Chapter I Related Literature Teenage Pre
Chapter I Related Literature Teenage Pre
Chapter I Related Literature Teenage Pre
TEENAGE PREGNANCY
Teenage pregnancy is not like any other issue there in the whole world although
it seems to be a common concern, it does not seem to bother people that much. Not until
they are personally affected by the issue or until they finally realized that it had been
increasing in number of affected people that it slowly reached an abnormal stage or the
point that it affected too many lives already and too many aspects of living.
Teenage pregnancy is mostly unplanned, and as a result, people reactto the
experience differently. The teenager has to come to terms with the unexpected demands
of being an adult, and in some cases, she may also have to deal with disapproval and
dissatisfaction shown by significant others like parents and relatives (Clemens,
2002).According to Macleod and Durrheim (2003), teenage pregnancy as a social
problem that leads to the disruption of schooling; poor obstetric outcomes, inadequate
mothering; poor child outcomes; relationship difficulties with relatives, partners and peers;
and demographic concerns about increasing population numbers. In major cases,
teenage mothers are not in a position to go back to school after delivery as they are forced
to look after their children. In some cases, these young mothers physical health
conditions do not make it conducive for them to go back to school. While some young
women may be prevented from going back to school as a result of these factors, De Jang
(2001) found that there are some cases of teenagers who may use their pregnant status
to deliberately escape the demands of high school education. Depression is one of the
problems that results to teenage pregnancy of the women. According to the
psychodynamic theory, depression is presented as a disorder that can be linked to real
or imagined object loss (Gee and Rhodes 2003).
According to Cebu Normal University, Cebu City, Philippines GIDDENS
(2001:23), cultural factors refer to culture as the way of life of the members of a society,
or of groups within a society. It includes how people dress, their marriage customs and
family life, their patterns of work, religious ceremonies and leisure pursuits. Socialization
is also a factor. He defines socialization as the process by which humans learn the culture
of their society and become adult members of that society in which they live. Socialization
teaches humans to live in society and what is regarded as appropriate behaviour in
different situations (Giddens 2001:26). Cultural norms and values could be the detriment
of teenage mothers empowerment and could contribute to greater confusion in teenagers
minds (Dlamini 2002: 45). A study of Ehlers (2003), found that the female adolescents
who were poor students with low educational aspirations were more likely to become
teenage mothers than were their high-achieving peers. On the other hand, he also stated
some of the causes of teenage pregnancy such as lack of parental guidance, adolescent
sexual behaviour, inadequate knowledge about safe sex, exploitation by older men and
socio-economic factors. Lack of parental guidance: Most people evade their children from
talking about sex. In some cases, they provide false information regarding sex and
discourage their children to participate in any informative discussion about sex.
Adolescent sexual behaviour: Among the adolescents, peer pressure is a major factor
that encourages the teenage boys and girls to indulge in sexual activities. Early dating,
as early as 12 years of age, is another factor that contributes to teen pregnancy.
Inadequate knowledge about safe sex: Most adolescents are unaware of safe sex. They
probably have no access to the traditional methods of preventing pregnancy. And the
main reason behind is that they are either too embarrassed or fear to seek information
about it. Exploitation by older men: This is another major factor that contributes to
pregnancy among the teenagers. Those girls who date older men are more likely to
become pregnant before they attain womanhood. Rape, sexual exploitation also takes
place that leads to unwanted pregnancy among teenage girls. Socio-economic factors:
Teenage girls who belong to the poor families are more likely to become pregnant.
According to Quinlivan et al., (2003: 203), lack of educational achievement is a risk factor
not only because of limited career and educational opportunities but also because of its
correlation with a lack of motivation and ambition Young people uncertain of a purpose in
life or a career objective identify parenting as a future role (Quinlivan 2004: 202).
According to Williams (2005:75) adolescents generally encounter more problems during
pregnancy and child birth than older women. The long- term effects of pregnancies are
far reaching and teenage mothers face difficulties such as dropping out of school. The
problems encountered may be physical, psychological, social, academic and emotional.
Dlamini (2002:178) stated in his study the problems that might affect the pregnant
adolescents psychologically, emotionally and also the social relations with the people
around them, including the support from individuals. And also there are some challenges
that they encountered such as: the father of the child were not willing to support or even
denied for being a father and non acceptance of pregnancy by the adolescents parents.
Adolescent pregnancy and child birth impose difficult long-term outcomes and have
adverse effects not only on the young mother, but also on her child (Hao & Cherlin, 2004;
Meade &Ickovics, 2005). A study of Darisi (2007) stated that a negative perspective on
teen pregnancy leads to a negative view of pregnant teens. The young woman who
becomes pregnant sets in motion a series of events that ultimately leads to the disaster
of a teen birth. The pregnant teen becomes a statistic and assumptions are made about
her character, intelligence and maturity. Young mothers are often well-aware of these
assumptions. According to Ioannidi - Kapolou (2004) lack of accurate information on sex
education is one of the reasons for the increasing number of unwanted pregnancies
among teenagers. However, Watson (2003) stated that a strategy can be successful only
when a multi agency tasked group is formed with representatives that provide services
and work closely with children and young people.
AUTHOR: Angeline M. Pogoy ,Ed. D. Rustica Verzosa, Ed. D. Nerlie S. Coming,
Ronalissa G. Agustino Cebu Normal University, Cebu City, Philippines
The purpose of this section of the study is to provide a review of relevant literature
that focuses on questions related to teenage pregnancy. The Introduction to this study
offered an overview of the extent of the problem, its effects and outcomes, and a
conceptual framework in which it was asserted that peer pressure to begin sexual activity
coupled with low self-esteem may very well be instrumental in placing some young girls
at risk for pregnancy during adolescence (Santor, Messervey, & Kusmakar, 2000).
Presented below will be a discussion of first, the extent of teen pregnancy in the
United States and secondly, a description of some of the outcomes, effects, and impacts
of teenage pregnancy and childbirth on teenagers and their offspring. The review will
conclude with a description of some of the interventions that have been developed to
reduce what has been characterized as a major public health problem in the United States
(Sawhill, 2006).
The Guttmacher Institute (2006), a New York City based research organization,
reported on the incidence of teenage pregnancy in the United States. Each year almost
750,000 females between the ages of 15 and 19 become pregnant. The teenage
pregnancy rate in this country is at its lowest level in 30 years, down 36 percent since its
peak in 1990. At the same time, the problem continues to be significant and to represent
a major challenge to educators, health care providers, and social service support
systems.
The good news, according to the Guttmacher Institute (2006), is that the teenage
birth rate in 2002 was 30 percent lower than the peak rate of 61.8 births per 1,000 women
which was reached in 1991. Between 1988 and 2000, teenage pregnancy rates declined
in every state and in the District of Columbia. The Guttmacher Institute (2006) also
reported that among black women aged 15 to 19, the pregnancy rate fell by 40 percent
between 1990 and 2002, while declining by 34 percent among white teenagers in the
same time period. Among Hispanic teenagers, who may be of any race, the pregnancy
rate increased slightly from 1991 to 1992 but by 2002 was 19 percent lower than the 1990
rate.
Generally, states with the largest numbers of teenagers tend to have the greatest
number of teenage pregnancies. The Guttmacher Institute (2006) identified the following
states as having the highest number of adolescent pregnancies: California, Texas, New
York, Florida, and Illinois. The smallest numbers of teenage pregnancies occurred in
Vermont, North Dakota, Wyoming, South Dakota, and Alaska each of which reported
fewer than 2,000 pregnancies among those between the ages of 15 and 19.
These data are promising and do tend to suggest that there is reason to believe
that teen pregnancies are declining. Nevertheless, health care professionals, educators,
and social workers make note of the fact that 700,000 to 800,000 births to adolescents
each year is a highly undesirable phenomenon. Naomi Bar-Yam (2000) pointed out that
teenagers have been having babies since the beginning of time and this is still a norm in
much of the world. In the United States, teenage motherhood has been identified as an
epidemic and a problem worthy of debate, research, and policy initiatives. In the United
States, Bar-Yam (2000) noted that teenage childbearing disproportionately affects poor,
black, and rural girls than their middle class urban counterparts because, in part, middle
class teens become pregnant are more likely to terminate their pregnancies. Because this
is the case, Bar-Yam (2000) suggests that it is difficult to know the actual extent of teen
pregnancies in the U.S. or to determine whether or not there is any meaningful correlation
between such variables as race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status and the decision to
continue or terminate a pregnancy.
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CHAPTER II METHODOLOGY
This risk factors mapping exercise forms part of the larger teenage pregnancy
needs assessment for Lancashire. The needs assessment was suggested as a priority
area of work for the Intelligence for Healthy Lancashire (IHL) group in 2010. The Joint
Strategic Needs Assessment team established a project group and led on the project
following agreement with the IHL leadership group, which is composed of the three
Lancashire Directors of Public Health and the Lancashire Directors of Adult and Children's
Social Care. Although the Lancashire JSNA is provided for the County footprint, in line
with the upper tier authority, the needs assessment was conducted in partnership with
Blackburn with Darwen and Blackpool due to the efficiencies involved in completing the
analysis. Risk factors for teenage pregnancy are well recognised and provide a
compelling case for targeted action on young people who are exposed to these risks.
Young people experiencing risk factors for teenage pregnancy are highly concentrated
within particular areas and among vulnerable groups. To target effectively those most at
risk requires both a geographical focus on high rate neighbourhoods and the identification
of vulnerable groups at high risk of teenage pregnancy.1This report includes district maps
highlighting the prevalence of a number of risk factors that strongly correlate with teenage
conceptions rates. These maps should enable the targeting of upstreaminterventions to
prevent teenage pregnancy, but also to position sexual health services to prevent the rise
of teenage conceptions in areas where they are currently not high. The maps are given
here just to provide an up-to-date picture of the risk factors we identified in the main
teenagepregnancy report and as such, teenage conceptions hotspots have been omitted.
The risk factors for teenage pregnancy at an individual and population level are
well known nationally. To understand the relevance in Lancashire, a simple exercise was
conducted to correlate teenage conception rates against a number of other sets of data.
The results are provided on page 4 of this report. The Pearson's correlation coefficient
measures the degree of association between two variables. The value can range between
zero and one and can be either positive or negative. The closer the value is to one, the
greater the degree of association. A negative value indicates a negative relationship with
teenage conceptions in that as the variable increases, teenage conceptions reduce. A
positive value indicates that both the variable and teenage conception rates move
together.
The "at risk" concept is so deeply embedded in the professional discourse of policy
makers that to subject it to critique is not without risks of its own. Statistical models provide
the standard form of analysis and explanation for the purposes of policy making and state
management and a kind of shorthand has emerged in which behaviour is typically
explained by "risk factors". This model, however, has its limitations. As an explanation of
a social practice, to say that those who adopt it do so because they are the kind of people
who probably will do so, does not explain why recognisable forms of social practice have
emerged, or why particular individuals (rather than others with similar "risk"
characteristics) should adopt them, or why their proportion might be 10% or 20% rather
than some other figure. The related notion, that all students from a particular group,
identified, for example, by its social or ethnic origin, are each equally "carriers" of a
specified weight of disadvantage, a virtual handicap, is a further common error.
The lessons for critical social theory point directly at the need for closer attention
to the study of lived cultures and actual social practices in our fragmented national
community. The resource "gaps" of recent political discourse are caused by relations of
social class and ethnic domination, but the precise nature of the connections between
these structures, the dispositions associated with them, and the multitude of practices
generated, cannot be taken for granted. On the contrary, the real implications of the post-
modern insight that discourses, as narratives of practice, are not determined should be
thrust home. We live in a society in which the adoption of social practices by individuals
is increasingly likely to be de-coupled from their socio-economic and even ethnic location,
but that must not be allowed to encourage the view that such practices, in themselves,
do not have their origin in structural conditions. Economic models based on rational action
are particularly likely to fail when confronted with the reality of behaviors that stems from
habituated frames of mind acquired through socialization into practices with a high degree
of cultural integrity.
These three modes of the determination of cultural dispositions and practices are
not necessarily in opposition, but nor are they always compatible, and analyses based on
one or another often lead to quite different social movements. They certainly require
different modes of investigation and analysis. It is relatively easy to specify a practice as
one characteristic of a group by observing whether it is common or not; whether a practice
is traditional to a group must be established by historical inquiry and rests ultimately on
legitimate authority; and to demonstrate the relationships between structural conditions
and the emergence of practices in response to them requires rigorous sociological and
anthropological analysis.
Thinking within this three-model framework is useful when dealing with the
multitude of problems that arise when the common practices of a defined group are not
traditional to that group (hence, "inauthentic"), seem to be generated by an actual
principle with a different character (such as "assimilation"), and perhaps stand in
contradiction to a theoretical principle derived from other defining criteria (such as
"autonomy"). In this area, indeed, conceptual clarity - or the lack of it - may have directly
practical consequences. It threatens, at the very least, to inhibit the study of lived cultures
by denying their conceptual validity. Indeed, the crucial question of who defines teenage
pregnancy as a social problem, cannot fully be answered if the voice of those to whom it
may well seem not a problem but a solution, is silenced by the failure to acknowledge
lived cultures in all their real complexity.
CHAPTER IV QUESTINNAIRE
After going down for more than a decade, the rates seem to be stalling out. Maybe people
had gotten a little complacent and started focusing on other issues, but with the recent
increases people are paying attention again.
The best thing anyone can do [is] to talk about teen pregnancy. Teen pregnancy is 100%
preventable. You never have to have another pregnant teen if they know how to protect
themselves from pregnancy either by waiting or by using contraception correctly every
single time they have sex.
Whenever you set up a curriculum talking to teenagers about how to prevent pregnancies,
you are getting the conversation going which is the first step to making sure that kids
know what theyre doing.
4. Why are there so many unplanned pregnancies among teens in this country?
Teenagers are having sex and theyre not using contraception. Thats the bottom line. If
youre going to have sex, you have to protect yourself.
Couples who have sex regularly for a whole year without using contraception have an
85% chance of getting pregnant. Thats a really high number.
6. How does the rate of teen pregnancy in this country compare to that in other
countries?
We have the highest teen pregnancy rate in the industrialize world. Our numbers are far
higher than in places like Canada, or England, or anywhere in Europe.
8. What are the prospects for a teen mother for finding a job or financial security?
The majority of women who drop out of high school do so because theyve had a baby. Its
incredibly difficult to go to school when you have a kid at home. Its incredibly difficult to
finish your homework when youve got a crying baby on your lap. A lot of these women
work very, very hard and become successful but a majority of these women have an
extraordinarily difficult road ahead.
We know that teenagers are having sex and we know that a lot of the teens who had sex
wish that they had waited. So while sex is definitely a part of the lives of teenagers I also
think its something that they wish they had waited to have, not necessarily until they were
married but until they were in a more committed relationship, until they knew their partner
had been tested, etc.
We like to advocate both. We would like to say that teens should delay sex until theyre
ready, and the decision is theirs, but when they do decide to have sex, they must know
what theyre doing.
11. What are some of the ways that teens deal with newfound parenthood?
A lot of them think its going to be easier than it is. Then they find out that its extremely
difficult to start a family, particularly when youre not ready, when youre still living at
home, when youre not married to your partner, etc. If youre doing it all on your own,
youve got a really tough road ahead.
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Nowadays we have serious problems about the teenagers pregnancy and the abortion.
People do not take serious about having sex before marriage. It is now became a way to
developing relationship each other. Teenagers pregnancy is not that serious problem.
The abortion is most an important matter in this situation. The abortion is a murder. It is
killing their baby. I want to talk about the pregnancy and the abortion in the world.
Abortion is the termination of a pregnancy by the removal or expulsion from the uterus of
a fetus or embryo. Its means that fetus is killed. Abortion gives harmful facts to humans
body. If someone wants to do abortion because of their fine life, they killed their baby and
themselves. Abortion has various methods. The baby removes for the use of sharpened
tools, physical trauma, and other traditional methods. It also has a history for the methods.
Many countries have a various way to doing an abortion. In many parts of the world there
is prominent and divisive public controversy over the ethical and legal issues of abortion.
There are many types of abortion methods. This graph is showing us about the way to
remove fetus in various time. The contraception also has a time slots. The medicine called
Nolevo is most powerful method for non-surgical. If women take this medicine after
having sex, the chemicals from medicine kill sperm and prevent adapting between sperm
and ovum. But that is only possible in 72hours. The time before 24hours is most
successful duration for the preventing. In the case of failure of medical abortion, vacuum
or manual aspiration is used to finalizing the surgical abortion.
Surgical method is the most safety way to remove the fetus. They do not put anything on
to the uterus. They suctioning in to the uterus and cut off the baby. The baby thrown out
from the womb is killed or forced to dead. This is a picture of the baby came out from the
womb. This baby cannot see the world and cannot breath and does not have name. it just
killed by their parents.
In the first 12 weeks, suction-aspiration or vacuum abortion is the most common method
for the abortion. Manual Vacuum aspiration (MVA) abortion consists of removing the fetus
or embryo. Sooner abortion gives reliable result. Manual Vacuum Aspiration also known
as mini-suction and menstrual extraction can be used in early pregnancy. From the 15th
week until 26th, Dilation and Evacuation is used. It consists of opening the cervix of the
uterus and emptying it using surgical instruments and suction. Dilation and curettage is
the second most common method of abortion. It examines of the uterine lining for the
possible malignancy, investigation of abnormal bleeding and abortion. Curettage is
cleaning the walls of the uterus with a curette. The World Health Organization
recommends this procedure (also called sharp curettage) only when Manual Vacuum
Aspiration is not available.
There are some other techniques of abortion in the second trimester. Premature delivery
can be induced with prostaglandin. This can be coupled with injecting the amniotic fluid
with hypertonic solutions containing saline or urea. After the 16th week of gestation
abortions can be induced by intact dilation and extraction which requires surgical
decompression of the fetus' head before evacuation. A hysterectomy abortion is a
procedure similar to a caesarean section. It is performed under general anesthesia. It
requires a smaller incision than a caesarean section and is used during later stages of
PREGNANCY.
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BBAO1C 10 13 2014
SOCIOLOGY
TEENAGE PREGNANCY