalizira i perpetuira
balkanistike diskurse.28 S druge strane, takva politika i politiki diskurs koji su temeljeni
na raspodjeli prava stvorili bi zamren i potencijalno korumpirani sustav klasifikacije koji bi
definirao tko su ti pojedinci koji su, kako Milenkovi kae, bili neposredno izloeni ratnim
stradanjima, pa stoga i zasluili dravnu skrb. U zemlji u kojoj je, kako nas u ovom broju
podsjeaju Rubi i Petrovi, 100 000 ljudi izgubilo ivote i 2 700 000 od 4 000 000 postalo
26
Izuzetno cijenim Danelyjev izvrstan prijedlog da uz polu-odsutnosti ukljuim i polu-priznavanja u promiljanje novih hijerarhija
i koordinata priznavanja.
27
Zemkina situacija je, naravno, jedinstvena, zbog specifinog naina na koji su se veliki imbenici posloili i uzrokovali njenu
patnju. Ti imbenici nisu, meutim, sluajni; oni su povijesno uvjetovani, neregulirani sustavi regulacije ivota; analiza Zemkine
prie razotkriva neke od tih imbenika i njihova stjecita.
28
U vezi s time, Milenkovi zavrava svoj komentar upozoravajui na antropologe koji pridonose neo-kolektivistikim antiliberal-
nim pokretima za koje, povijest nas ui, znamo da po pravilu provociraju faizam u naim drutvima i mogu predstavljati vajmarovski
uvod u nove ratove, pljakaku redistribuciju privatne imovine i unitavanje javnog u ime kolektivnog. udno je da se Milenkovi
usredotouje na strah od pljakake redistribucije privatne imovine i unitavanja javnog u ime kolektivnog u povijesnom trenutku
kada se objekti jugoslavenske industrije i javne infrastrukture u Bosni i Hercegovini i izvan nje prisvajaju od strane etno-nacionalisti-
kih politiara/biznismena putem korumpirane privatizacije i onoga to je David Harvey (2004) nazvao stjecanjem putem otimanja.
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 53

izbjeglice ili protjerano, odvajanje onih koji su neposredno bili izloeni ratu projekt je koji
je unaprijed osuen na propast i koji bi ujedno negirao intersubjektivnu prirodu (ratnoga)
iskustva. Umjesto da pokuavamo izbrisati uinke fizikog i strukturalnog nasilja na ivote
ljudi u ime odgovornosti pojedinca, predlaem da pretpostavimo jednu inkluzivniju i huma-
niju etiku skrbi koja se temelji na meuovisnosti, zajednitvu i ljudskoj ranjivosti (Stubbs,
u ovom broju). Takva etika skrbi objedinjavala bi ideale kao to su pravda, jednakost i prava
pojedinaca i principe kao to su skrb, povjerenje, meusobno potivanje i solidarnost (Held
2006).29
Druga velika tema koja zahtijeva dodatna pojanjenja je kontinuitet i diskontinuitet
izmeu socijalistike prolosti i postsocijalistike sadanjosti. Neki diskutanti kritizirali su
moje prividno suprotstavljanje tih dvaju sustava, u kojem navodno privilegiram prolost u
odnosu na sadanjost (takvo tumaenje posebno je vidljivo u tekstovima autora Rubi i Pe-
trovi te Milenkovi).30 Moj lanak, meutim, naglaava i kontinuitete i diskontinuitete izmeu
socijalistikih i postsocijalistikih iskustava. Diskontinuiteti su jasni: ratom izazvan nagli ras-
pad bive drave, ivljenih sudbina i materijalnih objekata, elementi su koje ovdje ne moram
ponavljati.31 Ali postoji barem jedan veliki kontinuitet izmeu socijalizma i postsocijalizma
koji je kljuan kao potpora glavnom argumentu moga lanka: oekivanje da obitelj osigura
skrb. Tonije, u lanku navodim:
Paternalistiki odnos i samo-projekcije jugoslavenske drave i njenih graana i strukture
osjeaja (Williams 1977) koje su oni izazivali, bili su, meutim, duboko utemeljeni na tra-
dicijskim oblicima obiteljske skrbi. Primjerice, Bosanci, posebice Bosanke, tradicionalno
su skrbile o starijim lanovima obitelji. Slino kao i u mnogim istonoeuropskim zemljama
u kojima je drava odavala dojam brine drave, u stvarnosti su privatna domena srodstva,
prijateljstva i osobnih veza postala temeljem za emocionalno uvjetovanu i drutveno ute-
meljenu skrb. (Read 2007: 206)

To je vano naglasiti jer potvruje, a i drugi su slino predlagali, da je socijalistiki sustav

skrbi bio dualistiki, neujednaen, rodno uvjetovan i parcijalan (Stubbs, u ovom broju; Pod-
gorelec, u ovom broju), i esto samo proklamatoran (Rubi i Petrovi, u ovom broju). Ono
to ovdje smatram najvanijim (i to sam moda trebala jasnije naglasiti u svom lanku) jest
da su se i socijalistiki i postsocijalistiki reimi skrbi, bez obzira na njihovu retoriku, u praksi
oslanjali na obitelj kao izvor skrbi. Kao to naglaavaju Rubi i Petrovi, institucija bosanske
obitelji u vrijeme socijalizma bila je vrlo kompleksna i bila je svjedokom velikih transforma-
cija, ukljuujui masivne migracije iz ruralnih u urbana podruja (vidjeti Bringa 1995). No,
bez obzira na te znaajne promjene, bosanska obitelj u socijalizmu je openito bila, posebno
u usporedbi s dananjom situacijom, financijski i socijalno mnogo bolje zbrinuta te zemljo-

29
Moj pristup etikim dimenzijama skrbi inspiriran je radom Virginie Held (Ethics of Care 2006). Autorica nas poziva da promi-
slimo o naim odnosima, pa stoga i naim odgovornostima i vezanostima, naim obiteljima i drutvenim skupinama. U svojoj knjizi
Held propituje te veze, usredotoujui se na odnose skrbi, a ne samo na vrline i odgovornosti pojedinaca.
30
Vjerujem, meutim, da imamo dobrih razloga da budemo nostalgini, barem prema nekim aspektima socijalistike prolosti,
posebice ako usporedimo sadanji i ivotni standard u prolosti, relativni poloaj u svijetu, te dostupnost socijalne pomoi, izmeu
ostalog. Slaem se, meutim, sa Stubbsom, Milenkoviem i autoricama Rubi i Petrovi da je detaljnije arhivsko istraivanje i analiza
socijalistikog razdoblja, posebice krize 1980-ih, svakako potrebna i svoja u budua istraivanja produbiti u tom smjeru.
31
U odgovoru na komentar autorica Rubi i Petrovi da ljudi nisu preko noi poeli ivjeti prema novom modelu, eljela bih
dodati da su se mnogima u Bosni i Hercegovini ivoti uistinu, u velikoj mjeri, promijenili naglo, preko noi i da su mnogi koje sam
intervjuirala mogli definirati toan datum kada su im se ivoti promijenili (primjerice, no kada su nasilno prognani iz svojih grado-
va, dan kada se njihovi prijatelji iz razreda druge etnike pripadnosti nisu vie pojavili u koli ili no kada je poela opsada). Upravo
je u tim trenucima ivot kakav su poznavali prestao postojati, a novi model ivota, njih kao izbjeglica, prognanika ili pod opsadom,
je zapoeo. Takoer, usporedo s ratom, poeo se odvijati proces privatizacije javne i dravne imovine, dakle, sasvim novi model. Taj
proces korumpirane privatizacije, meutim, bio je prikriven i iskrivljen ratom.
54 RASPRAVA

pisno kompaktna.32 Danas, meutim, kada se slubeni podaci o stopi nezaposlenosti kreu
oko 27% (63% meu mlaim stanovnitvom),33 obitelji su financijski onemoguene i najee
si ne mogu priutiti da skrbe o svojim potrebitim starijim lanovima (to jasno navodi i Pod-
gorelec u svom tekstu). tovie, budui da su lanovi obitelji esto nezaposleni, oni zapravo
ive od mirovina svojih starijih lanova. Uz sve te financijske izazove i zbog problema koji
su nastali zbog ratom prouzroenog izbjeglitva, mnogobrojne je obitelji rat razdvojio i la-
novi su fiziki odsutni, to dodatno oteava skromnu i o obiteljima ovisnu skrb o starijima.34
Zakljuno, kriza skrbi prisutna je u veini europskih zemalja zbog razloga koje Stubbs vrlo
lijepo objanjava u svom tekstu; meutim, specifini izazovi te krize posebno su vidljivi i pri-
sutni u Bosni i Hercegovini, koja je ostarjela, a da nikada nije bila bogata (Hoff 2011 prema
Stubbsu, u ovom broju) i u kojoj su se poslijeratni i postsocijalistiki kontekst vrlo oigledno
i mono spojili.
Naposljetku i o metodama: neki diskutanti kritiziraju moje oslanjanje na samo jednu
priu (Zemkinu) te moj nedostatak refleksivnosti u lanku. Slaem se s Rubi i Petrovi
kada tvrde da oslanjanje na jednu individualnu priu moe biti riskantno, jer je vrlo lako
skliznuti u anegdotalan prikaz (vidjeti i Milenkovi, u ovom broju). Slaem se s njima i da
pria, kako bi bila antropoloki produktivna, mora biti postavljena u iri kontekst i to sam
nastojala postii raspravom o ratu i (post)socijalistikim aspektima koji su se posloili kao
uzroci Zemkine individualne patnje.35
Komentar o refleksivnosti i emskoj i etskoj poziciji me zapravo najvie interesira. Narav-
no da sam svjesna vanosti refleksivnosti u etnografskom i antropolokom pisanju i smatram
da je etiki vano i analitiki produktivno (naravno, kada ne zamjenjuje etnografske podatke
vlastitim refleksijama).36 Nisam, meutim, sasvim uvjerena da bi refleksivnost nuno obo-
gatila moj uvodni tekst. Naprotiv, ukljuivanje moje osobne povijesti samo bi preusmjerilo
panju od Zemkine na moju vlastitu priu na nain koji ne bi bio niti produktivan niti poe-
ljan, a mogao bi i odvratiti panju od etike skrbi te se initi samodopadnim. Da bi bile efek-
tivne, refleksivne intervencije moraju neto rasvijetliti ili pojasniti neto o terenu, susretima
na terenu i tumaenjima tih susreta. Nakon to sam vrlo paljivo proitala komentar autorica
Rubi i Petrovi i dalje se pitam koji je to tono aspekt moje analize ili etnografskog susreta
manjkav zbog mog neuspjeha da pojasnim svoju poziciju kroz koordinate nacionalizma/
etniciteta, klase ili roda u tekstu? to je to, prema autoricama, to ja nisam vidjela zbog

32
Situacija je, naravno, bila mnogo bolja u poetnim desetljeima socijalistikog razdoblja; broj nezaposlenih u socijalistikoj Jugo-
slaviji polako je rastao od 6.6% 1965. godine do 16.1% 1987. godine kada se promovirala radna migracija mukaraca srednje ivotne
dobi (Woodward 1995: 199, 378). Veina tih ljudi radila je u Austriji, Njemakoj i drugim europskim zemljama kao manualni radnici
i radnici u graevinarstvu, a vraali su se kui svojim obiteljima vikendima i praznicima.
33
Prema podacima Agencije za statistiku Bosne i Hercegovine, slubeni podaci o stopi nezaposlenih, izraunati po ILO meto-
dologiji su 27% (vidjeti: http://www.bhas.ba/?option=com_publikacijaandid=1andlang=ba). Meutim, neki izvori javljaju da
nominalna stopa nezaposlenih dosee ak 44% (vidjeti: http://www.business.hr/ekonomija/stvarna-nezaposlenost-u-bih-27-po-
sto-nominalna-cak-44-posto).
34
Ovaj se tekst nije bavio rodnim aspektom skrbi (o starijima) i dodatnim teretom koji on predstavlja za ene, to je glavna tema
jednog drugog lanka koji upravo piem. Vano je istaknuti da su socijalistike radne migracije uglavnom ukljuivale mukarce, to
znai da su ene veinom ostajale u Bosni gdje su i dalje uz brigu o kuanstvu i odgoju djece skrbile i o starijima. Ratno izbje-
glitvo je, meutim, prognalo i mukarce i ene, a obitelji je rastrgalo na takve naine da ene esto nisu bile u mogunosti skrbiti o
starijima.
35
Slaem se, meutim, s autorima (Rubi i Petrovi te Milenkovi) da je taj dio lanka mogao biti bolje poduprt arhivskim istra-
ivanjem i koritenjem malobrojne, ali relevantne literature. Budui da je ovo terensko istraivanje tek u povojima, u budunosti se
nadam poboljati i proiriti te aspekte istraivanja.
36
Primjerice, u svojoj knjizi Citizens of an Empty Nation vrlo se dosljedno bavim vlastitom pozicijom na terenu kako bih objasnila
potku svojih susretanja, procjena i tumaenja.
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 55

svoje navodne bliskosti s terenom?37 Odgovori na ta pitanja uistinu su vani; u suprotnom bi

refleksivnost (problematino) mogla postati sama sebi svrhom.
I za kraj, slaem se da ne moemo generalizirati situaciju u Bosni i Hercegovini ili, jo
gore, na Balkanu iz jednog, u ovom sluaju Zemkinog, iskustva to mi nije ni bila namjera
u tekstu koji sam ponudila. Osobno, ne bih koristila romantiarski i egzotini diskurs poput
jedna ara na bosanskom ilimu kako bih opisala Zemkino iskustvo u odnosu na iri kon-
tekst. Naprotiv, smatram da je njena individualna kombinacija skrbi, naputanja i patologije
proizala iz spoja njenih osobnih okolnosti i povijesno uvjetovane, kompleksne mree obite-
lji, medicine, drave i ekonomije.

REFERENCES / LITERATURA
Allison, Anne. 2013. Precarious Japan. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822377245]
Arandarenko, Mihail and/i Pavle Golicin. 2007. Serbia. In/U Social Policy and International Interventions in South East Europe. Bob
Deacon and/i Paul Stubbs, eds./ur. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 167 186.
Archer, Rory, Igor Duda and/i Paul Stubbs, eds./ur. 2015. Social Inequalities and Discontent in Yugosav Socialism. Farnham: Ashgate
[forthcoming].
Bieber, Florian. 2005. Post-War Bosnia. Ethnic Structure, Inequality and Governance of the Public Sector. London: Palgrave. [http://
dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230501379]
Biehl, Joao. 2005. Vita. Life in a Zone of Social Abandonment. Berkeley, LA: University of California Press.
Bille, Mikkel, Frida Hastrup and/i Tim Flohr Soerensen, eds./ur. An Anthropology of Absence. Materializations of Transcendence and
Loss. New York: Springer.
Bourgois, Philippe. 2009. Righteous Dopefiend. Berkely, LA: University of California Press.
Bringa, Tone. 1995. Being Muslim the Bosnian Way. Identity and Community in a Central Bosnian Village. New Jersey: Princeton Uni-
versity Press.
Bringa, Tone. 2009. Biti musliman na bosanski nain. Identitet i zajednica u jednom srednjobosanskom selu. Zagreb, Sarajevo: ahinpai.
Brkovi, arna. 2015. Flexibility of veze/tele. Negotiating Social Protection in a Bosnian Town. In/U Negotiating Social Relations in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. arna Brkovi, Vanja elebii and/i Stef Jansen, eds./ur. Farnham: Ashgate [forthcoming].
Brown, Keith, ed./ur. 2006. Transacting Transition. The Micropolitics of Democracy Assistance in the Former Yugoslavia. Kumarian Press,
Inc.
Campbell, David. 1999. Apartheid Cartography. The Political Anthropology and Spatial Effects of International Diplomacy in Bo-
snia. Political Geography 18: 395435. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0962-6298(98)00110-3]
Chandler, David. 1999. Bosnia. Faking Democracy After Dayton. London: Pluto Press.
Clarke, John. 2004. Changing Welfare, Changing States. New Directions in Social Policy. London: Sage.
Clarke, John, David Bainton, Noemi Lendvai and/i Paul Stubbs. 2015. Making Policy Move. Towards a Politics of Translation and
Assemblage. Bristol: Policy Press.
Choy, Timothy and/i Jerry Zee. 2015. Condition: Suspension. Cultural Anthropology 30/2: 210223. http://www.culanth.org/
articles/772-condition-suspension (accessed June 10, 2015).
Cohen, Lawrence. 1994. Old Age. Cultural and Critical Perspectives. Annual Review of Anthropology 23: 137158. [http://dx.doi.
org/10.1146/annurev.an.23.100194.001033]
Cohen, Lawrence. 2008. Politics of Care. Commentary on Jannelle S. Taylor, On Recognition, Caring and Dementia. Medical
Anthropology Quarterly 22/4: 336339. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1387.2008.00037.x]
Cohen, Robert and/i Mihailo Markovi. 1975. The Rise and Fall of Socialist Humanism. A History of the Praxis Group. Nottingham:
Spokesman Books.
Coles, Kimberley. 2007. Democratic Designs. International Intervention and Electoral Practices in Post-war Bosnia-Herzegovina. Ann
Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
apo, Jasna and/i Valentina Gulin Zrni. 2011. Oprostornjavanje antropolokog diskursa. Od metodolokog problema do episte-
molokog zaokreta. In/U Mjesto, nemjesto. Interdiciplinarna promiljanja prostora i kulture. Jasna apo and/i Valentina Gulin
Zrni, eds./ur. Zagreb, Ljubljana: Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, Intitut za antropoloke in prostorske tudije, Znanstve-
noraziskovalni center SAZU, 965.
apo, Jasna and/i Katica Jurevi. 2014. Povratak kao dolazak. Migracijski procesi i transnacionalni prostori. In/U Didov san.
Transgranina iskustva hrvatskih iseljenika. Jasna apo, Caroline Hornstein Tomi and/i Katica Jurevi, eds./ur. Zagreb: Insti-
tut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, Institut drutvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar, 1541.
Danely, Jason. 2014. Aging and Loss. Mourning and Maturity in Contemporary Japan. New Beunswick: Rutgers University Press.
Das, Veena. 2006 [1st. ed.]/2007. Life and Words. Violence and the Descent into the Ordinary. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Diamond, Jared.2012. The World Until Yesterday. What Can We Learn from Traditional Societies?New York: Penguin books.

37
U vezi s time, jednako je problematina podjela na emsko i etsko zastarjeli su to termini u antropologiji koji grubo dijele svijet
na (veinom konceptualizirani putem nacije i rase) insajdere i autsajdere. Nije li svaki etnografski teren stalno pregovaranje i mane-
vriranje mnogostrukim linijama ukljuenosti i iskljuenosti koje zamagljuju razlike i nikada nisu jednoznane i jedinstvene, te stav-
ljaju u pitanje dihotomiju emsko/etsko i oblike znanja (etsko/objektivno nasuprot emskom/subjektivnom) koje navodno stvaraju?
56 RASPRAVA

Dunn, Elisabeth. 2008. Postsocialist Spores. Disease, Bodies and the State in the Republic of Georgia. American Ethnologist 35/2:
243: 258.
Ferrara, Mauritio. 2000. Reconstructing the Welfare State in Southern Europe. In/U The Survival of the European Welfare State.
Stein Kuhnle, ed./ur. London: Routledge, 166180. [http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203380314_chapter_10]
Gilleard, Chris and/i Paul Higgs. 2011. Ageing Abjection and Embodiment in the Fourth Age. Journal of Aging Studies 25/2: 135142.
Giordano, Christian. 2008. Practices of Translation and the Making of Migrant Subjectivities in Contemporary Italy. American
Ethnologist 35: 588606. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2008.00100.x]
Grandits, Hannes. 2010. Introduction. The Reshaping of Family and Kin Relations in European Welfare Systems. In/U Family,
Kinship and State in Contemporary Europe, 1. The Century of Welfare: Eight Countries. Hannes Grandits, ed./ur. Frankfurt, New
York: Campus Verlag, 2346.
Grbi Jakopovi, Jadranka. 2013. Usorani o sebi i o drugima. Kroz identitete, politiku i kulturu. In/U Usora: prolost, obiaji, ivotna
svakodnevica. Mario Kati, ed./ur. Zagreb: Zaviajni klub usorskog kraja, 311336.
Fassin Didier and/i Mairella Pandolfi. 2010. Contemporary States of Emergency. The Politics of Military and Humanitarian Interventions.
Brooklyn: Zone Books.
Han, Clara. 2012. Life in Debt. Times of Care and Violence in Neoliberal Chile. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Harvey, David. 2004. The New Imperialism. Accumulation by Dispossession. Socialist Register 40: 6387.
Havelka, Mladen. 2003. Skrb za starije ljude u Hrvatskoj potreba uvoenja novih modela. Drutvena istraivanja 12/1-2(63-64):
225245.
Hayden, Robert M. 1996. Imagined Communities and Real Victims. Self-Determination and Ethnic Cleansing in Yugoslavia. Ame-
rican Ethnologist 23/4: 78384. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1996.23.4.02a00060]
Heady, Patrick. 2010. Introduction. Care, Kinship and Community. The View from Below. In/U Family, Kinship and State in Con-
temporary Europe, 2. The View from Below: Nineteen Localities. Patrick Heady and/i Peter Schweitzer, eds./ur. Frankfurt, New
York, Campus Verlag, 1360.
Held, Virginia. 2006. The Ethics of Care. Personal, Political, Global. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.
Herzfeld, Michael. 2005. Cultural Intimacy. Social Poetics in the Nation-State. [2nd ed.] New York: Routledge.
Heylen, Leen. 2010. The Older, the Lonelier? Risk Factor for Social Lonelinessin Old Age. Ageing and Society 30/7: 11771196.
[http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0144686X10000292]
Hoff, Andreas. 2011. Conclusions. Future Prospects and Policy Implications from Central and Eastern European Ageing Societies
in Transition. In/U Population Ageing in Central and Eastern Europe. Societal and Policy Implications. Andreas Hoff, ed./ur.
Farnham: Ashgate, 249256.
Horvat, Branko. 1982. The Political Economy of Socialism. A Marxist Socialist Theory. New York: Sharpe.
Hromadi, Azra. 2015. Citizens of an Empty Nation. Youth and State-making in Postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. Philadelphia: Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania Press.
Hromadi, Azra. Forthcoming 2016. Affective Labor. Work, Love, and Care for the Elderly in Biha. In/U Negotiating Social Rela-
tions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. arna Brkovi, Vanja elebii and/i Stef Jansen, eds./ur. Farnham: Ashgate.
Huttunen, Laura. 2008. Pojam doma za neodlunu bosansku dijasporu u Finskoj. In/U Feminizmi u transnacionalnoj perspektivi.
Promiljanje sjevera i juga u postkolonijalnosti. Renata Jambrei Kirin and/i Sandra Prlenda, eds./ur. Zagreb: Institut za etnolo-
giju i folkloristiku, Centar za enske studije, 96113.
Iraola, Victoria and/i Christian Gruenberg. 2008. Clientelism, Poverty and Gender. Cash Conditional Transfers in the Loop. Paper
for GTZ Workshop on Gender and Corruption in Development Co-operation.
Jackson, Michael. 2002. The Politics of Storytelling. Violence, Transgression, and Intersubjectivity. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum
Press.
Jansen, Stef. 2005. National Numbers in Context. Maps and Stats in Representations of the Post-Yugoslav Wars. Identities. Global
Studies in Culture and Power 12/1: 4568. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10702890590914311]
Jaarevi, Larisa. 2011. Lucid Dreaming. Revisiting Medical Pluralism in Postsocialist Bosnia. Anthropology of East Europe Review
29/1: 109126.
Klempi Bogadi, Sanja and/i Sonja Podgorelec. 2011. Sociogeografske promjene u malim otonim zajednicama primjer otoka
Zlarina. Geoadria 16/2: 189209.
Klempi Bogadi, Sanja and/i Ivan Laji. 2014. Suvremena migracijska obiljeja statistikih jedinica Republike Hrvatske. Migracijske
i etnike teme 30/3: 437477.
Klempi Bogadi, Sanja and/i Sonja Podgorelec. 2014. Active Ageing as Lifestyle on Croatian Islands. Zbornik Matice srpske za
drutvene nauke 65/3: 715725.
Knodel, John, Jiraporn Kespichayawattana, Chanpen Saengtienchai and/i Suvinee Wiwatwanich. 2010. How Left Behind are Rural
Parents of Migrant Children? Evidence from Thailand. Ageing and Society 30/5: 811841.
Kurtovi, Larisa. 2011. What is a Nationalist? Some Thoughts on the Question from Bosnia-Herzegovina. Anthropology of Eastern
Europe Review 29/2: 242253.
Lendvai, Noemi and/i Paul Stubbs. 2009. Assemblages, Translation and Intermediaries in South East Europe. Rethinking Transna-
tionalism and Social Policy. European Societies 11/5: 673695.
Lvi-Strauss, Claude. 2014. Pogubljenje Djeda Mraza 1952. In/U Svi smo mi kanibali. Zagreb: TIM press, 930.
Maglajli Holiek, Ana Reima and/i Eref Raidagi . 2007. Bosnia and Herzegovina. In/U Social Policy and International Interven-
tions in South East Europe. Bob Deacon and/i Paul Stubbs, eds./ur. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 149166.
Manning, Paul. 2007. Rose-Colored Glasses? Color Revolutions and Cartoon Chaos in Postsocialist Georgia. Cultural Anthropo-
logy 22/2: 171213. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/can.2007.22.2.171]
Mesi, Milan and/i Dragan Bagi. 2011. Manjinski povratak u Hrvatsku Studija otvorenog procesa. UNHCR.
Muehlebach, Andrea. 2012. The Moral Neoliberal. Welfare and Citizenship in Italy. Chicago: University Press. [http://dx.doi.
org/10.7208/chicago/9780226545417.001.0001]
AZRA HROMADI. A gdje su oni bili dosad? 57
Nejami, Ivan and/i Aleksandar Toski. 2013. Starenje stanovnitva u Hrvatskoj sadanje stanje i perspektive. Hrvatski geografski
glasnik 75/1: 89110.
Lamb, Sarah. 2009. Aging and the Indian Diaspora. Cosmopolitan Families in India and Abroad. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
OShea, Brenda. 2012. Bosnias Forgotten Battlefield: Biha. The History Press.
Philips, Susan and/i Patricia Banner. 1995. The Crisis of Care. Affirming and Restoring Caring Practices in the Helping Professions. Was-
hington D.C.: Georgetown University Press.
Podgorelec, Sonja and/i Sanja Klempi. 2007. Starenje i neformalna skrb o starim osobama u Hrvatskoj. Migracijske i etnike teme
23/1-2: 111134.
Podgorelec, Sonja. 2008. Ostarjeti na otoku. Kvaliteta ivota starijega stanovnitva hrvatskih otoka. Zagreb: Institut za migracije i na-
rodnosti.
Podgorelec, Sonja and/i Sanja Klempi Bogadi. 2013. Gradovi potopili koje. Promjene u malim otonim zajednicama. Zagreb: Institut
za migracije i narodnosti.
Pugh, Michael. 2000. Protectorates and Spoils of Peace. Intermestic Manipulations of Political Economy in South-east Europe. Copenha-
gen: Peace Research Institute.
Read, Rosie. 2007. Labour and Love. Competing Constructions of Care in a Czech Nursing Home. Critique of Anthropology 27/2:
203222. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275X07076798]
Rubi, Tihana. 2012. Etnoloko istraivanje obitelji i nezaposlenosti. Individualne i obiteljske strategije preivljavanja u Hrvatskoj od deve-
desetih godina 20. stoljea do danas. Dissertation, manuscript/Doktorska disertacija, rkp. Filozofski fakultet Sveuilita u Zagre-
bu, Odsjek za etnologiju i kulturnu antropologiju.
Rubi, Tihana and/i Carolin Leutloff-Grandits. 2015. Creating a Familiar Space. Childcare, Kinship, and Community in Post-So-
cialist New Zagreb. In/U Narrating the City. Histories, Space, and the Everyday. Wladimir Fischer-Nebmaier, Matthew P. Berg
and/i Anastasia Christou, eds./ur. New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 219242.
Segal, Lynne. 2013 Out of Time. The Pleasures and Perils of Ageing. London: Verso.
Simi, Andrei E. 1990. Aging, World View and Intergenerational Relations in America and Yugoslavia. In/U Aging in Cultural Con-
texts. Jay Sokolovsky, ed./ur. Boston: Bergin and Garvey, 89107.
Sokolovsky, Jay. 1991. Self-help Hypertensive Groups and the Elderly in Yugoslavia. Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology 6/3:
319330. http://faculty.usfsp.edu/jsokolov/selfhelp.htm (accessed June 6, 2014).
Sorabji, Cornelia. 1995. A Very Modern War. Terror and Territory in Bosnia- Hercegovina. In/U War. A Cruel Necessity? The Bases
of Institutionalized Violence. Robert A. Hinde and/i Helen Watson, eds./ur. London: I. B. Tauris, 8098.
Stevenson, Lisa. 2014. Life Beside Itself. Imagining Care in the Canadian Arctic. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Stubbs, Paul. 2002. Globalisation, Memory and Welfare Regimes in Transition. Towards an Anthropology of Transnational Policy
Transfers. International Journal of Social Welfare 11/4: 321330. [http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2397.00241]
Stubbs, Paul and/i Reima Ana Maglajli. 2012. Negotiating the Transnational Politics of Social Work in Post-conflict and Transition
Context. Reflections from South-east Europe. British Journal of Social Work 42: 11741191.
Stubbs, Paul. 2015. Performing Reform in South East Europe. Consultancy, Translation and Flexible Agency. In/U Making Policy
Move. Towards a Politics of Translation and Assemblage. John Clarke, David Bainton, Noemi Lendvai and/i Paul Stubbs, eds./
ur. Bristol: Policy Press.
Stubbs, Paul and/i Sinia Zrinak. 2015. Citizenship and Social Welfare in Croatia. Clientelism and the Limits of Europeanisati-
on. Perspectives on European Politics and Society. [forthcoming].
Sundstrm, Gerdt and/i Lennarth Johansson. 2005. The Changing Balance of Goverment and Family in Care for the Elderly in
Sweden and Other European Countries. Australian Journal on Ageing 24 (supplement). [5-11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/
j.1741-6612.2005.00100.x]
Tomorad, Mirjana and/i Antonija Galogua. 1984. Stare i nemone osobe. In/U Socijalna zatita u Socijalistikoj Republici Hrvat-
skoj. Razvoj, stanje, perspketive. Milan krbi et al., eds./ur. Zagreb: JUMENA, 304310.
United Nations. 2002. World Population Ageing: 19502050. http://www.un.org/esa/population/publications/worldage-
ing19502050/ (accessed February 15, 2015).
Verdery, Katherine. 1994. Ethnicity, Nationalism, and State-Making. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: Past and Future. In/U The
Anthropology of Ethnicity. Beyond Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. Hans Vermeulen and/i Cora Govers, eds./ur. Amsterdam: Het
Spinhuis, 3358.
Verdery, Katherine. 1996. The Etatization of Time in Ceausescus Romania. In/U What Was Socialism and What Comes Next?
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 3753.
Vuorela, Ulla. 2008. Transnacionalne obitelji. Zamiljene i stvarne zajednice. In/U Feminizmi u transnacionalnoj perspektivi. Promi-
ljanje sjevera i juga u postkolonijalnosti. Renata Jambrei Kirin and/i Sandra Prlenda, eds./ur. Zagreb: Institut za etnologiju i
folkloristiku, Centar za enske studije, 8195.
Williams, Fiona. 2014. Global Social Justice, Ethics and the Crisis of Care. In/U Transformations in Global and Regional Social
Policies. Alexandra Kaasch and/i Paul Stubbs, eds./ur. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 85107.
Williams, Raymond. 1977. Structures of Feeling. In/U Marxism and Literature (Marxist Introductions). Oxford University Press.
Woodward, Susan. 1995. The Balkan Tragedy. Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War. Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution.
Woodward, Susan. 1995. Socialist Unemployment. The Political Economy of Yugoslavia, 19451990. New Jersey: Princeton University
Press.
Wool, Zo. 2015. The Terror of Being on the Wrong Side of the (Bio)Politics of Life. Somatosphere (April 15). http://somatosphe-
re.net/forumpost/the-terror-of-being-on-the-wrong-side-of-the-biopolitics-of-life (accessed June 11, 2015).
Zavirek, Darja and/i Vesna Leskoek. 2005. The History of Social Work in Slovenia. Research Report. Ljubljana: University of
Ljubljana.
ivi, Draen, Ivo Turk and/i Nenad Pokos. 2014. Regionalni aspekti depopulacije Hrvatske (1991.2011). Mostariensia 18/1-2:
231251.