Reform and Revival: Brahmo Samaj Prarthana Samaj Ramakrishna and Vivekananda Arya Samaj
Reform and Revival: Brahmo Samaj Prarthana Samaj Ramakrishna and Vivekananda Arya Samaj
Reform and Revival: Brahmo Samaj Prarthana Samaj Ramakrishna and Vivekananda Arya Samaj
Table of Contents
Background
The early policy of the East India Company was of non-intervention in Indian
social matters. At the same time, Orientalist scholars were deeply interested
in learning about Indian culture. Gradually however, there was a move
towards cautious intervention in Indian social institutions, influenced by
ideologies of Evangelicalism, Utilitarianism and free trade thinking.
There were broadly two kinds of movements which emerged, one that
Kenneth Jones has described as transitional and the other acculturative.
The former had their origins, according to him, in the pre-colonial world and
arose from indigenous forms of socio-religious dissent, with little or no
influence from the colonial milieu. At the same time for the Indians of
various religions, the period of British rule was one of intense reassessment
of religion and society, mostly in response to the challenge of the West,
especially Protestant Christianity and Enlightenment thought. The
acculturative movements originated within the colonial milieu and were led
by individuals who were products of cultural interaction. In other words,
these movements were led mostly by people who had received a western
education or who had had much contact with Europeans. These people could
not reject the impact of Western Enlightenment thinking, but they wanted to
rediscover reason and science in their own civilization, and to produce a
modernization project within a cultural space defined by Indian tradition.
Further, the Orientalist project of the West systematized the study of Indias
past with chronologies and value judgements. For Indians, particularly
Hindus, this new knowledge of their ancient past had important
consequences once they began to encounter it in the new, western-style
colleges.
Reform movements among Hindus can further be divided into two broad
categories: modernizing or reformist on the one hand, and revivalist on the
other. Modernizing and reformist movements adopted basically Western
models for political and social change in India while the latter looked to the
ancient roots of Hindu religion and civilization and often invoked and upheld
a myth of a Hindu golden age in the past. This tended to sometimes impart
a conservative and retrogressive character to these movements. Within both
groups the ideological sphere was wide. Revivalism, for example, included
those who wanted to preserve the traditional social order as well as those
who wanted to do away with that traditional social order and replace it with
an imagined purer and more ancient Hindu model of society. Also, they
lamented the spectacle of division in Hindu society, either sectarian or caste-
based, and one of their main goals was to strengthen Hindu solidarity.
However the divisions between the revivalists and reformists were often
blurred as both came to impinge upon and influence each other.
Besides advocating reforms from within Hindu society, many of them also
sought change with social work and through legislative interventions by the
British state. Let us examine these movements in some detail.
Brahmo Samaj
The first major landmark of these movements began in Bengal with Raja
Rammohun Roy (1772-1833), who founded the Brahmo Samaj in 1828. He
was the central figure of the early socio-religious reforms, and has been
referred to as the Father of Modern India because of the social, educational,
and political reforms he advocated. He defended Hinduism from missionary
attack, stating that Christianity too was laced with superstition and error. He
was against polytheism, idol worship, Brahman priests and their rituals and
womens subordination. He carried on a successful campaign for the
abolition of Sati (self-immolation of widows on the funeral pyres of their
dead husbands).
Rammohun Roy represented a synthesis of the thought of East and West. As a young
man he had studied Sanskrit literature and Hindu philosophy at Varanasi and the
Koran and Persian and Arabic literature at Patna. He supported himself by money-
lending, managing his small estates, and speculating in British East India Company
bonds. In 1805 he was employed by John Digby, a lower company official and
through him he was introduced to Western culture and literature. For the next 10
years Roy drifted in and out of the British East India Companys service. He
continued his religious studies throughout this period. In 1803 he composed a
Persian tract denouncing India's religious divisions and superstitions. As a remedy for
these ills, he advocated a monotheistic Hinduism in which reason guides the
adherent. He sought a philosophical basis for his religious beliefs in the Upanishads
and Vedas, translating these ancient Sanskrit treatises into Bengali, Hindi, and
English and writing summaries on them. The central theme of these texts, for Roy,
was the worship of the Supreme God, beyond human knowledge, who supports the
universe. He substituted scriptures for priests as the sources of proper knowledge.
His most dramatic act however was his consistent campaign against sati, citing
scriptural sources to justify his contention that sati was not required by Hindu law
and was instead an example of degenerate Hinduism. Finally in 1829, after much
hesitation, the British-Indian government outlawed sati.
Source: Original
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An assumption has long been that Rammohun Roy was secretly a Unitarian, and
that his socio-religious reform ideas were derived from a Western discourse coming
out of the Enlightenment and also an apologia to Western missionary critiques of
Hinduism. But a dissenting opinion by Bruce Robertson argues that Roys political
vision of a self-determining, modern, pluralistic society was founded on his reading
of the ancient Upanishads, and that he was a profound vedantic thinker, and was
following in a tradition coming down from Shankaracharya (the 8th century advaita
vedantic philosopher). This view places Roy within an indigenous tradition, without
much reference to the West. However, we also cannot ignore that Roy was
stimulated to go into these ancient Indian texts and find the basis for a society that
looked modern due to the challenge that the West presented.
Source: Robertson, Bruce Carlisle. 1995. Raja Rammohan Ray, The Father
of Modern India. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
After Roys death in 1833, the organization almost faded, but was revived by
Debendranath Tagore. He emphasized the superiority of Hinduism, and
though he was a Brahmo, he would not break with Hindu caste rules. The
Brahmo Samaj split at various times in the course of the 19 th century. There
were increasing conflicts within the Samaj between the conservatives or
cultural nationalists on the one hand and the liberals or modernizers on the
other, who split into two camps by 1866. The former included those who
believed in one God and discarded the worship of Figure 6.s, but did not
want to sever all connections with Hindu society, while the latter comprised
those who regarded popular Hinduism as too narrow and chafed at the
Sanskrit texts and the social practices which symbolized the religion. The
conservatives were led by Debendranath Tagore. On the other hand was
Keshub Chandra Sen who had much more progressive ideas. He was against
the caste system and supported inter-caste marriages. He took the
movement out of the limited elite circles of Calcutta literati into the district
towns of east Bengal.
Under the leadership of Sen, the newly started Brahmo Samaj of India had a
triumphant career. The inclusion of women as members and the adoption of
a moderate programme of social reform formed a new feature of the
rejuvenated society. It was chiefly due to its efforts that the government
passed the Brahmo Marriage Act of 1872, which abolished early marriage of
girls and polygamy, and sanctioned widow remarriages and inter-caste
marriages for those who did not profess any recognized faith such as
Hinduism and Islam. With the passing of the Act, which effectively declared
that Brahmos were not Hindus, and hence not subject to Hindu law, Keshab
Chandra Sens Brahmo Samaj of India underwent a split between radicals
and moderates, especially over the status of women. Sen, leading the
moderate faction, turned away from social change, and instead embraced
the study and reform of religion. Successive ideological rifts weakened the
movement, confining it to a small elite group.
Prarthana Samaj
Keshub Chandra Sen visited Bombay in 1864 and again in 1867 and this
generated great enthusiasm among the English educated elite of
Maharashtra. As a direct consequence of this, the Prarthana Samaj was
founded in Bombay in 1867. The main spirit behind it was Mahadev Gobind
Ranade. All the leading lights of this organisation were English educated
Chitpavan and Saraswat Brahmans. Like the Brahmo movement, the
Prarthana Samaj too preached monotheism, denounced idolatry, priestly
domination, caste restrictions, and supported widow remarriage and
womens education. It showed a syncretistic acceptance of all religions. Its
members drew upon Christian and Buddhist texts as well as different Hindu
scriptures when compiling their weekly services and the movement also
connected itself later to the Maharashtrian bhakti tradition.
There was a rupture in the Samaj in 1875, when Dayanand Saraswati with
his Arya samaj visited Gujarat. A section of the Prarthana Samaj leaders,
lead by S. P. Kelkar, were attracted towards Aryan ideology and broke away
from the Samaj. Although they later returned to the Prarthana Samaj, it
marked the beginning of a different kind of religious politics in western India.
The Samaj however was successful in creating various institutions like free
reading rooms, libraries, schools, orphanages and programmes for
untouchable uplift, though it never directly attacked Hindu orthodoxy or
Brahmanical power.
The weakening of the Brahmo Samaj in Bengal in the 1870s was followed by
the emergence of Ramakrishna-Vivekananda movement in the 1880s.
Ramakrishna Paramahansa was a holy man, who claimed to have had
visions of the divine mother. Untouched by Western rationalist education, his
Hinduism was simple, and appealed to the emotions of educated Bengalis.
19th century Bengal witnessed a strange fascination of the Calcutta bhadralok for
Ramakrishna Paramahansa, a rustic Brahman and an obscure Dakshineshwar temple
priest. He barely knew any English, received little formal schooling, held rationalistic
argument in contempt, was disdainful of book knowledge, preached a timeless
message of bhakti, and asserted the futility of organized social reform. The
phenomenon of the Ramakrishna cult reflected a two-way crossing of social frontiers.
Firstly, a rustic Brahman became the guru of the city bhadralok. Secondly, the
bhadralok fell under the spell of an idiom, values and personality different from their
own.
The Western educated Bengali babus were tormented by their subjection to the
drudgery of petty clerical jobs in government offices. Ramakrishnas teachings offered
the possibility of an escape into an inner world of bhakti, despite the bondage and
discipline of alien jobs. Though his teachings hardly referred to colonial rule directly,
they offered a rejection of the values imposed by Western education and the routine
life of a clock-bound, ill-paid job or chakri. This was correlated to the evils of
Kaliyuga, a world of calamity, denoted by loss of manliness, assertive lower castes
and disorderly women. Through Ramakrisha, the city bhadralok imagined themselves
to be reaching back to lost traditional moorings in the countryside and simple faith,
and total surrender to the Shakta mother goddess, while at the same time preserving
rural hierarchies.
Source: Sarkar, Sumit. 1997. Writing Social History. Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 282-357.
A significant thing that he did for the Hindus self-esteem was that he
attended the world parliament of religions in Chicago in 1894, and impressed
the western world with his presentation of Hinduism, which was considered
to be a major national achievement. He also planned a programme for the
regeneration of his people. They must be taught to rebel, he argued, against
malpractices, social and religious customs which weakened individuals as
well as society. His ideal of nationalism rested on four rocks: the awakening
of the masses; development of physical and moral strength; unity based on
common spiritual ideas; and a consciousness and pride in the ancient glory
and greatness of India. The issue of becoming physically strong and
restoring their masculinity was important particularly for the Bengalis, as the
British had caricatured them as effeminate and weaklings.
Arya samaj
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Dayananda was radical in his social reformism. Like other reformers, he too
attacked idolatry, polytheism and ritualistic religion dominated by the
Brahman priests. While running down other religions and asserting
Hinduisms superiority to them, the Hinduism which Dayananda defended
discarded much that everyone understood as Hinduism, including orthodox
Hindus. In fact, Dayananda rejected the term Hindu itself, and opted
instead for Arya (noble). He advocated the practise of havan and singing of
bhajans. He made caste, or varna, contingent on behaviour and knowledge,
not birth. At the same time, in his practise, he often upheld the fourfold
varna division, thus retaining the core of the Indian social organization. He
encouraged female education, condemned child marriage, and argued for
permitting widow remarriage within certain limits. While upholding Vedas as
the true bearers of knowledge, the Arya samaj could not escape the
As part of their community and nation making rhetoric, the Arya samaj
launched the programmes of sangathan and shuddhi. The latter was a
proselytization movement that involved the reconversion of those who were
lost to the religions of Christianity, Sikhism and Islam. The Arya samaj also
became intensely involved in the cow protection movements and the
advocacy of standardized Hindi in preference to Urdu in the late 19 th
century, moving decisively from reformism to revivalism. The Arya Samajs
stridency against Christianity and Islam and their belief in the superiority of
ancient Hinduism was often reflected in their writings. This to an extent was
the genesis of what later came to be known as Hindutva, a Hindu
nationalism based on identification with Hindu culture.
These reforms largely came from above. There was never any attempt in
them to develop a modern social consciousness from below. Reformers
never tried to take the reforms to the people, and their language mostly
remained incomprehensible to the uneducated peasants and artisans. Most
of the reform movements remained confined to a narrow social space, as the
reformist spirit appealed only to a small elite group, who were primarily the
economic and cultural beneficiaries of colonial rule. Most of them were upper
caste Hindus.